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■■  •  .ft  .  J 


GENERAL,  LIBRARY 

—OF  THE 

PARK  CHURCH 

K  I„  M  I  R  A,    TvT.   Y. 

No../7/Z... 

3  1833  02547  8410 


»c    979.5    B22hi,     v.     1 
Bancroft,    Hubert    Hohe,     1B3! 

1918. 
History    of    the    Northwest 
Coast 


M.  U 


vJSZSSer** 


THE    WORKS 

OF 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE    WORKS 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XXVIII. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHWEST  COAST. 

Vol.  II.     1800-184G. 


SAX  FEAXCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1884. 


Fort  Wayne,  IN  46801-2270 


Kntercd  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  th<    Seal   1884,  by 

BUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


.1  7  Rights  Reserved. 


CONTESTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


1216699 


CHAPTER  I. 


LEWIS   AND    CLARKE'S    EXPEDITION— UP    THE    MISSOURI. 

1804-1805.  page. 
Soldiers  as  Forest  Travellers — The  Great  Unknown  Region— John  Led- 
ynrd  in  Paris— Exploration  Proposed— Andre  Michaux— Jefferson's 
Plan — Meriwether  Lewis — William  Clarke — Instructions — rendez- 
vous on  the  Mississippi— Outfit— Ascent  of  the  Missouri— At  Coun- 
cil Bluffs— The  Mahas— The  Mandan  Country— The  Expedition 
Winters  There— Return  of  Part  of  thi  id  -At  the  Yellow- 
stone—Wild Animals— About  the  Headwaters  of  the  Missouri- 
Nomenclature — The  Dividing  Ridge 1 


CHAPTER  II. 
lewis  and  clarke's  expedition— down  the  Columbia. 

1S05. 
Among  the  Shoshones— Council  Held— Purchase  of  Horses— The  Journey 
Continued — Difficulties  and  Hardships— Lewis  River — In  the  Moun- 
tains—The Clearwater— The  Xez  Perccs — Purchase  of  Dogs  for 
Food— Fork  of  the  Columbia— The  Walla  Walla  Country— The  Great 
Falls  of  the  Columbia — Hood  River  and  Mountain — The  Cascades — 
At  the  Mouth  of  the  Willamette— Sauve  Island— Cowlitz  River— The 
Ocean  


28 


CHAPTER  III. 

lewis  and  clarke's  expedition — the  pacific  and  the  return  journey. 

1S05-1S08. 
The  Estuary  of  the  Columbia— Storms— Lewis  and  Clarke's  Reconnois- 
sances — Cbinooks — Crossing  the  River — Winter-quarters— Salt-mak- 
ing— Clarke  Visits  the  Coast— White  Traders— Clatsops— A  Whale— 
The  Xeah-Hoxie— Killamook  Head— Spring-time— Farewell  to  Fort 
Clatsop — Return  up  the  Columbia — The  Willamette— Wapa to  Isl- 
and— Snowy  Mountains— Buying  Horses— The  Walla  Walla— The 

iv) 


vi  CONTEXTS. 

PAGE. 

Toucliet— The  Clearwater— Xez  Percys— Horse-stealing — Indian  Di- 
plomacy—Address to  the  Nez  Perces— Hunting  and  Fishing  Camp— 
The  Expedition  Divides— Lewis'  Party— Hell  Gate  River— Departure 
of  the  Guides— The  Water-shed— Maria  River— The  Minnetarees— 
A  Skirmish — The  Missouri — Clarke's  Party— The  Jefferson  River  — 
The  Yellowstone— Horses  Stolen — Pompey's  Pillar-  The  Big  Horn- 
Herds  of  Buffalo— The  Missouri— Expedition  Reunited — Mandan 
Country — End  of  the  Journey — Colter  and  the  Indians — A  Race  for 
Life — Review  of  the  Expedition— Honors  and  Rewards —Death  of 
Lewis— Subsequent  Career  of  Clarke— Conclusion 51 

CHAPTER  IV. 

SIMON    FRASER    AND   JOHN   STUART. 

1797-1806. 
James  Finlay  Ascends  Peace  River — He  gives  his  Name  to  its  Upper 
Waters— James  McDougall  Penetrates  to  McLeod  Lake— Fraser's 
First  Expedition— His  Character— Manuscript  Journals  of  Stuart 
and  Fraser — The  Northwest  Company  Push  Westward — Stuart  at 
the  Rocky  Mountain  House— Fraser's  Journal— Preparations  for  the 
Journey —  Fraser  and  Stuart  Explore  Westward — Arrival  at  Finlay 
River  —  Fraser's  Tirade  against  Mackenzie  —  They  Reach  Trout 
Lake — And  Follow  Mackenzie's  Track  up  Bad  River — Cross  to 
the  Fraser — Descend  to  Stuart  River >s7 

CHAPTER  V. 

DESCENT  OF   FRASER  RIVER — DISCOVERY   OF  THOMPSON   RIVER. 

1806-1811. 

Ascent  of  Stuart  River— Fort  St  James  Founded— They  Explore  i 

Lake— And  Build  Fraser  Fort — Fort  George  Established— Voyage 
down  the  Fraser — Spokane  House — Flathead  House  and  Fort  Koo- 
tenais  Established — David  Thompson  Appears  in  New  Caledonia — 
Discovers  Thompson  River — Desertion  of  his  Men  —  Winters  on 
( 'anoe  River — Descends  the  Columbia  to  Fort  Astoria 108 

CHAPTER  VI. 

WILLIAMS    IN    THE    ROCKY   MOUNTAINS,    HENRY    ON    SNAKE    RIVER,    AND 

WINSHIP   ON   THE   COLUMBIA. 

1807-1812. 

Big  White's  Visit  to  Washington — His  Escort  Home— Ezekiel  Williams 
on  the  Yellowstone  and  Platte — His  Party  Cut  in  Pieces  by  the  Sav- 
ages— Two  of  the  Party  Reach  Los  Angeles — Alexander  Henry  Builds 
a  Fort  West  of  the  Mountains— La  Salle's  Shipwreck  at  False  Bay  — 
His  Journey  from  the  Pacitic  Ocean  to  the  Red  River  of  Louisiana — 
Project  of  the  Winship  Brothers — The  'Albatross  '  Sails  from  Boston 
and  Euters  the  Columbia — Winship  and  Smith,  his  Mate,  Survey 


CONTEXTS.  vii 

r.i  :e. 
the  River— Choose  a  Site  for  Settlement  on  Oak  Point— Begin  Build- 
ing and  Planting— Their  Garden  Destroyed  by  the  Flood— Move 
down  the  River— Hostile  Attitude  of  the  Natives— Abandonment  of 
the  Enterprise 126 

CHAPTER  VII. 

FOUNDING    OF    FORT   ASTORIA. 

1810-1812. 
Astor  Arrives  in  America— Engages  in  the  Fur-trade— Scheme  for 

nopoly  West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains— The  Great  Mart  on  the  Co- 
lumbia— Rival  Companies — Partners  and  Servants— The  'Tonquin' 
and  her  Commander— Quarrels  en  Voyage— The  Falkland  Isles— The 
Hawaiian  Islands— The  Columbia  River— Fatal  Attempts  at  Cross- 
ing the  Bar— Baker  Bay— Choosing  a  Site  for  the  Fort— Friendly 
Chinooks— Comcomly— Building  of  the  Fort  and  Warehouse— The 
'Tonquin'  Bound  Northward  —  Episode  of  the  'Boston' —  Jewitt 
among  the  Savages  of  Nootka  Sound— Destruction  of  the  'Tonquin' 
and  Massacre  of  her  Crew— Strange  Indians — The  Northwest  Com- 
pany—David Thompson— A  Fort  on  the  Okanagan— Expedition  to 
Okanagan  Lake— The  Chinooks  at  Astoria— Threatened  Attack— 
The  'Small-pox  Chief— Expedition  up  the  Willamette— Christmas 
Festivities,  1811-12 136 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

ASTOR   OVERLAND    EXPEDITION. 

1810-1812. 

The  Overland  Party— Wilson  P.  Hunt— Rendezvous  on  the  Missouri- 
Partners— Ascent  of  the  Missouri— Manuel  Lisa— Horses  Pur- 
ed  at  the  Ricaras'  Village— The  Cheyenne  Country— The  Big 
a  Mountains— On  Green  River— The  Shoshone  Country— Head- 
waters of   the  Snake— Unfit  for  Navigation— A  Dissatisiied  Part- 
ner—Dangerous Rapids— Party  Divided  into  Four— The  Devil's  Scut- 
tle-hole—A  Terrible  Journey— Famine— Horses  Bought— New  Y 
Dance  of  the  Canadians— Feast  on  Dog-meat— The  Blue  Mountains— 
Among  the  Tushepaws— The  Columbia — Arrival  at  Astoiia ITS 

CHAPTER  IX. 

AFFAIRS   OF   FORT   ASTORIA. 
1812-1813. 

Dissatisfaction  at  Astoria— Departure  of  Reed  for  St  Louis— Wahowpum 
Treachery— Failure  of  Reed's  Expedition— Arrival  of  the  'Beaver'— 
Astor  and  the  Russian  Fur  Company— He  Courts  the  Russian  Minis- 
ter at  Washington— Stuart  Leaves  Fort  Astoria  with  Despatches- 
Trials  of  Stuart  on  the  Overland  Journey— The  "Isaac  Todd'  and  H. 
M.  S.  British  Interests  in  the  North  Pacific— The  U.  S.  S. 


viii  CONT] 

PAGE. 

'Adams' — The  'Enterprise' — Astor  and  Secretary  Monroe — Wreck 
of  the  'Lark' — McKenzie  on  the  Sahaptin — Clarke's  Company — 
Kamloops — Boullard  and  the  Indian  Maid — The  'Beaver' — Mc- 
Tavish  and  McKenzie — Deliberations  at  Fort  Astoria — Preparations 
to  Abandon  the  Post — McKenzie  and  the  Nez  Perces — The  Stolen 
Cup 193 

CHAPTER  X. 

TRANSFER  OF   FORT  ASTORIA. 

1813. 

McTavish  at  Astoria — A  Royal  Marriage — The  'Albatross' — Adventures 
of  Hunt — Captain  Sowles,  neither  Warrior  nor  Trader — Defence  of 
McDougall — Commodore  Porter,  U.  S.  X.  —  McDougall  holds  Coun- 
cil— Fort  Astoria  in  British  Hands — King  Comcomly  to  the  Res- 
eue — H.  M.  S.  '  Baccoon ' — John  McDonald  in  Command — The 
Black — Fort  George — Failure  of  Astor's  Pacilic 
Scheme 21-4 

CHAPTER  XL 

THE  NORTHWEST  COAST  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST    COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

1813-1814. 

The  Northwest  Company  Masters  of  the  Situation — Expedition  to  the 
Upper  Columbia — The  Toll-gatherers  of  the  Cascades — Division  of 
the  Party  at  Walla  Walla — Reed  Traps  in  the  Shoshone  Country — 
Doings  at  Okanagan  and  Spokane. — Keith  and  Stuart  Set  out  from 
Fort  George  for  Lake  Superior — War  at  the  Cascades — Alexander 
Henry  in  the  Willamette  Valley — Xcw  Site  Surveyed  for  Fort 
rge — First  Northwest  Brigade  from  the  Mouth  of  the  Columbia 
to  Montreal — Destruction  of  Reed's  Party  by  the  Shoshoncs — Thrill- 
ing Tale  of  Pierre  Dorion's  Wife— Arrival  of  the  'Isaac  Todd '  at  Fort 
George — The  First  White  Woman  in  Oregon— Death  of  Donald 
McTavish  the  new  Commander  at  Fort  George '237 

CHAPTER  XII. 

FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF   THE   NORTHWESTERS. 

1814-1S20. 

1  ventures  in  the  Yakima  Valley — Attempts  to  Reach  the  Pacific — 
Affairs  at  Spokane — Perilous  Position  of  the  Okanagan  Brigade — 
The  Spokane  Brigade — In  Council  at  Fort  George — Keith  in 
Command — Ross  Surveys  the  Entrance  to  the  Columbia — Adminis- 
tration of  Justice — Hostilities  in  the  Willamette  Valley — Sufferings 
of  the  Eastern-bound  Brigade — Ross  Examines  the  Country  between 
Shushwaps  and  the  Rocky  Mountains — Donald  McKenzie  Estab- 
lishes Fort  Walla  Walla. 255 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

HARMON  IN  NEW  CALEDONIA — RESTORATION  OF  ASTORIA, 

1810-1818.  PAGE. 

Life  and  Character  of  Harmon— His  Stay  at  Montague  a  la  Basse,  Stur- 
geon Lake,  Chipewyan,  and  Dunvegan — In  Company  with  Stuart  He 
Enters  New  Caledonia — Quesnel  Reestablishes  Fort  Fraser — A  Chief 
Chastised— Harmon's  Travels — Stuart's  Management— First  Arrival 
of  Supplies  in  New  Caledonia  by  way  of  the  Pacific— Harmon  Re- 
turns Home— Affairs  at  Fort  George— Dastardly  Attack  of  Keith's 
Men  upon  the  Cowlitz  and  the  Umpquas — Donald  McKenzie — Resto- 
ration of  Astoria,  or  Fort  George,  to  the  United  States -77 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

UNION  OF  THE  NORTHWEST  AND   THE  HUDSON'S  DAY  COMPANIES,  AND   THE 
SEQUENT  CHARTERS. 

1803-1840. 

Title  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  to  Rupert  Land— Boundary,  not 
Title,  Qui      ion  in  Dispute — Jurisdiction  of  Courts — Ruin  from 

Rivalry  Imminent— The  -Northwest  Company's  Opposition  to  Lord 
Selkirk  and  his  Colonization  Scheme — The  Two  Companies  before  Par- 
liament—The  Ministry  Interpose  Mediation — The  Question  of  Com- 
promise Debated-  Terms  of  Union— Passage  of  the  Act  Empowering 
the  Crown  to  Grant  Exclusive  License  of  Trade — The  Grant  of  1S21 — 
The  Assignment  in  1S24  of  the  Northwest  Company— The  Deed-poll 
0f  1834— The  Renewal  of  License  in  1S3S— The  Settlement  of  the 
Boundary  Question  in  1S4G — The  Grant  of  Vancouver  Island  in  1849.  290 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE     OREGON     QUESTION. 

1818-1824. 

Introduction — Chronological  Resume  of  Title-foundations — Epochs  of 
Discovery,  Exploration,  and  Fur-Trade  —  Overland  Occupation — 
Treaties,  Controversies,  and  Comments— Merits  of  the  Case  before  Dis- 
cussion—Statement of  Claims,  1817 — Rush  and  Gallatin  versus  Rob- 
inson and  Goulburn— Treaty  of  1818— Joint  Occupation— Its  True 
Meaning — Boundary  Treaty  of  1819  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States— The  Northwest  Coast  in  Congress,  1 S20-2— Debates  of  1 823— 
Mr  Benton's  Warning  in  the  Senate— United  States  and  Russia- 
Treaty  of  1824— Statement  of  American  Claims— Congressional  De- 
bates of  1824— Bill  for  the  Occupation  of  the  Columbia— Monroe  Doc- 
trine     310 


x  COXTEXTS. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

the  oregon  question  continued. 

1824-1829.  page. 
Xegotiations  of  1824 — Huskisson  and  Canning — Adams'  Instructions  to 
Rush— Statement  of  the  American  and  British  Claims—  Propositions 
Rejected — Merits  of  the  Case — Monroe  Doctrine— Occupation  of 
Oregon  in  the  Senate,  1825 — Views  of  Benton  and  Others — Key-note 
of  American  Sentiment — Baylies'  Report,  1826— Xegotiations  of 
1820-7 — Gallatin  versus  Huskisson  and  Addington — Claims  and 
Counter-claims — Exclusive  Title  of  the  United  States,  with  British 
Objections — Discovery — Settlement— Contiguity — Spanish  Title — 
Xootka  Convention— Cumulative  Title— United  States  Offer  49°  and 
Navigation  of  the  Columbia — England  Offers  the  Columbia  and 
Southern  Shore  of  Fuca  Strait — Xot  Accepted — Joint  Occupancy 
Indefinitely  Extended — Gallatin's  Suggestions  of  Policy — Congres- 
sional Discussion  of  1828-9 355 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

1830-1846. 
A  Popular  Question— American  Trappers — The  Missionaries— The  ( rov- 
ernment  Seeks  Information — Reports  on  the  Oregon  Territory — The 
Agitation  Renewed  in  Congress,  1841 — Senator  Linn's  Efforts— Pres- 
idents' Messages — Congressional  Debates — Patriotic  Faith  in  the 
Title— Political  Campaign  of  1844— Polk's  Policy— The  Question  in 
Parliament — Hostile  Rumors — Speeches  and  Bills  of  1844-5 — Final 
Debate— A  Resolution  Passed  to  Annul  the  Treaty— Pamphlets  Cir- 
culated—Diplomatic Settlement— Great  Britain  Yields— Treaty  of 
1846— Authorities  Cited— Greenhow,  Twiss,  and  Other  Writers  on 
the  Oregon  Question , 389 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

OCCUPATION    OF    THE    COLUMBIA. 

1820-1830. 
"Is  Oregon  Worth  Having?" — Configuration,  Soil,  and  Climate— Rela- 
tions with  China — A  Terra  Incognita— England  to  India,  by  way  of 
the  Columbia  River— Irreconcilable  Opinions— Preparing  to  Emi- 
grate—Proposal to  Make  Over  the  Territory  to  the  Indians— The 
Whale-fishery— A  School  for  Seamen— Conflicting  Statements— A 
Hesitating  Government— Why  the  British  Monopolized  the  Trade— 
McLoughlin  Succeeds  Keith  at  Astoria — Personal  Appearance  and 
Character  of  McLoughlin — His  Administration  of  Justice — He  Ex- 
plores for  the  Site  of  a  Xew  Post — Fort  Vancouver  Founded — 
Agriculture  and  Commerce — Amalgamation  of  Fur  Companies — 
Perils  of  the  Fur  Trade 417 


CONTEXTS.  xi 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

explorations  of  united  states  trappers. 

1821-1830.  page. 

Ruddock's  Journey — Ashley's  Operations — Green  on  the  Colorado — Great 
.Salt  Lake — Utah  Lake — Beckworth's  Adventures — Jedediah  Smith 
Enters  California  and  Journeys  thence  to  the  Columbia  River — His 
Discomfiture  at  the  Umpqua — How  Black  and  Turner  Escaped  the 
Massacre — Jedediah  Smith  at  Fort  Vancouver — McLoughlin's  Treat- 
ment of  Distressed  Strangers — Return  of  Smith  to  the  Shoshone 
Country — Peg-leg  Smith — Tarascou's  Trip — Joseph  L.  Meek's  Adven- 
tures— Pilcher's  Expedition — Jackson,  Sublette,  and  Smith  Send  the 
First  Train  of  Wagons  to  the  Rocky  Mountains — Rendezvous 44G 

CHAPTER  XX. 

DOMINATION    OF   THE    NORTHWEST    COAST    BY    THE    HUDSON'S    BAY    COMPANY. 

1821-1826. 

Forts  Established— Alexandria — Thompson — Chilkotin — Babine — Wife- 
lifting  and  Revenge — John  Tod  Appointed  to  New  Caledouia — .James 
McMillan  Journeys  to  Fraser  River — John  McLeod  at  Thompson 
River — Establishing  of  Colville — James  Connolly — First  Eastern  Bri- 
gade from  Fort  Vancouver — James  Douglas  Destroys  a  Murderer 460 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLEY. 

1S-27. 

Advent  of  the  Schooner  'Cadboro' — Her  History  and  her  Captain— Occu- 
pation of  the  Northern  Shore — McMillan  Proceeds  to  the  Mouth  of 
the  Fraser — Enters  the  Stream — And  there  Establishes  a  Fort — The 
Fort  Routine — A  Notable  Call — The  Salmon  Trade — James  Douglas 
Explores  Connolly  River 470 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

CONTINUED   DOMINATION   OF   THE    HUDSON'S   BAY   COMPANY. 

182S-1S29. 

Governor  Simpson  Visits  his  Northwest  Dominions — Character  of  the 
Man — His  Antecedents  and  Personnel — The  Party  Sets  out  from 
Norway  House — The  Transit  at  Peace  River — Grand  Entry  at  Fort 
St  James— Arrival  at  Fort  Langley — He  Returns  the  Following 
Year  to  Canada— John  Work  Journeys  from  Colville  toOkanagau  — 
Wreck  of  the  'William  and  Ann'  and  Murder  of  the  Crew — Punish- 
ment of  the  Offenders — Incipient  Ideas  of  Settlement— Era  of  Epi- 
demic— John  McLoughlin  Occupies  Willamette  Falls 489 


xh  COXTEXTS. 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

NOTABLE   AFFAIRS. 

1830-1832.  PAGE. 

David  Douglas,  Scientist — His  Adventures  in  the  Northwest  Coast — 
Quarrel  with  Black — Challenge— Notice  of  Samuel  Black — His  Assas- 
sination—John  Work's  Journey — Conspiracy  to  Murder  McLough- 
lin — Wreck  of  the  'Isabel' — Walla  Walla — Xew Caledonia — "Work's 
Snake  River  Expedition — Raids  upon  them  by  the  Blackfeet — They 
Visit  the  Missouri — Results — Ermatinger — A  Yankee  Britisher — 
William  McXeill  and  his  Brig  'Llama' — Enters  the  Service  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company — Building  of  Fort  Umpqua — Hawaiian 
Island  Agency 507 

CHAPTEE  XXIV. 

MISCELLANEOUS     MOVEMENTS. 

1833-1841. 

Founding  of  Fort  Nisqually — The  Coming  of  Gairdner  and  Tolmie — 
Intermittent  Fever  Rampant — Work  Explores  the  Umpqua  Region  — 
The  Spring  and  Autumn  Brigades  of  1835 — Journeys  of  Douglas  and 
Ogden — Anderson's  Expedition— Asiatic  and  Island  Junks  Wrecked 
on  the  West  Coast — Advent  of  the  Missionaries — The  Methodists — 
The  Presbyterians — The  Jesuits — The  Episcopalians — John  Tod — 
Voyage  of  Douglas  to  California 52-4 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

HALL  J.  KELLEY,  NATHANIEL  J.   WYETH,  AND  B.  L.  E.  BONNEVILLE. 

1828-1834. 

The  Hazards  of  Security — The  Boston  School-master — Incorporation  of 
a  Society  for  the  Settlement  of  Oregon — The  School-master  Writes, 
Lectures,  and  Buttonholes — And  Finally  Goes  to  Oregon  by  way  of 
Mexico  and  California — Ewing  Young  Joins  Kelley — His  Tribula- 
tions at  Vancouver — The  Cambridge  Ice  Man — A  Boston  Astor 
Adventure — The  Ship  '  Sultana'  to  Meet  an  Overland  Party  on  the 
Columbia — Wyeth's  First  Expedition— Failure  and  Return — Wreck 
of  the  '  Sultana  ' — The  French  Captain — What  He  did  not  Do 542 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

wyeth's  second  adventure. 
1S34-1S37. 
The  Columbia  River  Fishing  and  Trading  Company — The  '  May  Dacre ' 
Chartered  and  Freighted  for  the  Columbia — Wyeth  with  an  Over- 
land  Party   Starts   from   Independence — Science   and   Religion   en 
route  for  Oregon — Townsend—  Nuttall — Jason  Lee  and  his  Brother 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAGE. 

Missionaries — The  Journey — Building  of  Fort  Hall — Arrival  at  Fort 
Vancouver — The  'May  Da  ere  '  Enters  the  Columbia — Establishment 
of  Fort  William  ou  Wapato  Island — Fort  Boisi  Built  to  Oppose 
Fort  Hail — Failure  of  Wyeth's  Enterprise — Sale  of  Effects  to  the 
All-powerful  Monopoly u7t< 


CHAPTER    XXYII. 

FURTHER    AFFAIRS    IN    GENERAL. 

183G-1839. 

The  Steamer  '  Beaver ' — Small-pox — United  States  Secret  Service— Will- 
iam A.  Slacum,  Agent — Captain  Bancroft — His  Hunting  Voyage 
upon  the  Coast  of  California— Killed  by  the  Kaiganies — Building  in 
the  Valley  Willamette — The  Oregon  Provisional  Emigration  Soci- 
ety— Farnham,  and  the  Columbia  Fiver  City-builders — Sir  Edward 
Belcher's  Visit — Cowlitz's  Plains  and  Xisqually  Settlements — The 
Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company — William  Fraser  Tolmie — Rod- 
erick  Finlayson  Arrives 600 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

FOUNDING   OF  THE   NORTHERN   COAST   ESTABLISHMENTS. 

1831-1835. 

Treaty  of  St  Petersburg — Building  of  the  first  Fort  Simpson — North  Coast 
Commerce — Policy  of  the  Company  in  regard  to  Opposition — Found- 
in;:  of  Fort  McLoughlin — Indian  Disturbances — Fort  McLoughlin 
Removed  to  Fort  Bupert — Expedition  to  Stikeen — The  Russians 
Interpose  Forcible  Objections — Abandonment  of  the  first  Fort  Simp- 
son— Founding  of  the  Second  Fort  Simpson — Port  Essington — Fort 
Mumford — Fort  Glenora G. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

A   DECADE    OF    NORTHERN    INCIDENTS   AND    ROUTINE. 


Captain  Dominis — The  'Llama' — The  'Joseph  Peabody' — Steamer 
'  Beaver  ' — Indian  Battle — Mutiny — War — The  'Thomas  Perkins' — 
Ingenuousness  of  the  Aboriginal  Skin-seller  and  the  European  Bum- 
seller — First  Trip  Northward  of  the  Steamer  '  Beaver  ' — Lease  of  a 
Ten-league  Shore-strip  from  the  Russians — Expedition  to  Take  Pos- 
session— Founding  of  Fort  Durham,  or  Fort  Tako — Finlayson's 
Encounter  with  the  Takos— Abandonment  of  the  Tako  Post— Com- 
parative Savagism  of  White  Men  and  Red— Murder  of  John  Mc- 
Loughlin junior  by  his  Men G36 


xiv  CONTEXTS. 

CHAPTEE  XXX. 

two  notable  visitors. 

1841-1842.  page. 
The  Monarch  Moves — Sir  George  Simpson  Circumnavigates  the  "World — 
The  Journey  across  the  Continent — Surveys  the  Northern  Posts — 
Drops  down  to  San  Francisco  Bay — Monterey — Honolulu — Sitka  and 
Fort  Simpson  again — Then  Asia  is  Honored — An  Irascible  Gaul — 
French  Curiosity — Eugene  Dunot  de  Mofras — Himself  and  his  Book — 
From  Mexico  and  California  He  Proceeds  to  Honolulu  and  Fort 
Vancouver — Simpson  does  not  like  his  Looks  and  Snubs  Him — 
Whereat  He  is  Irate,  though  in  his  Book  Charitable— After  Calling 
again  upon  the  Californians,  whom  He  Scourges  to  his  Complete  Sat- 
isfaction, He  Returns  to  France 654 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

UNITED   STATES    EXPLORING   EXPEDITION. 

1841-1842. 
Object  of  the  Movement  —  Ships  Employed  —  Officers  —  Commander 
Wilkes — Bibliography  of  the  Voyage  —  Pound  Cape  Horn  —  Ha- 
waiian  Islands  —  Cross  to  Admiralty  Inlet — Case  Surveys  Hood 
Canal — Ringgold  Examines  Admiralty  Inlet — Excursion  of  Johnson 
and  Party  to  Colviile  and  "Walla  Walla — Wilkes  Calls  on  McLough- 
lin — And  Visits  the  Valley  Willamette — Wreck  of  the  Peacock  at 
the  Mouth  of  the  Columbia — Emmons'  Overland  Expedition  from 
Oregon  to  Calfornia — The  '  Vincennes '  Proceeds  to  Yerba  Buena. .  .   6GS 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

GTRREXT    EVENTS. 

1840-1844. 
i  and  Fort  Vancouver  Vessels — McLoughlin  in  England — Tolmie's 
Road — Couch's  Salmon-fishery — Murder  of  Kenneth  McKay — The 
Ship  '  Thomas  Perkins' — Spaulding — William  Glen  Rae — Post  Estab- 
lished at  Verba  Buena — Walla  Walla — The  Gunpowder  Story — 
Ermatinger's  Expedition — Abolition  of  the  Licpior  Traffic — The 
Umpqua  Country— Fremont's  Expedition GS5 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

THE    END    AND    THE    BEGINNING. 
1842-1S4G. 

Catalogue  of  Passing  Events — Americanization  of  Oregon— Attitude  of 
Opposing  Parties  at  Fort  Hall — Is  it  Right  to  Kill  Americans?- -Tol- 
mie"s  Report  on  the  Willamette  Plains — American  Settlement  Begun 
on  Puget  Sound — Immigration — Ship  'Modeste' — Board  of  Manage- 
ment— Commissioners  Warre  and  Vavasour — Retirement  of  Mc- 
Loughlin— James  Douglas  in  Command  —  Ingratitude  of  Certain 
American  Settlers — The  Schooner  'Shark'— Possessory  Rights  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company — What  Became  of  the  Fur-trading  Es- 
tablishments— Removal  to  Victoria G97 


HISTORY 

,    OF 

THE   NORTHWEST   COAST. 


CHAPTER  I. 

LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION— UP  THE  MISSOURI. 

1804-1805. 

Soldiers  as  Forest  Travellers— The  Great  Unknown  Region— John 
Ledyard  in  Paris— Exploration  Proposed — Andre  Michaux — Jbf- 
on's  Plan — Meriwether  Lewis— William  Clarke — Instruc- 
tions— Rendezvous  on  the  Mississippi— Outfit— Ascent  of  the  Mis- 
souri—At Council  Bluffs— The  Mahas— The  Mandan  Country- 
Tub  Expedition  Winters  There— Return  of  Part  of  the  Expedi- 
tion — At  the  Yellowstone — Wild  Animals — About  the  Head- 
waters of  the  Missouri — Nomenclature — The  Dividing  Ridge. 

The  second  expedition  made  by  white  men  west- 
ward across  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific,  north  of  California,  was  that  of  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  who  were  the  first  to  descend  the  Columbia 
from  one  of  its  sources  to  the  sea,  being  in  time 
twelve  years  later  than  Mackenzie,  and  in  latitude 
five  hundred  miles  and  more  to  the  south  of  his  route. 

The  first  was  the  excursion  of  a  fur-trader,  made  in 
a  private  or  a  commercial  capacity  during  a  short  hyper- 
borean summer,  in  light  canoes;  the  second  was  a 
government  affair  with  all  its  unwieldy  accompani- 
ments, and  occupied  two  years.  In  the  course  of  the 
narrative  we  shall  see  that  army  captains  and  soldiers 
were  no  match  for  Scotch  fur-traders  and  Canadian 
voyageurs  in  forest  travel. 

Vol.  II.    1 


2  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

When  Lewis  and  Clarke  set  out  on  their  expedition, 
the  great  Unknown  Region,  as  it  was  called,  equiva- 
lent to  one  thousand  miles  square  and  more,  between 
the  headwaters  of  the  Missouri  and  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
was,  if  we  except  the  interior  of  Alaska  and  the 
Stikeen  country,  further  removed  from  civilization 
than  any  other  part  of  North  America.  The  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  had  explored  its  borders  north.  Eng- 
lish ships  had  sailed  through  many  channels  in  search 
of  Anian  Strait  and  a  northern  passage,  and  Hearne 
had  pursued  his  grumbling  way  from  Fort  Churchill 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Coppermine.  The  Canadian 
merchants  had  taken  possession  of  the  Canadian 
north-west,  and  had  planted  their  forts  from  Lake 
Superior  to  Athabasca,  while  the  determined  Mac- 
kenzie had  followed  the  river  which  bears  his  name  to 
the  Arctic  Ocean,  and  had  crossed  from  Peace  River 
to  the  Pacific.  New  Mexico  was  known;  California 
was  known;  and  so  were  portions  of  Alaska.  Only 
this  central  temperate  tract  remained  yet  hidden  in 
shadows  primeval. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  father  of  United  States 
explorations.  While  lesser  minds  wTere  absorbed  in 
proximate  events,  his  profound  sagacity  penetrated 
forests,  and  sought  to  reveal  the  extent  and  resources 
of  the  new  nation.  To  this  he  was  moved  not  less 
by  circumstances  than  by  his  broad  and  enlightened 
judgment.  And  chief  among  the  incidents  which 
aroused  in  him  a  more  than  ordinary  interest  in  the 
subject,  was  the  appearance,  in  1786,  at  the  United 
States  legation  in  Paris,  while  Jefferson  was  minister 
to  France,  of  that  most  remarkable  man,  John  Led- 
yard  of  Connecticut. 

Ledyard  was  an  ardent,  reckless,  and  always  impe- 
cunious enthusiast,  with  a  brilliant  mind  and  winning 
manners.  He  was  a  kind  of  Yankee  George  Law,  with 
the  Northwest  Coast  for  his  Mississippi  bubble ;  but 
with  this  difference,  his  well  founded  schemes  were 


LEDYARD  AND  JEFFERSON.  3 

often  regarded  as  bubbles,  whereas  George  Law's 
bubbles  were  treated  as  well  founded  schemes.  Led- 
yard had  accompanied  Captain  Cook  in  his  voyage  to 
the  Pacific,  had  been  the  first  in  Europe  or  America 
to  propose  a  trading  voyage  to  the  Northwest  Coast,1 
and  was  now  in  Paris  panting  for  fresh  adventure. 
The  French  having  been  ever  foremost  in  the 
American  fur-trade,  he  sought  to  enlist  French 
enterprise  and  French  capital  in  a  mercantile  com- 
pany,having  for  its  field  the  region  beyond  the  coast 
of  California. 

In  this  he  failed,  though  ever  hovering  upon  the 
confines  of  success;  once  having  begun  in  France  the 
purchase  of  goods  for  the  Northwest  Coast  traffic, 
and  once  having  actually  embarked  in  a  vessel  for  the 
Pacific,  he  was  in  every  instance  doomed  to  disap- 
pointment. But  though  himself  one  of  the  most 
luckless  of  enthusiasts,  his  failure  bore  rich  fruit.  A 
constant  guest,  while  in  Paris,  at  the  table  of  Jeffer- 
son, that  first  of  American  statesmen  became  in  no 
small  degree  inspired  by  the  ardent  aspirations  of  this 
commercial  adventurer,  whose  mind  was  absorbed  in 
the  one  idea  of  the  Northwest  Coast  in  its  relations 
to  China  and  to  the  Atlantic  states.2 

PXence  when  Jefferson  returned  to  America  in  1789, 
his  imagination  was  filled  with  brilliant  pictures  of 
the  far  west,  whose  early  discovery  his  judgment  pro- 
nounced of  the  highest  importance  to  the  common- 
wealth. In  1792,  while  secretary  of  state,  he  proposed 
to  the  American  Philosophical  Society  that  some  com- 

1  Tliis  was  in  1783,  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston,  and  at  the 
very  time  the  Montreal  merchants  were  organizing  their  great  Northwest 
Company.  Robert  Morris  went  so  far  as  to  promise  Ledyard  a  ship,  but  tail- 
ing to  find  one  disengaged  the  project  was  abandoned. 

2 'I  die  with  anxiety,' writes  Ledyard  from  Paris,  'to  be  on  the  back  of 
the  American  states,  after  having  either  come  from  or  penetrated  to  the 
Paciiie  Ocean.  There  is  an  extensive  field  for  the  acquirement  of  honest 
fame.  A  blush  of  generous  regret  sits  on  my  cheek  when  I  hear  of  any  dis- 
covery there  which  I  have  no  part  in,  and  particularly  at  this  an 
period.  The  American  revolution  invites  to  a  thorough  discovery  of  the  Con- 
tinent, and  the  honor  of  doing  it  would  become  a  foreigner,  but  a  native  only 
can  feel  the  genuine  pleasure  of  the  achievement.'  Sparks'  Life,  of  .'. 
172.    See  also  BuljincKs  Or.,  14-16.    On  Ledyard,  see  vol.  i.  3i9-53,  this  work. 


4  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

petent  person  be  engaged  to  ascend  the  Missouri, 
cross  the  Stony  Mountains,  and  follow  the  nearest 
river  to  the  sea;  and  he  suggested  that  a  subscription 
be  set  on  foot  to  defray  expenses.  Meriwether  Lewis, 
a  captain  in  the  United  States  army,  then  on  recruit- 
ing service  at  Charlottesville,  hearing  of  the  proposal 
earnestly  solicited  the  appointment.  Jefferson  ex-' 
plained  to  him  the  plan,  that  to  avoid  alarming  the 
natives  the  explorer  was  to  have  but  a  single  com- 
panion;3 yet  nothing  daunted  Lewis  continued  to 
urge  his  request.  The  choice  of  the  society,  however, 
fell  upon  another,  Andre  Michaux,4  the  botanist,  then 
in  the  service  of  the  French  government,  who  im- 
mediately started  westward,  but  was  arrested  in  his 
journey  before  passing  Kentucky  by  the  French  min- 
ister, who  ordered  botanical  inquiries  elsewhere. 

Taking  his  seat  as  president  in  1801,  Jefferson 
never  lost  sight  of  his  pet  project.  The  rapid  change 
in  the  ownership  of  Louisiana,  as  the  great  wilderness 
west  of  the  Mississippi  was  then  called,  transferred 
by  Spain  to  France  in  1800,  and  by  France  to  the 
United  States  in  1803,  stimulated  still  more  the  ardor 
of  the  president.  But  no  suitable  occasion  seemed  to 
offer  until  eleven  years  after  his  former  attempt,  when 
the  act  for  the  establishing  of  trading-houses  among 
the  aborigines  was  about  to  expire,  and  some  modifi- 
cation of  it  was  deemed  desirable.  By  a  confidential 
message  of  January  18,  1803,  the  president  recom- 
mended to  congress  the  extension  of  the  commercial 
facilities  embraced  in  the  former  act  to  the  tribes  on 

8  Though  conceived  by  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  it 
•was  a  most  hare-brained  and  impracticable  scheme.  Any  fur-hunter  might 
have  informed  him  that  travelling  from  nation  to  nation  was  a  very  different 
affair  from  the  establishing  of  amicable  relations  by  intermarriage  or  otherwise 
with  a  single  people;  and  that  while  it  was  well  not  to  frighten  the  savages, 
force  sufficient  to  carry  gifts,  and  in  places  provisions,  was  necessary  in  order 
to  command  respect,  and  consequent  good  treatment.  The  idea  probably  sug- 
gested itself  to  Jefferson's  mind  from  Ledyard's  fantastic  plan  of  penetrating 
the  continent  alone  from  Nootka  Sound,  in  which  he  might  have  progressed 
half  a  league  before  being  captured  and  enslaved  by  the  savages,  as  were 
Jewett  and  Thompson  in  that  same  spot  a  few  years  later. 

4  The  distinguished  author  of  Flora  Boreali  Americana,  and  Histoire  des 
CJiemes  d'Amirique. 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  LEADERS.  5 

the  Missouri;  and  in  order  to  make  more  plain  the 
way  for  the  contemplated  changes  the  message  pro- 
posed that  an  expedition  be  sent  to  explore  the  Mis- 
souri to  its  source,  and  thence  crossing  the  continental 
highlands  to  the  westward  tlow  of  waters,  follow  them 
to  the  Pacific.  The  measure  received  the  sanction  of 
congress,  and  an  appropriation  was  made  to  cover 
estimated  expenses. 

Again  Captain  Lewis,  who  had  now  been  private 
secretary  to  the  president  for  two  years,  preferred  his 
request.      He  would  command  the  party.     <)  i 

knew  him  well.  He  knew  that  his  firmness  of  pur- 
pose and  undaunted  courage  were  equalled  only  by  his 
truthfulness  and  discretion.  Bold  adventure  was  born 
in  him.  It  had  been  his  custom  when  only  eight 
years  of  age  to  rise  at  midnight  and  go  alone  to  the 
forest,  hunting  the  night-feeding  raccoon  and  opossum ; 
and  now  will)  firmly  knit  sinews  and  maturer  judgment 
he  sought  a  broader  field  of  adventure.  His  request 
was  granted;  indeed,  it  had  been  understood  for  years 
by  him  and  his  highly  influential  friend,  that  command 
of  the  expedition  when  ready  should  be  his.5 

Like  Mackenzie,  Lewis  felt  a  deficiency  in  scientific 
attainments  such  as  would  enable  him  to  take  astro- 
nomical observations,  and  properly  place  the  bo' 
and  geography  of  his  route  before  the  learned  world. 
Hence  no  sooner  was  his  appointment  secured  than  he 
proceeded  to  Philadelphia  and  applied  himself  with 
such  determined  industry  to  a  course  of  technical 
study  as  soon  made  him  master  of  the  knowledge 
necessary  to  his  purpose.  In  order  to  place  the  suc- 
cess of  the  expedition  beyond  the  risk  of  accident,  he 
requested  that  some  competent  person  should  be  asso- 

5  His  patron  is  extravagant  in  his  praise.  After  reciting  a  long  list  of 
high  ami  absolute  virtues,  ail  of  which  it  would  be  difficult  for  any  one  not 
blinded  by  friendship  to  find,  he  concludes:  'With  ail  these  qualiiic: 
as  if  selected  and  implanted  by  nature  in  one  body  for  this  express  pu 
I  could  have  no  hesitation  in  confiding  the  enterprise  to  him.'  Jefferson's  Life 
of  Lewis,  in  Lewis  and  Clarke's  Ex.,  Am.  ed.,  i.  xii.  For  a  biography  of 
Lewis  and  an  account  of  his  election  to  the  leadership,  see  Perkins'  Annals  of 
tlie  Wed,  75o-6. 


6  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION". 

ciated  with  him  as  second  in  command,  and  named 
Lieutenant  William  Clarke,  also  of  the  United  States 
army,  who  was  consequently  appointed  to  that  post 
with  a  commission  of  captain.6 

Captain  Lewis  was  now  ready  for  his  instructions ; 
and  these,  drafted  by  the  president's  own  hand,  were 
signed  the  20th  of  June,  1803. 

By  them  he  was  directed  to  provide  himself  with 
arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  boats,  tents,  and  medi- 
cines for  ten  or  twelve  men,  who  were  to  be  selected 
from  such  soldiers  as  volunteered  for  the  service,  and 
over  whom  he  should  have  the  usual  authority  of  a 
commanding  officer.  He  was  likewise  to  provide  him- 
self with  instruments  for  taking  astronomical  observa- 
tions, and  articles  for  presents  or  barter  with  the 
natives.7 

Part  of  the  company's  proposed  movements  being 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  passports  were 
obtained  from  the  ministers  of  France  and  England, 
in  order  to  secure  the  friendly  consideration  of  traders 
owing  allegiance  to  those  nations.  Besides  obtaining 
a  geographical  knowledge  of  the  country,  they  were 
to  enter  into  conferences  with  the  natives  with  a  view 
of  establishing  commerce  with  them.  They  were  to 
study  the  moral  and  material  interests  of  the  natives, 
who  were  at  all  times  to  be  treated  in  the  most  con- 
ciliatory manner  possible.  "  Should  you  reach  the 
Pacific  Ocean,"  continue  the  instructions,  ''inform 
yourself  of  the  circumstances  which  may  decide 
whether  the  furs  of  those  parts  may  not  be  collected 

6  As  a  matter  of  fact  Lewis  was  chief,  and  had  precedent  been  followed  it 
would  have  been  called  Lewis'  expedition,  Captain  Clarke  being  subordinate 
throughout  the  whole  of  it.  The  London  Quarterly  Review,  xii.  318,  thinks 
they  lacked  scientific  assistants. 

7 '  The  object  of  your  mission  is  to  explore  the  Missouri  River,  and  such 
principal  streams  of  it,  as  by  its  course  and  communication  with  the  waters 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  whether  the  Columbia,  Oregan,  Colorado,  or  any  other 
river,  may  offer  the  most  direct  and  practicable  water  communication  acros3 
the  continent  for  the  purposes  of  commerce.  .  .The  North  River,  or  Rio  Bravo, 
which  runs  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the  North  River,  or  Rio  Colorado, 
which  runs  into  the  Gulf  of  California,  arc  understood  to  be  the  principal 
streams  heading  opposite  to  the  waters  of  the  Missouri,  and  running  south- 
wardly.' Jeil'erson's  Listructions  in  Levns  and  Clarke's  Exped.  i.  xiv.  and  xvi. 


INSTRUCTIONS.  7 

as  advantageously  at  the  head  of  the  Missouri — con- 
venient as  is  supposed  to  the  waters  of  the  Colorado 
and  Oregan,  or  Columbia — as  at  Nootka  Sound,  or 
anv  other  point  of  that  coast;  and  that  trade  be  con- 
sequently conducted  through  the  Missouri  and  United 
States  more  beneficially  than  by  the  circumnavigation 
now  practised." 

On  reaching  the  coast  two  of  the  company  were  to 
return  by  sea,  with  a  copy  of  notes  taken,  either  via 
Cape  Horn  or  the. Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Or  if  the 
return  overland  should  be  deemed  dangerous,  then  the 
wdiole  party  were  to  return  by  water;  and  as  they 
would  be  without  funds,  letters  of  credit  authorizing 
drafts  upon  the  United  States  to  be  made  from  any 
part  of  the  world  were  furnished  them.  On  return- 
ing to  the  United  States  those  of  the  men  who  had 
served  well  and  desired  their  discharge  should  be  en- 
titled to  it  with  full  pay  and  a  recommendation  each  to 
a  soldier's  grant  of  land.  And  to  provide  for  leader- 
ship against  the  accident  of  death,  the  commanding 
officer  might  name  in  writing  his  successor,  who  in 
like  manner  might  determine  who  should  command  in 
the  event  of  his  death. 

A  journal  was  to  be  kept  in  which  notes  and  ob- 
servations were  to  be  accurately  entered.8 

8  In  this,  as  in  other  respects,  the  leaders  of  the  expedition  performed  their 
duty  well.    Their  journal,  though  painfully  diffuse  and  overloaded  with  irrel- 
evant matter,  is  clearly  written  and  exact.    Their  forms  of  expression,  though 
not  so  elegant  as  those  of  Mackenzie,  are  more  distinctive  and  precise,  and 
much  of  that  which  to-day  is  wholly  worthless,  was  interesting  and  vahiable 
when  first  printed.     Besides  the  official  narrative  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  jour- 
nals were  kept  by  Patrick  Gass  and  six  others.     The  leaders  encouraged  the 
men  to  keep  diaries,  so  that  what  one  omitted  another  might  record,  and  if 
some  were  lost,  others  might  be  preserved.    Jefferson  recommended  Lewis  to 
write  on  'the  cuticular  membranes  of  the  paper-birch,  as  less  liable  to  injury 
from  damp  than  common  paper. '    Several  ediuons  of  the  official  narrative  ap- 
peared both  i;i  America  and  in  Europe,  of  which  I  have  used  the  following : 
commands  of  Captains  Lewis  and  Clark  to 
the,  Missouri,  thence  across  the  Rochy  Mountains  awl  down  the  River 
Co         '  :to  (he  Pacific  Ocean,  performed  durinr/  the  years  1804-5-6.    By  order 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States.    Prepared  for  (he  press  by  Paid  Allen, 
.  Svo.    Philadelphia,  1814.     The  first  volume  of  this  edition 
a  life  of  Lewis  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  the  second  volume  an  appen- 
dix by  <  '..r  tain  Lewis.     An  abridgement,  with  introduction,  notes,  and  maps, 
was  printed  in  2  vols.  lGmo,  New  York,  1842,  edited  by  Archibald  McVickar. 


8  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

Ten  days  after  the  instructions  were  signed  by 
President  Jefferson,  information  was  received  of  the 
consummation  at  Paris  of  the  treaty  placing  the 
United  States  in  possession  of  the  eastern  part  of 
the  region  to  be  explored,  which  greatly  heightened 
the  interest  in  the  expedition. 

On  the  5th  of  July  Lewis  left  Washington  for 
Pittsburg,  where  a  portion  of  his  outfit  was  to  be 
provided  him;  but  prevented  by  delays  in  his  descent 

Under  title  of  Travel*  to  the  Souree  of  the  Missouri  J?irer  and  across  the  Ameri- 
can Continent  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  appeared  two  editions  in  London,  one  in  one 
volume,  4to,  1814,  and  the  otherin  3vols.  8vo,  1815,  both  of  whichare  without 
the  Life  of  Lewis  by  Jefferson,  and  the  appendix  by  Lewis.  It  is  the  quarto 
English  edition  I  have  used  for  ordinary  reference.  The  notes  of  Patrick  Ga  s 
were  published  in  one  vol.  8vo,  Pittsburgh,  180S,  and  reprinted  the  same 
year  in  London,  six  years  before  the  appearance  of  the  official  report,  under 
title  of  A  Journal  of  the  Voyages  and  Travelsofa  Corps  of Dis  overy,  under  the 
('■>uu miii'l.  <  be.  Mr<  ';>  -s  received  the  highest  commendations  of  Captain  Lewis 
after  the  return  of  the  expedition  to  St  Louis,  and  his  work  may  fur  the  most 
part  be  deemed  accurate.  Nevertheless  the  critic  who,  in  theLoii'-  m  Q  :ri  rly 
Beviewoi  May,  1809,  i.  294,  calls  it  'a  shabby  octavo,  the  production  of  a  mere 
underling'  instead  of  a  'magnificent  quarto,  with  maps,  plates.  .  .as  we  had 
a  right  to  expect  from  a  plan  executed  under  such  auspices, '  is  not  far  out  of 
the  way.  'It  is  curious,'  he  continues,  'to  observe  how  ingeniously  Mr 
Gass  has  avoided  whatever  could  interest  or  amuse.  All  he  says,  we  have  no 
doubt,  is  strictly  true:  at  least,  if  intolerable  dulness  be  a  symptom  of  truth 
in  narration,  he  has  amply  vindicated  his  veracity.  There  are  so  many  facts 
that  we  care  not  to  know,  and  so  little  detail  on  those  we  do ;  and  the  two 
kinds  arc  jumbled  in  so  heterogeneous  a  compound,  that  we  have  seldom  under- 
gone a  severer  trial  of  patience  than  in  attempting  to  separate  them.  The  ap- 
pearance of  a  volcano  a  thousand  miles  from  the  sea,  and  the  death  of  a  gray 
horse  are  recorded  in  the  same  breath,  and  with  equal  faithfulness,  brevity,  and 
indifference. '  The  day  and  hour  are  carefully  noted  when  Captain  Lewis  issued 
a  glass  of  old  whiskey  to  all  the  crew ;  and  when  '  Captain  Clarke  gave  the  sick 
a  dose  of  Rush's  pills,  to  see  what  effect  they  would  have,'  and  yet  this  book 
is  no  worse  than  thousands  of  others  from  which  our  history  must  be  extracted. 
In  reviewing  the  official  report  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  in  January  1S15,  this 
same  journal  somewhat  ungraciously  says:  'Had  the  expedition  been  exe- 
cuted under  the  auspicies  of  the  British  government,  it  would  have  been  fitted 
out  with  characteristic  liberality ;  draftsmen  and  naturalists  would  have  been 
attached  to  it,  and  the  official  publication  might  have  vied  in  beauty  and  ex- 
cellence with  that  of  Cook's  voyages.  It  is  both  ungrateful  and  unjust  to  cen- 
sure an  individual  traveller  if  he  fail  as  an  artist,  or  be  deficient  in  those 
branches  of  science  which  would  have  enriched  his  observations :  every  man 
who  contributes  to  the  stock  of  our  knowledge  is  a  benefactor  to  the  public, 
and  entitled  to  our  respect  and  gi-atitude.  But  when  expeditions  for  the 
purpose  of  discovery  are  undertaken  by  a  public  body,  that  body  is  censurable 
if  anything  be  wanting  to  render  the  information  full  and  complete. '  This 
crusty  critic  might  have  displayed  a  little  more  generosity  and  justice  by  re- 
membering that  the  United  States  government  was  then  young  and  impover- 
ished, and  that  it  was  entitled  to  praise  for  what  it  had  done  rather  than  blame 
for  what  it  left  undone.  Political  and  other  duties  caused  the  postponement 
of  the  publication  of  the  official  journal  until  1814,  at  which  time  Captain 
Lewis  died,  as  the  work  was  passing  through  the  press. 


OUTFIT  AXD  DEPARTURE.  9 

of  the  Ohio,  he  deemed  it  imprudent  to  attempt  the 
ascent  of  the  Missouri  until  the  ice  should  break  up 
in  the  spring.  Besides  this  the  Spanish  commander 
at  La  Charrette,  the  highest  settlement  on  the  Mis- 
souri, and  where  it  had  been  their  intention  to  pass 
the  winter,  having  no  official  notice  of  the  transfer 
of  the  country  to  the  United  States,  felt  obliged  to 
deny  strangers  admission  to  the  territory.  The  party 
encamped,  therefore,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri,  and  the 
winter  was  spent  disciplining  the  men.  Beside  four- 
teen United  States  soldiers,  there  were  in  the  party 
nine  young  Kentuckians,  two  French  voyageurs,  a 
hunter,  an  interpreter,  and  a  negro  servant  of  Captain 
Clarke. 

An  escort,  consisting  of  six  soldiers  under  a  cor- 
poral, with  nine  boatmen,  was  detached  to  accom- 
pany the  party  to  the  territory  of  the  Mandans,  which 
was  considered  the  most  dangerous  part  of  the  jour- 
ney. The  stores,  packed  in  seven  bales  and  one  box, 
each  containing  portions  of  all  as  a  guard  against 
accident,  consisted  of  clothing,  tools,  and  arms;  also 
ammunition  and  liquors  for  themselves  and  the  sav- 
ages. 

There  were  besides,  fourteen  bales  and  one  box  of 
presents  for  the  natives,  divided  in  like  manner,  and 
consisting  of  laced  coats  and  ether  rich  articles  of 
dress,  tomahawks,  knives,  medals,  handkerchiefs,  and 
flags,  besides  a  variety  of  such  luxuries  as  beads, 
looking-glasses,  and  paints. 

The  14th  of  May  1804  the  party  embarked  in 
three  boats;  one  a  keel  boat,  fifty-five  feet  in  length, 
drawing  three  feet  of  water  and  carrying  one  sail  and 
twenty -two  oars,  the  bow  and  stern  covered  by  decks 
of  ten  feet,  forming  forecastle  and  cabin,  and  the  mid- 
dle enclosed  by  lockers  which,  when  opened,  formed 
a  breastwork  valuable  in  case  of  attack.  The  other 
two  were  pirogues,  or  open  boats,  of  seven  and  six 


10  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

oars  respectively.  Along  the  bank  were  led  two  horses, 
to  be  employed  in  hunting.9 

The  first  commercial  transaction  with  the  natives 
was  the  exchange  of  two  quarts  of  whiskey  for  four 
deer,  made  the  eighth  day.  Ascending  the  river  at 
the  rate  of  from  ten  to  fifteen  miles  a  day,  some- 
times twenty,  notes  were  taken  on  climate  and  soil, 
and  on  the  people  passed,  but  nothing  of  importance 
transpired  until  the  12th  of  June,  when  two  rafts 
from  the  Sioux  nation  were  encountered,  one  loaded 
with  furs  and  the  other  with  buffalo  tallow.  They 
now  succeeded  in  engaging  one  of  the  party,  Mr 
Dorion,  who  had  lived  with  the  Sioux  for  twenty 
years,  and  was  strong  in  their  confidence,  to  return 
with  them,  and  see  the  party  safely  through  the  ter- 
ritory of  these  blood-loving  savages.  Much  trouble 
was  experienced  from  the  constantly  shifting  banks 
and  bars  of  the  river.  There  were  occasional  rapids, 
and  frequently  they  were  obliged  to  tow  the  boats. 
The  meeting  of  rafts  and  canoes  loaded  with  furs  was 
of  common  occurrence.  Game  was  plentiful,  and  easily 
taken.  Elk  were  seen  for  the  first  time  two  months 
after  leaving  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Some  of  the 
men  were  troubled  with  dysentery  and  boils,  but  the 
health  of  the  party  was  generally  good. 

To  the  nations  along  the  river  the  change  of  gov- 
ernment was  announced;  whereat  some  were  as  pleased 
as  children  would  be  at  any  change,  others  were  angry; 
for  as  a  rule  eastern  savages  hated  Frenchmen  less 
than  either  English  or  Americans. 

Passing  the  river  Platte  the  21st  of  July,  on  the 
seventh  day  thereafter  their  hunter  encountered  three 
Missouri  Indians  dressing  an  elk.  They  were  all 
friendly,  and  one  of  them  accompanied  the  hunter 
to  the  "boat.  These  Missouris  were  living  with  the 
Ottoes,  and  their  camp  was  about  four  miles  distant. 

9  In  U.  S.  Gi  og.  Surv.,  Whe<  ler,  Progress  Rept.,  1872,  42.  is  a  map  purporting 
to  show  the  route  of  Lewis  and  Clarke ;  sec  also  Johnsoyi's  R.  J>.  to  Pox.,  I!  1-9, 
and  map :  tt  am  n't  Mem.,  m  Padfit  11.  J?.  J'cpt.,  xi.  17-10;  U ant's  Her.  Mag., 
vi.  S13-14;  Sytnons1  Sept.  L'jptr  Columbia,  89. 


COUNCIL  BLUFFS.  11 

Next  morning  he  was  sent  back  with  an  invitation 
to  his  friends  to  meet  the  explorers  on  the  river  above, 
where  a  council  would  be  held. 

Proceeding,  the  stream  takes  a  northern  bend,  with 
a  highland  on  the  south,  above  which  traces  of  a  great 
hurricane  are  visible ;  ten  miles  further  bring  them  to 
a  wood  on  the  north.  There  they  spend  the  night. 
Early  next  morning  they  ascend  the  river  three  and 
a  quarter  miles,  and  encamping  on  the  south  bank 
await  the  appearance  of  the  Ottoes.  Round  them  is 
a  fertile  plain  covered  with  grass  from  five  to  eight 
feet  high.  Small,  light  pink  flowers  cluster  here  and 
there;  hone}^suckles  sweeten  the  air,  and  from  the 
tall  waving  grass  rise  copses  of  plums  and  currants, 
all  musical  with  stinsdner  insects  and  rattlesnakes. 
Behind  them,  separating  a  lower  and  a  higher  prairie, 
is  a  woody  ridge  seventy  feet  in  height,  at  the  end 
of  which  the  explorers  pitch  their  camp. 

From  the  bluffs  adjoining,  river  and  prairie,  low 
sky  and  glistening  landscape,  dappled  with  the  pass- 
ing cloud-shadows,  unfold  a  magnificent  panorama. 
Winding  amid  groves  of  cottonwood,  sycamore,  elm, 
and  ash,  sprinkled  with  oak,  hickory,  and  walnut, 
purple  with  wild  grapes,  and  folding  in  its  nourishing 
embrace  little  shifting  willow-islands,  creeps  the  river 
from  the  long  grass  through  two  parallel  highland 
ranges,  whence,  in  ever  varying  curves,  it  wends  its 
way  on  toward  the  ocean. 

Awaiting  here  under  the  bluff  with  some  anxiety 
the  result  of  their  message  to  the  Ottoes,  their  hunt- 
ers bring  in  turkeys,  geese,  deer,  and  beaver,  while 
the  river  supplies  them  with  an  abundance  of  fish. 
At  length,  about  sunset  on  the  2d  of  August,  is  seen 
in  the  distance  a  party  of  fourteen  Ott  I  Mis- 

souris.  They  are  accompanied  by  a.  Frenchman  who 
lives  with  them,  and  acts  as  interpreter.  As  they  ap- 
proach, Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  advance  to  meet 
and  welcome  them.  A  place  is  selected  for  their 
camp,  and  a  council  appointed  to  be  held  next  morn- 


12  LEWIS  AXD  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION". 

ing.  Meanwhile  the  explorers  send  them  flour,  meal, 
pork,  and  a  portion  of  their  roasted  meat,  receiving  in 
return  a  present  of  watermelons. 

Preparations  are  then  made  for  the  morrow.  The 
main-sail  is  brought  from  the  boat  and  spread  as  an 
awning,  under  which  the  presents  to  be  distributed 
arc  paraded.  In  the  morning  the  exploring  party  are 
all  drawn  up  for  the  occasion.  The  Indians,  six  of 
whom  are  called  chiefs,  then  present  themselves,  and 
are  requested  to  be  seated  under  the  awning.  A 
white  man  first  speaks,  informs  them  of  the  change 
of  government,  promises  protection,  and  .ice. 

Then  each  in  turn  the  six  red  chiefs  reply.  They  are 
glad  of  the  change ;  they  hope  their  new  father  will 
give  them  arms  and  rum,  and  help  them  to  kill  the 
Mahas.  The  white  men  assure  them  of  trade  and 
mediation;  then  they  distribute  the  presents.  The 
real  or  principal  chief  not  being  present,  a  medal,  a 
flag,  and  some  trinkets  are  sent  to  him.  The  medals 
are  of  three  grades,  and  denote  the  estimation  in 
which  the  wearer  is  held  abroad.  Placed  round  his 
neck  it  is  the  token  of  the  white  man's  recognition  of 
the  wearer's  chieftaincy. 

To  one  Ottoe  and  to  one  Missouri  medals  of  the  sec- 
ond grade  are  given,  and  to  the  other  chiefs  present 
medals  of  the  third  grade.  Paint,  garters,  and  dress 
ornaments  accompany  the  medals,  and  for  the  whole 
a  canister  of  powder,  a  bottle  of  whiskey,  and  a  few 
trinkets.  These  ceremonies  concluded,  the  explorers 
call  the  place  Council  Bluffs,  and  remark  upon  the 
situation  as  one  favorable  for  a  fort  or  trading-factory, 
the  soil  being  good  for  bricks,  wood  being  abundant, 
and  the  climate  good.  It  is  likewise  a  central  resort 
of  the  Ottoes,  one  day's  journey  distant;  for  the  Paw- 
nees, one  and  a  half  days  distant;  the  Mahas,  two 
days  distant;  besides  being  convenient  to  the  Sioux, 
and  only  twenty-five  days  from  Santa  Fe.  Then 
deemed  convenient  for  Indian  traffic,  time  has  proved 
the  place  as  suitable  for  a  railway  centre.     In  the 


SIOUX,  TETOXS,  AND  MAXDAXS.  13 

afternoon  the  party  set  sail,  and  encamp  five  miles  up 
the  river  on  the  south  side,  where  they  find  the 
mosquitoes  very  troublesome.  All  this  on  the  3d  of 
August  1804. 

Arrived  among  the  Mahas  a  fortnight  later,  another 
council  was  held  with  the  like  results.  All  of  this 
nation  that  the  small-pox  had  left  were  willing  to  die 
of  blankets,  tobacco,  and  whiskey.  Up  to  this  time 
one  of  the  expedition  had  deserted  and  one  had  died. 
To  the  river  on  which  they  encamped  they  gave  the 
name  of  the  dead  soldier,  Floyd. 

The  30th  of  August  the  Sioux  were  received  under 
a  large  oak  standing  within  their  territory,  and  near 
which  the  United  States  flag  was  flying.  Speeches, 
counsel,  and  cheap  presents  were  the  return  for  i 
dominion;  but  the  best  of  the  exercises  were  the  eat- 
ing, drinking,  and  smoking.  The  Sioux  complained 
bitterly  of  their  poverty,  and  Captain  Lewis  advised 
Mr  Dorion,  their  friend  and  interpreter,  to  take  a 
party  of  their  chiefs  to  Washington  to  see  the  presi- 
dent. 

Councils  were  likewise  held  with  the  Tetons,  the 
Ricaras,  and  the  Manclans  on  entering  their  respec- 
tive territories.  A  little  impudence  with  some  show 
of  violence  was  displayed  by  the  Tetons,  but  without 
serious  results.  The  Ricaras  on  being  offered  liquor 
declined,  saying  they  wTere  surprised  their  father 
should  offer  them  drink  which  made  men  fools.  As 
regarded  the  chastity  of  their  women  they  were  not 
so  particular,  for  here  as  well  as  elsewhere  along 
their  route  the  expedition  had  no  difficulty  in  pro- 
curing companions  for  the  night.  The  negro  was 
an  object  of  special  favor  amongst  the  fair  sex,  who 
often  quarrelled  for  him.  When  the  white  men 
stopped  to  execute  the  sentence  of  court-martial 
on  a  soldier  by  corporal  punishment,  an  Indian  chief 
sitting  by  was  affected  to  tears.  "  We  kill  men  for 
wronof-doinor,"  he  exclaimed,  "  but  we  will  not  even 
whip  our  children." 


14  LEWIS  AXD  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

The  expedition  reached  the  Mandan  country  the 
last  of  October,  and  as  the  weather  was  becoming  very 
cold  they  determined  to  winter  there.  Some  heavy 
log-houses  of  cottonwood,  elm,  and  ash  were  built, 
being  completed  about  the  middle  of  November,  when 
the  party  moved  into  them.  During  the  winter  the 
Mandans  were  threatened  with  an  attack  by  the  Sioux 
living  on  the  Missouri  above  the  Cheyenne  River;  their 
visitors  promised  them  protection  from  all  their  ene- 
mies, and  offered  to  lead  them  to  battle;  but  as  the 
snow  was  deep,  the  Mandans  declined  fighting  that 
winter.  This  was  bad  policy,  for  the  sons  of  the  Great 
Father  to  involve  themselves  in  the  quarrels  of  his 
children. 

The  16th  of  December  Mr  Haney  arrived  from  the 
Assiniboine  with  a  letter  from  Mr  Charles  Chabouilles 
of  the  Northwest  Company,  offering  any  service  within 
his  power.  From  Mr  Haney  Captain  Clarke  obtained 
much  valuable  information  regarding  the  country 
between  the  Missouri  and  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
various  branches  of  the  Sioux  family  inhabiting  it. 
Corn  raised  by  these  natives  was  freely  supplied  the 
expedition.  Among  others  of  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany who  visited  them,  there  were  Laroche  and  Mac- 
kenzie. The  former  wished  to  accompany  the  party 
westward,  but  his  proposal  was  declined.  While  at 
this  place  the  blacksmith  of  the  expedition  put  up  a 
furnace  and  made  knife-blades,  spear-points,  and  other 
implements  as  the  easiest  method  of  procuring  corn. 
The  savages  were  specially  taken  with  the  bellows, 
and  thought  it  a  very  great  medicine.  Some  horses 
were  stolen  during  the  winter  by  the  Sioux,  who 
were  pursued  by  Captain  Clarke,  but  without  recovery 
of  the  animals. 

As  spring  drew  near,  preparations  were  made  for 
moving;  the  escort,  back  to  St  Louis,  the  expedition, 
on  toward  the  Pacific.  The  large  boat  was  to  return 
down  the  river,  so  six  canoes  were  made  for  the  upper 
waters.     The  articles  which  had  been  collected  for  the 


THE  UPPER  MISSOURI.  15 

president  were  packed  in  boxes  and  placed  in  the  barge. 
They  consisted  of  stuffed  specimens  of  the  animals 
of  the  country,  together  with  birds,  insects,  and 
plants,  specimens  of  earths,  salts,  and  minerals,  and 
native  implements. 

Simultaneously  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
7th  of  April  1805,  the  two  parties  embarked,  the 
westward  bound  consisting  of  thirty-two  persons10  in 
six  canoes  and  two  pirogues,  and  the  St  Louis  party 
of  seven  soldiers,  two  Frenchmen,  and  a  pilot,  Mr 
Gravelines,  in  the  barge.  The  Sioux  having  openly 
declared  war  against  the  whites,  it  was  expected  that 
the  return  party  would  be  fired  on  in  passing  through 
the  Sioux  country,  but  they  were  ten  well  armed,  de- 
termined men,  with  provisions  enough  in  the  boat  to 
last  them  to  St  Louis;  and  before  their  departure 
Captain  Lewis  had  exacted  a  pledge  that  they  would 
not  yield  while  one  remained  alive.  By  this  boat 
journals  and  despatches  were  sent  to  the  United 
States,  as  the  eastern  country  alone  was  then  called.11 

On  the  10th  the  overland  party  overtook  three 
Frenchmen  who  were  hunting  beaver.  They  were 
meeting  with  fair  success,  having  trapped  twelve  thus 
far ;  but  fearful  of  the  Assiniboins  they  kept  near  the 
exploring  party  until  they  reached  the  Yellowstone. 
Navigation  was  here  better  than  on  the  lower  Mis- 
souri. The  country  consisted  of  irregular  ranges  of 
hills  interspersed  with  low  smooth  plains,  with  here 
and  there  timber.  Fish,  geese,  prairie-hens,  swan, 
antelope,  white  bear,  and  elk  furnished  abundance 
of  food. 

Passing  the  Little  Missouri  and  the  Yellowstone, 
both  of  which  streams  they  ascend  a  short  distance, 
about  the  first  of  May  they  enter  a  salt-frosted  coun- 
try with  bluff  hills  and  scattering  foliage.     Game  be- 

10  For  their  names  see  Hist.  Oregon,  i.  45,  this  series. 

11  Accompanying  the  president's  message  of  the  19th  of  February  1S06  is 
a  letter  from  Lewis  dated  Fort  Mandan  7th  April  1S05.  See  also  Annals  of 
Cong.,  1S0G-7,  app.  103G-114G. 


16  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

comes  yet  more  abundant.  The  white  bear  is  found 
a  terrible  creature.  Lewis  is  chased  seventy  yards  by 
one  which  had  been  wounded.  Brown  bear  are  very 
large,  and  exceedingly  tenacious  of  life.  The  black 
bear  are  smaller.12  Buffalo  are  very  plentiful.  Wolves, 
coyotes,  and  prairie-dogs  appear.  Geese  begin  to 
lose  their  wing -feathers,  which  prevents  flight.  To 
a  stream  whose  waters  possess  a  peculiar  whiteness 
they  give  the  name  of  Milk  River.  Upon  river-beds 
recently  emptied  of  their  waters,  the  vocabulary  of  dry 
names  is  exhausted.  There  are  Big  and  Little  Dry 
rivers,  and  Big  and  Little  Dry  creeks,  until  one  won- 
ders at  the  leathery  brains  out  of  which  could  not  be 
beaten  more  distinctive  terms.  And  as  appellations 
of  aridity  become  exhausted  they  fall  back  upon  the 
names  of  their  men  by  which  to  designate  streams; 
and  last  of  all  they  honor  a  creek  by  giving  it  the 
name  Rattlesnake.  A  female  elk  swims  a  swift  river, 
and  the  place  is  called  Elk  Rapids.  Musselshell  River 
was  also  among  their  brilliant  selections  of  names. 

Yet  loftier  elevations  are  interspersed  with  fertile 
plains  as  the  party  proceeds.  The  air  of  the  adjacent 
highlands  becomes  singularly  dry  and  pure,  annihi- 
lating space  and  bringing  distant  objects  near.  Again, 
the  country  becomes  barren,  with  little  timber  save 
pine  and  spruce  thinly  scattered  on  the  summits  and 
hill-sides.  Appearances  of  coal  are  evident.  And  now 
the  river  becomes  rapid,  the  wind  strong,  the  air  cold, 
and  game  for  a  time  grows  scarce.  But  on  emerging 
from  the  dreary  Black  Mountains  nature  puts  on 
more  cheerful  robes,  and  sits  on  hill  and  plain  in  gor- 
geous repose,  while  birds  and  beasts  and  creeping 
things  sound  their  notes  of  universal  joy. 

Ascending  a  hill  on  the  26th  of  May,  Lewis  caught 
the  first  glimpse  of  what  the  narrative  calls  "the 
Rock  mountains,  the  object  of  all  our  hopes,  and  the 
reward   of    all  our  ambition."     They  camped  at  an 

12 By  white  bear  is  meant  the  grizzly,  and  by  brown  bear  the  cinnamon; 
of  course  there  are  no  white  bear  proper  in  this  latitude. 


ABOUT  THE  HEADWATERS.  17 

early  hour  the  3d  of  June  at  the  junction  of  the 
Missouri  with  another  large  river,  though  which  was 
the  main  stream  and  which  the  branch  they  could  not 
tell.  They  deemed  it  important  to  know.  The  Indians 
had  told  them  that  the  sources  of  the  Missouri  and 
the  Columbia  were  not  far  apart.  The  season  here  was 
short,  and  two  months  of  it  were  already  gone.  The 
wrong  stream  would  lead  them  off  their  course,  and 
cause  delays  which  might  demoralize  the  men  and 
jeopardize  the  success  of  the  expedition.  Exploring 
parties  were  therefore  sent  out,  but  returned  no  wiser 
than  they  went.  Others  were  despatched,  and  re- 
turned in  like  manner.  Why  had  not  the  natives 
told  them  of  these  two  large  rivers?  "The  river 
which  scolds  at  all  others"  was  not  a  term  applicable 
only  to  the  Missouri,  for  both  streams  scolded  alike. 

Finally,  next  day,  Lewis  with  six  men  and  Clarke 
with  five  set  out  on  a  more  thorough  exploration, 
the  former  ascending  the  north  and  the  latter  the 
south  branch.  Lewis  was  absent  four  days  examining 
the  stream,  crossing  ravines,  and  ascending  moun- 
tains for  observation,  travelling  meanwhile  some  eighty 
or  ninety  miles,  and  narrowly  escaping  destruction  with 
one  of  his  companions  by  coming  unawares  upon  a 
precipice.  Though  his  men  were  of  a  different  opin- 
ion, Captain  Lewis  pronounced  the  north  branch  not 
the  Missouri,  and  named  it  Maria  River.  Clarke 
was  three  days  out  accomplishing  a  distance  equiva- 
lent to  forty-five  miles  in  a  straight  line.  He  saw 
the  river  rolling  in  for  a  great  distance  from  the  south, 
with  high  ridges  to  the  south-east,  and  he  believed  it 
the  Missouri,  though  his  men  held  with  the  others 
for  the  northern  branch. 

On  Sunday  the  9th  a  consultation  was  held.  Cru- 
zatte,  long  a  boatman  in  these  parts,  was  sure  the 
north  branch  was  the  Missouri.  The  men  would 
cheerfully  follow  their  leaders,  they  said,  but  they 
could  not  but  hold  with  Cruzatte.  Arrowsmith's  map 
had  been  studied  at  Fort  Mandan,  and  Mr  Fidler's 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    2 


13  LEWIS  AM)  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

discoveries  noted.  To  these  their  own  observations 
were  added,  and  the  two  captains  pronounced  in  favor 
of  the  southern  branch.  Caching  at  this  point  part 
of  their  cargo  with  one  of  the  boats,  on  the  11th 
the  party  proceeded,  Lewis  with  four  men  going  by 
land  in  advance  of  the  now  lightened  canoes.  Seized 
that  night  with  dysentery  and  fever,  and  having  at 
hand  no  medicine,  with  eminent  success  Lewis  experi- 
mented with  choke-cherry  twigs,  boiling  them,  and 
drinking  the  decoction. 

The  party  had  not  proceeded  far  on  the  morning 
of  the  13th  when  the  sound  of  falling  water  greeted 
their  ears,  and  rising  above  the  plain  a  column  of 
spray  was  seen,  which  quickly  vanished  in  the  dry 
transparent  air.  Lewis  went  forward,  travelling  seven 
miles  after  first  hearing  the  sound  before  reaching 
what  proved  to  be  the  great  falls  of  the  Missouri. 
Seating  himself  upon  a  rock,  he  gazed  upon  the  stu- 
pendous spectacle  until  saturated  with  the  sublime; 
after  which  he  looked  about  him  for  the  best  portage, 
which  was  found  to  be  eighteen  miles  in  length. 
These  falls,  though  different  from  any  others,  may  be 
classed  among  the  grandest  in  the  world.  The  entire 
descent  of  the  river  in  sixteen  and  a  half  miles  is 
three  hundred  and  fifty- seven  feet,  separated  into 
four  cataracts  of  twenty- six,  forty- seven,  nineteen,  and 
eighty-seven  feet  respectively,  with  rapids  between. 
Plunging  down  this  uncertain  channel  between  per- 
pendicular abutments  three  hundred  yards  asunder, 
the  distracted  stream  rends  the  sky  with  its  resounding 
boom,  and  sends  upward  from  its  boiling  bed  of  white 
foam  fantastic  mist-forms  and  spires  of  spray,  which 
blush  to  rainbow  hues  on  meeting  the  searching  in- 
quiry of  the  sun.  And  with  the  clouds  of  moi^t  Lre 
our  clouded  thoughts  ascend.  How  long  had  been 
this  river  roaring  its  anthems  in  the  wilderness? 
Were  these  magnificent  water-works,  these  grand  dis- 
plays of  so  many  forms  of  liquid  beauty,  made  for 


AMONG  THE  WILD  BEASTS.  19 

man's  enjoyment,  or  for  the  benefit  of  beasts,  and 
trees,  and  stolid  rocks?  And  if  for  man,  for  what  a 
time  had  they  been  waiting  his  coming!  O  patient 
north  and  west !  But  stop  !  I  hear  a  voice  from  out 
these  hallelujahs  of  waters,  saying,  Man,  though  wild, 
is  none  the  less  man  than  when  grown  cunning  with 
arts  and  devilish  theologies. 

To  drag  the  boats  up  a  creek  and  there  unload; 
to  mend  moccasins  with  which  the  prickly  pear  made 
havoc ;  to  cut  roads  and  build  wagons,  using  a  large 
cottonwood  tree  for  wheels  and  the  mast  of  the 
pirogue,  which  was  left  behind,  for  axle-trees;  and 
with  the  aid  of  two  such  vehicles  to  drag  canoes  and 
cargo  above  the  falls:  to  cache  more  goods;  to  hunt 
elk,  and  with  their  skins  construct  a  boat  which, 
proving  a  failure,  necessitates  the  making  of  new 
canoes  above  the  falls — all  this  occupies  a  month. 

In  a  furious  hail-storm  the  men  were  knocked  clown 
and  bruised  to  bleeding.  So  suddenly  the  torrent 
filled  a  ravine  in  which  Captain  Clarke  was  caught, 
that  he  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  Strange  noises 
in  the  mountains  attracted  their  attention.  Stretching 
southward  above  the  Missouri,  the  sky  presented  a 
broad,  bright  line  alive  with  wild-fowl.  The  country 
here  literally  swarmed  with  large  and  small  game, 
which  regarded  these  white-skinned  bipeds  as  impudent 
intruders  upon  their  domain.  A  buffalo  was  wanted 
one  night  for  supper;  a  thousand  presented  themselves. 
of  which  Lewis  shot  one.  Before  he  had  reloaded,  a 
large  brown  bear  stole  upon  him.  The  captain  ran,  the 
bear  followed,  gaining  on  him,  and  the  man  saved  his 
life  by  taking  to  the  water.  That  same  clay,  which 
was  the  14th  of  June,  returning  from  a  visit  to  Med- 
icine Biver,  after  having  shot  what  he  supposed  to  be 
a  tiger,  three  buffalo  bulls  deliberately  left  the  here! 
where  they  were  feeding,  and  came  toward  him,  as  if 
to  see  what  kind  of  new  strange  animal  it  was  that 
had  ventured  among  them.  Flight  was  impossible; 
so  Lewis  made  toward  them,  when  they  turned  and 


20  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

went  back  to  their  feeding.  As  if  even  the  reptiles  of 
this  region  had  conspired  against  the  intruders,  a  large 
rattlesnake  coiled  itself  round  the  tree  under  which 
Lewis  slept  that  night,  and  there  kept  silent  watch. 
White  and  brown  bears  chased  the  men  wherever  they 
went,  and  even  invaded  their  camp.  To  a  cluster  of 
three  islands  the  name  White-bear  Islands  was  given, 
and  their  portage  resting-place  was  White-bear  Camp. 
Gloats,  terrapin,  gooseberries,  and  currants  were  now 
added  to  their  bill  of  fare.  Fifty  buffaloes  could  be 
shot  almost  any  afternoon  when  wanted.  All  this 
time  not  a  word  was  said  of  Indians,  by  which  one  infers 
that  they  were  not  numerous  in  these  parts. 

Christmas  last,  at  Fort  Manclan,  the  explorers 
drank  and  danced  all  day  and  far  into  the  night,  telling 
the  savages  not  to  come  near  them  as  that  was  their 
great  medicine  clay.  Now  on  the  4th  of  July,  though 
foot-sore  and  fatigued,  they  likewise  drank  and  danced, 
drank  the  last  drop  of  drunk-producing  liquid  they 
had,  leaving  none  for  the  poor  savage  beyond  the 
mountains.  Blessed  faith !  but  for  which  patriotism 
would  be  simply  stomach. 

In  eight  canoes,  on  the  15th  of  July,  the  party  con- 
tinued its  journey  above  the  falls.  Passing  a  pleasing 
river  they  gave  it  the  name  Dearborn,  in  honor  of 
the  secretary  of  war;  another  stream  they  called 
Ordway  Creek,  because  their  sergeant's  name  was 
Ordway.  Potts  likewise  had  his  creek,  John  Potts, 
one  of  the  party,  not  a  great  man,  but  then  the  creek 
was  not  a  great  creek.  Wood  becoming  scarce  dried 
buffalo  clung,  or  bois  de  vache,  called  later  by  the 
emigrants  '  buffalo  chips,'  was  used  in  making  fires  for 
cooking  or  other  purposes. 

High  mountains  now  approach  the  river  on  either 
s  ide,  until  for  a  distance  of  five  miles  black  granite 
rocks  rise  eight,  ten,  and  twelve  hundred  feet  sheer 
from  the  water's  edge,  black  at  the  base,  but  hghter  in 
color  toward  the  top.  The  channel  here  is  three 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  width.     Entering  between 


AT  THE  THREE  FORKS.  21 

these  perpendicular  mountains,  seemingly  boding  dark 
destruction  on  curious  searchers  of  their  secrets,  they 
call  the  place  the  Gates  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.13 

Passing  through  the  gates  they  found  the  sky  dark- 
ened with  smoke,  the  natives  of  that  region  having 
taken  to  the  mountains  in  alarm,  after  firing  the 
plains.  The  weather  now  became  warm,  80°  in  the 
shade.  To  Joseph  Whitehouse,  one  of  the  company, 
was  given  a  creek,  to  Patrick  Gass  another,  to  Howard 
another,  to  Robert  Frazier  another,  and  so  on.  Cla 
preceding  the  boats  by  land,  reached  the  three  forks 


Route  feoji  the  Missouri  to  the  Columbia. 


of  the  Missouri  the  25th  of  July.  This  place  having 
been  mentioned  by  the  Indians,  had  been  anxiouslv 
looked  for.  He  ascended  the  north  branch  thirty- 
seven  miles,  and  then  crossing  over  to  the  middle 
branch  descended  to  the  forks,  severely  suffering 
during  the  journey  from  illness.  Meanwhile  the  main 
body  came  up  the  river  and  arrived  at  the  forks. 
Here  the  country  seems  suddenly  to  expand,  and  the 
hills  to  fall  back  and  subside  into  meadows  and  plains. 

13  The  'gates  of  the  Rocky  Mountains'  are  145  miles  above  the  falls,  and 
about  400  miles  from  the  source  of  the  river.      '  This  name,'  says  Thomas  P. 

is,  in   Montana.   I!  ib.,  •_'-'">0.   'may  do  very  veil,   t1 

several  other  "gates,"  but  none  so  grand,  intervene  between  it  and  the  final 
exit  of  the  Missouri  river  from  the  moun tains,  thirty-six  miles  below.' 


22  LEWIS  AXD  CLAEKE'S  EXPEDITIOX. 

It  was  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  that  the  main 
party  paused  at  the  mouth  of  the  east  branch.  Land- 
ing, Lewis  walked  half  a  mile  up  the  stream,  and  from 
a  limestone  cliff  could  trace  the  courses  of  the  three 
branches  for  several  miles.  Descending  to  breakfast 
he  called  this  east  fork  of  the  Missouri,  Gallatin,11  in 
honor,  he  observes,  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury. 
Reembarking,  he  proceeded  to  the  middle  and  west 
branches,  where  was  found  fastened  to  a  stick  a  letter 
from  Clarke,  who  had  not  yet  returned,  stating  that 
the  west  fork  offered  the  superior  attraction  to  voy- 
agers westward.  Lewis  agreeing  with  him,  ascended 
the  west  branch  with  his  party  for  a  mile,  and  there 
camped,  waiting  for  Clarke,  who  joined  him  at  three 
o'clock,  well  nigh  exhausted  with  fever  and  fatigue. 
The  middle  and  western  branches  being  so  nearly 
alike,  each  ninety  yards  in  width,  and  in  depth,  cur- 
rent, and  character  so  similar  that  it  was  impossible  to 
tell  which  was  the  main  stream  and  which  the  branch, 
it  was  determined  to  drop  the  name  Missouri  at  the 
fork,  and  give  the  name  Madison  to  the  middle  chan- 
nel, and  the  name  Jefferson  to  the  west  branch.15 

For  two  days  Captain  Clarke  remained  ill,  but  on 
the  30th  of  July,  being  quite  recovered,  he  proceeded 
with  the  party  to  ascend  the  Jefferson  River;  at  noon 
they  came  to  a  place  which  the  Shoshone  wife  of 
Chaboneau  recognized  as  the  spot  where  she  had  been 
taken  by  the  Minnetarees  of  Knife  River.16  All  were 
now  exceedingly  anxious  to  fall  in  with  some  of  the 
Shoshones,  or  Snake  Indians,  whose  habitat  is  here- 
about, for  through  the  friendship  of  the  woman  whom 
they  were  now  returning  to  her  relatives  they  hoped 
for  information  and  assistance.  To  this  end  Lewis 
set  out  in  advance  of  the  party,  lost  his  way,  and  at 

14  On  the  plain  near  the  fork  now  stands  the  town  Gallatin.    See  Montana 

frib.,  i.  231 i. 
'-See  Lewis  and  Clarke's  Travels,  235  and  240;  Ga  -'  Journal,  16S. 
10  V,'.  II.  Sanders,  president  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Montana,  says, 
:.,<  'ontrib. .  i.  1 00,  that  this  woman  'was  captured  at  the  Three 
of  the  Missouri,  about  the  year  1S00.'    The  place  she  here  pointed  out 
was  on  Jeh'erson  Elver  a  short  distance  above  the  fork. 


LOFTY  NOMENCLATURE.  23 

night  was  obliged  to  sleep  alone  in  the  wilderness. 
Next  morning  he  found  his  friends,  and  again  left  them 
in  search  of  natives,  this  time  accompanied  by  three 
of  the  men. 

Meanwhile  nomenclature  mounts'  Pegasus.  To  a 
stream  flowing  in  from  the  south  the  name  Philoso- 
phy17 is  given;  to  a  largo  crock,  a  little  above,  the 
name  Frazier,18  from  one  of  the  men.  A  creek  yet 
higher,  flowing  in  from  the  opposite  side,  is  honored 
with  the  name  of  another  of  the  men,  Fields.19  But 
as  the  river  is  ascended  the  minds  of  the  explorer,; 
soar  aloft,  and  to  a  river  coming  in  from  the  north 
the  name  Wisdom  is  applied,  while  one  on  the  oppo- 
site side  is  called  Philanthropy."0 

Continuing  up  the  north  side  of  the  Jefferson, 
Lewis  on  the  1st  of  August  reached  the  South  Bowl- 
der; taking  it  for  the  main  channel,  he  followed  it, 
but  on  discovering  his  mistake  he  crossed  over  to  the 
Jefferson  and  continued  its  ascent,  making  seventeen 
miles  the  first  day,  twenty-four  miles  the  second,  and 
twenty-three  each  the  third  and  fourth,  but  meeting 
with  no  natives.  This  brought  him  to  Wisdom  River, 
Clarke  with  the  main  body  following  a  day  or  two 
behind. 

Although  the  Wisdom  branch  presented  the  more 
open  front,  the  others  wore  warmer  and  more  turbid, 
whence  Lewis  inferred  that  the  waters  of  the  latter 
had  travelled  farther  and  through  a  more  open  country 
than  those  of  the  former.  He  therefore  left  a  letter 
at  the  fork,  placing  it  on  a  pole,  directing  those  below 
to  take  the  stream  to  the  left. 

17  Now  Willow  Creek. 

18  Known  at  present  as  the  South  Bowlder. 

19  The  North  Bowlder. 

20 '  The  puerile  pedantry  of  calling  rivers  Independence  and  Philosophy 
is  inexcusable;  but  the  consummation  of  absurdity  and  loyalty  occurs  when 
they  arrive  at  a  place  near  the  head  of  the  Missouri,  where  it  divides  into 
three  pretty  equal  branches.  It  is  resolved  here  that  the  name  Missouri  shall 
be  dropt,  and  the  central  branch  being  baptized  Jefferson  rolls  on  its  presi- 
dential course  between  the  sister  streams  of  Wisdom  and  Philanthropy. '  Lon- 
don Quarterly  Review,  i.  296.  Another  name  for  the  Wisdom  is  to-day  Big 
Hole  River,  and  the  Philanthropy  River  of  old  now  rejoices  iu  the  refined 
appellation  of  Stinking  Water.  Above  Beaver  Head  Iiock  the  Jefferson  is 
now  called  Beaver  Head  River. 


24  -LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

But  a  beaver  happening  to  pass  that  way  shortly 
after,  and  seeing  the  pole  so  neatly  trimmed,  be- 
thought himself  how  good  a  rafter  it  would  make 
for  his  house;  so  he  cut  it  clown  with  his  teeth  and 
carried  it  away,  letter  and  all.  The  consequence 
was  the  party  below  took  the  wrong  course,  and 
when  set  right  by  one  of  the  men  in  advance  they 
turned  back;  but  "in  descending  the  branch  the  swift 
current  caught  and  upset  one  canoe  and  filled  with 
water  two  others,  thus  entailing  loss,  while  one  man 
barely  escaped  with  his  life,  and  all  owing  to  the  im- 
pudence of  the  beaver. 

On  the  8th  of  August  the  canoes  reach  Philan- 
thropy River.21  Next  day  Lewis  and  two  men  travel 
sixteen  miles  up  the  Jefferson,  here  called  to-day 
Beaver  Head  River,  from  Beaver  Head  Rock,22  which 
point  Clarke  passes  in  the  canoes  the  10th.  Lewis 
meanwhile  continues  along  the  left  bank  until  he 
reaches  the  upper  fork  of  the  Beaver  Head,23  from 
which  point  both  branches  are  pronounced  not  navi- 
gable. He  therefore  fixes  upon  a  dry  willow  pole  a 
note  recommending  the  party  to  remain  at  this  fork 
while  he  proceeds  up  the  north  branch  to  explore.  To 
this  point  the  canoes  slowly  approach,  passing  a  creek 
coming  in  from  the  south  on  the  13th,  to  which  they 
give  the  name  of  one  of  the  men,  McNeal,21  and 
next  clay  another  on  the  north  side  which  they  call 
Track  Creek.25  Willard  Creek,26  named  after  Alexan- 
der Willard,  one  of  the  men,  is  passed  on  the  loth. 

21At  this  point  they  were  about  forty  miles  north-west  from  Virginia  City. 
-A  steep  cliff  '  on  the  right  side  of  the  river,'  the  narrative  says,  meaning 
the  left  bank,  and  about  twenty  miles  below  Rattlesnake  Creek. 
2J  The  junction  of  Horse  Plain  Creek  and  Red  Rock  Creek. 

24  Black  Tail  Deer  Creek. 

25  Rattlesnake  Creek. 

2,3  The  town  of  Bannock  now  stands  on  this  stream.  '  In  1862,  Mr  Charles 
Rumley,  not  knowing  that  the  stream  had  before  then  received  a  name, 
christened  it  Grasshopper  creek,  from  the  large  numbers  of  that  insect  found 
upon  its  banks.  When  it  had  been  identified  as  the  Willard  creek  of  Lewis 
and  Clarke,  the  vanity  and  effrontery  of  Mr  J.  S.  Willard.  then  living  at 
Bannock,  so  offended  the  denizens  of  that  town  that  the  stream  is  known  as 
"the  Grasshopper"  to  this  day.'  Montana  Jliit.  Sue,  Contrib.,  i.  100. 


THE  MOUNTED  SHOSHONE.  25 

Meanwhile  Lewis  is  on  Horse  Plain  Creek,  looking 
for  a  pass  and  Indian  guides,  and  for  horses  to  trans- 
port the  baggage.  The  domain  of  the  buffalo  is  left 
behind;  deer  and  antelope,  beaver  and  otter,  with 
geese  and  ducks,  and  some  elk  and  mountain  goats 
are  here  provided  by  nature  as  food  for  bears  and 
men.  A  rich-bottomed  grassy  valley  is  found  and 
entered.  Scattered  among  the  underbrush  that  bor- 
ders the  river  are  willow,  birch,  and  cottonwood,  with 
pines  upon  the  elevations.  Vegetation  here  cannot  be 
called  luxuriant. 

For  two  days  after  Lewis  was  fairly  within  the 
territory  of  the  Shoshone  nation  not  a  soul  was  to  be 
seen.  On  the  11th  of  August,  however,  to  his  great 
delight  he  perceived  across  the  plain  two  miles  dis- 
tant a  man  on  horseback27  coming  toward  him.  By 
the  aid  of  his  glass  he  could  distinguish  the  dress  and 
equipment  of  the  warrior,  which  were  different  from 
any  he  had  hitherto  encountered.  The  man  was  well 
mounted,  and  armed  with  bow  and  arrows,  but  rode 
without  a  saddle;  and  for  a  bridle  a  small  string  was 
attached  to  the  horse's  under-jaw.  He  was  surely  a 
Shoshone.  The  question  was  how  to  catch  him,  for 
he  was  exceedingly  shy,  and  the  woman  they  had 
brought  so  far  to  unlock  these  savage  hearts  was 
back  with  the  boats. 

The  white  man  and  the  red  both  continued  to  ad- 
vance until  within  a  mile  of  each  other.  The  latter 
then  halted,  whereat  the  other  stopped,  took  from  his 
knapsack  a  blanket,  and  opening  it  out,  held  it  by  the 
two  corners,  and  in  that  manner  brought  it  to  the 
ground,  a  signal  common  in  these  parts  of  spreading 
a  robe  on  wmich  to  meet  guests  preparatory  to  friendly 
intercourse.  This  was  done  three  times.  Unfortu- 
nately Lewis  had  failed  to  order  his  men  to  remain 
behind,  and  these  now  coming  up  frightened  the  wild 

27  Though  of  the  equine  type  America  seems  to  have  heen  the  original  seat, 
yet  -when  discovered  by  Columbus  there  were  no  horses  in  America.  Those 
here  found  among  the  natives  were  from  wild  southern  bands  formed  by  the 
multiplication  of  animals  which  had  strayed  from  the  Spaniards. 


26  LEWIS  AXD  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION. 

man,  who  thereupon  showed  signs  of  uneasiness. 
Then  Lewis  laid  aside  his  gun,  and  taking  some  beads 
and  a  looking-glass  advanced  unarmed  until  within 
two  hundred  yards  of  the  savage,  calling  out  mean- 
while tabba  bone,  white  man,  that  he  might  know  the 
stranger  was  not  an  enemy  from  some  adjoining  tribe. 
But  when  within  a  hundred  yards  of  him,  the  com- 
panions of  Lewis  continuing  to  advance,  the  Shoshone 
suddenly  wheeled,  leaped  his  horse  across  a  brook,  and 
vanished  among  the  willows. 

It  was  a  disappointment,  but  they  must  try  again. 
Mounting  a  hill  they  made  a  fire  and  breakfasted, 
placing  some  trinkets  on  a  stick  when  they  left,  that 
the  curious  eyes  which  they  felt  were  not  far  distant 
should  see  that  they  were  white  men  and  friends. 
Then  giving  one  of  his  men  to  carry,  as  a  signal  of 
friendship,  a  small  United  States  flag  fastened  to  a 
pole,  Lewis  again  went  forward  with  overtures  to 
whatever  in  human  shape  he  should  meet.  Thus  civ- 
ilization first  wooed  savagism  in  these  western  wilds. 

All  next  day,  the  12th,  they  hunt,  following  ^  the 
tracks  of  the  mounted  warrior  until  no  longer  visible, 
following  the  river's  course  until  it  dwindles  into  a 
brook  so  small  that  one  of  the  men  with  a  foot  on 
either  side  of  it  calls  out  to  his  companions  to  behold 
a  man  bestriding  the  Missouri.  Less  and  less  grows 
the  rivulet  and  narrower  its  bounds  until  a  small  gap 
denotes  its  puny  path ;  and  here  these  first  of  civilized 
men  to  see  its  littleness  drink  of  its  chaste  waters  to 
its  mightiness  below.  Then,  full  of  glory,  they  rise 
and  mount  the  ridge  near  by  that  divides  the  waters 
of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  Almost  these  little 
Colossi  can  bestride  this  ridge  and  touch  at  the  same 
time  the  sources  of  the  Missouri  and  of  the  Columbia, 
can  bathe  in  moisture  which,  had  it  a  snowflake's 
weight  of  brains,  might  trickle  to  west  or  east  at 
will,  and  determine  the  river's  long,  long  course. 

But  where  are  those  first  undecided  drops  so  soon 
to  manifest  western  proclivities?    Where,  hereabout, 


THE  MOTHER  RIDGE  OF  RIVERS.  27 

is  this  source  of  the  Oregon,  the  mighty  River  of  the 
West?  In  little  more  than  a  mile  from  where  spring 
the  modest  drops  whose  destination  is  the  Mexican 
Gulf,  down  a  steep  descent  on  the  western  side  is  a 
rivulet  already  proud  to  be  called  a  tributary  of  the 
Columbia.  Stricken  with  ambitious  thirst  the  ex- 
plorers stop  to  drink  again,  so  great  in  their  minds 
were  these  little  beginnings!'28 

28 'It  is  not  more  than  a  mile  from  the  head-spring  of  the  Missouri,  to  the 
head  of  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Columbia.'  G<i88'  Journal,  174.  '  It  is 
expected  to  bring  the  boats  of  the  Missouri  and  Columbia  within  live  hundred 
miles  of  each  other.'   Victor's  River  of  the  West,  578. 


CHAPTER  II. 

LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S   EXPEDITION— DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

1805. 

Among  the  Shoshones — Council  Held — Purchase  of  Horses — The 
Journey  Continued— Difficulties  and  Hardships — Lewis  Eiver — 
In  the  Mountains — The  Clearwater — The  Nez  Perces — Purchase 
of  Dogs  for  Food — Fork  of  the  Columbia — The  Walla  Walla 
Country — The  Great  Falls  of  the  Columbia — Hood  Eiver  and 
Mountain — The  Cascades — At  the  Mouth  of  the  Willamette — 
Sauve  Island — Cowlitz  Eiver — The  Ocean. 

Following  a  well  beaten  Indian  trail  next  day, 
toward  noon  a  man,  two  women,  and  some  dogs  were 
sighted  upon  an  eminence  a  mile  distant.  Ordering 
his  party  to  remain  behind,  Lewis  made  his  approach 
warily,  and  when  within  half  a  mile  laid  aside  his  rifle 
and  unfurled  his  flag.  He  then  advanced  to  within  a 
hundred  yards,  when  the  natives  incontinently  fled 
and  took  shelter  behind  the  hill.  On  gaining  the 
summit  not  a  trace  of  them  was  visible,  so  Lewis 
signalled  his  party  to  rejoin  him,  and  they  all  started 
in  pursuit.  About  a  mile  further  they  overtook  the 
women,  coming  upon  them  so  suddenly  that  only  one 
had  time  to  make  her  escape.  The  other,  who  stood 
prepared  for  instant  death,  was  persuaded  to  conduct 
them  to  the  Shoshone  camp. 

When  about  two  miles  on  their  way  they  met  a  com- 
pany of  sixty  mounted  warriors,  to  whom  the  woman 
made  known  the  quality  of  the  strangers,  whereupon 
Camcahwait,  their  chief,  and  two  of  his  principal  men, 
threw  themselves  from  their  horses  and  embraced  the 
white  men,  besmearing  them  with  grease  and  paint,  and 

(28) 


TALK  AND  TRAFFIC.  29 

shouting  their  delight.  The  other  Indians  then  dis- 
mounted, and  seating  themselves  in  a  circle,  each  drew 
off  his  moccasins  preparatory  to  smoking  the  pipe  of 
peace,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  "May  I  walk  the 
forest  forever  barefoot  if  I  break  this  pledge  of  friend- 
ship." 

It  was  with  exceeding  difficulty  that  Lewis  suc- 
ceeded, after  spending  four  days  in  anxious  and  har- 
assing attempts,  in  enticing  a  company  of  these 
savages  to  his  boats,  so  suspicious  were  they  of 
treachery.  But  this  difficult  feat  once  accomplished 
all  was  easy,  for  no  sooner  had  the  Shoshones  beheld 
among  the  strangers  their  countrywoman,  Sacajawea, 
than  a  mutual  recognition  took  place,  followed  by  the 
wildest  demonstrations  of  joy.  A  council  was  then 
held,  during  which  the  white  men  made  known  the 
cause  of  their  coming  and  their  necessities.  It  was 
for  the  especial  good  of  the  Shoshone  nation  that 
their  great  governor  and  friend  at  Washington  had 
sent  to  give  them  arms,  and  blankets,  and  rum;  and 
the  simple  savages  believed  it,  and  promised  horses 
and  guides,  for  which,  however,  they  were  to  be  well 
paid.  The  usual  presents  were  distributed,  and  all 
were  well  content;  still  the  Shoshones  would  have 
preferred  the  good  Washington  man's  benefits  to  his 
mere  promises. 

They  were  so  well  pleased,  however,  with  twenty- 
five  dollars'  worth  of  trinkets  in  exchange  for  four  fine 
horses,  that  they  immediately  started  for  more  animals 
with  which  to  trade  on  such  advantageous  terms. 

From  native  reports  the  explorers  feared  the  descent 
of  the  Columbia  would  prove  more  hazardous  than 
they  had  anticipated.  But  the  geographical  knowl- 
edge of  these  Indians,  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
restricted  migrations,  was  characteristically  vague,  all 
unfamiliar  mountains  and  rivers  being  impassable. 

Their  northern  neighbors,  the  Nez  Perces,  had  in- 
formed them  that  this  stream,  on  whose  bank  their 
village  rested,  led  to  a  large  river  which  discharged 


30  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

into  a  lake,  bad-tasted,  where  white  men  lived;  for 
themselves,  they  had  never  passed  the  mountains 
yonder. 

It  was  on  the  16th  of  August  1805  that  Captain 
Lewis,  accompanied  by  his  new  friends,  returned  to 
the  fork  of  the  Beaver  Head,  where  Captain  Clarke 
and  the  canoe  party  joined  him  next  day.  There  at 
the  junction  of  Horse  Plain  Creek  and  Red  Rock 
Creek  the  canoes  were  left,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
18th  Clarke  set  out  with  eleven  men  for  the  Shoshone 
village,1  where  he  was  to  leave  Chaboneau  and  his 
wife  to  collect  horses;  he  was  to  proceed  thence  to 
the  navigable  waters  flowing  into  the  Columbia,  and 
there  construct  canoes,  while  Lewis  brought  forward 
the  remainder  of  the  party  and  the  baggage  to  the 
Shoshone  village. 

Clarke  carried  with  him  tools  for  boat-building, 
and  Avas  accompanied  by  Cameahwait  and  his  band  of 
warriors.  Ascending  Horse  Plain  Creek  fifteen  miles 
through  a  wide  valley,  woodless  but  for  a  few  shrubs, 
the  party  encamped  near  a  narrow  pass  where  the 
creek  was  but  ten  yards  wide.2  Noon  next  clay  brought 
them  to  the  source  of  the  tributaries  of  Horse  Plain 
Creek.3  They  had  now  reached  the  great  divide,  the 
crown  of  the  continent,  near  the  spot  since  chosen  for 
a  national  park,  where  in  a  knot  of  ridges  and  peaks 
culminates  the  Rocky  Mountain  system ;  a  birthplace 
of  mighty  rivers,  whence  spring  the  Columbia,  the 
Colorado,  and  the  Missouri.4 

JXear  where  since  stood  Fort  Lemhi,  on  the  Mormon  branch  of  Salmon 
River. 

2  This,  according  to  them  the  highest  navigable  point  of  the  Missouri,  was 
set  down  in  latitude  43'  30'  43",  which  does  not  speak  very  highly  for  their 
scientific  attainments,  being  nearly  one  and  a  half  degrees  too  far  south. 

3  '_'  ne  o'clock  we  dined  at  the  head-spring  of  the  Missou  i  and  Jeffer- 
son rivers,  about  25  miles  from  the  place  where  we  had  left  the  canoes,  and 
from  which  the  course  is  nearly  west.'  Gass'  Journal,  174. 

4  Several  abridgments  of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  journal  have  been  made,  but 
no  one  of  them  is  what  it  should  be.  A  condensation,  thoroughly  and  in- 
telligently done,  is  better  to  the  reader  than  the  original;  for  the  explorers 
put  down  much  that  was  not  only  superfluous  but  confusing,  and  with  the 
additional  light  of  three  quarters  of  a  century  we  know  better  where  they 


A  NATIVE  MAP-MAKER.  31 

Arriving  on  the  20th  at  the  Shoshone  village/  a 
council  was  held  in  which  Cameahwait  enforced 
Clarke's  request  for  horses  and  guides.  An  old  man 
attempted  to  draw  a  map  of  the  country,  but  his 
ability  was  not  equal  to  his  will.  The  river  on  which 
they  then  were  flowed  toward  the  north-west,  so 
Clarke  was  told  in  answer  to  his  most  searching  in- 
quiries, and  was  joined  ten  miles  below  by  a  branch 
from  the  south-west.6  Below  the  junction  the  river 
continued  north-west  one  day's  march,  after  which  it 

were,  and  what  were  their  surroundings  while  on  this  expedition,  than  they 
themselves  knew.  Neither  McVickar  s  abridgment  nor  Bulfinch's  is  a  sum- 
mary, or  anything  mere  than  a  collection  of  clippings.  Each  has  an  inti 
tion,  which,  however,  throws  little  light  on  the  history  or  condition  of  affairs 
at  the  time.  The  book  which  Bulfinch  calls  Oregon  and  Eldorado,  Boston, 
1866,  is  only  a  slovenly  arrangement  of  extracts  from  Lewis  and  Clarke's 
journal,  sup]  i  I  fi  >r  the  Oregon  part.    Were  all  such  authors  burned 

with  their  books  tin;  v,  .rid  would  be  the  gainer.  The  wonders  of  the  Yellow- 
stone, and  the  establishing  of  a  national  park,  as  well  as  the  discovery  of 
gold  in  Mont  I  er  explorations  and  consecpient  publication.    A  i 

others  was  •  lolds  of  the  engineer  corps,  who  examined  the  Yel- 

:id  it  less  difficult  to  cross  the  dividing  ridge  between 
the  head-wa  Missouri  and  those  of  the  Columbia,  and  back  again, 

than  to  pass  in  a  direct  route  from  the  source  of  the  Missouri  to  that  of  the 
Yellowstone,  altic  upheaval  live  thousand  feet  in  height,  between 

which  James  Bridger  affirmed  a  bird  could  not  fly  without  carrying  with  it 
a  supply  of  i  ten   years  later,  Cook  and  Folsome  ascended  the 

Yellowstone  to  Yellowstone  Lake,  and  thence  crossed  to  the  Geyser  basin 
of  the  Madison,  and  in  1870  General  Washburn,  Surveyor-General  of  Mon- 
tana, accompanied  by  a  small  escort  of  United  States  cavalry,  under  Lieut. 
G.  C.  Doane,  explored  the  canons  of  the  Yellowstone.  An  account  of  this 
expedition,  by  Langford,  in  the  second  volume  of  Scribner's  Monthly,  and  the 
official  report  of  Doane,  £lst  Congress,  3d  8es  ite  Ex.  Doc.  No.  51, 

threw  new  light  on  the  region.  Next  year  John  W.  Barlow  surveyed  the 
Yellov.  i.  and  after  him  P.  V.  Hay  den.  United  States  Geologist. 

In  that  direction  William  A.  Jones  made  an  excursion  in  1S73,  and  Ludlow 
and  Forsyth  in  1875.     Besides  Hayden's  superb  report,  many  able  and  im- 
portant wo] '.  igion  have  been  issued.     Among  them  may  be  men- 
tioned  Doane's    1  ■  wgh's  From  Ev<rn> 
's  Wonder  Landj    Richardm    's    W  r>  '  r  of 
connaissance  of  Western  Wyomin  '•syth's 
Bept.M     ■                                                                 mce,  1875 ;  and  Great  Divide. 
About  on  a  par  with  Bulfinch's  Orego                      rado  is  a  compilation  by 
G.  W.  Pine,  called  Beyond  the  West,  which  is  made  up,  without  credit,  from 
Mrs.  Victor's  River  of  the  West  and  similar  works.     Among  interesting  and 
valuable  reports  bearing  upon  this   part  of   Lewis  and  Clarke's    route  con- 
■ilic  Railway  Reports,   may  be  mentioned  that  of  John 
Lambert,  in  i.  100-177.     See  also  Pacific  /.'.  U< pt.,  xii.  pt.  i.  234-50. 

5  On  the  night  of  the  19th,  following  Gdss'  Journal,  171--"),  Clarke's  party 
was  36  miles  west  of  Beaver  Head  Fork,  where  the  canoes  were  left.  Four 
miles  further  next  morning  brought  them  to  a  village  of  Indians  on  the  bank 
of  a  branch  of  the  Columbia  River,  about  ten  yards  wide  and  very  rapid. 

6  This  was  the  main  channel  of  Salmon  River,  flowing  from  the  south,  and 
into  which  Mormon  branch  enters  about  twenty  miles  below  Lemhi. 


32  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

turned  westward  and  flowed  through  mountains  im- 
passable. 

There  happened  to  be  at  this  village  a  Shoshone 
of  another  tribe,  who  lived  twenty  days'  inarch  to  the 
south-west.  Clarke  likewise  closely  questioned  him, 
and  was  told  that  the  country  in  that  direction  was  in 
places  rocky  and  without  game,  and  in  other  parts 
desert.7 

The  Indian  recommended  this  route,  provided  the 
travellers  would  wait  until  spring;  but  Clarke  thought 
it  too  much  to  the  south  of  his  course;  and  besides, 
notwithstanding  Lewis  boasted  he  could  live  any- 
where an  Indian  could,  wintering  in  that  region 
without  a  supply  of  provisions  was  almost  certain 
death. 

Clarke  now  inquired  where  the  pierced-nosed 
people,  their  next  neighbors  northward,  crossed  to  the 
Missouri,  and  was  told  that  their  route  was  some  dis- 
tance north  of  there,  and  that  it  traversed  a  rough, 
rocky,  thickly  timbered  country  devoid  of  game. 

Accompanied  by  a  guide,  the  party  set  out,  some 
on  horseback  and  some  on  foot,  at  three  o'clock  that 
afternoon,  and  followed  a  good  path  down  the  Mor- 
mon branch  of  Salmon  River  some  eight  miles,  where 
they  encamped.  Next  morning,  the  21st,  another 
village  five  miles  further  on  was  reached.  Here  was 
a  fish- weir,  composed  of  trees  thrown  across  the  river, 
with  willow  stakes  to  drive  the  fish  into  baskets.8 
Continuing  their  journey,  the  party  encamped  below 
the  fork  after  a  day's  march  of  twenty  miles.  As 
Lewis  had  rambled  hither  a  few  days  previously,  and 
-vas  the   first    white   man   to   behold   these    wTaters, 

7  'He  said  that  his  relations  lived  at  the  distance  of  twenty  days'  march 
from  this  place,  on  a  course  a  little  to  the  west  of  south  and  not  far  from  the 
whites,  with  whom  they  traded  for  horses,  mules,  cloth,  metal,  beads,  and 
the  shells  here  worn  as  ornaments,  and  which  are  those  of  a  species  of  pearl 
oyster.'  Lewis  and  Clarice's  Exped.,  2S6-7.  From  his  country  to  the  Stinking 
Lake,  as  he  called  the  ocean,  was  a  great  distance,  to  reach  which  they  had 
to  cross  to  another  river  than  that  on  which  his  people  lived;  from  all  which 
the  explorers  inferred  that  he  spoke  of  the  Colorado  Liver  and  the  gulf  of 
California. 

8  For  description  of  salmon  fishing,  see  Native  Races,  i.,  passim. 


OX  THE  SAHAPTIX.  33 

Clarke  called  this  Lewis  River.9  Captain  Clarke's 
examination  of  the  country  amply  bore  out  the  asser- 
tion of  the  natives.  So  rough  was  the  way  with  sharp 
fragments  of  rock  that  the  feet  of  men  and  horses 
were  badly  injured.  Owing  to  frequent  rapids  the 
river  was  not  navigable  for  laden  canoes,  and  this 
character  was  maintained  until  it  penetrated  the 
mountains  by  a  narrow  gap,  rushing  between  perpen- 
dicular rocks  impassable  by  land  or  water. 

Fifteen  miles  were  made  on  the  2 2d.  After  five 
miles'  travel  on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  the  track 
proved  beyond  the  power  of  the  horses,  which  were 
left  behind,  while  Captain  Clarke  with  the  guide  and 
three  men  proceeded  down  the  river  twelve  miles  fur- 
ther. Finding  the  route  impracticable,  he  retraced 
his  steps  next  day,  and  with  the  entire  party  returned 
to  the  lower  Indian  village  near  the  forks  of  the  river, 
and  encamped  with  the  Shoshones,  sending  word  of 
the  result  of  his  reconnoissance  to  Lewis  at  the  upper 
village,  who  having  already  received  information  that 
canoe  travel  in  that  region  would  be  impossible,  had 
begun  the  purchase  of  horses.  By  the  30th  twenty- 
nine  animals  were  procured,  on  which  the  baggage 
and  goods  being  packed,  the  expedition  set  out  afresh 
to  explore  a  way  to  the  Columbia. 

By  the  advice  of  their  guide  they  now  took  a  course 
down  the  north  side  of  the  river  until  they  came  to  a 
creek  at  a  distance  of  thirty  miles  from  the  Shoshone 
village,  up  which  they  proceeded  four  miles  and  en- 
camped, the  weather  being  frosty  and  cold.  At  this 
point  the  trail  left  the  creek,  and  led  by  a  north- west- 
erly course  across  a  rough  country  for  a  distance  of 
eighteen  miles  to  another  stream,  which  they  named 
Fish  Creek,  on  which  they  encamped,  ten  miles  from 
its  junction  with  the  Salmon  River,  September  1st. 

Following  up  Fish  Creek  three  and  a  half  miles  on 
the  morning  of  the  2d,  they  reached  the  fork  of  the 

9 They  Mere  now  on  the  Salmon  branch  of  Snake  River,  called  the  Sa- 
haptin. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    3 


34  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

stream,  where  the  trail  led  away  to  the  east.  As 
their  course  was  toward  the  north-west  they  were 
forced  to  attempt  opening  a  trail  up  the  west  branch, 
through  dense  thickets  and  over  slippery  rocks,  where 
three  of  their  animals  were  lost  from  falling  down 
precipices.  After  crossing  and  recrossing  this  creek  a 
number  of  times,  they  continued  five  miles,  encamping 
on  the  east  bank,  and  sending  back  next  morning  for 
the  horses  crippled  by  the  accidents  of  the  day  before ; 
after  which  they  proceeded  eleven  miles  along  the 
creek  to  a  point  where  the  mountains  came  down  so 
abruptly  that  they  were  compelled  to  leave  it,  and 
to  cross  the  steep  and  high  ridge  where  again 
several  of  the  animals  were  injured  by  falling  upon 
the  rocks.  Their  progress  on  the  3d  was  fourteen 
miles,  when  camp  was  made  on  a  small  branch  of  Fish 
Creek. 

On  the  4th,  the  ground  being  covered  with  snow, 
the  explorers  found  themselves  at  the  foot  of  a  high 
ridge,  crossing  which,  at  a  distance  of  six  miles  they 
came  upon  the  head-waters  of  a  stream10  running  in 
the  direction  of  their  course,  which  the}^  followed 
six  miles,  crossing  a  branch  from  the  east  to  its  junc- 
tion with  a  stream  also  from  the  east,11  upon  which 
thejr  found  an  encampment  of  friendly  Ootlashoots. 
With  these  they  remained  a  day  and  a  half,  trading 
for  fresh  horses,  and  making  a  vocabulary  of  the 
language. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  6th  they  continued,  and 
after  a  mile  and  a  half  crossed  the  west  or  Nez 
Perce  branch  of  the  Bitter  Root,  which  they  now 
jierceived  to  be  the  main  river;  they  named  it  Clarke 
River,  Captain  Clarke  being  the  first  white  man  to 
"behold  it.  A  march  of  six  and  a  half  miles  across  the 
valley  and  over  a  pine-covered  mountain  brought  them 
again  to  the  river,  which  they  followed  three  and  a 
half  miles,  crossing  it  several  times  on  account  of  the 

10  Middle  branch  of  Bitter  Root  River. 

11  Horse  branch  of  Bitter  Root  River. 


OX  THE  BITTER  ROOT.  35 

narrowness  of  the  valley,  and  camping  on  the  right 
hank  ten  miles  from  the  Ootlashoot  village. 

On  the  8th  their  course  was  along  the  river,  clue 
north  eleven  miles,  and  a  little  west  of  north  twelve 
miles,  which  brought  them  to  a  large  creek  with  four 
channels,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Scattering 
Creek.  Crossing  this  on  the  9th  and  travelling  till 
noon,  making  only  twelve  miles,  they  halted  on  a 
small  rivulet  to  cook  and  eat  the  game  killed  during 
the  morning,  and  to  take  an  observation.12  About 
four  miles  from  this  halting-place,  after  crossing  the 
Bitter  Root  to  its  left  bank,  they  emerged  from  its 
wooded  bottoms  upon  an  open  plain  threaded  by  a  dis- 
tinct trail,  which  according  to  their  guide  led  to  the 
Missouri,  distant  only  four  days'  journey.  That  night 
they  encamped  on  a  branch  of  the  Bitter  Boot,13 
having  come  fifteen  miles;  and  learning  from  the 
guide  that  their  route  now  left  the  river  and  led 
over  a  rough  country,  they  remained  one  day  in 
camp  preparing  food  for  their  journey.  To  this  place 
and  stream  they  gave  the  name  of  Traveller's  Best. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  11th  they  made  seven 
miles  over  a  good  trad. 

Next  day  the  road  proved  very  difficult,  being 
through  fallen  timber,  and  over  high  hills,  for  eleven 
miles,  to  the  fork  of  the  creek,  where,  ascending  its 
western  branch  to  a  large  bend,  they  once  more  di- 
verged from  it  and  travelled  eight  miles  over  a  ridge 
to  the  creek  again.  ±216699       , 

On  the  13th  a  distance  of  two  miles  brought 
them  to  some  hot  springs.  Here  were  so  many 
trails  made  by  Indians,  and  elk,  and  deer,  that  the 
guide  became  confused,  and  led  them  several  miles 
astray.  On  regaining  the  right  track,  after  twelve 
rough  miles,  they  emerged  from  the  mountains  in 
which  rise  the  waters  of^Loulou  branch,  striking  the 

12  This  observation,  giving  the  latitude  46°  41'  3S"  9"",  agrees  very  closely 
with  that  given  on  the  latest  maps. 

13  Loulou  branch  of  the  Bitter  Root  River. 


36  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

head-waters  of  a  stream  flowing  in  the  opposite  direc- 
tion among  some  small  open  levels,  or  glades,  whence 
they  named  the  stream  Glade  Creek. 

The  travellers  were  now  among  high  mountains, 
where  at  that  season  snow  falls.  On  the  14th,  in  a 
storm  of  rain  and  hail,  they  proceeded  down  the  right 
bank  of  Glade  Creek,  and  crossing  a  high  mountain 
came,  in  a  distance  of  seven  miles,  to  another  stream 
equal  in  size  which  joined  it  from  the  right.  At  this 
point  they  crossed  to  the  left  bank  of  the  main  stream, 
and  passing  another  high  mountain  for  nine  miles 
came  to  a  larger  stream,  which  seemed  to  flow  from 
the  snowy  mountains  to  the  south-east  and  south. 
Two  miles  farther  down  they  encountered  another 
branch  on  the  right  side,  at  the  mouth  of  which  they 
encamped  on  a  small  island.  The  fatigue  of  this  day's 
march  was  emphasized  by  the  want  of  meat,  and  to 
stay  their  stomachs  a  colt  was  slaughtered,  a  direct 
consequence  of  which  was  the  evolution  of  the  eupho- 
nious name  of  Coltkilled,  to  designate  the  stream  re- 
cently  passed. 

Finding  the  river  they  were  following  to  be  at  this 
point  eighty  yards  wide,  with  a  rapid  current,  the  ex- 
plorers inquired  its  name  of  the  Indian  who  accom- 
panied them,  receiving  in  answer  the  words  koos  koos 
kie,u  which  they  accordingly  adopted  as  its  name, 
calling  it  the  Kooskooskie  River.15  The  difficulty  of 
proceeding  was  now  very  great,  accidents,  hunger, 
and  sickness  being  common;  the  first  from  the  rough- 
ness of  the  country,  the  second  and  last  from  scarce 
and  inferior  food.  Twelve  miles  were  made  this  day, 
when  the  party  encamped  near  an  old  snow-bank  on 
a  mountain-top.  Pushing  on  next  day  in  a  snow- 
i  torm  which  obliterated  the  trail,  they  made  thirteen 
miles,  reaching  a  stream  from  the  north  where  they 
once  more  indulged  in  a  supper  of  horse-flesh. 

14  The  Indians  have  no  arbitrary  names  for  rivers  in  this  country;  not  even 
for  the  Columbia.  The  expression  koo*  koos  kle  was  used  to  explain  that  this 
was  not  the  river  they  sought,  but  only  a  branch  of  one  larger  than  itself. 

10  Clearwater  River. 


ON  THE  CLEARWATER.  37 

On  the  17th,  after  a  day's  journey  of  ten  miles, 
Clarke  resolved  to  precede  the  main  body  with  six 
hunters  and  look  for  a  more  level  country,  while 
at  the  same  time  seeking  game.  Making  an  early 
start  and  travelling  some  twenty  miles  with  the 
utmost  rapidity,  he  was  repaid  by  the  discovery  of  a 
great  plain  stretching  toward  the  west  and  south-west, 
beyond  wdiich  was  a  high  mountain.  His  hunters  do 
not  appear  to  have  met  with  success,  for  though  the 
march  was  continued  twelve  and  a  half  miles  farther, 
the  stream  by  which  they  encamped  was  baptized 
Hungry  Creek,  the  appellation  obviously  originating 
from  an  empty  stomach. 

Resuming  his  march  early  on  the  19th,  he  came 
upon  a  small  plain  where  a  horse  was  grazing.  This 
was  quickly  killed  and  served  for  breakfast,  what  re- 
mained after  the  meal  being  hung  in  a  tree  for  the 
benefit  of  the  party  following.  Clarke's  course  this 
day  led  him  nearly  out  of  the  mountain  country,  the 
temperature  becoming  sensibly  warmer,  and  on  the 
following  day,  the  20th,  he  emerged  upon  a  level 
country,  dotted  with  scattered  pines,  and  reache!  a 
village  of  the  Chopunnish,  or  Nez  Perces.  By  these 
he  was  kindly  received  and  furnished  with  ample  pre- 
visions, some  of  which  were  sent  to  meet  the  party 
of  Lewis  who  arrived  on  the  2 2d. 

Clarke  meanwdiile  had  not  been  idle.  Gaining  the 
friendship  of  a  chief,  he  collected  information  touch- 
ing the  Clearwater .  River,  which  was  fifteen  miles 
from  this  village.  He  learned  that  it  forked  a  short 
distance  below  a  second  village,  and  united  with  a 
larger  river  yet  lower,  after  which  it  continued  its 
course  to  the  sea,  obstructed  only  by  one  great  fall. 
The  information  he  gained,  though  not  wholly  correct, 
was  still  valuable,  as  showing  that  the  object  of  the 
expedition  was  attainable,  and  that  within  a  reasonable 
time. 

Here  the  change  of  diet,  acting  upon  frames  ex- 


38  EXPEDITION"  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

hausted  by  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  produced 
a  sickness  which  nearly  disabled  the  whole  party; 
both  leaders  and  men  being  so  reduced  in  strength 
that  on  reaching  the  river  it  was  deemed  advisable 
once  more  to  betake  themselves  to  canoes.  A  camp 
for  canoe -building  was  therefore  established  at  the 
confluence  of  the  north  branch  with  the  Clearwater. 
At  this  place  large  numbers  of  the  Nez  Perces 
gathered,  proving  with  the  exception  of  some  petty 
thieving  amicable  enough.  To  the  chiefs  were  given 
the  medals  provided  for  the  occasion,  and  to  the  women 
suitable  trinkets,  while  other  articles  were  bartered 
for  dried  roots,  fish,  and  berries.  By  the  7th  of  Oc- 
tober, five  canoes  being  finished,  the  explorers  were 
ready  to  proceed  upon  the  last  stage  of  their  journey. 
Having  branded  their  horses  they  left  them  in  the 
care  of  two  brothers  and  a  son  of  a  chief,16  who  with 
another  chief  was  to  accompany  Lewis  and  Clarke 
down  the  river.  The  saddles  and  some  ammunition 
were  cached. 

On  the  first  day  one  canoe  sprung  a  leak  by  striking 
on  a  rock,  and  on  the  second  one  was  sunk  from  the 
same  cause,  the  occupants  escaping  only  by  the  assist- 
ance of  those  in  the  other  canoes  and  a  friendly  Indian. 
A  creek17  which  was  passed  on  the  right  was  called 
Colter  Creek,  from  one  of  the  men.  Frightened  by 
these  accidents  or  from  some  unknown  cause,  their 
faithful  Shoshone  guide  deserted  them  #  before  they 
embarked  next  morning  without  claiming  payment 
for  his  services. 1S  Many  natives  were  seen  along  the 
river  and  at  the  encampments,  all  appearing  friendly. 
On  the  10th,  having  travelled  sixty  miles  from  the 
forks  of  the  Clearwater,  the  explorers  encamped  just 

16  The  good  faith  of  the  Nez  Perces  in  taking  care  of  the  horses  belonging 
to  Lewis  and  Clarke  has  ever  since  been  a  matter  of  reference  and  pride  among 

people,  and  Lawyer,  their  present  chief,  is  fond  of  boasting  that  his 
father  was  one  of  those  to  whom  they  were  intrusted. 

17  Potash  Creek. 

18  When  they  proposed  sending  some  one  after  the  Shoshone  with  his  pay, 
the  Nez  Perce  chiefs  very  frankly  informed  them  that  it  would  be  of  no  use, 
as  the  goods  would  all  be  stolen  from  him  before  he  got  out  of  their  country. 


THE  GREAT  FORK.  39 

below  its  junction  with  the  Lewis  or  Snake  River, 
which  they  called  the  Kimmooenim,  where  they  met 
a  number  of  natives  from  whom  they  purchased  some 
dogs  for  food.19  Continuing  down  Snake  River,  the 
contrast  was  noted  between  its  yellowish-green  waters 
and  the  purity  of  the  Clearwater.  It  had  frequent 
rapids,  and  was  bounded  by  high  cliffs,  with  here  and 
there  a  narrow  strip  of  bottom-land.  On  the  13th 
they  passed  a  small  stream  on  the  left,  which  they 
called  Kimmooenim  Creek,'20  and  about  four  miles 
further  another  stream,  naming  it  from  one  of  their 
men,  Drewyer  River,  at  the  mouth  of  which  were 
some  bad  rapids.  Indeed,  the  navigation  of  this  river 
proved  exceedingly  hazardous,  especially  with  inferior 
canoes.  On  several  occasions  one  or  more  of  them  were 
filled  and  some  baggage  washed  away;  though  to 
guard  against  accident  as  much  as  possible,  one  of  the 
commanders  continually  kept  in  advance  in  the  smallest 
canoe.21 

By  the  lGth  the  explorers  reached  a  difficult  rapid, 
or  "rather  a  fall,"  near  the  confluence  of  the  two  great 
branches  of  the  Columbia.  While  the  men  were  em- 
ployed in  making  the  necessary  portage,  the  leaders 
went  on  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  apprise  the 
natives  of  their  approach,  and  to  convince  them  of 
their  friendly  intent. 

The  aspect  of  the  country  at  this  meeting  of  the 
waters  was  low  and  flat,  vast  treeless  plains  extending 
on  either  hand,  and  most  extensive  in  the  great  tri- 
angle between  the  Lewis  and  Clarke  branches  above 
the  junction.  The  Indians,  who  were  found  in  large 
numbers,  proved  well  disposed  toward  the  travellers, 
and  made  no  difficulty  about  permitting  their  passage 
through  their  territory.     The  scarcity  of  food  had 

19  The  Nez  Perces  are  not  dog-eaters,  and  ridiculed  the  strangers  for  so  do- 
ing.   For  their  habits  in  this  respect,  see  Native  Races,  i.  317. 

'20  Tu cannon  River. 

21  The  needless  caution  and  want  of  skill  displayed  by  Lewis  and  Clarke's 
men  contrasts  most  unfavorably  with  the  boldness  and  dexterity  of  the  French- 
Canadian  voyageurs,  or  with  that  of  the  Indians  of  the  lower  Columbia,  whose 
address  was  both  admired  and  envied  by  the  United  States  soldiers. 


40  EXPEDITION  DOWN"  THE  COLUMBIA. 

been  such  that  the  explorers  were  driven  to  open  a 
number  of  caches  along  Snake  River  belonging  to 
the  natives,  who  at  this  season  were  absent  hunting. 
Arrived  at  this  camp,  however,  a  market  was  soon 
established  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  clogs  secured, 
which  with  the  hares  and  sage-hens  brought  in  by 
the  hunters,  once  more  replenished  their  shrunken 
larder. 

Soon  the  advent  of  visitors  was  announced,  and  the 
chiefs  of  the  Sokulks  and  Chimnapums22  made  their 
appearance  in  camp.  They  were  received  with  cere- 
monious friendship,  and  having  smoked  the  calumet 
were  decorated  with  medals  and  ribbons  like  any  well 
curled  carpet-knight  or  political  partisan  in  these  clays 
of  boudoir  chivalry  and  backstairs  intrigue.  These 
Indians,  though  inferior  to  the  Nez  Perces,  resembled 
them  in  appearance. 

The  expedition  remained  in  camp  until  the  18th. 
A  measurement  was  made  of  the  rivers  at  their  con- 
fluence, when  the  Snake  was  found  to  be  five  hundred 
and  seventy  yards  wide,  and  the  Columbia  nine  hun- 
dred and  sixty;  the  latter  a  short  distance  below 
widened  to  from  one  to  three  miles.  An  observation 
being  taken  at  this  place,  the  latitude  was  found  to 
be  46°  15'  13"  9"".  Captain  Clarke  on  the  17th 
ascended  the  north  branch  to  an  island  whence  the 
mouth  of  a  river  called  the  Tapteal23  could  be  seen, 
visiting  en  route  many  lodges,  and  returning  to  camp 
with  a  quantity  of  clucks  and  prairie-fowl. 

On  the  following  morning  they  took  leave  of  their 
Nez  Perce  guides  whom  they  no  longer  needed,  and 
set  out  relying  upon  a  chart  of  the  river  obtained  from 
one  of  their  newly  found  friends;  still  accompanied 
however  by  two  Nez  Perce  chiefs.  Sixteen  miles 
down  the  stream  the  mouth  of  the  Walla  Walla  was 
observed,  that  stream  being  logged  as  "a  small  brook;" 
the  stupendous  bluffs  that  border  it  also  came  in  for 

22  Walla  Wallas  and  Yakimas. 

23  The  Yakima  River. 


JOHN  DAY  RIVER.  41 

their  share  of  notice,  as  did  a  conical  snow-capped 
mountain  to  the  south-west. 

The  voyage  down  to  the  John  Day  River,  which 
was  named  the  Lepage  in  honor  of  a  member  of  the 
crew,  occupied  four  days,  the  whole  river  being 
represented  as  full  of  rapids  and  shoals.24  Many 
Indians  appeared  upon  the  banks,  sometimes  exhib- 
iting a  dread  of  the  strangers,  but  oftener  inviting 
them  ashore.  Great  numbers  of  horses  were  seen; 
and  fish  were  abundant,  scaffoldings  for  drying  them 
being  everywhere  visible.  Fish,  indeed,  appeared 
the  staple  article  of  commerce  among  these  tribes, 
who  dried  and  pounded  it,  making  it  into  conven- 
ient packages  for  transportation  below,  where  it  was 
exchanged  for  roots  and  other  commodities.  This  in- 
dustry was  promoted  by  the  explorers,  who  made 
some  purchases  of  fish,  giving  in  exchange  fish-hooks, 
ril  >bons,  and  other  trifles.  European  manufactures  had 
penetrated  even  thus  far;  scarlet  and  blue  blankets, 
and  European  clothing,  were  by  no  means  uncommon 
objects  on  the  banks  of  the  Columbia. 

The  surrounding  country  was  a  repetition  of  the 
broad  rolling  plains  of  the  Snake  River,  covered  at 
this  season  with  grass  converted  into  hay  by  the  sun. 
On  the  19th  Mount  St.  Helen  was  made  out  and 
recognized  from  Vancouver's  description.  On  the 
2 2d  the  canoes  arrived  at  that  place  in  the  river 
where  there  would  be,  according  to  the  Indians,  the 
greatest  difficulty  in  passing. 

After  quitting  their  camp  on  the  John  Day  River, 
they  next  reached  the  mouth  of  a  stream  which 
Lewis  calls  the  Towahnahiooks,  and  Gass  the  Kim- 
mooenim.25    Navigation  from  the  mouth  of  this  river 

24  From  the  frequent  mention  of  shoals  in  the  channel  of  the  Columbia,  it 
would  appear  cither  that  the  season  had  been  a  remarkably  dry  one,  or  that 
it  has  sine  ;;i  volume.  Steamers  constantly  navigate  both  the 
Columbia  and  the  Snake  rivers  where  Lewis  and  Clarke's  canoes  were  hindered 
by  shoals. 

25  Throughout  the  whole  region  from  the  Shoshone  country  to  the  Wil- 
lamette, the  Kimmooenim  seems  ubiquitous.  The  river  to  which  that  name 
is  here  applied  is  that  called  by  the  French  voyageurs  twenty  years  later  La 


42  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

was  for  six  miles  extremely  difficult;  below  there  the 
stream  became  impassable,  for  the  great  falls  of  the 
Columbia  now  confronted  the  voyagers,  and  a  halt 
was  called  to  examine  them.  Consulting  with  the 
natives  who  as  usual  flocked  about  them,  and  to 
whom  they  made  trifling  presents,  they  learned  that 
the  first  rapid  was  three  quarters  of  a  mile  long,  and 
that  the  best  portage  was  on  the  opposite  bank.  The 
canoes  were  accordingly  run  across  to  the  north  bank 
and  unloaded.  The  portage  of  the  baggage  occupied 
the  remainder  of  the  clay,  the  camp  being  pitched  at 
the  lower  end  of  the  rapid  and  a  guard  mounted  over 
the  goods,  for  it  was  observed  that  the  savages  who 
assisted  in  carrying  them  repaid  themselves  for  their 
labor  as  they  went  along. 

The  task  of  bringing  down  the  canoes  was  begun 
on  the  23d,  under  the  superintendence  of  Clarke.  In 
pursuance  of  aboriginal  advice,  to  avoid  a  sheer  de- 
scent of  twenty  feet  the  boats  were  hauled  over  a 
point  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  for  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  to  another  fall,  eight  feet  in  height,  down  which 
they  were  lowered  by  means  of  elk -skin  ropes.  At 
the  foot  of  this  fall,  the  day  being  far  advanced,  the 
party  encamped. 

Here  an  attack  was  apprehended,  and  the  Nez 
Perces  showed  the  greatest  alarm,  requesting  permis- 
sion to  return  home,  but  were  eventually  persuaded 
to  remain  on  the  assurance  that  no  harm  should  befall 
them.  Weapons  were  put  in  order,  and  a  hundred 
rounds  of  ammunition  served  out.  However,  their 
valor  was  not  called  in  question  by  any  more  serious 
assault  than  that  of  myriads  of  fleas,  a  pest  not  to  be 
escaped  during  their  wanderings  along  the  Columbia. 

Riviere  des  Chutes,  and  now  known  as  Des  Chutes.  Gass,  in  his  journal, 
says:  '  This  is  the  same  river  whose  head-waters  we  saw  at  the  Snake  nation,' 
and  Lewis  also  says  that  this  is  a  large  river,  '  the  first  village  of  the  Snake 
Indians  on  that  river  being  twelve  days'  journey  on  a  course  about  south-east 
from  this  place;'  from  which  it  would  seem  that  he  entertained  the  same 
idea.  The  truth  probably  is  that  they  were  misled  by  the  similar  words  used 
to  convey  the  idea  of  a  swift  river,  and  also  by  the  frequent  mention  made  by 
the  Indians  on  the  Columbia  of  their  immemorial  enemies,  the  Shoshones. 


THE  DALLES.  43 

Having  gained  an  acquisition  in  the  shape  of  an  Indian 
canoe  in  exchange  for  the  smallest  of  those  brought  from 
the  Clearwater,  the  voyage  was  resumed  on  the  24th. 

The  current  ran  swiftly  for  three  miles,  when  the 
channel  turned  to  the  left,  around  "a  high  black  rock, 
which,  rising  perpendicularly  from  the  right  shore," 
seems  to  run  entirely  across  the  river  and  so  block  the 
passage.  They  could  not  see  where  the  water  escaped, 
though  a  great  roaring  was  heard.'26  Landing  near 
some  Indian  huts,  they  went  forward  to  reconnoitre. 
The  channel  beyond  was  only  forty-five  yards  wide; 
but  indications  on  the  rocks  showed  that  when  the 
Columbia  was  swollen  by  the  spring  flood  from  the 
mountains,  the  waters  confined  within  these  rocky 
barriers  rose  to  a  great  height.27  Even  at  that  low 
stao^e  the  channel  was  a  mass  of  seething,  tossing;, 
broken  water. 

However,  the  labor  of  carrying  the  canoes  was  so 
great  that  finding  there  was  no  danger  from  sunken 
rocks  it  was  determined  to  risk  the  passage,  which 
to  the  surprise  of  the  natives  was  safely  accomplished, 
the  distance  being  half  a  mile.  Only  a  mile  and  half 
of  comparatively  smooth  water  intervened  before  an- 
other bad  rapid  confronted  them,  caused  by  two  rocky 
islands  in  the  middle  of  the  channel.  Here  the  valu- 
able baffffa£e  was  disembarked,  with  the  men  who 
could  not  swim,  when  the  canoes  were  brought  through 
in  safety,  two  only  shipping  water.  Six  miles  was  the 
distance  overcome  this  day,  and  the  camp  was  located 
near  a  native  village.23 

26 All  that  the  chiefs  of  this  expedition  say  concerning  their  voyage  down 
the  Columbia  goes  to  show  that  the  river  must  have  been  lower  in  1805  than 
it  usually  is  now,  or  than  it  was  in  ordinary  seasons  twenty-five  years  later 
than  Lewis  and  Clarke  descended  it.  The  bateaux  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany used  to  run  the  narrows,  and  the  rapids  between,  but  only  after  exam- 
ining the  stage  of  the  water.  And  as  for  the  river,  Sir  George  Simpson  says, 
in  his  Journey  Round  the  World,  '  We  reached  Les  Chutes,  where  we  made  a 
portage,  after  having  run  nearly  four  hundred  miles  without  even  lightening 
our  craft. '  In  seasons  of  high  water,  steamers  are  sometimes  run  completely 
over  all  the  dangerous  places,  to  Celilo,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Des  Chutes 

-7  At  the  narrowest  part  of  the  passage  the  water  in  some  seasons  reaches 
one  hundred  feet. 

28  A  small  village  of  these  same  Indians  still  marks  this  spot,  though  a 
railroad  passes  within  a  few  yards  of  it. 


44  EXPEDITION  DOWX  THE  COLUMBIA. 

Lewis  and  Clarke  improved  the  occasion  presented 
by  the  visits  of  these  natives  to  convince  them  of  the 
evils  of  warfare  and  the  blessings  of  peace,  and  urging 
them  to  make  friends  with  the  Nez  Perces  chiefs. 
This  after  some  hesitation  they  consented  to  do,  and 
amicable  relations  were  established,  which  have  con- 
tinued to  the  present  time.  These  Indians  were  called 
by  the  explorers  Echeloots.29 

This  village  possessed  ten  thousand  pounds  of  dried 
fish,  some  of  which  was  purchased  by  the  exploring 
party.  To  the  chief  was  presented  a  medal  denoting 
his  rank. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  the  Nez  Perce  chiefs 
took  leave  of  Lewis  and  his  followers,  who  now  pre- 
pared to  pass  those  long  narrows  termed  subsequently 
by  the  Canadian  voyageurs  the  Dalles.30 

29  Different  writers  and  travellers  have  used  different  names  for  the  same 
people,  which  are  given  with  their  manners  and  customs  in  Native  Races,  i. 
319-20.     To  modern  writers  these  Indians  are  known  as  Wascos. 

30The  word  d  </,  or  dcdl,  or  (Idle,  in  the  signification  of  trough  or  gutter, 
is  somewhat  obsolete,  and  is  not  found  in  many  modern  dictionaries.  Yet  it 
i  not  in  this  connection  wholly  Canadian  or  patois.  The  present  popular 
meaning  of  dalle  is  a  stone  pavement,  s.uch  as  is  frequently  found  in  cathedrals. 
But  it  was  likewise  early  applied  to  slices  of  fish,  instead  of  the  more  suitable 
word  darne.  It  was  anciently  employed  as  a  technical  marine  term  fur  tin- 
outward  wooden  covering  of  a  metal  pipe;  and  again  as  water-conductors 
round  roofs.  In  the  Arabic  we  find  dalla,  a  conductor  of  water;  in  the 
<  lerman  d  la,  gutter;  in  the  Spanish  dalla,  tubo  de  cobre  por  el  cual  pasa  el 
aziicar  desde  la  caldera  de  refinar  a  la  de  cocer;  and  in  the  French  dalle,  tin 
pipes,  troughs,  water-ways,  or  canals.  The  first  voyageurs  on  their  way 
down  the  great  river  of  the  west,  found  many  little  dalles,  but  this  was  as 
they  said,  Le  Grand  dall  de  la  Columbia.  McKay  in  the  Dalles  Mountain*  <  t, 
%8th  May,  1S69.  What  a  happy  way  a  certain  class  of  writers,  tourists 
particularly,  have  of  disposing  of  knotty  questions !  It  is  so  easy  to  dash  off 
an  origin,  a  legend,  or  the  signification  of  the  names  of  places  as  one  whirls 
by  them  on  the  train  ;  fur  instance,  like  the  meaning  of  the  word  Dalles  given 
by  John  Codman,  one  of  the  many  wise  men  of  the  east,  who  in  his  Round 
Trip,  152,  coolly  tells  us  that  'dalles  is  an  Indian  word,  signifying  a  deep, 
narrow,  racing,  roaring,  boiling,  swirling,  seething,  leaping  rush  of  waters.' 
The  rude  unlettered  west  must'be  glad  to  know  its  meaning,  and  to  know  it 
means  so  much;  for  it  is  seldom  we  find  Indian  words,  even  in  French 
dictionaries,  with  so  broad  a  significance.  We  are  grateful,  likewise,  to  the 
learned  John  Codman  for  not  leaving  us  in  darkness  as  to  the  reason  of  em- 
pi  lying  this  foreign  word  in  pixjference  to  an  English  one,  which  was  because 
'it  'must  be  a  more  expressive  word  than  is  afforded  by  our  language,  and  it 
is  wisely  retained.'  The  natives  called  the  place  Winquatt,  and  the  island 
below  the  rapids  Kapooks.  The  Wascos— signifying  literally  horn-basin — 
the  aboriginal  owners  of  this  country,  and  at  their  chief  village  of  Win- 
quatt periodically  assembled  for  purposes  of  fishing  and  traffic  with  the  tribes 
contiguous.    On  the  north  bank  below  the  falls  stood  the  village  of  Wishkam. 


DIVERS  RIVERS.  45 

After  examination,  the  men  who  could  not  swim  were 
sent  by  land  with  the  goods  a  distance  of  from  three  to 
four  miles,  when  the  canoes  came  through  very  well, 
only  two  as  before  taking  in  any  water.  Five  miles 
below  the  river  became  smooth,  and  widened  to  half 
a  mile.  Camp  was  established  under  a  point  of  rock 
near  the  mouth  of  a  small  creek,31  where  the  explorers 
remained  until  the  28th,  drying  the  wet  baggage,  pur- 
chasing fish,  roots,  and  dogs,  cultivating  the  good-will 
of  the  natives,  and  taking  observations.  Mount  Hood, 
in  all  its  grandeur  and  beauty,  now  appeared  in  full 
view. 

On  the  28th  they  proceeded,  making  frequent  land- 
ings at  the  villages  and  huts  of  the  natives,  and  pur- 
chasing food  whenever  opportunity  presented  itself. 
European  goods  were  more  common  upon  the  lower 
Columbia  than  among  the  natives  above,  the  trading- 
ships  supplying  British  muskets,  cutlasses,  teakettles, 
blankets,  etc. 

On  the  29th  a  stream  was  passed  which  they  termed 
Cataract  River,32  and  on  the  same  day  an  island  on 
which  was  conferred  the  title  of  Sepulchre  Island33 
from  the  Indian  graves  upon  it.  Thirteen  miles  be- 
low they  discovered  a  river  on  the  left34  coming  down 
from  Mount  Hood,  which  now  appeared  no  more  than 
five  miles  distant,  and  to  which  they  gave  the  name 
of  La  Biche  from  one  of  the  men.  A  mile  beyond 
was  another  stream,33  called  Canoe  River  from  the 
number  of  canoes  lying  there,  the  owners  of  which 
were  engaged  in  fishing.  They  were  now  among  the 
mountains,  whose  foot-hills  rose  gradually  from  their 
camp  at  the  narrows.  Some  of  the  highest  ridges 
were  covered  with  snow;  beautiful  cascades  precipi- 
tated themselves  from  mighty  cliffs;  all  nature  was 
luxuriant  with  verdure;  tall  trees  clothed  the  hills; 

31  Mill  Creek,  which  traverses  the  township  of  Dalles. 
8-  Kliketat  River. 

33  Memelose  Island,  an  ancient  burial-place  of  the  Kliketats,  called  by 
them  Memelose  Illihie,  or  Land  of  Shades. 
3 '  Hood  River. 
3i  White  Salmon  River. 


46  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

all  was  in  charming  and  powerful  contrast  with  the 
country  they  had  recently  passed  over,  and  the  local 
influence  of  the  mountains  manifested  itself  in  the 
weather,  which  became  cool  and  rainy. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  30th  the  expedition  arrived 
at  the  lower  falls  of  the  Columbia,36  and  encamped 
on  an  island  at  the  head  of  the  rapids.  The  river 
here  was  a  mile  wide.  To  a  stream  on  the  right,  and 
two  and  a  half  miles  above  the  rapids,  was  given  the 
name  of  Cruzatte  River,  in  honor  of  one  of  the  crew. 

Clarke  set  out  to  examine  the  river  below  the  island 
and  determine  its  character.  After  going  three  miles 
he  returned  to  camp,  continuing  his  reconnoissance 
next  morning,  when  he  found  the  stream  compressed 
between  rocks  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards  apart,  with 
high  mountains  on  the  left,  and  on  the  right  a  hill 
rising  from  the  water's  edge. 

For  the  first  four  hundred  yards  the  river  rushed 
swiftly  over  sunken  rocks  with  a  fall  of  twenty  feet, 
after  which  its  width  increased  by  about  fifty  yards, 
and  for  a  mile  and  a  half  its  current  became  less  rapid. 
Below  this  again  was  another  bad  place,  the  stream 
dashing  over  and  amidst  large  rocks,  both  above  and 
below  the  surface.  Having  now  discovered  the^  place 
where  the  Indians  made  their  portage,  Lewis  de- 
spatched his  chief  boatman  to  ascertain  whether  the 
canoes  could  make  the  descent,  or  would  have  to  be 
landed  and  dragged  over  by  hand. 

Keeping  along  the  river  bank  he  found,  a  mile  below 
the  portage,  that  the  hills  on  the  right  receded,  leaving 
an  open  level  between  them  and  the  river.  Five  miles 
below  this  spot  was  the  last  rapid.  Passing  some  de- 
serted huts  and  a  burial-place,  he  returned  with  this 
intelligence,  and  found  active  preparations  in  progress 
for  making  the  portage.  This  proved  extremely  la- 
borious on  account  of  the  high  rocks  to  be  climbed, 
and  the  state  of  the  weather,  which  continued  rainy. 
The  baowaofe  and  the  lightest  canoe  had  to  be  carried 

36  Popularly  known  as  the  Cascades. 


THE  CASCADES.  47 

over  the  portage,  a  distance  of  four  miles,  while  the 
other  canoes  were  floated  down  in  side  channels  and 
shoved  over  the  rocks  with  poles,  sustaining  so  much 
injury  in  transit  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  halt 
and  repair  them.  At  the  first  attempt  only  two  boats 
came  through,  the  remainder  being  managed  in  the 
same  way  on  the  following  day,  November  1st.  Next 
day  the  last  rapid  was  overcome  by  a  partial  portage, 
and  the  party  halted  for  breakfast  on  a  small  island, 
called  from  the  abundance  of  that  fruit,  Strawberry 
Island. 

The  explorers  had  now  reached  tide-water.  Reem- 
barking  and  descending  between  grassy  meadows  and 
narrow  lowlands  at  the  base  of  high  mountains  down 
whose  declivities  rushed  frequent  cataracts,  they  soon 
passed  on  their  right  hand  a  perpendicular  rock,  eight 
hundred  feet  in  height,  and  rising  abruptly  out  of 
sandy  flats,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Beacon 
Rock.37  Below  this  the  river  grew  considerably 
wider.  Two  miles  lower  they  passed  another  rock, 8 
rising  from  the  middle  of  the  stream  to  the  height 
of  one  hundred  feet ;  six  miles  beyond  they  encamped 
at  the  foot  of  another  high  rock.39 

Their  departure  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  was  de- 
layed by  a  dense  fog.  By  ten  o'clock,  however,  they 
were  afloat,  passing  low  meadow-lands  and  islands,  and 
were  now  well  out  of  the  mountains.  About  noon  they 
approached  a  stream  on  the  left,  which  being  shallow 
the  men  attempted  to  wade,  but  were  prevented  by 
the  quicksands.  Examining  the  stream  for  a  mile  and 
a  half  above  its  mouth,  it  was  found  to  be  one  hundred 
and  twenty  yards  wide  at  its  narrowest  part,  and  to 
contain  numerous  small  islands.  The  force  of  the 
water  had  shifted  the  quicksands  until  in  the  middle 
of  its  mouth  a  large  island  was  formed,  three  miles 

37  Now  Castle  Rock. 

38  Rooster  Rock. 

39  Gass  mentions  the  existence  of  one  rock  which  he  describes  as  'resembling 
a  tower.' 


43  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

long  and  a  mile  and  a  half  wide,  which  extending  into 
the  Columbia  greatly  reduced  the  width  of  the  latter 
stream.  The  name  of  Quicksand  River40  was  be- 
stowed upon  this  new  discovery,  and  one  flowing  in 
on  the  opposite  side  was  called  Seal  River41  from  the 
great  number  of  seals  in  its  vicinity.  Here  again 
Mount  Hood  came  in  view,  being  recognized  from 
Vancouver's  description. 

The  river  now  flowed  through  low  ground  on  either 
hand,  and  was  dotted  with  numerous  islets,  fringed 
generally  with  willow,  cotton  wood,  and  ash,  and  gen- 
erally containing  pools  of  water  tenanted  by  flocks  of 
water-fowl.  Huts  and  villages  were  frequent,  and 
from  one  of  the  natives  was  gleaned  the  intelligence 
that  three  vessels  had  lately  been  lying  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river.  They  encamped  on  the  high  ground  of 
the  north  bank  opposite  the  upper  mouth  of  the  Wil- 
lamette, which  on  account  of  the  number  of  islands  in 
the  Columbia  escaped  their  notice  at  this  time.42 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  the  canoes  landed  at  a 
village  on  the  left  side  of  the  river,  where  a  fleet  of 
upward  of  fifty  canoes  was  drawn  up  on  shore.  Here 
they  found  the  wapato  root  in  great  abundance,  from 
which  circumstance  they  called  this  the  Wapato  Val- 
ley, and  an  island  seven  miles  below  Wapato  Island.43 
Proceeding  on  their  voyage  they  halted  at  noon  on 
the  north  side  of  the  river  at  a  long  narrow  island 
which  masked  the  embouchure  of  a  small  river.44  From 
a  large  canoe  ornamented  on  stem  and  stern  with 
carvings  it  was   nonsensically  named   Image  Canoe 

40  Now  Sandy  River. 

41  Washongal  River.  . 

42  While  here  they  received  a  visit  from  a  family  having  with  them  a 
woman  said  to  be  of  the  Shoshone  nation,  but  who  was  found  to  be  unable  to 
converse  with  their  interpreter's  wife,  who  had  travelled  with  them  through 
that  country,  of  which  she  was  an  undoubted  native.  From  the^  descriptions 
of  these  natives  the  explorers  make  the  Multnomah  rise  in  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains, a  little  south  of  the  head-waters  of  the  Snake  River,  and  represent  it  as 
flowing  through  the  Cascade  Mountains  about  the  43d  parallel.  This  error  is 
partly  due  to  the  incorrectness  of  the  information,  and  partly,  also,  to  their 
own  misapprehension  of  the  terms  used  by  the  Indians. 

^Sauve  Island.     See  Hist.  Or.,  i.  43,  this  series. 
"Lake  River. 


THE  OCEAN.  49 

Island.45  Camp  was  pitched  this  evening  twenty-nine 
miles  beyond  that  of  the  previous  day,  on  the  low 
ground  between  the  Lewis  and  Cathlapootle  rivers 
and  the  Columbia. 

On  the  5th  the  explorers  set  out  early  in  a  rain- 
storm, and  after  eight  miles  came  to  Deer  Island,  on 
which  was  a  populous  native  village,  and  a  few  miles 
further  to  another  island  near  the  mouth  of  Kalama 
Creek.  Three  miles  below  this  camp  was  pitched,  the 
mountains  continually  appearing  higher  as  they  ap- 
proached the  Coast  Range. 

The  mouth  of  the  Cowlitz  River  was  passed  early 
on  the  6th,  when  they  observed  a  remarkable  knoll 
eighty  feet  in  height,  rising  solitary  from  the  water's 
edge.46  This  night  they  encamped  on  the  margin  of 
the  river  where  the  tide  rose  four  feet,  and  space  for 
sleeping  accommodations  was  restricted.  Indian  re- 
ports encouraged  them  to  expect  that  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  they  would  meet  some  white  traders, 
the  principal  of  whom  was  called  by  the  natives 
Haley. 

Next  morning  they  coasted  along  a  channel  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river,  between  an  island  and  the 
shore,  until  in  the  afternoon  the  fog  lifted,  and  be- 
tween the  two  capes  at  the  river's  mouth  they  beheld 
to  their  great  joy  the  horizon-line  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean. 

The  main  purpose  of  the  expedition  was  now  over. 
Once  more  it  was  permitted  an  intrepid  band  of  ex- 
plorers to  open  a  new  way  through  the  trackless  wil- 
derness, to  open  a  way  of  communication  overland 
between  the  United  States  and  the  commerce  of  the 
Northwest  Coast.  The  vast  Pacific  was  once  more 
the  goal  of  lofty  endurance,  the  guerdon   of  noble 

45  It  was  observed  that  although  the  Indians  along  the  lower  Columbia  were 
very  numerous,  and  possessed  a  native  opulence  of  houses,  clothing,  and  pro- 
visions, they  had  not  horses  like  those  above,  but  travelled  entirely  in  canoes, 
in  the  building  and  management  of  which  they  were  very  expert. 

40  Mount  Coffin. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    i 


50  EXPEDITION  DOWN  THE  COLUMBIA. 

emprise.  That  broad  sea  whose  calm  smile  welcomed 
Balboa,  Magellan,  Cortes,  which  greeted  Mackenzie 
more  coldly,  which  knew  not  knight  in  mail  from 
prosaic  trader,  under  its  leaden  mists  now  wafted  as 
kindly  a  welcome  to  these  simple  captains  and  their 
unromantic  followers,  who,  beckoned  by  no  flimsy 
fable  of  romance,  added  their  quota  to  the  world's 
knowledge  of  the  untrodden  west. 


CHAPTER  III. 

LEWIS  AND  CLARKE'S  EXPEDITION— THE   PACIFIC   AND  THE 
RETURN  JOURNEY. 

1S05-1S06. 

The  Estuary  of  the  Columbia— Storms — Lewis  and  Clarke's  Reconnois- 

SANCES  —  CHINOOKS — CROSSING    THE   RlVER  — WlNTER-QUARTERS — SaLT- 

making — Clarke  Visits  the  Coast — White  Traders — Clatsops — 
A  Whale — The  Neah-Hoxie — Killamook  Head — Spring-time- 
Farewell  to  Fort  Clatsop — Return  up  the  Columbia— The  Willa- 
mette— Wapato  Island— Snowy  Mountains— Buying  Horses— The 
Walla  Walla — The  Touchet — The  Clearwater— Xez  Perces  — 
Horse-stealing — Indian  Diplomacy — Address  to  the  Nez  Perces — 
Hunting  and  Fishing  Camp — The  Expedition  Divides — Lewis' 
Party — Hell  Gate  River — Departure  of  the  Guides — The  Wa  i 
shed — Maria  River — The  Minnetarees— A  Skirmish — The  Mis- 
souri—Clarke's  Party — The  Jefferson  River — The  Yellowstone- 
Horses  Stolen — Pompey's  Pillar — The  Big  Horn— Herds  of  Buf- 
falo— The  Missouri — Expedition  Reunited — Mandan  Country — End 
of  the  Journey— Colter  and  the  Indians— A  Race  for  Life— Re- 
view of  the  Expedition— Honors  and  Rewards— Death  of  Lewis- 
Subsequent  Career  of  Clarke — Conclusion. 

The  appetite  for  discovery  thus  whetted,  the  hard- 
ship of  passing  another  night  among  the  bowlders  of 
the  stony  beach,  this  time  in  a  drenching  rain,  was 
lightly  rated.  Next  morning,  the  8th  of  November 
1805,  saw  all  hands  eager  for  a  closer  acquaintance  with 
old  ocean.  Working  cautiously  along  the  northern 
shore  they  reached  Gray  Bay,  and  found  it  impos- 
sible to  get  further,  their  canoes  being  ill  adapted  to 
battle  with  the  winds  and  waves  in  the  estuary  of 
the  Columbia.  Here  they  were  forced  to  remain  till 
the  10th,  short  of  provisions,  without  fresh- water, 
the  tide  flowing  up  to  their  camp,  and  immense  logs 
being  cast  up  on  the  beach  to  the  imminent  peril  of 
their  canoes. 


52  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

An  attempt  was  then  made  to  reach  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  but  after  going  ten  miles  they  were 
forced  to  put  back  two  miles  to  the  mouth  of  a  small 
stream,  and  unload  the  baggage  to  preserve  it  from 
the  high  tide.  Making  a  fresh  start  at  low  water  the 
river  was  still  found  too  high,  and  the  baggage  was 
once  more  landed  and  placed  above  high-water  mark, 
the  men  encamping  on  some  drift-logs. 

Next  day  the  storm  continued,  rocks  rolling  down 
the  hill-sides.  The  hunters  endeavored  to  find  some 
game,  but  the  thickets  proved  impenetrable.  On  the 
day  following  it  was  found  necessary  to  sink  the 
canoes  with  stones  to  save  them  from  being  dashed 
upon  the  rocks.  On  the  13th,  Captain  Clarke  with 
much  difficulty  scaled  the  high  ridge  in  rear  of  the 
camp  to  obtain  a  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  and 
find  if  possible  a  way  out  of  their  present  dilemma. 
Returning  with  no  cheering  intelligence,  upon  con- 
sultation the  commanders  determined  to  send  three 
men  in  the  Indian  canoe  to  learn  at  any  risk  whether 
it  was  possible  to  double  the  point  below  and  find 
some  safer  refuge.  To  the  great  relief  of  all,  the 
men  returned  next  clay,  having  found  at  no  great  dis- 
tance a  fine  sandy  beach  and  a  good  harbor. 

Captain  Lewis  immediately  set  out  to  explore  the 
bay  in  the  direction  of  the  ocean,  and  ascertain  if  any 
white  men  were  to  be  found  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  Accompanied  by  four  picked  men  he  was  car- 
ried round  the  point  in  a  canoe,  and  there  landed  to 
proceed  on  foot.  The  following  day  the  waves  having 
abated  the  whole  party  removed  to  the  sandy  beach, 
where  out  of  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  village  a  tem- 
porary shelter  was  constructed  by  some  of  the  men, 
while"  the  hunters  went  in  search  of  water-fowl. 

Lewis  returned  from  his  reconnoissance  on  the  17th, 
having  been  as  far  as  Cape  Disappointment  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  for  some  distance  up  the 
coast  without  discovering  any  white  people.  Clarke 
set  out  on  the   following  day  with  eleven  men  to 


MORE  XAMIXGS.  53 

examine  the  country,  which  he  did  as  far  as  Baker 
Bay,  on  the  river,  and  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Shoal- 
water  Bay,  naming  the  high  point  that  overlooks  it 
Point  Lewis.  From  the  top  of  Cape  Disappointment 
Clarke  surveyed  the  river  and  its  surroundings,  learn- 
ing much  of  the  geography  of  the  country.  On  re- 
turning he  found  at  the  camp  two  Chinook  chiefs,  of 
whom  the  since  famous  Comcomly  was  one.  Both  had 
been  decorated  with  medals,  Comcomly  having  been 
likewise  presented  with  a  flag. 

The  season  was  now  so  far  advanced  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  immediate  necessity  to  select  winter-quar- 
ters. In  deciding  upon  a  location  the  ruling  consid- 
eration was  that  food  should  be  cheap  and  plentiful. 
They  determined,  therefore,  after  consulting  with  the 
natives,  to  settle  upon  the  south  bank  of  the  river, 
where  there  was  an  abundance  of  elk  whose  flesh  was 
considered  more  nutritious  than  cleer-meat.  Up  the 
river  deer  would  be  plentiful  and  the  weather  better; 
but  they  wished  to  meet  with  some  trading-vessels, 
and  also  to  make  some  salt. 

On  the  25th  then,  not  venturing  to  cross  the  river 
under  the  full  force  of  the  ocean  winds,  they  headed 
their  canoes  up  stream,  and  encamped  that  night 
where  they  had  been  on  the  7th.  Next  day  they  crossed 
the  river,  passing  between  low  marshy  islands  which 
they  called  Seal  Islands,  and  entered  a  channel  be- 
tween the  islands  and  the  southern  bank  of  the  river 
three  miles  below  a  point  called  Samuel.  Turning 
once  more  clown  stream  they  descended  the  river 
five  miles  and  encamped  near  a  native  village.  Getting 
under  way  on  the  27th  they  soon  passed  a  little  river 
flowing  from  the  south-east,1  called  Kekemahke  by 
the  Indians,  and  shortly  afterward  a  remarkable  point,2 
which  they  named  William.  On  rounding  this  pro- 
jection the  water  became  too  rough  for  the  canoes, 
forcing  the  party  to  land  upon  the  narrow  neck  which 

1  John  Day  River. 

2  Tongue  Point. 


54  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

connected  it  with  the  mainland.  There  they  remained 
that  afternoon  and  the  next  day,  exposed  to  a  furious 
storm. 

So  many  of  the  men  were  ill  from  poor  food  and 
exposure,  that  on  the  29th  Lewis  determined  to  take 
the  Indian  canoe,  the  only  one  it  was  thought  pos- 
sible could  live  in  such  a  sea,  and  search  for  wintering 
quarters,  while  the  hunters  looked  for  elk.  He  was 
absent  six  days,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  returned 
with  the  information  that  a  short  distance  below  he 
had  found  a  river  on  which  they  might  establish  their 
winter  camp,  and  where  there  was  plenty  of  game;  in 
proof  of  which  latter  assertion  he  had  left  two  of  his 
men  to  guard  six  elk  and  five  deer  which  they  had 
killed.  This  discovery  was  made  none  too  soon.  It 
was  already  December,  a  month  late  enough  even  in 
more  temperate  regions  to  enter  winter-quarters  with 
the  hope  of  providing  for  a  large  party.  All  were 
impatient  to  proceed,  but  again  a  gale  from  the  south- 
west prevented  them. 

At  length,  on  the  7th  of  December,  the  weather 
improved  sufficiently  for  the  canoes  to  round  a  point 
two  miles  below  the  camp  into  a  deep  inlet  of  the 
Columbia,3  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Meri- 
wether Bay,  in  compliment  to  Captain  Lewis,  who, 
they  doubted  not,  was  the  first  white  man  to  survey 
it.4  The  river  entering  the  head  of  this  inlet  retained 
its  Indian  appellation  of  Killhowamakel,  but  the 
sacred  name  of  Lewis  was  imposed  upon  the  Netul, 
the  small  river  whither  he  was  conducting  them,  and 
where  they  arrived  that  afternoon. 

Everybody  was  now  busy,  clearing  a  site,  for  the 
fort,  hunting,  and  bringing  in  the  game.     Although 

3  Voting  Bay. 

4  Two  sentimental  school-girls  eonlcl  scarcely  have  applied  more  silly  names 
than  did  these  two  captains.  They  endeavored  to  perpetuate  the  names  of 
themselves  and  all  their  men,  giving  some  a  river,  point,  and  hay  apiece;  and 
after  exhausting  their  surnames,  they  took  up  the  Christian  names.  Nor  are 
they  more  happy  in  applying  names  suggested  hy  some  accident  or  incident: 
for  example,  Coltkilled,  Hungry,  and  the  like.  If  the  names  of  Lewis  and 
Clarke  are  not  forever  perpetuated  on  this  western  coast  it  has  heen  through 
no  fault  of  theirs. 


FORT  CLATSOP.  53 

for  the  most  part  the  men  were  cheerful,  their  hard- 
ships were  many  and  great,  and  only  the  mildness  of 
the  climate  saved  them  from  severe  suffering.  It 
rained  almost  incessantly.  Though  elk  were  plenti- 
ful, hunting  them  among  the  woods  and  bogs  of  the 
Clatsop  country  was  no  easy  matter.  When  killed, 
as  there  were  no  horses,  it  was  severe  labor  to  bring 
the  meat  into  camp.  Many  of  the  men,  also,  were 
half  disabled  by  " dysentery,  colds,  and  boils." 

The  spot  selected  for  the  fort  was  about  two  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  bank  of  Lewis  River,  near  its 
entrance  into  the  bay.  By  the  12th  were  ready  for 
occupation  three  cabins  built  of  logs,  the  crevices 
stopped  with  mud,  and  the  whole  roofed  with  cedar 
planks.  On  the  14th  seven  were  so  far  completed  as 
to  be  habitable.  The  whole  was  then  enclosed  with 
stockades;  sentries  were  posted  on  guard,  and  the 
place  was  named  Fort  Clatsop.5 

Clarke  immediately  visited  the  coast,  seven  miles 
distant,  to  inquire  concerning  trading-vessels,  and  to 
establish  friendly  relations  with  the  natives.  He 
found  all  the  vessels  departed,  not  to  return  for  three 
months  or  more.  The  Indians  gave  him  the  names 
of  a  number  of  white  men,  chiefly  traders,6  most  im- 
portant among  whom  was  Haley,  a  fact  taken  advan- 
tage of  by  Clarke  in  naming  the  bay  formed  by  the 
Columbia  at  its  mouth  Haley  Bay.  The  natives  on 
the  south  bank  of  the  river,  about  its  mouth,  were 
called  Clatsops,  of  whom  Clarke  found  a  few  families 

5  In  October  1836,  Mr  Townsend,  the  naturalist,  paid  a  visit  to  Young 
Bay  to  see  the  quarters  occupied  by  the  explorers.  The  logs  were  found  still 
perfect  but  the  roofs  had  disappeared,  probably  carried  off  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  ground  about  the  fort  was  'overgrown  with  thorn  and  wild  currant 
bushes.'  Townsend's  Nar.,  256;  Francherc's  Nar.,  130.  The  spot  is  now 
covered  by  a  grove  of  alders  and  firs.     In  later  times  certain  map-makers 


sop,  or  Fort  C4eorge.     See  also  Hunt's  Mcr.  Mag.,  vi.  314. 

l;  The  traders  were  Haley,  Youens,  Callalamet,  Sivipton,  Moore,  Mackey, 
Washington,  Mesship,  Jackson,  Bolch,  and  Skelley.  Davidson  came  only  to 
hunt  elk.  Tallamon  was  not  a  trader.  All  came  in  three-masted  vessels, 
except  Moore,  whose  ship  had  four  masts.     All  spoke  the  English  language. 


56  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

on  the  beach,  who  received  and  entertained  him  in  the 
most  friendly  manner.  They  spoke  a  few  words  of 
English,  chiefly  names  of  articles  of  trade. 

As  soon  as  it  became  known  that  the  explorers  had 
established  themselves  in  winter-quarters,  they  re- 
ceived frequent  visits,  not  only  from  the  Clatsops,  but 
from  the  Killamooks,  Cathlamets,  and  Wakiakums, 
whose  chiefs  were  presented  with  the  customary 
medals  due  to  their  rank.7  All  these  people  were 
friendly.  If  they  grew  presuming,  or  were  guilty  of 
theft,  they  were  quickly  and  firmly  checked.  The 
Chinooks  were  most  annoying  from  their  thievish  pro- 
pensities, which  at  last  resulted  in  their  exclusion  from 
the  fort.  When  a  Clatsop  or  Cathlamet  approached 
he  stopped  a  little  way  off,  and  shouted,  "No  Chi- 
nook!" 

The  weather  up  to  the  6th  of  January  continued 
so  rainy  that  nothing  was  attempted  in  the  way  of 
exploration,  and  the  only  information  obtained  was 
such  as  the  natives  could  furnish.  The  energies  of 
the  men  were  devoted  to  procuring  provisions,  not 
only  for  the  present  but  for  the  return  of  the  expe- 
dition as  soon  as  spring  should  open.  The  absence 
of  vessels  from  which  supplies  might  be  purchased 
rendered  this  course  imperative.  Salt  for  preserving 
elk-meat  was  manufactured  from  salt-water,  the  salt- 
maker's  camp  being  located  just  above  Killamook 
Head,  on  Clatsop  beach. 

It  was  already  past  the  New  Year  when  an  interval 
of  bright  weather,  and  the  news  that  a  large  whale 
had  been  stranded  on  the   beach  below   Killamook 

7  'One  of  Mr  Berine's  children  found,  a  few  days  since  (Oct.  14,  1S3G), 
a  large  silver  medal  which  had  been  brought  here  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  and 
had  probably  been  presented  to  some  chief,  who  lost  it.  On  one  side  was  a 
head  with  the  name  "Th.  Jefferson,  President  of  the  United  States,  1801.'' 
On  the  other,  two  hands  interlocked,  surmounted  by  a  pipe  and  tomahawk ; 
and  above  the  words  "Peace  and  Friendship."'  Townsend's  Nar.,  256.  In 
Indian  Affairs,  Report  1S54,  "224,  mention  is  made  of  the  medal  found;  and 
Gibbs,  in  U.  S.  Georj.  Surv.,  Powell,  Ethnol.,  i.  23S,  speaks  of  Indian  recollec- 
tions of  Lewis  and  Clarke  as  late  as  1860.  See  further  Matthieu's  /.'<  fugee, 
MS.,  15,  16. 


KILLAMOOK  BAY.  57 

Head,  determined  Clarke  to  visit  that  part  of  the 
coast  with  the  double  purpose  of  learning  something 
about  it,  and  of  securing  some  of  the  blubber  of  the 
whale. 

Taking  with  him  twelve  men  he  proceeded  down 
Lewis  River  to  Young  Bay,  intending  to  go  to  the 
nearest  Clatsop  village,  which  wTas  situated  about  three 
miles  below  that  river  and  four  miles  south-east  of 
Point  Adams — the  Cabo  Frondoso  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  Cap  Rond  of  the  French. 

Finding  it  too  rough  for  the  canoes,  he  put  in 
to  Skippanon  Creek  without  a  guide.  About  three 
miles  up  the  creek  he  came  upon  some  high  ground 
and  an  open  road  where  he  left  the  canoes,  and  fol- 
lowing the  path  across  some  marshes  reached  the 
Neah-Hoxie  near  where  it  makes  a  sudden  bend  to 
the  south,  crossing  it  in  a  canoe  found  under  the  bank. 
Elk  signs  being  seen,  they  hunted  until  night,  camping 
at  the  fork  of  the  Neah-Hoxie. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  the  party  proceeded  up 
the  south  branch,  crossing  it  on  a  fallen  tree,  and  found 
a  sandy  ridge  on  the  other  side  separating  the  stream 
from  the  ocean  by  only  three  quarters  of  a  mile. 
Three  miles  down  the  beach  they  came  to  the  mouth 
of  "a  beautiful  river,  with  a  bold  rapid  current,  eighty- 
five  yards  wide,  and  three  feet  deep  in  its  shallowest 
crossings,"  which  was  named  Clatsop  River.8  Two 
miles  below  this  was  the  camp  of  the  salt-makers,  who 
were  producing  about  four  quarts  a  day. 

Securing  a  young  Indian  guide,  Clarke  and  his  men 
began  the  ascent  of  the  head,  which,  projecting  into 
the  sea  more  than  two  miles,  and  rising  to  a  height  of 
twelve  hundred  feet,  presented  an  almost  insuperable 
barrier  to  travel  up  and  down  the  coast.  At  great  peril 
from  landslides  owing  to  the  steepness  of  the  trail, 

8  This  was  the  mouth  of  the  Neah-Hoxie,  which  well  (k'serves  the  appella- 
tion of  beautiful  river.  It  doubles  upon  itself  so  as  to  be  running  directly 
north  and  south  at  the  same  time,  the  two  portions  being  separated  by  a  nar- 
row ridge,  and  the  whole  length  of  the  stream  being  bordered  by  overhanging 
trees. 


5S  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

and  from  its  narrowness  where  it  led  along  the  edge 
of  the  cliffs,  they  reached  the  top  in  two  hours.  From 
this  eminence  Clarke  beheld  the  dull  opaque  misty 
ocean,  rolling  in  from  the  west  its  all-compelling 
waves,  as  far  as  Cape  Disappointment  on  the  north, 
and  south  as  far  as  the  eye  could  follow  the  outline 
of  the  coast.  After  gazing  upon  the  scene  for  some 
time,  and  remarking  upon  the  grandeur  of  the  forest 
that  crowned  the  mountain,  his  thoughts  reverted  to 
himself;  and  he  gave  to  this  promontory  the  name  of 
Clarke  Point  of  View.  Camp  was  pitched  on  the  top 
of  the  mountain.  On  the  following  day,  after  a  diffi- 
cult descent  on  the  south  side,  they  came  again  to  a 
level  beach,  and  after  a  two  miles'  march  reached  a 
creek  eighty  yards  wide,  just  beyond  which  was  the 
skeleton  of  a  whale  one  hundred  and  five  feet  in  length. 
The  name  of  Escola,  or  Whale,  was  given  to  this  creek. 

Clarke's  principal  object,  the  securing  of  whale- 
blubber,  was  but  in  a  small  measure  attained,  three 
hundred  pounds  being  all  that  the  Indians  could  be 
prevailed  on  to  part  with.  Before  leaving,  next  day, 
he  procured  a  delineation  of  the  coast  to  the  south  as 
far  as  Killamook  Bay,  which  he  understood  to  be  a 
river,9  and  named  for  the  tribe  living  upon  its  banks. 
The  high  point  at  the  south  side  of  Killamook  Bay 
he  called  Cape  Lookout.10 

On  the  9th  the  party  returned  as  far  as  the  camp 
of  the  salt-makers,  and  the  next  day  reached  Fort 
Clatsop.     That  night  they  were  unfortunate  enough 

9  Clarke  says  that  the  Killamooks  passed  up  their  river  to  the  Shocatilcum, 
or  Columbia,  to  trade  for  wapato  roots.  This  is  another  misapprehension  of 
the  Indian  meaning,  very  natural  with  so  limited  a  knowledge  of  their  lan- 
guage, tilcum,  or  more  properly,  tilicum,  being  the  word  denoting  person — ■ 
any  person.  Probably  they  were  telling  him  that  they  went  over  into  the 
Willamette  Valley  to  traffic  with  the  people  there  for  wapatos;  the  shallow 
lake3  in  which  this  root  grows  being  common  in  the  lower  end  of  the  valley. 

10 '  Clarke,  of  Clarke  and  Lewis'  expedition,  when  about  five  miles  south  of 
Tillamook  Head,  spoke  of  "  Killamuck  Bay"  as  twenty  miles  further  south, 
into  which  floAved  the  Nielee  (Nehalem).  He  made  his  distances  too  great; 
reducing  the  twenty  to  thirteen  miles,  the  "Nielee"  would  be  in  the  proper 
position  of  the  Nehalem — whence  the  Indians  make  a  portage,  as  Clarke 
states,  to  the  Multnomah.  Clarke's  description  of  the  bay  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Nehalem  was  obtained  from  the  Indians,  and  was  really  Tillamook  Pay, 
but  located  in  the  wrong  place.'  Davidson's  Coast  Pilot,  141. 


ADVERTISEMENTS.  59 

to  have  their  canoe  carried  away  by  the  tide.  This 
loss  was  subsequently  made  good  by  the  purchase  of 
one  from  the  Clatsops,  and  the  seizure  of  another 
in  reprisal  for  some  articles  stolen  by  that  tribe. 

It  had  been  the  intention  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  to 
remain  at  Fort  Clatsop  until  April,  in  the  hope  of 
meeting  with  some  foreign  traders11  from  whom,  by 
means  of  their  letters  of  credit,  they  might  recruit 
their  stores,  which  were  so  diminished  that  they  might 
all  have  been  tied  in  two  handkerchiefs,  they  said. 

They  were  obliged,  however,  to  depart  on  the  23d 
of  March,  for  the  elk,  their  chief  dependence  for  food, 
having  retreated  to  the  mountains  they  were  in  dan- 
ger of  famine.  Having  plenty  of  ammunition  and 
good  guns,  it  was  thought  best  to  proceed  slowly  up 
the  river,  depending  on  such  game  as  could  be  found 
in  the  woods  along  the  Columbia. 

It  would  not  have  been  consistent  with  their  in- 
structions, or  the  design  of  the  expedition,  to  quit  the 
country  without  in  some  wTay  advertising  to  the  world 
the  fact  that  they  had  been  there,  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States;  therefore,  in  addition  to  the  usual 
leave-taking,  they  issued  to  the  most  prominent  chiefs 
of  the  Clatsops  and  Chinooks  certificates  of  kindness 
and  attention  received  from  them,  which  they  well 
understood  would  be  exhibited  to  as  much  of  the  world 
as  ever  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  In  ad- 
dition to  these  the  following  notice  was  posted  up  in 
the  fort:  "The  object  of  this  last  is,  that  through  the 
medium  of  some  civilized  person,  who  may  see  the 
same,  it  may  be  made  known  to  the  world,  that  the 
party  consisting  of  the  persons  whose  names  are  here- 
unto annexed,  and  who  were  sent  out  by  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  explore  the  interior  of 
the   continent  of  North  America,  did  penetrate  the 

11  'In  1S06,  soon  after  Lewis  and  Clarke  left  their  encampment  on  their  re- 
turn to  the  United  States,  the  ship  Vancouver,  Brown,  master,  entered  the 
river,  having  been  sent  out  by  Thomas  Lyman,  of  Boston,  in  expectation  of 
meeting' them.   Gray's  Hist.  Or.,  15. 


GO  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

same  by  the  way  of  the  Missouri  and  Columbia  rivers, 
to  the  discharge  of  the  latter  into  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  14th  day  of  November 
1805,  and  departed  the  23d  day  of  March  180G,  on 
their  return  to  the  United  States,  by  the  same  route 
by  which  they  had  come  out."  Upon  the  back  of 
this  paper  was  drawn  a  sketch  of  their  route  across 
the  continent.  That  same  year  it  fell  into  the  hands 
of  an  American  captain,12  who  carried  it  to  Canton, 
and  thence  to  the  United  States.  Still  further  to  se- 
cure the  friendly  offices  of  Chief  Comowool,  the  cabins 
and  furniture  of  the  fort  were  presented  to  him. 

At  one  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  23d  the 
expedition  left  Fort  Clatsop  for  the  return  voyage  up 
the  Columbia.  Proceeding  slowly  they  noted  the 
stream  that  comes  in  a  short  distance  below  the  pres- 
ent site  of  Cathlamet,  an  island  opposite  Oak  Point13 
named  Fanny  Island,  the  mouth  and  valley  of  the 
Cowlitz,  the  Cathlapootle  or  Lewis  River,  and  finally 
arrived  on  the  31st  at  the  mouth  of  Seal  River,  where 
they  encamped  to  remain  while  the  hunters  collected 
meat  enough  to  supply  the  party  until  the  fishing  sea- 
son should  begin,  in  May. 

While  in  camp  at  this  place,  opposite  Quicksand 
Piver,  they  observed  that  there  was  a  great  extent 
of  country  between  that  stream  and  the  coast,  which 
indicated  the  existence  of  some  large  river,  by  which 
and  its  tributaries  the  country  should  be  watered. 
Upon  examination  they  were  satisfied  that  Quick- 
sand Piver  was  not  that  important  stream,  and  upon 
explaining  their  doubts  to  the  natives  and  making 
inquiries,  they  first  learned  of  the  river,14  called  by 

13  Captain  Hill,  of  the  brig  Lydia. 

13  The  original  Oak  Point,  settled  in  1810,  was  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river,  near  where  Fanny  Island  must  have  been. 

14  The  Willamette  River.  The  spelling  of  the  name  has  occasioned  nearly 
as  much  controversy  as  the  origin  of  the  word  Oregon.  The  journal  of  Lewis 
and  Clarke  makes  no  mention  of  it,  they  having  seen  only  that  part  of  the 
river  called  Multnomah  by  the  Indians,  that  is,  the  portion  below  the  falls. 
Parker's  Exploring  Tour.,  171 ;  Deady's  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  78.  In Irving's Astoria, 
Wollamut  is  the  spelling  used;  and  in  his  Bonneville's  Adv.,  WaUamut — the 


THE  WILLAMETTE.  Gl 

them  Multnomah,15  a  name  applied  also  to  one  of  the 
villages. 

On  April  2d  Clarke  started  with  a  guide  to  explore 
the  waters  beyond  the  "three  small  islands"  that  con- 
cealed from  view  the  mouth  of  the  unknown  river. 
He  found,  on  penetrating  the  islets  and  rounding  the 
head  of  Wapato  Island,  a  stream  "appearing  to  pos- 
sess water  enough  for  the  largest  ship,"  up  which  he 
continued,  conversing  with  the  people  on  the  shore,  to 
a  place  not  far  from  the  present  site  of  Portland, 
where  he  found  it  five  hundred  yards  in  width,  and 
for  half  the  distance  across  beyond  the  capacity  of 
his  sounding  line  of  five  fathoms. 

From  this  point  he  returned,  having  enjoyed  at  one 
view  the  sight  of  five  snowy  peaks,16  one  of  which  he 
named  after  the  president,  Mount  Jefferson.    He  had 

second  being  probably  a  correction  of  the  first.  In  Francliere's  Narrative 
the  word  is  spelled  with  either  an  i  or  an  a  in  the  first  syllable,  and  a  or  e  in  the 
last.  In  other  French  books  of  an  early  date  we  find  OuaUamat  and  Qua 
Chief  Factor  McLoughlin  always  wrote  Wallamette,  which  appears  to  have  been 
the  established  form  down  to  the  period  of  the  American  immigration.  Forbes 
Barclay,  who  went  to  Oregon  in  1837,  and  in  his  capacity  of  surgeon  and 
physician  was  obliged  to  inquire  into  and  report  upon  all  facts  concerning 
population,  and  the  names  of  tribes  and  places,  said  in  answer  to  an  inquiry 
on  the  subject  that  the  Indians  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river  from  the  Clack- 
amas Rapids  to  the  falls  were  called  Wallamette.  Blanchet  favors  the  spelling 
adopted  by  McLoughlin — Wallamette.  Tolmie,  however,  says  that  its  true 
pronunciation  is  Wal&meb,  or  more  properly  Walamt.  Puget  Sound,  MS.,  7. 
From  the  usual  sound  of  Indian  words  in  Oregon,  this  last  appears  to  be  the 
nearest  approach  to  the  true  orthography;  both  the  i  in  the  first  syllable,  and 
the  termination  ette  being  French  innovations  introduced  by  the  Canadians. 
The  early  American  settlers  adopted  the  Wallamette  spelling,  with  the  Walld- 
ii  t  pronunciation,  the  accent  being  on  the  second  syllable,  and  the  first  a 
having  a  broad  sound.  The  word  has  undergone  several  transitions,  ending 
in  the  now  customary  spelling  of  Willamette,  as  resolved  in  the  legislative 
proceedings  of  1S74,  to  be  the  orthography  for  all  laws  and  records.  Or.  House 
Jour.  1874,  903-4.  This  is  several  removes  from  the  original  Indian  word, 
and  will  ultimately  lead  to  an  entirely  different  pronunciation,  though  the 
early  settlers  still  pronounce  it  as  of  yore —  Wallamet,  thus  sufficiently  angli- 
cizing the  word  without  materially  changing  its  true  sound,  Wah-la-met.  The 
controversialists  on  this  subject  are  numerous.  The  most  prominent  have 
been  Father  Blanchet,  J.  Quinn  Thorton,  Wm.  Strong.  Mrs  Victor,  Jas. 
Strong,  and  Matthew  P.  Deady,  the  latter  having  written  a  pamphlet  entitled 
Wallamet  or  Willamette,  containing  sixty-six  pages,  with  an  exhaustive  com- 
parison of  authorities,  and  which  includes  all  there  is  to  say  concerning  the 
word.  See  also  Blanchet's  Cath.  Church  in  Or.,  81-4;  Hines'  Or.  Hist.,  91; 
Richardson's  Miss.,  398. 

15  Subsequent  travellers  discovered  that  Multnomah  was  a  name  used  to 
distinguish  that  part  of  the  Willamette  below  the  falls,  and  that  it  was  de- 
rived from  a  family  or  tribe  of  that  name  living  along  its  banks. 

1U  Rainier,  St  Helen,  Adams,  Hood,  and  Jefferson. 


62  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

also  heard  of  a  river  forty  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Multnomah,  having  its  source  in  Mount  Jefferson, 
on  which  lived  a  tribe  called  the  Clackamas,  and  in 
returning  he  noticed  an  inlet  of  the  Columbia,17  back 
of  Wapato  Island,  which  he  named  Wapato  Inlet. 
The  island  is  described  as  being  twenty  miles  long,  and 
from  five  to  ten  miles  wide,  the  land  high  and  fertile, 
and  altogether  "the  most  important  spot"  in  the 
country  thereabouts.  He  had  also  learned  that  the 
falls  of  the  Multnomah  were  twenty  miles  beyond  the 
entrance  of  the  Clackamas  River,  or  sixty  miles  from 
the  Columbia,  and  that  two  tribes  of  Indians,  called 
the  Cushooks  and  the  Chaheowahs,  resided  there  for 
the  convenience  of  fishing,  and  of  "trading  across  the 
mountains  and  down  Killamook  River  with  the  nation 
of  Killamooks."  The  falls  were  said  to  be  occasioned 
by  the  passage  of  a  high  range  of  mountains  "beyond 
which  the  country  stretches  into  a  vast  level  plain, 
wholly  destitute  of  timber,"  inhabited  by  a  nation 
called  the  Calapooyas,  who  numbered  forty  villages. 
He  recorded  the  width  of  Wapato  Inlet  three 
hundred  yards,  which  is  not  far  from  its  actual  meas- 
urement, and  further  describes  it  as  extending  ten  or 
twelve  miles  to  the  south,  where  it  receives  the  waters 
of  a. small  creek,  whose  sources  are  not  far  from  those 
of  the  Killamook  River,  and  below  that  to  the  Colum- 
bia of  an  unknown  width.18 

17  It  was  a  grave  error  of  Clarke  to  call  that  portion  of  the  Willamette  that 
flows  along  the  highlands  an  inlet  of  the  Columbia,  when  common  observation 
reveals  the  truth.  The  Willamette  water  is  so  different  in  color  during  the 
June  rise  as  to  make  perceptible  a  line  of  demarcation  for  some  distance  below 
the  lower  end  of  Sauve  Island. 

18  The  number  of  errors  contained  in  any  description  of  the  country  ob- 
tained from  the  Indians  is  not  infrequently  greater  than  the  true  statements. 
In  the  above  two  paragraphs  are  more  errors  than  facts.  The  falls  of  the 
Multnomah  or  Willamette  are  twenty-four  miles  from  the  upper  mouth  of  the 
river,  the  only  one  recognized  by  Clarke  in  his  journal,  and  are  not  occasioned 
by  passing  a  mountain  range ;  the  Clackamas  River  comes  in  just  below  the 
falls,  and  does  not  rise  in  Mount  Jefferson ;  there  is  no  stream  coming  into 
the  lower  Willamette  where  it  runs  behind  Sauve"  Island,  whose  sources  are 
further  back  than  the  Willamette  highlands  bordering  the  river,  or  within 
from  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  five  miles  away ;  the  island  is  nowhere  ten  miles 
wide ;  nor  is  the  Willamette  Valley  above  the  falls  a  vast  level  plain  wholly 
without  timber.  Had  Captain  Clarke  learned  the  true  position  of  the  falls, 
he  would  probably  have  visited  them  and  have  found  dense  masses  of  timber 
for  forty  miles  above  them. 


PURCHASE  OF  HORSES.  63 

On  the  6th  of  April  they  moved  the  camp  a  few 
miles  up  the  river,  to  the  south  side,  to  accommodate 
the  hunters.  There  they  were  detained  by  high 
winds  until  the  9th,  when  they  crossed  the  river  again 
and  proceeded  as  far  as  an  Indian  village  near  Castle 
Rock.  Everywhere  on  the  river  the  Indians  had 
gone  or  were  just  going  to  the  fisheries  on  the  Colum- 
bia and  Willamette. 

Upon  examining  the  rocks  for  water -marks,  and 
comparing  them  with  their  notes  taken  in  November, 
they  found  the  river  twelve  feet  higher  near  the  Cas- 
cades than  when  they  passed  down.  Not  being  able 
to  get  the  canoes  through  the  main  channel  at  the 
lower  rapid,  they  took  them  through  that  which  runs 
to  the  south  of  an  island  which  they  called  Brant 
Island,  and  which  was  narrower  and  less  rough,  cross- 
ing again  to  the  north  bank  above  the  island. 

The  second  passage  of  the  rapids  was  by  no  means 
easier  than  the  first,  and  to  add  to  the  annoyances  of 
hard  labor  and  rainy  weather  which  they  encountered 
in  the  heart  of  the  mountains,  the  Indians  proved  im- 
pertinent; but  by  their  characteristic  prudence  and 
firmness  the  explorers  avoided  serious  trouble. 

In  three  days  only  seven  miles  were  accomplished, 
one  of  the  canoes  being  lost  in  the  passage ;  but  two 
smaller  ones  were  purchased  at  the  head  of  the  rapids, 
and  the  expedition  was  enabled  to  proceed.  On  the 
14th  White  Salmon  River  was  reached,  where  were 
seen  the  first  horses  since  leaving  that  neighborhood 
six  months  earlier,  and  these  had  been  captured  in 
"a  warlike  excursion,* which  was  lately  made  against 
the  Towanahiooks,  a  part  of  the  Snake  nation  living 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  Multnomah,  to  the  south- 
east of  this  place."19 

Wishing  to  save  the  labor  of  taking:  the  canoes 
again  through  the  narrows,  Lewis  and  Clarke,  when 
they  arrived  at   the   Dalles,   began   to   bargain   for 

19  More  misunderstanding  of  Indian  names,  or  an  effort  to  conform  an  In- 
dian story  to  a  preconceived  and  false  opinion. 


64  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

horses,  but  found  the  Indians  more  difficult  to  deal 
with  than  on  their  first  visit.  For  a  week  they  con- 
tinued trading,  the  while  having  their  bargains  re- 
scinded or  their  new  purchases  stolen,  and  losing 
other  property  by  theft.  At  length,  however,  the 
party  was  once  more  prepared  to  start,  with  nine 
pack-horses  and  two  canoes,  the  others  having  been 
broken  up  for  firewood. 

Above  the  rapids  and  falls  of  the  Dalles,  the  river 
was  found  easier  of  navigation  than  in  the  autumn, 
the  water  being  high  enough  to  cover  the  rocks  and 
shoals.  On  the  24th  they  had  purchased  horses  suffi- 
cient to  transport  all  the  baggage,  and  to  enable  them 
to  quit  the  canoes  altogether.  They  were  also  fortu- 
nate enough  to  secure  a  Nez  Perce  guide,  who  with 
the  faithfulness  of  his  people  conducted  them  along 
the  south  side  of  the  Columbia  to  the  Youmalolam 
River,20  and  thence,  still  along  the  Columbia  about 
forty  miles,  to  a  village  of  the  Walla  Wallas.  There 
they  were  met  by  an  old  acquaintance,  to  whom  a 
medal  had  been  presented  the  previous  October,  and 
who  now  insisted  on  entertaining  them  for  three  or 
four  days.  Finding  that  the  party  lacked  riding 
horses,  he  generously  presented  a  fine  white  one  to' 
Clarke,  receiving  in  return  a  sword  and  some  ammu- 
nition. So  cordial  was  the  feeling  manifested  by 
Yellept,  the  Walla  Walla  chief,  that  it  was  with  dif- 
ficulty the  party  could  get  leave  to  depart.  He  was 
at  length  persuaded  to  furnish  them  canoes  for  trans- 
porting their  baggage  over  the  Walla  Walla  River, 
which  being  accomplished  on  the  29th,  they  pitched 
camp  on  the  north  side  about  a  mile  from  the  mouth. 
It  was  a  beautiful  stream  about  fifty  yards  wide, 
with  clear  waters  running  over  a  gravelly  bed.  "Its 
sources,  like  those  of  the  Towahnahiooks,  Lapage, 
Youmalolam,21  and  Wollawollah,  come,  as  the  Indians 
inform  us,  from  the  north  side  of  a  range  of  mountains 

20  Umatilla  River. 

21  Des  Chutes,  John  Day,  and  Umatilla  rivers. 


DIVERS  PJVERS. 


65 


which  we  see  to  the  east  and  south-east,  and  which, 
commencing  to  the  south  of  Mount  Hood,  stretch  in 
a  north-eastern  direction  to  the  neighborhood  of  a 
southern  branch  of  Lewis'  River,  at  some  distance 
from  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Two  principal  branches, 
however,  of  the  Towahnahiooks,  take  their  rise  in 
Mount   Jefferson  and   Mount  Hood,   which   in  fact 


Lewis  and  Clarke's  Map. 

appear  to  separate  the  waters  of  the  Multnomah  and 
the  Columbia.  They  are  now  about  sixty-five  or 
seventy  miles  from  this  place,  and  although  covered 
with  snow,  do  not  seem  high.  To  the  south  of  these 
mountains  the  Indian  prisoner  says  there  is  a  river, 
running  towards  the  north-west,  as  large  as  the 
Columbia  at  this  place,  which  is  nearly  a  mile.     This 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    5 


G8  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

account  may  be  exaggerated,  but  it  serves  to  show 
that  the  Multnomah  must  be  a  very  large  river,  and 
that,  with  the  assistance  of  a  south-eastern  branch 
of  Lewis'  River,  passing  round  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  that  chain  of  mountains  in  which  Mounts 
Hood  and  Jefferson  are  so  conspicuous,  waters  the 
vast  tract  of  country  to  the  south,  till  its  remote 
sources  approach  those  of  the  Missouri  and  Rio  del 
Norde."22 

The  road  followed  by  the  expedition  led  them  to 
the  Touchet,  a  bold  deep  stream,  ten  yards  wide,  with 
narrow  bottoms  covered  with  cottonwood,  birch,  and 
willow  trees,  and  many  shrubs,  and  rose-bushes.  The 
valley  of  this  stream  is  now  known  as  the  most  fertile 
of  the  many  productive  valleys  of  the  north-west. 
Ascending  the  Touchet,  past  its  junction  with  the 
Coppie,  near  where  Waitsburg  is  now  situated,  they 
crossed  a  high  plain  to  the  Kimmooenim  or  Tucannon,23 
and  ascended  a  branch24  of  the  latter  stream  eleven 
miles,  when  they  were  met  by  a  Nez  Perce  chief,  who 
had  come  with  ten  of  his  warriors  to  escort  them  to 
his  village  on  the  Clearwater.  After  camping  sup- 
perless,  having  eaten  the  last  of  their  dried  meat  for 
dinner,  they  next  day  reached  a  small  stream25  which 
was  followed  along  its  course  through  a  ravine  to  its 

22  Lewis  and  Clarke  have  so  represented  the  Multnomah,  or  Willamette,  on 
their  map.  It  comes  from  the  south-east  until  within  about  sixty  miles  of 
the  Columbia,  where  the  falls  are  supposed  to  be,  and  then  turns  directly 
north.  Its  whole  length  was  six  or  seven  hundred  miles.  Mount  Hood  was,  in 
fact,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  distant,  and  Mount  Jefferson  still  farther  off. 
The  mountains  which  they  saw  commencing  to  the  south  of  Mount  Hood,  etc., 
were  the  Blue  Mountains,  in  which  the  rivers  named  above  take  their  rise, 
the  mountains  being  the  water-shed  between  the  Columbia  River  on  the  north 
and  the  Klamath  Basin  on  the  south.  The  Des  Chutes,  the  largest  of  the 
rivers  which  How  from  the  south  and  rim.into  the  Columbia,  is  not  more  than 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  long  from  its  most  southerly  head-waters. 
The  river  referred  to  by  the  Indian  prisoner  was  the  Snake,  with  the  extent 
of  which  the  explorers  were  but  little  acquainted. 

23  The  route  followed  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  from  the  Dalles  to  the  Umatilla 
and  Walla  Walla  is  that  commonly  followed,  but  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Walla  Wxalla  to  their  last  camp  on  the  Touchet  they  needlessly  lengthened 
their  route  by  keeping  on  the  north  bank,  whereas  the  present  road  crosses 
all  the  branches  of  the  Walla  Walla. 

-Tataha  Creek. 
25  Alpowah  River. 


NATIVE  DUPLICITY.  67 

junction  with  the  Snake,  or  Lewis  River,  seven  miles 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Clearwater.26 

Following  a  trail  alongthe  bank  of  the  Snake  forthree 
miles,  they  arrived  at  the  house  of  one  of  the*  chiefs 
who  had  accompanied  them  to  the  falls  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, and  at  that  of  their  old  pilot  down  the  river. 
By  their  advice  the  party  crossed  the  Snake  at  this 
point,  and  encamped,  next  day  reaching  Colter  Creek. 
Among  the  Indians  who  gathered  about  them  here 
were  three  of  a  nation  who  lived  at  the  falls  of  a  large 
river  emptying  itself  into  the  Columbia  on  the  north 
side,  and  who  informed  Lewis  and  Clarke  that  this 
river  had  its  rise  from  a  large  lake  in  the  mountains  at 
no  great  distance  from  the  falls  where  they  lived.  After 
thus  talking  with  these  Indians,  the  name  of  Clarke 
River  was  bestowed  upon  this  great  northern  branch, 
which  on  their  first  view  of  it  had  been  hailed  as  the 
Columbia.27 

On  May  9th  the  expedition  arrived  near  Twisted- 
hair's  village,  the  chief  with  whom  their  horses  had 
been  left  the  previous  autumn,  and  encamped  on  a 
small  creek  on  the  south  side  of  the  Clearwater. 

There  now  occurred  one  of  those  incidents  which 
make  dealing  with  Indians  always  doubtful,  if  not  dan- 
gerous. Notwithstanding  the  friendly  professions  of 
the  Nez  Perces,  when  the  white  men  returned  to 
claim  their  horses  it  was  found  that  Twistedhair  no 
longer  had  them  in  possession.  This  circumstance 
he  explained  by  stating  that  some  of  the  chiefs 
who  had  been  absent  during  the  visit  of  Lewis 
and  Clarke,  had  on  their  return  grown  jealous  and 

26  Lewis  says  in  his  journal,  seven  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Clearwater, 
■which  is  neither  in  accordance  with  his  own  map  nor  the  facts.  In  the  next 
paragraph  he  speaks  of  being  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  which  here  runs 
east  and  west,  a  carelessness  entirely  inexcusable  in  an  explorer. 

27  In  this  connection  Lewis  says  in  his  journal:  'To  this  river,  moreover, 
which  wc  have  hitherto  called  Clarke's  Paver,  which  rises  in  the  south- wes  t 
mountains,  Ave  restored  the  name  of  Towahnahiooks;'  meaning  the  Des 
Chutes;  but  there  is  no  previous  mention  of  their  having  changed  the  name 
before  restoring  it. 


6S  THE  PACIFIC  AXD  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

angry  at  the  particular  favor  shown  to  him,  and  had 
taken  the  horses  away.  Whether  this  was  a  piece 
of  Indian  diplomacy  to  obtain  pay  for  returning  the 
property,  it  was  impossible  to  know;  but  with  that 
remarkable  adroitness  which  characterized  these  ex- 
plorers in  managing  the  natives,  they  suppressed 
entirely  any  expression  of  suspicion,  appearing  to 
take  for  granted  all  that  had  been  told  them,  and  con- 
senting to  visit  these  discontented  chiefs,  only  taking- 
care  to  impress  upon  them  the  confidence  with  which 
they  expected  the  restoration  of  the  horses,  and  their 
willingness  to  pay  the  price  agreed  upon  for  the  care  of 
them.  This  suavity  put  all  the  chiefs  in  good-humor, 
and  the  promise  of  liberal  pay,  two  guns,  and  ammu- 
nition, procured  speedy  action  on  their  part,  with  a 
proffer  of  two  gift-horses  and  other  supplies.  It  turned 
out,  however,  that  many  of  the  horses  returned  had 
been  badly  used  by  the  young  Indians,  and  were  poor, 
with  sore  backs;  and  that  about  half  the  saddles 
cached  had  been  stolen.  But  as  this  could  not  now 
be  helped,  and  as  the  chiefs  seemed  disposed  to 
make  amends  with  presents  of  fat  horses  for  food,  the 
offence  was  overlooked. 

A  number  of  chiefs  being  assembled  on  the  11th, 
it  was  thought  a  favorable  moment  to  explain  to 
them  the  design  of  the  United  States  in  sending 
an  exploring  expedition  into  their  country.  This 
was  done  by  drawing  a  map  of  the  territory  owned 
by  the  government,  its  relation  to  their  territory 
being  pointed  out,  and  the  intention  announced  of 
establishing  trading-posts  among  them  to  supply  such 
articles  as  they  desired.  All  this  was  interpreted 
through  the  medium  of  several  languages;  one  of  the 
men  rendering  it  into  French  for  a  Frenchman;  he 
into  Minnetaree  for  his  Indian  wife ;  she  into  Shoshone 
for  one  of  that  nation,  who  finally  explained  it  to  the 
Nez  Perces  in  their  own  tongue.  All  seemed  pleased 
with  the  prospect  of  having  trading  establishments 
among  them  except  the  women,  some  of  whom  cried 


IX  THE  CLEARWATER  COUNTRY.  C9 

and  wrung  their  hands.  A  feasi  was  then  held,  the 
treaty  of  friendship  ratified,  and  final  presents  were 
exchanged.28 

Horses  and  baggage  were  then  moved  down  the 
creek  four  miles,  to  the  river,  with  the  intention  of 
making  a  crossing  to  the  north  hank,  to  hunt  and  fish 
until  the  snow  was  gone  in  the  mountains.  This 
camp  was  established  on  the  river,  half  a  mile  from 
Collins  Creek,  whence  the  hunters  went  out  in  all 
directions  in  search  of  game. 

In  these  frequent  excursions  some  discoveries  were 
made.  One  party  went  as  far  as  the  east  branch29  of 
Lewis  River,  first  ascending  the  creek  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Clearwater,  where  their  camp  was,  a  dis- 
tance of  twenty  miles,  thence  over  a  high,  rough  coun- 
i  rv  for  thirty  miles  to  the  Tommanamah,  thence  down 
that  river  twenty  miles  to  a  fishery  no  great  distance 
above  its  mouth.  Xhis  river  was  described  as  one 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide,  with  a  succession  of 
rapids  walled  in  by  high  perpendicular  rocks. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  fish  not  yet  appearing  in  the 
Clearwater,  the  camp  was  transferred  to  the  Quamash 
Flats,30  east  of  Chopunnish  River,  the  stream  on 
which  the  first  Nez  Perce  villages  were  found  the 
preceding  October,  and  here  the  hunters  were  once 
more  set  to  work.  On  the  16'th,  so  impatient  were 
the  commanders  to  be  on  the  homeward  march, 
although  the  snow  was  two  or  three  feet  deep  in 
the    hollows    and    vegetation    very    backward,    that 

-■  Parker  gives  an  interesting  anecdote  of  the  Nez  Perces,  which  pi 

refers  to  Lewis  and  Clarke's  expedition.     It  was  told  to  him  of  one  of  the 

oi  a  Nez  Perc6  tribe.    'He  said  the  first  white  man  he  saw  was  when 

young.    Itwassummer.    Hesaid:    "These  are  a  new  people,  they  look 

cold,  their  tares  are  white  and  red;  go  make  a  large  fire,  and  1  will  ask  them 

to  come  and  warm  them."    In  a  short  time  his  people  had  mad.    a  fire  and 

brought  new  buffalo-robes.     The  white    men  came  into  his  Lodge,  and  he 

wrapped  them  in  the  robes,  and  seated  them  by  the  fire  that  they  mighl   be 

warm.     The  robes  slipped  oft' ;  lie  replaced  them.     S<>uii  the  white  men  made 

to  smoke  their  pipe.   The  chief  thought  they  asked  for  food,  and  brought 

them  meat.     The  white  men  gave  him  the  pipe,  and  they  smoked;  and  after 

this  they  loved  smoke,  and  they  loved  the  white  men,  they  said  they  were 

good.1  Jour.  Ex.  '/'■>//,-.,  303. 

29Salmon  River,  called  by  them  Tommanamah. 

3uCainuss  Prairie. 


70  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

they  determined  to  proceed,  and  reached  Hungry 
Creek  that  afternoon.  On  going  forward  over  a  high 
ridge  next  morning,  they  found  the  whole  country 
beyond  so  enveloped  in  deep  snow  as  to  be  wholly 
unrecognizable,  rendering  it  impracticable  to  proceed 
without  guides,  even  if  the  horses  and  men  could  be 
provisioned.  Accordingly,  after  placing  the  important 
part  of  the  baggage  on  scaffoldings,  and  securing  it 
from  the  weather,  they  returned  to  Hungry  Creek. 

On  the  26th,  having  procured  guides,  they  renewed 
their  attempt  to  cross  the  Clearwater  Mountains,  and 
the  snow  having  settled  about  four  feet,  with  a  smooth 
but  not  slippery  surface,  they  found  travelling  much 
easier  than  it  had  been  in  the  autumn,  reaching  Travel- 
ler's Rest  Creek31  in  three  days,  and  the  Bitter  Root 
on  the  day  following.  At  this  point  it  was  determined 
to  divide  the  party  and  take  separate  routes.  Lewis 
with  nine  men  was  to  proceed  by  the  most  direct  way 
to  the  falls  of  the  Missouri;  there  to  leave  three  of 
them  to  prepare  vehicles  for  the  portage  around 
the  falls,  while  he,  with  the  remaining  six,  ascended 
Maria  River,  to  ascertain  if  any  branch  of  it  reached 
north  to  the  50th  parallel.  Clarke  was  to  return  to 
Jefferson  River,  where  the  canoes  and  other  articles 
were  deposited,  and  there  detach  Sergeant  Ordway 
with  nine  men  to  descend  with  them  to  the  falls.  His 
own  party  would  then  be  reduced  to  ten,  with  whom 
he  proposed  to  proceed  to  the  Yellowstone,  at  its 
nearest  approach  to  the  three  branches  of  the  Mis- 
souri, where  he  would  make  canoes  and  proceed  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Yellowstone  to  wait  for  the  rest  of  the 
party. 

On  the  3d  of  July,  Lewis  set  out  with  his  nine  men, 
accompanied  by  five  Indians,  and  crossing  to  the  north 
side  of  Traveller's  Rest,  kept  along  the  west  side  of 
Clarke  River  for  two  and  a  half  miles  to  where  a 
branch32  came  in  on  the  same  side.     At  the  distance 

31  Lonlou  fork  of  the  Bitter  Root. 

32  Missoula  River. 


IW  ROUTE.  71 

of  one  mile  below  this,  a  small  stream  wa 
coming  in  from  the  right,  and  a  mile  beyond  th 
ern  branch/"  a  turbid  stream,  discharged  through  two 
channels.    At  this  point  Clarke  River  was  found  one 


hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide,  running  through  an 

ive  plain,  dotted  with  pine-trees,  and  skirted  with 
hills  covered  withfir,  pine,  and  larch.  The  crossing  of 
the  river  being  two  miles  below,  they  were  sho^ 
it  by  their  Indian  friends,  who  also  conducted  them 
to  camp  on  a  small  creek34  three  miles  up  the  eas 
branch,  where,  alter  pointing  out  the  trail  to  Lewis, 
they  took  final  leave  of  the  white  men,  who  were 
now  without  any  guide.35 

Traversing  the  plains  on  the  north  of  the  Hellgate, 
they  crossed  another  small  creek,30  and  entered  the 
mountains  by  a  deiile  two  miles  in  length,  which  led 
them  to  a  large  prairie.  Soon  they  came  upon  a 
branch  flowing  in  from  the  east,37  described  to  th 
by  the  Indians  as  the  Cokalahishkit,  or  "river  of  the 
road  to  the  buffalo  country,"  up  which  they  turn..! 
among  high, wooded  hills.  Having  crossed  two  streams 
to  which  the  names  Werner  Creek  and  Seaman 
Creek  were  given,  they  struck  the  north  branch  of 
the  Cokalahishkit,  and  entered  the  spurs  from  the 
Blackfoot  and  Dearborn  divide.  Here  the  road  lay 
along  narrow  timber- bottoms,  to  the  south-easl 
which  was  a  plain  covered  with  small  knolls,  which 
received  the  appellation  of  the  Prairie  of  the  Knobs. 
The  most  northerly  fork  of  the  river  was  still  followed 
up  into  the  mountains,  until  it  became  a  small  creek, 
when   Lewis  quitted  it,  and  pursuing  a  course  first 

33  Hellgate  River. 

•    eek,  according  to  Mullan's  map  of  the  military  road. 
:  ..in  Lewis  remarks  that  from  the  circumstance  of  the  Indi 
were  c  distance  to  the  south,  intendingto  return  by  the  same  trail 

they  had  travelled  to  and  from  the  NezPerce"  country,  hi 
no  pass  through  the  roonntains  by  way  of  Clarke  River  so  ni  ar  aor  so  ga 
that  one.    There  certainly  was  none  nearer;  hut  a  te\ 

and  trappers  found  one  much  better,  almost  directly  west  from  the  spot  where 
lie  was  led  to  this  conclusion. 

86  (  )b  'iik. 

37  Dig  Blackfoot  River. 


72  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

north  and  then  east  brought  his  party  to  the  foot  of 
a  mountain,  which  they  crossed  by  a  low  gap  running 
north-east,  finding  it  to  their  great  satisfaction  the 
dividing  ridge  between  the  affluents  of  the  Missouri 
and  the  Columbia.  That  evening,  July  7,  1806,  their 
camp  was  in  one  of  the  lateral  valleys  of  the  great 
water-shed.  Next  day  they  crossed  the  Dearborn, 
and  followed  Elk  fork  to  Medicine  River.  From 
this  point  the  party  pushed  on  rapidly,  through  a 
country  well  stocked  with  game,  to  their  old  station 
on  White  Bear  Island,  at  the  head  of  the  falls.  There 
Lewis  remained  four  clays,  giving  instructions  to  the 
men  who  were  to  make  the  portage  with  the  baggage 
cached  at  the  island,  and  making  sketches  of  the  falls. 
He  then  left  behind  three  of  the  men  who  were  to 
have  accompanied  him  to  Maria  River,  to  assist  those 
at  the  portage,  and  set  out  himself  with  only  three 
companions. 

Travelling  about  clue  north,  he  crossed  the  Tansy 
River,38  and  reaching  a  small  stream,  to  which  was 
given  the  name  of  Buffalo  Creek,  from  the  quantity 
of  those  animals  in  sight,  he  followed  its  course 
in  the  direction  of  Maria  River,  on  which  he  en- 
camped on  the  18th.  Signs  of  Indians,  supposed  to 
be  Minnetarees,  were  observed,  and  a  sharp  lookout 
was  therefore  kept. 

Convinced  from  the  appearance  of  the  country  that 
he  was  now  above  the  point  to  which  he  had  ascended 
in  1805,  Captain  Lewis,  fearing  to  miss  some  branch 
flowing  in  from  the  north,  sent  two  hunters  down 
stream  a  distance  of  six  miles  to  look  for  one.  Hearing 
of  none  he  ascended  the  river,  passing  several  creeks 
from  the  north  and  south,  until  reaching  the  forks, 
when  he  kept  on  up  the  northern  branch  until,  four 
clays  after  first  striking  Maria  River,  he  found  an 
elevation  from  which  the  course  of  the  river  and 
its  affluents  could  be  traced.  Lewis  was  then  able 
to  determine  that  no  branch  of  Maria  River  could 

38  Teton  River. 


ADVENTURES  OF  LEWIS.  73 

possibly  extend  to  the  50th  parallel.  As  it  was 
useless  to  proceed  farther,  he  resolved  to  remain  in 

camp  two  days,  taking  observations  and  resting  the 
horses.  On  the  following  day  one  of  the  men  was 
sent  to  explore  the  river  above,  who  found  that  it 
issued  from  the  mountains  within  a  distance  of  ten 
miles,  and  that  its  head-waters  could  not  be  far  off.  ^ 

Rainy  weather  setting  in,  he  was  disappointed  in 
not  being  able  to  take  the  longitude  <>t'  this  camp, 
which  lie  intended  to  make  a  point  of  observation,  and 
after  remaining  until  the  26th  with  no  change  for  the 
better,  he  set  out  to  return.  At  a  distance  of  twelve 
miles  he  reached  a  branch  of  the  river  coming  in 
from  the  west,  and  keeping  along  its  southern  side  for 
two  miles  further  met  another  from  the  south-west  of 
considerable  size,  which  united  with  the  former,  and 
which  he  determined  to  follow  clown  to  its  junction 
with  the  northern  fork,  and  thence  strike  across  the 
country  obliquely  to  the  Tansy,  which  he  would  follow 
to  its  junction  with  Maria  River,  near  the  Missouri. 

When  he  had  reached  a  point  a  mile  below  the 
junction,  he  ascended  the  hills  that  border  the  main 
river.  No  sooner  had  this  high  ground  been  reached, 
than  he  discovered,  a  mile  away  on  the  left,  a  troop 
of  horses,  thirty  in  number,  half  of  which  were 
saddled.  Their  owners  soon  showed  themselves,  eight 
of  them  mounting  and  approaching  Lewis,  who  had 
with  him  only  two  men,  the  third  having  gone  down 
the  river  to  hunt.  The  usual  cautious  approaches 
being  made  Lewis  received  them  amicably,  and  soon 
discovered  that  they  were  the  dreaded  Minnetarees. 
On  asking  for  their  chief,  three  were  pointed  out,  to 
two  of  whom  presents  were  given,  and  a  medal  to  the 
third,  with  which  they  were  apparently  well  pleased. 
That  night  the  Indians  encamped  with  their  white 
brothers,  Lewis  treating  them  cordially,  telling  them 
he  had  come  a  long  way  to  visit  them,  and  urging 
them  t<>  live  in  peace  with  the  other  tribes,  with 
whom,  as  well  as   themselves,  his  people   wished  to 


74  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JCURNEY. 

trade  as  soon  as  posts  were  established  in  that  country. 
To  all  this  they  assented.  At  a  late  hour,  the  talk 
being  ended,  the  Indians  slept,  and  Lewis  placing  two 
of  his  men  on  guard  at  the  tent-door,  lay  down  with 
the  third. 

Early  in  the  morning  the  Indians  arose  and  crowded 
about  the  fire,  near  which  the  single  person  now  on 
guard  had  carelessly  laid  down  his  rifle,  his  comrade 
sleeping  near.  One  of  the  savages,  ever  on  the  alert, 
snatched  not  only  the  rifle  of  the  guard,  but  that  of 
his  sleeping  companion,  while  another  seized  those 
of  Lewis  and  his  man  Drewyer.  The  latter  being 
awake,  sprang  up  and  recovered  his  gun.  The  other 
men,  their  attention  having  been  attracted  by  the 
struggle,  pursued  the  retreating  Indian,  and  in  the 
light  for  possession  the  savage  was  stabbed  through 
the  heart.  Lewis  being  now  aroused,  drew  a  pistol 
and  chased  the  one  who  had  his  gun,  ordering  him 
to  lay  it  down,  which  he  did,  as  two  of  the  men  had 
now  overtaken  him,  and  were  prepared  to  serve  him 
as  they  had  served  the  other  thief. 

The  Indians  were  now  all  out  of  the  tent  and 
moving  away,  which  they  would  have  been  allowed 
to  do  without  molestation  had  they  not  attempted  to 
drive  with  them  the  horses.  The}7  were  pursued,  and 
pressed  so  closely  that  twelve  of  the  horses  were  cap- 
tured. In  the  chase  an  Indian  was  shot,  who  in  re- 
turning the  Are  came  so  near  hitting  Lewis  that  he 
felt  the  wind  made  tremulous  by  the  passing  ball. 
This  contretemps  caused  the  abandonment  of  any  plans 
for  exploring  Maria  River. 

Taking  a  south-west  course,  the  party  struck  across 
the  plains,  coming  in  eight  miles  upon  a  stream  forty 
yards  wide,  running  toward  the  river  which  they 
crossed,  naming  it  Battle  River.  At  three  o'clock 
sixty- three  miles  had  been  travelled  on  the  fresh 
Indian  horses,  and  after  a  halt  of  an  hour  and  a 
half  seventeen  miles  further,  when  another  halt  of 
two  hours  was  made,  and  another  march  of  twenty 


ON  THE  EASTERN  SLOPE.  7j 

miles,  then  at  two  in  the  morning  a  halt  until  day- 
light. Twenty-five  miles  further  brought  Lewis  to 
the  mouth  of  Maria  River,  having  ridden  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  in  thirty  hours.  The  object  of  this 
haste  was  to  give  warning  to  the  party  at  the  falls, 
who  it  was  feared  might  be  attacked  by  the  Indians. 
On  arriving  at  the  Missouri  they  were  found  to  be 
safe,  and  to  have  been  joined  by  Sergeant  Orel  way 
and  his  nine  men,  who  had  come  down  Jefferson  River 
as  agreed,  with  the  canoes  and  other  articles  cache  I 
there,  and  had  reached  the  falls  of  the  Missouri  on  the 
19th,  two  days  after  the  departure  of  Lewis. 

On  the  29th,  Lewis,  with  the  reunited  party  of 
eighteen  men,  set  out  in  the  canoes  to  descend  the 
Missouri  to  .the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone,  where  he 
was  to  meet  Clarke.  The  current  being  rapid  they 
travelled  fast,  and  all  reached  the  rendezvous  on  the 
7th  of  August,  except  two  hunters,  wdio  were  behind 
in  a  small  canoe. 

Upon  examination  it  was  found  that  Clarke  had 
been  there  some  days  before,  and  had  gone,  leaving 
only  a  few  words  traced  in  the  sand,  telling  them 
that  he  was  a  few  miles  below,  on  the  right  side. 
Leaving  a  note  for  the  two  hunters,  the  party  pro- 
ceeded, making  a  hundred  miles  that  day  without 
overtaking  Clarke.  Several  times  in  the  course  of 
the  next  three  days  they  passed  his  camp,  but  saw 
nothing  of  him.  On  the  11th,  stopping  to  hunt, 
Lewis  was  accidentally  shot  through  the  hips  by  Cru- 
zatte,  who  mistook  him  for  an  elk,  as  he  was  dressed 
in  brown  leather.  Fortunately  neither  bone  nor 
artery  was  touched  by  the  ball,  though  he  suffered 
from  fever  and  soreness.  On  the  12th,  they  met  two 
traders  named  Dickson  and  Hancock,  who  informed 
Lewis  they  had  seen  Clarke  the  day  before.  While 
halting  for  this  interview  the  hunters  overtook  them, 
and  all  proceeding,  came  up  with  Clarke  that  fore- 


76  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN"  JOURNEY. 

On  quitting  Traveller's  Rest,  July  3d,  Clarke  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Bitter  Root  Valley,  by  much  the  same 
route  pursued  in  his  journey  down  it,  to  the  ridge 
separating  the  head-waters  of  that  river  from  those  of 
Wisdom  River,  and  keeping  along  the  west  side  of  the 
latter  stream  for  some  distance  crossed  to  Willard 
Creek,  which  he  descended  to  where  it  enters  the 
mountains,  and  turning  a  little  east  of  south,  sixteen 
miles  brought  the  party  to  the  west  branch09  of  Jef- 
ferson River,  turning  clown  which  they  came  in  nine 
miles  to  the  forks  where  the  canoes  had  been  de- 
posited. 

On  the  10th,*°  Clarke  passed  "the  high  point  of 
land  on  the  left,  to  which  Beaverhead  Valley  owes  its 
name,"  passed  Philanthropy  River  late  in  the  after- 
noon, and  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  Wisdom  River. 
Finding  there  a  canoe  that  had  been  abandoned  on 
the  journey  up  Jefferson  River,  the  men  converted  its 
sides  into  paddles,  of  which  they  were  in  need,  and 
leaving  one  of  the  canoes,  proceeded  past  Panther  and 
Field  creeks  to  an  encampment  not  far  below  that 
of  July  31st  of  the  previous  year. 

By  noon  of  the  13th  the  canoe  party  had  reached 
the  junction  of  the  Jefferson  and  Madison,  where  the 
party  with  horses  had  arrived  the  same  morning.  The 
horses  were  driven  across  the  Madison  and  Gallatin 
rivers,  while  the  canoes  were  unloaded  at  the  mouth 
of  the  latter,  the  merchandise  being  packed  on  the 
animals.  From  this  point,  while  Ordway  proceeded 
with  the  canoes  to  the  falls  of  the  Missouri,  Clarke 
with  ten  men,  besides  his  interpreter's  wife  and  child, 

39  Horse  Plain  Creek. 

40  The  company  was  divided  as  already  agreed  upon,  Sergeant  Ordway  and 
nine  men  to  bring  the  canoes  and  baggage  down  Jefferson  River,  while  Clarke 
proceeded  by  land  to  the  Yellowstone.  Travelling  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Jefferson,  he  passed  through  a  small  plain,  called  Seiwice  Valley,  and  over  the 
Rattlesnake  Mountain  into  a  beautiful  country  called  by  the  Indians  Beaver- 
head Valley,  fifty  miles  long  and  from  ten  to  fifteen  wide.  At  a  distance  of 
fifteen  miles  he  halted  to  dine,  and  seeing  that  the  canoes  could  advance  faster 
than  the  horses,  and  Sergeant  Ordway  being  still  in  his  company,  he  deter- 
mined to  give  the  horses  into  the  charge  of  the  sergeant  and  six  men,  while 
he  embarked  in  a  canoe.  That  night  he  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  opposite  Three  Thousand  Mile  Island. 


DOWN  Till'  MOUNTAINS.  77 

and  fifty  horses,  sot  out  late  in  the  afternoon  in  a 
course  almost  due  east  from  the  forks  of  the  Mis- 
souri, camping  at  a  distance  from  them  of  four  miles, 
on  the  bank  of  the  Gallatin. 

Proceeding  on  the  14th,  their  route  lay  across  sev- 
eral forks  and  channels  of  the  river,  the  -found  along 
which  was  found  upturned  and  broken  by  the  beavers. 
They  encamped  at  the  entrance  to  a  gap  in  the  moun- 
tains through  which  their  road  passed.  Six  miles  on 
the  15th  brought  them  to  the  top  of  the  dividing  ridge 
between  the  waters  of  the  Yellowstone  and  the  Mis- 
souri, and  nine  miles  further  to  the  Yellowstone  itself, 
a  mile  and  a  half  from  where  it  leaves  the  mountains. 
It  was  ascertained  by  this  route  that  the  distance  from 
the  forks  of  the  Missouri  to  the  Yellowstone  was  only 
forty-eight  miles,  over  a  good  road. 

Nine  miles  down  the  latter  river  from  the  place 
where  they  had  reached  it,  a  stream  was  passed  coming 
in  from  the  north-west,  which  they  called  Shields 
River,  after  one  of  the  men.  Crossing  a  high  rocky 
hill,  three  miles  further  brought  them  to  camp  in  the 
low  ground  adjacent  to  a  small  creek.  On  the  16th, 
still  keeping  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Yellowstone, 
which  was  now  quite  wide  and  straight,  with  many 
islands,  they  passed  a  stream  from  the  south,  and  en- 
camped after  twenty-six  miles  at  the  mouth  of  another 
small  stream  on  the  north  side.  From  the  stony 
nature  of  the  country  the  horses'  feet  had  become 
sore,  and  Clarke  desired  to  make  canoes  in  which  to 
finish  the  journey  to  the  Missouri,  but  was  not  able 
to  find  trees  of  sufficient  size. 

On  the  17th,  he  crossed  a  high  ridge,  and  coming 
into  a  meadow  lowland  six  and  a  half  miles  from 
cam]),  where  a  stream  fell  into  the  Yellowstone  from 
each  side,  he  gave  them  the  collective  name  of  Rivers- 
across.  Ten  and  a  half  miles  further  brought  him  to 
another  large  creek,  which  was  named  Otter  River, 
and  nearly  opposite  on  the  south  side  one  which  he 
called   Beaver  River,  the  waters  of   both  of   which 


7S      THE  PACIFIC  AXD  THE  RETURN  JOURXEY. 

were  of  a  milky  color.  Passing  a  portion  of  the 
river  where  the  hills  came  down  very  close  to  the 
water,  he  encamped,  after  a  ride  of  thirty  miles,  on  a 
piece  of  lowland. 

Next  day,  finding  that  the  hills  excluded  him  from 
following  the  river,  which  was,  besides,  very  crooked, 
Clarke  struck  across  the  ridges,  which  were  two  hun- 
dred feet  high,  keeping  the  river  in  sight,  however. 

On  the  19th,  they  passed  a  stream  flowing  in  from 
the  south-east,  which  Clarke  named  the  Rose  River. 
The  party  presently  stopped  on  account  of  an  injury 
received  by  one  of  the  men  to  his  thigh,  which  had 
become  so  painful  that  he  could  not  proceed.  The 
rest  of  the  day  was  spent  in  search  of  timber  large 
enough  to  make  a  canoe,  but  the  search  was  with- 
out success,  and  after  journeying  nine  miles  further 
down  the  river  Clarke  halted  and  sent  back  for  the 
wounded  man. 

Next  day  the  construction  of  two  small  canoes  was 
begun,  which  lashed  together  should  convey  part  of 
the  company  down  the  river,  while  the  rest  led  the 
horses  to  the  Mandan  country.  But  on  the  21st 
twenty-four  of  the  horses  were  missing,  and  on  search 
being  made  it  was  found  that  they  had  been  driven  off 
by  Indians.  The  party  remained  in  camp  two  days 
longer,  until  the  canoes  were  ready;  then  they  sepa- 
rated, Sergeant  Pryor  to  proceed  by  land  with  the 
horses  to  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn  River,  which 
Clarke  believed  to  be  not  far  distant,  and  where  the 
land  party  was  to  be  ferried  across  the  Yellowstone. 
Twenty-nine  miles  down  the  river  Clarke  came  upon 
the  branch  wdiich  he  had  believed  to  be  the  Big  Horn, 
but  which,  when  the  real  Big  Horn  was  reached,  he 
called  Clarke  Fork,  being  about  the  twentieth  time 
one  or  other  of  the  leaders  had  applied  his  name  to 
their  discoveries.  This  stream  was  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  wide  at  the  confluence,  but  narrower 
above.  Six  miles  beyond  was  a  large  island,  where  he 
halted  for  Pryor  and  the  horses,  but  seeing  nothing 


MANY  RIVERS.  TO 

of  them  lie  went  on  to  the  mouth  of  a  small  creek, 
which  lie  called  Horse  Creek,  just  below  which  the  ser- 
geant joined  him  again.  Here  the  land  contingent  was 
ferried  across  to  the  south  bank,  to  proceed  to  the 
Mandan  nation,  while  the  others  continued  on  their 
way  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone.  Toward  even- 
ing a  creek  thirty -five  yards  wide  was  passed,  and 
named  Pryor  Creek,  half  a  mile  below  which  they 
encamped  after  a  day's  travel  of  sixty-nine  miles. 
Fifty  miles  below  Clarke  halted  to  examine  an  iso- 
lated rock  on  the  south  bank,  two  hundred  feet  high, 
and  accessible  on  one  side  only,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Pompey's  Pillar. 

Passing  next  day  four  small  streams,  two  from  each 
side  of  the  river,  he  arrived,  after  sixty-two  miles  of 
travel,  at  the  entrance  of  the  real  Big  Horn  River, 
ascending  which  for  half  a  mile,  he  encamped,  and 
walked  up  its  south-western  bank  seven  miles  to  the 
confluence  of  a  creek  coming  in  from  the  north-east, 
which  he  called  the  Muddy,  and  a  few  miles  further 
to  a  bend  in  the  Big  Horn,  from  which  point  he 
returned.  He  found  this  branch  of  the  Yellowstone 
to  be  of  about  equal  breadth  with  the  main  river, 
each  being  from  two  hundred  to  two  hundred  and 
twenty  yards  in  extent,  though  the  Yellowstone  con- 
tained more  water.  From  his  observations,  Clarke  was 
satisiied  that  the  Big  Horn  was  the  river  described 
by  the  Indians  as  rising  in  the  Pocky  Mountains, 
near  the  sources  of  the  Platte  and  the  Yellowstone. 

Taking  a  last  look  at  the  Pocky  Mountains,  on  the 
27th  Clarke  proceeded  fifteen  miles  to  a  dry  creek  on 
the  left,  which  he  named  Elk  Creek,  and  three  miles 
more  to  another  wide  and  nearly  dry  creek,  which  he 
called  Windsor  River,  and  thirty  miles  further  to  a 
third  largo  river-bed  with  little  water  in  it,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  La  Biehe  River.  After  passing 
several  more  dry  creek-beds,  he  encamped  eighty  mil'  is 
from  the  Bior  Horn  on  a  larg-e  island. 

Proceeding  on  the  28th,  and  passing  frequent  dry 


SO  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

creeks,  he  came  in  six  miles  to  one  coming  in  from 
the  north,  eighty  yards  wide,  which  he  called  Little 
Wolf  River,  and  twenty-nine  miles  below  it  to  an- 
other from  the  south,  having  a  number  of  flat  mounds 
in  the  plain  near  it,  which  he  called  Table  Creek. 
Four  miles  below  the  last  was  a  considerable  stream 
of  muddy  water,  entering  from  the  south,  which  he 
supposed  to  be  the  Little  Big  Horn  of  the  Indians.41 
Seventy-three  miles  from  the  last  camp  brought  him  to 
another  stream  from  the  south,  called  by  the  Indians 
Mashaskap,  opposite  to  which  he  halted  for  the  night. 
The  river  at  this  part  was  often  confined  between 
those  cliffs  of  yellowish  rock,  from  which  its  name  of 
Roehejaune,  or  Yellowstone,  is  derived. 

Pursuing  the  voyage  on  the  29th,  the  river  being 
from  five  hundred  yards  to  half  a  mile  in  width,  forty- 
one  miles  brought  him  to  Tongue  River,  called  by 
the  Indians  Lazeka,  where  camp  was  pitched  opposite 
its  mouth.  This  river  Clarke  recorded  as  rising  in 
the  Black  Hills,42  near  the  sources  of  the  Cheyenne 
River,  and  judged  from  the  warmth  of  the  milky 
white  water  that  it  flowed  through  an  open  country. 

On  the  following  day  at  a  distance  of  fourteen  miles 
from  camp,  and  after  passing  a  stream  nearly  dry  a 
hundred  yards  in  width,  he  came  to  a  succession  of 
shoals  extending  for  six  miles,  of  which  the  last  was  the 
worst,  and  called  Buffalo  Shoal,  from  the  presence  of 
one  of  those  animals  at  this  place.  Twenty  miles  below 
was  a  rapid,  and  on  the  cliffs  above  it  a  bear,  from 
which  circumstance  the  place  was  called  Bear  Rapid. 
Here  was  a  stream  coming  in  from  the  north  now  a 
tiny  rivulet,  though  it  had  evidently  been  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  wide  only  a  short  time  before.  This  versatile 
stream  was  named  York  River,  in  honor  of  Clarke's 
negro.     Camp  was  made   seven   miles   below,   after 

u  This  river  is  put  down  on  recent  maps  as  Rosebud  River,  and  the  Little 
Big  Horn  as  a  branch  of  the  large  river  of  that  name.  Clarke's  distances  here 
do  not  agree  with  those  on  the  later  maps,  though  his  may  be  more  correct 
than  these,  which  are  not  made  up  from  actual  surveys. 

42  It  rises  further  to  the  west,  in  the  Big  Horn  Mountains. 


DOWN  BY  THE  YELLOWSTONE.  81 

passing  a  stream  a  hundred  yards  wide,  oven  in  the 
dry  season,  containing  a  great  many  red  stones  that 
gave  it  the  name  of  Redstone  River  or  Wahasah, 
which  in  the  Indian  tongue  has  the  same  signification. 
On  the  31st,  eighteen  miles  brought  the  canoes  to  a 
shallow  muddy  stream  on  the  north,  a  hundred  yards 
wide,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  one  bearing  the 
Indian  name  Saasha,  and  five  miles  below  another  on 
the  south  side,  with  coal  seams  showing  in  the  banks, 
from  which  it  was  called  Coal  River.  Eighteen  miles 
further  brought  them  to  the  mouth  of  a  stream  on 
the  right,  which  was  named  Gibson  River,  and  twenty- 
five  miles  more  to  camp.  August  1st  and  2d  were 
marked  only  by  encountering  herds  of  buffalo  so  im- 
mense that  the  party  was  obliged  to  halt  for  an  hour  to 
let  them  pass,  or  run  the  danger  of  getting  between  two 
herds  crossing  the  river.  One  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  miles  were  made  in  two  days.  On  the  3d,  after 
passing  Fields  Creek,  two  miles  below  camp,  they 
came,  at  two  o'clock,  to  the  junction  of  the  Yellow- 
stone with  the  Missouri,  encamping  on  the  spot  where 
they  had  been  April  26,  1805.  So  great  was  the  an- 
noyance from  mosquitoes  at  this  place,  that  without 
waiting  for  the  party  coming  by  land  the  canoes  kept 
on  down  the  Missouri  one  day's  journey  below  White 
Earth  River,  where  on  the  8th  they  were  joined  by 
Sergeant  Pryor,  but  without  the  horses.  The  animals 
had  been  stolen  the  second  night  after  leaving  the 
Big  Horn  River,  and  the  men  in  charge  had  been 
compelled  to  carry  the  baggage  upon  their  backs  to 
the  nearest  point  on  the  Yellowstone,  which  proved 
to  be  Pompey's  Pillar,  where  they  made  two  hide 
canoes,  and  descended  in  safety  to  the  point  where 
they  overtook  their  commander.  Passing  the  mouth 
of  the  Yellowstone,  and  supposing  that  Lewis  had 
passed  before  him,  Piyor  removed  a  note  left  there 
on  a  pole  for  him  by  Clarke,  and  but  for  the  tracing 
the  latter  had  left  in  the  sand,  Lewis  would  not  have 
known  that  he  had  preceded  him. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    6 


82  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

On  the  12th,  the  whole  party,  being  reunited,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Mandan  village,  and  after  holding  a 
council  with  those  people  and  the  neighboring  tribes, 
who  promised  friendship  to  American  traders,  left  the 
Indian  country  finally,  and  arrived  at  St  Louis  on  the 
2 3d  of  September,  having  accomplished  their  journey 
of  nine  thousand  miles,  through  a  wilderness  much  of 
which  had  never  been  trodden  by  white  men,  and 
providing  themselves  food  chiefly  by  means  of  the 
rifle.  They  had  lost  but  one  man,43  and  had  met  with 
but  few  accidents. 

Before  parting  company  with  the  explorers  I  will 
give  an  incident  in  the  subsequent  life  of  one  of  the  men. 
While  at  the  chief  village  of  the  Minnetarees,  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Little  Missouri,  during  the  return 
journey,  one  of  the  party,  John  Colter,  requested  to  be 
discharged  from  further  service.  He  was  no  longer 
required,  and  if  permitted  to  do  so  could  make  a  prof- 
itable engagement  with  some  trappers.  As  he  was 
a  good  man,  and  his  help  could  now  be  spared,  the 
commanders  reluctantly  consented,  with  a  proviso  that 
none  of  the  other  men  should  ask  a  similar  favor.  It 
was  a  life  of  adventure,  truly,  that  to  which  he .  now 
committed  himself.  While  trapping  in  the  Blackfoot 
country,  Colter  and  a  companion  named  Potts  were  in 
a  canoe  on  one  of  the  streams  which  form  the  head- 
waters of  the  Missouri,  when  they  were  attacked  by 
several  hundred  Indians.  Potts  was  almost  instantly 
killed;  Colter,  by  a  fate  one  remove  less  unhappy,  was 
made  prisoner.  Having  stripped  him,  the  chief  asked 
if  he  could  run  fast.  Knowing  the  custom,  and  that 
he  was  doomed  to  the  trial  of  the  gauntlet  for  his  life, 
Colter  replied  that  he  was  a  very  poor  runner  ;  where- 
upon the  chief  gave  him  a  start  of  three  or  four  hun- 
dred yards. 

The  terrible  whoop  of  a  hundred  savages  rang  in 

43  Sergeant  Floyd  died  of  bilious  colic,  August  20,  1804,  at  a  camp  on  the 
Missouri,  about  one  hundred  miles  above  Council  Bluffs. 


A  RACE  FOPv  LIFE.  83 

his  cars  as  lie  darted  away  with  a  speed  no  less  sur- 
prising to  himself  than  to  his  pursuers.  Never  a 
thought  prompted  him  to  look  behind  until  he  was  half 
way  across  a  plain  six  miles  in  extent,  and  bristling 
with  prickly-pears  that  pierced  his  bare  feet  at  every 
stride.  When  he  did  turn  his  eyes,  however,  he  saw  . 
close  upon  him  an  Indian  armed  with  a  spear.  To 
outrun  this  savage  he  redoubled  his  efforts,  while  the 
blood  gushed  from  his  nostrils  and  coursed  down  his 
breast.  Glancing  back  once  more  he  saw  his  foe  nearly 
upon  him,  while  the  river  was  yet  a  mile  distant. 
When  the  savage  was  within  a  few  paces  a  sudden 
impulse  forced  him  to  turn  quickly  about  and  spread 
out  his  arms.  This  action,  coupled  with  his  wild 
appearance,  seemed  to  surprise  the  red  man,  who  at- 
tempted to  stay  his  own  headlong  pursuit,  but  stumbled 
and  fell  from  exhaustion,  breaking  his  spear  in  the 
act  of  throwing  it.  Colter  instantly  seized  the  spear- 
head, and  pinned  his  man  to  the  earth  before  contin- 
uing his  breathless  race.  A  few  seconds  were  gained 
while  the  pursuing  savages  were  halting  over  their 
dead  comrade ;  and  presently  their  yell  of  vengeance 
fell  dull  on  Colter's  ears  as  the  friendly  river  closed 
over  him.  Making  for  a  raft  of  drift-wood  lodged 
against  an  island,  and  diving  under  it  he  found  a  spot 
where  he  could  obtain  air  through  an  opening.  There 
he  remained  until  night,  the  savages  in  search  of  him 
many  times  passing  above  his  hiding-place.  When  it 
became  quite  dark  he  swam  some  distance  down  the 
stream  to  leave  no  trail,  and  then  landing  travelled 
for  seven  days,  naked,  and  with  nothing  to  eat  but 
roots,  when  he  reached  the  trading-post  of  Manuel 
Lisa  on  the  Big  Horn  River. 

The  expedition  carried  out  under  the  command  of 
Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  was  characterized  by  a 
degree  of  humanity,  courage,  perseverance,  and  justice 
honorable  alike  to  officer  and  soldier.  The  prudence 
and  wisdom  manifested  in  all  their  intercourse  with 


84  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

the  natives  have  never  been  excelled,  even  by  the 
most  experienced  of  the  British  fur  companies.  No 
dastardly  act  blots  their  record.  Without  achieving 
anything  very  admirable;  without  enduring  sacrifices 
as  "great  as  those  of  many  emigrants  ;  without  enlist- 
ing the  sympathy  or  admiration  drawn  from  us  by 
many  of  the  women  of  1842  and  subsequent  emigra- 
tions, they  yet  accomplished  an  important  and  difficult 
task.  In  reading  their  narrative  we  can  but  feel  them 
to  be  men  above  small  things.  But  for  thrilling  ex- 
periences, for  deeds  of  great  daring,  for  heart-rending 
suffering,  for  romantic  adventure  we  must  look  else- 
where. 

It  would,  indeed,  have  endowed  them  with  a  greater 
distinction,  and  reflected  more  credit  upon  the  gov- 
ernment, had  the  expedition  been  furnished  with  sev- 
eral scientific  attaches,  who  would  have  reported  more 
at  large  upon  the  country  explored,  in  which  case 
another  }^ear  at  least  would  have  been  required  for 
observations.  Yet  for  them  to  have  done  more  than 
they  did  under  the  circumstances  could  scarcely  have 
been  expected,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
they  failed  to  fulfil  the  hopes  of  President  Jefferson.44 

The  journal  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  was  not  published 
until  1814,  though  the  news  of  their  return  and  all 
that  their  explorations  and  successes  implied  was 
known  much  earlier.  It  was  February  1807  before 
they  reached  Washington.  Congress  then  being  in 
session  made  grants  of  land  to  each  member  of  the 
expedition.     Clarke  became  a   general  of  militia  in 

44 '  The  report  which  they  made  of  their  expedition  to  the  United  States 
government  created  a  lively  sensation.'  Franchere's  Nar.,  19.  'The  explora- 
tions of  Lewis  and  Clarke  made  known  the  two  great  rivers  across  the  conti- 
nent, the  Missouri  and  the  Columbia,  and  the  general  character  of  the  country.' 
Sl<  r,  ns'  Northwest,  3.  'The  happy  termination  of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  expedi- 
tion surprised  and  delighted.  The  humblest  had  been  interested  in  the  re- 
sult, and  looked  impatiently  for  the  news  it  would  bring.  Anxiety  had  been 
heightened  from  time  to  time  by  ugly,  vague  rumors,  uncontradicted,  from 
their  leaving  the  Mandan  towns  to  their  return  to  St  Louis.  The  courage, 
perseverance,  and  discretion  of  the  heads,  and  the  fidelity  and  obedience  of 
the  men,  drew  general  approbation,  and  favorable  notice  by  government.' 
Buljinclis  Or.,  and  El  Dorado,  251-252. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE.  85 

Louisiana,  and  Lewis  governor  of  the  same  territory, 
whose  capital  was  St  Louis. 

On  returning  to  this  frontier  to  assume  the  duties 
of  his  office,  he  found  affairs  in  a  distracted  stale  from 
the  animosities  and  contentions  of  officials  and  their 
partisans.  Having  settled  these  disturbances  and  re- 
stored harmony,  Lewis  began  to  suffer  from  attacks 
of  a  hereditary  hypochondria  which  developed  itself 
alarmingly  in  a  short  time,  and  which  v..  bably 

augmented  by  reaction  from  the  severe  strain  of 
physical  and  mental  powers  caused  by  the  fatigue, 
hunger,  heat,  cold,  and  danger  endured  in  the  three 
years  of  exploration.  Having  occasion  to  go  to 
Washington  in  the  autumn  of  1809,  he  had  reached 
the  Chickasaw  Bluffs  when  he  was  met  by  Mr  Neely, 
agent  for  the  Chickasavr  Indians,  who  noticing  his  dis- 
turbed condition  accompanied  him  to  look  after  his 
health.  At  an  encampment  one  day's  journey  cast  of 
the  Tennessee  River,  two  of  their  horses  were  lost,  and 
Mr  Neely  was  obliged  to  return  for  them.  On  parting 
they  agreed  to  meet  at  the  first  wdiite  settlement  on 
the  road,  where  Governor  Lewis  was  to  wait  until  his 
friend  came  up.  On  arriving  at  this  place,  the  house 
of  a  Mr  Grinder,  such  was  the  excitability  of  Lewis, 
that,  to  soothe  him,  he  was  permitted  to  occupy  the 
house  alone  at  night,  the  family  and  his  own  servants 
retiring  to  another  building.  This  was  a  fatal  error, 
for  when  morning  came  they  found  him  dead  by  his 
own  hand,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five.43  Thus  to  the 
great  grief  of  the  public  and  his  friends,  ended  a  career 
that,  if  not  brilliant,  was  in  every  way  useful  and 
honorable. 

Clarke,  who  was  associated  with  Lewis  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  Louisiana,  as  he  had  been  in  its  explora- 

4  •  Clarke's  negro  servant,  York,  mysteriously  beconi'  '  ain  T(  >m 

Lewis  he  called  himself,  if  we  may  believe  the  authorities,  which  say  that  lie 
was  found  ('ii  the  road,  frozen  to  death,  in  Albemarle  <  lounty,  Virginia,  \\  ithin 
aboutamileof  his  own  home,  in  the  latterpari  of  December,  L878.  lie  was 
nearly  ninety  years  old.  Charlottesville,  Va.,  Chronicle,  Jan.  8,  1879,  in  S. 
F.  B,  II  in,  Jan.  15,  I   79;  8.  F.  Chronicle,  !■   . 


83  THE  PACIFIC  AND  THE  RETURN  JOURNEY. 

tion,  was  appointed  governor  of  Missouri  Territory, 
by  President  Madison,  in  1813,  and  remained  in  that 
office  until  it  became  a  state,  in  1821.  The  following 
year  President  Monroe  appointed  him  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs,  for  which  he  was  eminently  fitted, 
and  which  post  he  held  till  his  death,  which  occurred 
at  St  Louis  in  1838.  The  results  of  the  united  labors 
of  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  important,  as  they  opened 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  a  broad  field  for 
enterprise,  which  soon  became  occupied  by  fur-hunters, 
followed  by  other  commercial  ventures,  and  finally  by 
permanent  settlement. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 
1 797-1 S06. 

J,\ MES  FlXLAY  ASCENDS  PEACE  RlVER— H~E  GlVES  HIS  NAME  TO  ITS  Up 

Waters— James  McDougall  Penetrates  to  McLeod  Lake— Frasi  b's 

First  Expedition— His  Character— Manuscript  Journals  of  Stuart 
and  Fraser — The  Northwest  Company  Push  Westward— Stuart  \ . 
the  Rocky  Mountain  House— Fraser's  Journal— Preparations  for 
the  Journey— Fraser  and  Stuart  Explore  Westward— Arrival  at 
Finlay  River— Fraser's  Tirade  against  Mackenzie— They  Reach 
Trout  Lake — And  Follow  Mackenzie's  Track  up  Bad  River — Cross 
to  the  Fraser — Descend  to  Stuart  River. 

James  Finlay  ascended  Peace  River  in  1797,  and 
examined  the  branch  to  which  he  gave  his  name,  and 
which  indeed  is  no  branch,  but  the  main  stream,  con- 
tinuing as  it  does  nearer  the  course  of  the  river  below 
than  Parsnip  River,  which  comes  in  from  the  south- 
ward, besides  being  larger  and  longer.1  Thence  Mr 
Finlay  turned  up  Parsnip  River,  keeping  to  the  left 
on  reaching  the  branch  which  leads  to  McLeod  Lake, 
and  ascended  that  stream  to  near  its  source,  making 
an  extended  tour  of  general  observation.2 

In  the  spring  of  1805  James  McDougall  made  an 
expedition  up  Peace  and  Parsnip  rivers  to  what  was 
then  first  called  McLeod  Lake.  At  the  northern  end 
of  the  lake  a  fort  was  soon  built,  which    afterward 

1  'It  is  nearly  three  hundred  miles  in  length,  or  at  least  i 
estimate,  about  that  distance  by  river-course  from  the  pass.'    McL\  od's  Pea 
River,  96. 

I,i  the  hank  of  the  stream,  says  Mr  Fraser  nine  yearsa 
the  old  Barbue  in  the  very  identical  spot  he  was  found  by  Mr  Finlaj 
summer  of  L797.'     Finlay'a  Journal,  MS.,  10S.    Mr  Finlay  died  at  Spokane 
in  May  L828.     Work's  Journal,  MS.,  228. 


88  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN*  STUART. 

went  by  several  names,  as  Trout  Lake  House,  Fort 
McDougall,  La  Malice  Fort,  and  later  Fort  McLeod. 
McDougall  continued  his  investigations  as  far  as  the 
great  fork  of  the  Fraser,  and  beyond  to  the  Carriers 
Lake;  so  that  at  least  two  explorers  navigated  this 
stream  before  him  whose  name  it  bears.  At  this  time 
there  was  no  Lake  McLeod,  but  the  region  thereabout 
went  by  the  name  of  Trout  Lake,  which  term  is  now 
applied  to  the  small  sheet  of  water  immediately  north 
of  McLeod  Lake.     La  Malice  was  a  French  Cana- 


McLeod  Lake  Regiox. 

dian  who  spent  a  portion  of  the  winter  of  1805-G 
at  the  Trout  Lake  station,  during  which  time  it  was 
called  La  Malice  Fort.  This  was  the  first  fort  erected 
by  British- American  fur-hunters  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  the  first  establishment  of  the  kind  in  New 
Caledonia,  or  in  the  Oregon  Country.3 

3  Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  14,  states  that  McLeod  Fort  was  built 
on  McLeod  Lake,  by  Fraser  and  Stuart,  in  180G,  and  that  it  'served  as  an 
entrepot  of  communication  between  the  posts  lying  eastward  of  the  mountains 
and  the  western  posts.'  Mr  Anderson  is  clearly  in  error  as  to  the  date,  and  I 
am  inclined  to  think  also  in  regard  to  the  builder.  Compare  McKinlay's  Nar. , 
MS.,  7.  Stuart  in  his  autograph  notes,  Andi  rson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  235, 
states  distinctly  that  the  fort  on  McLeod  Lake  was  founded  in  1805.  Stuart 
or  Fraser  may  have  ordered  the  work  done,  but  I  believe  James  McDougall 


CHARACTER  OF  FRASER.  SO 

Simon  Fraser's  first  expedition  into  the  region  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains  was  in  the  autumn  of  1805,  some 
time  after  James  McDougall  had  visited  McLeod  Lake, 
when  he  ascended  Parsnip  River,  following  the  tracks 
of  Mr  Finlay,  and  after  a  superficial  survey,  returned 
to  the  Rocky  Mountain  portage,  and  there  at  its 
eastern  extremity  began  the  erection  of  the  Rocky 
Mountain  House.  Fraser  was  an  illiterate,  ill-bred, 
bickering,  fault-finding  man,  of  jealous  disposition, 
ambitious,  energetic,  with  considerable  conscience, 
and  in  the  main  holding  to  honest  intentions.  But 
no  man  can  be  truly  honest  who  is  not  just,  and 
no  man  can  be  strictly  just  who  is  blinded  by  prejudice, 
and  no  man  can  be  free  from  prejudice  who  loves  to 
distraction  himself,  and  hates  all  other  men.4 

Entering  this  region  of  Titanic  irregularities,  where 
scarped  and  hoary  mountains  rising  bald-headed  into 
the  clouds  play  fantastic  tricks  with  worried  rivers, 
and  whose  blue  lakes  lapped  by  pine-clad  steeps 
flinging  huge  bowlders  from  craggy  fronts  into  the 

built  it.  The  lake  and  fort  Avere  named  in  honor  of  Archibald  Norman  Mc- 
Leod, of  the  Northwest  Company,  a  man  of  high  repute  for  energy  and 
efficiency.  After  retiring  from  the  service  of  the  company  he  held  the 
appointment  of  barrack -master  at  Belfast,  Ireland.  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cal., 
290-1,  becomes  here  quite  confused  in  his  statements.  He  says  that  the 
Northwest  Company  were  pushing  westward  in  order  to  anticipate  Lewis 
and  Clarke,  of  which  there  is  no  proof;  and  he  goes  on  to  talk  about  a  party 
under  Laroche,  which  in  1805  ascended  the  Missouri  as  far  as  the  Mandan 
village,  saying  not  a  word  of  the  doings  on  Peace  River  this  year,  and  calling 
the  establishment  on  Fraser  Lake  in  1806,  'the  first  settlement  or  fort  of 
any  kind  made  by  British  subjects  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.'  For  inci- 
dents of  life  at  Fort  McLeod,  see  Tod's  New  Caledonia,  MS.,  2G  et  seep 

4  Though  quarrelsome,  Fraser  was  a  man  of  courage.  He  had  been  for 
many  years  a  prominent  partner  in  the  Northwest  Company.  He  acted  a  for- 
ward part  in  the  memorable  Bed  River  tight,  the  19th  of  June  1S1G,  when 
the  Hudson  Bay  men,  under  Governor  Scrapie,  met  their  inglorious  <!■ 
After  retiring  from  the  country,  he  settled  at  Lachine  House,  and,  according 
to  Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  14-15,  was  there  in  1331.  But  this  could 
not  be  if  what  Cox,  Adv.,  vol.  ii.  237,  says,  is  true,  namely,  that  Fraser  lost 
his  life  at  Paris,  in  a  quarrel  with  Mr  Warren,  in  1829.  Warren  was  tried, 
and  sentenced  to  eighteen  months'  imprisonment.  Harmon  met  Fraser  in 
company  with  James  McDougall  at  Dunvegan,  iu  May  1809.  Harmon's  Jour- 
nal, 178-9.  The  author  of  British  North  Am.,  27-4,  is  in  error  in  making 
Fraser  a  trader  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  who  established  Fort  Fraser; 
the  fact  is  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  at  this  time  had  scarcely  dreamed  of 
the  forts  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  They  were  then  too  much  in  the 
habit  of  waiting  for  their  Northwest  Company  rivals  to  open  the  way  for 
them,  when  they  would  slip  in  and,  if  possible,  snatch  the  benefits. 


90  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

valleys  below  call  to  mind  the  lochs  and  bens  of  their 
boyhood,  naturally  enough  they  call  this  far  north- 
west mountain  land  New  Caledonia,  and  love  to  com- 
pare these  heights  with  their  own  Scotch  highlands, 
and  so  fancy  themselves  not  so  very  far  from  home 
after  all.5 

Among  the  most  important  records  of  the  early 
history  of  British  Columbia  are  the  manuscript  jour- 
nals and  letters  of  John  Stuart  and  Simon  Fraser.0 
Yet  notwithstanding  the  intrinsic  value  of  fort  rec- 
ords and  the  journals  of  fur-traders,  containing  as  they 
oftentimes  do  all  the  information  extant  concerning 
particular  times  and  places,  probably  no  class  of 
material  with  which  the  historian  has  to  do  is  in  its 
crude  state  drier  or  more  difficult  of  reduction  to 
readable  narrative.7 

Stuart  dates  his  journal  "at  the  Rocky  Mountains," 
which,  but  for  the  fact  we  already  know,  namely, 
that  the  partners  of  the  Northwest  Company  are 
about  this  time  pushing  their  business  westward  from 
Fort  Chipewyan,  and  extending  their  cordon  through 

5  The  limits  of  what  was  at  first  called  New  Caledonia  were  on  the  south 
Soda  Creek,  emptying  into  the  Fraser  in  latitude  52°  20',  Peace  River  and  the 
Pacific  being  the  eastern  and  the  western  boundaries.  This,  according  to 
Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  3.  'The  line  of  demarcation  between 
Thompson  district  and  New  Caledonia  was  near  to  Lillooet. '  Flnlayson  's  Hist. 
V.  I.,  MS.,  86. 

6  Journal  of  John  Stuart  from  December  20,  1805,  to  February  28,  1S0G, 
MS.;  First  Journal  of  Simon  Fraser  from  April  12  to  July  IS,  1SGG,  MS.; 
Letters  from  the  Rocky  Mountains,  from  August  1,  1806,  to  February  10, 
1807,  by  Simon  Fraser,  MS.;  Second  Journal  of  Simon  Fraser,  from  May  30  to 
June  10,  180S,  MS. 

7  In  comparing  these  two  persons  I  should  call  Stuart  the  nobler,  the 
more  dignified  man,  but  one  whose  broad,  calm  intellect  had  received  no  more 
culture  than  Fraser's.  Stuart's  courage  and  powers  of  endurance  were  equal 
in  every  respect  to  those  of  his  colleague,  and  while  in  temper,  tongue,  ideas, 
and  bodily  motion  he  was  less  hasty,  within  a  given  time  he  would  accomplish 
as  much  or  more  than  Fraser,  and  do  it  better.  Both  were  exceedingly  eccen- 
tric, one  quietly  so,  the  other  in  a  more  demonstrative  way;  but  it  hap- 
pened that  the  angularities  of  one  so  dovetailed  with  those  of  the  other  that 
cooperation,  harmony,  and  good-fellowship  characterized  all  their  intercourse. 
Stuart  was  one  of  the  senior  partners  in  the  Northwest  Company,  and  for  a 
time  was  in  charge  of  the  Athabasca  department.  As  his  territory  on  the 
west  was  boundless,  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  extend  the  limits  of  his  opera- 
tions. Twice  he  traversed  the  continent,  beside  multitudes  of  minor  excur- 
sions. In  fact,  he  was  abnost  always  on  the  move.  On  retiring  from  the 
service  he  settled  at  Torres,  Scotland,  where  he  died  in  1S46.  Anderson's  Xorth- 
westCoant,  MS.,  2,  15,  55-G;  Franklin's  Nar.,  i.  210-11. 


EOCKY  MOUNTAIN  HOUSE.  91 

Peace  River  Pass,  might  mean  any  point  on  the  con- 
tinental range  from  Alaska  t<  >  Mexico.  Further  than 
this  we  know  of  the  carrying-place  at  the  principal 
bend  of  Peace  River,  that  it  was  called  the  Rocky 
Mountain  Portage,  and  the  post  at  the  eastern  end  of 
it,  now  known  as  Hudson  Hope,  was  once  denomi- 
nated the  Rocky  Mountain  House,  and  again  Old 
Fort.8  Putting  these  facts  together,  and  considering 
their  connection  with  Mr  Stuart's  opening  entry,  we 
may  safely  infer  that  this  journal  was  begun  at  the 
Rocky  Mountain  House,  then  not  only  the  west- 
ernmost distributing  depot  of  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany, but,  if  we  except  La  Malice  Fort  at  Trout 
Lake,  the  most  westerly  post  of  any  kind.  It  was 
moreover  the  last  station  before  crossing  the  mount- 
ains in  coming  from  the  east.  We  know,  furthermore, 
that  on  the  20th  of  December  1805  that  post  was  in 
progress  of  construction;  for  we  find  on  that  day  that 
Mr  Fraser  accompanied  by  Mr  McDougall  dropped 
down  the  river  to  Fort  Dunvegan,  which  for  many 
years  past  had  been  the  chef-lieu  of  the  Peace  River 
district,  and  where  he  had  business,  leaving  instruc- 
tions with  Stuart  "to  get  a  chimney  built  in  his 
bedroom,  likewise  to  get  wood  sawed  for  a  table  and 
cupboard."  Consequently,  after  the  departure  of 
Fraser,  who  it  would  seem  had  charge  of  the  post  at 
that  time,  the  men  were  set  to  work  gathering  stones 
for  the  chimney,  and  cutting  wood,  not  only  for  boards, 
but  for  sledges  and  snow-shoes. 

Next  day  the  Indian  hunters  brought  in  a  few 
beaver-skins  and  some  grease,  which  went  toward  the 
liquidation  of  an  account.  A  vast  amount  of  petty 
detail  then  follows,  which,  however  interesting  to 
those  whose  lives  and  fortunes  are  made  or  marred 
by  such  means,  is  of  little  value  to  the  reader  of  his- 
tory.    For  example,  on  the  night  of  the  21st  of  De- 

8  Mackenzie  places  on  his  map  in  this  vicinity  the  old  establishment  and  new- 
establishment,  but  the  river  is  traced  so  inaccurately  that  it  is  impossible  to 
locate  from  it  these  posts.  See  McKinlay's  Nar.,  MS.,  7. 


92  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHX  STUART. 

ceniber,  certain  Indians  sing  and  dance  until  they  drop 
exhausted;  four  men  the  same  day  visit  the  cache 
made  by  Mr  McDougall  while  last  out  among  the 
natives,  and  bring  away  the  goods;  some  Indian 
women  fall  into  the  river,  and  are  nearly  frozen  to 
death;  a  small  axe  is  given  "on  credit  to  the  hus- 
band of  the  woman  with  sore  eyes."  Thus  day  by 
day  are  written  down  these  little  incidents,  which  in- 
deed comprise  the  history  of  the  country  at  the  time 
of  its  first  occupation  by  white  men.  The  remainder 
of  the  month  is  occupied  in  finishing  the  chimney, 
making  snow-shoes,  and  securing  the  meat  of  some  red 
deer  hilled  by  the  hunters.  On  new  year's  day  an 
extra  pint  of  rum  is  given  to  each  of  the  men,  accord- 
ing to  Fraser's  instructions. 

The  month  of  January  1806  was  employed  at  the 
Rocky  Mountain  House,  bringing  in  the  deer  which 
the  natives  killed,  and  in  dealing  out  powder,  balls, 
and  other  articles  to  the  Indians.  On  the  15th  it 
is  recorded  that  "Gagnon  is  washing  Mr  Fraser's 
dirty  clothes."  "As  Farcier  has  frozen  his  toe,  I 
have  kept  him  home  to  make  mortar  to  plaster  the 
house." 

Fraser  and  McDougall  returned  the  18th.  The 
weather  was  extremely  cold,  and  the  men  at  the  in- 
completed fort  suffered  from  exposure. 

The  28th  of  this  month  McDougall,  with  two 
Canadians  and  an  Indian,  set  out  on  a  second  expedi- 
tion to  McLeod  Lake,  or,  as  it  was  then  called,  to 
Trout  Lake,  and  into  the  Carrier  country,  taking  with 
him  a  small  store  of  tobacco,  beads,  and  ammunition, 
yet  the  provisions  necessary  for  him  to  carry  so  im- 
peded his  progress  that  he  was  two  clays  or  more  in 
crossing  the  portage.  From  this  station  there  arrived 
the  first  of  February  two  men  who  had  been  thirteen 
days  on  the  journey,  and  who  were  nearly  dead  with 
cold  and  hunger  when  Mr  McDougall  relieved  them. 
From  the  Rocky  Mountain  House  two  men,  about 
this  time,  were  sent  into  the  territory  of  the  Beaver 


STUART'S  JOURNAL.  03 

Indians  in  order  to  stimulate  the  natives  to  hunt,  and 
also  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  country. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  Mr  Stuart  sent  two 
men,  Farcier  and  Varin,  to  La  Malice  at  Trout  Lake, 
with  axes,  knives,  and  other  articles  of  which  the 
people  there  were  in  need.  The  last  journey  of  Mc- 
Dougall  to  that  region  had  been  both  painful  and 
unprofitable.  The  cold  was  intense;  his  hunter  had 
been  unable  to  bring  down  deer,  having  fired  thirty- 
four  consecutive  shots  without  killing,  and  after  a 
fortnight's  struggle  with  the  snow  he  and  his  men 
had  arrived  at  La  Malice  only  to  find  the  house  de- 
serted. In  the  house  was  a  considerable  amount  of 
property,  consisting  of  fur  and  trading  articles,  among 
which,  fortunately,  were  fifty  pounds  of  flour  which 
kept  the  men  alive  until  they  could  return  to  the 
Rocky  Mountain  House.  And  now  on  the  24th  of 
February  we  find  La  Malice  himself  turning  up  at  the 
same  place.  It  then  came  out  why  he  had  abandoned 
his  station  at  Trout  Lake.  His  men,  he  said,  would 
not  do  their  duty.  They  idled  about  the  fort,  or  if 
sent  to  hunt  they  ate  what  they  killed,  and  brought 
little  back,  particularly  one  Le  Maire,  who  not  only  be- 
haved ill  himself  but  influenced  the  others  to  do  badly. 
From  Trout  Lake  La  Malice  went  to  Bear  River,  to 
the  south  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  House._  Beaver 
were  plenty,  and  he  could  have  done  exceedingly  well 
had  his  servants  been  faithful.  Here  ends  the  jour- 
nal of  John  Stuart. 

The  first  journal  of  Simon  Fraser,  who  was  the 
superior  of  John  Stuart  in  position,  takes  up  affairs 
sonic  six  weeks  after  the  journal  of  the  Litter  drops 
them.9     Fraser's  writings  are  most  important,  giving 

9Stuart's  Journal  is  very  badly  written,  by  far  the  worst   specimen  of 

litiT.-irv  .•..mpu   iii.ni    l,ya  fur-hunter    J    lia\c  ever   situ,   Hid      -    ii     I"'    tl 

Fraser,  who  follows  him.     His  conceptions  arc  crude,  his  expressions  in 
lar  and  ungrammatical,  and  the  general  tenor  of  his  effort,  in  \\  hich  he  is  not 
alone,  seems  to  be  to  convey  as  little  knowledge  as  possible  in  his  writings. 

The  journal  of  Mr  Fraser,  in  regard  to  style,  is  no  better,  although  in  sub- 


94  SIMOX  FRASER  AXD  JOHX  STUART. 

us  as  they  do,  except  the  narrow  lines  marked  by 
Mackenzie's  travels,  the  first  account  of  the  dis- 
covery of  New  Caledonia,  and  the  first  establishing  of 
fur-trading  posts  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  By 
his  enterprise  and  daring  a  vast  unknown  region  was 
opened  to  the  world,  and  the  beginning  was  made,  of 
that  civilized  occupation  which  will  end  only  with  the 
ending  of  the  present  order  of  things  on  this  planet. 

Fraser's  journal  would  seem  to  be  a  continuation 
of  Stuart's.  It  opens  abruptly — all  the  writings  of 
the  fur-traders  are  abrupt — at  the  Rocky  Mountain 
House,10  whence  at  midnight  he  despatches  three  men 
to  Fort  Dunvegan,  sending  them  at  that  unreason- 
able hour  because  of  their  inability  to  travel  all  day 
on  account  of  its  snowing  so  much. 

It  was  now  April  1806,  and  Fraser  was  laying 
plans  for  an  expedition  westward,  as  soon  as  the 
weather  should  permit ;  but  the  season  was  backward, 
and  the  patience  of  Mr  Fraser  was  well  nigh  ex- 
hausted waiting  for  the  snow  to  melt  and  the  ice 
covering  of  the  river  to  break  up.  McLeod  was 
stationed  at  a  post  below;  Stuart  was  to  accompany 
Fraser.  Five  bales  of  goods  were  made  up,  and  sent 
over  the  portage  to  the  western  end,  and  there  cached 
until  the  expedition  should  be  ready  to  start. 

There  was  a  famous  chief  in  those  parts  called 
Little  Head,  who  liked  the  good  things  the  white  men 
brought  to  his  forest  better  then  he  liked  to  work  for 
them.  Work  proper,  an  Indian  will  none  of;  manual 
labor  is  for  women.  It  was  not  his  lordly  nature, 
however,  to  hunt  beaver  for  whiskey.  In  savage 
society   gentle  woman's   sphere  is   neither   fighting, 

stance  it  is  more  valuable.  His  own  criticism  of  his  writings  is  nearer  the 
truth  than  authors  iinder  like  circumstances  usually  indulge  in ;  and  for  this 
honesty  he  is  entitled  to  our  respect.  Writing  to  Stuart  of  his  journal,  he 
says :  '  It  is  exceedingly  ill  wrote,  worse  worded,  and  not  well  spelt. ' 

10  This  I  gather,  after  perusal  of  half  the  manuscript,  from  internal  and 
incidental  evidence,  for  the  writer  never  once  mentions  where  he  is ;  and  when 
after  a  multitude  of  carefully  recorded  tribulations  he  sets  out  on  his  journey, 
he  does  not  state  either  his  destination  or  his  object.  The  latter,  however,  the 
reader  may  readily  infer,  as  travel  in  those  regions  in  those  days  by  a  fur- 
trader  could  have  but  one  object. 


ERASER'S  JOURNAL.  03 

hunting,  nor  drinking,  unless  indeed  there  be  rum 
enough  first  to  satisfy  her  lord,  and  then  she  does  not 
usually  decline  a  fiery  potation.  Little  Head  was  lazy; 
so  Fraser  sent  John  McKinver  to  stir  him  up  to 
]  mi  it  beaver  and  bring  the  skins  to  the  fort,  and  there 
exchange  them  for  articles  on  which  the  settlers  might 
make  six  hundred  per  cent  profit.  To  these'  Meadow 
Indians,  as  they  were  called,  McKinver  was  therefore 
sent,  and  after  inducing  them  to  start  upon  a  hunt, 
he  nearly  perished  in  attempting  to  follow  them. 
After  losing  himself,  and  spending  several  days  in 
the  snow  without  food,  he  finalfy  found  his  way  back 
to  the  fort.  These  hardships  and  narrow  escapes  were 
almost  every -day  incidents  in  the  fur- hunter's  life, 
which  was  too  often  terminated  by  some  one  of  them. 

Some  fifty  manuscript  pages  are  filled  with  detail 
of  insignificant  matters  about  the  fort,  while  making 
ready  for  the  contemplated  expedition,  in  perusing 
which  the  reader  wonders  at  the  almost  total  absence 
of  general  information;  and  yet,  as  I  before  remarked, 
what  we  can  glean  from  them  is  most  important,  be- 
cause it  is  the  very  corner-stone  of  history  here.  That 
which  alone  is  history,  the  writer  of  fort  records  is 
too  apt  to  take  for  granted  the  reader  knows  all  about. 

Among  the  most  stirring  events  at  the  Rocky 
Mountain  House  are  these:  An  Indian  whom  a 
woman  of  another  tribe  followed  of  her  own  accord 
to  the  fort  is  stripped  of  his  arms  and  driven  from 
the  place,  while  the  woman  after  being  held  prisoner 
for  a  time  finally  effects  her  escape.  Little  Head 
comes  to  the  fort  and  drinks  freely;  and  certain  sav- 
ages are  chastised  for  disobedience.  On  the  23d  of 
April  some  Indians  arrive  from  Finlay  River,  who 
report  that  that  stream  does  not  begin  its  course  in  a 
series  of  rapids  as  had  been  reported,  but  that  with 
the  exception  of  some  portages  it  is  navigable  in 
canoes  to  its  source,  where,  alter  a  portage  about  half 
as  long  as  the  Rocky  Mountain  portage,  is  a  large 
lake  called  Bear  Lake  "where  the  salmon  come  up, 


96  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

and  from  there  is  a  river  that  falls  into  another  much 
larger,  according  to  their  report,  than  ever  the  Peace 
River  that  glides  in  a  north-west  direction.  In  that 
lake  they  say  there  are  plenty  of  fish,  and  that  the 
salmon  are  innumerable,  with  plenty  of  bears  and  ani- 
mals of  the  fur  kind  thereabout,  but  no  large  animals 
of  any  kind.  It  is  from  that  quarter  they  get  their 
iron  works  and  ornaments,  but  they  represent  the 
navigation  beyond  that  lake  as  impracticable,  and  say 
there  are  no  other  Indians  excepting  a  few  of  their 
relations  that  never  saw  white  people  thereabout, 
and  to  get  iron  works  they  must  go  far  beyond  it, 
which  they  perform  in  long  journeys  on  foot.  We 
cannot  imagine  what  river  this  is ;  by  their  descrip- 
tion and  the  course  it  runs  it  cannot  be  the  Columbia, 
and  I  know  of  no  other  excepting  Cook's;  but  what- 
ever river  it  is,  and  wherever  they  get  these,  their 
iron  works  and  ornaments  are  such  as  I  have  seen 
with  the  Cassuss.  Indeed,  the  Indians  of  Nakazleh 
talk  of  Bear  Lake,  and  their  account  of  the  river 
that  flows  from  it  is  conformable  with  that  of  the 
Meadow  Indians."11 

Moose  and  red  deer  furnished  the  occupants  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  House  with  food  not  only  for  im- 
mediate purposes,  but  for  drying  and  for  making  into 
pemican  for  the  coming  expedition.  It  was  the  fash- 
ion in  this  locality  when  an  Indian  shot  a  deer  to 
leave  it  where  it  fell,  and  to  report  at  the  station, 
where  he  would  receive  his  pay  immediately,  the  fur- 
traders  sending  for  the  carcass  at  their  convenience. 
They  could  not  let  it  lie  long  however,  lest  it  should 
be  devoured  by  wolves. 

There  was  a  growing  interest  in  the  minds  of  Fraser 
and  Stuart  as  they  recruited  men,  gathered  bark  and 

11  It  is  Babine  Lake  here  referred  to.  Mr  Harmon  in  his  map  lays  down  a 
sheet  of  water  immediately  north-west  of  Stuart  and  Fraser  lakes,  with  the 
latitude  of  55°,  and  west  of  the  125th  meridian,  as  large  in  area  as  Queen 
Charlotte  Island,  which  he  calls  Great  Bear  Lake.  It  is  represented  to  be  at 
least  ten  times  as  large  as  Babine  Lake,  and  extends  much  farther  to  the  west- 
ward. Even  in  Mr  Harmon's  time,  which  was  from  five  to  twelve  years  later, 
this  lake  had  not  been  explored. 


TROUT  LAKE.  07 

gum  for  canoes,  and  laid  in  stores  for  the  expedition, 
concerning  this  unknown  river.  This  may  have  born 
the  Skeena,  or  the  Salmon,  or  the  Ballacoola;  dif- 
ferent natives  may  have  referred  to  different  streams; 
none  of  them  could  reasonably  have  referred  to  the 
Fraser.  Other  natives  arriving  on  the  25th,  "  repre- 
sent it  as  different  from  the  Columbia,  but  say  it  is 
from  that  quarter  they  get  most  part  of  their  goods, 
and  the  only  place  from  where  they  get  guns  and  am- 
munition. From  Nakazleh  there  is  a  water  communi- 
cation with  the  exception  of  three  portages,  and  they 
positively  affirm  that  white  people  came  there  in  course 
of  the  summer,  but  as  they  came  on  discovery  they  had 
little  goods.  I  have  seen  a  pistol,"  continues  Fraser, 
"brass-mounted,  with  powder  and  ball,  which  they 
say  they  had  from  them." 

A.  McGillivray  arrived  at  the  Rocky  Mountain 
House  the  27th,  to  take  charge  of  that  post  during 
Eraser's  absence.  The  ice  which  was  "amazing  strong 
and  thick"  began  to  break  up  the  5th  of  May,  but  it 
soon  stopped  moving,  whereupon  the  river  immediately 
rose  some  ten  feet.  The  next  day  La  Ramme,  Sau- 
cier, and  Tercien  arrived  from  Beaver  Lake,  where 
they  had  been  unsuccessful  in  fishing.  "  By  what  we 
could  learn  from  the  Indians  at  different  times,"  writes 
Fraser,  "an  establishment  would  be  well  placed  on 
the  big  river12  that  falls  into  the  main  branch  of  the 
Peace  River  about  half-way  between  tins  and  the 
Beaver  River."  Early  in  the  spring  McDougall  again 
took  his  station  at  Trout  Lake.  A  letter  was  received 
from  him  on  the  14th.  La  Malice  was  then  with  him. 
The  messenger  reported  that  the  ice  in  many  places 
above  the  portage  had  not  yet  broken.  McDougall 
had  vi  sited  the  Carriers'  land,  three  and  a  half  days' 

12  Parsnip  River,  or  south  branch,  on  some  maps  is  call  r,  while 

Finlay  Riveris  put  down  as  a  branch,  whereas  bhe  fai  I  b.     Re- 

garding these  streams  Fraser  says:  'This  river  at  its  confluence  with  the 
Peace  Kivi  pi  large,  and  appears  to  contain  a  large  quantity  of  water,  and 
the  Indians  say  it  is  navigable  a  considerable  way  up,  and  that  be:  ver,  bear, 
and  large  animals  of  all  kind  are  amazing  numerous.'  Finlay'a  Journal,  MS., 

28-30. 

Hibt.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    7 


98  SIMON  FRASER  AXD  JOHN  STUART. 

march  from  Trout  Lake,  and  reported  that  on  the 
borders  of  a  lake  which  "  empties  its  waters  into  the 
Columbia  by  a  small  river  which  is  reported  to  be 
navigable,"  he  saw  fifty  men,  and  that  the  journey  to 
this  lake  by  water  was  long  and  intricate. 

La  Malice  came  down  from  Trout  Lake,  arriving 
at  the  Rocky  Mountain  House  the  17th.  He  brought 
with  him  an  Indian  woman  for  whom  he  had  paid 
three  hundred  livres.  He  was  to  have  accompanied 
the  expedition,  but  when  Fraser  refused  to  take  the 
-woman  he  refused  to  go.  Fraser  became  indignant, 
and  told  him  he  might  join  the  expedition  or  go  to 
Montreal  as  he  pleased,  which  latter  signified  a  ter- 
mination of  his  services.  Finally  La  Malice  con- 
sented to  go  with  the  expedition,  whereat  Fraser 
relented,  and  told  him  he  might  take  the  woman. 

At  last,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  May, 
Fraser  took  an  account  of  all  the  property  at  the 
Rocky  Mountain  House,  closed  the  transactions  of 
the  year,  and  turned  the  command  over  to  Mc- 
Gillivray.  Then,  after  writing  some  letters,  every- 
thing being  prepared  for  his  departure,  in  com- 
pany with  Stuart  he  crossed  the  river,  and  after 
a  journey  of  fifteen  miles,  over  a  very  bad  road, 
reached  the  upper  end  of  the  portage  that  night  at 
ten  o'clock. 

Arousing  all  hands  long  before  daybreak  next  morn- 
ing, the  supplies  were  brought  from  cache,  and  two 
canoes  loaded,  when  it  was  found  that  a  third  boat 
would  be  necessary.  Fraser  and  Stuart  set  forward 
with  the  two  canoes  first  filled,  leaving  La  Malice  to 
follow  next  clay  in  the  third.  He  was  not  long  in 
overtaking  them.  All  three  boats  were  poorly  con- 
structed, especially  Stuart's,  which  had  been  budt 
under  the  superintendence  of  McDougall,  who  seemed 
to  find  little  favor  in  Fraser's  eyes  about  this  time. 
A  canoe  had  been  built  at  Trout  Lake  by  La  Malice, 
but  with  such  lack  of  skill  that  it  wTas  scarcely 
safe.     Before  the  end  of  the  first  day,  and  frequently 


FRASER  ON  MACKENZIE.  99 

after  that,  it  was  found  necessary  to  encamp,  unload, 
and  repair  and  gum  the  boats. 

The  first  night,  the  party  encamped  at  the  first 
point;  the  second  day  they  made  but  seven  miles. 
The  fourth  day  they  reached  a  rapid,  up  which  tin y 
towed  their  boats,  and  the  next  day  another.  Prog- 
ress was  very  slow  on  account  of  having  to  stop  to 
gum  the  leaky  boats  so  frequently.  On  the  2Gth  the 
travellers  overtook  a  band  of  Meadow  Indians  on 
their  way  to  the  Beaver  country.  Mr  Eraser  was 
astonished  at  the  wonderful  skill  displayed  by  them  in 
chasing  the  mountain-sheep  as  they  leaped  from  crag 
to  crag,  or  dashed  alon^  the  mountain-side. 

The  27th  saw  the  party  at  the  rapid  near  Finlay 
River.  Stuart  took  the  courses  and  made  a  chart 
of  the  river.  His  first  week's  memoranda,  however, 
were  lost  in  the  river.  Next  day  they  came  upon 
two  natives  who  had  never  seen  white  men.  They 
were  exceedingly  well  dressed,  and  had  guns  which 
they  obtained  from  their  relatives,  the  Meadow  Ind- 
ians. Former  information  about  Finlay  River,  the 
stream  that  flows  into  it,  and  the  country  beyond, 
was  confirmed. 

Fraser  now  breaks  into  a  tirade  against  Mackenzie, 
who,  he  says,  either  designedly  or  otherwise  mis- 
represents, having  affirmed  that  the  river  was  bad 
between  the  Rocky  Mountain  portage  and  the  fork, 
and  that  he  wished  to  make  out  that  he  ascended  the 
river  to  its  source,  when  in  order  to  do  that  he  must 
have  taken  the  Finlay  branch.  Fraser's  criticisms 
seem  to  me  not  only  unjust  but  childish.13 

About  eleven  o'clock  this  same  day,  the  28th  of 
May,  the  party  turned  southward  into  the  south 
branch,  now  generally  designated  Parsnip  River. 
The  current  was  strong,  and  the  banks  overflowed; 

13  '  The  distance  does  not  appear  to  be  much  above  ninety  or  one  hundred 
miles  at  most,  and  a  canoe  well  manned  might  have  performed  it  in 
days,'  Uvaser's  First  Journal,  MS.,  73;  and  yet  Fraser  himself  occupied  eight 
in  making  this  distance,  and  tills  more  pages  with  complaints  than  did 
Mackenzie  in  travelling  five  times  the  distance. 


100  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

the  water  was  too  deep  for  poles,  which  had  been 
used  with  advantage  upon  the  lower  stream.  The 
banks  were  thickly  matted  with  trees  and  shrubs,  so 
that  hunting  was  impeded,  and  the  drift-wood  brought 
down  by  the  current  rendered  navigation  dangerous. 

Working  their  way  slowly  up  the  stream,  here 
forcing  a  passage  among  logs,  and  again  towing  their 
boats  up  the  swift  current,  or  carrying  cargoes  round 
rapids,  breaking  their  boats  on  rocks,  limbs,  and  stumps, 
and  stopping  continually  to  mend  them,  to  say  the  least 
their  patience  was  severely  tried;  but  all  was  courage- 
ously met,  for  such  was  their  daily  and  yearly  routine. 

The  2d  of  June,  Nation  Kiver14  was  passed,  where  one 
of  the  canoes  was  left,  its  men  and  cargo  being  divided 
between  the  other  two.  This  was  made  possible  by 
reason  of  the  consumption  of  stores.  On  the  5  th,  at 
six  o'clock,  they  encamped  two  miles  "up  the  river  that 
leads  to  Trout  Lake,"  having  left  part  of  their  cargoes 
below  on  account  of  the  swiftness  of  the  current.  And 
here  again  Fraser  breaks  forth  in  wrath  because  Mac- 
kenzie did  not  see,  or  failed  to  mention,  certain  land- 
marks. The  present  explorer  does  not  wish  to  detract 
from  the  merits  of  his  predecessor,  he  says,  but  in 
his  opinion  Sir  Alexander  was  asleep  when  he  went 
through  that  country;  and  even  the  observations 
which  were  made  were  not  his  own,  but  those  of  the 
men  who  were  with  him.15    At  this  encampment  the 

14 '  So  called  because  the  upper  part  of  it  is  inhabited  by  some  of  the  Big 
Men,  though  of  a  different  family  from  those  at  Trout  Lake.'  Preiser's  First 
Journal,  MS.,  78.  . 

15  Simon  Fraser  was  not  the  most  amiable  man  in  the  world,  as  we  have 
seen  all  along  in  this  narrative,  but  his  ill-temper  we  might  endure  for  the  sake 
of  his  honesty,  or  of  his  enterprise.  But  when  through  envy  he  attempts  to 
enlarge  himself  by  cheapening  the  more  brilliant  efforts  of  a  better  man,  he 
brings  upon  himself  only  contempt.  It  was  no  credit  for  him  to  say  of  one 
who  had  so  recently  done  so  much  for  his  country  and  for  the  Northwest 
Company  that  'I  can  account  for  many  other  omissions,  in  no  other  manner 
than  his  being  asleep  at  the  time  he  pretends  to  have  been  very  exact;'  and, 
again:  'He  seldom  or  never  paid  the  attention  he  pretends  to  have  done.' 
Fras&r's  First  Journal,  MS.,  81-2.  Alexander  Mackenzie,  in  his  life  and 
works,  I  have  ever  found  honest,  courteous,  a  close  observer,  and  a  correct 
writer.  The  journal  of  Simon  Fraser  will  scarcely  justify  his  biographer  in 
saying  as  much  for  him.  Nevertheless,  we  will  gather  in  all  the  good  con- 
cerning him  that  we  can  find,  without  attempting  to  bring  him  into  low  esteem, 
as  he  sought  to  do  with  regard  to  Mackenzie. 


TROUT  LAKE.  101 

rest  of  the  goods,  except  such  as  were  destined  for 
Trout  Lake,  were  placed  in  cache,  because  the 
travellers  intended  soon  to  return  this  way,  and  to 
follow  the  course  of  the  east  branch  or  main  channel 
of  the  river  into  the  country  of  the  Carriers.  More 
than  this,  the  boats  were  so  shattered  as  to  be  unsafe, 
and  new  ones  had  become  a  necessity.  Some  of  the  men 
were  left  at  the  cache  to  watch  the  property  there. 

Continuing  their  journey  they  crossed  a  small  lake, 
which  was  Trout  Lake  proper  as  known  to-day,  and 
ascended  a  smaller  and  swifter  stream  than  any  hither- 
to encountered,  and  encamped  within  two  miles  of  the 
fort.  Next  morning  they  proceeded  to  the  house,  and 
found  McDougall,  who  had  been  anxiously  expecting 
them  for  several  days.  First  of  all  they  set  their 
nets  for  fish  to  satisfy  their  hunger  while  they  could 
build  some  new  boats.  Then  they  sent  for  some  of  the 
goods  which  had  been  placed  in  cache,  leaving  there 
one  man,  La  Garde,  to  watch  the  rest.  After  that 
they  sent  out  word  for  the  natives  to  come  in  and 
bring  fish  and  furs.  The  canoes  finished,  and  having 
selected  to  accompany  them  two  out  of  the  natives 
who  came  to  the  fort,  one  of  them  a  brother-in-law 
of  Little  Head,  on  the  23d  of  June  they  returned  to 
the  encampment  where  the  goods  had  been  cached. 

At  the  fort  McDougall  was  left  alone,  the  only 
man,  Saucier,  who  was  to  remain  with  him  having 
companied  the  Fraser  party  to  the  cache  encampment 
in  order  to  bring  back  some  iron  utensils  and  such 
other  goods  as  were  needed  at  the  post.  Arrived  at 
the  cache,  they  found  the  goods  all  safe  with  La 
Garde  in  attendance.  All  this  time  the  man  had 
lived  well  on  what  he  could  shoot  without  touching 
the  allowance  left  him  of  dried  food.  Loading  the 
boats  next  morning  the  party  dropped  down 
stream  that  leads  to  McLeod  Lake,  and  turning  into 
the  main  channel  began  its  ascent.16 

10 1  would  call  special  attention  to  this  encampment  and  to  the  narrative  in 
this  connection.    Mr  Fraser's  exact  words  are :  '  We  pushed  oil'  down  the  cur- 


102  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

One  of  the  men  who  had  complained  of  illness  be- 
fore starting  now  gave  up,  and  wished  to  return.  He 
was  immediately  sent  back  with  his  wife  and  baggage, 
in  charge  of  six  men,  to  the  cache  encampment  of  the 
previous  night,  and  there  left  to  finish  a  pine  canoe 
which  Saucier  was  making  in  which  to  take  the  goods 
to  the  fort,  and  Saucier  was  taken  in  his  place.  Not 
more  than  two  hours  were  occupied  in  making  the 
exchange. 

That  day  and  the  next,  which  was  the  25th,  poling 
and  paddling  were  good,  and  fair  distances  were  made. 
La  Malice  was  now  seized  with  sickness,  became  de- 
lirious, and  caused  some  delay.  In  fact,  all  the  men 
complained  of  some  ailment,  or  at  least  Fraser  com- 
plained of  all  except  Stuart.  The  boats  and  the 
stream  being  about  what  they  should  be  for  the  pur- 
poses of  navigation,  there  was  nothing  left  but  the 
men  to  find  fault  with,  and  if  these  were  so  much 
below  the  average  Mr  Eraser  should  not  have  brought 
them.17  Setting  out  at  an  early  hour  on  the  morning 
of  the  27th,  the  party  breakfasted  "at  a  considerable 
large  river  that  flows  into  the  main  on  the  left  side." 
Above  this  was  a  rapid  place  three  miles  in  length, 
then  a  slack  current  again.  "A  little  before  sunset 
we  found  four  young  men  of  the  Barbins  band  exactly 

rent  until  we  came  to  the  main  river,  and  then  I  steered  up  a  strong  and  rapid  - 
ous  stream.'  First  Journal,  MS.,  101-2.  It  has  been  taken  for  granted  by 
many  that  both  Mackenzie  and  Fraser  in  passing  up  the  Parsnip  from  Peace 
River  to  the  Fraser  followed  the  most  direct  course  past  Trout  Lake,  McLeod 
Lake,  Summit  Lake,  and  over  Giscome  portage,  whereas  if  I  am  correct  in 
my  reckoning  it  was  up  the  main  channel  of  Parsnip  River,  past  the  branch 
that  comes  in  from  McLeod  Lake  to  the  upper  fork,  where  taking  the  western 
1  iranch  they  ascended  to  its  source,  and  thence  crossed  to  the  Fraser.  The  rea- 
sons by  which  I  arrive  at  this  conclusion  will  be  more  apparent  as  we  proceed. 
17  It  is  true  he  excuses  himself  by  saying  there  were  no  better  men  at  the 
Rocky  Mountain  portage,  but  if  that  was  tnie,  whose  fault  was  it  that  there 
was  a  lack  of  good  men  there?  We  may  be  sure  that  in  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany, of  all  other  associations  in  the  world,  good  masters  were  sure  to  have  good 
men.  With  every  one  of  them  something  was  the  matter,  he  says,  a  rupture, 
an  eniption,  a  sprain,  or  a  fever.  Indeed,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred 
to  him  that  in  all  this  he  was  censuring  only  himself  for  being  so  poorly  pro- 
vided for  his  expedition.  Now,  too,  he  indulges  in  the  strange  inconsistency 
of  meeting  at  eveiy  turn  some  object  mentioned  by  Mr  Mackenzie  in  1793, 
or  by  Mr  Friday  in  1797,  and  that  too  on  a  route  which  a  short  time  previous 
he  doubted  they  had  ever  travelled. 


THE  SEVERAL  ROUTES.  103 

where  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie  found  the  first  Indians 

upon  his  expedition  in  I  793. "18    There  they  encamped. 

Very  early  next  day  they  passed  another  large 
stream  flowing  in  from  the  east,  and  at  noon  still 
another  on  the  same  side,  the  last  one  "  as  1. 
the  one  we  navigated."  At  this  fork  they  came  upon 
an  old  chirr,  who  .for  several  days  had  been  waiting 
their  arrival  at  this  point,  which  was  the  identical  spot 
where  Finlay  had  found  the  same  man  nine  years 
before.  With  him  were  several  natives  who  had  come 
a  long  distance  to  see  white  people,  and  who  now 
examined  them  with  great  interest  and  admiration. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  they  passed 
another  stream  flowing  in  from  the  east,  near  the  place 
called  by  Mackenzie  Beaver  Lodge.  A  half-mile 
beyond  they  passed  another  small  stream,  this  time  on 
the  western  side.  Before  noon  they  turned  from  the 
main  channel  into  a  branch  that  came  in  from  the 
west.19  This  river  was  clear  and  deep,  but  not  very 
wide.  Soon  they  came  to  a  small  lake,  to  enter  which 
they  were  forced  to  open  a  passage  through  drift- 
wood. One  and  a  half  miles  up  this  lake  they  met 
an  Indian  who  drew  a  map  of  the  country  for  them, 
and  said,  were  they  at  Trout  Lake  he  could  show 
them  a  shorter  and  better  route  to  the  Fraser  than 
that  they  were  on.20 

18 1  am  thus  particular  to  show,  first,  that  this  party  is  not  on  the  branch 
that  leads  to  McLeod's  Lake,  and  secondly,  that  Fraser  is  here  following  the 
track  of  Mackenzie. 

19  Here  is  a  specimen  of  Fraser's  grammar  and  temper :    '  Sir  Alexander 
Mackenzie  represents  this  river  as  terminating  in  the  mountains  aear 
but  if  the  Indians  be  allowed  to  know  better  than  him  it  is  not  so,  for  they 
say  it  is  navigable  much  farther,  and  terminates  in  a  small  lake. '  First  Journal, 
MS.,  112-13. 

20 '  There  was  a  portage  of  a  mile  and  one  half  at  most  from  one  of  the 
"nl  Trout  Lake  into  a,  line  navigable  river,  and  no  rapid  :.  I 
into  the  Columbia.'  Mnlay's  Journal,  Ms.,  ]  14.     Writing  his  ]  artners  of  the 
ioken  of  by  the  Indian,  he  says :   '  It  f  alls  in  a  littli  Knights' 

first  encampment  on  the  Columbia.    It  is  a  fine  navigabl   • 
current,  and  report  says  that  then.'  is  only  ;i  carrying  place  of  about  a  couple 
of  miles  at  most  from  the  other  lakes  beyond  Trout  Lake  to  fall  into  it;  and 
Mr  McDougaU  has  now  directions  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  it,  which,  it"  exact, 
will  not  only  shorten  the  passage,  but  render  it  perfectly  ill  be  the 

means  of  avoiding  the  Had  Liver.'   /',-/*  r's  I.,  7r  rs,  MS.,  \.     With  Mackenzie, 
Fraser  at  this  time  supposed  Fraser  Liver  to  be  the  Columbia. 


104  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

This  Indian  was  easily  prevailed  upon  to  accompany 
them  to  the  next  lake,  a  short  distance  beyond,  which 
was  the  source  of  this  branch  of  Parsnip  River.  Here 
was  the  Height  of  Land,  as  the  ridge  dividing  the  flow 
of  waters  toward  the  east  and  toward  the  west  was 
called  by  the  fur-hunters.  Mr  Fraser  thought  this 
not  a  bad  place  for  an  establishment.  There  were 
lakes  and  streams  on  every  side  abounding  in  fish, 
with  fur-bearing  animals  not  far  distant.  Seven  or 
eight  hundred  yards  beyond  this  lake,  over  this  low 
dividing  ridge,  was  another  lake  whose  waters  com- 
municated with  Fraser  River.21 

Embarking  on  this  little  sheet  of  water,  about  three 
miles  in  length,  the  travellers  found  themselves  at  last 
gliding  with  the  current  which  starting  never  stops 
until  it  reaches  the  salt  Pacific.22  Both  Mackenzie  and 
Fraser  were  here  troubled  with  drift-wood.  The  out- 
let to  this  lake  was  a  small  stream,  yet  large  enough 
to  float  a  canoe,  but  so  filled  with  drift-wood  as  to  be 
impassable.  Hence  here  was  another  portage  of  some 
one  hundred  and  sixty  or  seventy  yards  to  another 

21  The  character  of  this  portage  and  the  sources  of  the  streams  on  cither 
side  of  it,  as  well  as  the  channel  taken  at  the  branch  which  1 
Lake  must  finally  determine  the  course  taken  by  Mackenzie  andFraser.  Mac- 
kenzie, Voyage,  217,  says  :  '  We  landed  and  unloaded,  where  v.'c  found  a  beaten 
path  leading  over  a  low  ridge  of  land  of  eight  hundred  and  seventeen  paces 
in  length  to  another  small  lake.  The  distance  between  the  two  mountains  at 
this  place  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  rocky  precipices  presenting  themselves 
on  both  sides.'  Fraser  remarks,  First  Journal,  MS.,  115:  'We  continued 
to  the  extremity  of  the  lake  about  three  miles,  and  there  unloaded  at  the 
Height  of  Land,  which  is  one  of  the  finest  portages  I  ever  saw,  between  six  and 
seven  hundred  yards  long,  and  perhaps  the  shortest  interval  of  any  between 
the  waters  that  descend  into  the  northern  and  southern  oceans. '  These  two 
statements,  as  well  as  those  wdiich  follow  after  embarking  upon  the  southern 
lake,  are  easily  reconciled.  They  are  unquestionably  the  same.  Of  this  spot 
we  have  no  correct  map,  but  turning  to  Mr  Selwyn's  Geological  Survey  Re- 
port 1875-G,  we  find  an  exact  map  of  the  entire  branch  on  which  is  situated 
McLeod  Lake.  But  here  the  portage  is  seven  and  one  fourth  miles,  or  12.760 
paces,  which  in  no  wise  corresponds  with  the  distance  mentioned  by  both  Mac- 
kenzie and  Fraser.  Giscome  portage  likewise  terminates  on  the  bank  of  the 
Fraser,  while  both  Mackenzie  and  Fraser  speak  of  a  lake  and  stream  which 
they  navigated  before  coming  to  the  Columbia,  as  they  supposed  the  large 
river  to  be.  Finally,  although  not  much  reliance  for  exactness  is  to  be  placed 
on  the  astronomical  observations  of  the  early  explorers,  such  evidence  as  we 
have  of  that  kind  is  in  favor  of  the  eastern  portage,  which  Mackenzie  makes 
in  latitude  54°  24',  and  longitude  121  west  from  Greenwich. 

22 '  This  lake  runs  in  the  same  course  as  the  last,  but  is  rather  narrower, 
and  not  more  than  half  the  length.'  Mackenzie's  Voy.,  217. 


BAD  RIVER.  105 

and  perhaps  a  trifle  smaller  lake.23  Here  they  en- 
camped, and  set  their  net  for  fish.  Their  start  was 
late  next  day,  the  2d  of  July,  owing  to  the  inclem- 
ency of  the  weather,  and  to  fresh  troubles  with  La 
Malice,  who  was  unreasonable  and  petulant,  complain- 
ing of  neglect  and  ill-treatment,  and  threatening  to 
remain  behind,  saying  he  was  in  no  wise  obliged  to 
explore  Peace  Kiver,  much  less  the  waters  that  de- 
scended to  the  Pacific.  Fraser  would  not  abandon  him, 
however,  although  he  sometimes  felt  that  the  man 
deserved  no  better  treatment.  From  the  second 
small  lake  along  the  streamlet  to  the  large  river, 
though  the  distance  was  not  far,  the  time  occupied  in 
making  it  by  Mackenzie  was  five  days,  and  by  Fraser 
eight  days.  Nor  was  there  on  the  entire  route  a 
more  difficult  or  hazardous  piece  of  travel.  The 
stream  was  aptly  called  Bad  Piver  by  these  hardy 
explorers.24 

The  country  was  rugged,  and  the  river  rocky, 
stumpy,  full  of  fallen  trees  and  drift-wood,  with  fre- 
quent rapids,  cascades,  and  shallow  places.  Again 
and  again  the  canoes  were  broken  and  mended,  until 
they  were  little  else  than  patchwork.  Sometimes 
there  would  be  a  complete  wreck,  with  half  the  boat 
smashed;  at  which  times  the  men  were  obliged  to 
plunge  into  the  icy  water  to  save  the  cargo,  remaining 
there  frequently  for  hours  until  benumbed  by  cold 
and  ready  to  drop  with  fatigue.  Over  some  places 
the  canoes  could  carry  but  part  of  a  load,  when  sev- 
eral trips  would  be  made;  portages  were  frequent, 
sometimes  over  bluffs,  and  sometimes  through  jungles. 
Excessive  labor,  attended  by  frequent  exasperating 
mishaps,  brought  discouragement  to   the   men,  who 

23Mackenzie  says  this  second  lake  'is  in  the  same  course,  and  about  the 
same  size  as  that  which  we  have  just  left.'  To  reach  it  he  passed  over  'a 
beaten  path  of  only  one  hundred  and  .seventy-live  pa-  words 

are:  'The  distance  is  160  yards  to  another  lake  not  quite  so  large  as  the  las* 
one.'  Mackenzie's  Voy.,  -217-lS;  Fraser's  First  Journal,  MS.,  110. 

-"Near  its  confluence  [sic]  it  divides  into  tin  .  all  of  which  I 

suppose  to  he  navigable,  but  the  one  to  the  right  is  the  best  route.'  Fraser's 
First  Journal,  MS.,  loo. 


106  SIMON  FRASER  AND  JOHN  STUART. 

more  than  once  threatened  to  abandon  the  enterprise 
and  return ;  but  by  sharing  with  them  both  danger  and 
hardship,  their  leader  finally  prevailed  upon  them  to 
continue,  though  it  was  indeed  a  marvellous  feat  to 
make  this  passage  in  loaded  boats.25 

On  emerging  from  Bad  River  the  first  thing  to  be 
done  was  to  encamp,  dry  the  goods,  and  mend  the 
boats.  Five  beaver  brought  in  by  the  hunters  were 
quickly  devoured  by  the  men.  Again  embarking,  so 
swift  was  the  current  of  the  Fraser  at  this  point  that 
twenty-one  miles  were  made  before  five  o'clock  next 
morning,  which  was  the  11th  of  July,  and  with  an 
early  start  and  a  fine  run  they  reached  the  mouth  of 

25 1  will  give  the  words  of  both  Mackenzie  and  Fraser  on  reaching  Fraser 
River:  'At  an  early  hour  of  the  morning  Ave  were  all  employed  in  cutting  a 
passage  of  three  quarters  of  a  mile,  through  which  we  carried  our  canoe  and 
cargo,  when  we  put  her  into  the  water  with  her  lading,  but  in  a  very  short 
time  were  stopped  by  the  drift-wood,  and  were  obliged  to  land  and  cany.  In 
short,  we  pursued  our  alternate  journies  by  land  and  water  till  noon,  when 
we  could  proceed  no  further,  from  the  vaiious  small  unnavigable  channels 
into  which  the  river  branched  in  every  direction ;  and  no  other  mode  of  get- 
ting forward  now  remained  for  us  but  by  cutting  a  road  across  a  neck  of  land. 
I  accordingly  despatched  two  men  to  ascertain  the  exact  distance,  and  we 
employed  the  interval  of  their  absence  hi  unloading  and  getting  the  canoe  out 
of  the  water.  It  was  eight  in  the  evening  when  we  arrived  at  the  bank  of 
the  great  river.  This  journey  was  three  cpiarters  of  a  mile  east-north-east 
through  a  continued  swamp,  where  in  many  places  we  waded  up  to  the  mid- 
dle of  our  thighs.  Our  course  in  the  small  river  was  about  south-east  by  cast 
three  miles.  At  length  we  enjoyed,  after  all  our  toil  and  anxiety,  the  inex- 
pressible satisfaction  of  finding  ourselves  on  the  bank  of  a  navigable  river  on 
the  west  side  of  the  first  great  range  of  mountains.'  Maekenzu  's  Voy.,  227-8. 
'  This  place  we  suppose  to  be  the  low  spot  where  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie 
carried  across  the  neck  of  land  to  the  large  river.  He  was  misinformed  in 
saying  it  terminated  in  various  branches.  Mr  Stuart,  who  was  down  yester- 
day at  the  large  river,  traced  this  river  for  some  time,  and  afterward  crossed 
it  in  many  places,  is  of  opinion  that  we  will  be  able  to  get  to  its  confluence 
with  the  canoes,  and  the  Montague  de  bauttes  [sic]  account  of  it  agrees  with  his. 
Therefore  we  intend  to  continue  by  water  as  far  as  we  can.  All  the  goods 
are  entirely  wet,  and  the  provisions  are  spoiling.  When  we  arrived  at  this 
place  the  canoes  were  no  more  able  to  float,  their  bottoms  being  entirely 
smashed,  and  after  getting  bark,  and  gathering  some  gum,  we  patched  them 
up  for  the  present. .  .Thursday,  10th  July.  After  the  canoes  were  gummed  a 
little  we  continued  on.  and  had  better  going  than  we  had  reason  to  expect. 
The  river — right  branch — is  narrow,  but  plenty  of  water  to  bear  the  canoes, 
and  the  current  is  not  strong,  which  enabled  us  to  continue  on  with  both 
canoes  with  their  full  loads  on.  At  10  A.  m.  we  arrived  at  the  large  river 
opposite  an  island,  without  encountering  any  other  difficulty  than  cutting 
several  trees  that  laid  across  the  channel,  and  we  were  most  happy  at  having 
exempted  the  long  and  bad  carrying  place,  and  seeing  ourselves  once  more 
on  the  banks  of  a  fine  and  navigable  river.'  Fraser's  First  Journal,  MS., 
132-3. 


FRASER  RIVER.  107 

the  Nechaco,  or  Stuart  River,28  about  sunset,  and 
entering  it  encamped  Dear  where  now  stands  Fori 
George. 

2G'This  river  is  not  mentioned  by  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie,  which  sur- 
prises me  not  a  little,  it  being  full  in  sight,  and  a  fine  large  river. .  .from  what 
Mr  McDougall  in  his  journal  of  last  spring  calls  the  Great  Fork  ..flows  in 
from  the  right. .  .leads  to  the  Carrier's  Lake  where  Mr  McDougall  was  last 
spring.'  Preiser's  First  Journal,  MS.,  L38-9.  '  We  lefl  the  Columbia  on  the 
1  lth  ultimo,  and  entered  this  river,  which  at  its  confluence  is  half  a 
the  former.'  Preiser's  Letters,  M.S.,  4.     .See  Hist.  North  us;;,  this 

series. 


CHAPTER  V. 

DESCENT  OF  ERASER  RIVER— DISCOVERY  OF  THOMPSON  RIVER. 

1806-1811. 

Ascext  of  Stuart  Riyee — Fort  St  James  Founded— They  Explore 
Fraser  Lake — And  Build  Eraser  Fort — Fort  George  Estab- 
lished—Voyage   DOWN    THE    FRASER  —  SPOKANE    HOUSE  —  FLATHEAD 

House  and  Fort  Kootenais  Established — David  Thompson  Ap- 
pears in  New  Caledonia — Discovers  Thompson  River — Desertion 
of  his  Men — Winters  on  Canoe  River — Descends  the  Columbia 
to  Fort  Astoria. 

Thus  far  Stuart  and  Fraser  bad  discovered  but 
little  new  country.  Tbey  bad  followed  Mackenzie's 
tracks  to  and  down  Fraser  River  as  far  as  Stuart 
River;  but  from  tbis  point  we  follow  tbem  into  regions 
new  to  European  eyes. 

Entering  Stuart  River,  tbe  travellers  bad  to  con- 
tend with  a  strong  and  in  parts  steady  current,  with 
frequent  rapids  and  carrying-places.  Fraser  was  in- 
clined to  ascend  tbis  stream  by  what  bad  been  told 
him  at  Trout  Lake  by  tbe  Carriers  who  bad  crossed 
over  from  Stuart  Lake.  Representations  were  made 
by  these  natives  concerning  tbe  resources  of  their  coun- 
try, and  tbe  temper  of  their  people,  which  fully  corrob- 
orated tbe  observations  of  McDougall  made  during 
the  spring  of  the  previous  year,  and  these  determined 
Fraser  to  visit  that  region  and  establish  posts  there 
before  descending  the  great  river  to  the  sea. 

On  their  way  up  they  were  troubled  somewhat  by 
grizzly  bears,  two  of  the  men  being  chased  by  them. 
One  man  was  caught  and  badly  torn,  the  clogs 
coming  up  just  in  time  to  save  his  life.     The  wife  of 

(103) 


STUART  RTVER.  109 

one  of  the  hunters  escaped  a  horrible  death  by  throw- 
ing herself  flat  on  her  face,  the  enraged  brute  in  con- 
sequence passing  her  by  in  pursuit  of  her  flying 
husband.  In  one  place  they  were  obliged  to  cut  a 
load  three  hundred  yards  in  length  round  a  cascade 
which  dashed  down  between  perpendicular  rocks. 

No  natives  were  seen  until  half-way  up  the  river, 
when  on  the  bank  were  encountered  thirty  men  arrayed 
in  robes  of  beaver,  cat,  and  badger  skins.  The  south 
branch  which  comes  in  from  Fraser,  or  as  it  was  then 
called,  Natla  Lake,1  was  passed  by  on  the  left,  and  on 
the  2Gth  of  July  1806  they  came  to  a  large  fine  body 
of  water  which  they  called  at  first  Sturgeon  Lake,2 
but  afterward  Stuart  Lake,  and  the  river  they  had 
jusi  ascended,  Stuart  River. 

Here  Fraser  has  no  little  fault  to  find  with  Mc- 
Dougall,  who,  he  affirms,  pictured  the  country  in  all 
its  spring  glories,  with  an  abundance  of  fish  and  fowl, 
whereas  the  fifty  miserable  natives3  he  found  there  w  sre 
starving,  and  the  travellers  themselves  would  have 
suffered  had  they  arrived  earlier,  the  water  being  even 
then  so  high  that  they  could  catch  few  fish.  Immedi- 
ately on  landing,  all  hands  set  to  work  building,  and 
soon  comfortable  quarters  were  secured,  which  in  time 
developed  into  the  formidable  establishment  of  Fort 
St  James.  The  site  chosen  was  a  peninsula,  thus 
giving  the  place  quite  a  maritime  air.*  La  Malice, 
who  had  fully  recovered,  was  then  sent  with  letters 
to  McDougall  and  the  partners  below,  and  also  to 
meet  expected  supplies.5 

1On  .some  maps  Xatla:  Fraser  writes  it  Xalta,  and  sometimes  Xatley. 

2 Indian  name  Xaughalchun. 

arc  a  large,  indolent,  thievish  set  of  vagabonds  of  a  mild  disposi- 
tion.    They  are  amazing  fond  of  goods,  which  circumstance  might  lead  to 
imagine  that  they  would  work  well  to  get  what  they  seem  to  I'      0  fond  of; 
i  n  they  arc  independent  of  us.  as  they  get  their  necessaries  from  their 
neighborswhotradewith  the  nativesof  the  sea-coast.'  Fraser'a  LeiU  rs,  M  3., 6  7. 

4  The  post  proved  pleasant  and  important;  so  much  so  thai  in  L848 
in  charge  of  the  New  Caledonian  Department,  Chief  Factor  Ogden  made  his 
residence  there. 

5 '  La  Malice  is  the  bearer  of  this  who  I  send  down  to  meet  the  canoes 
which  probably  will  be  at  Fort  Chipewyan  in  order  to  conduct  them  up  to 
Trout  Lake,  and  from  thence  we  will  be  able  to  get  the  goods  1 
land  to  this  place  in  the  course  of  the  full  and  winter.'  />«-  is.,  S. 


110  DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER. 

It  was  now  Mr  Fraser's  plan  to  continue  his  route 
down  the  Fraser  as  far  as  the  Atnah  Nation,  accom- 
panied by  Mr  Stuart  and  six  men,  leaving  the  rest  of 
his  company  at  Fort  St  James.  If  Fraser  could  find 
a  suitable  place  to  winter,  then  Stuart  would  return 
to  Fort  St  James;  if  not,  both  would  return,  in  which 
case  one  of  them  would  go  over  to  the  other  lake 
westward,  that  is  to  say,  Fraser  Lake,  and  establish  a 
post  there.  The  failure  of  the  salmon  by  whose  ar- 
rival alone  the  winter  for  red  men  or  white  in  this 
region  is  made  comfortable,  greatly  retarded  his  move- 
ments. "  No  possible  exertion  of  ours  has  been  want- 
ing," Fraser  writes  his  partner  early  in  August  1806. 
"  We  have  established  the  post  beyond  the  mountains, 
and  will  establish  another  in  the  most  conventional 
place  we  can  find  before  the  fall,  w7here  people  can  live, 
and  this  I  believe  was  all  that  was  expected  this 
summer." 

The  necessarily  limited  supplies  brought  with  them 
were  being  daily  reduced,  and  new  countries  could  not 
be  explored  and  forts  established  without  cost;  so 
Fraser  said  while  asking  for  further  men  and  means, 
nor  were  any  considerable  returns  expected  by  him  this 
year.  Yet,  if  a  number  of  stations  could  be  favorably 
planted  on  this  western  side  of  the  mountains,  he  did 
not  doubt  the  result  would  be  satisfactory  in  the  end. 

Meanwhile  neither  salmon  nor  supplies  arriving,  the 
last  of -August  saw  the  fort-builders  subsisting  on 
berries,  with  a  few  carp  which  they  could  catch,  and 
now  and  then  a  beaver.  And  yet,  although  so  near 
starvation,  Fraser  and  Stuart  felt  that  they  could 
delay  operations  no  longer.  So  on  the  28th,  Stuart, 
accompanied  by  two  men,  set  out  for  the  other  side 
of  the  mountain  which  intervenes  between  this  and 
Natla,  or  Fraser  Lake,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
the  practicability  of  establishing  a  post  in  that  local- 
ity, and  to  choose  a  site.  He  was  to  meet  and  report 
to  Mr  Fraser  in  eight  days  at  the  junction  of  the 
two  streams  flowing  from  the  respective  lakes.     To 


PRASEB  LAKE.  Ill 

this  end  Fraser  left  Stuart  Lake  the  3d  of  September, 
Blais  remaining  in  charge  until  Stuart  should  arrive, 
while  Fraser  was  to  continue  exploring  down  the  river. 
Butwheu  the  friends  met  at  the  junction  according  to 
agreement,  so  favorable  was  Stuart's  account  of  the 
district  \iv  had  just  visited  that  Fraser  determined  to 
proceed  thither  at  once  and  build  a  house.  Besides, 
to  attempt  to  descend  the  great  river  without  pro- 
visions or  goods  would  be  the  height  of  lolly.  During 
the  absence  of  the  partners  the  natives,  recognizing 
very  quickly  the  difference  between  masters  and  men, 
had  imposed  upon  Blais  and  his  comrades,  although 
no  damage  had  been  done.  McDougall,  to  the  infi- 
nite disgust  of  Fraser,  had  fallen  from  the  greatest 
of  expectations  for  the  season  to  begging  from  the 
starving  fort-builders  five  measures  of  powder  and  a 
man  to  hunt  for  him  to  keep  him  alive. 

According  to  his  purpose,  Fraser  proceeded  to 
Natla,  that  is  to  say,  Fraser  Lake,  and  with  live  men 
began  to  erect  a  building  in  a  picturesque  position  at 
the  eastern  end  near  its  discharge  into  the  Nechacho 
River,  which  in  time  became  Fort  Fraser.  The  sal- 
mon now  began  to  come,  insuring  safety  from  starva- 
tion during  the  winter.  But  the  natives  of  this  lake 
being  no  less  indifferent  to  the  white  man's  merchandise 
than  those  of  the  other  lake,  the  fort-builders  were 
obliged  to  leave  their  labors  and  to  do  their  own  iisl  i  i 

Next,  Fraser  explored  the  lake,  and  found  in  the 
hands  of  the  natives  at  the  end  opposite  that  on 
which  he  was  building,  some  spoons  and  a  metal  pot. 
During  the  antumn  Stuart  crossed  over  to  Trout 
Lake,  hoping  to  obtain  some  goods;  but  as  no  canoes 
had  arrived  so  far,  all  hopes  were  abandoned  of  fur- 
ther operations  that  season.7     When  it  was  too  late 

6  'I  assure  you  I  am  tired  of  living  on  fish,'  now  writes  Fraser,  who  a  few 
days  b  arful  lest  he  with  the  rest  should  starve  on  account  of  the 

non-arrival  of  the  salmon. 

1  '1  certainly  was  highly  disappointed  and  vexed,' writes  Fraser  to  Mc- 
Dougall the  21st  of  December,  'that  no  canoes  arrived  at  this  quarter,  which 
is  a  considerable  loss  to  the  company,  and  a  severe  blow  to  our  discovi 
Fraser's  Letters.  MS.,  40. 


112  DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER. 

the  goods  came,  and  then  Fraser  lifted  up  his  lamen- 
tations because  the  company  would  be  displeased  in 
not  receiving  fair  returns  for  them,  which  it  was  impos- 
sible for  him  to  make. 

Quite  a  scandal  arose  this  winter  over  the  woman 
La  Malice  had  bought  at  Trout  Lake,  in  which  Mc- 
Dougall  was  mixed  up  to  his  detriment.  It  seems  in 
the  purchase  of  this  woman  some  of  the  company's 
goods  had  been  emplo}Ted,  contrary  to  rule  or  prece- 
dent. Yet  all  this  did  not  prevent  both  Eraser  and 
McDougall  from  picking  up  temporary  wives  for  the 
winter. 

Meanwhile  the  fort-building  went  forward  to  com- 
fortable completion;  and  we  can  but  accord  these 
hardy  pioneers  the  highest  praise  when  we  remember 
that  these  establishments  have  stood  as  the  most  im- 
portant posts  of  all  that  region  for  three  quarters  of 
a  century. 

It  was  the  earnest  desire  of  Mr  Fraser  to  continue 
his  explorations  down  the  river  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  the  ensuing  spring.  He  even  thought  of 
getting  goods  over  on  the  ice,  so  as  to  be  ready  to 
start  as  soon  as  the  rivers  were  open.  But  in  this  he 
was  disappointed,  there  not  being  goods  enough  this 
side  of  the  mountains  to  supply  the  newly  constructed 
posts,  to  say  nothing  of  a  supply  for  exploring  pur- 
poses. Attention  was  therefore  given  the  following 
spring  more  to  fur-gathering  than  to  explorations. 

The  most  notable  event  in  this  localitj^  in  1807  was 
the  building  of  Fort  George  at  the  confluence  of 
Stuart  and  Fraser  rivers.8  Upon  the  lake  above  there 
were  two  establishments  planted,  but  on  the  Great 
River  as  yet  there  was  none;  and  should  this  stream 
become  a  great  highway  between  the  eastern  ocean 

8  Fort  George  was  placed  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Fraser  near  the  junction 
of  the  Xechaco,  on  a  spot  called  Thleetleh.  One  would  hardly  suppose  there 
could  be  such  poverty  of  fort  nomenclature  as  to  recpiire  calling  Astoria 
Fort  George,  when  there  was  one  tort  already  on  the  western  slope  rejoicing 
in  that  name. 


FORT  GEORGE. 


113 


and  the  western;  should  it  prove  to  be  the  Columbia, 
as  Mackenzie  had  thought,and  above  all  should  it  prove 
to  be  navigable,  as  from  appearances  thereabouts  there 
was  every  indication,  then  this  post  would  be  greatly 
needed.  At  all  events  it  was  at  Fort  George  that 
Fraser  now  gathered  his  forces  and  supplies,  and  it 
was  from  this  place  that  he  had  determined  to  take 
his  departure  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  down  this 
stream.9 


Eraser  River. 

In  the  summer  of  1808,  then,  in  company  with 
Stuart,  we  find  Mr  Fraser  swiftly  descending'  the 
stream  which  bears  his  name,  under  somewhat  more 
favorable  circumstances  than  those  in  which  the  first 
part  of  his  journey  was  performed  two  years  previous. 
Yet  at  best  it  was  a  daring  feat,  and  he,  as  well  as  Sir 

•See  Tod's  New  Caledonia,  MS.,  30:  Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS., 
13-14, 29-30, and 98;  Stuart's  Nott  t,  passim,235;  H  ilkes'Nar.  U.S.  Ex.Ex.,vt. 
479;  Select  Com.  House  Commons  l:< pt.,  307;  Die's  Speeches,  i.  40;  British 
North  Am.,  -274:  Martin's  11.  B.,  25. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    8 


114  DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER. 

George  Simpson,  who  followed  him  twenty  years  later, 
are  entitled  to  our  hearty  admiration. 

The  party  embarked  at  Fort  George  in  fine  condi- 
tion, about  the  middle  of  May.  At  the  beginning  of 
his  journey  Mr  Fraser  occasionally  met  a  native  who 
had  seen  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie  in  his  journey, 
but  he  was  soon  among  those  who  had  never  beheld 
a  white  man.  Animals  were  reported  numerous,  and 
the  river  little  better  than  a  succession  of  dangerous 
or  impassable  rapids  and  falls.  The  natives  told  him 
that  if  he  would  reach  the  sea  he  should  follow  the 
route  of  Mackenzie,  which  some  of  them  well  remem- 
bered, but  Fraser  answered  them  that  whatever  the 
obstacles  he  should  follow  that  river  to  its  end. 

The  Indians  along  the  route  were  well  clad,  intelli- 
gent, and  peaceable.  They  had  often  heard  of  fire- 
arms, but  few  had  ever  witnessed  their  discharge. 
Often  they  would  ask  to  have  them  fired,  and  on 
hearing  the  report  they  would  fall  flat  on  their  faces. 
One  day,  while  firing  his  swivel  for  their  edification, 
it  burst,  wounding  the  man  who  fired  it. .  Mr  Fraser 
now  attempted  to  enter  in  his  journal  the  course  of 
the  river  after  the  manner  of  Mackenzie,  though  to 
little  purpose. 

A  notable  slave,  encountered  on  the  31st  of  May, 
professed  to  have  ascended  the  whole  length  of  the 
stream,  and  attempted  to  delineate  its  course,  but 
failed.  An  Atnah  chief,  with  his  slave,  accompanied 
the  expedition  in  the  hope  that  Fraser  would  build 
a  fort  on  his  land  when  he  returned.  This  chief's 
brother  bestowed  valuable  gifts  upon  Fraser,  and 
charged  him  to  take  good  care  of  his  kinsman. 

The  simplicity  and  coolness  with  which  the  fur- 
traders  speak  of  hardships  and  dangers,  I  have  re- 
marked ujDon  before,  but  I  am  sure  I  can  do  no  better 
here  than  to  let  Mr  Fraser  tell  how  he  passed  a  bad 
place  in  the  river  on  the  1st  of  June.  "Mr  Stuart, 
myself,  and  six  men  went  to  visit  the  rapid  again, 
while  the  other  remained  to  take  care  of  the  baggage 


THRILLING  ADVENTURES.  115 

and  canoes.  We  found  the  rapid  to  be  about  one  i 
a  half  miles  long,  and  the  rocks  on  both  sides  the 
river  contract  themselves  in  some  places  to  within 
thirty  or  forty  yards  of  one  another;  the  immense 
body  of  water  passes  through  them  in  a  zigzag  and 
turbulent  manner,  forming  numerous  gull's  and  whirl- 
pools of  great  depth.  However,  it  was  deemed  im- 
possible to  carry  the  canoes;  it  was  the  general 
opinion  that  they  ought  to  be  run  down;  indeed,  there 
was  no  alternative  than  that  or  leaving  them  here 
Stuart  remained  at  the  lower  end  with  La  Garde  and 
Waka  to  watch  the  natives,  while  the  others  were 
running  the  canoes  down;  though  they  appeared  to 
be  peaceable,  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  allow  the 
people  to  run  down  the  canoes  under  such  a  steep  and 
rocky  bank  without  having  a  guard  above,  as  it  would 
be  in  the  Indians'  power  to  sink  them  all  to  the 
bottom  were  they  ill  inclined;  and  I  returned  to  the 
upper  end  to  see  the  people  embark.  Accordingly 
five  of  the  best  men  embarked  with  only  about 
eleven  or  twelve  pieces.  They  immediately  entered 
the  rapid,  but  the  whirlpools  below  the  first  cascade 
made  them  wheel  about,  and  they  remained  a  con- 
siderable time  without  being  able  to  move  one  way  or 
the  other,  and  every  moment  on  the  brink  of  eternity. 
However,  by  the  utmost  exertion,  they  went  down 
two  others,  till  between  the  third  and  fourth,  which 
is  the  most  turbulent,  the  eddies  and  whirlpools 
caught  hold  of  the  canoe,  and,  in  spite  of  them, 
brought  it  ashore  in  a  moment;  and  fortunately  it 
was  it  happened  so,  and  that  they  were  not  able  to 
get  out  again,  for  had  they  got  down  the  fourth  cas- 
cade, it  would  have  been  more  than  likely  the}T  would 
have  remained  there.  Seeing  it  impossible  to  go  any 
further,  they  unloaded  upon  a  small  point,  in  a  very 
steep  and  high  and  long  hill.  Upon  my  way  down 
to  see  what  had  become  of  the  people,  I  met  Stuart 
coming  up,  who  informed  me  of  their  situation,  li<> 
having  seen  them  from  the  lower  part  of  the  rapids. 


11G  DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER. 

Wo  went  down  immediately  to  the  place  where  they 
were  thrown  ashore,  which  we  reached  with  much 
difficulty  on  account  of  the  steepness  of  the  banks. 
I  often  supported  myself  by  running  my  dagger  into 
the  ground  to  hold  myself  by  it.  Happy  we  were  to 
find  all  hands  safe  after  such  imminent  danger.  With 
much  difficulty  a  road  was  dug  into  the  hill  with  a 
hoe,  about  tne  breadth  of  one  foot,  and  a  line  tied  to 
the  bow  of  the  canoe,  and  brought  up  an  extraor- 
dinary bad  and  long  bank.  Had  any  of  those  that 
carried  the  canoe  missed  their  step,  all  would  have 
tumbled  into  the  river  in  spite  of  those  that  hauled 
the  line,  and  when  that  was  effected,  the  baggage  was 
brought  up."10 

The  natives  now  reiterated  their  assertions  that 
the  navigation  of  the  river  below  was  impossible,  and 
the  explorers  began  to  believe  them.  But  when  the 
unsophisticated  red  men  were  asked  to  loan  or  sell 
some  of  their  horses  to  transport  the  effects,  which 
they  disliked  extremely  to  do,  they  thought  the  river 
not  so  bad,  and  that  perhaps  it  would  be  better  to 
take  the  canoe.  Fraser  would  avoid  such  hazardous 
risking  of  life  if  possible.  "  The  tremendous  gulphs 
and  whirlpools,"  he  says,  "  which  are  peculiar  to  this 
river,  are  ready  every  moment  to  swallow  a  canoe 
with  all  its  contents,  and  the  people  on  board,  and  the 
high  and  perpendicular  rocks  render  it  impossible  to 
stop  the  canoe  or  get  on  shore  even  were  it  stopped; 
were  the  water  lower  it  would  be  more  practicable." 

The  party  now  made  preparations  to  leave  two 
canoes,  cache  a  large  part  of  their  baggage  and  pro- 
visions, and  follow  the  road  along  the  bank,  which  the 
natives  assured  them  was  good.  With  difficulty  they 
succeeded  in  obtaining  four  horses;  but  on  further 
consideration  they  determined  to  make  another  at- 
tempt to  continue  in  boats.  So  shouldering  the  boats 
and  luggage  with  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  who 

10  Fr riser's  Second  Journal,  MS. ,  13-17.  Mr  Fraser  says,  from  the  top  of  the 
rocks  looking  over  into  the  abyss  the  rapids  do  not  look  as  dangerous  as  they 
in  reality  are. 


TERRIBLE  SCENERY.  117 

were  more  accommodating  than  hospitable,  they  next 
day  took  up  their  march,  embarking  on  the  stream  at 
every  possible  opportunity.  The  natives  spoke  of 
having  heard  of  white  people  who  had  descended  the 
first  large  stream  flowing  in  from  the  left,  but  whether 
they  referred  to  Lewis  and  Clarke,  or  to  the  Fort  des 
Prairies  people,  Fraser  could  not  tell. 

Cutting  roads  and  obtaining'  uncertain  eha. 
the  river  from  the  natives  soon  became  tiresome,  and 
after  three  days  of  it  Fraser  again  determined  to  leave 
the  canoes.  It  was  true  if  they  went  down  by  land 
they  would  have  to  return  in  the  same  in; 
"  But  to  proceed  is  my  present  object,"  said  Fraser, 
"and  if  fortunate  enough  in  that,  we  will  always  find 
our  way  back;  for  to  gain  that  every  person  will  be 
interested,  which  perhaps  is  not  so  much  the  case  at 
present,"  and  no  wonder  that  the  men  whose  courage: 
and  obedience  were  remarkable,  thus  daily  and  hourly 
risking  their  lives  at  the  command  of  their  masters, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  should  not  be  specially  eager 
to  plunge  into  these  death-dealing  charms.  The 
wild  rapids  they  ran  and  the  precipitous  portages 
they  made,  lifting  their  luggage  and  canoes  up  per- 
pendicular banks  where  a  single  misstep  would  send 
them  all  headlong  to  death,  appear  to  us  almost  in- 
credible. 

On  the  fifth  day  they  reached  a  portage  where 
"the  rocks  contract  themselves  to  within  thirty  yards 
of  one  another,  and  at  the  lower  end  is  a  rocky 
on  the  left  shore.  It  is  terrible  to  behold  the  rapidity 
and  turbulency  of  the  immense  body  of  water  that 
;  $  in  this  narrow  gut,  and  no  less  do  the  numer- 

ous gulphs  and  whirlpools  it  forms  constantly  striking 
from  one  rock  to  another.  The  rocks  are  amazing 
high  and  craggy,  particularly  on  the  right  side,  and 
the  water  in  a  manner  seems  to  have  forced  a  ]  »a 
under  them,  and  flows  out  here  and  there  in  num 
whirlpools  and  eddies  that  surpass  anything  of  the 
kind  I  ever  saw."     Le  Rapid  Convert,  as  they  called 


IIS  DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER. 

another  similar  place  below,  was,  if  anything,  still 
narrower  and  more  dangerous. 

There  was  another  serious  danger  attending  the 
navigation  of  a  wild  stream  like  this  for  the  first 
time,  which  was  not  to  be  apprehended  in  travelling 
known  routes.  Often  the  boats  were  caught  in  the 
current  and  carried  rapidly  forward,  when  at  any 
moment  the  navigators  might  come  upon  a  fall  over 
which  they  were  sure  to  go  to  their  destruction. 
Walking  on  shore,  even  over  the  plains,  was  as  dis- 
agreeable as  the  portages  were  difficult  and  the  rapids 
dangerous;  for  the  thistles  which  pierced  the  soles  of 
their  feet  were  so  bad  that  a  pair  of  shoes  would  not 
last  a  whole  day. 

Thus  these  hardy  foresters  continued  their  way,  the 
history  of  each  succeeding  day  varying  but  little  in 
hazardous  detail  from  that  of  its  predecessor.  At  every 
step,  while  among  the  mountains,  Mr  Fraser  was  told 
by  the  natives  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  continue 
in  canoes;  but  one  of  his  boats  was  named  the  Perse- 
verance,  and,  says  Mr  Fraser,  "as  it  is  my  object  to 
determine  the  practicability  of  the  navigation  of  this 
river,  though  it  would  be  much  more  safe  and  expe- 
ditious to  go  hj  land,  we  shall  not  leave  our  canoes  as 
long  as  there  will  be  any  possibility  of  taking  them 
down  by  water  or  land."  So  the  brave  fellows  worked 
their  way  through,  and  were  finally  rewarded  by  a  sail 
upon  the  peaceful  waters  below.  After  examining 
the  country  thereabout  to  their  satisfaction,  mean- 
while regarded  with  threatening  suspicion  by  the 
natives,  they  retraced  their  steps,  and  returned  to 
Fort  George  on  the  Fraser.11 

11  It  was  a  long  time  before  I  could  make  up  my  mind  whether  Fraser 
ever  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  or  jiot.  The  journal  breaks  suddenly  off, 
leaving  the  party  in  the  midst  of  their  journey.  That,  however,  implies 
nothing.  Harmon,  Journal,  173,  who  was  the  next  prominent  personage  on 
the  ground  after  Stuart  and  Fraser,  states  that  Fraser  went  to  the  coast, 
where  he  received  ill-treatment  from  the  natives.  Then  came  Simpson's  dec- 
laration, Journal,  i.  182:  'Fraser  River  had  never  been  wholly  descended  by 
whites  previously  to  1828,  when,  in  order  to  explore  the  navigation  all  the 
way  to  the  sea,  I  started  from  Stuart's  Lake  with  three  canoes;'  and  think- 
ing surely  the  great  governor  knew  everything,  and  would  not  wilfully  de- 


DAVID  THOMPSON.  HO 

Soon  after  the  return  to  Fort  George  on  the  Fraser 
of  the  expedition  last  recorded,  Simon  Fraser  pro- 
ceeded east  to  report  what  had  thus  far  been  accom- 
plished; by  which  easy  and  pleasant  service  he  secured 
for  the  perpetuation  of  his  name  the  second  largest 
liver  in  this  region.  Meanwhile  John  Stuart  con- 
tinued to  look  about  him  for  advantageous  sites  upon 
which  to  plant  additional  establishments. 

Early  in  1810  rumors  were  afloat  that  John  Jacob 
Astor,  whose  operations  in  the  then  north-western 
United  States  were  beginning  in  some  small  degree 
to  rival  those  of  the  British  companies  across  the 
line,  contemplated  a  fur-trading  movement  on  the 
lower  Columbia,  for  the  purpose  at  once  of  securing 
to  himself  that  virgin  field,  of  establishing  a  line_  of 
communication  across  the  continent,  and  of  opening 
trade  direct  between  the  Northwest  Coast  and  China. 
However  chimerical  might  be  such  plans,  steps  were 
being  taken  to  carry  them  into  immediate  effect.  In- 
deed^ certain  of  the  disaffected  in  the  service  of  the 
Northwest  Company  had  already  been  allured  to  his 
standard  by  the  offer  of  larger  interests  and  larger 
prospective  gains. 

These  reports,  which  culminated  in  June  of  this 
year  in  the  organization  of  the  Pacific  Fur  Company, 
stirred  the  Northwest  partners  to  yet  more  energetic 
action  in  their  new  north-west.  A  large  and  well 
appointed  party  under  the  command  of  David  Thomp- 
son, surveyor  and  astronomer  of  the  Northwest  Com- 

ceive,  I  held  to  that  opinion  for  several  years,  until  finally  coming  upon  a 
statement  by  John  Stuart  himself,  who  was  one  of  the  party,  and  should 
know  how  far  he  went,  I  concluded  that  the  governor  was  in  error.     These 
are  Stuart's  words:    'The  establishment  on  McLeod's  Lake  was  found 
1805,  those  on  Stuart's  and  Fraser's  lakes  hi  1S0G;  that  of  Port  George  in 
1807,  and  it  was  from  there  that,  in  1808,  the  expedition  that  traced  the 
Jackanet  (meaning  the  Fraser)  Fiver  of  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie  down  to  its 
mouth,  in  latitude  49'  north,  took  its  departure;  and  finding  the  Jack 
until  then  supposed  to  be  identical  with  the  Columbia,  to  be  a,  distinct  river, 
unconnected  with  the  Columbia,'  etc.  Stuart's  Notes  in  Anderson  s  Northwest 
MS.,  235.     Anderson,  indeed,  is  yet  more  definite,  sayin     in  p.  L5  of 
his  dictation:   'In  1S0S,  Fraser  and  Stuart  started  will.    I 
scend  the  Fraser.  and  with  great  dilliculty  and  perseyeram 
near  to  where  New  Westminster  has  since  been  located.'    And  again  <; 
the  ft,cine  intelligent  author  says  they  '  ran  down  the  Fraser  in  1808  to  tie 


120 


DESCENT  OF  ERASER  RIVER. 


parry,  was  despatched  to  the  western  side  during  the 
summer  of  1810,  with  instructions  to  build  forts  wher- 
ever trade  should  seem  to  justify,  and  narrowly  to 
watch  the  operations  of  the  new  Pacific  Company. 

The  far  south-east  from  Fort  George  on  the  Fraser 
commanded  early  attention.  It  was  in  this  district 
that  parties  crossing  the  mountains  by  way  of  the 


Arrowsmith's  Map. 

Missouri  River  would  naturally  first  set  traps  and 
engage  in  traffic,  and  the  wide-awake  Northwesters 
intended  to  be  ready  for  them. 

Firman  McDonald,  a  clerk  in  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany, was  sent  to  the  Spokane  River,  where,  about 
twenty  miles  from  its  mouth,  a  fort  was  planted 
which  shortly  after  assumed  considerable  importance 
as  the  distributing  point  for  the  surrounding  posts. 


THE  UPPER  COLUMBIA.  121 

It  was  from  the  Spokane  House  in  May  1811  that 
we  find  a  letter  of  Firman  McDonald  addressed  to 
John  Stuart  in  New  Caledonia,  intercepted  at  Fort 
Astoria,  the  letter  having  been  sent  by  two  native 
ssengers,  who  mistook  their  way  intentionally,  or 
otherwise,  and  finally  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, causing  there  no  small  commotion,  further 
account  of  which  will  be  given  hereafter.12 

There  were  likewise  posts  established  about  this 
time  on  the  Flathead  or  Clarke  branch  of  the  Co- 
lumbia,13 and  on  the  McGillivray,  Flatbow,  or  Koote- 
nais  River.14  Fort  Sheppard  at  the  junction  of  the 
Flathead1"  and  the  Columbia,  Jasper  House,  or  as  it 
was  sometimes  called  the  Rocky  Mountain  House,16 

12  Ross,  Fur  Hunters,  i.  137,  rails  at  the  location  of  this  post  for  six  years 
or  more  as  the  depot  of  this  district.  He  says  that  goods  for  the  upper 
country  were  carried  two  hundred  miles  out  of  their  way  to  be  distributed 
from  this  place,  and  all  by  reason  of  the  force  of  habit.  It  was  quite  . 
place  in  the  days  of  its  glory,  with  its  fine  buildings,  stockade,  and  solid 
bastions,  its  ballroom  and  belles,  its  race-track  and  fine  horses;  for  it  was 
here  the  wintering  parties  met  and  fitted  out,  and  a  little  fun  mast  be  in- 
dulged in  on  such  occasions.  But  it  was  finally  found  inaccessible;  and  they 
talked  of  removal  first  to  Walla  Walla,  and  finally  to  Kettle  Falls,  which  wa.s 
done  in  182(5,  and  the  new  port  called  Colville.  Anderson's  Nun 

MS.,  (j-7;  Gray's  Hist.  (Jr.,  43.  Tor  a  time,  as  was  once  the  case  at  many  of 
these  establishments,  there  were  two  posts  at  Spokane,  one  conducted  by  the 
Northwest  Company,  and  the  other  by  the  Pacific  Company,  between  which 
there  was  always  fierce  rivalry.  Ross1  Adv.,  201-2. 

13  Flathead  House  was  situated  about  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  miles 
east  of  Colville,  A  rrovosmith's  Man.  '  Situated  on  a  point  formed  by  the  junction 
of  a  bold  mountain  torrent  with  the  Flathead  River,  and  surrounded  on  all 
si>ks  with  high  and  thickly  wooded  hills  covered  with  pine,  spruce,  larch, 
beach,  birch,  and  cedar.'  Cox's  Columbia  River,  i.  231.     McMillan   was   in 

;e  of  Flathead  House  in  1813.    Prior  to  the  establishment  of  this  fort  at 
this  place  Cox  and  Farnham  had  selected  a  site  forty  miles  west  of  tlie  point 
upon  which   the  fort  was  actually  budt.     See  also  House  Commons'    ! 
11.  n.  Co.,  367. 

uFort  Kootenais  was  a  little  to  the  east  of  north  from  Flathead  House, 
some  sixty  miles  distant.  Arroivsmith's  Map.  South-east  of  Flatbow  Lake. 
Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  1ST.  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  43,  erroneously  places  it  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river.  See  also  House  Commons'  Rept.  II .  B.  Co.,  367.  The 
post  was  of  little  importance  save  as  a  means  of  holding  the  country.  A  5 
caily  as  1S12  there  were  two  establishments  there,  Montour  being  in  charge  of 
that  of  the  Xoi'thwest  Company,  while  Pellet  acted  for  the  apany. 

u  Arrowsmith  places  this  post  at  the  junction  of  the  Kootenais  and  the 
Columbia. 

10  There  are  no  less  than  three  establishments  by  this  name,  no  great  dis- 
tance apart,  laid  down  on  Arrowsmith's  map,  one  on   Peace   River,  the  one 
now  mentioned  as  Jasper   House,   and  one  on  the  Saski 
House  was  once  of  considerable   importance,  both  as  the  centre  of  a 
producing  country,  and  as  an  important  post  on  the  regular  1. 
between  Norway  House  and  Edmonton  on  the  cast,  and  the  New  Caledonian 


122 


DESCENT  OF  FRASER  RIVER, 


and  Henry  House,  in  Athabasca  Pass,  were  estab- 
lished later. 

Over  in  New  Caledonia,  at  the  confluence  of  the 
north  branch  of  Thompson  River  with  Thompson 
River  proper  was  erected  a  log-house,  at  first  known 
as  Fort  Thompson,  but  which  later  became  Fort 
Kamloops.17      Thompson   crossed   the   mountains   at 


Thohpsox  River. 

and  Columbian  districts  on  the  west.  Father  De  Smet,  Oregon  Missions, 
127-30,  and  Grant,  Ocean  to  Ocean,  232,  mention  Jasper  House  as  an  impor- 
tant though  then  nearly  abandoned  station.  Kane,  Wanderings,  153-4,  saya 
the  place  where  he  saw  and  made  a  sketch  of  it  consisted  'of  only  three  mis- 
erable huts,'  and  was  'only  kept  up  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  horses  to 
parties  crossing  the  mountains. ' 

17  Some  time  after  there  were  two  posts  at  tins  point,  both  at  the  south- 
eastern extremity  of  Kamloops  Lake  near  the  entrance  of  Thompson  River 
and  the  junction  of  the  north  branch.  On  Trutch's  Map  B.  C,  1871,  the  one 
on  the  north  and  the  west  sides  of  the  main  and  north  branches  is  called  Old 
Fort,  and  the  one  on  the  south  bank  is  called  H.  B.  C.  Fort,  A  post  was 
placed  here  in  1S12  by  Alexander  Ross  for  the  Pacific  Fur  Company.  Boss' 
Adv.,  201-2.  It  is  the  establishment  on  the  south  bank  that  more  properly 
takes  the  name  of  Fort  Kamloops.  Gray's  Hist.  Or.  -13;  Milton  and  Clueadte's 
N.   W.  Pass,  324. 


SPECULATIONS.  123 

some  point  south  of  Peace  River — probably  lie  came 
through  Yellowhead  Pass  to  Mount  Thompson — and 
after  a  preliminary  survey  of  his  surroundings  he 
regarded  the  north  branch  of  Thompson  River  as  more 
likely  to  prove  an  important  tributary  of  the  true 
Tacoutche  Tesse  of  Mackenzie  than  the  stream  to 
which  he  afterwards  gave  the  name  of  Canoe  River.18 
The  more  he  examined  this  stream  the  more  he  became 
satisfied,  from  the  description  given  by  Stuart  and 
Fraser,  that  this  was  not  the  river  descended  by  them. 
Nor  was  it  until  he  had  reached  Kamloops  Lake,  and 
had  there  seen  all  the  tributaries  of  this  river  taking 
their  decided  westward  course  in  one  large  body 
toward  the  defile  where  he  knew  the  Fraser  to  be, 
that  he  became  convinced  that  he  had  not  been  navi- 
gating the  Columbia. 

Now  the  configuration  of  the  country  began  to  as- 
sume shape  in  his  mind.  Though  in  the  midst  of  a 
boundless  sea  of  mountains,  with  nothing  familiar 
but  the  air  around  and  the  clouds  and  stars  above, 
yet  his  course  from  this  point  was  clear  enough. 
Mackenzie  had  examined  the  region  north  of  him 
between  Peace  River  and  the  Pacific;  Stuart  and 
Fraser  from  Mackenzie's  westward  line  had  struck 
southward  and  traversed  the  intervening  space  be- 
tween his  newly  found  river  of  Thompson  and  the 
sea;  plainly  the  one  direction  where  alone  he  might 
reasonably  expect  to  find  the  object  of  his  search  was 
eastward.  So  retracing  his  steps  to  the  little  stream 
which  sweeps  south-eastward  from  the  eastern  base 
of  Mount  Thompson,  he  followed  it  downward  to  a 
point  some  distance  above  its  mouth  where  he  deemed 
it  navigable  for  canoes,  and  there  encamped.19 

18  The  upper  "Fraser  and  the  upper  Columbia  each  have  a  stream  occupy- 
ing similar  positions,  the  former  called  on  Trutch's  Map,  Canoe  Creek,  and 
the  other  Canoe  River.  Before  Franchere  was  there  in  1814,  Regis  Bruquier 
and  other  boatmen,  if  we  may  believe  them,  had  ascended  the  Canoe  River  of 
the  Columbia  to  its  source,  though  their  descriptions  differ  entirely  from  the 
map. 

19  Franchere  recognized  the  spot  in  1814,  and  indeed  found  there  a  sack  of 
pemican,  en  cache,  which  proved  extremely  serviceable. 


124  DESCENT  OF  FEASEE  EIVEE. 

It  was  now  too  late  .to  think  of  further  operations 
this  year,  1810.  Ice  was  already  forming  in  the 
streams,  and  the  men  were  becoming  exceedingly  dis- 
satisfied over  the  scientific  gyrations  of  their  com- 
mander. Indeed,  so  mutinous  became  his  people 
that  at  last  they  flatly  refused  to  accompany  him 
further,  or  even  to  winter  on  that  side  of  the  moun- 
tains. 

It  was  extremely  rare  that  the  servants  of  the 
Northwest  Company  balked  at  anything.  But  in 
Thompson's  party  there  were  some  raw  recruits, 
and  though  of  bad  character  and  distempered  minds, 
they  were  sufficiently  strong  to  carry  a  majority; 
so  that  out  of  his  large  party  only  eight  of  his  men 
remained  faithful  to  him,  the  others  helping  them- 
selves to  whatever  they  fancied  from  the  general 
stores,  and  taking  their  way  backward  across  the 
mountains. 

The  little  party  now  went  into  winter-quarters  and 
made  themselves  as  comfortable  as  might  be.  There 
was  in  reality  nothing  in  their  situation  or  prospects 
for  the  deserters  to  be  frightened  at. 

Early  in  the  spring  Thompson  was  again  astir. 
First  a  canoe  was  built,  from  which  circumstance  the 
stream  was  named  Canoe  River.  Then  placing  his 
superfluous  effects  en  cache  he  raised  camp  and  em- 
barked. 

Descending  Canoe  River'  to  its  mouth,  he  came  in 
broad  view  of  the  main  northern  channel  of  the 
Columbia,  whose  gathered  waters,  brilliant  in  fresh 
beauty,  danced  downward  toward  the  sea.  Continu- 
ing his  course  from  Boat  Encampment  he  passed  the 
Little  Dalles  and  Arrow  lakes,  also  the  spot  where 
are  now  Colville  and  Okanagan,  to  the  junction  of  the 
great  southern  branch,  being  the  first  European  to 
traverse  this  region  in  its  whole  extent.  From  Walla 
Walla  the  party  continued  down  the  Columbia  until 
they  came  upon  the  Pacific  Company's  people,  who 
had  anticipated  the  plans  of  Thompson  in  building 


SOMETHING  OF  THOMPSON'S  LIFE.  125 

Fort  Astoria,  where   he  arrived  the   15th   of  July, 
181 1.20 

20  David  Thompson  was  an  entirety  different  order  of  man  from  the  ortho- 
dox fur-trader.  Tall  and  fine  looking,  of  sandy  complexion,  with  large 
features,  deep-set  studious  eyes,  high  forehead  and  broad  shoulders,  the 
intellectual  was  well  set  upon  the  physical.  His  deeds  have  never  been  trum- 
peted as  those  of  some  of  the  others,  but  in  the  westward  explorations  of  the 
Northwest  Company  no  man  performed  more  valuable  service  or  estimated  his 
achievements  more  modestly.  Unhappily  his  last  days  were  not  as  pleasant 
as  fell  to  the  lot  of  some  of  the  worn-out  members  of  the  company.  He 
retired  almost  blind  to  Lachine  House,  once  the  head-quarters  of  the  Com- 
pany, where  Mr  Anderson  encountered  him  in  1831  in  a  very  decrepid 
condition.  Mr  Twiss,  Or.  Qites.,  14,  pronounces  Mr  Thompson  a  highly 
competent  man.  Cox,  Col.  River,  i.  85,  believes  the  chief  object  of  the  ex- 
pedition to  have  been  the  planting  of  an  establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  before  Astor's  party  should  reach  it.  Ross,  Adv.,  177,  says  that  Donald 
Mackenzie  about  this  time  used  '  to  start  from  Montreal  and  reach  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River,  or  Great  Bear  Lake  the  same  season,' but  he  speaks 
carelessly.  Gray,  Hist.  Or.  17,  with  his  usual  inaccuracy  hrst  brings  Thompson, 
to  Fort  Astoria  in  1S13. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WILLIAMS    IN   THE  ROCKY  MOUNTAINS,   HENRY  ON   SNAKE 
RIVER,  AND  WINSHIP  ON  THE  COLUMBIA. 

1S07-1812. 

Big  White's  Visit  to  Washington— His  Escort  Home — Ezekiel  William* 
on  the  Yellowstone  and  Platte — His  Party  Cct  in  Pieces  by  the 
Savages — Two  of  the  Party  Reach  Los  Angeles — Alexander  Hexry 
Builds  a  Fort  West  of  the  Mountains — La  Salle's  Shipwreck  at 
False  Bay — His  Journey  from  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the  Red  River 
of  Louislana — Project  of  the  Winship  Brothers— The  'Albatross' 
Sails  from  Boston  and  Enters  the  Columbia — Winship  and 
hi*  Mate,  Survey  the  River— Choose  a  Site  for  Settlement  on  Oak 
Point — Begin  Building  and  Planting — Their  Garden  Destroyed  by 
the  Flood — Move  down  the  River — Hostile  Attitude  of  the 
Natives — Abandonment  of  the  Enterprise. 

As  in  the  north,  following  Mackenzie's  track,  Scotch 
and  English  trappers  from  Canada  and  the  Canadian 
north-west  crossed  the  mountains  and  located  estab- 
lishments on  the  western  slope,  so  through  the  middle 
and  southern  passes,  after  Lewis  and  Clarke  had  told 
their  story,  reckless  hunters  from  the  United  States 
frontier  found  their  way,  and  made  the  first  move 
toward  sweeping  those  forests  of  their  primitive  in- 
habitants. 

Big  White,  chief  of  the  Mandans,  on  the  return  of 
Captain  Lewis  from  the  Pacific,  promised  to  accom- 
pany him  with  his  wife  and  son  to  Washington,  only 
upon  a  sacred  promise  that  an  escort  should  see 
him  safely  home.  This  pledge  the  government  of  the 
United  States  did  not  fail  to  redeem.  Chosen  for 
this  purpose  were  twenty  hardy  Missourians,  who 
under   command  of  Ezekiel  Williams   set   out   from 

(126) 


THE  EFFERVESCENT  BORDER  LAND.  127 

St  Louis  on  the  25th  of  April  1807  with  a  two  years' 
outfit,  intending  to  trap  on  the  upper  Missouri  and 
beyond  the  mountains.  They  were  a  bold,  brave  band, 
inured  to  hardships,  and  led  by  an  experienced  fron- 
tiersman of  patient  and  unflinching  energy.  Of  the 
party  was  a  wild,  impetuous  youth,  constantly  losing 
himself  when  out  hunting,  and  running  into  every 
manner  of  danger,  not  having  sense  enough  to  know 
what  fear  was.  His  name  was  Carson,  not  Chris- 
topher, although  he  might  easily  have  been  taken  for 
his  brother.  On  reaching  the  Platte,  William  Ham- 
ilton, of  the  company,  sickened  and  died  in  the  deli- 
rium of  fever,  his  mind  being  filled  with  home  and  the 
loved  ones  there. 

By  exercising  due  vigilance  the  hostile  Sioux  were 
passed  in  safety;  and  great  was  the  joy  of  the  Man- 
dans  to  find  their  chief  restored  to  them.  The  word 
of  the  white  man,  how  bright  and  strong  a  thing  it 
was  with  these  savages !  Would  it  might  always  have 
remained  so. 

After  a  week's  rest  Williams  and  his  party  left  the 
Mandan  village,  ascended  the  Yellowstone  until  they 
reached  the  country  of  the  Blackfoot  where  beaver 
were  plenty,  and  there  set  traps.  Most  unfortunate 
was  it,  indeed,  the  killing  of  one  of  these  savages  by 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  for  a  half  century  of  bloodshed 
followed  it.  Unluckily,  also,  a  prowling  redskin  one 
day  was  caught  in  a  beaver-trap,  and  although  he 
easily  made  his  escape  the  accident  tended  in  no  wise 
to  allay  the  hate  already  raging.  Shortly  after,  while 
making  the  rounds  of  their  traps,  the  white  men  were 
surprised  by  over  a  hundred  mounted  Blackfoot  and 
five  of  their  number  killed,  the  savages  losing  but  one 
man.  That  night  the  survivors  escaped  into  the  Crow 
country.  Captivated  by  the  Crow  maidens,  and  by 
the  thought  of  establishing  there  a  harem,  one  of  the 
party  named  Rose  concluded  to  remain.  Bose  was  a 
desperado  of  the  most  villainous  type.  With  robbery 
and  murder  he  was  on  familiar  terms,  having  indulged 


128      EXPEDITIONS  OF  WILLIAMS,  HENRY,  AND  WrXSRTP. 

in  piracy  on  the  islands  of -the  Mississippi  as  a  pro- 
fession. By  such  an  one  was  European  civilization 
destined  to  be  first  represented  among  the  friendly 
Crows. 

Leaving  there  the  renegade  Rose,  the  party  pro- 
ceeded to  the  head-waters  of  the  Platte  where  they 
were  again  attacked  by  the  savages,  and  five  more 
hilled.  Caching  their  furs  they  set  out  to  leave  the 
country,  but  on  reaching  the  Arkansas,  all  but  three, 
Williams,  Workman,  and  Spencer,  were  cut  off  by  the 
Comanches.  Not  knowing  where  they  were,  a  differ- 
ence of  opinion  arose  as  to  the  best  course  to  pursue, 
whereupon  they  separated,  Williams  descending  what 
he  supposed  to  be  Red  River,  while  the  two  others 
ascended  it,  hoping  to  reach  the  Spanish  country. 
After  many  adventures,  Williams  reached  Cooper's 
Fort,  on  the  Missouri,  where  he  procured  aid  and  re- 
turned for  his  cached  furs.  Workman  and  Spencer 
on  reaching  the  Rocky  Mountains  crossed  to  the 
Colorado,  which  they  descended  until  coming  to  a 
well  travelled  trail  leading  them  away  to  the  east- 
ward. Shortly  afterward  they  met  a  Mexican  cara- 
van, consisting  of  forty  men  or  more,  on  their  way 
from  Santa  Fe  to  Los  Angeles  in  California,  Accom- 
panying them  they  wintered  there,  1809-10.  With 
their  Mexican  friends  they  went  to  Santa  Fe  the  fol- 
lowing summer,  where  they  remained  fifteen  years 
before  returning  to  the  United  States.1 

At  St  Louis,  in  1808,  as  already  mentioned  in  the 
chapter  on  the  United  States  fur-trade  in  the  preced- 
ing volume  of  this  series,  was  formed  the  Missouri 
Fur  Company2  with  a  capital  of  forty  thousand  dollars. 

1  David  H.  Coyner,  The  Lout  Trappers,  tells  this  and  much  more  in  a 
homely  but  truthful  and  direct  way  which  commands  the  reader's  respect  and 
confidence.  Besides  the  adventures  of  these  trappers  about  the  sources  of  the 
Platte  and  Colorado,  he  has  much  to  say  of  California,  and  of  the  Santa  Fe 
trade.  Mrs  Victor,  River  of  the  West,  37-8,  places  erroneously  the  number 
of  men  killed  at  twenty-seven,  and  all  at  the  hands  of  Blackfoot. 

2  The  chief  partners  at  this  time  were  Manuel  Lisa,  Pierre  Chouteau  Sr. , 
William  Clark,  Sylvester  Labadie,  Pierre  Menard,  and  Auguste  P.  Chouteau. 


FORT  HENRY.  129 

Among  their  first  movements  was  to  send  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  upper  Missouri  and  the  Yellowstone  under 
Alexander  Henry,  who  was  not  only  to  establish  posts 
on  those  streams,  but  was  to  cross  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains and  open  traffic  with  the  nations  of  the  western 
slope.  Erecting  an  establishment  at  the  forks  of  the 
Missouri,  Mr  Henry  there  made  his  head -quarters, 
but  being  dislodged  by  the  Blackfoot  the  following 
year,  he  passed  over  the  great  divide,  and  built  a 
house  on  the  north,  or  Henry  branch,  of  Snake  River, 
one  day's  journey  above  its  junction  with  the  south  or 
Lewis  branch.  This  cabin,  called  Henry  Fort,  built 
in  1809,  was  the  first  establishment  erected  in  this 
latitude  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.3 

Mention  is  made  of  one  La  Salle,  said  to  have 
been  wrecked  in  1809,  in  the  ship  Sea  Otter,  at  a  place 
called  False  Bay,  one  hundred  miles  south  of  the 
entrance  to  the  Columbia  River,  and  who  journeyed 
thence  overland  to  the  source  of  the  Red  River  of 
Louisiana ;  but  so  vague  and  incoherent  is  the  state- 
ment that  nothing  can  be  made  of  it.4 

The  story  of  the  Winship  brothers  has  already  been 

3  This  from  an  address  by  Thomas  Allen  at  an  anniversary  celebration,  in 
February  1847,  of  the  founding  of  St  Louis,  printed  in  De  Boie's  Indus- 
tr.nl  /.\  s-.inre*,  hi.,  'AG.  Mr  Allen's  statements  are  loosely  made,  it  being 
impossible  to  determine  the  meaning  of  some  of  them,  or  the  dates  of  his  in- 
cidents. Such,  however,  of  his  data  as  can  be  dated  and  fixed,  constitute 
the  highest  authority  as  material  for  history.  Waldo,  Criliqiu  s,  MS.,  says  he 
knew  all  about  these  people.  Irving,  Astoria,  140,  quoting  without  credit  from 
Franchere's  Nar.,  14G,  gives  1810  as  the  date  of  establishing  Fort  Henry. 
Greenhow,  Or.  and  C'aL,  292,  states  that  the  post  on  the  branch  of  Lev:is 
River  was  abandoned  by  Mr  Henry  in  1810.  Hunt  found  the  fort  vacant  in 
1811.  The  Missouri  Fur  Company  being  dissolved  in  1812,  two  years  later 
we  find  Mr  Henry  in  charge  of  a  post  in  the  Willamette  Valley,  engagi 
curing  venison  for  the  Northwest  Company  at  Fort  Astoria,  and  finally  a  prom- 
inent partner  in  the  Northwest  Company.  He  was  drowned  in  a  >mpany  with 
Donald  McTavish,  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Isaac  Todd  at  Astoria. 
See  Franchere's  Nar.,  221-3,  and  Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  i  7. 

*The  story  lies  between  Henry  R.  Schoolcraft  and  (  teorge  <  tibbs,  the  former 
having  obtained  it  from  some  ship's  log.     La  Salle  d<    i  bain  earth- 

works (ai  a  river  called  Onalaskala,  and  the  native     i  the  country 

the  Onalas,  which  names  smack  strongly  of  the  i  School- 

be  word  'denotes  the  Mollala  of  the  Willamette, '  \,  trich  is  absurd. 
I  ee  Oregon  Statesman,  Jan.  1,  1853.    There  is  Cape  Foulweather  on  the  coast 
one  hundred  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  but  no  False  Cape. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    9 


130      EXPEDITIONS  OF  WILLIAMS,  HENRY,  AND  WINSHIP. 

told;  it  only  remains  for  me  to  add  here  a  few  partic- 
ulars regarding  their  attempted  settlement.5 

In  the  early  part  of  1809,  in  the  counting-room  of 
Abiel  Winship,  one  of  the  solid  men  of  Boston,  was 
projected  the  first  attempt  to  establish  a  settlement 
on  the  Columbia.  Partners  in  the  project  were  Abiel 
Winship,  Jonathan  Winship  who  commanded  the 
OCain  in  the  Pacific  trade,  Nathan  Winship,  and 
Benjamin  P.  Homer,  one  or  two  others  having  smaller 
interests. 

Particulars  were  discussed  and  determined.  The 
old  weather-beaten  but  still  stanch  ship  Albat 
was  chosen  for  the  adventure,  with  Nathan  Winship 
as  captain,  and  William  Smith6  as  chief  mate.  Every- 
thing necessary  for  building,  planting,  and  trading 
was  included  in  the  outfit,  the  prominent  idea  being 
permanent  settlement.  With  a  crew  of  twenty-two 
men  the  vessel  was  to  proceed  round  Cape  Horn  to 
the  Columbia,  and  ascend  that  stream  some  thirty 
miles,  when  the  captain  was  to  select  a  site  for  set- 

5  The  only  full  and  authentic  account  of  this  most  important  event  is  given 
in  the  manuscript  which  I  have  often  mentioned  called  B 

whose  author  had  before  him  at  the  time  he  \  es  the  ship's 

lurnal  and  the  whole  plan  and  particulars  of  the  pi'oject. 

The  adventure  of  the  Winships  is  here  presented  from  an  inside  view  which 

with  many  other  hitherto  obscure  points  are  now  made  clear.    Evans,  Hist.  Or., 

MS.,  87,  says  that  Jonathan  Winship,  of  Brighton,  projected  the  enterprise. 

'This  mate  was  a  remarkable  man,  and  but  little  less  conspicuo 
Northwest  Coast  navigator  than  Winship  himself.     Smith  was  born  in  Vir- 
ginia hi  1768,  went  to  Boston  in  1790,  and  during  the  next  thirty  years  made 
eight  voyages  round  the  world,  beside  one  voyage  to  China  and  1  »ack.     See 
BostonDaily  Advertiser,  1st  Augiist  1820;  Niles' Weekly  Register,  I2ih  .'■ 

During  this  voyage  of  which  I  am  now  speaking,  and  which  lasted 
eight  years,  Smith  was  in  command  of  the  Albatross,  four  years  of  which  time 
the  vessel  was  employed  in  carrying  sandal-wood  for  William  H.  Davis  and 
Jonathan  Winship  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  Canton.  While  hunting 
seals  on  the  Californian  coast  he  was  caught  by  the  Spaniards,  and  held  pris- 
oner for  two  months.  On  the  4th  of  August  1812  the  Albatross  came  sailing 
boldly  across  the  dreaded  bar  of  the  Columbia,  greatly  to  the  surprise  of  the 
Astorians.  When  Captain  Smith  informed  them,  Franchere's  Nar.,  177-8, 
that  he  had  been  there  in  the  same  vessel  in  1810,  they  understood  how  he 
was  able  to  brave  the  bar.  From  this  circumstance,  Greenhow,  Or.  and  <  'al., 
2!>2.  received  the  impression,  wholly  erroneous,  that  Smith  was  commander 
of  the  ship  and  post  at  Oak  Point  in  1810,  and  subsequent  writers,  following 
Greenhow,  gave  the  credit  of  this  attempt  to  Smith  instead  of  to  Winship. 
The  case  is  ably  presented  by  Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  89-90.  See  also  John 
S.  Tyler  and  Timothy  Dodd  in  Port  Toivnsend  Jlessaye,  Jan'y  9,  1S0S;  Swan's 
Scrap  Book,  ii.  30. 


ADVENTURES  OF  THE  'ALBATROSS.'  131 

tlement.     It  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  time 
the  lower  Columbia  had  been  explored  by  no  white 
man  save  the  party  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,' Gray,  . 
Broughton.     The  land  was  to  be  purchased  from  the 

natives,  and  a  large  two-story  log-house,  or  fortress, 
was  to  be  erected,  with  loop-holes  for  cannon  and  mus- 
ketry, and  all  the  conveniences  for  defence.     On  the 
second  floor  were  to  be  placed  all  the  arms  and  ammu- 
nition, and  to  this  part  of  the  building  no  native 
over  to  be  admitted.     Entrance  to  the  upper  storj 
should  be  by  a  single  trap-door,  and  the  ladder  shod  ' 
be  always  drawn  up  after  ascending.     Land  was  to  b<> 
cleared  and  cultivated  under  protection  of  the  gi 
and  not  less  than  half  the  men  were  to  be  always  on 
guard.  _  Written  instructions,  embodying  full  del . 
were  given  the  captain  on  sailing.     A  journal  of  the 
expedition  was  kept  by  William  A.  Gale,  captai 
assistant,7     Meanwhile,  Jonathan  Winship  would  bo 
on  the  coast  of  California,  and  would  lend  his  ai<  I  . , 
necessary. 

The  Albatross  set  sail  in  July  1 809,  and  during  the  sev- 
eral years  of  her  adventures  in  the  Pacific  created  qi 
a  commotion,  being  seized  on  the  Californian  coast  at 
one  time,  and  blockaded  by  the  British  at  the  Hawai- 
ian Islands  during  the  war.     She  was  so  slow  a  sa 
that  the  grass  had  ample  time  to  grow  on  her  unc 
pered  bottom;  but  she  was  manned  by  humane  officer ; 
and  a  good  crew,  and  at  her  first  anchorage,  w! 
was  the  Easter  Islands,  two  hundred  days  out,  th 
was  not  a  single  case  of  scurvy  or  other  sickness  <  n 
board.8     After  several  other  stoppages,  for  wood  . 
water,  during  one  of  which  ten  natives  were  employ   i 
to  dive  and  scrape  the  ship's  bottom  of  its  barnac 
Winship  reached  the   Hawaiian    Islands,   where   lie 
found  a  letter  from  his  brother  of  the  OCain  advisi 
him  to  hasten  to  the  Columbia  to  cut  oil'  the  ]; 

7  This  journal  was  before  the  author  of  Boston  in  the 
time  of  his  writing. 

8 'There  arc  better  ships  nowadays,  but  no  better  seamen.'  Boston  in 
Northwest,  MS.,  31. 


132      EXPEDITIONS  OF  WILLIAMS,  HENRY,  AND  WINSHIP. 

sians,  who  seemed  to  have  a  covetous  eye  upon  those 
parts.9 

Further  suggestions  were  likewise  made  as  to  con- 
ducting  the  proposed  settlement  and  as  to  subsequent 
joint  operations  of  the  brothers.  Taking  on  board 
some  hogs  and  goats  and  twenty- five  Kanakas  for 
laborers,  the  Albatross  sailed  from  the  Islands  the  13th 
of  April  1810,  entered  the  Columbia  the  26th  of  May, 
and  passing  the  Chinook  village,  anchored  about  throe 
miles  above  it.10  Five  days  were  then  spent  in  sound- 
ing the  channel,  which  was  found  to  be  intricate,  and 
the  current  strong,  the  ship  meanwhile  slowly  fol- 
lowing the  surveying  boats  up  the  stream. 

The  1st  of  June,  Winship  and  Smith  set  out  in  the 
whale-boats  in  search  of  a  site  on  which  to  plant  the 
proposed  establishment.  Ascending  five  miles  from 
their  last  anchorage,  they  came  to  where  the  river  is 
suddenly  narrowed  by  a  projection  of  the  south  bank, 
forty  miles  from  the  sea.11  On  this  projection  grew 
oak-trees,  the  first  found  after  entering  the  river, which 
fact  gave  it  the  name  of  Oak  Point.12  It  was  a  pretty 
piece  of  fertile  lowland,  and  they  thought  it  just  the 
place  for  their  purpose.  Therefore  they  returned, 
reaching  the  ship  at  seven  o'clock  that  evening.  Head- 
winds and  a  strong  current  prevented  the  ship  from 
reaching  the  station  before  the  4th. 

Preparations  were  immediately  made,  and  building 

9 The  point  recommended  in  this  letter  as  most  suitable  was  'a  spot  about 
thirty  miles  above  Gray's  Harbor,'  meaning  Gray  Bay  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Columbia  about  fifteen  miles  above  its  mouth. 

10The  Chinook  village  stood  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  about  six  miles 
above  Cape  Disappointment,  so  that  the  first  anchorage  was  about  opposite 
Knapton,  some  nine  miles  from  the  ocean. 

11  'On  the  south  side  of  the  river  there  is  an  indentation  in  the  mountain  to 
the  south,  and  a  bend  in  the  river  to  the  north,  which  forms  a  body  of  bottom- 
land several  miles  in  width  and  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  long,  the  greater 
part  of  which,  except  a  strip  varying  from  a  quarter  to  a  half  a  mile  in  width 
next  to  the  river,  is  flooded  during  high-tide.  This  strip  is  covered  with 
white-oak  and  Cottonwood  timber.'  Palmt  r's  -lour.,  110. 

12  The  place  known  as  Oak  Point  to-day,  is  on  the  north  side  of  the  river 
opposite  the  original  Oak  Point,  so  that  Mr  Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  90,  is  in 
error  when  he  says,  '  Thus  it  will  appear  that  the  first  American  settlement 
attempted  on  the  Columbia  Liver  was  located  in  the  present  territory  of 
Washington,  at  Oak  Point,  the  site  of  the  mills  belonging  to  A.  S.  Abernethy.' 


GALE'S  STATEMENT.  133 

begun.  Ground  was  cleared,  logs  hewn,  a  garden-spot 
prepared,  and  seeds  sown.  But  unfortunately  the  spot 
chosen  hty  so  low  that  the  summer  freshets  covered  it 
with  water  to  the  depth  of  one  or  two  feet  before  the 
building  was  completed.  A  higher  spot  was  <•! 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  below,  and  the  logs  floated  down  to 
it;  but  in  the  mean  time  the  natives  became  so 
troublesome  that  Captain  Winship  determined  for  the 
present  to  withdraw.13     It  was  evident  the  savages 

13 1  regard  these  operations  of  sufficient  importance  to  give  Mr  <  rale's  jour- 
nal complete  as  it  was  written  from  day  today.      'June  4th   came  to 
the  best  bower  in  four  fathoms,  within  15  or  2\)  yards  of  the  bank  where  the 
settlement  is  to    be  established,    and  carried  a   hawser  from  the  bo 
made  fast  to  the  trees  on  shore.     Part  of  the  crew  employed  in  unbending 
the  sails.     The  carpenter,  Avith  the  rest  of  the  hands,  and  all  the  Sandwich 
Islanders,  on  shore  felling  and  hewing  trees  for  timber  for  the  house.  Juno  5th — 
All  hands  employed  on  board  and  on  shore  as  yesterday,   Capt.   Y. 
and  the  second  otlicer  superintending  the  work  on  shore,  building  the  log- 
house,  felling  and  hewing  young  trees,  and  clearing  and  digging  up  a  spot  of 
land  to  plant, — (The  first  breaking  of  soil  by  a  white  man  in  Oregon.)     The 
6th  and  7th   all  hands  employed   on  shore  as  above.     The  ship's  tailor  at 
work  making  clothes  for  the  party  who  were  to  be  left  at  the  settlement. 
June  8th — Rands  employed  in  felling  trees.    At  night,  heavy  rains.     The  fol- 
lowing morning  the  rain  continuing,  found  that  the  river  had  risen  so  much 
that  the  lot  of  land  appropriated  for  the  settlement  was  covered  with  from  one 
to  two  feet  of  Mater,  and  at  the  house  it  was  about  eighteen  inches  in  depth. 
This  proved  a  very  unlucky  circumstance,  as  the  building  of  it  had  ] 
considerably,  being  already  raised  in  height  ten  feet  with  heavj   I 
the  spot  of  ground  which  had  been  cleared  and  dug  up,  in  which  was  , 
planted  the  seeds  of  some  vegetables,  Mas,  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon,  com- 
pletely overflowed.     The  whole  will  now  have  to  be   pulled  to  pieces,  and 
begun  afresh  if  a  more  convenient  placecan  be  found.  Mr  Smith,  with  the  whale- 
boat,  was  sent  out  to  search  for  one.   June  9th — Mr  Smith  returned  to  bhe  ship, 
and  it  was  determined  by  Captain  Winship  to  pull  to  pieces  that  pari  of  the 
house  which  had  been  put  up,  and  float  the  logs  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
further  down-stream  on  the  same  side,  wdiere  the  land  is  somewhat  higher. 
In  consecpience  of  the  above  determination,  the  gang  on  shore,  c 
twenty-eight  men,  were  employed  in  drawing  the  logs  to  the  water  to  float 
them  down  to  the  new  place.    Every  day,  since  arriving  in  the  river,  the  ship 
had  been  visited  by  the  Indians,  in  their  canoes,  bringing  a  few  fui 
some  salmon  for  trade;  but  they  did  not  come  in  large  numbers,  and  had  not 
be<  n  troublesome.    June  10th — The  people  employed  as  yesterday.    This  i 
noon  several  canoes  arrived  from  Chinook  and  Cheheelees,  containiii  ;   many 
natives,  all  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  or  muskets;  they  informed  us  that 
laworth  tribe,  who  had  a  village  close  to  the  place  where  v.  e  are  1  mild- 
house,  had  killed  one  of  their  chiefs  about  ten  mon  il  that 
they  had  now  come  up  the  river  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  them,  and  in- 
tended giving  them  battle  on  the  morrow.  *  At  4  o'clock  the  qi 
the  shore  gang  was  sent  on  shore  to  work  as  usual,  which  tin; 
until  11  a.  M.,  when  observing  that  the  Indians,  with  their  arms,  began  to 
■  where    the    people  were    at  work,   without    any   a 

was  strongly  suspected  tha  Lg  to 

cut  off  our  people  on  shore,  in  which  ease,  if  they  could  have  put  it  in 
tice,  there  would  have  been,  with  the  few  hands  remaining  on 


13i      EXPEDITIONS  OF  WILLIAMS,  HENRY,  AND  WIXSHIP. 

could  only  be  restrained  b}'  force,  and  hostilities  once 
I  ired,  an  interminable  war  involving  destruction 

a  bare  possibility  of  escaping  with  the  ship.     Some  of  the  shore  partj 
therefore  immediately  ordered  on  board,  and  the  others  were  sent  to  work 
opposite  to  the  ship,  getting  some  logs  into  the  water.      Here   thej 
under  cover  of  the  guns, -which,  from  apprehension  of  trouble,  had  been 

i  and  canister.     The  Indians  continued  to  muster  on 
yet  declared   that  the  quarrel  was   entirely  among  themselves,  which  we 

much  doubted,  as  they  were  all  mixed  together,  or  wandering  singly 
about  without  fear  of  each  other,  which  increased  our  suspicion.     One 

rtain,    the   Chinooks    arc    strongly   set    against   our    coining    up    the 
liver,  wishing,   as  they  say,  the  house  should   be   built  among  thci 
and  the   lower  tribes,  and  on  another  account,  as  they  are  in  the  habit  of 
purchasing  skins  of  the  upper  tribes,  and  reselling  them  to  the  ships  which 
occasionally  arrive  at  the  river,  they  arc  afraid,  and  certainly  with  i 
that  the  settlement  being  established  so  far  up  will  tend  to  injure  their  i  wn 
ey  arc  no  doubt  determined  to  prevent  it  if  possible.    Their  inter- 
•  serves  only  to  prevent  our  work  going  on  as  we  wish.     They  might 
be  brought  to  reason  by  the  use  of  force,  but  it  would  last  no  longer 
than  while  the  ship  ad  when  she  left  the  river  those  left  b 

:  <•  ship  could  leave  would  not  be  sufficient  to 

I  the  house  if  the  Indians  should  attack  them,  while  to  openly  cultivate 
the  ground  would  give  the  natives  a  chance  to  pick  them  off  easily.  June 
11th — Again  the  men  were  sent  on  shore  to  resume  their »vork,  which  they 
contic  [  two  hours,  when  the  Indians  ound  them  in 

considerable  numbers,  aid  being  observed  to  .send  their  women  and  children 
.-.way,  with  o1  "is  circumstances,  the  hands  declared  they  did  not 

fe  to  be  on   shore  without  arms.     The  officer  therefore  immediately 
came  on  board  with  them,  and  we  soon  after  dropped  the  ship  down  opposite 
the  new  place,  intending  to  go  on  with  our  work  in  the  morning.      While 
moving  the  ship  the  natives  were  scattered  about  among  the  trees,   firing 
muskets    and    shouting.       One    of   the    Bavag  E    musket  at 

<  aptain  Winship  while  he  was  sitting  on  the  taffrail,  but  did  not  lire. 
During  the  night  we  got  the  waist-nettings  up  and  loaded  all  the 
muskets,  intending  to  give  them  a  warm  reception  should  thi 
attempt  on  the  ship.  We  sent  the  long-boat  on  shore  to  clear  away  some 
bushes  that  lined  the  hank,  but  these  rascals  gathered  round  with  hostile 
intent,  and  the  party  were  called  on  board.     Shortly  after  three  chit 

other  natives  came  alongside,  but  the  chiefs  were  not  allowed  on  board. 
When  we  spoke  to  them  concerning  their  conduct,  all  we  could  get  in  reply 
was  they  were  not  afraid  of  us,  but  they  wanted  us  to  return  down  the 
Much  to  our  chagrin,  we  find  it  is  impossible  to  prosecute  the  business  i 
intended,  and  we  have  concluded  to  pass  farther  down.  On  making  this 
known  to  the  Chenooks  they  appeared  quite  satisfied,  and  sold  us  some  furs. 
It  is  intended,  should  it  not  be  thought  proper  to  leave  the  settlers  here,  if 
there  should  occur  a  chance,  to  punish  these  fellows  for  their  insolence  as  it 
■ves.  June  12th — The  ship  dropped  further  down  the  river,  and  it  was 
now  determined  to  abandon  all  attempts  to  force  a  settlement.  We  have 
taken  off  the  hogs  and  goats,  which  were  put  ou  shore  for  the  use  of  the  settle- 
ment, and  thus  we  have  to  abandon  the  business,  after  having,  with  great 
difficulty  and  labor,  got  about  forty-five  miles  above  Cape  Disappoint;: 
and  with  great  trouble  began  to  clear  the  land  aud  build  a  house  a  second 
time,  after  cutting  timber  enough  to  finish  nearly  one  half,  and  having  two  of  our 
hands  disabled  in  the  work.  It  is  indeed  cutting  to  be  obliged  to  knuckle 
to  those  whom  you  have  not  the  least  fear  of,  but  whom,  from  motives  of  pru- 
dence, you  are  obliged  to  treat  with  forbearance.  What  can  lie  more  disagree- 
able than  to  sit  at  table  with  a  number  of  these  rascally  chiefs,  who,  whil 
supply  then'  greedy  mouths  from  your  food  with  one  hand,  their  bloods  boil 
within  them  to  cut  your  throat  with  the  other,  without  the  least  provocation.' 


ABANDONMENT  OF  THE  PROJECT.  135 

alike  to  trade  and  agriculture  would  be  the  result. 
In  fact,  on  dropping  down  to  Gray  Bay  the  17th  of 
June,  Wiriship  was  informed  by  the  native  pilot  that 
it  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Chinooks  to  capture 
his  vessel,  which  they  would  surely  have  accom- 
plished but  for  his  vigilance.  After  remaining  for  a 
time  at  Baker  Bay,  trading,  the  Albatross  sailed  away 
down  the  Californian  coast,  leaving  upon  the  bank  of 
the  Columbia  its  first  embryo  metropolis  with  all  its 
brilliant  collateral  conceptions  in  the  form  of  a  few 
hewn  logs.u  Astor's  attempts  prevented  the  Win- 
ships  from  further  efforts  the  following  year. 

"Franchere,  Narrative,  178,  saw  traces  of  the  projected  estaWishment  the 
year  following.  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  15,  states  that  Wmship  'erected  a  house-' 
which  was  not  the  fact.  A  few  logs  were  laid  at  the  point  first  cleared,  hut 
alter  they  were  floated  down  to  the  subsequently  selected  site  no  building  was 
even  begun.  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cal.,  292,  from  whom  Gray  copied,  also  incor- 
rectly says  that  a  house  was  built.  'If  Oregon  is  annexed  to  the  union,  Cap- 
tain VVmship  is  certainly  entitled  to  a  claim  for  land  as  the  first  American 
settler  upon  the  banks  of  the  Columbia.'  Boston  Courier,  quoted  in  Oreqon 
Spectator,  April  29th,  1SJ/.7;  see  further  for  brief  accounts  Hind's  M<r  ~JIm, 
ff ;  2°2;  John  8.  Tyler  in  Saxton's  Or.  Ter.,  MS.,  57;  7;  .  //, ,',' 

olst,  l64o;  Palmers  Journal,  110;  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  325-G,  this  series 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

1810-1812. 

Astor  Arrives  ts  America— Engages  m  the  Fn;-TRADE- Scheme  for 
Monopoly  West  of  the  Rooky  Mountains— Tiie  Great  Mart  ox  the 
Columbia— Rival  Companies— Partners  and  Servants— The  'Ton- 
quin'  and  her  Commander— Quarrels  En  Voyage— The  Falkland 
Isles— The  Hawaiian  Islands— The  Columbia  River— Fatal  At- 
tempts at  Crossing  the  Bar— Baker  Bay    C sing  a  Site  for  the 

Fort — Friendlv  Chinooks— Comcomly  -Building  of  the  Fort  and 
Warehouse— The  'Tonquin'  Bound  Northward  Episode  ok  the 
' Boston  '— Jewitt  among  the  Savages  of  Nootka  Sound— Destrui  - 
tion  of  the  'Tonquln'  and  Massacre  of  her  Crew— Strange  Ind- 
ians—The Northwest  Company— David  Thompson— A  Fort  on  the 
Okanagan— Expedition  to  Okanagan  Lake— The  Chinooks  at  As- 
toria— Threaten ed  Attack  The  'Small-pox  Chief'— Expedition 
up  the  Willamette— Christmas  Festivities,  1811-1812. 

Among  the  earliest  to  turn  their  attention  to  the 
growing  fur-trade  of  the  United  States  was  a  young 
German  who  came  to  America  during  the  winter  of 
1783-4,  at  the  very  time  the  merchants  of  Montreal 
were  organizing  the  Northwest  Company. 

Bringing  with  him  a  small  stock  of  merchandise, 
the  result  of  early  brokery  among  the  hard  heads  of 
London,  where  he  first  indulged  his  juvenile  pro- 
pensity for  trafficking;  bringing  with  him  health, 
clearness  of  intellect,  and  energy;  bringing  with  him 
above  all  a  determination  to  become  rich,  so  strong 
as  to  assume  the  forms  of  premonition  and  mania, 
John  Jacob  Astor  seized  at  once  as  by  instinct  upon 
the  traffic  which  at  that  time  of  all  others  was  des- 
tined most  rapidly  to  develop  wealth.     Selling  his 


JOHX  JACOB  ASTOR. 


137 


merchandise,  he  bought  furs,  took  them  to  London, 
acquired  a  further  knowledge  of  the  business;  and 
when  the  restrictions  of  Great  Britain  on  the  trade 
of  her  colonies  were  removed  he  bought  furs  largely 
at  Montreal,  where  he  made  annual  visits,  and  si  lipped 
them  to  Europe  and  to  China.  Thus  in  a  few  years 
he  became  very  rich;  the  effect  of  which  on  "such 
a  nature  was  only  to  increase  the  cravings  to  become 
still  more  wealthy. 

Early  in  his  career  Astor  saw  the  impotent  jealousy 
of  the  new  confederation  upon  the  invasion'  of  her 
wilds  by  northern  trappers,  and  determined  to  profit 
by  it.  Without  expecting  material  assistance  from 
the  United  States  government,  without  indeed  de- 
siring to  hamper  his  shrewd  activity  by  the  sluggish 
patronage  ^  of  public  sanction,  he  still  might  amass 
private  gain.  So  he  became  a  citizen  of  the  young 
commonwealth;  and  for  its  greater  comfort  he  wished 
it  distinctly  to  understand  that  thenceforward  his 
money-gettings  should  be  those  of  a  lawful  subject  of 
the  United  States.  Under  the  high-sounding  title  of 
the  American  Fur  Company,  chartered  in  1809  by  the 
legislature  of  New  York,  incorporated  with  a  capital 
of  one  million  dollars,  all  furnished  by  one  man,  with 
a  nominal  board  of  directors,  yet  all  managed  by  one 
man,  Astor  succeeded  in  almost  monopolizing  the 
United  States  fur-trade  south  of  Lakes  Huron  and 
Superior,  the  Mackinaw  Company,  under  the  frowns 
of  his  adopted  government,  being  his  only  serious 
competitors. 

This,  hovever,  did  not  satisfy  him.  Why  should  lie 
not  become  as  great  and  powerful  as  any  of  the  north- 
ern companies?  Beyond  the  proximate  fields  of  con- 
tention there  was  an  almost  untouched  west,  Patrick 
Gass  had  just  described  it;1  and  circumnavigators 
had  told  how  sea-otters  swarmed  on  the  north-west- 
ern shores,  and  what  a  price  their  skins  brought  in 
China. 

'Cass'  journal  was  printed  in  ISO?,  while  the  official  report  by  Lewis  and 
Clarke  as  we  have  .seen  did  not  appear  until  1814. 


138  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Here  was  an  idea!  This  Northwest  Coast  was 
near  to  China,  and  between  it  and  the  east  were  many 
beaver  and  other  valuable  fur  animals,  all  within 
United  States  territory.  Now,  to  establish  a  line  of 
forts  across  the  continent,  with  head-quarters  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia,  would  be  indeed  a  grand 
achievement,  and  give  the  great  controller  of  them 
command  not  only  of  the  fur-trade  of  America,  but 
of  the  world. 

Examine  the  scheme  more  closely,  for  it  is  no 
ordinary  project,  emanating  from  no  ordinary  mind. 
Whether  success  or  failure  waits  on  this  enterprise, 
already  John  Jacob  Astor  is  a  great  man.  Bold, 
keen,  grasping,  with  a  mind  no  less  fertile  than  saga- 
cious, he  is  great,  not  as  Newton,  Washington,  Lin- 
coln, and  Peabody;  but  like  Napoleon,  or  Vanderbilt, 
a  greatness  not  to  be  admired  but  shunned.2 

Thus  the  germ  unfolds — stations  along  the  track  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  up  the  Missouri  and  down  the  Co- 
lumbia, or  south  of  the  old  Indian  trail  between  the 
Dearborn  and  the  Clearwater,  if  a  better  route  may 

2 1  cannot  agree  with  Irving  in  his  estimate  of  Astor's  character.  There 
is  nothing  in  Astor's  history  that  would  imply  him  to  be  more  than  a  respec- 
table and  wealthy  merchant,  of  common  honesty  and  uncommon  ability,  de- 
sirous of  increasing  bis  wealth  ami  respectability  by  every  legitimate  means 
at  his  command.  Had  this  scheme  been  based  on  self-sacrifice,  or  pecuniary 
loss  for  the  public  good,  or  the  promulgation  of  some  great  principle,  the 
current  of  unqualified  sycophancy,  trickery,  sentimentality,  and  maudlin 
praise  which  runs  through  Astoria  might  be  more  bearable.  That  Mr  Astor 
was  an  able  man  there  is  no  doubt;  that  he  was  a  remarkably  patriotic  or 
noble-minded  man,  actuated  by  higher  than  the  usual  selfish  and  mercenary 
motives,  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence.  There  are  whole  pages  in  Asto- 
ria abstracted  almost  literally  from  Franchere.  Pretending  to  draw  all  his 
information  from  private  sources,  the  author  makes  no  allusion  to  the  source 
to  which  he  is  most  indebted,  not  even  mentioning  Franchere's  name  once  in 
his  whole  work.  It  is  with  exceeding  regret  that  in  Astoria  I  find  myself 
obliged  to  take  broad  exceptions  both  to  the  author's  integrity  of  purpose  and 
faithfulness  of  execution.  For  half  a  century  Irving  h«*s  been  the  literary 
idol  of  American  readers;  and  for  his  writings  no  one  has  greater  admiration 
than  myself.  In  my  study  of  his  Columbus,  I  found  his  treatment  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  their  doings  at  Darien,  for  the  most  part  truthful  and  clear; 
and  iip  to  this  time  the  imputation  that  he  had  received  money  from  Mr  Astor 
for  writing  Astoria  I  believed  to  be  utterly  false,  and  unworthy  of  considera- 
tion. But  in  closely  comparing  with  original  evidence  his  statements  concern- 
ing the  New  York  fur-merchant  and  his  associates  of  the  Xorthwest  Company, 
I  find  them  so  at  variance  with  truth  and  fairness  that  I  am  otherwise  at  a 
loss  to  account  for  this  unusual  warp  of  judgment. 


THE  GRAND  SCHEME.  139 

be  found ;  subordinate  posts  along  all  the  chief  tribu- 
taries of  the  two  great  streams;  the  chief  fort  As- 
toria, the  chief  of  chiefs  Astor,  the  one  to  rival 
Fort  William,  or  later  even  magnificent  Montreal,  the 
other  to  know  no  peer  in  America,  or  beyond.  There 
is  the  long  line  of  seaboard  with  its  rivers,  bays,  and 
islands  shirting  virgin  forests  broad  as  the  broad  east 
together,  a  land  as  full  of  wealth  as  ever  the  far  north 
in  its  lusty  youth,  washed  by  the  self- same  waves 
that  beat  upon  the  shores  of  China  and  the  islands  of 
mid-ocean.  From  this  great  mart,  seated  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  mighty  River  of  the  West,  yielding  to 
none  in  wealth,  magnificence,  or  position,  and  impos- 
ing her  terms  upon  the  commerce  of  the  coast  and 
inland  territory,  from  this  vast  emporium  should  sail 
vessels  of  every  build  and  burden,  making  regular 
voyages  to  north  and  south,  to  Asia,  to  Europe,  to 
Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  Furs  could  be 
taken  to  the  China  market  in  half  the  time  required 
from  Europe,  and  supplies  could  be  brought  hither  by 
vessel  at  one  tenth  the  cost  of  carriage  overland.  It 
would  indeed  be  a  smooth,  glittering,  golden  round, 
furs  from  Astoria  to  Canton,  teas  and  silks  and  rich 
Asiatic  merchandise  to  New  York,  then  back  again 
to  the  Columbia  with  beads,  and  bells,  and  blankets, 
guns,  knives,  tobacco,  and  rum.  As  the  Russians 
were  indeed  the  only  formidable  power  in  these  parts, 
Astor  deemed  it  prudent  to  be  exceedingly  polite,  to 
form  treaties  of  traffic  with  them,  defining  boundaries 
and  regulating  prices,  and  furnishing  them  the  lie 
sary  supplies  at  better  rates  than  they  had  been  ac- 
customed to  obtain,  and  so  drive  off  United  St; 
visiting  and  coasting  vessels  whose  transient  and  i;  . 
ular  commerce  tempted  their  supercargoes  into  w 
questionable  practices  demoralizing  to  the  natives 
and  to  the  fur-hunting  business.  All  this  would  be 
grand  for  Mr  Astor;  and  to  it  the  government  of 
the  United  States  made  no  objection:  so  with  this 
view  he  despatched  in  1809  the  Enterprise,  Captain 


140  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Ebbetts,  to  the  Russian  settlements  on  the  North- 
west Coast.3 

The  thing  could  be  clone,  and  should  be;  so  said 

3  Captain  V.  M.  Golovnin,  of  the  Russian  man-of-war  Diana,  in  his  MS. 
Report  contained  in  the  Sitka  archives  at  Washington,  writes  that  the  Enti  r- 
prise  was  at  Sitka  in  June-July,  1810,  and  he  gives  an  interesting  anec- 
dote illustrative  of  Ebbetts'  carelessness  in  handing  liini  documents  which 
Astor  had  intended  for  his  eyes  alone.  'The  arrival  of  American  vessels  in 
the  harbor  gave  us  an  opportunity  to  be  of  use  to  the  company.  Two  of 
these  vessels,  the  Isabella,  Captain  Davis,  and  the  Lydia,  Captain  Brown, 
having  traded  with  the  savages,  had  come  to  Sitka  to  trade  with  Mr  Baranof, 
en  passant.  The  third  was  a  very  large  ship  sent  out  from  New  York  by 
John  Jacob  Astor,  the  Enterprise,  Captain  John  Ebbetts,  with  a  cargo  of 
goods  for  our  colonies,  upon  the  advice  of  Mr  Dashkof,  Russian  consul-gen- 
eral at  Philadelphia.  He  brought  a  letter  from  Dashkof  with  proposals  to 
make  a  contract  with  Aster,  as  the  most  advantageous  course  fur  the  com- 
pany, aud  stating  that  Captain  Ebbetts  had  full  powers  to  arrange  matters 
between  them.  Another  letter,  written  by  Astor  himself  to  Baranof,  made 
similar  proposals,  flattering  the  chief  manager  by  calling  him  Governor, 
Count,  and  Your  Excelleucy,  showing  that  even  the  free,  independent  repub- 
licans know  how  to  bestow  titles  when  their  interest  requires  it.  The  letter 
was  written  in  French,  but  as  Ebbetts  spoke  only  English,  and  there  was  no 
interpreter  of  any  foreign  language  in  the  colonies,  matters  were  at  a 
still.  [Note  of  author.  An  American  sailor,  who  was  teaching  the  boys  at 
Kadiak  English  (Campbell)  without  understanding  Russian;  a  Pi 
skipper  of  one  of  the  company's  vessels,  and  a  relative  of  Baranof,  who  had 
picked  up  a  couple  of  hundred  English  words,  comprised,  previous  to  our 
arrival,  the  diplomatic  corps  of  the  Russian-American  Company's  colonies  in 
America.  But  as  the  first  two  were  absent,  and  the  third  could  only  speak 
on  subjects  to  which  he  could  point  with  his  fingers,  Baranof  could  not  ci  m- 
municate  with  the  foreigners.  ]  Ebbetts  had  already  concluded  to  leave  with- 
out doing  anything,  but  when  he  heard  that  we  could  speak  both  English  and 
French,  he  asked  our  cooperation,  which  we  freely  promised,  I  and  Lieutenant 
Ricord  acting  as  interpreters.  We  translated  all  the  letters  and  documents, 
and  drew  up  the  contracts,  bringing  the  negotiations  to  a  very  satisfactory 
ending.  We  then  concluded  another  kind  of  contract  with  the  American, 
ain  Davis,  to  take  some  Aleuts  on  his  ship,  and  hunt  sea-otters  on  joint 
account.  Among  other  things,  I  happened  to  discover  that  the  plan  of  Mr 
Astor  and  Mr  Dashkof  was  not  quite  as  fair  as  it  looked,  and  not  of  equal 
advantage  to  both  parties.  It  happened  in  this  way.  Ebbetts,  desiring  to 
let  me  know  how  much  it  cost  Astor  to  build  the  ship  and  lit  out  his  expedi- 
tion, gave  me  three  books  to  look  i  iver.  Two  of  them  contained  the  accounts 
mentioned,  but  the  third  was  evidently  given  me  by  mistake,  and  contained 
supplementary  instructions  to  Ebbetts.  By  the  document  he  was  directed 
to  call  at  certain  Spanish  ports  on  the  American  coast,  and  trade  with  the 
inhabitants,  which  was  then  strictly  forbidden  by  the  Spanish  government, 
i  ::  1  if  he  succeeded,  to  go  to  Sitka  only  in  ballast  to  treat  with  Baranof;  raid 
if  the  latter  should  ask  why  he  had  not  brought  any  goods,  he  should  make 
some  excuses,  that  he  had  heard  the  colonies  were  fully  supplied.  He  was 
also  told  to  obtain  the  most  minute  details  of  trade  and  condition  of  colonies, 
their  strength  and  means  of  protection,  the  actual  power  of  Baranof,  the  re- 
lations between  the  company  and  the  government.  In  brief,  Astor  wished 
to  ascertain  the  feasibility  of  a  seizure  of  these  colonies  by  the  United  States, 
should  such  a  course  become  desirable.  I  returned  the  books  to  Ebbetts 
without  saying  anything,  but  immediately  wrote  down  the  gist  of  the  in- 
structions, and  laid  them  before  Baranof,  who  thought  it  best  to  send  them 
to  bhe  directors,  who,  with  their  well-known  wisdom,  doubtless  in  course  of 
time  made  the  best  use  of  it  for  themselves.-' 


THE  PACIFIC  FUR  COMPANY.  141 

the  autocrat.  Now  in  all  that  region  there  was  but 
one  power  that  Astor  feared  as  an  enemy.  The 
United  States  was  his  friend.  With  Russians  or 
Spaniards  he  was  satisfied  lie  would  have  no  trouble. 
The  sluggish  energy  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
gave  him  little  immediate  uneasiness  from  that  quar- 
ter, but  the  young,  powerful,  and  progressive  North- 
west Company  it  were  well  to  mollify.  Already  two 
or  three  of  their  forts  had  been  planted  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Mackenzie's  explorations  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  the  extension  of  their  operations 
down  the  Fraser  and  down  the  Columbia  was  but  a 
question  of  time.  One  great  disadvantage  the  Mon- 
treal merchants  labored  under;  they  could  not  ship 
furs  direct  to  China,  that  trade  belonging  exclusively 
to  the  great  East  India  Company  monopoly.  More- 
over, for  a  time  at  least,  their  western  posts  must  be 
supplied  like  their  eastern,  from  Montreal,  a  long  and 
tedious  freightage  to  the  westward  of  the  mountains, 
which  would  so  add  to  the  cost  of  supplies,  with 
the  before-mentioned  disadvantage  of  greater  distance 
from  market,  as  to  render  successful  competition  seem- 
ingly impossible.  Then  with  their  powerful  rival,  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  on  their  right,  able  to  crush 
them  by  dead  weight  alone  at  any  time  their  energies 
were  fairly  aroused,  they  might  deem  it  advisable  to 
join  hands  with  the  rising  power  on  their  south. 

Overtures  were  finally  made  them  with  the  proposal 
that  they  should  take  a  one  third  interest  in  the  new 
company.  The  agents  of  the  Northwest  Company  at 
Montreal  took  the  matter  under  advisement,  but  after 
consulting  with  their  inland  wintering  partners  the 
proposition  was  declined.  Nor  was  this  all.  Not  only 
did  the  Northwest  Company  decline  partnership  with 
Astor,  but  they  resolved  that  neither  he  nor  any 
United  States  fur- trading  company  should  ever  gain 
a  foothold  on  the  Northwest  Coast,  and  took  imme- 
diate steps  to  supplant  Astor  in  his  purpose  of  taking- 
possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  by  building 


142  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

a  fort  there  before  him;  and  for  this  purpose  they 
immediately  despatched  a  force  thither. 

Nothing  daunted,  Mr  Astor  proceeded  with  his 
plans.  The  project  was  defined  and  the  money  ready — 
where  were  the  men?  Experienced  fort-builders,  fur- 
hunters,  and  Indian  conciliators  were  necessary;  not 
only  men,  but  men  who  could  command  men.  Every- 
thing depended  upon  the  agents  selected  for  the  un- 
dertaking. 

The  best  material  for  the  purpose  was  undoubtedly 
in  the  Northwest  Company,  but  as  this  could  not  be 
reached  in  the  mass,  might  not  some  of  its  nembers 
be  won  to  the  new  enterprise?  The  trick  was  worth 
trying.  Several  of  the  best  men  were  approached, 
and  successfully,  by  offers  of  high  position  and  large 
interest,  and  many  minor  employes  were  enticed  by 
promises  of  liberal  pay  and  speedy  promotion.  Twenty- 
seven  out  of  thirty-three  who  went  by  water  were 
from  Canada,  and  twenty  of  the  twenty-seven  were 
formerly  members,  clerks,  or  servants  of  the  North- 
west Company. 

Alexander  McKay,  one  of  Mackenzie's  most  trusted 
men  during  his  journey  to  the  Pacific  in  1793, 
Duncan  McDougall,  David  Stuart,  Robert  Stuart, 
Donald  McKenzie  —  all  of  Canada  —  and  Wilson 
Price  Hunt  of  New  Jersey  were  made  partners 
in  the  new  company,  and  on  the  23d  of  June 
1810  these  and  others  associated  under  the  name  of 
the  Pacific  Fur  Company.  The  stock  consisted  of 
one  hundred  shares,  half  of  which  was  Astor's,  and 
half  divided  equally  among  the  others.  Mr  Astor 
was  to  be  chief;  he  was  to  attend  to  affairs  at  the 
east,  and  furnish  supplies  at  cost  up  to  the  value  of 
four  hundred  thousand  dollars.  At  the  Columbia 
River  the  associates  were  to  rule.  Annual  meetings 
should  be  held,  and  every  member,  either  in  person 
or  by  proxy,  should  have  the  right  to  vote  upon 
the  purposes  and  policj-  of  the  company.  For  five 
years  Astor  was  to  bear  all  loss  and  yet  divide  the 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EXPEDITIONS.  143 

profits;  after  that  the  association  might  be  continued 
for  fifteen  years,  or  if  unsuccessful  it  might  be  dis- 
solved at.  any  time.  Mr  Hunt  was  appointed  agent 
for  the  first  five  years,  to  reside  at  the  company's 
head-quarters  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

There  is  little  wonder  that  conditions  like  these, 
backed  by  the  ability  to  carry  them  out,  should  entice 
followers. 

In  brave  style  the  Canadian  voyageurs,  who  had 
engaged  to  embark  in  this  enterprise,  presented  them- 
selves to  the  staring  burghers  of  New  York.  All 
the  way  from  Montreal,  in  fact,  they  created  a  sensa- 
tion. Taking  one  of  their  bark  canoes,  manned  by 
nine  Canadians,  with  Alexander  McKay  as  com- 
mander and  Gabriel  Franchere  as  clerk,  they  deco- 
rated it  gayly,  ornamenting  their  hats  with  parti- 
colored ribbons  and  feathers,  and  flaunting  their  best 
attire  proceeded  by  way  of  Lake  Chain  plain  and  the 
Hudson  River,  conveying  the  canoe  over  the  land  at 
either  end  of  the  lake  in  wagons,  striking  up  their 
thrilling  Canadian  boat-songs  as  they  swept  over  the 
smooth  waters,  and  making  the  hills  resound  with 
their  shrill  savage  mirth. 

It  was  arranged  that  two  expeditions  should  be  sent 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  simultaneously,  one  by 
water  from  New  York,  and  one  by  land  from  St 
Louis.  Preparatory  to  the  departure  of  the  latter, 
another  bark  canoe  was  equipped,  and  a  crew  of  four- 
teen Canadian  boatmen,  under  Hunt  and  McKenzie 
with  Perrault  as  clerk,  conveyed  it  by  way  of  Mack- 
inaw to  St  Louis  engaging  more  men  for  the  enter- 
prise on  their  way. 

For  the  ocean  expedition  a  stanch  ship  of  two 
hundred  and  ninety  tons  burden,  and  mounting  ten 
guns,  called  the  Tonquin,  Jonathan  Thorn  com- 
mander, had  been  provided,  which  was  to  take  out 
part  of  the  company  and  supplies.  Thorn  was  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the   United  States  navy,   having  obtained 


144  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

leave  of  absence  for  this  voyage.  He  was  selected 
by  Astor  no  less  for  his  courage  and  habits  of 
discipline,  than  for  the  prestige  a  government  officer 
would  give  to  the  adventure.  It  was  his  business 
simply  to  manage  the  ship;  with  affairs  on  shore  he 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do. 

The  Tonquin  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  8th  of 
September  1810  with  a  crew  of  twenty-one  men 
and  thirty-three  passengers,  all  connected  with  the 
Pacific  Fur  Company.  Of  the  partners  were  Dun- 
can McDougall,  appointed  to  command  in  Hunt's  ab- 
sence, McKay,  and  the  two  Stuarts.  Eleven  clerks, 
thirteen  boatmen,  and  live  mechanics  completed  the 
passenger  list.4  Ebenezer  D.  Fox  and  John  M.  Mum- 
ford  were  first  and  second  mates,  and  John  Anderson 
boatswain.  On  board,  likewise,  was  James  Thorn, 
brother  of  the  captain. 

Between  Astor  and  his  associates  the  utmost  con- 
fidence did  not  appear  to  exist.  It  was  an  experiment 
on  both  sides.  Not  without  reason  could  Astor  say, 
"These  men  have  left  their  old  engagements  for  me: 
will  they  not  leave  me  the  moment  their  interests  so 
dictate?"  Far-sighted  as  Astor  was,  the  policy  may 
well  be  questioned  which  drew  from  his  most  powerful 
rival,  partners,  clerks  and  servants,  all  foreigners  and 
extremely  clannish.  Indeed,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Scotch  Canadians  specially  stipulated  that  Astor  for 
five  years  should  bear  all  the  risk,  and  if  the  venture 
proved  a  failure,  they  reserved  the  right  at  any  time 
to  break  the  engagement.  Besides  these  precautions 
the  wary  Scotchmen  consulted  with  Mr  Jackson,  agent 
of  the  British  Government  in  New  York, as  to  the  line 
of  conduct  they  should  pursue  in  case  the  threatened 
war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
should  break   out.      The  reply  was,  that  in  such  an 

4  The  names  of  the  clerks  were  as  follows:  James  Lewis  of  New  York; 
Russel  Farnham  of  Massachusetts;  "William  W.  Matthews  of  New  York; 
Alexander  Loss,  Donald  McGillis,  Ovide  I>.  Montigny,  Francis  B.  Pellet, 
Donald  McLennan,  William  Wallace,  Thomas  McKay,  and  Gabriel  Franchere, 
Canadians. 


THORN  AND  HIS  PASSENGERS.  145 

event  they  would  be  regarded  as  British  subjects,  and 
their  rights  as  traders  respected.5 

Rumor  having  reached  Astor  that  an  armed  brig 
from  Halifax0  was  waiting  outside  the  harbor  to  im- 
press the  British  subjects  on  board  the  Tonquin  for 
the  purpose  of  delaying  the  expedition,  application  was 
made  to  the  government  for  an  armed  escort,  and  the 
frigate  Constitution  accordingly  was  directed  to  act 
as  guard  until  the  voyage  was  safely  begun.  With 
final  letters  to  the  partners,  exhorting  them  to  har- 
mony, and  to  the  captain,  cautioning  him  against 
trusting  the  Indians,  Astor  committed  his  venture 
to  the  deep,  and  sat  down  to  muse  upon  the  profits. 

The  voyage  was  in  no  way  remarkable,  unless  we 
recite  the  bickerings  between  the  captain  and  his  pas- 
sengers. Though  brave  and  honest,  Thorn  was  surly, 
stiff-necked,  and  as  thoroughly  disagreeable  a  Yankee 
as  ever  crossed  the   path   of  Scotchmen.     Not  only 

5  It  was  indeed  poor  material  for  the  United  States  government  to  place 
dependence  upon  in  securing  a  foothold  on  the  Pacific.  A  German  speculator 
employs  French  and  Scotch  Canadians  to  plant  fur-trading  forts  under  the 
United  States  flag  westward  from  the  .Mississippi.  In  all  the  association  there 
were  hut  five  native-born  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  of  these  one  was 
manager,  three  were  clerks,  and  one  cooper.  Irving  asserts  that  Astor 
'required  that  the  voyageurs,  as  they  were  about  to  enter  into  the  service 
of  an  American  association,  and  to  reside  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  should  take  the  oath  of  naturalization  as  American  citizens.  To  this 
they  readily  agreed,  and  shortly  afterwards  assured  him  that  they  had  actually 
done  so.  It  was  not  until  after  they  had  sailed  that  he  discovered  that 
they  had  entirely  deceived  him  in  the  matter.'  This  is  scarcely  credible.  The 
most  charitable  construction  to  lie  placed  upon  the  statement  is  that  Astor's 
memory  failed  him.  These  boatmen  were  half  savages,  knew  and  cared  nothing 
about  naturalization,  and  would  as  soon  swear  to  one  thing  as  another.  They 
were  servants  in  the  strictest  old-fashioned  sense  of  the  term.  Would  not  a 
shrewd  business  man  like  Astor  have  rather  secured  by  oath  the  fealty  of  their 
masters,  the  managers?  With  a  band  of  wild  foresters  about  to  visit  court  on 
important  business  connected  with  so  vast  an  enterprise,  a  New  York  merchant 
would  naturally  have  sent  a  clerk.  The  fact  is,  under  the  circumstances,  it 
would  have  been  next  to  impossible  for  these  boatmen  to  have  taken,  or  not 
to  have  taken,  the  oath  without  Astor's  knowing  it.  Irving  and  Astor  like- 
wise pretended  that  the  visit  of  McKay  to  the  British  Consul  was  in  the 
highest  degree  dishonorable,  when  by  their  own  showing  he  had  a  perfect  right 
to  "do  so.  I  am  deeply  pained  to  see  Mr  Irving  lend  his  brilliant  faculties  to 
so  base  purposes. 

"Irving  says,  and  without  the  slightest  foundation  for  such  an  a 
'  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  Northwest  Company.'    Astoria,  50.     The 
bias  in  the  author's  mind,  which  leads  to  constant  flings  of  this  kind,  is  in  this 
instance  all  the  more  apparent  when  we  remember  that  it  wa    bi 
rumor,  that  there  was  no  brig  there  sent  by  the  Northwest  or  any  other  com- 
pany. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    10 


146  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

must  ship  routine  be  arbitrarily  squared  to  naval  rules, 
but  comfort  or  consideration  for  those  on  board  was 
never  thought  of.  If  to  any  one  beside  himself  he  was 
responsible  it  was  to  Astor;  these  Montreal  mongrels, 
many  of  whom  never  before  smelled  salt-water,  were  fit 
only  for  their  forest  associates. 

On  the  other  hand  partners  in  a  large  and  respect- 
able fur  company,  accustomed  to  keep  their  posts  in 
state,  with  retinues  of  servants,  and  clerks,  and  aged 
officers  at  their  command,  were  not  inclined  to  think 
lightly  of  themselves.  Least  of  all  were  those  who 
had  held  high  positions  in  the  Honorable  Northwest 
Company  disposed  to  brook  the  insults  of  a  snappish 
ship-captain  who  in  their  service  would  scarcely  have 
been  rated  a  first-class  servant. 

We  are  therefore  not  surprised  to  find  McDougall 
and  Thorn  assuming  belligerent  attitudes.  To  all  the 
men  except  the  four  partners  and  two  of  the  clerks 
were  assigned  berths  in  the  steerage;  but  this  the  fur- 
hunters  did  not  mind;  they  were  servants  at  best,  and 
used  to  roughing  it,  and  further  they  were  just  now 
more  intent  on  studying  the  phenomenon  of  sea-sick- 
ness, than  in  finding  fault  with  their  quarters.  The 
deck  was  crowded  with  goods,  all  was  confusion,  and 
the  passengers  generally  uncomfortable.  The  first 
night  out,  following  his  naval  training,  which  he  ap- 
plied mechanically  to  all  conditions  and  emergencies 
of  life,  the  captain  ordered  all  lights  out  at  eight 
o'clock.  Now  it  happened  that  the  partners  were  not 
accustomed  to  retire  at  that  hour,  nor  were  they  con- 
tent to  sit  the  long  evenings  of  their  passage  through 
in  total  darkness;  the  ship  with  all  it  contained  was 
theirs,  and  the  captain  was  in  truth  their  agent, 
nothing  more.  Therefore  they  would  retain  their 
lights,  and  put  them  out  when  they  no  longer  required 
them.  Thorn  .turned  scarlet,  then  grew  furious; 
finally  he  threatened  to  put  the  partners  in  irons. 

Now  these  fur-hunters  were  of  various  aspect. 
Some  of  them  were  tall  and  lank,,  and  moved  slowly; 


AT  THE  FALKLAND  ISLES.  147 

some  short  and  lithe,  and  quick  of  action.  McDougall 
was  of  the  latter  caste.  All  were  accustomed  to  de- 
fend themselves,  none  of  them  were  afraid  of  wild 
1  icast  or  Indian,  and  none  of  them  were  afraid  of 
Captain  Thorn.  Drawing  his  pistol  McDougall  in- 
formed him  that  any  attempt  to  carry  that  threat  into 
execution  would  assuredly  prove  disastrous  to  him. 
The  lights  were  not  extinguished  at  eight  o'clock.  In 
a  word,  the  captain  before  setting  sail  seems  to  have 
clothed  himself  in  disgust,  and  never  afterward  to 
have  laid  aside  his  raiment.7 

Another  incident  of  the  voyage  tends  to  illustrate 
the  character  of  the  captain.  At  the  Falkland  Isles 
the  vessel  put  in  for  water.  Quarters  on  board  were 
cramped;  for  a  time  all  had  been  on  short  allowance, 
and  now  the  foresters  wandered  over  the  island  and 
revelled  for  a  moment  in  their  old  freedom.  When 
ready  to  sail  a  gun  was  fired,  but  some  from  the 
roaring  of  the  sea  did  not  hear  it.  The  captain  after 
waiting  the  usual  time  deliberately  weighed  anchor 
and  was  off,  leaving  ashore  with  one  of  the  ship's 
boats,  McDougall, David  Stuart, and  a  number  of  men, 
who  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  vessel  was  gone  threw 
themselves  into  the  boat  and  rowed  hard  after  it. 
For  three  and  a  half  hours,  with  highly  wrought 
feelings,  these  men  toiled,  the  vessel  gaining  on  them 
the  while;  and  had  not  Robert  Stuart,  who  was  on 
board,  placed  his  pistol  at  the  captain's  head,  and 
threatened  to  blow  his  brains  out  if  he  did  not  in- 
stantly heave  to  and  take  them  on  board,  lie  most 
assuredly  would  have  abandoned  them  on  that  rocky 
isle.8 

7 '  The  hopeless  confusion  and  encumberment  of  the  vessel's  deck .  I 
number  of  .strangers  among  whom  I  found  myself,  the  brutal  style  ji  b 
captain  and  his  subalterns  used  toward  our  young  Canadians ;  all,  hi  a  word, 
conspired  to  make  me  augur  a  vexatious  and  disagreeable  voyage.    The  sequel 
will  show  that  I  did  not  deceive  myself  in  that.'  Franchere's  Nar.,  34. 

8  I  take  this  from  Fraflchere,  who  was  one  of  the  party  left  on  the  island. 
Irving  gives  an  extract  of  a  letter  of  Thorn  to  Astor  H  hich  speak    foi 
'Had   the   wind   unfortunately   not   hauled   ahead   soon   alter   leaving    the 

harbor's  mouth,  I  should  positively  have  left  them;  and,  indeed,  I  c tot  hut 

think  it  an  unfortunate  circumstance  for  you  that  it  so  happened,  fur  the  lii   t 


148  POUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

I  do  not  say  that  the  fur  men  were  entirely  blame- 
!  jss.  In  a  quarrel  seldom  is  either  side  wholly  right 
or  wholly  wrong.  Captain  Thorn  called  his  passen- 
gers the  hardest  of  names,  filthy  lubbers,  whose  smok- 
ing, gossipping,  and  singing  were  no  less  disagreeable 
than  their  silence.  They  kept  many  journals,  wished 
to  stop  at  every  land  they  passed,  and  bitterly  com- 
plained if  they  could  not  have  at  once  and  in  unlim- 
ited quantities  the  best  to  eat  and  drink  that  the  ship 
afforded.  The  partners,  too,  would  sometimes  quarrel 
among  themselves  on  questions  of  precedence,  and 
about  the  plans  of  forts  which  they  would  draw,  but 
like  children  they  would  make  up  quickly  and  be  friends 
again. 

Touching   at  the   Hawaiian   Islands  the    12th   of 

February  1811,  they  took  on  board,  beside  some  hogs, 

ep,  poultry,  and  vegetables,  twenty-four  natives, 

twelve  for  land  service,  and  twelve  for  the  use  of  the 

ship,  and  on  the  28th  sailed  for  the  Columbia  River. 

The  irate  captain's  malady  was  now  becoming  a 
mania  with  him.  Perceiving  that  it  annoyed  him, 
the  frolicsome  Scotchmen  sometimes  conversed  in 
Gaelic,  accompanying  speech  with  mysterious  gestures 
which  a  suspicious  person  might  easily  construe  into 
the  language  of  conspiracy.  Once,  indeed,  the  part- 
ners wished  to  open  a  bale  of  goods,  which  proceed- 
i  ig  the  captain  opposing,  the  Scotchmen  made  him 
distinctly  understand  that  they  were  the  stronger 
party,  and  would  brook  no  interference  from  him. 
The  captain  prepared  for  an  outbreak,  and  in  this 
unhappy  humor  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia the'  2 2d  of  March.  A  heavy  squall  drove  the 
high  waves  upon  the  bar  at  the  entrance  of  the  river 

loss  in  this  instance  would  in  my  opinion  have  proved  the  best,  as  they  seem 

\  e  no  idea  of  the  value  of  property,  nor  any  apparent  regard  for  your  in- 

i   rest,  although  interwoven  with  their  own.'     Lest  the  charitable  historian 

-  put  all  this  down  to  braggadocio,  and  still  refuse  to  believe  it  possible 

Eicer  of  the  United  States  Navy  could  be  so  wantonly  cruel,  to  prove 

self  beyond  all  question  a  villain,  subsequently  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 

c  unmercifully  beating  with  his  own  hand  one  of  his  ship's  crew,  lie  pitched 

iverboard,  leaving  him  to  make  the  shore  as  best  he  could,  and  sailed  away 

Without  him. 


HEARTLESSNESS  AND  ENFAMY.  149 

in  a  cataract  of  foam.  So  formidable  did  these  br< 
ers  appear  that  the  captain  durst  not  bring  the  ship 
within  three  leagues  of  them.  Thorn  ordered  the 
first  mate,  Fox,  to  lower  a  boat,  take  Martin,  a 
sail-maker,  and  three  Canadians,  with  arms  and  pro- 
visions, sound  for  a  channel,  and  return  as  soon  as 
possible.  Fox  hesitated.  He  was  a  good  sailor  and 
a  brave  man,  but  the  boat  was  old  and  leaky,  ami 
with  an  inexperienced  crew  the  mission  was  almost 
certain  death.  At  various  times  during  the  voyage 
the  captain  had  manifested  a  dislike  for  this  man,  as 
indeed  he  had  for  almost  every  one  aboard;  and  the 
mate  could  not  help  feeling  that  his  life  was  now  un- 
necessarily placed  in  jeopardy  through  spite.  1 1  : 
begged  the  captain  to  give  him  sailors  only  for  his 
crew.  No;  all  the  men  were  wanted  on  board  the 
ship.  He  then  appealed  to  the  passengers.  "I  am 
not  afraid  to  die,"  he  said  to  them.  "My  uncle  lost 
his  life  upon  this  bar  not  long  ago,  and  I  will  give 
mine  if  necessary." 

MeDougall  and  McKay  remonstrated  with  the 
captain  upon  the  imprudence  of  sending  a  boat  into 
such  a  sea,  but  this  by  no  means  helped  matters; 
nothing  could  shake  his  obstinac}r.  The  boat  was 
made  ready,  the  crew  pulled  lustily  away,  while  the 
crazy  little  craft,  rising  and  sinking  with  the  angry 
sea,  lessened  in  the  distance,  and  finally  disappeared 
from  view  among  the  breakers.  Night  came  on,  and 
day,  then  night  again,  and  no  tidings  from  the  boat. 
During  the  interval  the  wind  once  moderated  and  the 
ship  approached  the  entrance,  which  still  presented 
an  almost  unbroken  wall  of  water;  then  toward  the 
second  evening  the  ship  drew  back  from  the  danger- 
ous passage,  back  into  the  broad  sea,  while  every  fac  • 
was  sad,  not  even  excepting  the  captain's,  who  had 
much  reason  to  be  afflicted. 

That  night  the  wind  quieted,  and  the  curreni  car- 
ried the  ship  near  the  shore  north  of  Cape  Disap- 
pointment, where  she  anchored  in  fourteen  fath 


150  FOUXDIXG  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 


of  water.  Yet  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  the  sea  still 
flung  its  waves  with  violence  upon  the  bar. 

It  now  became  necessary  to  ascertain  what  had  be- 
come of  the  boat,  and  to  take  further  steps  toward 
entering  the  river.  Mumford,  the  second  mate,  was 
sent  to  find  a  passage,  but  he  returned  unsuccessful. 
McKay  and  David  Stuart  then  went  in  search  of  Fox 
and  his  crew,  but  being  unable  to  land  they  likewise 
returned  to  the  ship.  A  breeze  from  the  west  now 
springing  up,  the  captain  determined  to  feel  for  a 
passage  with  the  ship;  but  when  within  a  league  of 
the  breakers,  he  was  frightened  at  their  aspect,  and 
retired.  One  of  the  best  remaining  seamen  on  board, 
Aitken,  was  now  directed  to  take  the  pinnace,  and 
with  John  Coles,  sail-maker,  Stephen  Weeks,  armorer, 
and  two  Kanakas,  to  go  before  and  sound  a  passage 
while  the  ship  should  follow.  Shortly  both  boat  and 
ship  were  among  the  breakers.  Aitken  was  signalled 
1  >  conie  on  board,  but,  with  a  cry  of  despair,  he  was 
carried  so  swiftly  past  the  ship  by  the  ebb-tide  that 
his  boat  was  soon  out  of  sight.  The  sky  hung  low 
and  lowering,  and  night  soon  closed  in  darkness  round 
them.  The  ship  struck  several  times,  and  the  waves 
broke  over  her.  The  situation  of  those  on  board  was 
becoming  exceedingly  precarious;  they  could  render 
Aitken  no  assistance.  Almost  miraculously,  as  they 
thought,  they  were  driven  into  Baker  Ba}T,  where 
they  passed  the  night  in  safety.  Xext  da)^  the  sea 
was  still  tempestuous.  The  natives  brought  beaver- 
skins,  but  the  unhappy  company  were  in  no  humor 
for  trading.  Eagerly  but  fruitlessly  they  asked  the 
savages  concerning  their  lost  comrades. 

All  hands  not  otherwise  engaged  now  went  ashore 
in  search  of  the  missing  men,  and  among  them  the 
captain.  Were  all  drowned,  or  were  all  or  part  saved  \ 
Presently  in  the  distance  they  perceived  one  of  those 
they  sought  in  a  strange  predicament.  It  was  Week--, 
stark  naked,  and  so  feeble  that  he  could  scarcely  stand 
or  speak.     Quickly  clothing  and  feeding   him  they 


OUT  OF  THE  DEPTHS.  151 

listened  to  his  sad  recital.  It  may  be  briefly  told. 
Caught  in  the  meeting  of  the  wind-roll  with  the  ebb- 
tide their  boat  became  unmanageable,  and  finally  over- 
turned. Aitken  and  Coles  were  immediately  swept 
away  never  again  to  be  seen.  Weeks  and  the  two 
Islanders  threw  off  their  clothes,  seized  the  capsized 
pinnace,  righted  it,  and  by  jerks  threw  out  part  of 
the  water.  One  man  then  got  into  the  boat  and 
bailed  out  the  rest  of  the  water  with  Ids  two  hands, 
after  which  the  others  entered.  One  oar  was  found, 
and  with  that  they  attempted  to  reach  land.  Night 
closed  in  round  them  black  and  cold.  Weeks  urged 
the  Islanders  to  bestir  themselves,  to  take  the  paddle 
and  work  it  in  turn,  but  they  were  benumbed  to  in- 
difference. For  himself  Weeks  knew  that  he  must 
work  or  die.  Toward  midnight  one  of  the  poor 
Kanakas  died,  and  the  other,  throwing  himself  upon 
the  body,  refused  to  move.  At  last  the  horrible  night 
wore  away,  and  when  the  daylight  came  Weeks  found 
himself  nearer  the  shore.  He  at  once  landed,  assisted 
ashore  the  Islander,  who  still  showed  signs  of  life, 
and  entered  the  woods,  where  they  became  separated. 
Immediately  search  was  made  for  the  Islander,  but 
he  was  not  found  until  next  clay,  and  then  more  dead 
than  alive.  He  was  finally  restored.  The  dead  Ka- 
naka was  buried  by  his  countrymen  from  the  ship 
that  night.     The  other  boat  was  never  heard  from, 

although  diligent  search  was  made  for  it.     Fox  was 

•  •  1*11 

right  when  he  said  they  were  going  to  their  death. 

To  choose  the  site  for  a  fort  was  now  the  next  thin 
to  be  done,  while  the  Tonquin  kry  in  safety  in  Bali 
Bay.  On  the  27th  of  March  the  live-stock  from  the 
Islands  was  sent  ashore  and  confined  in  pens;  and  on 
the  30th  the  captain,  with  McKay,  David  Stuart,  and 
two  or  three  of  the  clerks,  embarked  in  the  long- 
boat, which  had  been  well  armed,  provisioned,  and 
manned  for  the  occasion,  to  survey  the  river  banks 
in  the  vicinity. 

Five  days  were  thus  occupied,  and  the  party  re- 


3 

ter 


152  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

turned  without  having  agreed  upon  a  location.  Only 
the  north  bank,  however,  had  been  explored;  conse- 
quently, McDougall  and  David  Stuart  determined  to 
try  the  south  bank. 

Embarking  on  the  5th  of  April,  they  promised  to 
return  by  the  7th.  The  7th  came,  but  not  the  part- 
ners. Meanwhile  the  peevish  patience  of  the  captain 
had  become  exhausted,  and  he  swore  he  would  put  an 
end  to  these  sporting  excursions,  as  he  called  them. 
On  the  very  day  the  partners  last  embarked  the  cap- 
tain had  begun  to  erect  sheds  on  shore  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  cargo,  which  he  threatened  to  land 
there  at  Baker  Bay.  McDougall,  however,  would 
not  be  balked  in  his  present  purposes.  The  captain 
might  be  supreme  upon  the  sea,  but  on  shore  he  was 
master.  At  all  events,  whatever  was  done  with  the 
goods,  he  would  build  no  fort  until  he  had  found  what 
he  regarded  as  the  best  site.  Hence  the  partners 
proceeded,  as  before  mentioned,  leaving  the  captain  to 
vent  his  spleen  in  whatever  direction  he  pleased. 

Their  failure  to  appear  at  the  time  named  arose 
from  no  negligence  on  their  part,  as  they  narrowly 
escaped  with  their  lives  in  their  endeavor  to  keep 
their  word.  On  the  8th,  certain  Chinooks  had  re- 
ported the  partner's  boat  capsized.  The  captain, 
however,  who  was  not  prepared  deeply  to  mourn  such 
an  event,  took  no  measures  to  ascertain  the  truth  of 
the  statement  until  the  10th,  when,  while  preparing 
to  send  in  search  of  them,  two  large  canoes  filled  with 
natives  made  their  appearance,  bringing  with  them 
McDougall  and  Stuart. 

It  appears  the  two  partners,  in  pursuance  of  their 
promise,  after  having  explored  the  south  bank,  had 
started  on  the  7th  to  return,  though  warned  by  the 
natives  of  the  danger  of  such  a  course.  Indeed,  from 
their  first  appearance  among  them,  the  Chinooks 
had  treated  these  tempest-tost  strangers  with  every 
kindness  and  consideration.  Comcomly,  their  chief, 
who  though  having  but  one  eye  could  see  more  than 


BUILDING  OF  THE  FORT.  153 

most  men  with  two,  had  met  the  partners  on  the  hank, 
and  given  them  every  information  in  his  power  re- 
specting the  country,  and  had  entertained  them  hos- 
pitably at  his  village  during  the  night.  Nay,  more, 
when  he  saw  them  bent  on  what  he  thought  must 
surely  prove  their  own  destruction,  this  truly  noble 
savage  followed  them  for  a  mile  or  more  in  his  light 
bark,  which  skimmed  the  rough  waves  like  a  sea-fowl ; 
and  when  their  clumsier  craft  was  struck  and  over- 
turned by  a  huge  wave,  and  the  white  men  were 
struggling  for  their  lives,  Comcomly  was  at  hand  and 
saved  them.  But  for  him  McDougall,  at  least,  who 
could  not  swim,  would  have  there  found  a  watery 
grave. 

Taking:  them  back  to  land  the  savages  built  a  fire 
and  dried  their  clothes;  after  which  they  conducted 
them  again  to  their  village,  and  used  every  effort  to 
render  pleasant  the  three  days  the  storm  detained 
them  there.  And  now  they  had  brought  them  safely 
to  their  ship.  Amidst  the  general  rejoicing  presents 
were  freehy  bestowed  upon  them.  But  this  was  not 
all.  Comcomly's  kindness  McDougall  never  forgot; 
and  not  long  afterward  he  took  to  wife  a  dreamy 
daughter  of  the  Chinook  chief. 

Though  not  thoroughly  satisfied  with  their  last  sur- 
vey, it  became  necessary  to  fix  upon  some  spot,  and 
Point  George,  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
some  twelve  miles  from  the  entrance,  was  finally 
selected.  There  from  an  elevated  spot  within  a  small 
bay  the  forest  was  cleared  and  the  fort  built  which 
was  called  Astoria.  A  point  which  projects  itself  into 
tlie  river  a  short  distance  above,  they  called  Tongue 
Point. 

"  It  was  like  Eden,"  exclaims  Franchere,  now  lib- 
erated from  the  discomforts  and  dangers  of  a.  long 
voyage;  "the  wild  forests  seemed  to  us  delightful 
gr<  >ves,  and  the  leaves  transformed  to  brilliant  flowers." 
Twelve  men  first  went  over  from  Baker  Bay  in  the 
launch,  with  provisions  and  tools,  the  12th  of  April, 


!54  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

and  began  the  fort;  the  Tonquin  followed,  threading 
the  channel  at  convenience,  and  returning  the  salute 
from  the  fort-builders  as  heartily  as  might  be  as  she 
anchored  in  the  cove. 

Trading  now  begins,  and  likewise  ship-building.  The 
frame  timbers  for  several  coasting  schooners  ready 
shaped  for  the  purpose  had  been  brought  in  the  Ton- 
quin, and  enough  for  one  were  now  brought  out,  and 
the  keel  of  a  vessel  of  thirty  tons  was  laid  by  John 
Weeks  and  Johann  Koaster.9 

Though  the  natives  came  forward  in  large  numbers, 
they  had  but  little  beside  a  few  land  and  sea  otter 


<   ■   ■, 


Fort  Astoria. 

skins  to  sell.  Curiosity  and  perhaps  some  slight  pil- 
fering habits  prompted  frequent  and  long  visits  to  the 
ship,  on  whose  decks  those  glittering  trinkets  which 
savages  love  were  temptingly  displayed.  The  con- 
fusion attending  this  traffic,  and  the  petty  advantages 
derived  from  it,  kept  the  captain's  wrath  constantly 
aroused.     He  openly  manifested  his  feelings  of  dis- 

9  '  This  schooner  was  found  too  small  for  the  purpose.  Astor  had  no  idea 
of  the  dangers  to  be  met  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  or  he  would  have 
ordei-ed  the  frame  of  a  vessel  of  at  least  one  hundred  tons.  The  frames 
shipped  in  New  York  were  used  in  the  construction  of  this  one  only,  which 
-  mployed  solely  in  the  river  trade.'  Franchere's  Sar..  11, -IS.  Fran- 
ehere,  who' was  one  of  the  party,  says,  101-2  :  '  We  embarked  to  the  number 
of  twelve.'     Irving,  91,  says  there  were  sixteen. 


THORN  AT  NOOTKA.  155 

gust  for  Comcomly,  of  whom  McDougall  made  so 
much.  Angry  altercations  followed;  but  the  fur- 
hunters  were  finally  glad  to  land  their  effects  and 
live  on  shore,  preferring  the  discomforts  of  the  weather 
to  the  captain's  spleen. 

Finally  a  warehouse  twenty  by  sixty-two  feet  was 
completed;  a  portion  of  the  goods  were  landed,  and 
the  rest  kept  on  board  for  traffic  along  the  coast  ac- 
cording to  a  prearranged  programme.  The  ship 
crossed  over  to  Baker  Bay  on  the  1st  of  June,  and 
on  the  5th  put  to  sea  with  Alexander  McKay  as 
supercargo  and  James  Lewis  for  his  clerk.  Mum- 
ford,  the  second  mate,  was  not  on  board  because, 
strange  to  say,  the  captain  did  not  like  him;  so  much 
the  better  for  Mumford. 

Might  not  Lieutenant  Thorn,  our  most  sturdy  cap- 
tain, now  shake  from  his  feet  the  dust  of  Scotch  fur- 
traders  and  filthy  French  voyageurs,  and  on  the 
Tonquins  cleanly  scrubbed  deck  laugh  at  the  dis- 
cordant past,  laugh  as  with  his  own  crew  only  on 
board  she  flew  before  the  breeze,  and  swept  gayly  into 
the  coves  and  estuaries  of  the  admiring  savages? 
Alas !  no ;  with  his  evil  temper,  evil  times  forever  at- 
tended him.  Doomed  to  destruction,  the  gods  had 
long  since  made  him  mad. 

The  Tonquin  w&s  to  coast  northward  for  furs;  after 
which  she  was  to  return  to  New  York,  touching  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  On  board  were  twenty- 
nine  souls.  Passing  Gray  Harbor,  an  intelligent 
Chehalis  presented  himself  in  a  canoe  and  offered  Ins 
services  as  interpreter,  stating  that  he  had  twice 
made  the  voyage  northward  in  that  capacity.  Taking 
him  on  board,  the  Tonquin  sailed  direct  for  Vancouver 
Island,  and  entering  Nootka  Sound  came  to  anchor 
before  a  large  Indian  village.10 

10 The  Chehalis,  from  whom  alone  we  have  any  direct  relation,  calls  this 
village  Newity,  which  misleads  Irving,  who,  with  Franchere  before  him, 
the  only  place  where  Lamanse's  narrative  is  given,  looselj  liarbor 

where  the  Tonquin  anchored,  Newcetee.  Now  on  all  this  island  there  is  not 
and  never  has  been  a  place  called  by  any  people  'the  harbor  of  Neweetee,1 


156  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Before  proceeding  farther  with  the  details  of  the 
capture  of  the  Tonquin,  let  us  refresh  our  memory 
concerning  these  parts  from  Jewitt's  adventures, 
already  spoken  of  in  this  work. 

At  Nootka  Sound,  a  spot  unfortunate  to  early  fur- 
traders,  on  the  12th  of  March  1803  appeared  the 
ship  Boston,  John  Salter  master,  having  on  board,  as 
armorer,  one  John  R.  Jewitt,  who,  on  his  return  to 
civilization  as  one  of  the  only  two  survivors  of  the 
crew,  after  a  captivity  among  the  savages  of  over  two 
years,  published  a  narrative  of  his  adventures  and 
sufferings. 

Jewitt  was  a  native  of  Hull,  England,  where  Massa- 
chusetts traders  to  the  Northwest  Coast  were  ac- 
customed to  obtain  goods  suitable  to  their  traffic. 
Young,  ardent,  and  ingenuous,  he  was  easily  persuaded 
to  accompany  Captain  Salter.  Jewitt's  father  was  a 
blacksmith,  and  his  consent  being  obtained,  he  erected 
for  his  son,  upon  a  plan  of  his  own  invention,  an  iron 
forge  on  deck,  for  which  he  subsequently  obtained 
a  patent,  and  fitted  a  vise-bench  in  a  corner  of  the 
steerage,  where  he  might  work  in  bad  weather.  The 
young  man's  wages  were  thirty  dollars  a  month,  and 
there,  as  the  wind  blew  and  the  vessel  rolled,  he 
hammered  away  upon  knives  and  hatchets  for  the 
Indians,  and  put  in  order  the  muskets,  of  which  there 
were  some  three  thousand  on  board.  His  father  also 
gave  him  a  little  money  with  which  to  purchase  furs 
upon  the  coast,  and  sell  them  in  China,  whither  the 
ship  was  bound  before  returning,  and  where  he  would 
invest  the  proceeds  in  goods  yielding  a  further  profit 
in  England  or  America. 

Beside  muskets  and  fowling-pieces,  the  ship  took 
on  board  at  Hull  cutlasses,  pistols,  and  a  large  quantity 
of  ammunition;  also  English  cloths  andDutch  blankets, 

noi*  even  any  place  on  the  coast  by  that  name.  At  the  entrance  to  Queen 
Charlotte  Sound  there  is  the  nation  of  Xewitees,  but  we  know  the  Tonquin 
never  readied  that  point.  In  the  absence  of  counter-evidence  it  is  but  fair  to 
call  the  harbor  Nootka  Sound  and  the  village  Newity  after  Lamanse.  See 
Xatice  Races,  i.  17-5,  note  40. 


JEWITT'S  NARRATIVE.  157 

as  well  as  knives,  razors,  beads,  and  looking-glasses 
from  Holland.  In  addition  to  the  ship's  stores,  then' 
were  twenty  hogsheads  of  rum,  and  quantities  of  sugar 
and  molasses. 

The  village  of  Nootka,  whose  king,  or  general  i 
Jewitt  calls  Maquinna,  was  situated  on  Friendly  Cove, 
five  miles  above  which  the  Boston  came  to  anchor,  at 
a  place  where  the  captain  hoped  to  wood  and  water 
the  ship  without  molestation. 

Maquinna  was  a  man  of  mild  aspect  and  dignified 
bearing,  six  feet  in  height,  and  straight  and  well  pro- 
portioned as  a  forest  pine.  Instead  of  the  usual  wide- 
spreading  flaccid  nostrils,  his  nose  was  roman,  and  his 
dark,  copper-colored  skin  was  covered  from  head  to 
foot  with  red  paint,  two  crescents  like  new  moons 
being  pencilled  over  his  eyes.  Arrayed  in  a  magnifi- 
cent robe  of  sea-otter,  extending  to  his  knees,  and 
belted  with  native  cloth  of  divers  colors,  his  long, 
black,  well  oiled  hair  sprinkled  thickly  with  white 
down,  and  accompanied  by  his  principal  subordinates 
similarly  attired,  Maquinna  several  times  visited  tjie 
ship,  and  dined  with  the  captain.  The  common  people 
had  likewise  come,  bringing  with  them  fresh  salmon, 
which  were  very  acceptable.  From  intercourse  with 
English  and  American  trading-vessels,  Maquinna  and 
several  of  his  people  had  picked  up  a  few  words  of 
English,  which,  supplemented  with  their  gestures, 
rendered  them  fairly  understood. 

Captain  Salter  was  extremely  careful  to  avoid  sur- 
prise, requiring  every  native  before  boarding  his  ship 
tn  divest  himself  of  all  outward  clothing  which  might 
conceal  weapons;  yet  the  subtle  savages  at  length 
succeeded  in  throwing  him  off  his  guard.  An  unfor- 
tunate display  of  anger  on  the  part  of  Captain  Salter 
may  have  influenced  the  natives  in  their  design.  A 
fowling-piece  had  been  presented  to  the  chief,  who 
returned  it  next  day  broken.  The  captain  in  a  fit  of 
anger  cursed  the  chief  for  his  stupidity,  and  threw 
the  gun  to  Jewitt  to  be  mended.      Maquinna  smoth- 


153  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

ered  his  resentment  as  best  lie  could,  stroking  his 
throat  to  keep  his  choler  down,  but  answered  never  a 
word. 

Ten  days  had  passed  since  the  arrival  of  the  vessel, 
when  Maquinna  asked,  "  When  you  sail  ?"  "  To-mor- 
row," Salter  replied.  "You  love  salmon;"  said  Ma- 
quinna, "much  salmon  in  Friendly  Cove;  why  not  go 
catch  him?"  The  proposal  pleased  Salter,  who  sent 
the  chief  mate  with  nine  men  in  the  yawl  and  jolly- 
boat  with  a  seine  to  fish,  Maquinna  and  his  chiefs  re- 
maining on  board  to  dinner. 

This  was  the  2  2d.  The  steward  had  been  ashore 
in  the  long-boat  to  wash  the  captain's  clothes,  and  re- 
turned about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  some  little 
time  after  the  fishing  party  had  left  for  Friendly  Cove. 
Maquinna  and  some  twenty  of  his  principal  men 
were  loitering  about  tho  deck.  They  ^  were  un- 
armed, and  so  meek  had  been  their  bearing,  and  so 
friendly  their  conduct,  that  by  this  time  little  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  them.  Surrounding  the  ship  were 
occasional  canoes,  in  which  were  warriors  listlessly 
watching  the  movements  of  those  on  board. 

While  the  remaining  members  of  the  crew  were 
engaged  in  hoisting  in  the  long-boat,  suddenly  tho 
savages,  seizing  whatever  implements  lay  nearest, 
sprang  upon  them,  beat  them  down,  and  with  the 
sailors'  own  knives  cut  their  throats.  Maquinna  him- 
self grappled  Salter  and  threw  him  overboard,  where 
he  was  despatched  by  those  in  the  canoes.  The  heads 
of  the  slaughtered  mariners,  to  the  number  of  twenty- 
five,  wrere  then  cut  off  and  ranged  in  a  row  on  the 
quarter-deck,  their  bodies  being  thrown  into  the  sea. 
Those  who  had  gone  fishing  with  the  chief  mate  were 
easily  disposed  of  by  the  warriors  at  Friendly  Cove. 

Jewitt  escaped  as  by  a  miracle.  At  the  time  of  the 
attack  he  was  below,  cleaning  muskets.  Hearing  the 
commotion  on  deck,  he  rushed  up  the  steerage-ladder 
only  to  receive  a  stroke  with  an  axe  which  sent  him 
back  senseless.     When  he  regained  consciousness  the 


SEIZURE  OF  THE  'BOSTOX.'  159 

hatch  was  closed.  This  had  been  done,  he  afterward 
learned,  by  order  of  Maquhma,  who  when  he  saw  him 
struck  forbade  his  men  to  kill  him,  preferring  to  re- 
tain as  a  slave  a  man  so  useful  in  making  and  repair- 
ing weapons. 

Presently  the  hatch  was  raised,  and  Maquinna's 
voice  was  heard,  ordering  Jewitt  on  deck.  Blinded 
with  blood,  the  trembling  armorer  appeared,  assured 
that  his  hour  had  come,  and  believing  himself  spared 
thus  far  only  to  undergo  the  most  refined  and  pro- 
longed tortures.  Upon  his  faithful  promise  of  obe- 
dience his  life  was  spared.  Maquhma  then  commanded 
him  to  take  the  ship  to  Friendly  Cove,  a  feat  which 
was  accomplished  with  the  aid  of  the  savages,  who 
made,  however,  but  sorry  sailors. 

It  was  then  ascertained  that  the  sail-maker,  Thomp- 
son, was  in  the  hold  alive.  Him  Jewitt  saved  by 
feigning  him  to  be  his  father,  and  refusing  to  live 
unless  the  other's  life  was  preserved. 

Great  was  the  joy  of  the  victors  over  their  brill- 
iant achievement,  and  from  afar  their  friends  arrived 
to  join  in  their  triumph.  They  stripped  the  vessel 
of  her  rigging  and  rifled  the  cargo,  decking  them- 
selves in  coats,  cloths,  and  sacks,  men  in  women's 
smocks,  with  stockings  drawn  upon  their  heads,  and 
women  ornamented  with  shot-bags,  powder-horns,  or 
any  article  they  happened  to  fancy. 

Four  days  after  the  tragedy,  two  ships  were  de- 
scried  standing  in  to  the  harbor.  The  guilty  savages 
were  greatly  frightened,  and  seizing  their  guns  ran 
hither  and  thither  on  the  shore,  hooting  and  shouting, 
with  many  extravagant  demonstrations.  The  vessels, 
which  were  the  Mary  and  the  Juno  of  Boston,  there- 
upon stood  out  to  sea,  and  were  soon  out  of  sight.  Be- 
fore half  of  the  cargo  was  out  of  the  Boston  she  was 
burned,  being  accidentally  fired  by  a  native  who  was 
on  board  at  night  with  a  torch  for  pilfering  purposes. 

His  wounds  healed,  Jewitt,  with  a  stone  for  an 
anvil,  and  a  wood  fire  to  heat  his  metal,  was  soon  at 


160  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

work  making  knives  for  the  men  and  bracelets  for  the 
women,  which  procured  him  high  favor. 

Thompson  was  a  native  of  Philadelphia,  a  power- 
ful, fearless,  violent  sailor  of  about  forty  years  of  age. 
By  Jewitt's  intercession  alone  he  twice  escaped  the 
murderous  vengeance  of  his  masters  for  striking  their 
children,  whom  he  cordially  hated.  While  at  Nootka 
Jewitt  kept  a  journal  in  a  book  which  he  found 
in  the  captain's  cabin.  For  ink  Thompson  offered 
blood  from  his  arm,  but  the  writer's  preference 
fell  upon  boiled  blackberry -juice.  Maqumna  seeing 
him  writing  one  day,  and  suspicious  lest  he  should  be 
recording  the  atrocities  of  the  Nootkas,  threatened  to 
burn  his  book  if  he  ever  caught  him  writing  again. 

While  on  a  fishing  excursion  with  the  Nootkas  to 
a  place  they  called  Tashees,  a  book  was  given  Jewitt 
in  which  were  written  the  names  of  seven  sailors  who 
had  some  time  previously  deserted  from  the  ship  Man- 
chester of  Philadelphia,  Brian  master.  From  Ma- 
quinna,  who  made  them  slaves,  six  attempted  their 
escape,  but  were  captured  and  cruelly  put  to  death. 
This  was  told  Jewitt  as  a  warning,  that  he  should  not 
desert  to  the  Wicananish  neighbor  of  the  Nootkas, 
who  was  endeavoring  to  entice  him  away. 

Instead  of  wishing  to  leave  him,  Jewitt  expressed  a 
desire  to  learn  the  language,  which  pleased  Maquinna 
greatly.  Then  the  chief  became  confidential,  and  re- 
cited to  his  captive  a  catalogue  of  injuries  as  the 
reason  why  he  had  seized  the  ship.  One  Tawnington, 
captain  of  a  schooner  wdiich  had  wintered  at  Friendly 
Cove,  armed  his  crew  and  entered  the  house  of  Ma- 
quinna while  he  was  absent  at  the  Wicananish  pro- 
curing a  wife,  and  carried  away  forty  of  his  best  skins. 
Four  of  his  chiefs  were  killed  about  the  same  time  by 
Martinez,  a  Spanish  captain.  Not  long  after,  for 
stealing  a  chisel  from  the  carpenter  of  the  Sea  Otter, 
Hanna,  the  captain,  fired  upon  their  canoes,  killing 
over  twenty  men,  of  whom  several  were  chiefs,  Ma- 
quinna, who  was  on  board  at  the  time,  escaping  by 


SOUNDS  OF  DELIVERANCE.  161 

leaping  overboard  and  swimming  some  distance  under 
water.  These  outrages  recalled  by  Salter's  insult, 
were  kindled  to  a  flame  by  opportunity,  and  quickly 
the  dved  was  done. 

As  time  wore  on,  the  common  people,  especially  the 
Wicananish  visitors,  became  very  impertinent  to  the 
white  slaves,  and  on  Jewitt's  complaint  to  Maquinna 
of  their  hard  lot  the  king  rejoined  that  they  might 
kill  any  who  insulted  them.  This  privilege  Thompson 
was  not  slow  to  avail  himself  of,  bringing  in  the  head 
of  a  Wicananish  shortly  after,  at  which  Maquinna 
was  highly  delighted.  Thompson  likewise  took  great 
pleasure  in  slaying  savages  while  out  with  Maquinna's 
war  parties.  Jewitt  was  forced  to  take  a  wife  and 
adopt  Indian  costume,  which  he  did  as  gracefully  as 
possible,  but  being  seized  with  illness  arising  from 
scanty  covering,  Maquinna  pronounced  his  conversion 
a  failure,  and  permitted  him  to  divorce  his  wife  and 
resume  his  old  dress. 

Thus  two  summers  and  winters  had  now  come  and 
gone,  when  one  day,  in  July  1805,  while  engaged  in 
forging  daggers  for  the  king,  the  reverberant  boom  of 
three  cannon  greeted  the  ears  of  the  captives.  The 
thrill  that  these  sounds  sent  to  the  heart  was  smoth- 
ered ere  it  reached  the  face.  They  had  almost  de- 
spaired of  deliverance.  Jewitt  had  written  a  letter 
which  his  friends  the  Wicananish  had  promised  to 
deliver  to  some  passing  vessel,  but  though  seven  ships 
had  appeared  upon  the  shore  -since  their  capture  none 
had  entered  Nootka  sound,  and  the  letter  was  never 
heard  of. 

The  Boston  was  the  largest  and  best  equipped  ves- 
sel hitherto  fitted  out  for  the  Northwest  Coast  trade, 
and  the  destruction  of  such  a  ship  with  its  attendant 
horrors  had  deterred  others  from  visiting  the  place, 
although  there  was  not  the  slightest  danger  provided 
proper  care  was  exercised. 

Continuing  to  assume  indifference  to  the  arrival 
of  the  ship,  Maquinna  was  thrown  off  his  guard,  and 

Hisi.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    II 


162  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

would  not  allow  his  people  to  kill  the  captives,  as 
they  desired.  He  expressed  a  wish  to  go  on  board 
the  ship.  His  people  remonstrated,  but  he  assured 
them  he  was  not  afraid,  and  that  he  would  go.  He 
thereupon  ordered  Jewitt  to  write  a  letter  to  the  cap- 
tain, which  he  did,  informing  him  that  the  bearer 
was  the  principal  chief,  Maquinna,  who  had  destroyed 
the  Boston  and  killed  the  crew,  and  begging  him  to 
hold  the  chief  captive  until  he  and  his  companion 
should  be  set  at  liberty. 

Line  by  line  Jewdtt  pretended  to  explain  the  epistle 
to  Maquinna,  whose  sharp  eyes  seemed  to  penetrate 
the  armorer's  hopes  through  their  mask,  but  the 
reading  was  quite  the  reverse  of  the  writing.  "John, 
you  no  lie?"  earnestly  demanded  the  chief.  It  was  a 
terrible  ordeal  for  the  captive.  A  word,  a  gesture,  a 
blush,  and  his  life  would  pay  the  forfeit.  Gathering 
strength  in  measure  with  his  need,  Jewitt  presently 
raised  his  eyes,  and  answered  calmly  and  firmly: 
"Ty  ee,  have  you  ever  known  me  to  lie?"  It  was 
enough.  This  savage  possessed  a  really  noble  nature. 
He  had  treated  his  captives  well,  and  he  believed 
them  firmly  attached  to  him.  Yet  the  lie  had  been 
w7ell  told  which  should  serve  their  purpose  better  than 
the  truth. 

Scarcely  had  Maquinna  set  his  foot  on  deck  when  he 
found  himself  in  irons.  Great  was  the  guilty  chief's 
terror,  and  great  the  consternation  of  his  people. 
Jewitt  and  Thompson  were  at  once  permitted  to  go 
on  board,  this  being  the  only  way  of  saving  the  king's 
life.  The  captain  wished  to  put  Maquinna  to  death, 
but  Jewitt  pointed  out  the  uselessness  of  such  a 
course.  This  was  a  savage.  He  had  been  insulted, 
his  men  murdered.  He  employed  such  means  of  re- 
dress as  God  gave  him,  revenge.  Besides,  he  had  more 
than  once  spared  the  lives  of  his  captives  when  his 
followers  demanded  their  blood.  So  Maquinna  was 
.released,  and  the  usual  butchery  omitted. 

The  ship  proved  to  be  the  Lydia,  Captain  Samuel 


AXD  XOW  THE   'TOXQUIN.'  103 

Hill,  from  Boston.  All  that  was  left  of  the  Boston  was 
secured  before  Maquirma's  deliverance.  The  Lydia 
continued  her  course  northward  for  four  months,  when 
she  returned,  and  entering  the  Columbia  for  spars,  as- 
cended the  river  ten  miles  to  a  native  village,  from 
whose  inhabitants  Jewitt  learned  of  the  visit  of  Lewi  3 
and  Clarke  a  fortnight  before,  in  proof  of  which  medals 
Mere  shown.  Thence  the  Lydia  again  proceeded  to 
Nootka,  to  trade  with  Maquinna,  who  received  his  old 
friends  with  grateful  consideration. 

Continuing  northward  until  the  11th  of  August 
1806,  the  Lydia  then  sailed  for  China,  where  Jewitt 
met  a  fellow-townsman,  a  sea-captain,  who  gladly  sup- 
plied his  necessities,  and  conveyed  to  his  father  the 
intelligence  of  his  safety.  Jewitt  remained  in  the  L;)<  lia 
until  she  reached  Boston,  which  wras  in  June  1807, 
where  Francis  and  Thomas  Amory,  owners  of  the 
Boston,  treated  him  with  every  kindness. 

Before  leaving  New  York  Captain  Thorn  had  been 
warned  by  his  emplo3xer  not  to  trust  the  natives  of 
the  coast  too  far.  "  All  accidents  which  have  as  yet 
happened  there,"  WTote  Astor  in  his  parting  injunc- 
tion, "  arose  in  too  much  confidence  in  the  Indians;" 
and  the  interpreter  now  bears  out  this  caution,  and 
notifies  him  of  the  treacherous  character  of  these  peo- 
ple in  particular.  Nevertheless,  not  only  was  neg- 
lected the  usual  precaution  taken  by  traders  along 
these  shores  of  rigging  a  boarding-netting  round  the 
deck  so  as  to  prevent  too  many  from  coming  on  board 
at  once,  but  the  captain  did  not  even  take  the  trouble 
to  intimidate  the  savages  by  appearing  before  them 
properly  armed.  During  the  afternoon  the  natives 
came  on  board  freely,  and  by  evening  apparently  the 
most  friendly  relations  had  been  established.  Mc- 
Kay was  cordially  invited  to  spend  the  night  on 
shore,  which  he  did,  reposing  luxuriously  in  the  chief- 
tain's house  on  a  bed  of  otter-skins. 

Early  next  morning,  while  McKay  was  yet  ashore, 


164  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

large  quantities  of  furs  were  brought  by  the  natives 
i  o  the  ship  to  trade.  The  goods  were  properly  ar- 
ranged upon  the  deck,  and  prices  imposed  by  Lewis 
and  Captain  Thorn.  But  the  natives  were  captious 
in  their  bargainings.  Prices  were  too  high,  and  the 
goods  were  not  of  the  best  kind  or  quality.  For 
twenty  years  great  ships  had  come  from  over  the 
<  »cean  for  their  furs,  and  they  knew  well  enough  the 
ways  of  white  men.  There  was  one  old  Shylock- 
featured  chief  that  made  himself  specially  odious  to 
Captain  Thorn,  who  held  all  savages  in  supreme  con- 
tempt. This  fellow  seemed  to  direct  the  dealings  of 
all  the  rest;  and  when  the  price  was  laid  down  for 
their  skins  he  would  treat  the  offer  with  contempt, 
and  demand  twice  as  much. 

Thorn  felt  his  choler  rising;  but  after  all,  it  would* 
not  sound  well  in  polite  circles  to  have  it  said  that  a 
lieutenant  in  the  navy  sailed  a  peddling-ship  all  the 
way  round  Cape  Horn,  and  then  thrashed  the  sav- 
with  his  own  hand  because  they  were  more  skil- 
ful traders  than  he.  But  the  old  chief  growing  more 
and  more  insulting,  insomuch  that  all  trade  was 
brought  to  an  end,  and  Thorn's  wrath  waxing  hotter 
and  hotter,  he  finally  ordered  the  chief  to  take  his 
traps  and  leave  the  ship.  Some  of  the  savages  pre- 
pared to  obey  the  order,  but  the  old  chief  stirred  not 
an  inch,  only  the  hitherto  cunning  leer  left  his  face, 
and  a  stare  of  stolid  indifference  took  its  place.  But 
when  Thorn,  overcome  with  fury  on  seeing  himself 
thus  defied  upon  his  own  ship's  deck,  seized  the  fellow 
by  the  hair,  jerked  him  to  his  feet,  and  as  he  shoved 
him  toward  the  ladder  struck  him  in  the  face  with  a 
roll  of  furs  brought  there  to  trade,  a  cloud  of  deadly 
hate  overspread  his  dusky  features,  while  his  eyes 
t  fire.  On  the  instant  the  deck  was  cleared  of 
natives.  Not  a  man  of  them  was  to  be  seen.  They 
quitted  the  ship  as  one  might  recoil  from  a  pestilence. 

McKay  was  greatly  troubled  when  he  heard  of 
the  fracas.     A  lucrative  traffic  had  been  disgracefully 


GENTLEMANLY  BRUTALITY.  165 

broken  up  by  the  captain's  irascible  imprudence.  No 
enterprise  could  be  successful  under  such  management. 
This  was  no  way  to  treat  savages.  Of  what  avail  is 
our  boasted  civilization  if  it  brings  no  power  over 
passion,  if  it  docs  not  give  us  an  increase  of  that 
intellectual  superiority  which  distinguishes  men  from 
brutes?  Standing  there  face  to  face  upon  that  ship's 
deck  the  high-spirited  gallant  Thorn  was  the  sava 
and  the  huckstering  redskin  his  subaltern. 

McKay  was  also  alarmed.  He  knew  the  Indian 
character  well,  and  from  what  he  had  seen  ashore  h  i 
was  satisfied  that  these  w^ere  of  more  than  ordinary 
intelligence,  and  that  they  were  no  less  vindictive  and 
cruel  than  they  were  cunning.  He  knew  that  this 
blow,  this  most  deadly  insult  a  savage  can  receive', 
would  sooner  or  later  be  avenged.  Goingf  at  once  I  > 
the  captain  he  told  him  this,  explained  the  situation  in 
which  they  now  stood  to  the  people  ashore,  that 
henceforth  they  would  be  regarded  as  enemies,  that 
blow  being  a  declaration  of  war  in  its  most  insul 
terms.  He  urged  him  to  depart  from  that  bay. 
lose  not  a  moment;  the  wind  was  now  favorable,  let 
him  set  sail  at  once. 

Thorn  laughed  at  him;  pointed  to  his  guns,  and 
strutted  the  deck.  Pausing  a  moment  before  McKay, 
with  features  full  of  savage  vindictiveness,  he  ex- 
claimed: "Do  you  think  I  would  run  before  a  lot  of 
naked  redskins  so  long  as  I  had  a  knife  or  a  hand- 
spike?" To  the  interpreter  who  now  approached  him 
with  fear  depicted  on  his  face,  warning  him  against 
further  intercourse  with  people  ashore,  he  deigned  no 
answer. 

Nothing  unusual  happened  during  the  rest  of  the 
day,  and  the  night  passed  without  disturbance.  Very 
early  next  morning,  with  faces  bright  as  the  sun,  some 
twenty  natives  came  alongside  the  ship  in  a  1. 
pirogue,  each  holding  over  his  head  a  roll  of  Jars, 
thus  signifying  that  they  desired  to  trade.  A  little 
smile  of  triumph  broke  over  the  captain's  face,  as  he 


IG6  FOUXDIXG  OF  FORT  ASTORIA.      • 

turned  to  McKay  and  said,  "You  see  how  it  works. 
Treat  these  fellows  gingerly,  and  the)'  ride  over  you ; 
show  them  that  you  are  not  afraid  of  them,  and  will 
not  put  up  with  their  damned  impertinence,  and  they 
behave  themselves." 

Admitted  at  once  to  the  deck,  they  did  indeed  con- 
duct themselves  in  a  most  circumspect  manner,  being 
very  respectful  and  orderly,  and  making  not  the  slight- 
est objections  to  the  prices  given  for  their  skins. 
Another  boat  arrived  bringing  as  many  more  men,  all 
with  otter-skins,  and  of  the  best  quality-  The  captain 
was  in  a  glorious  good-humor.  He  loved  to  triumph, 
not  less  over  those  about  him,  than  over  the  barba- 
rians ashore. 

Moreover,  this  would  enable  him  all  the  sooner 
to  finish  this  business,  of  which  he  was  heartily 
tired,  and  return.  In  like  manner  a  third  pirogue 
came  off,  and  a  fourth,  and  a  fifth,  all  being  freely  ad- 
mitted, until  the  deck  was  crowded. 

:  awhile  the  interpreter  and  the  sailors  on  watch 
had  become  alarmed,  not  less  at  the  throng  of  savages 
admitted  on  board  en  masse,  than  that  under  their 
suspicious  scrutiny  they  had  observed  that  while 
some  packages  of  their  furs,  and  those  of  the  best, 
they  would  freely  dispose  of,  other  rolls  they  would 
keep  back,  demanding  an  exorbitant  price  for  them. 
r,  the  women  kept  charge  of  the  canoes;  not 
one  of  them  appeared  upon  the  deck.  These  suspi- 
cions were  communicated  to  the  captain,  who  now 
himself  became  alarmed;  for  the  Indians  as  if  by 
accident  had  ranged  themselves  well  round  the  ship, 
while  the  late  happy  expression  on  their  faces  was 
changing  to  one  of  sombre  concern. 

There  was  no  mistaking  it;  and  what  made  it  worse 
still,  neither  the  captain  nor  any  of  the  crew  were 
armed.  He  would  away  from  there  at  once,  and  as  if 
to  second  the  resolve,  a  favorable  breeze  just  then 
ang  up  which  would  carry  them  out  finely.  Five 
sailors  were  ordered  aloft  to  unfurl  the  sails  while  the 


THE  MASSACRE.  107 

rest   were   weighing   anchor   and   making   ready   to 
depart. 

The  savages  were  leaning  listlessly  about  the  ship, 
apparently  unconcerned  in  whai  was  going  on,  yet  not 
a  movement  of  the  white  men  escaped  their  vigilant 
eye  The  captain  now  ordered  them  to  their  boats, 
as  the  ship  was  about  to  sail.  Each  savage  then  r 
picked  up  his  roll  of  otter-skins  and  thrust  his  hand 
within  it,  when  at  a  preconcerted  sign;'.!  out  came 
knife  and  bludgeon,  and  with  a  terrific  yell  they  threw 
themselves  upon  the  captain  and  his  crew.  L 
was  first  struck,  and  fell  upon  a  bale  of  blankets. 
Two  savages  who  had  marked  McKay  for  their  own, 
and  had  followed  him  step  by  step  since  the  order 
was  first  given  to  sail,  now  fell  upon  him,  knocked  him 
senseless,  and  pitched  him  overboard,  where  the  women 
despatched  him  with  their  paddles.  Another  set  en- 
gaged the  captain,  who  drew  a  clasp-knife  and  for  a 
time  defended  himself,  but  was  finally  cut  to  pieces. 

Meanwhile  the  butchery  about  the  ship  was  gen- 
eral.    Four  of  the  sailors  who  wrere  aloft  slipped  down 
the  rigging,  and  dropping  through  the  steerage  hatch- 
way, secured' themselves  below;   the  other  was  laid 
i  by  a  stab  in  the  back  as  he  was  descending. 

The  interpreter,  who  up  to  this  time  had  been 
seated  on  the  poop,  now  made  signs-  to  the  women  in 
the  canoes  that  he  surrendered  himself  a  slave,  and 
thereupon  dropped  himself  into  the  water.  Tat 
him  up  they  hid  him  under  some  mats,  and  con- 
veying him  to  the  shore  kept  him  in  durance  for 
two  years,  when  he  was  ransomed  by  his  friends  of 
Gray  Harbor.  "  Soon  after,"  said  he,  "  I  heard  the 
discharge  of  fire-arms,  immediately  upon  which  the 
Indi  ls  lied  from  the  vessel,  and  pulled  for  the  shore 
as  last  as  possible;  nor  did  they  venture  to  go  along- 
side the  ship  again  the  whole  of  that  day/' 

As  all  the  rest  had  been  massacred,  that  is  to  say, 
if  Lewis  was  not  yet  alive,  and  we  have  no   re; 
for    11]        ing  that  lie  was,  undoubtedly  the  tiring  was 


16S  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

clone  by  the  four  sailors,  who  dropped  from  the  rig- 
ging below,  broke  through  into  the  cabin,  seized  arms, 
and  with  them  cleared  the  ship.  This  shows  how 
easily  all  might  have  been  prevented  if  the  traders 
had  used  ordinary  caution,  and  had  simply  carried 
their  arms.11 

The  Indians  from  the  shore,  watching  the  ship  as 
the  tiger  watches  its  prey,  next  clay  saw  four  men 
lower  a  boat  and  make  for  the  sea.  Instantly  a  score 
of  pirogues  were  in  chase;  "but  whether  those  men 
were  overtaken  and  murdered,"  says  the  interpreter, 
"  or  gained  the  open  sea  and  perished  there,  I  never 
could  learn."    They  were  never  afterward  heard  of. 

And  now  all  was  silent  on  board  the  Tonquin.  Her 
bloody  deck  was  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  those  who 
had  so  lately  been  her  life;  and  there  she  lay  soulless, 
a  sepulchre  upon  the  sea.  Warily  the  savages  made 
their  approach,  as  to  a  thing  living,  yet  dead.  Round 
her  they  swept  in  their  canoes,  by  degrees  narrowing 
the  circle  as  the  absence  of  life  on  board  stimulated 
their  courage,  until  in  swarms  they  gathered  round  and 
clambered  upon  her  deck.  She  was  now  the  common 
prize  of  all.  Huddled  on  board,  and  clinging  to  her 
sides  were  five  hundred  men  and  women,  eager  for 
plunder.  Suddenly,  with  a  terrible  boom,  the  vessel 
blew  up,  filling  the  air  with  the  mangled  and  dismem- 
bered bodies  of  the  savages,  two  hundred  of  whom 
were   slain.12     The   ship  immediately  sank,  and  thus 

11  'Captain  Smith  of  the  Alhatross,  who  had  seen  the  wreck  of  the  Tonquin, 
in  mentioning  to  us  its  sad  fate,  attributed  the  cause  of  the  disaster  to  the 
rash  conduct  of  Captain  Ayres,  of  Boston.  That  navigator  had  taken  off  ten 
or  a  dozen  natives  of  Newitty,  as  hunters,  with  a  promise  of  bringing  them 
back  to  their  country,  which  promise  he  inhumanly  broke  by  leaving  them 
on  some  deserted  island  in  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Bay.  The  countrymen  of 
these  unfortunates,  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  the  American  captain,  had 
sworn  to  avenge  themselves  on  the  first  white  men  who  appeared  among 
them.'  Franchere's  Nar.,  1S7. 

12  In  this  fatal  disaster  of  the  Tonquin,  as  in  every  other  matter  that  comes 
within  my  work,  1  have  endeavored  to  state  the  unvarnished  truth.  Here 
arise  perhaps  more  than  the  usual  difficulties  in  distinguishing  the  true  from 
the  false,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  most  graphic  accounts  and  those  which 
should  be  the  most  reliable  are  misleading.  Accuracy  is  everywhere  sacriiieed 
to  effect.     More  than  usual  if  possible  in  his  Astor  relation,  Irving  here 


RUMORS  OF  INTRUDERS.  1C3 

terminated   the   maritime   first   part    of    the    Astor 
proji 

To  return  to  Fort  Astoria.     Prior  to  the  sailing  of 
the  Z  .  and  while  building  was  still  in  prog] 

rumors  reached  the  fort  through  the  natives,  that  a 

company    of  white   men   had   established  th< 
above  a  certain  rapid.     There  was  not  a  doubt  that  it 
was  the  Northwest  Company,  whose  powerful  organ- 
ization the  Astor  party  were  called  upon  to  coinl 

thus  early  in  their  occupation  of  the  Columbia.  At 
all  events  they  would  ascertain  the  meaning  of  it. 
Hence  on  the  2d  of  May  a  company,  of  whom  Robert 
Stuart,  Franchere,  McKay,  and  Montigny  were  lead- 
gives  wings  to  his  brilliant  imagination,  and  permits  it  to  carry  him  whither- 
soever it  will.  While  acknowledging  himself  indebted  for  the  facts  to  the 
same  Gray  Harbor  interpreter,  whose  narrative  Franchere  reports  verba- 
tim, he  follows  him  only  so  far  as  suits  his  conception  of  what  a  good  story 
ought  to  be.  First  he  invents  names  for  the  chief  Indian  characters;  the 
interpreter  he  calls  Lamazee,  which  is  the  first  Chehalis  Moid  I  have 
encountered  with  a  'z'  in  it.  There  is  nothing  specially  objectionable  to 
Wicananish  as  the  name  for  a  chief,  but  Nookamis  and  Shewish,  by  which 
terms  he  designates  the  old  aboriginal  Shylock,  and  the  chief's  son,  would 
better  suit  more  southern  tribes.  It  is  astonishing,  tiiis  intimate  know 
of  the  individual  members  of  a  band  of  hose  very  tribal  mane  and 

habitat  he  is  entirely  ignorant !     The  stories  of  Captain  Thorn  kickin 
peltries,  the  short  fur  mantles  under  which  the  savages'  weapons  wen 
cealed,  the  selecting  of  knives  in  their  barter,  the  finding  of  Lewis  mortally 
wounded,  but  not  dead,  down  in  the  cabin,  etc.,  are  pure  romance.      One  can 
but  admire  the  facility  with  which  this  charming  author  sends  seven 
into  the  rigging,  instead  of  five,  in  order  that  he  may  have  two  more  to 
graphically  kill,  and  keeps  the  interpreter  on  the  ship  long  after  he  left,  so 
that  lie  might  finish  his  story,  and  work  to  heroic  pitch  the 'strategic  death 
of  Lewis,  and  his  wholesale  revenge.     Irving's  assertion  that  the  four  men 
were  caught,  brought  back,  and  tortured,  and  that  the  interpreter  held  con- 
versation with  them  in  which  they  informed  him  of  all  the  little  particulars 
which  occurred  after  his  departure  from  the  ship,  and  prior  to  the  expl 
have  not  in  them  all  a  word  of  truth.    But  it  is  hardly  wise  to  criticise  fiction 
as  though  it  were  fact;  1  only  wish  to  establish  what  is  fiction,  and  what 
fact.     For  the  elegant  and  philosophic  writer  of  novels  I  have  the  most  pro- 
found admiration;  but  as  there  are  many  who  have  all  their  lives  regarded 
Irving's  Astoria  as  true  history,  it  is  but  my  duty  to  inform  them  that  many 
of  its  most  brilliant  passages  are  pure  fiction.     Says  Franchere:    "It  will 
never  be  known  how  or  by  whom  the  Tonguin  was  blown  up.     Some  p 
to  say  that  it  was  the  work  of  .1  hut  that  is  impossible,  lor  it  ap- 

pears from  the  narrative  of  the  Indian  that  he  was  one  of  the  firsl    persona 
murdered. .  .It  might  also  have  been  accidental. .  .Or,  again,  the  men 
quitting  the  ship  may  have  lighted  a  slow  train,  which  is  the  most  Likely 
supposition  of  all.'     The  fact  that  Irving  possessed  some  other  information 
than  Franchere,  does  not  in  this  instance  carry  mm 

catastrophe  there  happens  to  be  but  one  \  i  I  canchere  gives  his 

narrative  in  full.     See  also  Hist.  Northwest  (Joad,  i.  327-b,  this  series. 


170  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

ers,  was  despatched  up  the  river.  On  their  way  they 
ascended  the  Cowlitz  for  a  short  distance,  many  of 
whose  people  had  never  before  seen  white  men.  Then 
proceeding  up  the  Columbia  as  far  as  the  Cascades 
without  learning  anything  of  the  intruders  they  re- 
turned, reaching  Fort  Astoria  on  the  14th.  Mean- 
while the  building  approached  completion.  A  dwelling 
and  powder-magazine  were  put  up,  all  of  hewn  logs, 
enclosed,  and  roofed  over  with  cedar  bark. 

On  the  15th  of  June  1811,  the  native:]  brought  in 
two  strange  Indians  whose  dress  was  totally  different 
from  that  of  the  tribes  of  the  Columbia,  being  of  dressed 
deer -skin,  robe,  leggings,  and  moccasins,  like  those 
worn  to  the  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Neither 
could  they  understand  the  dialects  of  the  lower  Co- 
lumbia, but  made  themselves  known  by  means  of  the 
Knisteneaux  tongue. 

It  appeared  that  the  Northwest  Company  were 
alreadjr  on  the  ground  with  a  determined  force,  that 
beside  the  early  establishments  about  the  head-waters 
of  Peace  and  Fraser  rivers  which  followed  Macken- 
zie's exploration,  there  were  already  at  least  two  others 
farther  north  and  west.  For  these  savages  said  they 
had  been  sent  with  a  letter,  which  they  showed,  writ- 
ten by  Firman  McDonald,  a  clerk  of  the  Northwest 
Company,  from  a  fort  which  had  been  established  on 
the  Spokane  River.  The  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr 
John  Stuart,  Fort  Estekatadene,  New  Caledonia. 
The  messengers,  not  knowing  the  exact  locality  of 
this  post,  had  lost  their  way,  and  had  followed  the 
Tacootche  Tesse,  as  they  called  the  Columbia  River, 
to  the  falls,  where,  learning  that  white  men  were 
below,  they  doubted  not  that  they  should  here  find 
him  to  whom  the  letter  was  addressed.13 

13  It  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  these  were  women,  though  one  of 
them  was  dressed  as  a  man,  thinking  in  that  garb  idic  would  meet  with 
greater  respect.  They  were  remarkable  characters.  They  were  a  sort  of 
uncivilized  mountebanks,  and  practised  skilfully  and  successful1  y  most  of  the 
cheats  known  to  both  white  men  and  savages.  Among  the  natives  they  pro- 
fessed great  influence  with  the  fur-hunters,  which  might  secure  them  great 
blessings.     On  the  journey  with  them  up  the  river,  which  subsequently  took 


THOMSON  AT  TOUT  ASTORIA.  171 

Tliis  intelligence  was  the  more  unwelcome  because 
the  Pacific  Company  in  their  present  stale  were  un- 
able to  plant  posts  and  successfully  compete  with 
their  more  powerful  rival  for  the  trade  of  the  interior. 
Detaining  the  messengers  for  several  days,  however, 
and  obtaining  from  them  all  information  possible  re- 
garding the  country  and  its  people,  they  determine  I 

nipt  to  hold  their  own,  and  plant  post  for  p  •  \  v.  it  h 
them,  until  their  resources  should  be  wholly  exhaust  ed. 
Hence  David  Stuart,  with  the  requisite  men  and 
merchandise,  made  ready  to  return  with  the  two  na- 
tives to  some  spot  not  far  distant  from  their  rivals, 
where  they  too  would  build  a  fort  and  open  trade. 

The  15th  of  July  was  the  day  appointed  for  their  .de- 
parture. About  noon  on  that  day,  while  loading  their 
canoes,  a  large  canoe  propelled  by  eight  white  men, 
with  flying  colors,  swept  round  Tongue  Point  and  made 
straight  for  a  little  wharf  which  had  been  built  at  the 
landing-place.  What  apparition  was  this?  Mr  Hunt 
was  to  take  the  route  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  and  win 
as  they  had  done  on  the  Missouri;  hence  it  could  not 
be  he.  Soon  they  saw  that  the  flag  displayed  wa  3 
British,  and  the  crew  Canadian  boatmen.  As  the 
boat  touched  the  wharf,  a  well  dressed  fine-looking 
man,  whose  every  motion  proclaimed  the  gentleman, 
sprang  ashore,  and  without  ceremony,  announced  him- 
self as  David  Thompson,  partner  and  astronomer  of 
the  Northwest  Company.  He  was  politely  received, 
and  quarters  within  the  fort  assigned  him  and  his 
men;  for  seldom  did  these  foresters  permit  rivalry  in 
trade  to  balk  their  hospitality.  Here  were 
whom  they  at  the  time  supposed  to  be  sent  especially 
to  anticipate  or  supplant  them  in  the  execution  of 
their  legitimate  purpose,  in  the  consumm 
most  important  plans;    and  yet  they  could  not  but 

place,  Ross  was  unable  to  account  'for  the  cordia]  '  with 

hem  for  their  ;       > 
able    . 

arrival  at  I  takiuaqken  they  had  no  less  than  twenty-six  b<  n  es3  i 
.  heir  false  reports.1 


172  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

feel  as  men  of  one  color  and  language  meeting  thus  in 
the  wilderness,  and  that  there  were  nobler  considera- 
tions which  should  govern  the  moment  than  those  of 
merchandise. 

Briefly  Mr  Thompson  gave  account  of  himself.  He 
had  crossed  the  continent  the  summer  before,  had 
started  with  a  large  party  well  equipped  and  stocked 
for  trade,  but  had  been  deserted  by  all  but  eight  men, 
from  which  circumstance,  having  reached  the  head- 
waters of  the  Columbia  at  the  western  base  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  he  was  obliged  to  winter  there.  As  soon 
as  spring  had  cleared  the  river  of  ice  he  had  built  a  boat, 
and  in  it  had  descended  the  river  to  that  place.  He 
further  stated  that  the  wintering  partners  would  agree 
to  leave  in  the  hands  of  the  Pacific  Company  the  entire 
traffic  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  abandoning  all 
posts  already  constructed,  provided  the  Pacific  Com- 
pany would  not  interfere  with  their  trade  on  the  cast 
side.  In  proof  of  which  he  produced  a  letter  from  the 
wintering  partners  to  the  Honorable  William  McGil- 
livray,  chief  of  the  Northwest  Company  in  Canada. 
Should  the  Pacific  Company  decline  this  offer,  the 
Northwest  Company  could  do  nothing  less  than  to 
press  western  occupation,  and  to  that  end  had  de- 
spatched a  large  force  to  the  new  field,  and  had  dis- 
tributed the  British  flag  freely  to  the  natives  along 
the  route.14 

The  arrival  of  Mr  Thompson,  who  as  elsewhere 
stated  was  the  first  white  man  to  descend  the  northern 
branch  of  the  Columbia,  delayed  the  Stuart  expedition 

11  FrancTiere's  Nar.,  121.  Irving  says  not  a  word  of  this  offer.  In  his  zeal 
for  Astor,  he  seems  to  me  unfair  to  the  Northwest  Company.  He  stigmatizes 
Thompson  as  'a  spy  in  the  camp,' and  already  insinuates  treachery  on  the 
part  of  MeDougall,  'who  had  a  lurking  feeling  of  companionship  and  good- 
will for  all  the  Northwest  Company,'  because  he  extended  to  one  of  their 
members  the  common  courtesies  of  woodsmen.  I  cannot  understand  why 
this  was  not  a  fair  proposition,  made  in  an  open,  manly  way,  and  one  which 
the  Pacific  Company  would  have  done  well  to  consider,  would  have  done  in- 
finitely better  to  accept.  The  eastern  field  was  already  well  nigh  exhausted ; 
the  western  was  new.  It  was  something  like  the  offer  made  the  Franciscans 
of  Mexico  by  the  Dominicans,  which  the  former  were  prompt  to  accept,  and 
which  gave  them  in  consequence  Alta  California  in  exchange  for  the  sterile 
hills  of  the  peninsula. 


FORT  OK  AX  AG  AX.  173 

eight  clays.  Whatever  terms  might  be  arranged  for 
the  possession  of  the  Northwest  Coast  between  Mc- 
Gillivray  and  Astor,  the  establishment  of  interior  forts 
was  part  of  the  original  plan,  which  the  proposed  com- 
promise would  not  in  the  least  affect.  Hence  it  was 
resolved  that  Stuart  should  proceed  as  if  nothing  had 
happened.  It  was  quite  a  little  fleet  that  left  the  fort 
the  23d  of  July  1811.  Stuart,  with  four  cler 
Pellet,  Koss,  Montigny,  and  McLennan,  four  boat- 
men, Thompson  and  his  crew,  and  the  two  native 
messengers,  all  in  their  light  canoes  under  sail.  It 
was  quite  a  little  commerce  the  old  Columbia  was 
stirring  up.  Thompson  was  at  once  to  proceed  to 
Montreal,  and  by  him  McDougall  despatched  a  letter 
to  Astor. 

Stuart  and  Thompson  continued  in  company  for 
some  distance  past  the  Dalles,  when  the  latter  pushed 
forward,  leaving  the  former  to  proceed  more  leisurely 
in  his  examination  of  the  country  for  the  selection  of 
a  site  for  a  fort.  Stuart  continued  his  ascent  of  the 
main  Columbia  until  he  reached  a  broad  treeless 
prairie  surrounded  by  high  hills.  The  plain  was  rich 
in  tall  grass.  The  landscape  was  open  toward  the 
south-east  but  closed  with  pine-trees  toward  the 
north.  It  was  fragrant  with  flowers,  and  musical 
with  birds;  and  through  it,  down  from  the  northern 
lakes,  came  a  clear  cool  stream  which  the  natives 
called  Okanagan,  and  joined  its  waters  with  those  of 
the  Columbia.  At  the  junction,  on  the  bank  of  the 
Okanagan,  Stuart  determined  to  place  his  fort.15 

Few  spots  in  all  the  north-west  could  have  been 
more  favorable  for  the  location  of  a  factory.  Besides 
a  delightful  climate,  friendly  natives  with  multitudes 
of  horses,  rivers  abounding  in  fish,  and  the  adjacent 
forests    well    stocked   with   game,  natural    highways 

15 This  first  interior  fort  of  the  Pacific  Company  was  placed  on  the  <;ist 
bank  of  the  Okanagan  a  few  miles  above  its  mouth.     It  was  l! 
place  of  the  overland  brigade,  and  in  due  time  became  the  elm  I 
the  deposit  of  furs  from  the  New  ( laledonian  district.     Mnlayson's  V.  I.,  MS., 
G7;  Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  187;  Gray's  Hist.  Or.,   12  3;    Franchere's  Nar., 
131;  Boss'  Adv.,  150,  201. 


174  FOUNDING  OF  FOET  ASTORIA. 

were  opened  far  to  the  north  and  east,  and  to  the 
south  and  west  even  to  the  sea.  Caught  in  the  bends 
of  the  rivers  was  an  abundance  of  drift-wood,  with 
which,  after  landing  his  supplies,  Stuart  erected  as 
the  beginning  of  an  establishment,  a  log-house  sixteen 
feet  by  twenty,  after  which,  satisfied  that  for  the 
winter  lie  could  dispense  with  a  portion  of  his  men, 
and  willing  to  brave  the  untried  perils  of  the  place, 
he  sent  back  Pillot  and  McLennan  to  Astoria,  where 
they  arrived  the  5th  of  October.  They  brought  as 
passengers  Regis  Bruguier,  a  wandering  Canadian 
trapper,  and  an  Iroquois  hunter  named  Ignace  Shon- 
owane,  with  his  wife  and  two  children,  come  hither 
to  try  their  fortune. 

Finding  the  natives  not  only  friendly  but  intelli- 
gent, kind,  and  exceedingly  desirous  the  white  men 
should  establish  among  them  a  trading-post  where 
they  could  obtain  useful  articles,  with  a  courage  bor- 
dering on  the  reckless  for  so  staid  and  careful  a  trader 
as  David  Stuart,  he  now  determined  to  leave  the  post 
in  charge  of  Ross,  with  not  a  solitary  companion, 
while  he  with  Montigny  and  the  two  boatmen  should 
make  an  expedition  to  the  north.  The  matter  was 
successfully  accomplished,  Ross  keeping  solitary  vigil 
throughout  the  entire  winter  of  1811-12. 16  Ascend- 
ing the  Okanagan  to  its  source,  the  party  crossed 
south-westerly  a  height  which  brought  them  to  Thomp- 
son River  where,  the  snow  coining  upon  them,  they 
passed  the  winter  with  the  Shushwaps. 

Finding  the  natives  well  disposed  and  the  country 
abounding  in  beaver  and  other  furs,  Stuart  made  ar- 
rangements to  return  the  ensuing  winter  and  build 
a  fort  there.  This  was  the  first  expedition  of  white 
men  into  the  region  round  Okanagan  Lake.  The 
Astorians  were  by  no  means  idle ;  it  is  estimated  that 

16  'During  Mr.  Stuart's  absence  of  1S8  days  I  had  procured  1,550  beavers, 
besides  other  peltries  worth  in  the  Canton  market  2.250Z.  sterling,  and  which 
on  an  average  stood  the  concern  in  but  ?,\d.  apiece,  valuing  the  merchandise  at 
sterling  cost,  or  in  round  numbers  35/.  sterling;  a  specimen  of  our  trade 
among  the  Indians!'  Ross'  Adv.  150. 


COMCOMLY  SUSPECTED.  175 

during  the  first  year  of  their  occupation  of  the  Colum- 
bia their  explorations  in  various  directions  numbered 
ten  thousand  miles. 

The  Chinooks  about  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River  upon  mature  meditation  had  arrived  at  two 
conclusions:  they  would  like  their  country  cleared  of 
white  men,  and  they  would  like  what  little  merchan- 
dise the  white  men  had  stored  in  that  vicinity  with- 
out tlie  trouble  of  so  much  trapping  and  trafficking. 
Briefly,  they  concluded  to  take  the  fortress  and  kill 
the  occupi  nts.  Fortune  seemed  to  favor  their  design 
by  lessening  the  force  at  Astoria,  both  1  iling 

of  the  Tonquin,  and  the  withdrawal  of  eight  good 
fighting  men  by  Stuart.  Preparatory  to  attack  the 
entire  population  withdrew,  and  for  miles  around  not 
a  native  was  to  be  seen  where  before  were  hum! reds. 
There  was  a  Judas  in  their  camp,  however,  a  second- 
ary chief  friendly  to  Stuart,  who  unfolded  to  him  the 
plot. 

All  business  at  the  fort  was  suspended.  The 
entire  force  was  employed  preparing  for  defence. 
Pali  o  put  up,  and  in  bastions  at  cither  end 

were  mounted  four  small  cannon.  A  guard  was  kept 
day  and  night.  Though  Comcomly  was  as  profuse  in 
his  nrofession  of  friendship  for  McDougall  a  ev<  v,  lie 
va.-»u;;t  wholly  free  from  the  suspicion  of  having  a 
hand  in  the  affair.  Red  men  are  much  like;  white 
men  in  i !  !;  business  must  always  take  prec  i- 

dence  of  friendship. 

AJb  it  the  same  time  savages  from  Gray  Harbor 
and  Juan  do  Fuca  Strait  gathered  in  large  numbers 
at  Baker  Pay,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  fishing 
for  The  Tonquin   massacre  was  freely  dis- 

cussed   by  them,  and   gave  strength   to  their  plans. 
Thence  rumor  of  the  catastrophe    reached  the  fort, 
but  little  attention  was  paid  to  it,  as  it  was  th   i 
only   a  ruse.      But  later,  when  certain   Chehalis  not 
only  confirmed  the  rumor  but  detailed  in  part  the  cir- 


176  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

cumstances,  the  report  caused  some  uneasiness,  and 
yet  the  thing  was  not  believed  possible. 

As  trade  fell  off  and  dangers  increased  and  pro- 
visions became  low,  McDougall  determined  to  try  a 
stratagem,  so  as  if  possible  to  set  forever  at  rest  all 
those  itching  propensities  of  his  future  father-in-law 
and  his  neighbors  to  strip  the  scalps  and  finger  the 
property  of  the  fur-traders. 

There  was  nothing  in  this  or  any  other  world  these 
poor  people  so  feared  as  the  small-pox.  There  had 
been  enough  of  it  along  the  coast  to  show  them  what 
it  was,  and  they  abominated  it  as  the  double-edged 
scourge  of  white  man  and  devil.  Summoning  all 
the  chiefs  of  that  vicinity,  McDougall,  after  solemn- 
ly smoking,  informed  them  that  he  had  something 
very  important  to  communicate,  something  which  he 
had  never  told  them,  and  which  no  one  knew.  "You 
imagine,"  said  he,  "that  because  we  are  few  you  can 
easily  kill  us,  but  it  is  not  so;  or  if  you  do  you  only 
bring  the  greater  evils  upon  yourselves.  The  medi- 
cine of  the  white  man  dead  is  mightier  than  the  red 
man  living.  It  is  said  that  the  men  on  board  our 
ships,  twenty  in  number,  are  killed;  but  if  this  be 
true,  did  not  the  ship  alone,  unmanned,  kill  two  hun- 
dred of  the  murderers,  ten  for  one?  But  what  is  the 
white  man's  ship  compared  with  the  white  man  him- 
self? You  know  the  small-pox.  Listen:  I  am'  the 
small-pox  chief.  In  this  bottle  I  have  it  confined. 
All  I  have  to  do  is  to  pull  the  cork,  send  it  forth 
among  you,  and  you  are  dead  men.  But  this  is  for 
my  enemies, and  not  for  my  friends."  Like  children 
as  they  were  they  begged  the  small-pox  chief  not  to 
let  loose  upon  them  his  terrible  medicine.  The  pro- 
posed attack  was  not  made. 

Without  startling  incident  the  winter  wears  away. 
The  2d  of  October  the  schooner  is  launched  and 
named,  with  the  usual  formalities,  the  Dolly.  The 
natives  retire  from  the  sea-shore  to  their  winter-quar- 


CHRISTMAS.  177 

ters  in  the  interior;  less  and  less  game  is  brought  in, 
and  finally  Robert  Stuart  makes  a  voyage  up  the  river 
for  the  threefold  purpose  of  trading,  cutting  staves, 
and  obtaining  food.  Three  men  deserting  on  the  10th 
of  November,  Matthews  and  Francherc  are  sent  with 
five  natives  in  search  of  them.  They  ascend  the  river 
as  far  as  the  falls  without  success,  but  on  starting  to 
return  they  find  the  fugitives,  who  were  by  no  means 
unwilling  to  be  captured.  They  reached  the  fort  on 
the  24th,  narrowly  escaping  shipwreck  in  a  storm  just 
before  landing.  On  the  5th  of  December,  Robert 
Stuart,  with  Pellet,  McGillis,  and  Bruguier,  set  out 
to  examine  the  Willamette  River,  and  determine  if  a 
trading-post  should  be  opened  on  its  banks,  the  natives 
having  reported  many  beaver  there.  The  country 
proved  a  garden,  indeed ;  replete  with  all  the  beauties 
of  nature,  and  well  stocked  with  animals,  birds,  and 
fish.  But  for  beaver,  the  great  staple  of  the  fur- 
trader,  the  Cowlitz,  the  Blue  Mountains,  and  the 
country  of  the  Shushwaps  afforded  greater  attrac- 
tions. The  time  being  now  past  when  the  Tonquin 
should  have  returned,  fear  grew  upon  them  that  the 
report  of  the  Indians  was  too  true. 

The  annual  Christmas  festivities  were  celebrated, 
though  the  fare  was  poor.  The  1st  of  January  1812, 
was  hailed  with  a  discharge  of  artillery,  and  although 
the  allowance  of  spirits  was  short,  dancing  was  kept 
up  until  a  late  hour.  The  festive  season  over,  all 
hands  returned  to  their  ordinary  occupations.  A  barge 
was  built  by  the  carpenter;  charcoal  was  burned  for 
the  use  of  the  blacksmith;  the  cooper  was  busied  upon 
barrels  to  supply  the  need  of  posts  yet  unestaMisht  <l ; 
while  the  rest  cut  timber  for  additional  buildings  and 
stockades.  On  the  evening  of  the  18th  of  January 
there  arrived  two  canoes  of  white  people,  being  the 
first  detachment  of  the  overland  party,  whose  jour- 
ney we  will  now  briefly  trace. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    12 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

1810-1812. 

The  Overland  Party— Wilson  P.  Hunt— Rendezvous  on  the  Missouri— 
New  Partners— Ascent  of  the  Missouri — Manuel  Lisa— Horses 
Purchased  at  toe  Ricaras'  Village— The  Cheyenne  Country— The 
Big  Horn  Mountains— On  Green  River— TnE  Shoshone  Country— 
Head-waters  of  the  Snake— Unfit  for  Navigation— A  Dissatisfied 
Partner— Dangerous  Rapids— Party  Divided  into  Four— The 
Devil's  Scuttle -hole —A  Terrible  Journey  —  Famine  —  Horses 
Bought— Ne\v  Year's  Dance  of  the  Canadians — Feast  on  Dog- 
meat— The  Blue  Mountains— Among  the  Tushepaws— The  Colum- 
bia—Arrival at  Astoria. 

The  overland  party,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
placed  by  Astor  under  the  direction  of  Wilson  P. 
Hunt,  partner  in  charge  on  the  Pacific  coast,  Mc- 
Dougall  acting  as  chief  only  during  his  absence. 
Hunt  was  a  most  able,  conscientious,  and  reliable 
man.  He  followed  unflinchingly  what  he  deemed  the 
right,  and  was  nobly  unselfish  in  the  performance  of 
duty.  He  stood  by  Astor  when  all  others  deserted 
him,  never  allowing  his  own  interests  to  interfere  with 
those  of  the  company.  Up  to  this  time  he  had  had 
no  experience  in  forest  life ;  but  there  are  men  efficient 
wherever  you  place  them.  Thus  his  friends  represent 
him,  and  such  I  should  like  to  believe  him;  he  most 
be  judged,  however,  by  his  own  actions. 

While  effecting  arrangements  for  his  expedition, 
Hunt  made  his  rendezvous  near  the  junction  of  the 
Nodowa  River  with  the  Missouri,  not  far  from  where 
is  now  St  Joseph.  The  party  numbered  about  sixty. 
Besides  Hunt  there  were  four  other  partners,  three  of 

(ITS) 


RENDEZVOUS.  179 

whom  were  added  to  the  company  after  th< 
of  the  maritime  expedition.  Donald  McKenzie,  on  \ 
of  the  original  partners,  had  been  for  ten  years  in  the 
service  of  the  Northwest  Company.  Be  was  . 
tomed  to  camp  life,  proficient  in  Indian  stral 
good  shot,  and  a  good  fellow.  Engaged  in  fur-trading 
on  his  own  account  along  the  Missouri  was  a  young 
Scotchman,  Ramsay  Crooks,  formerly  of  the  North- 
west Company,  a  worthy  gentleman  of  high  integrity 
and  enterprise,  whom  Hunt  invited  to  join  as  partner. 
The  invitation  was  accepted.  Another,  made  partner 
by  Hunt,  acting  for  Astor,  was  Joseph  Miller,  a 
native  of  Baltimore,  formerly  army  officer  and  trap- 
per; and  the  fourth,  Robert  McClellan,  a  man  of 
fearless,  impetuous  spirit,  with  a  small  muscular 
frame  and  a  dark  fiery  eye.  He  had  had  much  ex- 
perience in  fighting  Indians,  and  was  the  hero  of 
many  exploits.  Besides  these  wTere  one  clerk,  John 
Reed,  forty  Canadian  boatmen,  and  several  hunter.-;. 
Among  those  attached  to  the  expedition  worthy  of 
mention  wras  John  Day,  a  Virginian  backwoodsman, 
standing  six  feet  two,  and  straight  as  an  arrow,  with 
an  elastic  step,  a  constitution  of  steel,  and  a  frank  and 
open  face  and  manner;  John  Colter,  who  had  been 
with  Lewis  and  Clarke,  and  Pierre  Dorion,  son  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke's  interpreter.  Two  scientific  lights 
were  present  in  the  persons  of  John  Bradbiu 
Mr  Nuttall,  both  Englishmen  and  botanists. 

In  getting  this  force  together  Hunt  had  met 
no  small  difficulty.  At  Montreal  and  Mackinaw  the 
Northwest  Company  opposed  him,  and  at  St  Louis 
he  had  the  Missouri  Fur  Company  to  throw  every 
:le  possible  in  his  way.  Voyageurs  were  ob- 
tained very  much  as  sailors  are  engaged  for  a  cruise, 
and  to  secure  the  managers,  guides,  interpreters,  and 
hunters  required  no  small  art.  But  patient! 
assiduously  Huni  and  McKenzie  pursued  their  pur- 
pose, proceeding  first  to  Montreal  in  July  1  810,  spend- 
ing part  of  August  at  Mackinaw,  v.  1 


ISO  ASTOE  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

to  their  outfit  as  well  as  to  their  numbers,  and  com- 
pleting their  arrangements  at  St  Louis,  where  they 
arrived  the  3d  of  September. 

A  Spaniard  was  then  manager  of  the  Missouri  Fur 
Company  at  St  Louis,  Manuel  Lisa,  by  whose  enter- 
prise, extraordinary  indeed  for  one  of  his  nationality, 
posts  had  been  established  on  the  upper  Missouri  in 
the  track  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  as  early  as  1808. 
While  Hunt  was  busy  during  the  winter  gathering 
his  people  at  Nodowa  for  an  early  spring  start,  Senor 
Lisa  was  likewise  preparing  to  ascend  the  Missouri 
in  the  interests  of  his  company. 

Breaking  camp  about  the  20th  of  April  1811, 
Hunt  and  his  party  ascended  the  Missouri,  reaching 
the  mouth  of  the  Platte  in  a  week's  travel.  Making 
a  halt  of  a  day  or  two  to  supply  themselves  with  ash 
timber  for  oars  and  poles,  they  lost  two  of  the  best 
hunters  by  desertion.  On  one  occasion  they  were 
startled  by  eleven  naked  Sioux  rushing  into  their 
camp,  but  without  serious  mishap  or  any  further  ad- 
venture the  party  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
village  of  Omaha,  where  they  pitched  their  camp  on 
the  ?0th  of  May. 

Intimidated  by  rumors  of  hostile  tribes  above,  three 
more  men  now  deserted,  but  fortunately  their  places 
were  supplied  by  three  new  men;  while  some  distance 
higher  up  the  river  the  party  was  joined  by  two  ex- 
perienced trappers,  Benjamin  Jones  and  Alexander 
Carson. 

Shortly  before  entering  the  country  of  the  hostile 
Sioux,  Hunt  received  a  letter  despatched  by  mes- 
senger from  Lisa,  who  left  St  Louis  three  weeks  later 
than  the  Astor  party,  but  had  now  nearly  overtaken 
them.  He  requested  them  now  to  halt  until  lie  came 
up,  that  they  might  pass  the  hostile  territory  in  com- 
pany. Lisa  was  bound  in  search  of  Henry,  who  in 
the  year  previous  had  been  driven  from  his  fort  at 
the  forks  of  the  Missouri  by  the  Blackfoot;  his 
command    numbered    about    twenty-five    men,    and 


UP  THE  MISSOURI.  131 

would   prove   a  valuable   accession  to    the    party  in 
advance. 

In  times  past  there  had  been  a  difficulty  between 
Lisa  and  McLellan,  and  the  latter  now  threatened 
to  shoot  Lisa  the  moment  they  met  in  the  Indian 
country.  Lisa  had  also  been  Hunt's  opponent  at  St 
Louis,  and  lie  now  feared  that  further  trouble  might 
ensue  if  they  joined  company.  He  therefore  re- 
sorted to  subterfuge.  Writing  to  inform  Lisa  that 
they  would  wait  for  him  at  the  village  of  the  Poncas, 
a  short  distance  above,  no  sooner  was  the  messenger 
out  of  sight  than  all  hands  exerted  their  utmost  efforts, 
and  sped  up  the  river,  leaving  Lisa  to  make  his  way 
through  the  hostile  country  as  best  he  might.  There 
was  no  excuse  for  this  falsehood.  It  would  have  been 
as  profitable  to  have  declined  Sehor  Lisa's  company 
in  a  manly  and  honorable  manner,  as  to  have  taken 
refuge  in  this  cowardly  flight. 

At  their  first  encampment  above  the  Poncas'  vil- 
lage, the  two  Omaha  recruits  deserted;  but  they 
shortly  after  fell  in  with  three  old  trappers,  Ken- 
tuckians,  John  Hoback,  Jacob  Pizner,  and  Edward 
Robinson,  who  had  been  with  Henry  in  the  service 
of  the  Missouri  Company,  and  who  now  engaged  with 
the  Pacific  Company,  agreeing  to  give  one  half  of  their 
peltries  in  return  for  ammunition  and  supplies. 

Up  to  this  time  Hunt  had  intended  to  continue 
in  the  track  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  but  learning  from 
these  men  of  the  strength  and  hostile  attitude  of  the 
Blackfoot  he  determined  to  leave  the  Missouri  at  the 
village  of  the  Picaras,  purchase  horses,  and  cross  the 
mountains  to  the  southward,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Platte  and  Yellowstone,  being  the  route  by  which 
Clarke  had  returned.  A  fright  from  the  Indi ans  and 
a  bloodless  quarrel  with  Lisa,  who  shortly  afterward 
overtook  them,  were  the  chief  incidents  prior  to  their 
arrival  at  their  point  of  debarkation. 

Just  before  reaching  the  Picaras'  village  on  the  1 1th 
of  June,  the  two  companies  camped  as  usual  at  a  little 


132 


ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 


distance  from  each  other,  both  still  nursing  a  sullen 
reserve.  Through  the  magnanimity  of  Lisa,  at  the 
council  held  with  the  Eicaras  next  day,  the  suspicions 
and  coldness  of  Hunt  were  in  a  measure  removed. 
Unable  to  procure  sufficient  horses  from  the  Ricaras, 
Hunt  gladly  accepted  the  offer  of  Lisa  to  send  to  the 
Missouri  Company's  fort,  at  the  village  of  the  Man- 
dans,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  above,  and  brino- 


down  the  requisite  number,  taking:  his 

1  '  o 


pay 


such 


Hrxrs  Route. 

merchandise  as  might  be  easily  spared.  Here  the 
naturalists  left  the  party,  Bradbury  returning  to  St 
Louis  with  Breckenridge,  who  was  with  Lisa's  party, 
and  who,  like  Bradbury,  subsequently  published  an 
account  of  this  journey,  and  ISTuttail  remaining  with 
Lisa. 

Having  disposed  of  his  boats  and  all  superfluous 
baggage,  on  the  18th  of  July,  with  eighty-two  well 
packed  horses,  most  of  the  men  being  on  foot,1  Hunt 

1 '  The  veteran  trappers  and  voyageurs  of  Lisa's  party  shook  their  heads 
as  their  comrades  set  out,  and  took  leave  of  them  as  of  doomed  men;  and 
i  ■■■< -n  Lisa  himself  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  after  the  travellers  had  departed, 
that  they  would  never  reach  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  but  would  perish 
v  ith  hunger  in  the  wilderness,  or  be  cut  off  by  the  savages.'  Irving's  Astoria, 


GREEN  RIVER  AND  BEYOND.  1S3 

and  party  left  the  Ricaras'  village  and  the  Missouri 
River.  Their  line  of  march  lay  first  toward  the  north- 
west, but  soon  changed  to  the  south-west.  Crossing 
what  was  then  called  Big'  River,  they  entered  the 
country  of  the  Cheyennes,  where  they  obtained  thirty- 
six  additional  horses,  which  lightened  the  loads  o! 
others,  and  gave  one  horse  to  every  two  men  to  ride 
alternately. 

Skirting  the  Black  Hills,  they  struck  westward 
along  the  arid  divide  between  the  tributaries  of  the 
Missouri  and  those  of  the  Yellowstone,  through  a 
region  void  of  game  and  vegetation  until  they  gained 
a  valley  watered  by  a  branch  of  the  Powder  River, 
where  was  found  abundant  grass,  the  pasture  of  thou- 
sands of  buffalo.  By  the  end  of  August  they  had 
entered  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  and  traversing  the 
countiy  of  the  Crows  they  continued  westward  to  the 
sterile  region  of  Wind  River,  up  which  they  toiled  for 
five  days.  Food  becoming  scarce,  they  deviated  from 
the  course  in  order  to  procure  it,  marching  south-west 
to  a  branch  of  the  Colorado,  now  Green  River,  once 
called  Spanish  River,  the  latter  name  being  given  it  by 
the  hunters,  because  the  natives  told  them  that 
towards  its  mouth  Spaniards  lived.  Long  before 
reaching  Green  River,  however,  from  a  high  elevation 
the  Three  Tetons  were  plainly  visible,  marking  a 
source  of  the  great  Columbia.  Mr  Hunt  called  these 
peaks  Pilot  Knobs,  a  name  fortunately  not  retained. 

Turning  their  backs  upon  Green  River,  the} 
cended  by  one  of  its  small  tributaries  north-westerly 
through  the  Shoshone  country,  making  a  five  days' 
halt  when  they  encountered  buffalo  and  grass;  thence 
<  rver  a  ridge  for  fifteen  miles  to  a  stream  fifty  feet  w ide, 
flowing  north-westward,  which  Hoback  assured  them 
Was  a  tributary  of  the  Columbia. 

At  first  they  called   this    stream  Hoback  River, 
but  as  along  its  broken  border,  over  its  rocky  prom 
tories,  up  and  down  its  deep  defiles  they   toiled; 
wild  water  rushing  far  below,  gathering  courage  from 


1S4  ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

loud  babbling  tributaries,  until  it  became,  as  it  would 
seem,  so  impatient  of  restraint  that  it  would  dash  the 
very  mountains  asunder  in  its  spasms  of  wrath,  they 
finally  called  it  Mad  River.  It  is  now  known  as  the 
south  or  Lewis  branch  of  Snake  River,  the  north 
branch  being  Henry  River. 

Camping  the  last  of  September  near  the  base  of  the 
Three  Tetons  where  the  Mad  River,  awed  to  stillness 
by  these  mighty  sentinels,  caressed  its  overhanging 
willows,  the  travellers  thought  their  journej7'  almost 
over,  nothing  more  being  necessary  but  to  build  boats 
and  drift  with  the  current  to  their  destination. 

Should  they  build  boats  here  ?  A  vote  was  taken, 
and  it  was  so  decided.  While  hunting  logs  for  ca- 
noes, John  Day,  John  Reed,  and  Pierre  Dorion  were 
sent  down  the  stream  to  survey  it;  they  returned  pro- 
nouncing it  totally  unfit  for  navigation.  Meanwhile, 
there  being  indications  of  beaver,  trappers  were  sent 
out  in  pairs,  who  were  to  continue  their  labors  for 
some  months,  and  then  drop  down  the  river  to  Fort 
Astoria,  or  to  the  company's  first  fort,  should  there 
be  one  nearer. 

It  was  now  thought  best  to  turn  from  Mad  River 
and  take  another  course,  and  the  men  who  had  been 
with  Henry  stated  that  his  fort  was  near  by,  on 
the  other  branch  of  the  river,  and  that  probably  from 
that  point  navigation  would  be  better.  Without  diffi- 
culty they  crossed  the  elevated  plateau  to  Henry 
River  in  four  days'  travel,  and  found  the  fort,  but  it 
had  been  abandoned. 

The  river  here  was  one  hundred  yards  wide;  timber 
was  plentiful,  and  the  party  at  once  set  about  con- 
structing canoes.  Another  party  of  trappers,  consist- 
ing of  Hoback,  Rizner,  Robinson,  and  Cass,  here  left 
the  main  body,  and  as  Miller,  one  of  the  partners', 
liad  been  for  some  time  dissatisfied,  to  the  chagrin 
of  Hunt  and  the  astonishment  of  all  he  voluntarily 
relinquished  his  interest  in  the  company  and  joined 
the  hunters.     Descending  to  the  Bear  River  region 


AMONG  THE  SHOSHOXES.  1S5 

they  were  very  successful,  and  loaded  their  horses 
with  peltries,  but  in  taking  them  eastward  to  market 
Mere  robbed  by  the  Arapahoes  and  reduced  to  the  last 
extremity.  Relieved  the  following  summer  by  a  re- 
turn party  under  Stuart,  Miller  was  thankful  for  an 
escort  to  St  Louis,  but  the  others  again  equipped, 
plunged  into  the  wilderness,  and  were  finally  killed  by 
the  Indians. 

Leaving  the  horses  in  charge  of  the  Shoshones, 
on  the  19th  of  October  Hunt  and  his  party  em- 
barked at  Fort  Henry  in  fifteen  canoes  which  they 
had  made,  and  proceeded  down  the  river.  Passing 
the  confluence  of  the  Lewis  and  Henry  branches 
toward  evening  of  the  same  day,  they  camped  on  the 
main  stream  of  Snake  River,  here  a  broad  and  placid 
stream. 

Hope  was  high,  and  far  into  the  night  the  dis- 
turbed grizzlies  growled  their  distaste  of  Canadian 
boat-songs;  but  next  day,  before  they  were  well  aware 
of  it,  they  were  among  dangerous  rapids.  One  canoe 
was  dashed  in  pieces;  another  filled  and  damaged  the 
lading;  but  no  lives  were  lost.  Next  day  a  toilsome 
and  dangerous  portage  confronted  them,  and  later  a 
water-fall  necessitated  another.  On  proceeding  fur- 
ther, the  waters  whirled  and  raged  among  the  rocks 
until  another  canoe  was  broken  to  pieces  and  one  of 
the  men  swept  away  to  his  death,  the  rest  barely 
escaping. 

This  shock  aroused  the  travellers  to  a  sense  of  their 
situation.  Three  men  were  sent  forward  on  the  left  bank 
and  Hunt  with  three  others  took  the  right  to  examine 
the  stream,  and  they  found  it  as  far  as  they  went,  forty 
miles  or  more,  worse  than  any  portion  they  had 
passed.  Here  it  plunged  in  a  perpendicular  fall^  there 
it  roared  among  the  bowlders,  whirling  in  tumultuous 
vortices  at  their  base,  while  the  whole  river  compressed 
into  a  narrow  compass  rushed  furiously  between  prec- 
ipices hundreds  of  feet  high.  They  endeavored  to 
pass  some  of  the  canoes  down  by  lines  but  were  un- 


1S6  ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

successful,  disaster  and  loss  being  the  only  result. 
Their  way  seemed  blocked. 

Yet  they  could  not  remain  where  the}^  were.  Re- 
peated losses  and  changes  had  so  reduced  their  stock 
of  provision,  that  with  the  present  scarcity  of  game 
they  did  not  see  how  they  could  even  remain  together. 
Winter  was  upon  them.  Pale  famine  hovered  about 
the  camp,  and  they  must  part.  Wrapped  in  the  dark- 
ness of  primeval  wilderness,  only  uncertainty  was  be- 
fore them.  No  white  man  had  ever  penetrated  these 
wilds,  and  the  poor  Shoshone,  whose  broadest  imagi- 
nation extended  scarcely  beyond  his  horizon,  trembled 
with  fear  when  asked  about  the  nature  of  the  country 
beyond. 

It  was  finally  determined  that  they  should  separate 
into  four  parties.  McKenzie,  with  five  men,  should 
strike  northward  for  another  branch  of  the  Columbia; 
Crooks,  with  the  same  number,  should  return  to  Fort 
Henry  and  bring  forward  the  horses;  Reed,  with  three 
men,  and McClellan,  with  three  more,  notwithstanding 
the  perilous  difficulties  reported,  should  attempt  to 
follow  the  downward  course  of  the  present  Snake 
River,  and  ascertain  what  it  was ;  while  Hunt  would 
endeavor  to  provide  for  the  main  body,  now  reduced 
to  thirty-one  men,  and  the  Indian  wife  and  two 
children  of  the  interpreter,  Pierre  Dorion,  who  had 
accompanied  him. 

Hunt  determined  at  all  events  to  move.  Three  days 
were  occupied  by  his  party  in  concealing  their  effects 
in  nine  caches,  when  Crooks  unexpectedly  returned 
with  his  companions,  discouraged  at  the  thought  of 
spending  the  winter  in  executing  their  dreary  errand. 
Presently  two  of  Reed's  men  returned  with  dismal 
reports.  As  far  as  they  went  the  river  boiled  and 
brawled  between  deep  dark  channel-walls  as  grimly  as 
ever.  They  had  just  christened  the  place  Caldron 
Linn,  but  now  they  called  it  the  Devil's  Scuttle-hole. 
Hard  names,  however,  do  not  change  the  countenance 
of  nature. 


A  BROKEN  PARTY.  1S7 

After  due  deliberation,  Hunt  finally  determined 
to  descend  Snake  River;  he  with  Pierre  Dorion  and 
family,  and  eighteen  men  to  follow  the  right  bank,  and 
Crooks  with  the  remainder  to  follow  the  left  bank. 
Well  was  it  for  them,  as  in  all  the  dispensations  of 
]:ro\  idence,  that  they  knew  not  what  was  before  them. 
The  region  through  which  this  river  ran  to  the  main 
Columbia  was  almost  desert,  almost  destitute  of  game 
or  other  subsistence.  The  pack  of  each  man  being  re- 
duced to  twenty  pounds,  contained  not  more  than  seven 
and  a  half  pounds  of  food,  while  a  thousand  miles  yet 
lay  between  them  and  Fort  Astoria. 

Setting  out  on  the  9th  of  November  in  separat< 
companies,  during  the  entire  clay  Hunt's  party  were 
unable  to  descend  the  bank  for  water,  but  at  night 
they  camped  where  they  could  with  difficulty  obtain 
enough  for  drinking  purposes.  The  next  day  it  was 
the  same;  the  third  they  came  upon  the  habitations 
of  a  few  half-starved  Shoshones,  the  first  they  had 
met  for  several  days.  Their  course  lay  alternately 
over  jagged  ridges  and  across  tenantless  plains.  Thus 
they  journeyed,  making  from  three  to  thirty  miles  a 
day.  subsisting  almost  entirely  on  dried  fish,  which  in 
the  absence  of  water  only  aggravated  an  intolerable 
thirst,  obtaining  occasionally  a  horse  or  a  dog  from 
the  natives  to  feast  upon,  killing  now  and  then  a 
beaver  or  a  wolf,  which  gave  them  change  of  diet. 
Yet  more  painful  grew  their  path  as  they  proceeded. 
Heavy  and  dreary  was  the  sky,  while  the  cold  rain 
which  had  chilled  their  half- starved  bodies,  changed 
to  bleak  December  snows. 

Nearly  a  month  had  elapsed  since  Hunt  and  Crooks 
had  parted  company,  when  one  morning  shortly  after 
the  former  had  broken  camp  the  voices  of  white  men 
crying  for  food  were  heard  from  the  opposite  bank. 
A  boat  was  improvised  by  menus  of  sticks,  over  which 
was  stretched  the  skin  of  a  horse  eaten  the  previous 
night,  by  means  of  which  a  little  meat  was  conveyed 
to  them,  and  Crooks  and  JLc  Clere  were  brought  over. 


1SS  ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

Crooks'  party,  as  the  haggard  features  and  emaci- 
ated forms  of  the  two  men  testified,  had  endured  suf- 
ferings yet  more  severe  than  Hunt's.  For  the  first 
fortnight  or  more  they  had  lived  on  a  handful  of  food 
a  day;  then  they  luckily  captured  a  beaver  and  found 
some  berries,  but  were  finally  reduced  to  the  soles  of 
their  moccasins.  For  the  last  few  days  life  had  been 
kept  in  them  by  the  carcass  of  a  dog.  Crooks  re- 
ported that  he  had  seen  Reed  and  McKenzie  a  few 
days  before  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from 
him,  in  fair  condition  and  spirits,  and  that  McClellan 
was  attempting  to  reach  the  Nez  Perce  country  with 
probability  of  success. 

Beckoning  the  sinuosities  of  the  river,  the  party 
was  about  five  hundred  miles  from  Henry  River.  In 
their  present  forlorn  condition,  with  snow  knee-deep, 
and  from  all  accounts  the  river  as  bad  below  as  above, 
to  proceed  was  impossible,  and  Hunt  saw  no  hope 
but  to  retrace  their  steps,  and  if  possible  to  obtain 
horses  from  some  of  the  savages  they  had  passed  to 
carry  them  to  the  Columbia.  To  do  this  required  no 
small  degree  of  generalship;  for  some  of  the  men 
were  ill,  and  their  few  horses  reduced  to  skeletons. 
Their  first  efforts  in  this  direction  were  attended  by 
failure,  disaster,  and  death.  Attempting  to  pass 
Crooks  and  Le  Clerc  back  to  their  company,  they 
failed.  One  of  Crooks'  party,  driven  by  his  sufferings 
to  insanity,  jumped  into  a  canoe  which  had  crossed  to 
carry  food,  and  on  its  return  danced  so  frantically  at 
the  sight  of  food  that  the  frail  bark  was  overturned 
and  the  unfortunate  man  drowned.  This  same  boat 
brought  over  John  Day,  who  joined  Crooks,  but  he 
was  so  feeble  as  scarcely  to  be  able  to  stand.  Pro- 
visions were  so  reduced  that  at  one  time  beaver-skins 
were  resorted  to  for  food,  and  of  these  there  were  but 
three  to  seven  men,  which  they  divided  among  them 
and  devoured  greedily.  Then  surprising  a  village  of 
Shoshones  they  frightened  away  the  natives,  and 
seizing  five  of  their  horses,  hastily  killed  and  cooked 


IX  THE  BOISE  COUNTRY.  1S9 

one,  sending  some  of  the  meat  across  the  river  to 
the  party  of  Crooks,  who  still  followed,  though  they 
found  no  natives  on  that  side.  These  horses  were  to 
them,  at  that  juncture,  a  matter  of  life  or  death,  but 
as  they  never  took  anything  from  the  natives  fraudu- 
lently, they  laid  down  ample  pay,  and  thru  departed, 
though  doubtless  the  poor  Shoshones  must  themselves 
starve  before  spring. 

(  io,»ks,  John  Day,  and  Le  Clerc  were  yet  ill,  and 
greatly  retarded  the  journey.  All  the  party  had  gone 
forward  except  three,  and  Crooks  urged  Hunt  to  li 
him,  and  attend  to  the  interests  of  the  company,  which 
the  latter,  with  great  reluctance,  finally  consented 
to  do.  John  Day  remained  with  Crooks,  likewise 
Le  Clerc  and  Dubreuil.  Hunt  provided  for  them 
liberally  out  of  his  slender  store,  and  left  with  them 
two  horses  and  some  meat  which  he  hoped  would  last 
until  they  found  more,  though  he  greatly  feared  he 
might  never  see  these  men  again. 

Hurrying  forward  Hunt  overtook  his  party,  and 
continuing  his  journey,  on  the  15th  of  December  they 
entered  a  Shoshone  village,  consisting  of  twelve  or 
fifteen  lodges,  and  endeavored  at  once  to  obtain  horses 
and  a  guide.  Horses  could  be  obtained  over  the  first 
ridge  of  mountains  they  said,  but  no  one  had  the 
courage  to  guide  them  there.  Entreaties  and  threats 
were  alike  fruitless.  At  length,  in  addition  to  a 
blanket  full  of  glittering  trinkets,  two  horses,  three 
knives,  a  gun,  and  a  pistol  were  offered  and  accepted. 

They  were  now  on  Snake  River,  near  where  was 
subsequently  old  Fort  Boise,  the  party  still  being 
divided,  those  who  were  with  Crooks  being  on  the 
west  bank,  while  Hunt  in  advance  was  on  the  east 
bank.  With  great  difficulty,  the  river  being  full  of 
floating  ice,  and  the  men  half-starved  and  half-frozen, 
weak  and  dispirited,  Hunt  crossed  with  his  p 
to  the  other  side,  and  joining  their  old  comrades  on 
the  24th  of  December,  they  started,  pursuing  a  north- 
westerly course,  over  mountains,  plains,  and   valleys, 


190  ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

buying  food  from  the  natives,  picking  up  and  carrying 
the  exhausted,  who  would  throw  themselves  upon  the 
ground,  declaring  they  could  die  but  could  not  proceed 
an  inch  further;  and  stopping  on  new  year's  day  1812 
for  the  Canadians  to  have  their  dance  and  feast  on 
doo;  and  horse  meat,  though  some  of  them  could  not 
stand. 

Turning  due  west  and  entering  the  Blue  Mountains, 
on  the  6th  of  January  they  reached  the  summit, 
whence  descending  into  a  milder  climate  in  two  days 
to  their  great  joy  they  reach  broad  fertile  pasture- 
lands,  watered  by  a  stream  the  natives  called  Umatilla, 
abounding  in  beaver. 

Thousands  of  horses  are  feeding  on  the  short  tender 
grass,  and  on  the  bank  of  the  stream  is  a  well  pro- 
visioned Indian  encampment  of  thirty-four  lodges. 
They  were  a  band  of  roving  Tushepaws,  a  race 
very  different  from  the  poor  Shoshones,  having  for 
their  lodges  buffalo-robes,  an^l  for  their  dress  hunting- 
shirt  and  leggings  of  deerskin,  with  utensils  of  brass 
and  iron,  kettles,  axes,  and  knives,  which  proved  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  white  people  upon  the  coast. 
And  what  rejoiced  the  travellers  next  to  food  was  the 
information  that  two  days  more  would  bring  them  to 
the  Columbia,  The  Tushepaws  told  them  further 
that  a  party  of  white  men  corresponding  in  number 
to  McClellan's  and  McKenzie's  parties  had  lately 
passed  down  the  river,  so  as  to  give  them  hope  that 
these  were  now  at  Fort  Astoria. 

Supplying  themselves  with  an  abundance  of  horses 
and  provisions,  on  the  20th  of  January  the  party 
continued  their  journey,  reaching  the  Columbia  next 
day  midway  between  the  rivers  Umatilla  and  Walla 
Walla.  Six  months  of  hardship  and  perils  hitherto 
unparalleled  in  American  mountaineering,  since  leaving 
the  village  of  the  Ricaras  are  now  happily  terminated, 
ring,  alas!  a  few  of  their  number  at  intervals  under 
the  pines.  Journeying  on  horses  along  the  bank  of 
the  river  to  the  Dalles,  Hunt  there  procured  canoes, 


ARRIVAL  AT  FORT  ASTORIA.  101 

whence  embarking  on  the  5th  of  February,  in   ten 
days  the  party  reached  Fort  Astoria. 

There  are  moments,  and  many  of  them,  in  the  lives 
of  these  inartificial  men  of  the  woods  that  stir  thei  ■ 
natures  to  the  quick,  that  touch  deep-hidden  springs 
of  feeling,  and  bring  to  light  traits  and  passions,  both 
good  and  evil,  of  whose  existence  they  most  of  all 
were  before  unconscious.  Cities  full  of  plod  ; 
bread-winning  and  money-making  machines,  come 
and  go,  one  generation  following  another  with  no 
more  development  of  feeling,  or  increase  of  intelli- 
gence, than  the  millwheels  of  which  they  are  the 
type.  Here,  however,  were  daily  love  and  hate  heaped 
up,  and  life  and  death;  not  the  sepulchral  smiles  and 
frowns  of  conventionalism,  but  blood-red  and  un- 
coffined,  such  as  nature  makes,  not  man.  Here  v. 
those  who  had  been  boys  together,  had  shared  a 
thousand  perils,  had  buried  many  a  common  comrade, 
had  been  more  than  brothers  often  are.  Some  of 
them  had  parted  under  circumstances  the  most  trying 
to  manhood,  and  each  had  not  since  known  whether 
the  other  was  alive.  McKenzie,  Reed, and  McClellan 
were  there,  but  they  had  given  up  all  hope  of  ev  r 
seeing  Mr  Hunt  and  his  party.  They  too  had  nar- 
rowly escaped  starvation.  In  their  wanderings  they 
had  all  met  below  the  Devil's  Scuttle-hole,  being 
then  eight  men  besides  the  three  named,  and  the  snow 
having  as  yet  not  fallen  heavily,  they  succeeded  in 
following  the  river  to  the  Columbia,  where  they  pro- 
cured two  canoes  and  arrived  at  Fort  Astoria  the 
18th  of  January. 

When  therefore  shouts  arose  alike  from  fort  and 
river,  as  Hunt's  canoes  rounded  Tongue  Point,  we 
may  be  sure  they  were  no  hollow  cheers.  There  was 
a  soul  in  every  sound.  And  as  the  part}'  sprang 
ashore, and  the  Scotchmen  grasped  hands, and  the  more 
volatile  voyageurs  embraced  and  kissed  each  other, 
there  were  tears  in  many  an  eye  springing  from  hearts 


192  ASTOR  OVERLAND  EXPEDITION. 

now  swelled  with  joy  to  bursting.  It  is  needless  to 
add  that  the  taste  of  dog  was  quickly  eradicated  from 
the  mouth  by  copious  draughts  of  rum,  and  a  plenti- 
ful supply  of  tobacco;  articles  of  luxury  from  which 
their  palates  had  been  long  estranged. 

Thus  the  expeditions  of  the  Pacific  Fur  Company 
by  land  and  water  were  at  length  consummated. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

AFFAIRS   OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

1812-1813. 

Dissatisfaction  at  Astoria — Departure  of  Reed  for  St  Louis — Waiiow- 
pum  Treachery — Failure  of  Reed's  Expedition— Arrival  of  the 
'  Beaver  ' — Astor  and  the  Russian  Fur  Company— He  Courts  the 
Russian  Minister  at  Washington — Stuart  Leaves  Fort  Astoria 
with  Despatches — Trials  of  Stuart  on  the  Overland  Journey— 
The  '  Isaac  Todd  '  and  H.  M.  S.  '  Phozbe  ' — British  Interests  in  the 
North  Pacific— The  U.  S.  S.  'Adams' — The  'Enterprise' — Astor 
and  Secretary  Monroe — Wreck  of  the  'Lark'— McKenzie  on 
the  Sahaptin — Clarke's  Company — Kamloops — Boullard  and  the 
Indian  Maid — The  '  Beaver' — McTavish  and  McKenzie— Delibera- 
tions at  Fort  Astoria — Preparations  to  Abandon  the  Post — 
McKenzie  and  the  Nez  Perces — The  Stolen  Cup. 

By  the  late  arrival  the  winter  quiet  at  the  fort  was 
broken  up,  and  the  activities  of  spring  were  soon  upon 
the  fur -hunters.  Besides  Miller  there  were  others 
dissatisfied  with  their  position  and  prospects.  Among 
these  was  McClellan  who,  as  Beed  was  about  to 
return  to  St  Louis  with  despatches,  determined  to 
accompany  him.  Indeed,  when  we  consider  the  inde- 
pendent, self-willed,  and  often  eccentric  and  discoid- 
ant  elements  thrown  into  juxtaposition  by  camp  and 
fort  life,  the  wonder  is  how  these  enormous  com- 
panies, with  agents  and  servants  scattered  among  sav- 
ages over  thousands  of  square  leagues  of  wilderness, 
managed  to  hold  together  so  long.  The  Pacific  Com- 
pany,  however,  was  yet  a  new  institution,  the  partners 
in  which  were  not  fairly  settled  in  their  respective 
places,  and  more  than  all  it  was  by  no  means  certain 
of  ultimate  success. 

Hist  .  X.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    13  ( 193 ) 


194  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Besides  despatching  Reed  as  messenger  to  report 
to  Astor  the  progress  of  affairs  thus  far,  and  by 
whom  letters  might  be  sent  by  those  now  a  year  or 
two  from  home,  fresh  supplies  must  be  sent  to  David 
Stuart  at  Fort  Okanagan,  and  the  goods  cached  on 
Snake  River  just  below  the  junction  of  Henry  River, 
must  be  brought.  This  business  was  confided  to  two 
clerks,  Farnham  and  McGilles,  who  with  eight  men 
and  a  guide  were  to  bring  the  goods  to  Fort  Astoria, 
while  Robert  Stuart  was  to  visit  Okanagan.  With 
Reed  as  escort,  two  boatmen,  and  a  hunter,  McKenzie 
had  planned  an  excursion  up  the  Willamette,  with 
Matthews  and  five  hunters  to  set  out  and  follow  him 
two  days  after  the  others  had  left. 

Under  command  of  Stuart,  all  destined  overland 
and  for  the  upper  Columbia  embarked  from  Astoria 
the  22d  of  March  1812  in  two  canoes,  arriving  at  the 
Dalles  early  in  April.  At  the  several  portages  of 
the  Columbia  it  was  now  becoming  the  custom  to 
employ  natives  to  assist  in  carrying  the  goods  from 
one  landing  to  another,  and  these  were  not  long  in 
acquiring  the  art  of  piracy.  The  Wahowpums  at 
the  Dalles  were  becoming  especially  proficient  in  this 
art,  though  their  character  for  dishonesty  was  not 
yet  establishe  '. 

Appearing  at  the  landing  and  offering  their  ser- 
vices, Stuart  readily  intrusted  them  with  the  bales, 
which  they  packed  upon  their  horses  and  sent  for- 
ward convoyed  by  the  party,  all  well  armed.  Having 
no  apprehension  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  the  Wa- 
howpums, the  white  men  were  proceeding  leisurely 
along  the  path,  when  suddenly  up  a  rocky  defile 
darted  one  of  the  loaded  horses,  then  another,  and 
another.  Shots  were  fired  over  their  heads  to  bring 
them  back,  but  to  this  the  marauders  paid  no  heed, 
only  hastening  forward  and  out  of  sight  the  faster. 
Pursuit  was  useless,  for  the  whole  attention  of  the  entire 
party  was  now  needed  to  prevent  a  similar  stampede 
of  the  remainder  of  the  loaded  horses.     During  the 


Mckenzie  in  the  Willamette.  195 

melee  which  followed  one  Indian  was  killed  and  anothei 
severely  wounded.  Reed  was  knocked  senseless  with 
a  club,  and  a  bright  tin  box,  in  which  he  had  secured 

his  letters  and  despatches  for  the  cast,  was  taken 
from  him,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Stuart 
succeeded  in  bringing  to  the  upper  landing  any  part 
of  his  lading.  By  the  loss  of  this  box  Herd's  mis- 
sion was  ingloriously  terminated.  He  therefore  con- 
tinued with  Stuart's  party  to  Okanagan,  whence  alter 
a  few  days' sojourn  all  returned  with  David  Stuart  to 
Fort  Astoria,  surprising  the  fort  by  their  sudden  ap- 
pearance on  the  morning  of  the  11th  of  May.  With 
them  arrived  Crooks  and  John  Day,  who  hailed 
them  from  the  bank  as  the}^  were  descending  the 
river  above  the  Dalles,  and  wxto  received  on  board. 
These  men,  with  the  Canadians  who  left  with  them, 
had  remained  for  twenty  days  at  a  Shoshone  village 
near  where  Hunt  had  left  them,  John  Day  being  too 
ill  to  travel.  Setting  out  at  length,  they  followed 
Hunt's  trail  until  they  lost  it  in  the  snow;  then  wan- 
dering in  the  mountains  during  the  winter,  living  on 
what  they  could  shoot,  dig,  or  obtain  from  the  na- 
tives, they  finally  reached  the  Walla  Wallas,  who 
treated  them  with  great  kindness,  and  assisted  them 
to  start  down  the  river.  Fearing  to  brave  the  dan 
gers  of  winter  travel,  the  Canadians  had  all  remained 
with  the  Shoshones.  As  Crooks  and  Day  approached 
the  Dalles  on  their  way  down,  they  too  had  been 
robbed  and  left  destitute  by  the  Wahowpums  and 
were  then  on  their  way  back  to  beg  further  assistance 
from  the  Walla  Wallas,  when  to  their  great  joy  they 
discovered  their  old  comrades  in  the  canoes  de- 
scending the  river. 

In   his  journey   during  this   spring   of  L812. 
Konzie    explored    the    country  southward    from    the 
Columbia  some  hundred  miles  or  more,  ascending  (lie 
Willamette  to  the  country  of  the  Calapooyas  and  to 
the  stream  which  bears  his  name  to  this  day.     The 


196  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

object  of  this  expedition  was  the  examination  of  the 
country,  its  topography,  soil,  and  climate,  rather  than 
hunting. 

On  the  way  out  Jervais,  one  of  McKenzie's  men, 
had  beaten  a  Wakiakum  for  stealing.  This  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  tribe,  and  their  mutterings  of  ven- 
geance reached  McDougall's  ears,  who  immediately 
despatched  a  letter  telling  the  party  to  beware.  The 
message  was  delivered  to  McKenzie  while  at  the  hos- 
tile  camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  Willamette,  and  where 
preparations  were  at  that  moment  being  made  to  sur- 
prise his  party.  Hastily  repairing  to  their  boats  to 
embark,  they  found  the  tide  so  low  that  they  could 
not  leave  the  bank  quickly  enough  to  prevent  attack. 
McKenzie,  ever  ready  come  what  might,  turned  to 
the  angry  savages  a  bold  front,  and  began  questioning 
them  as  to  the  most  suitable  place  for  a  fort,  saying, 
after  some  time,  that  he  would  camp  there  that  night, 
and  in  the  morning  look  further.  This  so  threw  the 
Wakiakums  off  their  guard  that  they  left  the  intruders 
for  the  present,  intending  to  revisit  them  in  the  spirit 
of  vengeance  toward  morning.  But  before  they 
reached  the  camp,  the  party  was  well  on  its  way  to 
Astoria,  McKenzie  availing  himself  of  the  first  rise 
of  the  tide  to  shove  off  and  be  gone. 

Two  days  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  return  party  a 
sail  was  descried  in  the  offing,  which  McDougall  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  signal  from  Cape  Disappointment. 
The  vessel  seemed  at  first  suspicious  lest  she  might 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  but  next  day  sum- 
moned sufficient  courage  to  approach  and  anchor  in 
Baker  Bay.  She  proved  to  be  the  Beaver,  a  vessel  of 
four  hundred  and  ninety  tons,  commanded  by  Captain 
Cornelius  Sowles,  who  sailed  from  New  York  the  10th 
of  the  previous  October.  Having  heard  at  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands  of  the  fate  of  the  Tonquin,  and  fearing 
the  fort  might  likewise  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  savages,  who  were  now  by  means  of  friendly  sig- 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  'BEAVER.'  197 

nals,  which  they  had  learned  from  their  white  neigh- 
bors, enticing  further  prey, the  vessel  had  been  hovering 
about  the  mouth  of  the  river  for  three  days. 

The  Beaver  had  been  sent  out  by  Astor  with  men 
and  merchandise  as  the  annual  ship,  in  pursuant 
his  original  plan;  and  as  he  had  received  no  informa- 
tion concerning  the  previous  expeditions,  he  felt  bound 
to  act  upon  the  presumption  that  all  his  directions  had 
been  carried  out.  On  board  were  a  partner,  John 
Clarke,  live  clerks,  among  whom  was  Alfred  Seton, 
and  George  Ehnainger  a  nephew  of  Astor,  six  Cana- 
dian boatmen,  twelve  Kanakas  taken  on  board  at  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and  fifteen  laborer's.  As  far  as 
possible  Astor  was  now  sending  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  in  order  that  his  establishments  might  the 
more  have  a  shade  of  sanction  from  that  government; 
and  yet  for  experienced  fur- traders  he  was  obliged  t<  > 
go  to  Canada.  After  discharging  that  portion  of  her 
cargo  designed  for  this  port,  the  Beaver  was  to  pro- 
ceed to  Sitka  and  exchange  certain  other  goods  at 
the  Russian  post  of  New  Archangel  for  furs,  which 
were  to  be  augmented  by  trading  down  the  coast. 
She  was  then  to  sail  for  Canton,  and  thence  to  New 
York.  For  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  the  Russian  American  Fur 
Company,  in  March  1811  Astor  had  despatched  an 
agent  to  St  Petersburg,  who  made  a  provisional  agree- 
ment with  that  company,  to  remain  in  force  for  four 
years,  to  the  effect  that  neither  would  trade  within  the 
territory  of  the  other,  or  furnish  arms  to  the  natives, 
except  such  as  were  their  regular  hunters.  The 
Russian  Company  was  to  draw  all  supplies  from  the 
Pacific  Company,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  interlopers, 
paying  for  the  same  in  skins  at  stipulated  prices.  The 
ships  of  the  Pacific  Company  might  be  employed  to 
carry  Russian  furs  to  Canton,  or  for  any  other  pur- 
pose, at  rates  to  be  agreed  upon  at  tin'  time.  A. 
league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  was  also 
entered  into  between  the  two  companies.     Astor  also 


198  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

cultivated  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  Russian 
minister  at  Washington,  but  without  practical  results. 
Before  the  agreement  with  the  Russian  Compairy 
was  ratified,  war  had  broken  out  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States. 

The  captain  of  the  Beaver  fearing  to  cross  the  bar 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  with  his  ship,  discharged 
her  by  means  of  a  lighter,  a  tedious  process  which 
occupied  over  a  month. 

Affairs  were  brightening  at  Fort  Astoria.  The 
arrival  of  the  first  annual  ship  well  laden  with  mer- 
chandise and  with  new  recruits  for  active  service  gave 
that  reality  to  the  scheme  which  in  the  minds  of  some 
it  had  hitherto  lacked.  It  was  Astor's  avowed  purpose 
besides  these  annual  ships  from  New  York  to  have 
coasting  vessels  which  should  make  trading  excursions 
from  Fort  Astoria.  Nevertheless,  there  were  yet 
partners  who  would  not  remain  in  the  company  for 
thrice  their  interest,  and  of  the  voyageurs  also  there 
were  some,  as  we  have  seen,  who  preferred  the  wilder- 
ness to  the  fort.  McClellan  still  adhered  to  his  pur- 
pose of  returning  east  on  the  first  opportunity,  and 
Crooks  expressed  his  determination  to  accompany  him. 

The  opportunity  was  at  hand;  for  first  of  all  it  was 
necessary  to  forward  information  in  place  of  that 
which  was  lost,  which  might  govern  Astor's  move- 
ments in  respect  to  his  now  rapidly  extending  inter- 
ests. This  important  and  dangerous  mission  was  this 
time  intrusted  to  Robert  Stuart,  a  most  promising 
young  man,  who,  with  four  picked  men,  John  Bay, 
Ben  Jones,  Vallar,  and  Le  Clerc,  made  ready  to  set 
out  immediately.  With  him  were  to  go  the  dissatis- 
fied partners  Crooks  and  McClellan. 

Three  other  expeditions  were  to  depart  at  the  same 
time.  Clarke  and  McKcnzie,  each  with  a  distinct 
brigade,  were  to  select  sites,  and  establish  forts,  one 
among  the  Spokanes,  and  the  other  among  the  Nez 
Perces.     David  Stuart  was  to  return  with  supplies  to 


THE  FLOTILLA.  199 

Okanagan,  after  which  he  was  to  found  another  estab- 
lishment above. 

It  was  a  beautiful  sight,  and  one  which  would  have 
warmed  the  blood  of  Astor,  the  first  and  the  List 
brilliant  realization  of  his  entire  scheme,  to  see  this 
fur-hunting  flotilla  quit  this  fur-hunting  fort,  and  cm- 
bark  on  the  great  River  of  the  West;  to  see  these 
sixty-two  men  on  the  30th  of  June  1812  set  out  in 
ten  canoes  and  two  barges  from  the  fort  which  was 
now  to  become  the  mother  of  forts  and  a  great  city 
on  these  broad  western  waters,  and  with  paddles 
flying,  with  shout  and  song,  and  the  ringing  of  artil- 
lery strike  boldly  from  their  several  posts,  never 
pausing  to  think  that  they  were  but  as  one  to  a 
thousand  of  the  Philistines.  Yet  the  enemy  which 
was  to  destroy  them  were  not  of  the  Philistines,  but 
of  their  own  brethren  of  the  chosen  Israel,  even  the 
Northwest  Company  with  all  Great  Britain  behind  it. 

Thus  the  several  parties  proceeded,  not  without 
some  little  trouble  with  the  natives  at  the  portages, 
until  they  reached  the  river  of  the  Walla  Wallas, 
where  they  were  to  separate.  Poor  John  Day  on  the 
voyage  became  insane,  and  was  sent  back  to  the  fort 
by  some  Indians.  Before  a  year  was  gone  he  was 
dead. 

Robert  Stuart  found  no  difficulty  in  procuring 
twenty  good  horses  from  the  friendly  Walla  Wallas, 
and  on  the  31st  of  July  his  party  of  six  set  out,  di- 
recting their  course  toward  the  south-east  into  the 
Snake  River  region  where  some  of  their  number  had 
so  lately  suffered. 

But  now  they  hoped  for  better  times,  and  it  is  true 
that  they  had  not  to  contend  with  the  snows  of  winter, 
total  ignorance  of  the  country,  and  destitution.  Every 
place  and  season,  however,  has  its  trials.  Now  hills, 
plains,  and  ravines  were  alike  arid;  and  such  was 
their  strait  at  one  time  that  even  their  dog  died  of 
thirst.      Their  route  was  essentially  the  i  that 

traversed  by  Hunt's  party  on  its  way  west,  though 


200  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

with  some  unimportant  variations.  Six  of  the  nine 
caches  made  on  Snake  River  below  Henry  Fort  had 
been  rifled.  A  raid  upon  them  by  the  Crows  left 
them  suddenly  unhorsed.  The  hardships  which  fol- 
lowed almost  equalled  those  of  Hunt's  party.  McClel- 
lan's  sufferings  made  him  peevish,  then  stubborn;  at 
length,  flinging  himself  aloof  from  the  party,  he  held 
his  way  alone  through  the  wilderness  for  a  fortnight, 
when  lie  was  found  lying'  half-dead,  and  with  difficulty 
could  be  made  to  stand  upon  his  feet.  In  this  man- 
ner they  straggled  across  the  mountains,  descending 
upon  the  head-waters  of  the  Platte,  when,  finding  it 
impossible  to  complete  their  journey  that  season, 
they  went  into  winter-quarters  the  2d  of  November. 

There  they  built  a  comfortable  cabin;  but  after 
loading  the  rafters  with  dried  meat,  they  were  dis- 
covered by  the  Arapahoes,  and  forced  to  continue 
their  journey.  Again  on  the  ".nth  of  December  they 
paused  in  their  difficult  peregrinations,  scarcely  know- 
ing where  they  were,  built  a  hut,  and  stocked  it  with 
buffalo  meat.  Here  they  passed  the  remainder  of  the 
winter  in  quiet. 

With  the  opening  of  spring  they  constructed  two 
canoes,  but  the  river  proving  too  shallow  even  for 
such  navigation,  they  abandoned  their  boats,  and  pro- 
ceeded on  foot.  It  was  only  when  they  had  reached 
the  establishment  of  Dorion  and  Roi,  near  the  Mis- 
souri, that  they  knew  they  had  all  this  time  been  upon 
the  Platte  River.  Here  they  first  learned  of  the  war 
which  was  so  soon  to  prove  the  destruction  of  their 
dearest  hopes.  From  this  point  they  easily  descended 
the  river,  and  reached  St  Louis  the  30th  of  April 
1813. 

Prior  to  the  arrival  of  Robert  Stuart,  and  before 
any  tidings  whatever  had  been  received  from  any  of 
the  expeditions  sent,  Astor  despatched,  early  in 
March  1813,  another  vessel,  the  Lark,  for  the  Colum- 
bia River.     The  cause  of  this  action  was  the  break- 


THE  THREATEN  IXC  DANGER.  201 

ing-out  of  that  war  which  was  to  prove  so  disastrous 
to  Astor's  plans  on  the  Pacific.  Fearful  lost  the 
blockading  of  New  York  harbor  should  prevent  the 
departure  of  the  second  annual  supply-ship  in  the  fol- 
lowing autumn,  and  that  the  interests  of  the  company 
would  materially  suffer  thereby;  fearful  also  of  her 
capture,  this  vessel  was  sent  to  sea  in  the  spring. 
Nor  would  it  be  safe  for  the  Beaver  to  return  at 
present  to  New  York.  Astor  therefore  wrote  to 
Captain  Sowles,  at  Canton,  with  instructions  to  re- 
turn to  Fort  Astoria  with  such  articles  as  the  fort 
should  need,  and  there  hold  himself  subject  to  the 
orders  of  Hunt, or  whomsoever  should  be  in  command. 
And  now  advance  in  hostile  attitude  the  Northwest 
Company,  clearly  perceiving  this  to  be  their  time  to 
si  rike,  and  plant  thorns  beneath  Astor's  pillow.  In  the 
midst  of  this  mercantile  dice-throwing,  the  staking  of 
one  costly  expedition  after  another  upon  the  turn  <  >f  a 
card,  word  reached  the  autocrat  that  his  great  rival 
was  preparing  to  despatch  the  Isaac  Todd,  a  standi 
vessel,  armed  with  twenty  guns,  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia,  there,  with  the  assistance  of  the  British 
government,  to  plant  a  fortress  and  dominate  that 
region.  This  was  not  all.  Flushed  with  the  sudden 
brightness  of  their  prospects,  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany laid  before  the  British  government  two  me- 
morials on  two  several  occasions,  showing  the  efforts  of 
Astor  in  the  west,  and  the  great  results  likely  to  arise 
from  that  movement  if  successful,  whereupon  the 
British  frigate  Plmbe  wTas  ordered  to  accompany  the 
buiac  Todd  and  assist  in  the  destruction  of  whatever 
pretensions  the  United  States  might  have  in  that 
quarter.  The  United  States  government  now  took 
the  alarm,  and  ordered  the  frigate  Adams  to  tho  mouth 
of  the  Columbia.  On  hearing  this,  Astor  fitted  out 
the  ship  Enterprise,  freighted  with  further  supplies. 
But  just  as  the  two  ships  were  ready  to  sail  the  crew 
of  the  Adams  was  detailed  for  other  service,  and  the 
blockading  of  New  York  harbor  by  a  British  force 


202  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

prevented  the  sailing  of  the  Enterprise,  which  other- 
wise would  have  undertaken  the  voyage  without  con- 
voy. In  his  trouble  Astor  begged  the  protection  of 
the  United  States  government,  under  whose  wing  he 
had  sought  to  monopolize  the  fur-trade  of  the  west, 
asking  only  that  forty  men  should  be  stationed  at  Fort 
Astoria,  but  Secretary  Monroe  never  even  replied  to 
his  letters.  In  the  Lark,  of  which  Northrop  was 
master,  sailed  Nicholas  G.  Ogden  as  supercargo. 

There  are  enemies,  however,  to  this  ill-fated  adven- 
ture other  than  war  or  commercial  rivalry.  The 
voyage  of  the  Lark  was  prosperous  until  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  There  a  gale  struck 
her  which  threw  her  on  her  beam  ends,  and  sent  one  man 
overboard.  The  masts  were  cut  away,  and  the  crew 
clung  to  the  wreck  as  best  they  might,  one  after  another, 
as  they  became  exhausted,  dropping  into  the  surge, 
until  eight  were  gone.  After  four  days  of  intolerable 
suffering,  all  that  were  left  of  them  were  thrown  upon 
an  island,  which  they  afterward  learned  was  one  of  the 
Hawaiian  group.  There  they  were  stripped  of  their 
clothing  by  the  natives,  while  the  king  of  the  cou 
seized  the  wreck.  Part  of  their  clothing  was  after- 
ward returned  to  them;  and  they  were  fed  at  public 
expense.  In  this  plight  they  were  found  by  Air 
Hunt  the  20th  of  December. 

McKenzie,  Clarke,  John  Reed,  and  David  Stuart, 
we  left  at  Walla  Walla,  whence  they  took  their 
several  ways.  It  was  now  agreed  to  make  this  the 
general  rendezvous.  Situated  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Walla  Walla  River,  where  now  stands  Walulu,  in  the 
midst    of  vast   fur-producing    territories,   with   large 

ams  flowing  in  from  every  direction,  no  situa 
could  have  been  more  favorable.     This  settled,  the 
several  partners  went  their  ways. 

Ascending  Lewis  River  to  the  Sahaptin,  which 
appeared  to  be  the  thoroughfare  between  the  Columbia 
and  the  buffalo-pastures  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 


THE  CHIVALROUS  CLARKE.  203 

McKenzie  followed  the  latter  stream  until  a  favor- 
able site  offered  itself,  when  lie  disembarked,  and  es- 
tablished a  fort  among  the  Xez  Perces.  Thence  he 
despatched  John  Reed  with  a  lew  men  to  take  caches 
on  Snake  River,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  them  and 
of  bringing  back  the  contents.  A  few  days  after 
their  departure  McKenzie  learned,  from  two  travelling 
natives  that  the  caches  had  been  opened  by  some 
Shoshones,  under  the  direction  of  certain  white  men 
who  were  living  among  them.  During  this  excursion 
Reed  fell  in  with  six  stragglers  from  Hunt's  party, 
three  of  whom  had  been  instrumental  in  rilling  the 
caches.  Though  these  men  and  the  tribe  which  had 
harbored  them  were  enriched  by  this  robbery,  the 
plunder  brought  them  little  benefit,  for  in  their  first 
grand  hunting  excursion  thereafter  they  were  stripped 
by  the  Blackfoot  Indians.  These  seven  men,  with 
the  goods  remaining  in  the  caches,  Reed  brought  to 
the  new  post  on  the  Sahaptin. 

From  Walla  Walla  Clarke  proceeded  for  a  short 
distance  up  Lewis  River,  to  a  stream  branching 
toward  the  north,  "to  which  the  Canadians  gave  the 
name  of  the  Pavion,"  the  Palouse  of  later  times. 
There  he  purchased  horses  from  the  Palouses,  and 
leaving  his  canoes  in  charge  of  the  chief,  crossed  to 
the  Spokane,  where  he  located  a  fort  not  far  from  the 
establishment  of  the  Northwest  Company.  With 
Clarke  were  four  clerks,  Pellet,  Farnham,McClennan, 
and  Cox,  the  little  Irishman,  as  Ross  calls  him.  As 
strong  competition  was  expected,  Clarke's  corny 
and  outfit  were  much  larger  than  any  of  the  others, 
his  straggling  cavalcade  stretching  nearly  a  mile. 

Clarice  was  a  bold,  dashing,  widc-awak 
fellow,  fond  of  display,  and  loving  to  carry  aff a :  ;■    with  a 
Little  Cox  lagging  at  the  end  of  the  1  »ng 
train,  Clarke  rode  back  and  peremptorily  '  him 

[uicken  his  pace.    "Give  me  a  horse,"  said  <  !ox,  "and 
I'll  ride  with  yourself  at  the  head."    Clarke  i 
whip,  some  say  he  struck  him,  and  then  rede  ; 


204  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Cox  slunk  away,  and  was  not  seen  for  thirteen  days, 
when  he  was  brought  in  by  the  Indians  more  dead 
than  alive. 

Clarke  was  called  the  most  extravagant  and  yet  the 
most  able  leader  in  the  company.  He  liked  to  stand 
well  with  the  natives,  and  to  be  regarded  by  them  as 
grand  and  generous.  He  was  a  native  of  the  United 
States,  though  he  had  been  long  in  the  service  of 
the  Northwest  Company  in  Canada,  and  understood 
thoroughly  all  the  tricks  of  the  trade.  Arriving  at 
the  Spokane,  he  planted  himself  close  beside  the  op- 
position post  and  went  to  work.  The  manly  art  was 
now  in  order.  There  were  rights  to  be  enforced,  and 
battles  to  be  fought,  in  which  these  tangent-shot 
sparks  from  civilization's  wheel  might  return  to  savage 
and  brute  instincts.  First,  four  of  Clarke's  followers 
were  installed  as  cappers,  blusterers,  and  bullies,  who 
should  do  the  bloody  work  of  the  establishment. 
Feathers  were  placed  in  their  caps  as  their  insignia 
of  office,  and  they  were  retained  always  near  his 
person.  Then  he  gave  a  grand  feast,  exchanged  long 
and  hollow  speeches  with  the  savages,  and  was  ready 
for  business.  Scouts  were  sent  out  by  both  com- 
panies, who  manoeuvred  among  the  natives  with  plots 
and  counterplots,  which  would  have  done  honor  to  a 
Machiavelli.  "  He  that  got  most  skins,  never  mind- 
ing the  cost  or  the  crime,  was  the  cleverest  fellow," 
remarks  Ross,  while  Franchere  observes,  "  The  profits 
of  the  last  establishment  (Fort  Spokane)  were  slen- 
der; because  the  people  engaged  at  it  were  obliged 
to  subsist  on  horse-flesh,  and  they  ate  ninety  horses 
during  the  winter." 

Nor  did  Clarke  stop  here.  In  the  Kootenais  coun- 
try  was  Man  tour  of  the  Northwest  Company,  trading ; 
Mr  Pellet  with  men  and  goods  was  sent  there  to 
oppose  him.  Both  were  enterprising  travellers,  zeal- 
ous traders,  and  good  fighters.  Hence  both  did  well 
for  their  respective  companies;  during  the  winter 
they  bought  many  skins  and  fought   several  duels, 


ADVENTURES  OF  ROSS.  205 

aWays  having  a  care,  however,  not  to  hurt  each 
other,  and  parting  in  the  spring  the  best  of  friends. 
Mr  Cox  mentions  one :  "  Mr  Pellet  fought  a  duel  with 
Mantour  of  the  Northwest,  with  pocket-pistols  at  six 
paces;  both  hits;  one  in  the  collar  of  the  coat,  and  the 
other  in  the  leg  of  the  trousers.  Two  of  their  men 
acted  as  seconds,  and  the  tailor  speedily  healed  their 
wounds." 

Farnham  was  sent  to  the  Flatheads  and  McClellan 
was  stationed  at  Pointed  Heart  or  Sketching  Lake, 
now  the  Cceur  d'Alene. 

David  Stuart  reached  Okanagan  with  supplies  the 
12th  of  August.  During  his  absence  Ross  accom- 
panied by  one  white  man,  Boullard,  and  an  Indian, 
set  out  the  6th  of  May,  with  sixteen  horses,  on  a  trad- 
ing expedition.  Following  Stuart's  route  of  the  pre- 
vious year,  they  reached  the  Shushwaps  on  Thompson 
Piver  on  the  tenth  day,  and  encamped  below  the  en- 
trance of  the  north  branch  near  the  upper  end  of  the 
lake  at  a  place  called  by  the  natives  Kamloops. 

Sending  messengers  in  various  directions,  soon  two 
thousand  natives  were  present  with  their  skins,  and  in 
less  than  a  fortnight  the  small  stock  of  goods  was  ex- 
changed for  a  laro-e  stock  of  furs,  so  that  nothing  re- 
mained  but  to  return.1 

While  the  master  was  driving  fine  bargains  the 
man  had  become  entangled  in  love's  meshes.  Having 
bought  a  costly  maiden  on  credit,  her  father  naturally 
desired  his  pay  before  his  son-in-law's  departure. 
Boullard  demanded  from  Boss  the  means  wherewith 
to  satisfy  the  old  gentleman,  threatening  to  remain 
with  the  Indians  if  his  demand  was  not  satisfied.  In 
real  or  pretended  rage  Boss  brought  a  heavy  horse- 
whip down  upon  the  fellow's  shoulders,  under  which 
application  the   charms   of  his  inamorata  fast  faded. 

1 '  So  anxious  were  they  to  trade,  and  so  fond  of  tobacco,  that  one  morning 
before  breakfast  I  obtained  one  hundred  and  ten  beavers  for  leaf-tobacco,  at 
the  rate  of  five  leaves  per  skin:  and  at  last,  when  I  hail  l.ut  one  yard  "i  w  bite 
cotton  remaining,  one  of  the  chiefs  gave  me  twenty  primcdjcaver  skins  for  it. ' 
Rosa'  Adv.,  200. 


206  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Ross  readied  Okanagan  the  12th  of  July,  highly  de- 
lighted with  his  success. 

Leaving  Ross  again  in  charge,  Stuart  left  Okana- 
gan  the  25th  of  August  following,  to  winter  among  the 
Shushwaps.  During  the  winter,  Ross  visited  Clarke 
at  Fort  Spokane,  narrowly  escaping  death  in  a  snow- 
storm while  returning.  Nothing  daunted,  he  almost 
immediately  after  set  out  with  one  man  on  a  journey 
to  Kamloops,  where  he  found  Stuart  well  located, 
but  with  a  Northwest  Company's  post  in  charge  of 
a  clerk,  M.  Laroche,  beside  him.  Competition  was 
as  strong  as  at  Spokane,  but  unlike  Clarke,  Stuart 
was  precise  and  sober  in  business,  so  that  trade  was 
fairly  conducted,  and  the  rival  establishments  were 
on  amicable  terms.  From  Kamloops,  Stuart  sent  out 
parties  in  various  directions,  north-west  as  far  as  Fra- 
ser  River,  and  north-east  up  the  south  branch  of 
Thompson  River  to  the  main  Columbia.  They  found 
the  country  everywhere  rich  in  furs,  and  the  natives 
friendly.  He  returned  to  Okanagan,  Ross  having  pre- 
ceded him,  and  after  ten  days  spent  in  packing  and 
pressing  the  furs,  all  set  out  for  the  rendezvous  at 
Walla  Walla,  which  they  reached  the  30th  of  May, 
1813. 

The  several  brigades  having  been  despatched  to  the 
interior,  Hunt,  in  August,  proceeded  up  the  coast  in 
the  Beaver,  intending  to  visit  Sitka,  complete  arrange- 
ments with  the  Russians,  and  on  returning  disembark 
at  Fort  Astoria,  while  the  vessel  should  proceed  to 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  thence  to  Canton. 

All  which  the  contemplative  Chinook  remarked. 
Again  this  white  man's  house,  better  stocked  than 
ever  with  things  that  warmed  the  Chinook  heart  and 
gratified  the  Chinook  taste,  was  left  comparatively 
unprotected.  Now  for  a  blow  for  one's  country,  to 
say  nothing  of  beads,  blankets,  and  whiskey.  It  was 
a  time  also  when  the  savages  along  the  coast  visited 
the  Columbia  for  fishing  purposes.     And  herein  lay 


FRANCHERE'S  EXPERIENCE.  207 

the  safety  of  the  fort.  It  would  require  the  forces  of 
all  combined  to  capture  the  post,  and  the  wily  Coni- 
comly  well  knew  that  were  once  his  neighbors  in  pos- 
ion  there,  his  people  would  be  at  their  mercy.  Of 
the  two  evils  the  presence  of  the  white  man  was  the 
lesser,  so  Comcomly  concluded  to  be  honest.  The  fort, 
Lowe vei',  was  now  better  furnished  for  defence.  The 
bastions  were  raised,  covered  ways  were  thrown  up 
round  the  palisades  inside,  and  not  more  than  three 
savages  were  permitted  within  the  fort  at  one  time. 

August  and  September  at  Astoria  were  occupied 
in  erecting  a  hospital  and  lodging-house,  thirty  by 
forty-five  feet.  It  was  now  deemed  necessary  to  pro- 
vide subsistence  for  the  winter.  Hence,  on  the  1st  of 
October,  Franchere  embarked  in  the  schooner  with 
men  and  merchandise  for  a  trading  voyage  up  the 
river.  Smoked  salmon,  venison,  bear-meat,  wild-fowl, 
and  wapato  were  very  abundant,  and  on  the  20th  the 
vessel  returned  to  Fort  Astoria  laden  with  provisions 
and  furs,  among  which  were  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
smoked  salmon,  and  four  hundred  beaver  and  other 
skins.  A  second  voyage  proved  less  successful;  and 
on  returning,  the  15th  of  November,  Franchere  found 
the  men  suffering  severely  from  scurvy.  On  the  23d, 
Halsey  and  Wallace  ascended  the  Willamette  for 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  its  con- 
fluence with  the  Columbia  "on  a  great  prairie"  as 
Franchere  terms  it,  and  there  built  a  dwelling  and 
trading-house.  On  the  25th  of  the  following  May 
they  returned  to  Astoria  with  seventeen  packs  of  furs 
and  thirty-two  bales  of  dried  venison.- 

Autumn  passed,  and  drizzling,  drenching  winter, 
but  with  no  tidings  of  the  Beaver,  and  fears  began  to 
be  entertained  that  she  had  met  the  fate  of  the  Ton- 

2  It  is  amusing  to  observe  how  Irving  avoids  the  mention  of  Franchere'a 
name.     Franchere  was  chief  clerk  at  Fort  Astoria  at  this  time,  and  during 
McDougall's  sicknesses,  which  were  frequent,  was  in  full  charge,     He 
always  a  useful  and  prominent  person  aboul  the  place,  and  yet  the  autl 
Astoria,  who  draws  so  much  of  his  information  from  the  Canadian, alludes  to 
him  only  as  'one  of  the  clerks,'  'some  men  were  Bent,'  and  the  like. 


208  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

quin.  McDougall  with  the  others  was  becoming  un- 
happy. Whether  the  sylvan  witchery  of  Comcomly's 
dusky  daughter  preyed  upon  his  mind,  or  the  dim 
prospects  of  the  fur  company  dividends,  certain  it 
was  that  he  was  dissatisfied.  Sickness  drew  even 
from  command  its  charm,  and  the  despondency  of 
loneliness  made  the  money  which  he  might  never  get 
seem  contemptible. 

McKenzie's   unexpected    presence   at   the   fort  on 
the  15th  of  January  1813,3  with  a  physiognomy  long 
drawn  out  by  misfortune  and  disgust,  tended  in  no 
wise  to  raise*  the  spirits   of  McDougall.     The  Nez 
Perces  were  not  the  easiest  of  men  to  satisfy,  and 
McKenzie  complained  that  there  was  but  little  game 
in  the  country.      He  was  therefore  on  the  point  of 
moving   his  post  further  up  the  river,  or  of    aban- 
doning that  part  of  the  country  altogether,  and   had 
gone  over  to  the  post  of  Clarke  to  consult  with  him 
upon  the  matter,  when  providence  in  the  similitude 
of  a  Scotchman,  partner  in  charge  of  the  Northwest 
Company's  posts   on  the  Pacific,  John  George  Mc- 
Tavish  by  name,  dropped  in  upon  them,  and  informed 
them  without  tears  or  hesitation  of  speech  that  war 
had  been  declared,  that  he  had  brought  from  posts 
beyond  the  mountains  goods  sufficient  to  stock  the 
whole  Pacific  coast,  that  his  most  honorable  company 
had  determined  to  absorb  the  western  trade,  leaving 
there  not  so  much  as  a  shadow  of  the  autocrat  Astor, 
and  what  he  of  his  own  arm  was  unable  to  do  the 
guns  of  the  Isaac  Todd,  which  ere  two  months  had 
elapsed  would  command  the  Columbia,  mouth,  body, 
and  head,  would    assist    him    to    accomplish.     With 
that  McTavish  whipped  from  his  pocket  papers  con- 
taining the  declaration  of  war  and  Madison's  procla- 
mation, and  the  work  was  done.     McKenzie  needed 
no  further  advice.     [Returning  to  his  post,  he  cached 

3 1  follow  Franchere's  dates,  with  whom,  indeed,  Ross  in  this  instance 
agrees,  he  keeping  a  diary  on  the  spot.  I  find  Mr  Irving's  days  and  months 
somewhat  erratic,  the  9th  of  October  sometimes  falling  before  and  sometimes 
after  the  21st.     See  Astoria,  277,  289. 


EXPLORATIONS.  209 

his  goods,  and  with  all  his  men  repaired  immediately 
to  Fort  Astoria. 

Over  this  alarming  intelligence  the  two  partners 
now  held  close  consultation,  at  which  the  clerks  were 
invited  to  express  their  views  upon  the  situation, and 
help  to  determine  what  should  be  done.  It  was  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  adopt  a  policy,  although  they 
had  no  vote  on  any  question.  Hunt  was  absent. 
The  time  was  long  gone  by  when  the  Beaver  should 
have  returned.  The  issue  would  shortly  be  upon 
them;  there  was  no  escaping  it;  and  it  became  them 
to  act  as  men  having  at  stake,  besides  their  own  and 
Astor's  interests,  the  welfare  of  the  inferior  servants 
of  the  company. 

And  this  was  the  result  of  their  present  deliber- 
ations. In  the  absence  of  any  means  of  conveying 
furs  to  market,  trade  with  the  natives  except  for  food 
should  cease,  and  unless  there  should  be  some  change 
by  spring  they  would  abandon  Fort  Astoria  and  re- 
tire with  their  goods  beyond  the  mountains.  Their 
position  was  an  anomalous  one.  They  were  British 
subjects,  but  they  were  trading  under  the  United 
States  flag.  They  could  not  bear  arms  against  their 
own  country,  nor  yet  could  they  claim  her  protection 
of  their  property  as  they  might  do  if  trading  on  their 
own  account.  Astor  could  not,  if  he  would,  send 
them  supplies  while  the  war  lasted,  and  should  the 
Beaver  not  return,  and  should  they  be  obliged  to 
travel  east  overland,  they  had  barely  sufficient  for 
their  necessities.  Indeed,  food  was  becoming  scarce 
already.  Reed  and  Seton  were  sent  with  some  of  the 
men  to  the  Willamette  to  spend  the  rest  of  the  win- 
ter where  game  was  more  plentiful.  They  penetrated 
the  country  as  far  as  the  head-waters  of  the  Umpqua, 
where  they  found  beaver  more  abundant  than  on  the 
Willamette,  and  did  well  trading;  but  they  found  the 
natives  so  lazy  that  they  could  induce  them  to  hunt 
but  little. 

The  31st    of  March,  McKenzie,  with   Reed   and 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    14 


210  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Seton,  embarked  in  two  canoes  with  seventeen  men 
to  report  McDougall's  plans  to  Clarke  and  Stuart,  to 
bring  away  the  articles  cached,  and  to  buy  horses  and 
provisions  for  the  contemplated  overland  expedition. 
At  the  portage  they  found  the  natives  as  usual  in  a 
savage  humor.  Above  the  Dalles  the  McKenzie  and 
McTavish  parties  met  and  camped  together  for  the 
night.  Among  the  two  crews,  now  members  of  opposing 
companies  and  serving  under  hostile  governments, 
were  many  old  comrades,  with  many  old  scenes  to  re- 
vive, and  it  was  late  into  the  night  ere  their  boisterous 
hilarity  was  silenced  by  sleep. 

Arrived  at  his  abandoned  post,  McKenzie  found  his 
caches  rifled.  What  made  it  worse  was  that  with  the 
goods  stolen  he  was  to  have  paid  for  the  horses  re- 
quired for  the  contemplated  homeward  journey.  Mc- 
Kenzie was  one  absolutely  a  stranger  to  fear.  He 
knew  not  what  it  was.  Further  than  this  he  was  cool 
and  clear-headed  in  his  intercourse  with  savages,  and 
understood  their  temper  and  habits  of  thought  thor- 
oughly. At  the  Dalles,  when  the  feeling  against  the 
white  men  was  hottest,  on  his  last  journey  from  Fort 
Astoria,  with  two  companions  he  crossed  the  river, 
entered  a  secret  conclave  of  grim  warriors  even  then 
meditating  such  harm  to  fur-hunters  as  was  in  their 
power  to  put  into  execution,  and  with  weapons  drawn 
demanded  a  gun  which  had  been  stolen.  The  gun 
was  not  forthcoming,  but  the  white  men  recrossed  the 
river  with  their  lives,  which  was  a  marvel. 

And  now  there  was  another  little  drama  to  be  played 
with  the  Nez  Perces,  tragic  or  comic,  as  the  case  might 
be,  and  McKenzie  was  ready  with  his  part.  Sum- 
moning the  chiefs  he  demanded  the  goods  stolen  from 
the  caches.  They  greatly  regretted  the  robbery  but 
knew  nothing  of  it  except  that  the  caches  had  been 
opened.  The  demand  and  the  denial  were  made  twice  or 
thrice  and  the  assembly  broke  up.  The  chiefs  thought 
they  had  heard  the  last  of  it;  but  in  this  they  were 


ABORIGINAL  BRIGANDAGE.  211 

mistaken.  Early  next  morning  McKenzie  and  Lis  little 
force  suddenly  appeared  before  them  in  their  camp. 
With  drawn  weapons  Scton  and  the  men  stationed 
themselves  before  a  lodge,  while  McKenzie  and  Reed 
entered  it  and  instituted  a  search  for  the  stolen  prop- 
erty. One  lodge  examined  they  proceeded  to  another, 
until  four  or  five  had  been  examined  with  varied  suc- 
cess, when  the  chiefs  begged  the  intruders  to  retire 
from  the  camp,  and  they  would  bring  them  the  stole! i 
property.  This  McKenzie  refused  to  do,  well  -knowing 
that  he  was  safer  there  than  outside,  as  Indians  never 
like  to  fight  in  camp  among  women  and  children. 
There  the  stubborn  men  remained,  surrounded  by  a 
hundred  armed  warriors  to  each  one  of  them,  until 
nearly  all  the  stolen  property  was  returned  them, 
when  they  marched  away  with  it  in  triumph.  The 
Nez  Perces  then  retaliated  by  refusing  to  sell  McKen- 
zie horses.  They  even  withdrew  from  the  vicinity, 
and  ceased  to  supply  food.  Nothing  daunted,  Mc- 
Kenzie determined  that  rather  than  starve  he  would 
make  his  own  bargains.  So  whenever  the  camp  re- 
quired meat  he  tied  up  in  a  bundle  the  full  price  of  a 
horse,  and  then  proceeded  to  shoot  the  animal  and 
bring  away  the  meat,  leaving  the  price  on  a  stake  at 
the  head  of  the  carcass.  Finally,  to  get  rid  of  him, 
the  Xez  Perces  sold  McKenzie  all  the  horses  he 
required  at  fair  prices. 

Despatching  Peed  with  McDougall's  letters  to 
Clarke  and  Stuart,  McKenzie  set  out  for  the  rendez- 
vous at  Walla  Walla.  Clarke  and  Stuart  soon  fol- 
lowed. Both  of  these  partners  were  opposed  to 
McDougall's  proposition  to  break  up  the  establishment 
at  Astoria.  They  had  done  well  in  their  traffic  thus 
far,  and  the  prospects  for  the  future  were  exceed- 
i  ngly  good.  They  saw  no  reason  for  being  frig]  itened. 
Should  the  Isaac  Todd  take  Fort  Astoria  she  could 
not  penetrate  to  all  the  posts  of  the  interior.  Thus 
far  they  had  been  kept  well  supplied  with  goods;  there 
would  be  time  enough  to  talk  of  breaking  up  the  en- 


212  AFFAIRS  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

terprise  when  there  was  nothing  left  to  buy  furs  with, 
or  no  furs  to  buy. 

An  incident  of  Clarke's  journey  to  Fort  Astoria  at 
this  time  may  be  worthy  of  mention,  not  as  illustrative 
of  a  general  course,  but  rather  as  an  exception  to  a  just 
and  humane  rule.  It  was  the  custom  of  fur-hunters 
to  treat  the  natives  fairly,  it  being  for  their  interest 
to  do  so.  But  Clarke  held  the  life  of  an  Indian  in 
light  esteem.  Happily  his  associates  condemned  his 
conduct  in  this  instance  unequivocally. 

The  facts  are  these:  Having  left  his  post  in  charge 
of  Pion,  with  three  men,  with  his  furs  packed  on 
twenty-eight  horses,  Clarke  arrived  at  the  junction 
of  the  Palouse  and  Lewis  rivers  on  the  1st  of  June, 
and  was  greatly  pleased  to  find  the  boats  he  had  left 
with  the  natives,  safe.  He  made  them  presents  of 
ammunition  and  tobacco,  and  even  went  so  far  in  his 
great  good-humor  as  to  drink  wine  with  the  chiefs 
out  of  a  silver  goblet  which  had  been  sent  by  Astor 
to  Alexander  McKay,  and  which  still  remained  in 
Clarke's  possession.  It  was  a  grand  affair  to  drink 
wine  from  that  cup,  as  Clarke  made  it  appear,  and 
the  eyes  of  the  savages  glistened  as  they  regarded  it, 
and  saw  the  value  placed  upon  it  by  those  having  it 
in  charge.  Truly  there  must  be  some  singular  charm 
about  it. 

When  about  to  start  next  morning,  the  silver  cup 
was  missing.  Search  was  made,  but  it  was  useless; 
the  cup  had  been  stolen.  Clarke  was  furious.  He 
swore  he  would  hang  the  whole  tribe  if  the  cup  was 
not  immediately  forthcoming.  The  whole  tribe  was 
summoned,  the  case  stated,  and  the  chiefs  retired  in 
solemn  deliberation.  Soon  they  returned  with  joy  de- 
picted upon  their  faces,  for  the  cup  had  been  found, 
and  was  now  restored  to  the  white  chief.  All  was  now 
serene,  the  savages  thought,  for  according  to  their 
custom  the  restoration  of  a  stolen  article  exonerates 
the  culprit. 

"  Where  is  the  thief?"  demanded  Clarke. 


D1P0LITIC  HANGING.  213 

"  There,"  replied  the  chief,  pointing  to  the  criminal. 

"I  swore,"  said  Clarke,  "the  thief  should  die,  and 
the  white  man  never  breaks  his  word." 

The  savages  smiled,  thinking  it  pretty  acting.  But 
Clarke  was  in  earnest.  The  man  was  hanged  to  his 
own  lodge-poles.  Until  the  deed  was  done  the  na- 
tives could  not  believe  that  such  had  been  Clarice's 
intention.  Then  the  principal  chief  threw  his  robe 
upon  the  ground,  and  harangued  his  people,  after 
which  they  retired  precipitately  to  inform  the  neigh- 
boring tribes.  Then  Clarke  became  alarmed,  and  hur- 
ried on  to  Walla  Walla,  where  he  met  Stuart  and 
McKenzie  and  told  them  wThat  he  had  done,  expecting 
praise,  but  receiving  none. 

Even  while  the  partners  stood  there  conversing, 
Tummeatapam,  the  old  chief  of  the  Walla  Wallas,  the 
white  man's  friend,  rode  hastily  up. 

"  What  have  you  clone,  my  brothers?"  he  exclaimed, 
in  great  agitation.  "  You  have  spilled  blood  on  our 
lands.  How  shall  I  pacify  my  people?"  Then  he 
wheeled  and.  rode  rapidly  away.  The  Walla  Wallas 
were  greatly  shocked  at  this  deed.  Not  only  had  they 
from  the  first  been  the  true  friends  of  the  white  men, 
but  prompted  seemingly  by  feelings  of  pure  humanity, 
the}r  had  gone  far  out  of  their  way  to  serve  them. 
The  faint  and  weary  travellers,  the  starving  strag- 
gler, so  easy  to  cut  off,  they  had  always  befriended. 
They  were  remarkably  honest  withal;  boats,  horses, 
and  other  property  left  in  their  charge  had  always 
i  cared  for  and  returned.  They  had  regarded 
the  white  men  as  perfect  beings.  The  Palouses  were 
their  near  neighbors  and  friends.  With  them  stealing 
was  no  crime,  but  something  rather  to  be  proud  of. 
The  fur-hunters  lost  no  time  in  taking  their  depar- 
ture. All  proceeded  immediately  to  Fort  Astoria, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  14th  of  June,  bringing  with 
them  one  hundred  and  forty  packages  of  furs,  being 
the  result  of  two  years'  trade  at  Okanagan  and  one 
year's  at  Spokane. 


CHAPTER  X. 

TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

1813. 

McTavish  at  Astoria — A  Royal  Marriage — The  'Albatross'— Adven- 
tures of  Hunt — Captain  Sowles,  neither  Warrior  nor  Trader — 
Defence  of  McDougaix — Commodore  Porter,  U.  S.  X. — McDougall 
holds  Council — Fort  Astoria  in  British  Hands — King  Comcomly  to 
the  Fescue — H.  M.  S.  'Raccoon' — John  McDonald  in  Command — 
The  Gallant  Captain  Black — Fort  George — Failure  of  Astor's 
Pacific  Scheme. 

Down  the  river  on  the  11th  of  April  1813,  in  gay- 
est colors,  flying  the  British  flag,  come  two  birch-bark 
canoes,  manned  by  nineteen  Canadian  voyageurs,  now 
in  full  soul;-  and  chorus,  and  commanded,  one  by  John 
George  McTavish,  and  the  other  by  his  deputy, 
Joseph  Laroche.  Sweeping  gracefully  round  the 
point,  they  land  under  the  guns  of  the  fort,  and  there 
pitch  their  camp.  McDougall  hastens  to  invite  the 
distinguished  stranger  to  his  quarters;  the  object 
of  his  visit  he  already  knows. 

McDougall  was  by  nature  a  cold-blooded  man; 
stolid  in  body  and  mind,  and  like  many  before  him, 
his  good  name  has  suffered  in  the  hands  of  some  by 
reason  of  his  lack  of  fire.  And  yet  he  seems  to  have 
stumbled  upon  the  best  course,  the  only  course  proper 
to  be  pursued  throughout  the  whole  of  this  unpleasant 
and  luckless  adventure.  Often  the  weakness  of  a  busi- 
ness man  is  his  strength.  Judging  from  his  apparent 
qualities,  either  of  his  associates  would  have  done 
better  for  the  company  in  his  place,  though  Mc- 
Kenzie  was   not   much   more    persevering   than  he. 

(214) 


CHARACTER  OF  TEE  MANAGERS.  215 

Astor  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  in  his  fitting  of 
character  to  position.  For  so  shrewd  an  observer 
of  human  nature,  his  agents  were  almost  to  a  man  ill- 
chosen.  Clarke  at  the  head  would  have  put  will  and 
energy  into  the  enterprise,  though  his  judgment  was 
not  always  of  the  soundest.  All  things  considered, 
David  Stuart,  with  his  mild  determination  and  hu- 
mane fearlessness,  would  have  made  the  best  manager. 
Hunt's  great  mistake  was  in  leaving  the  coast  at  all. 
His  presence  at  this  time  was  of  the  most  vital  im- 
portance, though  it  could  scarcely  have  changed  the 
drift  of  affairs. 

McTavish  in  diplomatic  skill  and  artifice  is  equal 
to  them  all.  The  Honorable  Northwest  Company 
never  lacked  shrewd  men,  and  among  them  all  there 
never  was  a  more  proficient  tactician  than  he.  Before 
he  enters  the  fort,  he  knowTs  quite  well  the  feelings  of 
every  man  who  has  a  voice  upon  the  question  which 
brought  him  there.  That  any  one  of  them  was  dis- 
honorable, treacherous,  or  base,  I  do  not  for  a  moment 
believe.  They  were  every  one  of  them  brought  up 
in  the  strictest  school  of  business  honesty,  and  chosen 
for  this  adventure  on  account  of  their  good  qualities, 
and  not  because  they  were  rascals.1 

Briefly,  affairs  stand  thus.  Between  the  United 
States,  whose  languid  protection  was  Fort  Astoria's 
downfall,  and  the  British,  under  whose  flag  the  North- 
west Company  traded,  was  war.  It  might  last  a  year, 
or  twenty  years;  and  terminate  in  favor  of  the  one 
power  or  the  other;  but  while  it  lasted,  or  howsoever 

1  That  these  Scotchmen  were  bad  men,   disloyal  to  Astor  by  reason  of 
their  nationality  and  former  associations,  as  certain  writers  would  have  us 
believe,  is  in  view  of  the  circumstances  absurd.     In  their  agreement  with 
Astor  they  reserved  the  right  toclose  the  business  should  their  in 
■  I  ictate.     Whatever  loss  might  arise  from  the  failure  of  the  < 
on  them,  in  proportion  to  their  share.     Incase  they  were  obliged  to  aban- 
don t  he  adventure  three  laborious  years  would  be  lost  to  everj  > 
with  no  prospective  gain.     '  It  was  thus,'  says  one,  '  that  after  haipng  i       i  I 
the  i  ea  -  and  suffered  all  sorts  of  fatigues  and  privations,  I  lost  in  a  moment 
all  my  hopes  of  fortune.'  Franchere's  Nar.-,  193.     For  half  a  century  United 
stair.',  residents  of  the  north-west  have  harbored  ill-will  toward  British  sub- 
jects of  the  same  locality  through  such  false  representations. 


216  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

it  terminated,  supplies,  without  which  business  must 
wholly  cease,  were  sure  to  be  uncertain,  if  not,  in- 
deed, entirely  out  of  the  question.  The  British  were 
the  stronger  power,  having  at  command  more  money, 
men,  and  ships;  the  war  was  on  United  States  soil, 
which  gave  United  States  citizens  an  advantage  In 
the  Oregon  Territory,  subsequently  disputed  ground, 
and  at  a  distance  from  the  head-quarters  of  both  powers, 
the  British  would  have  the  advantage,  for  their  money 
and  ships  more  easily  spanned  continents  and  seas 
than  a  young  nation's  patriotism.  The  actual  leader 
of  this  enterprise  was  absent  with  the  only  ship  at  its 
command;  whether  either  would  ever  return  was 
doubtful.  In  fact,  greater  risk  attended  the  Beaver'* 
voyage  than  that  of  the  Tonquin.  A  hostile  ship 
with  letters  of  marque  was  hourly  expected,  which 
would  take  the  fort  without  firing  half  its  guns;  in 
which  event  all  the  property  would  be  confiscated. 
For  though  partners  and  men  were  most  of. them 
British  subjects,  they  were  trading  under  an  enemy's 
flag;  and  though  their  persons  might  be  respected, 
their  property  could  not  be.  Three  courses  lay  open 
to  the  partners:  they  might  fight,  or  fly,  or  make 
terms  with  the  enemy.  With  an  armed  vessel  at  their 
command,  they  might  adopt  the  former  course;  as  it 
Avas  it  was  impossible.  Suppose  they  should  escape 
to  the  interior  with  their  goods;  half  a  dozen  white 
men  with  arms,  whiskey,  and  tobacco  could  anywhere 
raise  natives  enough  thirsting  for  blood  and  plunder 
to  annihilate  them.  Hence  it  would  be  well  to  con- 
sider calmly  the  last  alternative.  This  I  believe  to 
be  a  fair  statement  of  the  case. 

Under  such  circumstances  McDougall  did  not  deem 
it  wise  to  treat  McTavish  as  a  deadly  enemy.  Though 
Stuart  and  Clarke  were  not  yet  reconciled  to  the 
abandonment  of  their  project,  and  could  but  regard 
the  inroads  of  the  Northwest  Company  with  displeas- 
ure, yet  in  view  of  past  relations  and  what  might  be 
in    the   near  future,  McDougall  supplied    McTavish 


McTAVISH  DIPLOMACY.  217 

with  necessaries  from  the  garrison  stores,  and  influ- 
enced the  savages  to  treat  his  party  as  friends.2 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Clarke  and  Stuart 
could  be  brought  to  entertain  the  thought  of  aban- 
doning the  enterprise.  McTavisli  said  little;  his 
presence  was  his  strongest  argument.  His  position 
was  none  of  the  pleasantest,  dependent  as  he  was  on 
the  enemy's  courtesy  for  subsistence.  McDougall  all 
the  while  treated  him  with  humane  consideration, 
kept  vigilant  guard  lest  the  post  should  be  surprised, 
listened  to  his  arguments,  and  employed  them  with  no 
small  force  in  the  conversion  of  Clarke  and  Stuart. 
This  was  at  last  accomplished.  They  saw  clearly 
enough  that  if  the  Beaver  did  not  return,  and  the 
annual  ships  did  not  arrive,  they  would  be  left  among 
savages  to  shift  for  themselves. 

Meanwhile  the  perplexities  of  McTavish  increased. 
He  had  long  waited  in  vain  the  arrival  of  the  Isaac 
Todd,  which  was  to  make  him  master  of  the  situation, 
until  he  felt  it  unsafe  for  him  to  wait  longer.  He 
therefore  applied  to  the  Astor  company  for  goods 
which  would  enable  him  to  reach  his  post  on  the 
upper  Columbia  and  do  a  little  trading  on  the  way. 
After  further  consultation  the  partners  granted  the 
request,  and  goods  were  given  him  to  the  amount 
of  eight  hundred  and  fifty-eight  dollars,  payable  in 
horses  the  following  spring,  or  in  any  way  the  part- 
ners should  demand. 

McTavish  was  now  ready  to  depart.  Neither  force 
nor  threat  had  been  employed  to  bring  the  Astor 
company  to  terms.  A  mere  statement  of  probabilities 
had  been  placed  before  them;  that  was  all.  McTavish 
was  about  to  become  a  debtor  to  the  company;  had 
the  partners  anything  further  to  say?  Yes,  they  had 
well  considered  the  matter,  and  all  were  now  agreed 
to  dissolve  the  company  the  following  year,  provided 

2 This  Mr  Irving,  -muting  from  Astor's  point  of  view,  denominates  'un- 
called-for hospitality.'  and  intimates  that  it  would  have  served  McTavish 
right  to  have  set  Comcomly  and  his  crew  upon  him. 


21S  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

no  relief  came  in  the  mean  time.  It  was  surely  long 
enough  to  wait  upon  an  uncertainty,  and  they  could 
scarcely  be  jointly  charged  with  hasty  or  ill-advised 
action  in  the  premises. 

This  was  the  arrangement.  It  was  now  the  1st  of 
Jul}'  1813.  If  before  the  1st  of  June  1814,  no  relief 
should  reach  them  from  any  quarter,  the  posts  upon 
the  Pacific  should  be  abandoned,  and  McDougall  be 
empowered  to  transfer  to  the  Northwest  Company 
at  prices  stipulated,  all  the  property,  goods,  and  furs 
of  the  Pacific  Company,  should  the  former  then  be 
disposed  to  purchase.  This  as  a  preliminary  arrange- 
ment or  resolution  was  signed  in  triplicate  by  the  four 
partners,  and  copies  delivered  to  McTavish,  one  for 
the  Northwest  Company,  and  one  to  be  forwarded  to 
Astor  by  the  winter  express.  Meanwhile  McDougall 
with  forty  men  was  to  remain  in  command  at  Astoria. 
Stuart  would  winter  at  Shush wap,  Clarke  at  Spokane, 
and  McKenzie  in  the  Willamette  Valley.  Reed  with 
Pierre  Dorion  and  five  Canadians  would  proceed  to 
the  Shoshone  country,  winter  there,  and  make  the 
best  preparations  possible  for  the  passage  of  the  main 
body  across  the  mountains  the  following  summer. 
All  were  to  meet  at  Fort  Astoria  in  May,  and  set 
out  the  5th  of  July. 

The  parties  for  the  upper  country,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  losing  a  cargo  at  the  Cascades,  and  the  acci- 
dental shooting  of  Pillot  in  the  leg,  all  reached  Walla 
Walla,  where  they  found  the  natives  still .  smarting 
under  the  late  outrage  committed  by  Clarke.  The 
presence  of  a  brass  four-pounder  prevented  an  attaek, 
but  Clarke  felt  constrained  to  avoid  the  Palouse  River 
on  his  way  to  Spokane,  and  to  take  a  circuitous  route, 
keeping  company  with  Stuart  as  far  as  Okanagan. 
Reed  and  party  started  south-easterly  for  the  Shoshone 
country.  McKenzie  made  frequent  trips  from  Astoria 
up  the  Columbia  and  Willamette  rivers,  for  dried 
salmon.  At  the  fort  all  were  bus}^  baling  skins  and 
preparing  for  final  departure.     McDougall  embraced 


HUNT'S  STORY.  219 

this  occasion  to  form  a  matrimonial  alliance  with  the 
native  sovereign  of  the  country,  after  the  manner  of 
the  most  successful  fur- traders.  The  daughter  of  Com- 
comly  thenceforth  took  up  her  residence  at  the  fort. 

Scarcely  had  matters  at  Astoria  assumed  the  tran- 
quillity of  a  settled  policy,  when  on  the  20th  of 
August,  less  than  two  months  after  the  departure .  of 
McTavish,  Stuart,  and  Clarke,  a  vessel  entered  the 
river  and  anchored  opposite  the  fort.  Immediately 
all  on  shore  were  thrown  into  a  nutter  of  excitement. 
Did  this  portend  war  or  peace?  Was  it  the  Isaac 
Todd,  or  a  supply-ship  ?  Their  anxiety  was  somewhat 
relieved  by  the  display  of  the  United  States  flag.  A 
salute  from  the  fort  was  answered  by  the  ship,  and 
McDougall  put  out  in  a  small  boat  to  board  her. 
Shortly  after  dark  he  returned,  bringing  with  him 
Hunt.  The  long  fathomless  mystery  was  soon  ex- 
plained. The  strange  arrival  was  the  Albatross,  Cap- 
tain Smith,  last  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  Let  us 
listen  to  Hunt's  story. 

The  Beaver  had  sailed  from  Astoria  the  4th  of  the 
previous  August,  so  that  the  chief  manager  had  been 
absent  from  his  post  over  a  year.  Scudding  north- 
ward under  a  favorable  wind,  in  fifteen  days  the 
Beaver  entered  the  harbor  of  New  Archangel.  Hunt 
landed  and  presented  himself  before  the  governor, 
Baranof.  Hunt  then  arranged  for  furnishing  that 
port  with  supplies  and  means  of  transportation  for 
its  furs  annually.  After  forty-five  days  spent  in  bar- 
gaining, and  in  discharging  that  part  of  the  cargo 
sold,  Baranof  found  he  had  not  sufficient  skins  on 
hand  with  which  to  pay  for  his  purchases.  Conse- 
quently Hunt  was  obliged  to  proceed  to  the  island  of 
St  Paul,3  in  Bering  Sea,  the  Russian  seal-catching 
establishment,  where  he  arrived  the  31st  of  October, 
and  took  in  a  fine  quantity  of  seal-skins.4 

3  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosr.,  MS.,  i.  181. 

1  •  Being  there  informed  that  some  Kodiak  hunters  had  been  left  on  some 
adjacent  isles,  called  the  islands  of  St  Peter  and  St  Paul,  and  that  these 


220  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

Ice  and  heavy  gales  having  strained  the  ship,  and 
fearing  the  bar  and  bad  weather  at  the  month  of  the 
Columbia,  Hunt  did  not  go  from  Kamchatka  back  to 
Fort  Astoria,  as  he  intended  and  had  been  instructed, 
but  stood  for  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  which  he  reached 
late  in  the  season,  intending  there  to  take  the  annual 
ship  to  Astoria,  while  the  Beaver  should  carry  her 
precious  cargo  to  China. 

Arrived  at  Canton,  Captain  Sowles  found  there 
awaiting  him  a  letter  from  Astor,  notice  of  the  war, 
and  instructions  to  sail  forthwith  to  Fort  Astoria 
with  the  information,  and  render  the  fortress  there 
every  assistance  in  his  power.  Evidently  the  captain 
of  the  Beaver  was  not  a  man  of  war.  There  was  no 
Englishman  that  he  knew  of  whose  blood  he  wished 
to  spill ;  he  was  very  sure  he  wished  no  Englishman  to 
spill  his  blood.  He  was  in  the  merchant-service,  not 
in  the  navy.  He  would  wait  until  the  war  was  over, 
and  then  return  to  New  York;  so  he  wrote  Astor. 

This  was  not  all — the  captain  was  no  better  busi- 
ness man  than  warrior.  The  furs  on  board  his  ship 
had  cost  twenty-five  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  goods ; 
when  he  first  arrived  he  might  have  sold  them  for  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand,  which  invested  in  nan- 
keens would  have  brought  in  New  York,  if  the}'  es- 
caped shipwreck  and  privateers  on  the  way,  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars.  Five  hundred  per  cent 
profit,  however,  was  not  enough  for  this  captain.  He 
held  out  for  more.  Furs  began  to  fall;  he  would  wait 
a  little  while  for  them  to  rise;  they  fell  still  lower; 
then  he  certainly  would  not  sell,  but  borrowed  money 
at  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  a  month  on  Astor's  account, 
to  pay  his  expenses,  and  waited  for  the  war  to  cease. 

At  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  Hunt  wTas  obliged  to  re- 
main for  six  months  before  he  found  opportunity  to 
sail.     The   annual   vessel  did  not  come.     Weary  of 

hunters  had  not  been  visited  for  three  years,  they  determined  to  go  thither, 
and  having  reached  those  isles,  they  opened  a  brisk  ti-ade,  and  secured  no 
less  than  eighty  thousand  skins  of  the  South  Sea  seal.'  Fmnchere's  JS'ar.,  175. 


CRITICAL  TOSITIOK  221 

waiting  he  bought  a  small  schooner  with  which  he  re- 
solved to  tempt  the  ocean,  and  was  about  t<>  embark 
in  it  when  the  Albatross  arrived  with  information  of 
the  war.  Hunt  immediately  chartered  the  vessel  and 
sailed  for  Fort  Astoria. 

Mr  Hunt  was  sadly  disappointed  when  he  learned 
the  decision  of  the  partners,  but  when  asked  to  pro- 
pose another  measure  was  at  a  loss  to  do  so.  It  was 
plainly  evident  that  on  one  side  the  British,  stirred  to 
hot  action  by  the  prospect  of  prize-money,  were  upon 
them,  while  upon  the  other,  their  formidable  rivals,  the 
Northwest  Company,  having  been  refused  an  amicable 
adjustment  of  interests  by  a  division  of  territory,  had 
now  determined  to  crush  them.  Escape  was  impos- 
sible either  by  sea  or  land.  Cruisers  were  watching 
them  without,  ready  even  now  to  pounce  upon  them; 
and  as  well  might  a  rich-laden  caravan  attempt  to 
fly  across  the  Rocky  Mountains,  as  to  escape  the  Wah- 
owpum  banditti,  the  estranged  Walla  Wallas,  the 
outraged  Palouses,  and  the  terrible  Blackfoot  Indians, 
when  instigated,  assisted,  or  encouraged  by  a  few 
white  men.  Even  if  robbed  of  everything  by  their 
enemies,  and  their  forts  blown  to  the  winds,  they 
might  rally  and  continue,  provided  Astor  could  get 
supplies  to  them;  but  without  supplies  not  only  was 
their  traffic  at  an  end,  but  their  lives  were  in  great 
jeopardy.5    A  child  might  see  this;  Hunt  saw  it,  and 

5  In  his  Astoria,  Mr  Irving  lays  himself  open  to  the  severest  criticism 
and  censure.  This  is  his  line  of  reasoning:  Astor  set  his  heart  upon  the 
accpiisition  of  great  power  and  property  on  the  Pacific  Coast;  therefore  Astor 
was  a  magnanimous  man,  one  to  be  highly  exalted,  and  whose  schemes  l>y 
their  inherent  virtues  should  be  successful.  They  failed.  Some  one  must  be 
blamed,  but  not  Astor.  McDougall  being  in  charge,  and  being  likewise  the 
first  to  suggest  capitulation,  wasasfita  person  asany.  Hence  1McT>< >n -all  was 
a  bad  man,  disloyal  to  the  enterprise  from  the  beginning;  in  proof  of  which 
he  gave  McTavish  food  and  protection  when  he  might  have  left  him  to  star- 
vation and  the  savages;  therefore  he  was  in  league  with  McTavish.  At  the 
time  McDougall  endeavors  to  hold  out  for  another  year,  allies  himself  by  mar- 
riage with  the  chief  for  the  greater  safety  of  the  establishment,  ami.  when 
forced  to  come  to  terms  or  see  the  whole  property  swept  away,  makes  a 
better  bargain  for  the  Astor  company  with  McTavish  than  the  Nbrthwesl 
Company  will   ratify,  ami    is  obliged  to  take  less — in  view  of  all   this  his 


222  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

was  quickly  satisfied.  He  not  only  indorsed  the  steps 
already  taken  by  his  partners,  but  he  authorized  Mc- 
Dougall,  in  case  of  his  absence,  to  conclude  arrange- 
ments with  McTavish  as  best  he  might.6 

treachery  is  clearly  apparent.  Finally,  when  McDougall  visits  the  British  sloop 
of  war  Raccoon  he  is  coldly  received  by  his  countiymen,  because  he  had  just  in 
time  saved  to  Astor  8SO,500,  which  otherwise  would  have  fallen  to  them  as 
prize-money;  hence  he  was  incompetent,  andavillain.  Onpage475of  Astoria, 
speaking  of  the  British  war-vessels  Phoebe,  Cherub,  and  Raccoon,  then  on  the 
way  to  the  Columbia,  Mr  Irving  exclaims,  '  Here  then  was  the  death-warrant  of 
unfortunate  Astoria ! '  And  yet  in  twenty  places  with  Astor  at  his  elbow  he 
•would  make  McDougall,  Sowles,  or  any  other  person  or  thing  responsible  for 
the  failure.     Suo  sibl  hunc  gladio  jugulo. 

G  Mark  Mr  Irving's  language  in  this  part  of  his  narrative,  who  with  strange 
and  effeminate  inconsistency  with  his  bold  assertions,  constantly  condemns 
McDougall  while  his  facts  exculpate  him.  'As  a  means  of  facilitating  the  de- 
spatch of  business,  Mr  McDougall  proposed  that  in  case  Mr  Hunt  should  not 
return,  the  whole  arrangement  with  Mr  McTavish  should  be  left  solely  to  him. 
This  was  assented  to;  the  contingency  being  possible  but  not  probable.'  Astoria, 
475.  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  was  after  the  manifesto  of  the  part- 
ners had  been  approved  by  Mr  Hunt.  And  again  on  the  same  page  he  speaks 
of  the  coming  British  men-of-war  and  the  certain  destruction  of  '  unfortunate 
Astoria.'  If  these  ships  were  the  ruination  of  the  enterprise  how  shall  we 
blame  McDougall  for  saving  what  he  could?  And  yet  writing  with  Astor  at 
his  elbow  we  find  flung  in  from  one  end  of  the  book  to  the  other,  slurs  and 
innuendos  upon  the  character  of  the  Scotch  partners,  the  Northwest  Company, 
and  everybody  except  Mr  Irving  and  Mr  Astor.  Even  the  old  Russian  com- 
mander, Baranof,  who  gave  $150,000  worth  of  seal-skins  for  825,000  in  mer- 
chandise, is  blamed  by  this  captious  biographer  for  unduly  detaining  Hunt 
with  convivial  hospitality.  Before  leaving  New  York  '  the  confidence  of  Mr 
Astor  was  abused,'  Astoria,  51,  because  two  of  the  partners,  'both  of  them 
Scotchmen,  and  recently  in  the  service  of  the  Northwest  Company,'  asked  of 
the  New  York  agent  of  the  British  government  what  would  be  their  position 
at  Astoria  in  case  of  war.  Now  it  would  be  exceedingly  difficult  for  any  but 
the  most  morbid  mind  to  find  '  abuse  of  Mr  Astor '  in  this  step.  '  Captain 
Thorn  was  an  honest,  straightforward,  but  somewhat  dry  and  dictatorial  com- 
mander.' 53.  McDougall  '  was  an  active,  irritable,  fuming,  vainglorious  little 
man. '  54.  '  Though  Mr  Thompson  could  be  considered  as  little  better  than  a  spy 
in  the  camp,  he  was  received  with  great  cordiality  by  Mr  McDougall,  who  had 
a  lurking  feeling  of  companionship  and  good-will  for  all  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany.' 97.  In  the  name  of  humanity  and  decency  why  should  he  not  have? 
And  how  was  it  to  serve  Astbr's  interests  to  treat  a  gentleman,  a  visitor  in 
the  wilderness,  an  old  Mend  and  former  associate,  though  now  a  business 
rival,  discourteously,  or  as  would  have  been  in  this  instance  regarded  by  all  the 
fur-hunting  community,  in  a  most  unmanly,  bearish,  and  insulting  manner? 
Again  speaking  of  another  affair:  'Indeed,  the  whole  conduct  of  Mr  Mc- 
Dougall was  such  as  to  awaken  strong  doubts  as  to  his  loyal  devotion  to  the 
cause.  His  old  sympathies  for  the  Northwest  Company  seemed  to  have  re- 
vived. He  had  received  McTavish  and  his  party  with  uncalled-for  hospi- 
tality.' 154.  It  was  through  McTavish  that  McDougall  saved  to  Astor  all 
that  was  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the  enterprise.  The  very  acts  which  Irving 
so  insidiously  stigmatizes  in  McDougall,  I  would  select  in  a  biographical  sketch 
as  illustrative  of  nobleness  of  character.  Speaking  of  the  sale  of  Fort  Astoria 
Irving  says,  485 :  '  The  conduct  and  motives  of  Mr  McDougall  throughout  the 
whole  of  this  proceeding  have  been  strongly  questioned  by  the  other  part- 
ners.' Irving  fails  entirely  to  show  how  this  was  so,  and  if  it  was  the  part- 
ners that  were  as  much  to  blame  as  McDougall ;  for  they  were  on  the  spot,  and 


McDOUGALL'S  FAITHFULNESS.  223 

Franchere  thinks  the  Pacific  Fur  Company  could 
easily  enough  have    escaped    capture    by    a   British 

should  have  prevented  fraud,  instead  of  which  they  acquiesced  in  nil  that  wag 
done.  Says  Franchere,  172:  'Our  object  being  to  provide  ourselves  before 
quitting  the  country,  with  the  food  and  horses  necessary  for  the  journey,  in 
order  to  avoid  all  opposition  ou  the  part  of  the  Northwest  Company  we  en- 
tered into  an  arrangement  with  Mr  McTavish.'  And  yet  more  emphal  Lcally 
Mr  Ross,  Adv.,  243,  244:  'The  resolutions  of  Mr  McDougall  and  McKenzie 
last  winter,  to  abandon  the  undertaking,  were  now  discussed  anew;  McKenzie 
now  sided  with  McDougall.'  And  on  page  24G:  'The  resolution  to  abandon 
the  country  was  adopted,  and  Messrs  Stuart  and  Clarke  gave  it  their  cordial 
consent. '  Ross  was  on  the  spot  and  states  what  he  saw.  Irving  takes  his  in- 
formation from  Astor,  who  speaks  of  what  he  heard.  Nor  was  Ross  at  all 
friendly  with  McDougall.  Nor  does  the  fact  that  McDougall  subsequently 
joined  the  Northwest  Company,  of  which  so  great  a  handle  was  made,  im- 
peach his  integrity  in  the  least.  So  far  as  I  am  able  to  learn  from  a  careful 
sifting  of  all  the  evidence,  McDougall  remained  faithful  at  his  post  to  the  end, 
and  having  made  the  best  terms  possible  for  Astor,  keeping  back  for  himself 
out  of  all  the  property  he  had  in  charge,  not  one  dollar,  with  nothing  to  show 
for  his  four  years  of  arduous  service,  he  was  a  free  man  with  the  right  to  en- 
gage where  he  would.  Further  than  this,  would  the  Northwest  Company  have 
received  him  and  trusted  him  had  he  been  traitor  to  his  former  trust?  The 
fact  is,  Astor  was  exceedingly  sore  over  this  failure  and  must  blame  some- 
body, anybody,  everybody.  He  wrote  Mr  Monroe,  but  '  waited  in  vain  for  a 
reply  to  this  letter,'  according  to  Hunt.  And  says  of  Hunt,  474 :  '  By  degrees, 
therefore,  he  -was  brought  to  acquiesce  in  the  step  taken  by  his  colleagues,  as  per- 
haps advisable  in  the  exigences  of  the  case.'  Of  McKenzie  and  Stuart,  Irving 
himself  says,  Astoria,  4.35 :  '  In  the  mean  time  the  non-arrival  of  the  annual  ship 
and  the  apprehensions  entertained  of  the  loss  of  the  Beaver  and  of  Mr  Hunt, 
had  their  effects  upon  the  mind  of  Messrs  Stuart  and  Clarke.  They  began 
to  listen  to  the  desponding  representations  of  McDougall  seconded  by  McKen- 
zie, who  inveighed  against  their  situation  as  desperate  and  forlorn ;  left  to 
shift  for  themselves  or  perish  upon  a  barbarous  coast;  neglected  by  those  who 
sent  them  there,  and  threatened  with  dangers  of  every  kind.  In  this  way 
they  were  brought  to  consent  to  the  plan  of  abandoning  the  country  in  the 
ensuing  year.'  '  Had  Hunt  been  present,'  again  he  says,  on  page  499,  in  most 
disordered  logic,  'the  transfer  in  all  probability  would  not  have  taken  place.' 
And  yet  he  has  but  just  said  that  if  the  transfer  had  not  been  made  just  at  the 
time  it  was,  the  property  surely  would  have  been  captured  by  the  British  and 
the  proceeds  from  the  sale  of  it  divided  as  prize-money  among  the  capt<  >rs; 
that  the  disappointment  of  these  officers  '  therefore  may  be  easily  conceived, 
when  they  learned  that  their  warlike  attack  upon  Astoria  had  been  fore- 
stalled by  a  snug  commercial  arrangement;  that  their  anticipated  booty  had 
become  British  property  in  the  regular  course  of  traffic, '  etc.  487.  What  shall 
we  say  of  a  writer  who  so  mixed  personal  feelings  with  his  facts  and  fictions? 
Hunt  '  soon  saw  reason  to  repent  the  resolution  he  had  adopted  in  altering 
the  destination  of  the  ship...  He  too  proved  the  danger  of  departing  from 
orders.  The  greatest  blunder  of  all  was  that  committed  by  Captain  Sowles.' 
Astor  was  likewise  'discouraged  by  this  supineness  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment.1 <  >f  all  the  world  Astor  alone  was  faultless.  In  all  this  I  have  no 
fault  to  find  with  Astor.  He  embarked  in  a  magnificent  undertaking,  lavish- 
ing money  and  energy  upon  it  in  a  way  worthy  of  success.  Here  too  it  happened 
success  would  have  been  a  great  gain  to  the  country.  He  failed  through  a 
combination  of  circumstances,  through  the  special  and  individual  fault  of  no 
one  man.  He  was  as  much  to  blame  himself  as  any  one,  in  fitting  his  a 
to  their  work.  Let  Astor  curse  his  stars,  his  agents,  the  president  i 
United  States,  or  whomsoever  he  will.  It  is  often  a  comfort  to  find  a  vent 
for  one's  ill-humor,  but  should  we  not  make  some  allowance  for  words  spoken 
in  such  a  mood  1 


224  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

force.  "It  was  only  necessary,"  he  says,  to  get  rid 
of  the  land  party  of  the  Northwest  Company,  who 
were  completely  in  our  power,  then  remove  our  effects 
up  the  river  upon  some  small  stream,  and  await  the 
result.  The  sloop  of  war  arrived,  it  is  true,  but  as  in 
the  case  I  suppose  she  would  have  found  nothing; 
she  would  have  left  after  setting  fire  to  our  deserted 
houses.  None  of  their  boats  would  have  dared  fol- 
low us  even  if  the  Indians  had  betrayed  to  them  our 
lurking-place.  Those  at  the  head  of  affairs  had  their 
own  fortune  to  seek, and  thought  it  more  for  their  in- 
terest, doubtless,  to  act  as  they  did;  but  that  will  not 
clear  them  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  the  charge 
of  treason  to  Mr  Astor's  interests  will  always  be  at- 
tached to  their  characters."  Franchere  might  have 
gone  yet  further,  and  have  said:  With  a  determined 
American  at  the  head  of  affairs  backed  by  Comcornly 
and  his  eight  hundred  warriors,  they  need  scarcely 
have  retired  at  all,  not  further  certainly  than  beyond 
range  of  the  ship's  guns.  But  what  would  have  been 
their  position?  What  good  would  such  a  step  have 
done  them?  There  were  few  furs  to  buy  about  Asto- 
ria or  in  the  Willamette  Valley.  The  Northwest 
Company  with  the  assistance  of  the  now  exasperated 
Walla  Wallas,  Palouses,  and  Blackfoot  Indians,  could 
easilj'  not  only  have  stopped  all  the  Rocky  Mountain 
passes,  but  have  driven  the  Pacific  Company  from 
that  region.  Had  such  a  plan  been  practicable,  why 
did  not  Hunt,  who  was  an  American  and  actual  com- 
mander of  the  company's  forces,  adopt  it?  His  loy- 
alty to  Astor's  interests  has  never  been  questioned; 
then  why  did  he,  who  was  over  all  in  authority,  agree 
with  the  other  partners  in  the  surrender  of  the  fort, 
and  go  in  search  of  a  vessel  to  carry  them  all  away  ? 
Because  he  knew  it  was  impossible  to  hold  the  country 
and  obtain  supplies  with  their  way  blocked  up  in  the 
mountains  and  upon  the  sea.  Hence  it  seems  to  me 
unfair  to  throw  the  blame  upon  the  partners  present, 
and  more  particularly  upon  McDougall,  after  Hunt 


HUNT  SAILS  TO  THE  MARQUESAS.  225 

had  authorized  him  to  act  as  he  did,  and  assisted  him 
in  carrying  out  his  measures. 

We  may  as  well,  however,  set  aside  what  might 
have  been  done  with  a  force  of  United  States  citizens 
under  a  loyal  and  determined  commander,  for  there 
was  no  such  body  present.  Astor  did  not  select  men 
of  that  character,  or  for  that  purpose.  It  was  a 
commercial  troop,  and  not  an  army.  In  a  war  with 
the  United  States,  how  should  Astor  expect  British 
to  level  gun  against  British  in  his  interests,  or  even 
in  their  own1?  Hunt  saw  that  neither  he,  nor  Mc- 
Dougall,  nor  McKenzie  could  compel  them  to  it,  and 
so  he  yielded  his  assent  to  a  sale.  Then  why  fling 
odium  upon  men  for  not  accomplishing  impossibilities? 
The  assertion  that  McDougall's  interests  lay  in  the 
direction  of  a  partnership  in  the  Northwest  Company 
is  idle  until  proved.  In  the  Pacific  Company  his 
interest  was  larger  and  his  position  higher  than  there 
there  was  the  slighest  probability  it  ever  would  be  in 
the  Montreal  company.  The  interest  of  every  mem- 
ber was  the  success  of  the  Pacific  Company,  and  all 
seemed  to  act  upon  that  principle.  I  find  not  the 
slightest  taint  of  treachery  in  this  transaction. 

In  common  with  McDougall,  Hunt  now  directed 
his  efforts  to  saving  as  much  from  the  wreck  as 
possible.  A  vessel  was  needed  to  bring  provisions  to 
Fort  Astoria,  to  take  back  the  Hawaiian  Islanders, 
whose  contract  stipulated  that  they  should  be  re- 
turned to  their  homes,  and  to  transport  the  heavy 
goods  and  those  of  the  men  who  preferred  to  return 
by  sea  to  New  York.  The  Albatross  was  under  char- 
ter to  the  Marquesas  Islands,  and  therefore  was  not 
open  to  engagement.  Hunt  therefore  embarked  in 
her  in  company  with  Clapp  on  the  2Gth  of  August, 
hoping  to  find  the  vessel  he  required  upon  the  coast 
of  California.  He  was  carried  at  once  to  the  Mar- 
quesas, where  shortly  after  his  arrival  Commodore 
Porter  of  the  United  States  frigate  Essex  entered, 
bringing  with  him  several  British  whalers  which  he 

Hist.  N.  W.  Cuast,  Vol.  II.    15 


226  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

had  captured.  By  this  arrival  came  the  disheartening 
intelligence  that  a  British  fleet  consisting  of  the  sloops 
of  war  Raccoon  and  Cherub,  the  frigate  Phoebe,  and  a 
store-ship  mounted  with  machinery  suitable  for  batter- 
ing down  forts  had  sailed  from  Rio  Janeiro  the  6th  of 
July  for  the  Northwest  Coast.  If  this  was  true  the 
end  indeed  had  come. 

In  his  great  trouble,  Hunt  applied  to  Commodore 
Porter,  offering  to  purchase  one  of  his  prizes;  but  the 
price  ashed,  twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  being  deemed 
exorbitant,  Hunt  refused  to  pay  it,  and  requested 
the  commodore  to  send  a  vessel  to  the  assistance  of 
Fort  Astoria,  but  in  the  absence  of  express  authority 
this  proposal  was  likewise  rejected.  Should  he  fall 
in  with  the  enemy,  however,  the  commodore  would 
defeat  his  plans  if  he  felt  able.  The  fact  is,  the 
United  States  government  was  taxed  to  its  utmost 
to  sustain  itself  upon  the  sea,  otherwise  its  attitude 
toward  this  enterprise  throughout  were  indeed  pusil- 
lanimous. I  see  no  excuse  for  Commodore  Porter  in 
demanding  such  a  sum  in  this  emergency.  Without 
seamen  he  could  only  burn  his  prizes,  and  such  con- 
duct seemed  to  Hunt  like  taking  advantage  of  his 
distress.  Unsuccessful  on  every  side,  Hunt  sailed  in 
the  Albatross  the  23d  of  November  for  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  where  he  arrived  the  20th  of  December. 
There  he  met  Captain  Northrop,  and  was  told  the 
melancholy  story  of  the  loss  of  the  Lark.  Losing  no 
time  Hunt  bought  a  brig,  the  Pedler,  for  ten  thou- 
sand dollars,  and  placing  Northrop  in  command,  sailed 
for  Fort  Astoria  the  22d  of  January,  hoping  to  be 
able  to  rescue  some  of  the  property  and  carry  it  to 
Sitka  for  safe-keeping. 

Returning  once  more  to  Fort  Astoria,  we  find, 
some  five  weeks  after  the  sailing  of  the  Albatross, 
McKenzie  with  Wallace  and  Seton,  in  two  canoes, 
with  ten  men,  en  route  with  supplies  for  the  wintering 

partners. 


McTAVISH  AGAIN.  227 

The  fifth  day  after  this  departure,  which  was  the 
7th  of  October,  greatly  to  the  surprise  of  the  garrison 
were  seen  rounding  Tongue  Point  side  by  side  three 
canoes,  the  middle  one  flying  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  and  the  two  others  displaying  British  colors. 
In  the  first  were  McKenzie  and  Clarke,  supported  on 
either  side  by  John  George  McTavish  and  Angus 
Bethune  of  the  Northwest  Company.  Landing,  Mc- 
Tavish presented  the  commander  at  Fort  Astoria  a 
letter  from  Angus  Shaw,  partner  in  the  Northwest 
Company,  and  uncle  of  McDougall,  informing  him  of 
the  sailing  in  March  of  the  ship  Isaac  Todd  and  the 
frigate  Phoebe,  with  letters  of  marque  and  instructions 
to  seize  everything  American  on  the  Northwest  Coast. 

It  appears  that  McKenzie  had  met  the  squadron 
near  the  first  rapids.  Clarke  wTas  with  them,  having 
left  his  post  to  accompany  them.  The  two  parties 
landed  and  encamped  for  the  night.  Next  morning 
McKenzie  and  Clarke  endeavored  to  slip  away,  so  as 
to  reach  the  fort  before  the  others,  and  give  warning 
of  their  approach;  but  McTavish  was  as  wide-awake 
as  they,  setting  out  as  early  and  reaching  Fort  Asto- 
ria as  soon. 

A  canny  Scotch  game  is  now  played  for  the  pos- 
session of  the  Columbia.  McTavish  with  those  be- 
hind him  is  the  stronger  in  numbers  and  prospects; 
McDougall  in  position  and  possession.  The  British 
vessels  of  war  may  come  at  any  moment,  and  thejr 
may  not  come  at  all;  the  chances  are  in  favor  of 
their  coming,  as  nothing  but  capture  or  shipwreck 
is  likely  to  prevent  them.  If  they  come,  they  will 
be  like  the  monke}^  that  eats  the  cheese.  All 
that  belongs  to  persons  trading  under  the  United 
States  flag  the  British  officers  and  seamen  will  take 
without  asking,  and  divide  it  among  them  as  their 
lawful  prize.  The  Northwest  Company  may  then 
have  the  country,  and  the  Pacific  Company  may  go 
their  way.  If  they  do  not  come,  the  latter  may  keep 
their  posts  and  their  goods. 


228  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

McTavish  is  not  so  eager  to  conclude  terras  as  for- 
merly. He  fences  for  time.  He  would  rather  see 
the  Pacific  Company  thoroughly  destroyed,  so  that 
they  would  make  him  no  further  trouble  on  the 
coast,  than  to  purchase  their  property  even  at  his 
own  price. 

On  the  other  hand,  McDougall  is  determined  to  de- 
prive McTavish  of  his  double  chance,  or  force  him  to 
terms,  or  escape  with  his  goods  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible moment.  Of  course  to  wait  for  Hunt  or  any  one 
else  is  out  of  the  question.  Calling  a  council  of  all 
present,  partners  and  clerks,  next  day,  the  8th,  Mc- 
Dougall reads  to  them  his  uncle's  letter.  A  strict 
guard  is  kept  in  the  fort  to  avoid  surprise ;  at  the  same 
time  McTavish,  being  short  of  provisions,  is  supplied 
by  McDougall. 

McDougall  now  proposes  to  sell  all  the  goods  of  the 
Pacific  Company  upon  the  coast  at  cost  and  charges, 
and  skins  at  rates  current  in  the  London  market,  less 
charges  of  transportation  and  sale.  This  was  a  most 
liberal  offer  under  the  circumstances,  and  McTavish 
accepts.  But  out  of  courtesy  to  his  associates,  he 
will  await  their  arrival  before  consummating  the  con- 
tract. 

On  the  11th  of  October,  John  Stuart  and  Joseph 
McGillivray,  partners  in  the  Northwest  Company, 
arrive  with  the  eight  canoes,  the  remainder  of  the 
ileet  of  ten,  and  land  in  a  cove  near  the  factory,  form- 
ing a  <mmp  of  about  seventy-five  men.  A  conference 
is  held.  The  terms  of  the  proposed  contract  are  re- 
stated. John  Stuart  enters  his  protest.  On  behalf 
of  his  company  he  might  sanction  the  purchase  at 
cost  and  charges  for  the  goods  and  furs  at  fixed  rates,7 
which  should  little  more  than  cover  their  cost  at  Fort 
Astoria,  the  servants  of  the  Pacific  Company  to  be  paid 
the  arrears  of  their  wages,  which  amount  was  to  be 

7 '  The  whole  of  the  goods  on  hand  both  at  Fort  Astoria  and  throughout  the 
interior  were  delivered  over  to  the  Northwest  Company  at  10  per  cent  on  cost 
and  charges.'  Boss'  Adv.,  2.32-3.  If  Mr  Ross  means  10  per  cent  on  cost  and 
freight,  as  he  probably  does,  it  would  still  be  no  more  than  cost  and  charges. 


ASTOR  GROANS.  229 

deducted  from  the  price  paid.8  McGillivray  sustains 
John  Stuart,  affirming  that  this  would  be  the  best  he 
should  agree  to.  McTavish  is  of  course  obliged  to 
be  silent. 

Rapidly  revolving  the  matter  in  his  mind,  for  he 
has  no  time  to  think  long,  McDougall  accepts.  He 
thinks  his  company  should  receive  more;  he  accuses 
the  Northwest  partners  of  taking  advantage,  but  he 
is  wholly  in  their  power,  and  to  tell  the  truth  he  be- 
lieves even  this  to  be  for  the  best  interests  of  Astor. 
And  he  is  right.  Nor  do  I  think  the  final  offer  of  the 
Northwest  Company  by  any  means  unfair  or  illiberal, 
as  the  sequel  shows.  It  is  true  they  make  a  profit  on 
the  furs,  and  secure  the  business;  but  they  are  a  com- 
mercial company,  and  such  is  the  purpose  of  com- 
merce. I  greatly  doubt  if  Astor,  who  sorely  com- 
plains, would  have  made  a  more  liberal  offer  had  he 
been  in  their  place.  For  close  at  hand  were  those  who 
would  have  taken  from  the  Pacific  Company  all  they 
had,  and  paid  them  nothing.9 

Astor,  however,  is  greatly  dissatisfied,  although  I 
am  really  at  a  loss  to  know  why.  "Had  our  place 
and  our  property  been  fairly  captured,"  he  moans  by 
the  mouth  of  Irving,10  "  I  should  have  preferred  it;  I 

8 '  The  following  estimate  has  been  made  of  the  articles  on  hand,  and  the 
prices:  17,705  lbs.  of  beaver  parchment,  valued  at  82,  worth  So;  405  old-coat 
beaver,  valued  at  §1.00,  worth  $3.50;  907  land-otter,  valued  at  $.50,  worth 
85;  08  sea-otter,  valued  at  $12,  worth  from  $45  to  $60;  30  sea-otter,  valued  at 
$5,  worth  §-25.'  Irving's Astoria, 484.  'The  furs  were  valued  at  so  much  per 
skin.  The  whole  sales  amounted  to  §80,500,  McTavish  giving  bills  of  ex- 
change on  the  agents  for  the  amount,  payable  in  Canada.'   Boss'  Adv.,  253. 

9  '  This  transaction  took  place  on  the  16th  of  October,  and  was  considered 
fair  and  equitable  on  both  sides.'  Boss'  Adv.,  253.  'In  a  few  weeks  an  amica- 
ble arrangement  was  made,  by  which  Mr  McTavish  agreed  to  purchase  all  the 
furs,  merchandise,  provisions,  etc. ,  of  our  company  at  a  certain  valuation,  stipu- 
lating to  provide  a  safe  passage  back  to  the  United  States,  either  by  sea  or 
across  the  continent,  for  such  members  of  it  as  choose  to  return;  and  at  the 
same  time  offering  to  those  who  should  wish  to  join  the  Northwest  Company, 
and  remain  in  the  country,  the  same  terms  as  if  they  had  originally  been  mem- 
bers of  that  company.  Messrs  Ross,  McClellan,  and  I  took  advantage  i  t  these 
liberal  proposals,  and  some  time  after,  Mr  Duncan  McDougall,  one  of  tii<^  <li- 
rectors,  also  joined  the  Northwest.'  Cox's  Columbia  River,  208.  'The  nego- 
tiations were  protracted  by  one  party,  in  the  hope  that  the  long  expected 
armed  force  would  arrive  to  render  the  purchase  unnecessary,  and  were 
forward  by  the  other  to  conclude  the  affair  before  that  occurrence  should  in- 
tervene.' Franchere,8  Nar.,  193. 

10  Astoria,  485. 


230  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

should  not   feel  as  if  I  were  disgraced."     In  other 
words,  he  might  have  a  large  claim  for  damages. 

Still  McTavish  fences  for  time,  and  it  was  not  until 
McDougall  made  ready  his  boats  and  threatened  to 
move  inland  up  the  Willamette  Kiver  unless  the  agree- 
ment was  legally  executed  at  once,  that  the  North- 
west partners  completed  the  purchase.11  One  other 
hold  McDougall  had  upon  his  rivals.  McTavish  and 
his  party  obtained  their  daily  supply  of  provisions 
from  the  fort,  being  indebted  to  the  Pacific  Company 
even  for  food  and  ammunition.  Accompanying  the 
threat  to  move  was  another  to  cut  off  supplies,  and 
thus  the  Northwest  Company  were  brought  to  terms.12 
The  contract  was  signed  the  16th  of  October,  and  on 
the  12th  of  November  the  Northwest  Company  took 
formal  possession  of  Astoria.13  Thus  was  scaled  the 
death-warrant  of  the  New  York  millionaire's  brilliant 
scheme.  Thus  terminated  the  affairs  of  the  Pacific 
Fur  Company  on  the  Northwest  Coast.  The  greater 
part  of  the  servants  of  the  Pacific  Company  entered 
the  service  of  the  Northwest  Company;  after  the 
affairs  of  the  former  were  closed,  McDougall  accepted 
a  partnership  in  the  Northwest  Company.14    Toward 

11  'McDougall  and  McKenzie,  hew-ever,  saw  through  this  piece  of  artifice, 
and  insisted  that  the  business  should  be  ratified  at  once.  McTavish,  however, 
full  of  commercial  wiles,  tried  to  evade  and  retard  every  step  taken.'  Ross' 
Adv.,  253. 

12 'One  morning  before  daylight,  Messrs  McDougall  and  McKenzie  sum- 
moned all  hands  together,  seventy-two  in  number,  and  after  a  brief  statement 
of  the  view  of  the  Northwest  in  reference  to  the  negotiation,  ordered  the  bas- 
tions to  be  manned,  the  guns  to  be  loaded  and  pointed,  and  the  matches  lighted. 
In  an  instant  every  man  was  at  his  post  and  the  gates  shut.  At  eight  o'clock 
a  message  was  sent  to  McTavish  giving  him  two  hours,  and  no  more,  either 
to  sign  the  bills  or  break  off  the  negotiations  altogether,  and  remove  to  some 
other  quarters.  By  eleven  o'clock  the  bills  were  finally  and  formally  signed, 
and  Astoria  was  delivered  up  to  the  Northwest  Company  on  the  12t!i  of  No- 
vember, after  nearly  a  month  of  suspense  between  the  drawing  and  the  signing 
of  the  bills.'  Jioss'  Adv.,  254.  This  statement  is  so  at  variance  from  Mr 
Irving's  that  I  am  willing  to  allow  a  little  for  exaggeration.  That  is,  McDou- 
gall may  have  formally  assumed  this  belligerent  attitude  for  effect,  but  that  he ' 
ever  had  any  intention  of  firing  on  McTavish's  camp  I  cannot  for  a  moment 
suppose. 

13 According  to  Ross  and  Irving;  Franchere  says  the  23d  of  November. 

11  This  circumstance  threw  suspicion  on  his  conduct,  yet  there  is  not  the 
least  proof  that  he  had  betrayed  his  trust.  McDougall  always  bore  the  char- 
acter of  integrity;  he  was  a  man  of  principle,  faithful  to  his  word,  and  punctual 


COMCOMLY  FOR  WAR.  231 

the  end  of  October,  McKenzie  set  out  with  John 
Stuart  for  Spokane  and  Okanagan  to  deliver  those 
posts  to  the  purchasers. 

The  arrival  at  Fort  Astoria  from  Fort  William  on 
the  15th  of  November  of  two  Northwest  Company 
partners,  Alexander  Stuart  and  Alexander  Henry,  in 
two  bark  canoes,  manned,  by  sixteen  voyageurs,  did 
not  materially  affect  the  attitude  of  affairs,  but  only 
the  more  proved  the  course  pursued  by  McDougall  to 
be  correct,  and  showed  the  utter  hopelessness  of  the 
Astor  course  on  the  Pacific.  The  Northwest  Com- 
pany were  determined  to  drive  them  out.  They  would 
probably  in  time  have  accomplished  this  without  the 
aid  of  British  war-ships,  in  the  continued  absence  of 
help  for  Astor  from  the  United  States.  The  new 
arrival  reported  the  British  arms  thus  far  in  the 
ascendant. 

Scarcely  more  than  a  fortnight  had  passed  since 
the  formal  delivery  of  the  fortress  of  Astoria  to  the 
Northwest  Company,  when  one  day  Comcomly  came 
in  breathless  haste  to  McDougall,  with  tidings  of  a 
sail  seen  off  the  cape,  which  he  was  fearful  might  be  a 
King  George  ship.  "Have  we  not  enough  of  these 
people  among  us?"  he  exclaimed.  "Are  you  Bostons 
women  that  you  permit  these  starving  ones  to  take 
your  fort,  your  goods,  and  drive  you  from  the  coun- 
try? And  now  here  comes  this  vessel  to  enslave  us 
all,  but  with  eight  hundred  warriors  at  my  back  I  do 
not  fear  them.  I  will  protect  you."  But  McDougall 
soothed  his  hotly  perspiring  and  red-painted  father- 
in-law,  assured  him  that  the  King  George  men  were 
no  longer  enemies,  and  sent  him  away  happy  in  the 
possession  of  a  new  coat  and  a  pocketful  of  tobacco, 
with  instructions  not  to  molest  white  people,  who  were 
all  brothers. 

to  his  engagements.  Ross'' Adv.,  273-4.     Khl6bnikof,  ante,  149,  re- 

marks that  Clarke  went  to  Sitka  after  the  transfer  of  Astoria  and  lived  there 
for  two  years,  acting  as  tutor  to  Baranof's  half-breed  children;  he  also  men- 
tions the  arrival  cf  Jobson,  a  gunsmith,  and  two  half-breeds. 


232  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

This  was  the  29th  of  November.  Next  morning 
the  vessel,  which  was  no  other  than  the  British  sloop 
of  war  Raccoon,  Black,  commander,  mounting  twenty- 
six  guns,  came  dashing  gayly  forward,  and  anchored  in 
Baker  Bay.  She  was  immediately  boarded  by  Mc- 
Dougall  and  his  royal  father-in-law,  each  with  his  ret- 
inue ;  and  it  was  pleasing  to  see  the  effect  of  civilization 
thus  far  upon  the  king  of  the  Chinooks;  for  from  a 
blood-thirsty  warrior  we  find  him  suddenly  trans- 
formed into  a  crafty  courtier.  Not  knowing  exactly 
why  or  how,  he  saw  plainly  enough  that  on  the  Colum- 
bia King  George  was  in  the  ascendant. 

"Ah,"  he  cried  to  Captain  Black,  spreading  a  fine 
sea-otter  skin  upon  the  deck,  "the  Bostons  are  brave, 
but  they  have  no  ships  like  this,  no  men  like  these," 
his  eyes  running  admiringly  from  the  brightly  polished 
guns  to  the  gilt-buttoned  officers,  and  along  the  line 
of  marines.  Next  day  saw  Comcomly  approach  the 
little  wharf  before  the  fort  from  the  Raccoon,  flying 
the  Union  Jack  at  the  bow  of  his  canoe,  and  step 
ashore  in  full  British  uniform.  Upon  such  trifles  the 
destinies  of  nations  often  turn. 

Passenger  by  the  Raccoon  was  John  McDonald,  a 
senior  partner  in  the  Northwest  Company,  and  com-_ 
monly  called  Bras  Croche,  Crooked  Arm,  who  at 
once  assumed  command  on  the  Columbia.  Five  voy- 
ageurs  accompanied  him.  Sailing  from  England  in 
the  Pliahc,  which  had  accompanied  the  Isaac  Todd  to 
Rio  Janeiro,  he  there  found  the  British  squadron. 
These  two  ships  with  the  Raccoon  and  Clicrub  de- 
spatched to  convoy  the  Isaac  Todd,  sailed  together, 
agreeing  to  rendezvous  at  the  island  of  Juan  Fernan- 
dez. Parted  off  Cape  Horn  in  a  storm,  three  of  the 
ships  came  together  at  the  appointed  place.  After 
waiting  some  time  in  vain  for  the  Isaac  Todd,  Com- 
modore Hillyer,  hearing  of  the  havoc  being  commit- 
ted among  British  traders  and  whalers  in  the  Pacific 
by  Commodore  Porter,  set  sail  with  the  Cherub  and 


TAKING  POSSESSION.  233 

the  Phcebe  in  search  of  him,  while  the  Raccoon,  to 
which  McDonald  was  transferred,  was  .sent  to  destroy 
Fort  Astoria. 

Great  were  the  expectations  raised  in  the  minds  of 
the  officers  and  men  on  board  the  Raccoon,  regarding 
the  rich  booty  which  the  defenceless  post  of  Astoria 
was  to  furnish  them.  Imagine  their  disappointment, 
therefore,  when  they  found  the  prize  had  slipped 
their  grasp  by  legal  transfer  to  British  subjects.  The 
officers  were  loud  in  their  anathemas,  no  less  against 
the  insignificance  of  the  fortress,  which  they  had  come 
so  far  to  lay  low,  than  against  the  officers  of  the 
Northwest  Company,  who,  they  averred,  had  employed 
them  as  tools  in  commercial  speculation. 

"The  Yankees  are  always  beforehand  with  us," 
said  Captain  Black  to  one  of  his  officers,  though  what 
the  Yankees  had  done  to  warrant  his  displeasure  in 
this  transaction  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine.  But 
it  was  when  he  landed  and  beheld  the  split-board 
pickets  called  palisades,  and  scarcely  arrow-proof 
bastions  and  stockades,  his  ire  and  irony  broke  forth. 
Turning  to  McDonald  he  exclaimed:  "This,  then,  was 
your  enemy's  stronghold,  requiring  a  navy  to  conquer. 
Damn  me !  with  a  single  four-pounder  I  would  batter 
it  down  in  two  hours." 

One  harmless  little  ceremony  yet  might  be  per- 
formed before  these  bright-buttoned  King  George 
men  should  take  their  departure,  a  ceremony  which 
even  the  staid  English  at  this  late  day  did  not  disdain. 
Coming  on  shore  the  12th  of  December  1813,  with  a 
lieutenant  of  marines,  four  soldiers,  and  four  sailors, 
Captain  Black  proceeded  to  take  formal  possession  of 
the  country,  though  what  that  term  implied  he  had  no 
better  idea  than  Coinconily. 

An  English  dinner  supplied  the  place  of  the  Span- 
iard's mass,  after  which  the  fur  company's  servants 
with  guns  in  their  hands  were  stationed  round  the 
flag-staff.  Captain  Black  then  caused  a  British  flag, 
which  he  had  brought  on  shore  for  the  occasion,  to  be 


234  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

run  up,  and  taking  a  bottle  of  Madeira  wine  of  medium 
quality  he  broke  it  manfully  upon  the  flag-staff,  cry- 
ing in  a  loud  voice  that  of  that  country  and  of  that 
establishment  he  took  possession  in  the  name  of  his 
Britannic  Majesty,  and  that  the  place  hitherto  called 
Fort  Astoria  should  henceforth  be  known  as  Fort 
George.  Three  rounds  were  then  fired,  artillery  and 
musketry  bellowing  the  king's  health,  which  was  drunk 
in  liberal  bumpers  by  all  present,  not  excluding  a 
few  sable  savages  who  had  been  admitted  to  witness 
a  ceremony  which  confirmed  in  their  minds  what 
before  they  strongly  suspected,  namely,  that  the 
white  men  had  all  gone  mad.  With  the  first  fair  wind 
the  Raccoon  took  her  departure,  but  not  until  the 
officers  had  made  a  careful  survey  of  the  entrance  to 
the  river. 

We  left  Hunt  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  having  just 
purchased  the  brig  Pecller  and  placed  in  her  the  cap- 
tain and  crew  of  the  lost  Lark.  Leaving  the  islands 
the  22d  of  January,  as  before  mentioned,  the  Pedler 
cast  anchor  in  the  Columbia  the  28th  of  February. 
Hunt  expressed  great  dissatisfaction  with  regard  to 
the  sale,  particularly  as  to  the  price  obtained  for  the 
furs.  In  facing  Astor  it  would  be  well  to  have  some 
one  upon  whom  to  cast  the  blame;  and  the  fact  that 
after  the  affairs  of  the  Pacific  Company  were  closed 
McDougall  had  joined  the  Northwest  Company,  might 
be  easily  converted  into  a  question  of  disloyalty.  This 
was  anything  but  manly  on  the  part  of  Hunt,  who 
represented  McDougall's  sale  as  the  primary  cause 
of  failure,  and  Astor  seems  to  have  accepted  these 
unwarranted  statements,  and  Irving  to  have  propa- 
gated them  without  the  shadow  of  proof.  Directing 
McKenzie,  to  whom  the  papers  of  the  Pacific  Com- 
pany had  been  delivered  by  McDougall,  to  forward  to 
Astor  the  draft  received  in  payment  from  the  North- 
west Company,  Hunt  addressed  a  few  parting  words 
to  his  late  associates,  and  taking  with  him  Halsey, 


HUNT  AT  SITKA.  235 

Seton,  Clapp,  and  Farnham,  he  bade  a  final  farewell  to 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  embarked  on  board  the 
Pedler  the  3d  of  April. 

Directing  his  course  to  Sitka,  Hunt  encountered 
two  United  States  vessels  trading  with  the  natives, 
and  hiding  from  British  cruisers.  In  which  latter  at- 
tempt at  least,  they  succeeded  well;  for  while  at  Sitka, 
the  British  ship  Forester,  Captain  Pigott,  arrived  with 
letters  of  marque  from  England,  having  missed  the 
traders  to  their  no  small  good  fortune.  While  at  Sitka, 
Hunt  was  informed  that  after  the  sailing  of  the 
Lark,  fearing  she  might  be  intercepted,  Astor  had 
ordered  purchased  in  England  a  British  bottom,  to  be 
sent  with  supplies  to  Astoria.  That  Astor  might  be 
informed  how  his  interests  stood  in  that  quarter, 
Hunt  left  Halsey  at  Sitka,  and  sailed  northward, 
landing  Farnham  on  the  coast  of  Kamchatka,  with 
directions  to  proceed  through  Asia  and  across  the 
Atlantic  with  despatches,  which  journey  he  success- 
fully accomplished.  Sailing  thence  southward,  the 
Pedler  soon  reached  the  coast  of  California,  where  she 
was  seized  by  the  Spanish  corvette  Tarjle  in  August, 
but  soon  released.  From  San  Bias15  Seton  was  sent 
by  way  of  Panama,  to  New  York,  while  the  Pedler  con- 
tinued her  way  round  Cape  Horn.  Arriving  safely 
upon  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  Hunt  took  up  his  resi- 
dence at  St  Louis,  and  was  subsequently  made  gov- 
ernor of  the  state. 

Astor  was  deeply  chagrined  at  the  failure  of  his 
cherished  scheme.  Throughout  his  whole  life  the  dis- 
appointment never  left  him.  He  declared  he  would 
never  give  it  up,  would  never  abandon  that  territory 
to  the  Northwest  Company  after  their  shameful  tr< 
ment  of  him;  though  what  they  had  done  to  him  that 
he  would  not  gladly  have  done  to  them,  had  he  pos- 
;ed  the  power,  the  impartial  student  of  those  times 

15  Arch.  Col,  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlv.  3-6.  She  was  not,  as  has 
been  somewhere  stated,  sent  as  a  prize  to  San  Bias. 


236  TRANSFER  OF  FORT  ASTORIA. 

fails  to  discover.  These,  however,  were  but  the  idle 
threats  attending  defeat.  The  departure  of  Hunt  for- 
ever closed  the  business  of  Astor  upon  the  Pacific.16 


1G  In  Irving's  eyes,  Astor's  pride  and  Astor's  money  were  the  only 
Not  a  bewailing  word  is  said  in  Astoria  of  the  sacrifice  of  sixty-three  lives  in 
this  speculation,  not  one  of  which  was  Astor's.  Let  us  reckon  them ;  and 
we  shall  likewise  find  that  most  of  these  deaths  were  needless,  arising  from 
the  ignorance,  stupidity,  or  brutality  of  Astor's  chosen  agents.  Thorn,  of 
the  Tonquin,  must  alone  stand  responsible  for  thirty-three,  eight  on  the  bar 
and  twenty-seven  at  Xootka  Sound,  the  only  redeeming  feature  here  being 
that  he  was  among  them.  By  the  land  expedition  five  Mere  lost ;  at  Astoria, 
three;  by  the  shipwreck  of  the  Lark;  eight;  in  the  Shoshone  country,  nine; 
in  the  final  departure,  three.  To  use  the  projector's  own  words,  this  was  the 
concern  which  'was  to  have  annihilated  the  South  Company;  extinguished 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company ;  driven  the  Russians  into  the  Frozen  Ocean ;  and 
with  the  resources  of  China  to  have  enriched  America.'  Boss*  Adv.,  283. 
Other  authorities  which  may  be  properly  mentioned  are,  Kane's  Wand*  rings, 
177;  Boston  in  the  Northwest,  MS.,  passim;  Lfc  and  Frost's  Ten  Years  in 
Or.,  223:  Greenhorn's  Or.  and  Col.,  294-300;  Harvey's  Life  of  McLoughlin, 
MS.,  3;  Victor's  Biver  of  tht  West,  43;  Parker's  F.  ploring  Tour,  155;  Farn- 
ham's  Pict.  Travels,  446;  Townsend's  Nar.,  L82;  Hine's  Or.  Hist.,  89;  Gray's 
Or.,  19;  Butler's  Wild  North  Land,  317;  Steven*  Xorth>r"M,  4;  EllicoU's 
PugetSound,  MS.,  17;  /.  -f.  Astor,  in  Hunt's  Mer.  Mag.,  xi.  153-9;  N.  Am. 
B<  w  w,  xliv.  200-4;  Niles'  Beg.,  iv.  267;  A  nd-  rson's  Northun  st  <  'oast,  MS.,  98; 
Tucker's  Hist.  Or..  32-.~>;  40-1;  Salem  Statesman,  June  7.  1871;  Findlay's 
Directory,  i.  362;  Annates  des  Vn>/.,xxn.  287-91;  Am.  Quart.  Beg.,iv.  390-4; 
D'Orbigny,  Voy.,  473-4;  Am.  St.  Pap.,  xxi.  1009-13;  Goyner's  Lost  Trapper, 
222-34;  Evans'  Or.,  MS.,  97;  Thornton's  Or.  andCal.,  i.  303;  Sproat's  Scenes 
and  Studies,  10-11;  Twiss'  Hist.  Or.,  23-5,  235-9;  Sivan's  Northwest  Coast, 
223-239;  Baylie's  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  19th  Gong.,  1st  Sess.,  II.  Bept., 
213;  27th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  II.  Com.  'Bept.  1,  p.  21-2;  Annals  Cow/rets,  1S22-3, 
1210-21. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE    NORTHWEST   COAST    UNDER   THE   NORTHWEST 
COMPANY'S    REGIME. 

1813-1814. 

The  Northwest  Company  Masters  of  the  Situation — Expedition  to  the 
Upper  Columbia — The  Toll-gatherers  of  the  Cascades — Division 
of  the  Party  at  Walla  Walla — Reed  Teaps  in  the  Shoshone 
Country — Doings  at  Okanagan  and  Spokane — Keith  and  Stuart 
Set  Out  from  Fort  George  for  Lake  Superior— War  at  the  Cas- 
cades— Alexander  Henry  in  the  Willamette  Valley — New  Site 
Surveyed  for  Fort  George— First  Northwest  Brigade  from  the 
Mouth  of  the  Columbia  to  Montreal — Destruction  of  Reed's 
Party  by  the  Shoshones—  Thrilling  Tale  of  Pierre  Dorion's  Wife — 
Arrival  of  the  'Isaac  Todd'  at  Fort  George — The  First  White 
Woman  in  Oregon — Death  of  Donald  McTavish  the  New  Com- 
mander at  Fort  George. 

The  defeat  too  often  attendant  on  pioneer  enter- 
prises is  accomplished  at  Astoria,  and  the  victor  lias 
the  field.  For  the  present  the  Montreal  merchants 
may  lord  it  over  a  measureless  area  of  fur-producing 
mountains  and  plains  unquestioned;  may  dominate 
hordes  of  their  fellow-men,  entering  in  and  of  their 
substance  slaying  and  eating.  For,  ponderous  as  is 
the  machinery  of  their  rivals  round  Hudson  Bay,  its 
influence  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  is  yet  scarcely 
felt  unless,  indeed,  it  intensifies  the  energy  of  the 
Northwest  Company  in  that  quarter.  The  battle- 
ground of  the  two  great  British  companies  lies  upon 
the  eastern  slope,  leaving  the  Northwest  Company 
sole  ruler  of  the  western.  And  as  for  interference 
from  the  United  States,  British  men-of-war  will  guard 
the  seaward  side,  while  the  remembrance  of  the  hard- 

(237) 


23S  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

ships  experienced  by  Hunt,  Crooks,  and  Stuart  in 
their  transniontane  expeditions  are  enough  to  dampen 
enterprise  for  the  present  in  that  direction. 

The  shrewd  Scotchmen  fully  realize  the  lucky  turn 
in  their  affairs;  they  know  things  cannot  remain 
stationary,  and  they  are  determined  to  improve  the 
present  opportunity.  Hence,  expeditions  from  Fort 
Astoria,  or,  as  we  must  now  say,  Fort  George,  rapidly 
succeed  one  another. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  departure 
of  John  Stuart  and  Donald  McKenzie  for  the  posts  of 
the  upper  Columbia.  It  was  on  the  29th  of  October 
1813  that  the  party  set  out.  Besides  the  two  already 
named  were  McGillivray,  Laroche,  McDonald,  Reed, 
and  Cox  who  writes  a  narrative  of  the  expedition, 
with  fifty-five  men.1 

Thrown  off  their  guard  at  the  Cascades  by  the 
peaceable  demeanor  of  the  natives,  the  party  permitted 
themselves  to  be  robbed  of  two  bales.  Hastening 
forward  with  the  remainder  of  their  effects,  at  the 
village  of  the  toll-gatherers  they  encountered  a  for- 
midable band  of  sixty  war-shirted  savages,  with  drawn 
bows,  dancing  kangaroo-like  their  defiance.  Halting 
for  all  to  come  up,  Stuart  undertook  to  amuse  the 
kangaroo-jumpers,  while  his  men,  stealing  to  the  right 

1  Among  the  chief  authorities  for  this  epoch  are  Ross  Cox,  Adventures  on 
the  Columbia  River,  2  vols.  London,  1331,  and  Alexander  Ross,  The  Fur  Hunt- 
ers of  the  Far  West,  2  vols.  London,  1855.  Both  wrote  their  narratives  upon 
the  spot.  In  1811,  Cox  obtained  a  clerkship  in  the  Northwest  Company,  and 
sailed  the  same  year  for  Tort  Astoria  in  the  ship  Beaver.  He  served  at  the 
establishments  on  the  Columbia  live  years,  during  which  time  he  made  fre- 
quent excursions,  and  engaged  in  several  battles  with  the  savages.  In  one  of 
his  expeditions  he  was  lost  for  fourteen  days.  In  April  1S1G  he  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  post  of  Okanagan,  and  the  following  year  resigned,  and  retired 
to  Montreal.  Ross  was  among  the  first  to  join  the  Astor  enterprise,  which  he 
fully  delineates  in  his  A  dveiitures  of  the  First  Settlers  on  the  Oregon, or  Columbia, 
River.  He  sailed  in  the  Tonquin  in  1810,  and  spent  not  less  than  fifteen  years 
in  the  Columbia  region,  after  which  he  settled  at  Red  River,  and  wrote  the 
best  account  of  Lord  Selkirk's  efforts  at  colonization.  To  offset  his  many 
good  qualities,  he  seems  somewhat  loose  in  his  statements,  and  displays  strong 
prejudices.  He  loves  to  parade  to  the  front  all  that  is  bad  in  men,  passing 
lightly  over  their  good  qualities.  His  descriptions  are  graphic,  and  his  book 
contains  much  to  be  found  nowhere  else.  Franchere  is  an  excellent  authority 
as  far  as  he  goes,  but  he  left  the  country  for  Montreal  in  1814. 


OKANAGAN  AND  SPOKANE.  239 

and  left,  seized  some  fifteen  of  the  old  men,  women, 
and  children,  and  held  them  as  hostages  until  the 
stolen  goods  were  returned. 

Arrived  at  Walla  Walla,  Reed  with  eight  men  and 
twenty  horses  turned  toward  the  Shoshone  country 
to  trade  for  beaver.  The  rest  proceeded  to  Okan- 
agan  and  Spokane,  though  not  without  molestation 
from  the  friends  of  the  man  who  was  hanged  by 
Clarke  for  stealing  his  drinking-cup.  From  these 
posts  wintering  parties  were  despatched  to  the  smaller 
trading  establishments  north  and  east.  Cox  and  Mc- 
Millan were  stationed  among  the  chaste  and  chivalrous 
Flatheads,  who  peremptorily  refused  the  all-marrying 
white  man  wives.  Those  at  the  other  stations  fared 
but  little  better.  There  seemed  to  be  but  one  lucky 
suitor  in  those  parts  during  this  winter  of  1813-14, 
and  that  was  Pierre  Michel,  the  hunter,  who  wooed 
a  beautiful  girl  of  sixteen,  and  by  his  blandishments 
won  her  before  all  the  gallants  of  her  tribe.  But 
Michel  had  often  helped  them  in  their  wars,  and  they 
cunningly  weighed  his  future  services  before  consent- 
ing to  the  alliance.  McDonald  wintered  at  Kam- 
loops,  and  in  December,  Montigny  left  Okanagan 
and  joined  him.  On  the  way  he  was  attacked  and 
robbed  of  some  horses;  elsewhere  in  this  region  the 
natives  were  peaceable. 

McGillivray,  who  was  in  charge,  found  fort  life  at 
Okanagan  intolerably  dull.  His  men  were  part  Cana- 
dians and  part  Kanakas;  the  latter  suffered  severely 
from  the  cold,  to  which  they  were  unaccustomed.  The 
snow,  which  was  two  or  three  feet  deep,  prevented 
distant  excursions,  and  the  fort  boasted  lew  books. 
Time  was  divided  between  sleeping,  masticating  horse- 
fle  h,  sipping  rum  and  molasses,  and  smoking.  The 
natives  were  pronounced  too  lazy  to  trap. 

q  McKenzie  and  John  Stuart  had  completed 
their  business  at  Spokane,  they  proceeded  with  Clarke 
to  Okanagan,  where  they  arrived  the  15th  of  Decem- 
ber.    There  they  were  joined  by  David  Stuart,  who 


240  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

had  brought  the  men  down  from  Shush wap.  Accom- 
panied by  Ross  all  now  set  out  for  the  lower  Colum- 
bia. On  reaching  the  Cascades,  as  was  now  becoming 
customary,  the  party  was  attacked  and  one  man 
wounded.  David  Stuart  and  Clarke  remained  behind 
with  the  loaded  canoes,  while  John  Stuart  and  Mc- 
Kenzie  hastened  on  to  Fort  George,  where  they  ar- 
rived the  7th  of  January  1814.2 

A  few  clays  before,  those  who  had  been  sent  by  the 
Pacific  Fur  Company  to  winter  on  the  Willamette 
returned.  Nothing  had  been  heard  from  Reed's 
party,  who  were  among  the  Shoshones,  and  fears 
were  beginning  to  be  entertained  for  their  safety. 

After  thus  gathering  the  spoil,  and  planting  new 
engineries  for  further  harvests,  the  next  step  of  the 
Northwest  Company  was  to  despatch  two  of  their 
partners,  James  Keith  and  Alexander  Stuart,  with 
seventeen3  men,  all  they  thought  they  should  require, 
to  carry  the  gratifying  intelligence  of  their  new  ac- 
quisition to  Fort  William  on  Lake  Superior.  They 
were  likewise  to  cause  preparations  to  be  made  along 
the  route  for  the  accommodation  of  a  larger  party, 
the  return  wave  of  the  Astor  adventure,  the  follow- 
ing spring.  Likewise  the  fate  of  Reed's  party  was, 
if  possible,  to  be  ascertained. 

Keith  and  Stuart  embarked  in  two  canoes  the  3d 
of  January.  Before  leaving  the  fort,  they  were 
earnestly  advised  not  to  undertake  the  expedition 
with  so  few  men.  But  the  eyes  of  their  little  world 
were  upon  them.  There  had  been  boastings  and  taunts 
between  the  servants  of  the  two  companies,  as  to 
their  respective  knowledge,  skill,  and  bravery  as  fur- 
hunters,  and  friends  and  enemies  alike  were  now  to  be 
shown  a  thing  or  two.  Before  reaching  the  Cascades 
they  met  the  party  under  McKenzie  and  John  Stuart, 
who   interposed    another   warning.      "What    do    you 

2  Following  Ross;  Franchere  says  the  morning  of  the  6th.  But  these  little 
differences  are  wholly  unimportant,  and  as  a  rule  I  take  no  notice  of  them. 

3  According  to  Cox ;  Ross  says  twenty ;  Franchere,  fifteen. 


WAR  AT  THE  CASCADES.  241 

take  us  for?  We  know  the  woods;  we  are  North- 
westers!" was  the  reply.  And  on  they  went,  making 
the  forest  ring  with  their  merry  bravado. 

When  McKenzie  reported  at  Fort  George  the 
late  determined  attack  at  the  Cascades,  McDonald 
became  alarmed,  and  ordered  Franchere  with  a  guide 
and  eight  good  fighting  men,  well  armed,  to  hasten 
forward  to  the  assistance  of  the  eastward  bound.  In 
less  than  two  hours  after  McKenzie's  arrival,  Fran- 
chere was  on  his  way;  but  he  was  too  late.  Before 
he  could  reach  them  the  party  had  been  attacked,  and 
Alexander  Stuart  badly  wounded. 

The  canoes  and  a  portion  of  the  goods  had  been 
conveyed  to  the  landing  above,  where  Stuart  waited 
for  Keith  to  come  up  with  the  men  loaded  with  the 
remainder.  It  was  then  that  a  native  seized  a  bag  of 
effects  guarded  by  Stuart,  who  immediately  pursued 
the  thief,  and  secured  the  bag.  But  in  returning  he  was 
surrounded  by  savages,  who  fired  upon  him,  sending 
one  arrow  into  his  shoulder,  and  into  his  side  another 
which  would  have  proved  fatal  had  the  point  not 
struck  against  a  stone  pipe  which  was  in  his  pocket. 
Stuart  levelled  his  gun,  but  being  wet  it  missed 
fire.  Again  he  levelled  it,  and  shot  the  nearest  as- 
sailant dead.  By  this  time  the  others  were  upon  him, 
and  he  would  soon  have  been  despatched  had  not 
several  rushed  to  his  assistance.  Another  native  was 
killed,  and  the  rest  retired  to  their  boats  and  crossed 
the  river.  Presently  was  seen,  however,  a  swarm  of 
canoes  filled  with  warriors  crossing  from  the  other 
side.  And  all  that  remained  for  the  travellers  now  to 
do  was  to  abandon  the  goods  and  one  canpc,  and  with 
the  other  to  drop  down  the  rapids  and  save  them- 
selves. This  they  did,  mustering  below  all  their  num- 
ber but  one,  an  eastern  Indian,  who  was  burning  to 
have  a  shot  or  two  at  his  western  brethren.  The 
party  waited  for  him  as  long  as  was  safe,  and  then 
reluctantly  proceeded.     Fortunately,  the  brave  fellow 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    1C 


242  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

found  his  way  to  the  factory,  but  in  a  sad  plight. 
When  he  found  himself  abandoned,  he  dodged  from 
rock  to  rock  until  he  gained  the  woods;  but  while  on 
his  way  the  flint  from  his  gun  dropped  out,  and  he 
was  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  Then  he  was  made 
prisoner  at  a  village  below,  and  was  ransomed  by  his 
friends  at  the  fort. 

Mr  Stuart's  wounds  were  painful,  and  for  a  time 
considered  dangerous.  Too  late  they  saw  their  error, 
and  in  not  the  best  of  spirits  they  paddled  down  the 
river.  They  had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  met 
Franchere,  sent  to  their  assistance,  and  all  returned 
to  Fort  George,  where  they  arrived  the  9th  of  January 
at  sunrise. 

For  obvious  reasons  the  white  men  could  not  per- 
mit this  outrage  to  pass  unnoticed.  Amongst  the 
abandoned  property  were  fifty  guns  and  a  quantity  of 
ammunition,  which  it  was  not  safe  to  leave  in  the 
hands  of  the  plunderers.  Again,  if  theft  should  be- 
come profitable,  there  would  be  no  safety  for  the  prop- 
erty of  the  white  man.  Nor  yet  would  there  be  for 
his  life,  if  he  inflicted  punishment  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  stir  up  revenge.  No  doubt  it  would  be  most  pleas- 
ing to  these  fur-hunters  to  invade  the  Cascade  country 
in  sufficient  force  to  assess  a  thousand  lives  for  each 
of  Stuart's  wounds.  But  they  knew  well  enough 
that  a  serious  fight  would  bring  on  a  general  war, 
which  would  prove  the  end  of  all  their  glittering 
prospects. 

To  piety  and  the  pocket,  passion  must  ever  be  sac- 
rificed. Hence,  while  this  affair  should  not  be  passed 
by  unnoticed,  there  must  be  no  great  bloodshed,  for 
the  more  savages  killed,  the  more  there  would  be  to 
pay  for. 

Summoning  the  native  chiefs  in  that  vicinity,  a 
grand  council  was  held  at  Fort  George,  and  diplomatic 
war  declared.  The  Chinooks  nothing  loath  accepted 
an  invitation  to  join  the  party.  Under  command  of 
McTavish   sixty-two    men,   armed    cap-d-pie,   in    six 


TREATY  OF  TEACE.  243 

canoes  carrying  a  small  brass  cannon,  embarked  on 
the  10th,  and  the  third  day  landed  on  Strawberry 
Island  near  the  foot  of  the  rapids. 

The  army  now  found  itself  without  provisions, 
chiefly  on  account  of  not  having  brought  any.  By 
scouring  the  banks  below,  they  were  able  to  purchase 
forty-five  dogs  and  one  horse,  which  were  brought  in 
triumph  to  camp,  and  the  stomach  of  the  expedition 
was  stayed. 

Business  being  next  in  order,  a  party  was  sent  fo  - 
ward  to  reconnoitre.  The  villages  were  deserted,  but 
certain  stragglers  were  encountered,  who  were  in- 
formed that  if  the  stolen  property  was  not  immedi- 
ately restored,  the  nation  should  be  annihilated;  and 
by  way  of  illustration  the  cannon  was  fired.  "  Two  of 
our  people  have  been  killed,"  replied  the  chiefs  when 
told  of  this.  "Deliver  us  the  murderers,  and  we  will 
give  }tou  back  all  your  property." 

McTavish  then  sent  an  invitation  to  the  chiefs  to 
parley  and  smoke,  but  the  childlike  savages  respect- 
fully declined.  Next  he  undertook  to  catch  a  chief,  and 
in  this  he  was  more  successful.  Inviting  one  after  an- 
other of  the  common  Indians  to  smoke,  he  permitted 
them  to  depart,  until  the  principal  chief  ventured 
in,  when  he  was  seized,  firmly  bound,  and  a  guard 
placed  over  him. 

"Now,"  cried  the  white  men,  "bring  in  the  stolen 
goods,  or  your  chief  dies."  A  distant  howl  was  heard, 
and  presently  the  plunder  came  pouring  in  until  all 
the  guns  and  about  one  third  of  the  rest  of  the  arti- 
cles were  recovered.  Then,  as  they  could  get  no  more, 
it  was  finally  decreed  that  the  natives  might  have  the 
remainder  in  payment  for  their  two  killed.  The  pris- 
oner was  accordingly  released,  and  a  flag  given  him, 
which,  if  he  wished  to  signal  peace,  he  was  to  present 
unfurled;  and  if  hereafter  any  native  approached  goods 
in  transit,  he  should  surely  be  shot.  Then  all  returned 
to  the  fort,  which  they  reached  the  22d.  The  truth 
is,   some  such   course   was   the  only  safe   one  at  the 


2U  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

time;  but  the  Chinook  chiefs  were  ashamed  of  their 
white  friends'  cowardice. 

The  post  upon  the  Willamette4  was  now  in  charge 
of  Alexander  Henry,  and  thither  until  the  spring 
brigade  should  start,  repaired  the  remnant  of  the 
Astor  adventure.  It  was  a  place  of  fat  things  and 
lea  stings,  a  place  in  that  day  notorious  for  gorman- 
dizing, as  Ross  says,  which  even  before  the  era  of 
agriculture  furnished  the  fur-hunters  throughout  the 
whole  Columbia  region  well  nigh  all  they  had  in  the 
shape  of  delicacies,  unless  hunger  had  made  dried 
salmon  and  dog-meat  delicacies.  Hunters  were  con- 
stantly kept  there  to  bring  in  deer  and  elk,  and  men 
to  dry  the  meat  for  the  use  of  the  factory. 

For  the  remainder  of  the  winter,  after  a  trip  to  the 
Willamette,  Franchere  was  employed  in  visiting  at 
intervals  the  fishing-stations  of  the  natives,  and 
trading  for  salmon,  some  of  which  wTere  sent  fresh 
to  the  fort,  and  the  remainder  salted  and  barrelled. 
Notwithstanding  advantageous  offers  from  the  North- 
west Company,  Franchere  made  his  final  departure 
with  the  spring  brigade. 

Meanwhile,  Governor  John  McDonald,  he  of  the 
crooked  arm,  sought  in  various  ways  to  better  the 
condition  of  things.  The  site  of  the  fort  he  thought 
had  been  badly  chosen,  and  after  a  close  survey  of 
both  banks  of  the  river  for  some  distance  above,  he 
concluded  the  headland,  which  the  Astorians  had 
called  Tongue  Point,  to  be  the  better  situation.  Soil 
and  drainage  there  were  good;  on  either  side  nature 
had  placed  a  cove  which  sheltered  boats;  and  protec- 
tion from  enemies  by  land  or  sea  w^as  better  there.  In 
the  brain  of  great  men  are  engendered  great  ideas. 

1  The  exact  locality  of  this  establishment  is  nowhere  given.  Franchere,  in 
visiting  it  in  1814,  says,  after  passing  the  falls,  '  The  banks  on  either  side  were 
bordered  with  forest-trees,  but  behind  that  narrow  belt,  diversiried  with 
prairie,  the  landscape  was  magnificent;  the  hills  were  of  moderate  elevation, 
and  rising  in  an  amphitheatre.'  From  which  description  one  would  infer  the 
station  to  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of  where  now  is  situated  Corvallis. 


EASTERX-BOUXD  BRIGADE.  243 

This  pinnacle  should  be  cleared,  and  on  it  a  fortress 
raised  which  should  be  the  Gibraltar  of  the  Northwest 
Coast.  An  engineer  mounted  the  rampart  and  walked 
over  the  ground;  work  was  begun;  great  guns  and 
big  black  balls  were  ordered;  then  the  project  was 
abandoned. 

Governor  John  McDonald  likewise  desired  greatly 
to  map  out  a  plan  which  should  regulate  the  trad..'  of 
the  Columbia  as  the  railway  train  is  ruled,  by  time- 
tables; but  conflict  of  opinion  prevented  this,  and 
therefore  this  gentleman  determined  to  leave  the 
coast  with  the  spring  brigade.  Here  end  the  achieve- 
ments of  John  McDonald  on  these  Pacific  shores. 

It  was  a  grand  affair,  this  journey  of  the  first  North- 
west brigade  from  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  to  Fort 
William  and  Montreal;  it  was  at  once  a  triumph  and  a 
dead-march.  Ten  canoes,  five  of  bark  and  five  of 
cedar,  each  carrying  a  crew  of  seven  and  two  pas- 
sengers, ninety  in  all,5  and  all  well  armed,  embarked 
at  Fort  George  on  Monday  morning,  the  4th  of  April 
1814.  Of  the  party  were  John  George  McTavish, 
John  McDonald,  John  Stuart,  David  Stuart,  Clarke, 
McKenzie,  Pillot,  Wallace,  McGillis,  Franchere,  and 
others,  some  of  whom  were  destined  for  the  upper 
stations.  Short  was  the  leave-taking  for  so  large  a 
Company,  for  there  were  now  not  many  left  at  the  fort 
to  say  farewell.  The  voyageurs  donned  their  broadest 
bonnets;  arms  were  glittering,  flags  flying,  the  guns 
sounded  their  adieu,  and  midst  ringing  cheers,  in 
gayest  mood  the  party  rounded  Tongue  Point,  and 
placed  their  breast  against  the  current. 

Peaching  the  first  fall  the  10th  and  there  buying 
and  devouring  thirty  dogs  and  four  horses,  the  sink- 

5  Ross,  Fur  Hunters,  i.  17,  places  these  figures  at  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
four  men  in  fourteen  boats;  but  1  notice  Mr  Ross'  figures  are  usually 
somewhat  above  those  of  others,  and  many  of  his  expressions  likev.  ise  sound 
exaggerated,  so  that  a  careful  writer  naturally  makes  some  allowance  in 
repeating  them.  In  this  instance  there  may  possibly  have  been  i  mr  canoes 
and  thirty-fonr  men  destined  for  other  parts  not  mentioned  by  any  other  nar- 
rator, but  it  is  hardly  probable. 


246  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

ing  of  McTavish's  canoe  next  day  in  doubling  a 
point  of  rock,  the  accidental  shooting  of  one  of  their 
number  at  the  Dalles  so  that  he  died,  the  arrival  at 
Walla  Walla  the  16th  and  the  purchasing  there  for 
food  of  more  dogs  and  horses,  were  among  the  chief 
incidents  of  the  voyage. 

But  now  a  more  momentous  story  must  be  told. 
Soon  after  passing  the  Yakima  River,  not  far  above 
the  mouth  of  Snake  River,  three  canoes  shot  from 
the  shore  and  a  child's  voice  was  heard  crying,  ArrStez 
done!  arretez  done!  The  party  stopped,  and  found, 
to  their  surprise,  in  one  of  the  boats  the  wife  and 
children  of  Pierre  Dorion,  who,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, had  attended  as  hunter  the  expedition  of  John 
Reed,  sent  the  summer  previous  by  McDougall  to 
the  Shoshone  region  to  procure  food  and  transporta- 
tion across  the  mountains  for  the  eastern-bound  bri- 
gade. Mr  Reed  was  likewise  to  join  the  hunters, 
Hoback,  Rezner,  and  Robinson,  left  by  Hunt  and 
Crooks  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Henry,  and  with  them 
to  trap  beaver.  In  Reed's  party  were  five  Canadians : 
Landrie,  Le  Clerc,  Turcot,  Delauny,  and  Chapelle, 
besides  Pierre  Dorion  and  his  wife  and  children.  The 
woman  now  informed  the  company,  that  of  them  all 
she  and  her  children  alone  remained  alive. 

Then  she  went  on  and  told  how  the  party  had 
reached  Snake  River  in  August  and  had  built  a  house 
there;  how  they  trapped  beaver  all  the  autumn;  how 
Landrie  had  died  from  the  fall  of  a  horse,  and  Delauny 
had  been  killed  while  trapping,  and  how,  late  in  Sep- 
tember, Hoback,  Robinson,  and  Rezner  had  come 
into  camp  in  a  pitiable  condition,  having  been  stripped 
of  everything  by  the  savages. 

Not  liking  that  locality,  Reed  moved  up  the  river  and 
built  another  house  to  winter  in.  Shortly  afterward 
Pierre  Dorion  and  family,  with  Rezner  and  Le  Clerc, 
went  some  four  days'  journey  to  a  place  where  beaver 
were  plentiful,  and  there  erected  a  hut.  The  woman 
cooked  and  dressed  the  skins  while  the  men  trapped. 


MADAME  DORIOX'S  TALE.  247 

They  were  very  successful,  and  regarded  the  natives 
as  friendly,  until  one  evening  in  January  Le  Clerc 
staggered  into  the  hut  mortally  wounded.  He  had 
barely  strength  to  tell  the  woman  that  her  husband 
and  Rezner  had  boon  wounded  by  the  savagi  s,  when 
he  expired.0 

What  could  the  pale-faced,  bedizened  dame  of  our 
civilization  have  done  in  such  an  emergency?  With 
the  characteristic  self-possession  and  energy  of  the 
native  American  in  times  of  danger,  this  woman 
paused  not  an  instant  to  mourn  this  cruel  blow,  but 
acting  on  maternal  instinct,  she  mounted  herself  and 
boys  on  two  horses,  and  fled  toward  the  establishment 
of  Reed.  How  she  listened  and  trembled  as  she 
hastened  forward,  fancying  every  sound  the  signal  of 
approaching  death.  When  she  saw  savages  galloping 
in  the  distance,  she  would  draw  her  treasures  under 
cover,  and  hide  there  until  the  wTay  was  clear  again. 
A  little  food  she  brought  with  her,  but  sometimes  all 
night  she  was  without  fire  or  water.  The  fourth  day 
she  reached  Reed's.  There  accumulated  horrors  met 
her.  The  house  was  burned,  the  place  deserted,  and 
the  blood-bespattered  ground  told  too  plainly  how 
and  why.     Reed  and  the  rest  had  been  massacred! 

What  could  the  poor  woman  now  do?  Where 
were  they  waiting  and  watching  who  should  destroy 
her  and  her  two  precious  boys?  There  was  no  time 
for  wailing.  Toward  the  Blue  Mountains,  now  white 
with  deep  snow,  she  fled,  and  buried  herself  there  for 
the  winter,  putting  up  bark  and  a  few  skins  which 
she   had  brought  with  her   for  protection  from   the 

6It  is  pure  romance  on  the  part  of  Irving  to  place  this  poor  fellow  on 
horseback  and  jolt  him  horribly  for  three  days  before  he  permits  liim  to  die. 
See  Astoria,  495;  ( 'ox's  ( 'olumbia  Rivi  r,  i.  278;  Franch  re's  Nar.,  274.  Ross, 
Adv.,  279,  as  usual  era  badly  mixed,  killing  Chapelle  with  Dorion 

and  Rezner.and  permitting  the  madam  to  ride  three  days  becau  eof  a  frightre- 
ceived  from  a  friendly  Indian  before  she  sees  Le  Clerc  .-it  all.  I  i  amusing 
to  compare  different  accounts  of  the  same  story,  all  a  but  one 

original  narrator.     These  things  illustrate,  nevertheless,  fch  founda- 

tions of  all  history.     In   telling  this   story,  Irving  taki 
verbatim  from  Rosa  and  I  ox  without  a  sign  of  acknowledgment;  I 
however,  were  little  read  in  America  in  living's  day. 


248  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

cold,  and  killing  the  horses  for  food.  Thence  in  the 
spring  she  descended  to  the  Walla  Wallas,  who  treated 
her  kindly,  and  it  was  they  who  were  now  with  her. 
This  was  her  true  story.  What  fiction  shall  equal 
it?  There  is  not  a  doubt  that  this  wholesale  butch- 
ery was  in  retaliation  for  the  unjust  hanging  done 
by  Clarke  for  the  stealing  of  his  drinking-cup.  So 
much  of  evil  in  this  wilderness  life  may  one  sense- 
less act  of  a  vain  and  shallow-headed  man  bring  upon 
his  fellows!  The  hospitality  of  the  kind-hearted 
Walla  Wallas  was  well  rewarded  by  the  travellers, 
who  also  presented  the  poor  woman  with  certain  com- 
forts, and  then  continued  their  way. 

After  leaving  some  of  the  party  at  their  respective 
posts,  on  the  18th  of  April  the  brigade  passed  Priests 
Rapids,  and  arrived  on  the  23d  at  Okanagan  where 
were  McGillivray,  Ross,  and  Montigny  who  had  taken 
service  with  the  Northwest  Company.  Reembarking 
the  same  day,  the  brigade  reached  Kettle  Falls  on  the 
29th.  Here  John  Stuart  and  Clarke,  who  had  left 
the  party  nine  days  previous  for  Spokane,  to  procure 
horses  and  provisions,  returned  unsuccessful. 

The  brigade  then  divided,  McDonald,  John  Stuart, 
and  McKenzie  going  forward  in  order  to  send  horses 
and  supplies  from  the  east  side  of  the  mountains. 
Two  days  after,  Alexander  Stuart  joined  the  company, 
on  his  way  to  Slave  Lake,  his  old  wintering -place, 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  his  family  to  the  Colum- 
bia. Then  they  continued,  until  the  11th  of  May 
saw  them  at  Canoe  River.  Ascending  this  stream 
to  the  end  of  canoe  navigation,  they  landed  where 
Thompson  had  wintered  in  1810-11,  secured  the  boats, 
and  divided  the  baggage  and  provisions  among  the 
men,  now  reduced  in  number  to  twenty-four,  each 
having  fifty  pounds  to  carry.  Such  articles  as  could 
not  be  carried  were  cached. 

Next  day,  the  12th,  the  march  across  the  moun- 
tains to  the  head-waters  of  the  Athabasca  River  was 
begun.      Following    the    stream    upward,    first    they 


THE  MOUNTAIN   P  i  249 

waded  sonic  swamps,  then  traversed  ;i  dense  forest, 
emerging  from  which  they  found  themselves  upon 
the  gravelly  bank  of  Canoe  River.  Owing  to  the 
bluffs  which  rose  at  intervals  on  either  side  from  the 
water's  edge,  they  were  obliged  to  cross  the  stream, 
which  here  is  very  swift  ana  often  up  to  the  neck, 
ten  times  in  one  day.  Four  or  live  feel  of  snow  lay 
upon  the  slope,  which  they  were  now  obliged  to  fare. 
and  softened  as  it  was  by  the  sun  the  ascent  was  very 
difficult.  In  single  file,  each  must  place  his  foot  in  the 
track  of  his  predecessor,  until  holes  were  made  two 
feet  in  depth. 

At  length  they  reached  an  open  space  which  the 
guide  pronounced  a  frozen  snow-covered  lake,  or  rather 
two  of  them,  the  waters  of  one  flowing  westward, 
and  the  waters  of  the  other  eastward,  situated  between 
two  rocky  eminences,  one  of  which  rose  like  a  fortress 
fifteen  hundred  feet  above  the  lake.  Mr  J.  Henry. 
the  discoverer  of  this  pass,  gave  it  the  name  of 
McGillivrav  Rock.  Their  route  was  now  through 
the  pass  anil  down  the  Athabasca  River,  and  though 
fatiguing  was  not  remarkable.  On  the  17th,  they  ar- 
rived at  an  old  post  of  the  Northwest  Company 
abandoned  some  four  years  previous,  and  two  days 
after  they  reached  the  Rocky  Mountain  House,  then 
in  charge  of  Mr  Decoigne,  where  they  found  Mc- 
Donald, Stuart,  and  McKenzic,  who  had  arrived  two 
days  before  them.  This  post  was  more  a  provision 
depot  for  the  supplying  of  the  Northwest  Company's 
people  in  their  passage  of  the  mountains,  than  a 
fur-hunting  establishment.  The  glittering  crystal  emi- 
nences on  which  was  perched  the  curved-horn  moun- 
tain-goat, beyond  the  reach  even  of  hungry  wolves; 
the  deep,  dense  forests,  snow-whited  and  sepulchral; 
the  rushing  streams,  laughing  or  raging  according 
as  their  progress  was  impeded;  the  roistering  torrent 
which  no  cold,  dead,  calm  breath  of  nature  could 
hush;  these  and  like  superlative  beauties  met  the  ■ 
of  these  foot-sore  travellers  at  every  turn. 


250  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

It  was  not  the  best  of  hotels;  being  unaccustomed 
to  so  large  a  number,  it  could  neither  feed  them  nor 
furnish  bark  for  canoes.  Down  the  river  at  an  old 
post  called  Hunter's  Lodge,  Mr  Decoigne  said,  were 
canoes  en  cache,  and  thither  the  party  proceeded  in 
such  boats  as  they  could  improvise  from  skins  and 
sticks,  drowning  two  men,  however,  on  the  way,  and 
losing  part  of  their  effects. 

Just  before  arriving  at  Hunter's  Lodge,  which  was 
reached  on  the  28th,  they  met  a  messenger  who 
brought  letters  and  the  news.  Four  new  birch-bark 
canoes  were  found  at  Hunter's  Lodge,  and  in  these 
the  party  proceeded  on  the  31st.  Then  down  the 
Athabasca,  and  across  to  Beaver  River,  down  Beaver 
to  Moore  River,  and  up  that  stream  to  Moore  Lake, 
thence  to  Fort  Vermilion  on  the  Saskatchewan,  and 
down  past  Fort  Montee  and  Cumberland  House  to 
English  Lake.  Across  this  they  went  to  lakes  Bour- 
bon and  Winnipeg,  up  the  Winnipeg  River  to  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods,  and  over  the  portage  to  Fort 
William,  where  they  arrived  on  the  14th  of  July. 
And  here  we  will  leave  them  to  find  their  several 
ways  to  Montreal  and  elsewhere,  and  return  to 
own  side  of  the  continent. 


our 


In  less  than  a  fortnight  after  the  spring  brigade 
had  taken  its  departure,  that  is  to  say,  the  17th  of 
April  1814,  the  long  looked  for  Isaac  Todd  crossed 
the  bar  and  anchored  before  Fort  George,  thirteen 
months  from  England.  On  board  as  passengers  were 
Donald  McTavish  and  a  new  John  McDonald,  not 
the  late  governor  of  the  fortress,  partners ;  two  Mc- 
Tavishes,  one  Frazer,  and  one  McKenzie,  clerks,  and  a 
Doctor  Swan,  who  was  to  grace  the  fort  as  its  physi- 
cian. 

One  of  the  Macs,  doomed  to  the  perils  of  western 
life  yet  loath  all  at  once  to  relinquish  every  creature 
comfort,  had  brought  with  him  some  bottled  porter, 
canned  beef,  cheese,  and  a  blue-eyed,  flaxen-haired 


MISS  -TAX;:  BAR]  251 

female  companion.  It  is  a  pity  thai  the  first  Euro- 
pean woman  to  stand  upon  the  banks  of  the  Columbia 
should  have  been  of  so  questionable  a  character.  A 
daughter  of  Albion,  Miss  -lane  Barnes  by  name 
may  it  be  immortal — at  the  solicitations  of  this  Mac 
had  resigned  her  position  as  liar-maid  in  a  Ports- 
mouth hotel,  and  had  come  to  this  land  of  doubtful 
pleasures  and  profits,  where  at  once  she  became  an 
object  of  the  deepest  interest  to  all.  Anything  in 
the  similitude  of  civilized  woman  could  but  call  up  in 
the  minds  of  some  the  tenderest  emotions.^  The  more 
carnal-minded  were  scandalized  that  this  lecherous 
Mac  should  so  far  break  the  laws  of  God  and  of  the 
Honorable  Northwest  Company,  as  to  form  an  unholy 
alliance  with  a  frail  fair  one  whose  father  was  no 
chief,  when  fur-trading  interests  demanded  duskier 
relationships.  Make  as  many  unmarried  wives  as 
you  please  of  native  maidens,  and  the  great  inter 
of  commerce  shall  guard  your  good  name,  but  to  bring 
hither  a  white  mistress — what  will  the  savages  say  \ 

Mrs  McDougall  was  envious,  for  pretty  Miss 
Barnes  flaunted  a  new  frock  almost  every  day;  father 
Comcomly  was  curious,  and  one  of  his  sons  who  had 
now  but  four  wives,  was  amorous,  wishing  immediately 
to  marry  her.  Arrayed  in  his  richest  robes,  well 
painted,  and  redolent  of  grease,  he  came  and  laid  at 
her  feet  the  ottering  of  his  heart.  One  hundred  sea- 
otter  skins  her  owner  should  have,  and  she  should 
never  carry  or  dig.  She  should  be  queen  of  the 
Chinooks,  and  all  his  other  wives  should  humble 
themselves  before  her.  Elk,  anchovies,  and  fat 
salmon  should  be  heaped  upon  her  lap,  and  all  the 
livelong  day  sin-  should  sun  herself  and, smoke. 

Miss  Barnes  declined  these  royal  overtures;  and, 
indeed,  she  fou n<  1  the  society  of  the  Columbia  unsuited 
to  her  taste.  She  therefore  determined  to  return  I  < 
England  and  bar-tending  by  the  ship  that  broughl 
her  out,  but  at  Canton  where  the  vessel  touched,  she 
fell  in  love  with  a  wealthy  English  gentleman   of  the 


252  UNDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPANY'S  REGIME. 

Honorable  East  India  Company,  and  consented  to 
grace  a  splendid  establishment  which  he  offered  her. 
The  Isaac  Todd,  it  will  be  remembered,  parted 
company  with  the  three  other  British  war-ships  off 
Cape  Horn.  Being  a  dull  sailer  and  beaten  by  con- 
trary winds,  she  did  not  reach  the  rendezvous  at  Juan 
Fernandez  Island  until  the  others  had  sailed.  Con- 
tinuing thence  her  course  for  the  Columbia  River, 
when  off  California  she  found  herself  obliged  to  put 
into  the  port  of  Monterey  for  supplies.  There  the 
captain  was  told  that  a  British  man-of-war  had 
entered  San  Francisco  Bay  in  distress.  Proceeding 
thither,  he  found' this  vessel  to  be  no  other  than  the 
Raccoon,  which,  on  leaving  the  Columbia,  had  several 
times  struck  so  heavily  as  to  carry  away  part  of  her 
false-keel,  and  cause  her  so  to  leak  that  she  reached 
her  present  anchorage  with  seven  feet  of  water  in  the 
hold.  Finding  it  impossible  to  repair  her,  Captain 
Black  had  determined  to  abandon  the  Raccoon,  and  to 
proceed  through  Mexico  to  the  West  Indies,  and  thence 
to  England;  but  when  the  Isaac  Todd  arrived  to  his 
assistance,  means  were  found  to  careen  the  vessel  and  to 
put  her  in  good  sailing  order.  With  which  charitable 
deed  accomplished,  the  Isaac  Todd  slowly  ploughed 
northward  to  the  Columbia,  while  the  Raccoon  took  to 
the  broad  seas  seeking  whom  she  might  devour. 

Mr  Donald  McTavish,  just  arrived  by  the  Isaac 
Todd,  was  one  of  the  oldest  proprietors  in  the  North- 
west Company.  For  many  years  he  had  been  the 
principal  manager  of  interior  affairs,  and  had  now 
come  hither  for  the  purpose  of  properly  organizing 
this  new  department  of  the  Columbia.  He  was  a 
bold,  blunt  man,  sincere  as  a  friend,  undisguised  as 
an  enemy.  He  had  realized  quite  a  fortune  from  the 
profits  of  the  fur-compai  y  had,  in  fact,  retired;  and 
when  he  had  explored  this  late  vast  acquisition  it  was 
his  intention  to  cross  the  continent  to  Canada,  and 
thence  to  his  estate  in  Scotland. 


TRIAL  AND  EXECUTION.  253 

About  a  month  after  his  arrival,  a  ease  came  up 
which  well  illustrates  the  fur-hunters'  method  of  in- 
flicting justice. 

On  the  river  two  miles  back  of  the  fort  was  a  char- 
coal-pit, where  was  employed  a  half-witted  man  called 
Judge.  He  was  from  Boston,  and  had  crossed  the 
continent  in  Hunt's  party,  suffering  so  severely  on  the 
way  as  to  affect  his  reason.  One  day  this  poor  fellow 
was  found  dead,  his  head  having  been  split  open  with 
his  own  axe,  The  Judge  was  a  harmless  man;  no 
reason  could  be  assigned  for  the  murder. 

All  the  neighboring  chiefs  were  summoned  by 
McTavish  to  assemble  immediately  at  the  fort.  They 
came  the  next  day;  the  matter  was  discussed,  and  a 
reward  offered  for  the  murderer.  After  some  time 
had  elapsed,  the  Clatsop  chief  informed  McTavish 
that  if  he  would  send  men  to  his  village  he  could 
point  out  those  who  did  the  deed,  for  there  were  two 
of  them,  though  not  of  his  tribe.  With  no  small 
manoeuvring,  the  seizure  of  the  accused  was  accom- 
plished, and  they  were  brought  bound  to  the  fort. 

And  now  a  day  was  fixed  for  trial,  and  at  the  time 
appointed  the  chiefs  with  their  wives  assembled  in  the 
large  dining-hall,  and  the  prisoners  were  brought  forth. 
Witnesses  were  examined,  when  it  was  ascertained 
that  two  years  previous  one  of  the  prisoners  had  at- 
tempted to  steal  something  from  a  tent  in  which  was 
the  Judge,  who,  when  the  thief  thrust  in  his  hand, 
cut  it  with  his  knife.  Nursing  his  revenge,  at  length 
the  time  came,  and  the  deed  was  accomplished.  The 
murderers  wen;  unanimously  pronounced  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot  next  morning,  which  was  done. 
Amidst  loud  lamentations  the  friends  took  up  their 
dead.  Mr  McTavish  then  thanked  the  chief  men 
and  women  present  for  their  attendance,  paid  the 
promised  reward,  made  presents,  smoked  the  calumet 
of  peace,  and  dismissed  the  people,  who  departed  well 
satisfied  to  their  home-.  Was  not  this  a  better  way 
than  for  thirty  or  forty  men  to  have  sallied  from  the 


254  UXDER  THE  NORTHWEST  COMPAN'YS  regime. 

fort  and  begun  the  work  of  indiscriminate  slaughter  at 
the  first  village,  shooting  clown  innocent  men,  women, 
and  children  for  a  crime  of  whose  very  existence  those 
thus  killed  were  not  aware,  and  all  in  the  name  of 
humanity  and  justice  t 

Another  murder  trial  came  up  about  this  time, 
resulting  in  the  execution  of  two  natives  for  killing 
three  of  the  Pacific  Company's  men  in  1811.  After 
that  company  had  laid  down  its  authority  the  criminals, 
who  had  fled  at  the  time,  came  back  and  were  cap- 
tured and  shot.  Some  of  the  tribes  not  relishing 
such  summary  proceedings  were  going  to  war  about 
it,  but  the  arrival  of  the  Isaac  Todd  distracted  their 
attention. 

Yet  a  more  melancholy  event  happened  shortly 
after.  Donald  McTavish,  from  whom  was  now  ex- 
pected so  much,  embarked  one  day  with  six  voyageurs 
in  an  open  boat  for  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
where  the  Isaac  Todd  was  lying.  A  gale  was  blow- 
ing at  the  time,  and  when  about  the  middle  of  the 
stream,  by  some  mismanagement  the  sail  was  caught, 
and  the  boat,  swinging  round,  was  struck  by  a  wave 
which  filled  and  sank  it.  McTavish  and  all  the  crew 
but  one  were  drowned.7 

7  'The  present  Centreville  or  Knapton  was  originally  called  Todd  Bay, 
from  the  Isaac  Todd's  anchoring  there.  The  captain  had  sent  word  for  the 
men  at  Astoria  to  come  over  and  get  the  goods  he  had  on  board  for  them,  as 
the  ship  was  in  the  river,  and  the  cargo  was  to  be  delivered  at  tackle's  end. 
McTavish's  errand  was  to  induce  the  captain  to  bring  the  vessel  over  and  dis- 
charge the  cargo  at  Astoria.  The  tombstone  which  there  marks  his  resting- 
place,  calls  to  the  mind  of  every  visitor  the  sad  events. '  Roberts'  Recollections, 
MS.  36. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

1814-1820. 

Ross'  Adventures  in  the  Yakima  Valley — Ross  Attempts  to  Reach  the 
Pacific — Affairs  at  Spokane — Perilous  Position  of  the  Okanagan 
Brigade — The  Spokane  Brigade — In  Council  at  Fort  George — 
Keith  in  Command — Ross  Surveys  the  Entrance  to  the  Columbia — 
Administration  of  Justice — Hostilities  in  the  Willamette  Val- 
ley—Sufferings of  the  Eastern-bound  Brigade — Ross  Examines  the 
Country  between  Shushwap  and  the  Rocky  Mountains — Donald 
McKenzie  Establishes  Fort  Walla  Walla. 

Ross,  McGillivray,  and  Montigny  we  left  at  Okan- 
agan the  23d  of  April  1814.  At  this  fort  there  were 
no  horses  to  transport  inland  the  goods  brought  by 
the  brigade,  and  none  were  nearer  than  the  Yakima 
Valley,1  one  hundred  miles2  to  the  south-west.  Ros^ 
had  been  in  this  valley  before,  while  in  the  service  of 
the  Pacific  Company;  hence  upon  him  devolved  the 
duty  of  bringing  thence  a  supply  of  pack-horses. 
The  Yakima  Valley  was  then  the  great  aboriginal  ren- 
dezvous, where  thousands  of  Cayuses,  Nez  Perces,  and 
other  adjacent  tribes  met  every  spring  to  gather  their 
year's  supply  of  camass,  and  pelua,  a  favorite  food  of 
the  sweet-potato  kind,  while  their  chiefs  held  councils, 
and  determined  the  policy  of  peace  or  war  which 
should  govern  their  movements  until  they  should 
next  meet.  They  were  rich  and  happy  11k 're,  having 
food  and  clothes,  and  multitudes  of  horses. 

1  Called  in  those  days  the  beautiful  Eyakema  Valley. 

2  Rosa  calls  it  two  hundred  miles,  which  would  bring  him  south  of  the 
Dalles;  but  some  credit  is  surely  due  this  writer  that  he  does  not  more  than. 

double  his  distances. 

(205) 


256         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

With  Ross  on  this  expedition  were  Thomas  McKay 
and  three  Canadians  with  their  wives,  taken  to  assist 
in  driving  the  horses,  for  men  were  scarce  at  the  fort. 
The  fourth  night  from  Okanagan  the  party  was  aroused 
by  two  couriers  despatched  by  Sopa,  chief  of  the  Pis- 
quouse,  to  beg  of  them  to  turn  back  or  they  were  all 
dead  men.  But  danger  was  part  of  the  fur-hunters' 
daily  life,  and  they  were  not  to  be  swerved  from  their 
purpose. 

Two  days  after,  they  came  upon  the  encampment, 
which  was  worth  risking  one's  life  to  see.  Imagine  a 
gathering  of  six  thousand  men,  women,  and  children, 
like  threescore  tented  villages  huddled  into  an  un- 
civilized city,  with  ten  thousand  horses,  covering  an 
area  of  six  miles  square,  and  all  making  the  wild 
region  ring  with  their  shouts  of  merriment.  Some 
were  racing,  gambling,  dancing,  while  others  were 
singing,  drumming,  yelling;  the  tramping  of  horses 
and  the  barking  of  dogs,  the  snarling  of  tied  bears 
and  wolves  mingling  with  the  shouts  of  men  and  the 
screams  of  women  and  children.  The  camp  was  cut 
by  crooked  streets,  dividing  the  assemblage  into  groups, 
with  here  rejoicings,  and  there  wailings.  One  thing 
only  was  lacking  to  lift  the  savage  saturnalia  up  to  the 
dignity  of  a  white  man's  inferno — fire-water. 

Sopa  was  right.  There  was  deep  danger  to  the  fur- 
traders  in  approaching  such  a  company.  Ross  saw  it 
when  too  late.  Putting  on  as  bold  a  face  as  his  sink- 
ing heart  would  permit,  he  advanced  to  the  centre  of 
the  camp,  where  stood  the  tent  of  the  chiefs,  to  whom 
he  first  paid  his  respects.  His  reception  was  cool ;  the 
chiefs  were  sullen;  these  white  men  who  hanged  for 
stealing  were  no  favorites.  To  draw  their  thoughts 
from  bloody  abstraction,  Ross  immediately  opened  his 
trinkets  and  began  to  trade  for  horses.  But  as  fast  as 
he  bought,  the  animals,  together  with  those  he  had 
brought  with  him,  were  spirited  away  with  ribald 
jeers  and  3-elling.  It  was  glorious  to  have  the  white 
man  on  the  hip.     But  Ross  well  knew  his  life  de- 


CRITICAL  SITUATION.  237 

pended  on  his  patience;  so  lie  affected  not  to  see  their 
insults,  and  weni  on  trading. 

Two  anxious  days  and  sleepless  nights  thus  passed, 
during  which  the  savages  would  not  permit  the 
strangers  to  rook  or  eat  their  own  food.  They  over- 
turned their  kettle  and  put  out  their  fire,  took  up 
their  guns  and  fired  them  off,  took  from  the  traders 
their  hats,  and  putting-  them  on  their  own  heads, 
strutted  about  with  brutal  laughter.  The  third  day, 
hearing  that  the  women  were  to  be  seized  as  >la\  ■ -. 
he  sent  them  secretly  away  that  night.  Xext  day 
the  savages  were  more  insulting  than  ever.  The  white 
men  were  becoming  faint  with  hunger,  and  while' 
attempting  once  more  to  prepare  some  food,  a  trucu- 
lent chief  called  Yaktana  snatched  a  common  hunt- 
ing-knife from  the  hand  of  one  of  the  Canadians,  who 
instantly  swore  he  would  have  it  back  or  kill  the  thief. 
"Stop!"  shouted  Ross,  whose  hand  instantly  grasped 
his  pistol,  as  the  chief  and  Canadian,  with  eyes  blaz- 
ing hatred,  prepared  for  deadly  encounter.  It  was  a 
critical  moment,  the  most  critical  of  their  lives,  in 
which  a  motion,  a  breath,  the  winking  of  an  eye, 
might  determine  their  destiny.  They  might  kill  each 
a  man,  and  then  die  pierced  by  a  hundred  arrows. 
But  suddenly  flashed  in  the  mind  of  Ross  an  inspira- 
tion, such  as  often  subtile-witted  fur-gatherers  had  re- 
ceived in  dire  dilemmas.  And  now  behold  how  little 
a  thing  may  turn  the  hearts  of  three  thousand  men. 
Drawing  from  his  belt  a  knife  of  more  elaborate 
workmanship  than  the  other,  he  said  to  Yaktana, 
"  Take  this,  my  friend;  it  is  a  chief's  knife;  and  give 
the  other  back."  Yaktana  did  as  requested.  Then  he 
turned  the  new  knife  over  in  his  hand.  Gradually  the 
swell  of  sullen  ferocity  subsided  into  a  smile  of  childish 
gratification,  and  holding  up  his  prize  he  exclaimed, 
"See!  it  is  a  chief's  knife."  Fickle  fortune  was  won. 
The  white  men,  whose  lives  so  lately  hung  by  a  hair, 
were  sav<  d.  Yaktana  harangued  the  crowd  in  behalf 
of  him  who  had  so  adroitly  tickled  his  fancy.     The 

Hist.  >".  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    17 


256         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

pipe  of  peace  was  brought,  and  presents  given  the 
chiefs.  Approaching  business,  Ross  remarked,  "  What 
shall  I  say  to  the  great  white  chief  when  he  asks  me, 
'Where  are  the  horses  you  bought?'"  "Tell  him 
that  every  one  of  them  were  given  you,"  replied 
Yaktana,  whose  pride  was  touched.  To  that  effect 
the  order  went  forth ;  and  as  quickly  as  might  be, 
Ross  and  his  companions  escaped  with  their  horses, 
eighty-five  in  number.  The  wives  of  the  Canadians 
were  overtaken;  and  although  on  the  way  back  Mc- 
Kay dislocated  his  hip,  which  lamed  him  for  life,  the 
party  reached  Okanagan  in  safety.  Fifty-five  horses 
were  then  laden  for  Spokane. 

After  a  visit  to  his  own  post  at  Shushwap,  Ross 
returned  to  Okanagan  and  undertook  an  expedition 
thence  to  the  Pacific,  which  he  had  long  had  in  con- 
templation. With  three  natives  he  set  out  on  the 
25th  of  July  1814,  and  taking  a  southerly  course, 
afterward  turning  more  to  the  westward,  he  pro- 
ceeded one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  when  Ins  com- 
panions refused  to  go  further,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
abandon  the  journey  and  return.  The  guide  became 
demoralized  by  a  storm-cloud  which  cut  a  furrow 
through  the  forest  near  by,  employing  apparently 
stronger  and  sharper  teeth  than  the  demons  of  his 
Okanagan,  and  nothing  could  prevail  upon  him  to 
continue  the  journey. 

In  1814,  John  George  McTavish  ruled  at  Spokane 
House,  which  with  its  several  outposts  comprised  his 
district. 

Sixty  men  in  nine  canoes  left  Fort  George  the  5th 
of  August,  and  after  the  usual  interchange  of  shots 
with  the  toll-gatherers  of  the  Cascades,  resulting  in 
the  killing  of  one  Canadian  and  several  natives,  the 
party  passed  on  to  Walla  Walla  and  Okanagan.  Cox 
and  McMillan,  with  a  Stuart  and  a  McDonald,  went 
to  Spokane. 


PROPOSED  DUEL.  259 

This  McDonald  was  a  raw  Highlander,  standing  i  ix 
feet  four,  with  a  powerful  frame,  broad  shoulders,  and 
a  profusion  of  long,  red,  bushy  hair  and  whiskers, 
which  apparently  had  neither  been  cut  nor  combed 
these  many  years.  He  enjoyed  a  Spokane  wife, 
whose  two  children  called  him  father.  He  was  bold, 
passionate,  but  below  the  average  Northwester  in 
wisdom.  He  had  not  been  at  Spokane  many  days 
when  he  quarrelled  with  a  chief  whom  he  accu  i  I 
of  cheating  at  gambling,  and  challenged  him  to  fight 
a  duel.  The  chief  accepted,  and  told  him  to  go  with 
him  to  the  woods  and  take  his  station  behind  a  tree. 
When  McDonald  refused,  but  wished  to  fight  in  the 
open  field,  the  savage  asked,  "Do  you  take  me  for  a 
fool  that  I  should  stand  up  before  my  enemy's  gun 
and  let  him  shoot  me  like  a  dog?"  McDonald  was  a 
man  of  reckless  bravery,  frequently  joining  one  tribe 
in  their  wars  against  another  for  the  mere  love 
fighting.  Another  character  sui  generis,  and  the 
western  woods  were  full  of  them,  was  Jacques  Hoole, 
shot  about  this  time  at  the  age  of  ninety-two  by  the 
Blackfoot.  He  was  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  when 
Wolfe  fell,  and  had  been  in  other  battles.  He  would 
not  join  a  trading  company,  but  trapped  on  his  own 
account. 

The  summer's  trade  of  Spokane  was  carried  over- 
land to  Okanagan  this  year  in  October,  and  thence  t  i 
Fort  George.  The  return  party  consisted  of  Keith, 
Stuart,  Laroche,  McTavish,  McDonald,  McMillan, 
Cox,  Montour,  McKay,  and  McKenzie,  with  forty- 
two  VOyageurs  and  six  Kanakas.  Leathern  armor  was 
now  put  on  in  passing  the  Cascades,  but  no  attack 
was  made  there  at  this  time.  Just  above  fche  \\  alia 
Walla  River,  however,  an  affair  occurred  which  for  a 
time  threatened  the  most  serious  consequences. 

As  the  party  were  slowly  poling  against  the  cur- 
rent, several  canoes  filled  with  natives  approached 
them,  and  in  a  friendly  way  they  asked  for  some 
tobacco,  which  was  given  them.      One  boat  after  an- 


260         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  TEE  NORTHWESTERS. 

other  of  the  brigade  passed  by,  each  making  its  little 
donation,  until  from  one  the  natives  attempted  to  take 
some  articles  by  force,  and  from  another  a  bale  of 
tobacco  was  seized,  and  general  plunder  seemed  deter- 
mined upon.  The  fur-traders,  unwilling  to  resort  to 
severe  measures,  repulsed  the  savages  gently  at  first, 
striking  their  hands  with  the  paddles  to  make  them 
release  their  hold ;  but  these  failing  to  effect  the  pur- 
pose, harder  blows  were  given,  and  aimed  at  heads  as 
well  as  hands,  until  shooting  set  in,  when  two  natives 
wrere  killed  and  another  wounded.  Thereupon  the 
assailants  retired.3 

All  this  was  most  unpleasant  for  the  traders.  Be- 
fore them  was  a  long  journey,  and  the  country 
aroused  to  hostility,  they  would  be  picked  off  by  the 
arrows  of  the  enemy  before  three  days  had  passed. 
Night  was  approaching.  The  Columbia  here  was  a 
mile  wide,  and  near  by  was  an  island  upon  which  they 
intrenched  themselves  behind  sand-banks,  not,  how- 
ever, until  some  of  them  had  been  struck  by  arrows. 
A  cold,  dismal  storm  came  on,  which  lasted  two  days. 
Vigilant  watch  was  kept,  and  the  camp-fire  at  night 
extinguished.  But  upon  the  adjacent  hills  blazed 
brightly  the  fires  of  the  enemy,  that  their  prey  might 
not  escape  them.  The  fur-traders  prepared  for  the 
worst;  their  arms  were  put  in  the  best  possible  order, 
and  messages  were  written  friends  to  be  delivered  in 
case  of  death. 

One  of  two  courses  was  open,  to  sell  their  lives  as 
dearly  as  possible,  or  to  buy  a  peace,  if  the  friends  of 
the  dead  would  accept  pay.  The  latter  alternative 
they  determined  to  try  first.  Embarking  from  the 
island,  the  party  landed  on  the  northern  bank.  Two 
men  were  left  in  each  canoe,  while  the  other  forty- 
eight  stepped  ashore.      It  was  half  an  hour  before  any 

3  Ross,  as  usual,  tells  quite  a  different  story.  '  The  savages,'  he  says,  'rode 
iato  the  river  ou  horses,  from  which  they  threw  themselves,  seized  the  canoes, 
arid  proceeded  to  rifle  them.'  Fur  limit,  rs,  i.  58.  This  author,  however,  was 
not  there,  and  having  an  eye-witness  for  an  authority,  I  shall  pay  but  little 
attention  to  Mr  Ross. 


THE  FAYMENT  OF  DAMAGES.  261 

savages  made  their  appearance.  When  at  a  distance 
were  discovered  a  few  horsemen,  a  Canadiao  was  scut 
forward  with  a  long  pole,  to  the  end  of  which  was 
attached  a  white  handkerchief,  which  the  natives  well 
understood  to  bo  a  request  to  parley. 

Presently  two  of  them  approached  the  envoy,  and 
demanded  what  he  had  to  say.  The  answer  was  that 
the  white  chief's  wished  to  see  the  savage  elders,  and 
talk  over  their  little  unpleasantness.  The  horsemen 
promised  to  inform  their  chiefs;  they  then  wheeled 
and  disappeared. 

Soon  they  returned,  and  said  that  the  relatives  of  the 
deceased  and  a  number  of  chiefs  would  bo  there  imm<  - 
diately.  Twenty  minutes  after,  slowly  approached  on 
foot  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  with  guns,  toma- 
hawks, spears,  bows,  and  well  filled  quivers.  Among 
them  were  Sokulks,  Chimnapums,  Umatillas,  and 
Walla  Wallas,  confederates  now  against  the  Shoshones. 
After  the  warriors,  came  forty  of  the  relatives  of  the 
deceased,  also  well  armed,  with  nearly  naked  bodies 
painted  red,  and  hair  cut  short  in  sign  of  mourning. 
As  they  marched  they  chanted  a  death-song  of  ven- 
geance.4 Behind  all  was  a  constantly  increasing  mul- 
titude of  mounted  men.  The  assemblage  then  fell 
into  the  form  of  an  extended  crescent  with  the  mourn- 
ing party  in  the  centre. 

Keith  and  Stuart,  unarmed,  with  an  interpreter, 
then  advanced  half-way  and  stopped;  two  chiefs  and 
six  of  the  mourners  joined  them.  Keith  offered  the 
calumet,  which  was  coldly  refused.  The  interpn 
was  t  hen  directed  to  say  that  the  late  unfortunate  dis- 
turbance of  their  hitherto  friendly  relations  was  deeply 
tted  by  the  white  men,  who  were  ready  to  offer 
compensation  for  the  slain.  "What  kind  of  compen- 
sation V  demanded  the  mourners.  "Two  chiefs5  suit:  . 
blankets,  tobacco,  and  ornaments  for  the  women,"  was 

4 'Rest,  brothers,  rest  !  Yon  shall  be  avenged.  The  tears  of  your  widows 
shall  cease  to  flow  when  their  eyes  behold  the  blood  of  your  murderers  ; 

your  young  children  shall  leap  with  joy,  shall  Bine  ami  shout  on  seeing  their 
Scalps.      Host,  brothers,  in  peace ;  you  shall  have  blood  !' 


262         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

the  reply.  The  offer  was  indignantly  refused.  If  the 
white  men  would  have  peace,  two  of  their  number 
must  be  given  up  to  sacrifice.  Calmly  and  firmly 
Keith  assured  them  that  that  should  never  be.  They 
were  the  aggressors,  though  he  was  willing  to  believe 
the  attack  unpremeditated;  but  if  they  would  have 
white  men  among  them  they  must  respect  their  prop- 
erty rights.  Then  followed  among  the  natives  a  long 
and  violent  discussion,  part  wishing  to  accept  payment 
in  goods,  and  part  demanding  blood.  It  was  a  painful 
contest  to  those  whose  fate  hung  upon  the  result. 
Gradually  the  ranks  of  the  moderate  party  thinned, 
and  those  of  the  bloody-minded  increased.  Then  they 
fell  slowly  back.  The  peace-offering  was  rejected. 
White  man  and  red,  with  a  firmer  grasp  upon  their 
weapons,  prepared  for  the  ultimate  appeal.  A  pause 
ensued,  like  the  calm  which  precedes  a  fresh  bursting 
of  the  storm. 

Suddenly  the  awful  stillness  was  broken  by  the 
tramp  of  horses,  as  twelve  mounted  warriors  clashed 
into  the  space  between  the  belligerents.  Throwing 
themselves  from  their  steeds,  the  leader,  a  young 
chief  of  noble  feature  and  majestic  bearing,  warmly 
greeted  Keith,  then  turning  to  the  assemblage  said: 
"My  countrymen,  what  is  this  that  you  would  do? 
But  three  winters  ago  we  were  a  miserable  people 
at  the  mercy  of  our  enemies.  Our  warriors  were 
killed,  our  lodges  burned,  our  wives  enslaved.  Now 
are  we  fed  and  clothed;  now  have  we  horses  by 
thousands,  and  sweet  sleep  at  night;  now  are  our 
hearts  strong  within  us.  What  brought  this  change? 
The  white  man.  For  our  horses  and  furs  he  gave  us 
hatchets  and  guns,  and  taught  us  how  to  use  them. 
These  make  our  enemies  to  fear  us;  these  make  us  a 
nation.  Why  kill  the  white  man?  You  would  rob 
him ;  but  did  he  ever  rob  you  ?  Know  you  not  that 
he  is  strong;  that  if  you  harm  him  his  friends  will 
come  in  numbers  and  cut  you  off;  or  else  will  say  that 
you  are  bad  men  and  will  not  come  at  all.    Then  shall 


THE  MORN  IX;;  STAR.  263 

you  be  lefl  to  the  mercy  of  your  foes.  Take  what 
they  offer  for  your  dead;  and  be  it  known  to  you  if 
fighting  there  be,  that  I  fight  on  their  side." 

Had  Apollo  from  Mount  Olympus  descended  to 
their  deliverance,  the  fur-traders  could  nol  have  been 
more  surprised  or  thankful.  The  Morning  Star,  the 
young  chieftain  was  called  by  the  Walla  Wallas,  who 
worshipped  him,  and  his  oratory  would  have  graced 
the  Areopagus.8  Soaring  sometimes  into  the  higher 
flights  of  metaphor,  the  interpreter  was  unable  to 
follow  him.  Nor  was  his  bravery  overshadowed  by 
his  other  rare  accomplishments.  Though  hut  five  and 
twenty,  lie  boasted  nineteen  scalps,  the  trophies  of 
his  own  prowess,  and  of  all  that  assemblage  there 
was  none  more  feared.  For  when  he  now  cried,  "Let 
the  Walla  Wallas  and  all  who  love  me  come  and  smoke 
the  pipe  of  peace  with  the  white  man,"  over  one  hun- 
dred of  those  whose  weapons  were  already  raised 
against  the  strangers  hastened  forward  to  do  as  they 
were  bid. 

Thus,  as  by  a  miracle,  a  total  revolution  in  feeling 
and  opinion  was  made.  The  mourners  gladly  accepted 
for  themselves  the  material  reward  offered  them  in 
lieu  of  their  loss  of  the  immaterial  part  of  their 
friends.  Presents  were  distributed  to  the  principal 
chiefs,  Morning  Star  receiving  as  a  token  of  the  dis- 
iiished  services  rendered  by  him,  a  handsome 
fowling-piece,  with  which  he  was  greatly  pies 

Proceeding,  the  party  reached  Okanagan  the  12th 
of   December,   and  the   following  day   the    Spokane 
brigade  of  twenty-six  loaded  horses  departed..      Snow 
lay  on  the  -round,  and  the  cold  at  nighl   was  int. 
one  of  the  horses  freezing  to  death  I 
destination. 

Alter  the  usual  spring  visit  to  Fort  George,  the 
summer  of  L815  passed  pleasantly  at  Spokane.    There 

delivery   was  impassioned;  and   his   action,  although 
violent,  was  generally  bold,  graceful,  ;nnl  energetic.     Our  admirati  n  at  the 
time  knew  no  bourn  i  River,  ii.  '-14. 


264         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

was  horse-racing  on  the  plains  between  Spokane  and 
Pointed  Heart,  where  sometimes  thirty  steeds  strove 
for  high  wagers  in  five-mile  heats.  At  Shushwap  a 
Canadian  called  Chasette  was  shot  by  an  Indian  boy. 
The  following  autumn  on  returning  from  Fort 
George,  Keith,  Cox,  Montour,  and  McKenzie  with 
fifty  voyageurs  were  caught  above  the  falls  in  the  ice. 
The  Canadians,  becoming  utterly  exhausted,  refused 
to  proceed  further  than  the  Dalles,  an  almost  unheard 
of  attitude  for  any  of  that  patient  fraternity  to  as- 
sume. By  sending  to  Okanagan  for  horses  Keith 
succeeded  in  getting  away,  but  most  of  the  party 
wintered  there,  reaching  Okanagan  the  28th  of  Feb- 

'  ©  © 

ruary,  and  Spokane  the  9th  of  March  1816.  Thus 
the  years  went  by,  each  having  its  spring  and  autumn 
brigade,  its  several  minor  expeditions  to  various  posts, 
and  but  little  else  to  break  the  monotony.  McTavish, 
Henry,  and  Laroche  this  season  went  to  Fort  Will- 
iam, Ross  to  Fort  George,  Cox  taking  his  place 
at  Okanagan;  McMillan  and  Montour  remained  at 
Spokane,  and  McDonald  at  Kamloops,  his  old  quar- 
ters. During  the  summer,  new  buildings  were  erected 
at  Okanagan,  the  timber  for  which  was  floated  down 
the  river  from  a  considerable  distance  above.  A 
dwelling  was  erected  for  the  person  in  charge,  con- 
taining four  rooms  and  a  large  dining -hall.  Also 
two  houses  were  built  for  the  men,  beside  a  store- 
house and  a  trading-shop.  The  palisades  were  strong, 
and  fifteen  feet  in  height.  They  were  flanked  by 
two  bastions,  with  loop-holes  for  musketry  above,  and 
in  the  lower  story  a  light  brass  four-pounder. 

James  Keith,  Angus  Bethune,  and  Donald  Mc- 
Kenzie were  the  chief  partners  of  the  Northwest 
Company  in  the  Columbia  district  in  18 10.  Alexan- 
der Stuart  went  east  the  year  previous,  and  John 
Stuart  was  still  in  New  Caledonia.  McTavish  this 
year  visited  San  Francisco  and  Monterey  in  the  com- 
pany's   schooner    Colonel  Allan,  lately  arrived   from 


AFFAIRS  IX  GENERAL.  205 

London.  On  the  coast  of  California  he  drove  a  lucra- 
tive business,  selling  English  goods  for  needed  sup- 
plies. The  council  at  Fort  George  sat  for  four  days; 
the  conclusions  arrived  at  were,  that  trade  was  scarcely 
up  to  original  anticipations.  There  being  no  new  fields 
to  open,  every  one  was  appointed  to  his  old  post. 

Notwithstanding  the  generally  unfavorable  view  of 
trade  taken  by  the  western  council,  since  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  Oregon  country  by  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany, their  annual  ship  with  its  bulky  cargo  doubled 
Cape  Horn  with  the  utmost  regularity.  The  agents 
at  Montreal,  dissatisfied,  sent  over  the  mountains 
every  year  partners,  clerks,  and  Canadians  new  to 
this  district,  in  the  hope  that  something  better  might 
be  made  of  it.  But  all  these  could  do  was  to  fellow 
in  the  footsteps  of  their  predecessors,  without  im- 
proving matters  materially.  The  fact  is,  the  richer 
regie  >ns  of  the  farther  Northwest  were  as  yet  scarcely 
touched. 

Ross  openly  avows  that  the  Northwest  Company, 
while  severely  criticising  the  management  of  the 
Pacific  Company,  took  no  steps  to  change  or  improve 
the  original  policy.  The  fact  is,  the  managers  of  the 
two  companies  were  in  some  instances  identical,  and 
all  of  them  were  educated  in  the  same  school.  This 
writer  accuses  his  associates  of  lack  of  energy  and 
enterprise,  but  I  cannot  agree  with  him.  Nor  were 
the  aggregate  results  in  this  quarter  on  the  whole  un- 
favorable,  though  they  may  have  fallen  short  of  the 
expectations  of  the  more  sanguine.  Further  than 
tlii-.  year  by  year  the  yield  of  peltries  increased 
rather  than  diminished.  There  were  croakers  in  the 
company,  some  of  the  partners  going  so  far  as  to  pro- 
pose the  total  abandonment  of  the  Pacific,  bul  the 
others  would  not  listen  to  it.  The  company  was  about 
this  time  beginning  to  Learn  that  the  same  maxims  and 
management  would  not  apply  on  the  western  as  on 
the  eastern  slope.  Let  the  natives  of  the  two  regions 
suddenly  change  places  and  both  would  perish.      The 


266         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

inhabitants  of  the  thick  woods  and  swamps  of  the 
east  could  no  more  endure  the  treeless  plains  of  the 
Columbia,  than  those  of  the  warm,  dry  western  slope, 
with  its  short  winters,  its  rivers  abounding  in  fish,  its 
forests  in  game,  and  its  plains  in  nutritious  roots, 
could  thrive  in  the  cold,  damp  regions  of  the  east. 
And  the  wise  fur-trader  will  regulate  his  affairs,  not 
by  precept  or  tradition,  but  by  the  exigencies  of  the 
case. 

Up  to  this  time  New  Caledonia  had  obtained  goods 
from  across  the  mountains  to  the  east;  now  it  was 
determined  that  all  supplies  for  the  Northwest  should 
be  drawn  from  the  Columbia.  And  not  only  should 
the  district  of  the  Columbia  supply  the  Northwest 
with  goods,  but  California  also.  To  this  end  the 
company's  schooner  traded  to  the  south  as  well  as  to 
the  north.  It  was  determined  also  to  build  fewer 
forts,  and  trust  more  to  trading  expeditions.  In  car- 
rying into  effect  these  new  ideas,  the  department  of 
the  Pacific  was  divided  into  two  parts,  an  inland  and  a 
coast  department,  with  a  chief  over  each.  A  change 
was  likewise  made  in  the  conveyance  of  goods  and 
the  periodical  expresses;  natives,  except  in  the  annual 
brigade,  to  take  the  place  of  Canadians. 

Under  the  new  arrangements,  Mr  Keith  presided 
at  Fort  George,  with  full  control  of  the  shipping, 
general  outfitting,  and  coast  trade.  To  McKenzie, 
formerly  of  the  Pacific  Company,  was  assigned  the 
direction  of  inland  affairs,  though  his  appointment 
gave  offence  to  some.  Three  weeks  of  the  summer 
of  1816  were  occupied  by  Captain  McClellan  of  the 
Colonel  Allan,  assisted  by  Poss,  in  making  a  survey 
of  the  bar  at  the  entrance  to  the  Columbfa.  The 
Colonel  Allan  sailed  from  the  Columbia  for  China  with 
furs  and  specie  in  August.  Before  sailing,  the  ship's 
surgeon,  Mr  Downie,  committed  suicide.6 

6  Physicians  entering  the  Columbia,  like  the  early  clergy  of  Victoria,  seem 
to  have  been  peculiarly  unfortunate.  Before  this,  Doctor  White  had  jumped 
overboard  in  a  fit  of  insanity,  ami  Doctor  Crowley  of  Edinburgh  had  been 
sent  home  to  stand  his  trial  for  murder. 


ON  THE  COLUMBIA  AND  THE  WILLAMETTE.  207 

Tt  was  sometimes  puzzling  to  know  what  to  do  with 
criminal  offenders  in  these  parts.  While  the  Colonel 
Allan  was  lying  off  Fort  George,  a  Boston  ship,  Rey- 
nolds, master,  entered  the  river,  and  sent  on  shore  in 
irons  a  Russian  renegade,  by  name  Jacob,  a  black- 
smith, who  had  been  stirring  the  crew  to  mutiny. 
After  the  ship  had  .sailed,  the  man,  under  the  most 
earnest  promises  of  reform,  was  released  and  set  to 
work.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  he  fell  into 
his  old  ways,  and  enticed  eighteen  Kanakas  to  desert 
for  California,  which  place  once  reached,  all  were  to 
be  as  angels  in  heaven.  Keith  immediately  despatched 
five  natives  to  join  the  deserters  in  disguise,  and  if 
possible  persuade  them  to  return.  They  were  suc- 
cessful.  The  Islanders  all  returned  the  third  day. 
Jacob  then  took  to  thieving  as  a  profession,  robbing 
the  fort  one  night  by  scaling  the  palisades,  and  enter- 
ing it  in  open  day  disguised  as  a  native  woman.  Then 
joining  a  disaffected  band  of  natives  he  stirred  them 
up  still  more  against  the  white  men. 

Said  Ross  to  Keith  one  day,  "Give  me  thirty  men, 
and  I  will  bring  this  villain  to  you  bound."  "  ' 
shall  have  fifty,"  Keith  replied.  Surprising  the  camp 
in  the  dead  of  night,  Jacob  was  captured  and  brought 
to  the  fort.  There  he  was  kept  in  chains  until  op- 
]  ortunity  offered  to  send  him  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

Jealousy  or  opposition  was  not  often  openly  mani- 
!  between  partners  of  the  Honorable  Nortbw<  t 
Company;  but  Keith  did  not  like  Donald  McKen- 
zie's  appointment.  The  latter  arrived  at  Fori  George 
with  instructions  from  Montreal  to  establish  imme- 
diately a  post  among  the  Walla  Wallas  or  Nez  Percys. 
"It  is  too  late,"  said  Keith.  "Your  plans  are  wild. 
I  have  no  men."  McKenzie  replied,  "  Here  are  the 
instructions  of  the  council,  obey  them,  and  leave  the 
rest  in  me." 

After  much  wrangling,  McKenzie  was  given  a 
meagre  outfit.      So   hazardous   was   this   undertaking 


26S         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

regarded,  that  not  a  man  about  the  fort  would  accom- 
pany McKenzie  as  his  second.  It  was  this  very 
quality  of  dogged  determination  and  fearless  energy, 
that  actuated  the  council  in  choosing  this  man  for 
that  mission,  hoping  thereby  to  infuse  new  life  into 
the  western  business. 

With  forty  men  McKenzie  embarked  from  Fort 
George,  and  reached  the  Cascades  without  accident. 
There,  instead  of  quarrelling  with  the  natives,  as  had 
been  the  custom  of  late,  he  made  friends  with  them; 
gave  presents,  took  the  children  by  the  hand,  and  ap- 
pointed agents  of  observation  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing to  punishment  those  who  injured  travellers,  in 
which  capacity  the  chiefs  were  proud  to  act.  So  com- 
plete a  revolution  did  this  man  bring  about  in  one 
short  day,  that  the  valuable  cargo  of  a  boat  which 
was  wrecked  in  the  rapids,  being  intrusted  to  one  of 
the  chiefs,  was  kept  untouched,  and  finally  restored  at 
the  expiration  of  six  months.  After  a  thorough  ex- 
amination of  the  condition  of  trade  in  the  interior, 
McKenzie  returned,  reaching  Fort  George  the  16th 
of  June  1817. 

Meanwhile  ten  men  had  been  sent  to  the  Wil- 
lamette to  trap  beaver.  The  natives  demanded  tribute 
for  the  privilege  of  hunting  on  their  lands.  The  trap- 
pers paid  no  attention  to  them,  but  kept  their  way  up 
the  river,  and  soon  the  banks  were  lined  with  savages. 
A  shower  of  arrows  was  answered  by  a  round  of  shot, 
which  killed  a  chief,  and  obliged  the  trappers  to  re- 
turn. A  party  of  twenty-five  was  then  sent  to  pacify 
the  natives,  which  was  done  by  paying  for  the  dead 
man.  But  scarcely  was  this  compromise  effected  be- 
fore another  quarrel  ensued,  in  which  three  natives 
wore  killed,  obliging  this  party  to  return  with  all 
haste  to  the  fort. 

Forty -five  men  in  three  boats,  with  two  field-pieces, 
wore  then  sent,  under  Ross,  as  a  diplomatic  and  mili- 
tary embassy.  Arrived  at  the  falls,  they  found  the 
natives  there  congregated  on  the  west  bank  to  oppose 


DIFFICULTIES  AND  I>AX<  2G9 

their  passage.  Landing  on  the  opposite  side,  they 
planted  their  guns,  and  endeavored  to  open  negotia- 
tions. The  savages  would  none  of  them.  White  flags 
and  calumets  were  thrusl  aside  for  the  death-song  an  ! 
war-dance.  Patience  was  now  the  white  man's  I 
weapon.  Three  days  were  permitted  to  pass,  when 
the  chiefs  began  to  think  tobacco-smoking  preferable 
to  so  long  a  siege  of  windy  grief.  So  three  warriors 
jsed  the  river,  and  stood  a<  some  distance  from  the 
white  man's  ramp.  Taking  his  flag,  Ross  weni  alone 
to  meet  them.  The  pipe  was  offered  and  n  fused. 
••  What  want  you  here?"  asked  the  savages.  "  I  *ea< 
was  the  reply.  At  length  the  red  men  deigned  to 
smoke:  a  quantity  of  merchandise  completed  the 
treaty,  and  the  embassy  returned  to  the  Columbia. 
These  were  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  they  \ 
observed  for  several  years  thereafter.  The  white  men 
should  be  permitted  to  trap  in  the  Willamette  Valley  ; 
and  it*  at  any  time  the  red  men  felt  themselves 
grieved,  they  must  not  resort  to  violence,  but  must 
apply  for  redress  to  the  white  chief  at  the  fort. 

As  the  East  India  Company  debarred  for  the  mo  I 
part    British    bottoms,   except  their    own,  from    the 
waters  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  the  Northwest  Company 
found  themselves  unable  to  accomplish  much  in  I 
quarter,  and   were  driven   to  employ  United   State 
shipping  in  their  commercial  intercourse  with  China. 
Nor  were  the   Red    River  difficulties   without   their 
effect  on  the  affairs  of  the  Columbia  by  restric 
supplies,  and  distracting  the  attention  of  the  part- 


ners. 


The  brigade  leaving  FortGeorge  the  16th  of  April 
1817,  numbering  eighty-six  men.  part  destined  for  the 
upper  Columbia  and  pari  for  the  east,  embarked  in 
two  barges  and  nine  canoes,  under  a  salute  of  seven 
guns.  They  found  the  natives  all  along  their  roul  i 
more  disaffected  than  ever  before.  Almosl  universally 
they  had  of  late  become  possessed  with  the  idea  that 


270         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

they  should  have  tribute,  as  lords  aboriginal  of  the 
soil,  from  all  intruders. 

Those  of  this  brigade  bound  overland  were  Beth- 
ime,  McDougall,  McGillivray,  Alexander  McTavish, 
and  Cox.  They  intended  to  cross  the  mountains  to 
Fort  William  and  Montreal  with  eighteen  men;  but 
on  arriving  at  Canoe  River,  where  the  long  portage 
began,  so  great  had  been  the  hardships  endured  thus 
far  that  seven  of  the  men  were  completely  exhausted 
and  too  ill  to  proceed.  Hence  they  were  sent  back 
in  one  of  the  canoes.  But  as  they  were  letting  their 
boat  down  the  Dalles  des  Morts,  the  line  broke  and 
the  boat  with  all  their  provisions  and  effects  was  lost. 
Starvation  stared  them  in  the  face.  Their  only  hope 
was  to  reach  Okanagan  three  hundred  miles  distant, 
which  in  their  emaciated  condition  was  impossible. 
One  after  another  they  fell  by  the  way,  the  survivors 
feeding  on  their  flesh,  until  but  one  remained,  a  ghastly 
object,  to  reach  the  fort  and  tell  the  tale. 

Although  many  expeditions  had  been  made  be- 
tween posts,  and  from  the  upper  country  to  the  sea, 
the  same  paths  for  the  most  part  were  trod,  and  but  a 
small  portion  of  the  great  western  region  had  yet 
been  seen  by  European  eyes.  I  have  noticed  the 
abortive  attempt  of  Ross  to  reach  the  sea  from 
Okanagan.  Subsequently  he  was  delighted  in  re- 
ceiving orders  from  head-quarters  to  examine  the 
country  between  his  post  at  Shushwap  and  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  Two  Canadians  and  two  natives 
were  his  companions,  and  on  the  14th  of  August 
1817,  the  party  set  out  from  Shushwap  on  foot, 
each  man  carrying  besides  his  arms,  upon  which  alone 
dependence  was  placed  for  provision,  a  blanket,  awl, 
fire-steel,  needles  and  thread,  tobacco,  and  six  pairs  of 
Indian  shoes. 

Their  course  was  north  for  three  days,  then  due 
east,  with  Thompson  River  on  the  right  and  Frazer 
River  on  the  left.  Reaching  the  Rocky  Mountains 
at  Canoe  River,  they  spent  two  days  on  that  stream, 


DONALD  M«  KJEB  271 

following  it  to  its  junction  with  the  Columbia,  and 
thence  returned  to  Shushwap  the  29th  of  Sep- 
tember, having  met  much  game,  lmt  without  notable 

encounter. 

Meanwhile  Donald  McKenzie  was  ubiquitous.  Now 
we  find  him  at  Fort  George,  now  at  Okanagan,  Spo- 
kane, Kamloops,  or  Shushwap,  and  then  at  Fort 
George  again.  In  April  1817,  with  twenty-two  men, 
he  made  a  tour  to  the  Shoshones,  which  was  prelim- 
inary to  the  most  important  movements  in  that  dire  - 
tion.  In  earlier  days  his  reputation  turned  more  on 
his  abilities  as  a  shot,  and  an  eater  of  horse  and  i 
flesh,  than  a  business  man;  but  it  now  appeared  that 
for  managing  savages  and  manipulating . fur-trading 
matters,  he  far  surpassed  any  one  in  all  the  North- 
west. During  the  season  of  1817,  by  his  wisdom 
and  prudence,  insurrection  was  prevented,  and  the 
country  saved  to  the  company.  He  inspired  his  sub- 
ordinates with  enthusiasm,  and  displayed  a,  wonderful 
faculty  for  accomplishing  important  results  through 
unconscious  agents.  And  this  was  the  man  against 
whose  wild  imaginings  and  impracticable  schemes,  as 
they  considered  them,  his  methodical  and  inactive 
associates  so  lately  railed. 

Up  to  the'  present  time,  and  contrary  to  the  wishes 
of  the  magnates  of  Fort  William,  McKenzie's  pi 
for  establishing  a  post  among  the  Walla  Wallas  had 
been  frustrated  by  the  partners  at  Fort  George.     It 
was  plain  enough  to  the  mind  of  any  man  who  would 
allow  his  brain  to  act,  that  a  posi  near  the  junction  of 
the  two  gie.it  branches  of  the  Columbia  would  be  de- 
sirable,     it  was  the  natural  centre  of  thai  immense 
fur-bearing  region  drained  by  the  Snake  River  coi 
in  from  the  south-east,  and  the  Columbia  from   the 
north.     The   Snake,    or  Shoshone   country,   hitherto 
regarded  as  somewhat  dangerous,  was  attracting  i 
attention  of  late.   Northern  brigadesfrom  Fori  Ge< 
now  made  their  first  stop  ai  '•  Ikanagan,  and  goods  for 


272        FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

Spokane  were  conveyed  in  that  unnecessarily  long 
and  roundabout  way,  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
such  a  route  had  been  established  in  earlier  times 
when  the  country  was  but  little  known,  and  it  would 
now  be  some  trouble  to  change  it.7 

Inaccessible  as  was  Spokane,  it  had  become  the 
rendezvous  of  the  country  lying  between  the  two 
great  branches  of  the  Columbia.  There  had  been 
some  thought  of  removing  this  establishment  to  the 
grand  fork  of  the  Columbia,  but  it  was  needed  where 
it  was;  and  yet  an  inland  metropolitan  post  was  re- 
quired at  the  junction  of  the  twTo  rivers.  To  this 
post  goods  could  be  brought  up  from  the  sea  in  barges 
at  much  less  expense  than  in  bark  canoes,  and  thence 
distributed  to  the  north  and  south  and  east. 

I  sa}^  all  this  was  plain  enough  to  any  eyes  that 
would  see.  The  eyes  at  Fort  George,  however,  were 
impervious  to  this  light;  but  not  so  the  council  at 
Fort  William.  In  the  summer  of  1818,  peremptory 
orders  were  received  at  Fort  George  from  head- 
quarters to  place  at  the  disposal  of  McKenzie  one 
hundred  men,  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  fort  among 
the  Nez  Perces  or  Walla  Wallas,8  and  these  orders 
were  supplemented  by  a  sharp  reproof  for  the  ob- 

7  See  Ross'  Fur  Traders,  i.  137. 

8  Ross  speaks  of  this  establishment  always  as  located  among  the  Nez  Perces, 
and  it  is  called  on  his  map  Fort  Nez  Perce,  and  yet  it  is  placed  among  the 
Walla  Wallas,  and  was  later  called  Fort  Walla  Walla.  It  is  located  on  his 
map  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Columbia,  distant  above  the  "Walla  Walla  River 
about  one  third  of  the  way  to  the  mouth  of  Snake  River.  Dunn  on  his  map 
applies  the  name  Nez  Perce  to  Snake  River,  and  locates  Fort  Nez  Perce"  at 
the  junction  of  Snake  River  and  the  Columbia.  The  exact  boundaries  of  the 
Nez  Perce"  territory  were  at  this  time  unknown.  The  fact  that  Snake 
River  was  sometimes  called  Nez  Perce"  River,  signifies  that  the  nation 
was  supposed  to  occupy  that  river  nearer  its  mouth  than  ever  was  the  case. 
Since  the  earliest  times  on  record  the  Walla  Wallas  have  inhabited  this  terri- 
tory, while  the  Nez  Percys  have  always  lived  some  distance  to  the  east  of 
them,  on  both  sides  of  the  Clearwater.  The  term  Nez  Perce  River  gave  the 
fort  its  first  name,  but  it  soon  became  known  only  as  Fort  Walla  Walla,  and 
such  I  shall  hereafter  designate  it.  The  site  was  the  north  side  of  Walla 
Walla  River  and  the  east  side  of  the  Columbia,  where  W'allula  now  stands. 
Evans' Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  187-8;  Gray's  Hist.Or.,42.  Wilkes'  Nar.  U.  8.  Explr. 
Ex.,  iv.  418.  which  gives  a  cut  of  it,  erroneously  states  that  the  post  was 
built  owing  to  an  Indian  attack  on  a  party  under  Ogden.  Mr  Pambrun, 
when  in  charge,  planted  a  garden.  Tovmsend's  Nur.  loo;  Lee  and  Frost's 
(Jr.,  123. 


FOUNDING  OF  FORT  WALLA  WALLA.  273 

stacles  which  had  been  thrown  in  his  way  these  past 
two  years. 

The  meD  and  means  were  furnished  according  to  in- 
structions, and  on  the  11th  of  July  1818,  Mr  McKen- 
zie,  seconded  by  Ross,  encamped  with  ninety-five  men 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  Columbia,  about  half  a  mile 
above  the  Walla  Walla  River,  which  was  the  site 
selected  for  the  new  establishment,  called  at  first  Fort 
Perce*,  but  shortly  afterward  Fort  Walla  Walla. 
When  the  country  was  flooded,  the  spot  was  an  island  ; 
at  low  water  it  was  a  peninsula.  It  was  still  famous 
as  the  place  where  Lewis  and  Clarke  ratified  a  peace 
by  general  feasting. 

*  The  position  was  commanding.  Before  them,  as 
placid  as  powerful,  lay  the  noble  Columbia,  here  more 
like  a  lake  than  a  river.  Beyond  were  verdant  hills  ; 
on  the  south  were  rugged  bluffs  between  twTo  towering 
rocks  called  the  Twins,  while  to  the  north  and  east 
was  a  wild  expanse  of  plain. 

No  demonstrations  of  joj  on  the  part  of  the  lords 
aboriginal  welcomed  the  new-comers.  "  What  do  the 
white  people  here?"  asked  the  red  bantlings  of  their 
red  papas.  "Are  they  going  to  kill  us  as  they  did 
our  relatives?"  The  savages  held  themselves  aloof. 
It  was  soon  seen  that  their  friendship,  if  desired,  must 
be  paid  for. 

McKenzie  had  not  many  goods,  nor  provisions. 
Drift-wood  was  the  only  building  material  accessible, 
and  this  was  not  fit  for  all  purposes.  The  greater 
part  of  the  timber  had  to  be  cut  a  hundred  miles  dis- 
tant, and  floated  down  the  stream.  Meanwhile,  the 
savages  congregated  about  the  place  in  sullen  and 
speechless  multitudes.  They  wanted  pay  for  the 
building-material  used,  and  finally  refused  to  sell 
the  fort-builders  food,  which  caused  them  no  small 
anxiety. 

The  work,  however,  went  on  to  completion.  One 
hundred  feet  square  were  enclosed  in  palisades  of  sawn 
timber  thirty   inches  wide  by  six  inches   thick    and 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    18 


274         FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

twenty  feet  long.  These  were  topped  with  a  range 
of  balustrades  four  feet  high,  with  loop-holes  and  slip- 
doors.  There  were  two  bastions  and  an  inner  gallery ; 
a  water-tank,  wTith  a  capacity  of  two  hundred  gallons, 
was  placed  at  each  angle  as  security  against  fire.  Be- 
side the  outer  wall  was  an  inner  one  likewise  of  sawn 
timber  twelve  feet  high.  Within  the  inner  palisades 
were  houses  of  drift-logs  and  one  of  stone.  It  differed 
in  this  respect  from  most  other  establishments,  that 
the  natives  were  not  admitted  within  the  fort,  but  were 
obliged  to  trade  through  an  aperture  eighteen  inches 
square,  communicating  with  the  trading -room,  and 
guarded  by  an  iron  door.  Trade  and  exploring  expe- 
ditions were  next  in  order.  But  before  much  could 
be  accomplished  in  this  direction  it  was  necessary  to 
have  an  amicable  understanding  with  the  natives. 
With  great  difficulty  and  after  much  smoking  and 
many  presents  this  was  finally  accomplished.  And 
not  only  did  they  promise  friendship  with  the  white 
people,  but  engaged  in  a  peace  treaty  with  the  Sho- 
shones,  whom  they  delighted  above  all  things  to  kill. 
Trade  wTas  then  opened,  and  briskly  prosecuted. 
Two  hundred  horses  wTere  bought,  and  toward  the 
end  of  September  fifty-five  men  went  into  the  Sho- 
shone country  with  three  hundred  beaver-traps  and  a 
supply  of  trading  goods.  The  expedition  was  under 
the  command  of  McKenzie,  while  Boss  remained  in 
charge  of  the  fort.  The  oldest  and  most  renowned 
of  the  Walla  Walla  chiefs  about  this  time  became 
greatly  disheartened  over  his  affairs.  War  and 
disease  had  lately  taken  from  him  five  noble  sons, 
and  now  another,  the  last  and  youngest,  his  Ben- 
jamin, was  taken,  and  the  old  man  said  he  should  not 
remain  behind.  Begging  a  burial-box  from  the 
white  man,  that  his  best  beloved  might  be  buried  in 
the  latest  fashion,  he  directed  the  grave  to  be  dug 
and  the  coffin  lowered.  Then  the  heart-broken 
father  threw  himself  into  the  grave,  and  ordered  it 
to  be  filled,  which  was  done  amidst  loud  laments. 


THE  GUNPOWDER  TRICK.  275 

As  an  apostle  of  peace,  McKenzie  crossed  the 
Blue  Mountains,  and  introduced  himself  to  the 
Snake  nation;  whereat  they  were  greatly  pleased, 
as  indeed  savages  always  are  at  anything  new. 
Some  twenty-five  Iroquois  of  McKenzie's  company 
revolted,  and  went  trapping  on  their  own  account. 
No  sooner  were  they  their  own  masters  than  they 
traded  all  their  effects  for  Shoshone  women,  and 
dropped  to  the  lowest  depths  of  demoralization. 
Tired  at  length  of  this,  they  returned  to  their  alle- 
giance. 

After  an  absence  of  six  months  McKenzie  re- 
turned to  Fort  Walla  Walla,  and  in  April  1819 
with  six  Canadians  he  ascended  Snake  River  to 
the  Nez  Perce  country  on  another  trading  tour.  To 
strengthen  him  in  his  new  position,  fifteen  additional 
men  were  sent  him  under  Kittson,  a  man  with  more 
confidence  than  discretion.  For  neglecting  to  set  a 
watch  at  night  his  horses  were  all  stolen.  They 
were  caught,  however,  and  returned  to  him,  after 
two  days  of  anxiety,  by  McKenzie's  men  sent  to  the 
assistance  of  the  advancing  party.  Returning  in 
July  well  laden  with  furs,  Kittson  was  attacked  by 
a  war  party,  and  lost  two  men.  After  delivering  Ids 
furs  at  the  fort,  Kittson  returned  with  his  men  to 
McKenzie,  whose  success  in  these  parts  was  now 
determined. 

But  notwithstanding  his  utmost  exertions,  Mc- 
Kenzie found  it  impossible  to  maintain  peace  between 
these  fierce  mountain  tribes,  or  even  to  escape  their 
evil  designs  upon  the  whites.  On  one  occasion  during 
Kittson's  absence  McKenzie  was  left  at  his  encamp- 
ment with  only  three  men  to  guard  a  valuable  supply 
of  goods.  The  opportunity  was  too  tempting  to  be 
resisted  by  those  with  whom  thieving  was  a  national 
virtue.  Collecting  about  the  camp  in  largo  numbers, 
they  shoved  the  white  men  back  and  began  to  take 
the  goods.  Seeing  that  some  desperate  remedy  alone 
could  save  them,  McKenzie  seized  a  keg  of  gunpowder, 


27G        FURTHER  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  NORTHWESTERS. 

and  lighting  a  match  threatened  them  all  with  in- 
evitable destruction.  Instantly  the  camp  was  cleared,9 
and  with  lowering  front  the  savages  sneaked  away. 
Kittson,  then  en  route  between  the  camp  and  the  fort, 
was  attached,  and  two  of  his  men  were  killed. 

Collecting  his  scattered  forces  to  the  number  of 
seventy-five  men,  McKenzie,  nothing  daunted,  made 
from  this  encampment  a  second  excursion  into  the 
Shoshone  country.  War  with  the  Blackfoot  was 
then  fiercely  raging,  and  frequent  hostile  encounters 
rendered  trapping  and  traffic  anything  but  safe  or 
agreeable  occupations.  Three  of  his  Kanakas  were 
murdered  by  the  native  banditti.  After  a  season  of 
anxiety  McKenzie  returned  to  Walla  Walla  in  June 
1820. 

In  1820,  the  belligerent  Wascos  at  the  Dalles  were 
so  far  tamed  as  to  permit  the  establishing  at  that 
point  of  a  trading-post,  which  was  done,  and  placed 
in  charge  of  James  Birnie.  The  post  was  not  of  long 
continuance.10 

9  It  was  at  this  same  post  that  Archibald  McKinlay  performed  a  similar 
feat,  making  himself  out  no  less  a  hero  of  a  gunpowder  plot  story  than  Mc- 
Kehzie,  from  whom  he  may  originally  have  obtained  the  idea. 

10Michell,  in  the  Dalles  Mountaineer,  23d  April  1869;  McKay,  in  the  Dalles 
Mountaineer,  28th  May  1869.  James  Birnie  was  a  native  of  Aberdeen,  Scot- 
land. He  entered  the  service  of  the  Northwest  Company  in  1817.  After  a 
year  in  Montreal  he  was  sent  to  the  Columbia.  Engaged  in  minor  duties 
the  first  two  years,  we  see  him  in  1S20  establishing  a  post  at  the  Dalles. 
Later  he  was  several  years  in  charge  of  Fort  George,  Astoria,  where  he  suc- 
ceeded John  Dunn,  and  in  1833  he  was  appointed  to  the  charge  of  Fort  Simp- 
son. He  was  again  at  Fort  George  from  1840  to  1846.  After  retiring  from 
the  service,  he  made  his  home  at  Cathlamet,  where,  after  his  death,  Decem- 
ber 21,  1864,  at  the  age  of  69  years,  his  family  continued  to  reside.  His 
many  sterling  qualities  made  him  highly  respected,  while  his  kindly  dispo- 
sition and  genial  manner  won  the  hearts  of  all  who  knew  him.  Anderson's 
Northicest  Coast,  MS.,  70-1;  Strickland's  Missions,  139;  Portland  Oregonian, 
Dec.  29,  1864;  Roberts  Bee,  MS.,  100. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HAKMON  IX  NEW  CALEDONIA— RESTORATION  OF  ASTORIA. 

1810-1818. 

Lin:  and  Character  of  Harmon— His  Stay  at  Moxtagni;  a  la  Basse, 
qeon  Lake,  Chepewtan,  and  Dunvegan  — In  Cdmi-anv  with 
Stuart  He  Enters  New  Caledonia — Quesnel  Reestablishes  Fort 
b — A  Chief  Chastised — Harmon's  Travels— Stuart's  Manage- 
ment— First  Arrival  of  Supplies  in  New  Caledonia  by  way  of  the 
Pacific — Harmon  Returns  Home— Affairs  at  Fort  George — Das- 
tardly Attack  of  Keith's  Men  upon  the  Cowlitz  and  the  (Jmp- 
quas — Donald  McKenzie — Restoration  of  Astoria,  or  Fort  George, 
to  tue  United  States. 

Turn  again  to  the  New  Caledonian  district.  On  the 
28th  of  April  1800,  Daniel  Williams  Harmon,  then 
clerk,  subsequently  partner,  in  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany, set  out  from  Montreal  for  the  far  Northwest, 
Mr  Harmon  has  left  us  a  printed  record.1 

His  first  engagement  was  seven  years'  service  as 
clerk.  The  absence  of  Christian  rites  troubled  him 
not  a  little,  for  he  was  one  of  the  few  among  the  fur- 
traders  who  carried,  his  religion  into  the  wilderness.2 

'.!  Jourrt  I  of  Voycuji  i  and  Travels  in  tfo  Interiour  of  North  America.  An- 
dover,  I    !  |      trait  and  map.     In  the  original  deed-poll  of  coalition 

between  the  N  and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Companies,  his  name  stands 

beside  those  of  the  father  ai   I  er  of  Malcolm  McLeod.     'A  pious 

Green  Mountai  oled  in  Vermont,  took  service  in  the  north,  and 

11  and  bravely  bis  work,  was,  it  would  seem,  promoted  to  the  charge 
of  the  higher  plateau  now  under  consideration,  and  which  he  retained  for 
several  y<  a  S.      Ee,  Oil  retirement,  published  his  journals,  and  the  frequency 

i  his  work  is  evidence  of  his  merit.'   McL< 
So  scarce  is  II;  i  :  that  even  McLeod  had  never  seen  a  copy.   Itisre- 

viewed  in  the  London  Quarterly,  January   1822,  which  ser 

•  "/.,  291.  It  is  also  reviewed  in  Nouvelles  Annates  des  Voy.,  xiv. 
55-68.     Sec  also  Victor 's  Or.,  2G-7. 

2 'Our  men  play  at  cards  on  the  Sabbath  the  same  as  on  any  other  day. 
For  such  improper  conduct  I  once  reproved  them  ;  but  their  reply  was,  there 

1277  j 


27S  HARMON  IX  XEW  CALEDONIA. 

He  did  not  cross  the  mountains  at  once  into  New 
Caledonia,  but  remained  on  the  eastern  side,  stationed 
first  at  one  fort  and  then  at  another  for  some  ten  years. 
In  May  1805,  while  at  Montagne  a  la  Basse,  he  en- 
tered into  an  arrangement  with  Mr  Chaboillez  to 
make  a  tour  of  discovery  to  the  head- waters  of  the 
Missouri.  The  party,  to  consist  of  six  or  seven 
Canadians  and  two  or  three  Indians,  was  to  set  out 
early  in  June,  making  the  Mandan  village  on  the  Mis- 
souri their  first  stopping- place.  Thence  they  would 
proceed  to  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  com- 
pany with  the  Mandans,  who  went  thither  every  year 
to  meet  and  trade  with  the  natives  from  the  western 
slope,  and  return  in  November.  Owing  to  ill-health 
Harmon  never  undertook  the  journey.  Laroche, 
however,  attempted  the  tour,  but  went  no  farther  west 
than  the  village  of  the  Mandans. 

The  winter  of  1807-8,  Harmon  spent  at  Stur- 
geon Lake  in  company  with  Doctor  McLoughlin, 
whom  he  found  a  most  agreeable  companion.  Slowly 
working  his  way  westward,  September  1808  saw  him 
at  Fort  Chipewyan,  the  general  rendezvous  for  the 
Athabasca  district,  where  goods  were  set  apart  for 
the  many  different  posts  of  that  department,  and 
where  flocked  the  fur-traders  from  a  thousand  miles 
northward  and  westward,  from  the  Mackenzie  River 
and  the  Pacific  seaboard.  From  the  latter  region 
Simon  Fraser  arrived  while  Harmon  was  there. 

From  Fort  Chipewyan  Mr  Harmon  ascended  Peace 
River,  reaching  Fort  Vermillion  the  2d  of  October, 
Encampment  Island  Fort  the  7th,  and  Dunvegan  the 
1 0th.  Here  in  company  with  John  McGillivray  and  the 
McTavishes  he  passed  the  winter.  The  well  built  fort 
was  pleasantly  situated  in  the  midst  of  open  plains,  and 
with  buffalo,  moose,  red  deer,  and  bear  meat,  a  fair 
supply  of  vegetables  from  the  kitchen-garden,  a  good 
collection  of  books,  and  agreeable  companions,  fur- 
is  no  Sabbath  in  this  country,  and,  they  added,  no  God  nor  devil;  and  their 
behavior  but  too  plainly  shows  that  they  spoke  as  they  think.'  Journal,  Gl. 


DIVERS  MOVEMENTS.  270 

trading  became  quite  bearable.  At  Fort  St  John,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  up  the  river,  was  stationed 
this  winter  Mr  F.  Geodike. 

In  May  1800,  the  McTavishes,  McGillivray,  and 
Geodike  proceeded  eastward,  while  Harmon  remained 
at  Dunvegan.  Shortly  after  their  departure,  Simon 
Fraser  and  James  McDougall  arrived  at  Dunvegan, 
the  former  from  the  Rocky  Mountain  Portage,  one 
hundred  and  eighty  miles  above,  and  the  latter  Prom 
Xew  Caledonia,  which  Harmon  pronounced  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  from  his  station.  After  spend- 
ing most  of  the  day  with  Harmon  they  continued 
their  journey  in  four  canoes  toward  Rainy  Lake. 

The  monotony  of  the  winter  in  this  region  had  been 
broken  only  by  the  death  of  Andrew  Mackenzie, 
natural  son  of  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie,  at  Fort  Ver- 
million, and  the  starvation  of  several  Canadian  fami- 
lies who  came  into  these  parts  free,  that  is,  not  belong- 
ing to  either  of  the  great  companies,  to  hunt  beaver. 
One  man,  it  was  said,  killed  and  ate  his  wife  and 
child,  and  then  he  died.  In  the  spring  of  1809,  eleven 
canoes,  loaded  with  furs,  were  sent  east  from  Fort 
Dunvegan  and  the  neighboring  stations.  In  June. 
garden-seeds  were  well  up,  with  good  prospects  for 
abundant  supplies  for  the  ensuing  winter.  1 
barley  was  harvested  the  month  following.  About 
this  time,  John  Stuart  came  over  from  New  Caledonia 
for  a  supply  of  goods,  returning  in  July. 

In  October,  Harmon's  heart  was  made  glad  by  the 
arrival  of  letters  from  his  friends,  brought  by  A.  R. 
McLeod,  he  and  a  company  in  three  canoes  being 
on  their  way  to  Xew  Caledonia.     In  those  clays  1<  ; 
from  home  were  a  treat  scarcely  expected  more  than 
once  or  twice  a  year;  but  the  Peace  River  Pass  was 
now  becoming  quite  a  thoroughfare  between  the  • 
and  the  west,  so  that  facilities  for  sending  letters  v 
more  frequent  here  than  in  many  other  so  far  disl 
localities. 

The  following  spring,  D.  McTavish  again  wenl  ea  -i . 


2S0  HARMON  IN  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

and  also  J.  Clarke,  John  Stuart,  and  H.  Faries,  with 
their  respective  companies. 

On  the  6th  of  October  1810,  John  Stuart  arrived 
at  Dunvegan  from  Fort  Chipewyan,  with  four  canoes 
laden  with  supplies  for  the  Rocky  Mountain  Portage 
and  New  Caledonia.  By  this  arrival,  Harmon  received 
among  other  letters  one  signed  jointly  by  three  of  the 
Northwest  Company  partners,  requesting  him  to  pro- 
ceed to  New  Caledonia  and  take  charge  of  affairs 
there ;  or  if  he  preferred  to  do  so,  he  might  place  him- 
self under  the  command  of  Stuart  until  spring,  during 
which  time  he  would  have  acquired  sufficient  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  to  manage  matters  alone. 

Harmon  preferred  to  avail  himself  of  Stuart's  ex- 
perience for  a  time  before  assuming  chief  command 
west  of  the  mountains.  Hence  on  the  7th  of  October 
the  two  traders  left  Fort  Dunvegan,  stopping  at  Fort 
St  John  to  prepare  provisions  for  New  Caledonia. 
Thence  Stuart  embarked  in  three  canoes  on  the  11th 
for  Rocky  Mountain  Portage,  Harmon  following  him 
next  day.  There,  at  the  station  which  is  now  called 
Hudson's  Hope,  they  left  a  portion  of  their  goods, 
and  crossed  to  the  western  end  of  the  portage,  where 
they  found  some  of  their  people  of  the  Northwest 
Company  repairing  four  old  canoes  which  offered  at- 
tractions only  to  men  weary  of  life.  Nevertheless, 
into  them  they  piled  their  baggage,  and  were  soon 
en  route  again  up  the  river.  Arriving  at  the  junc- 
tion of  F  inlay  River,  they  took  the  south  branch  and 
proceeded  to  McLeod  Fort.  There  Stuart  remained 
for  a  time,  while  Harmon  with  thirteen  laborers  crossed 
over  to  Stuart  Fort,  where,  after  a  fortnight's  travel, 
he  arrived  on  the  1 7th  of  November. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  Harmon  sent  J.  M. 
Quesnel  with  a  small  supply  of  goods  to  Fraser 
Lake,  to  reestablish  the  post  there,  as  it  had  been 
for  a  time  abandoned.  On  the  18th,  Stuart  with 
a  small  party  passed  Stuart  Fort  for  Fort  Fraser, 
and  shortly  afterward  Harmon  followed  him. 


NEW   STEAK'S  DEBAUCHERIES. 


2S1 


As  these  were  days  of  intoxication,  before  absolute 
monopoly  regulated  the  morals  of  the  region,  new 
year's  day  was  the  signal  anion-'  the  Canadians  for  a 
grand  debauch,  which  the  sober  savage  begged  leave 
to  witness.  Drinking  set  in,  and  quarrelling  soon 
followed,  whereat  the  natives  hid  themselves,  saying 
the  white  men  had  run  mad.  When  they  saw  those 
who  had  raved  the  loudest  in  the  morning  becoming 
quiet  in  the  afternoon,   they  said  the  white  man's 


Harmon's  Map. 

senses  had  returned  to  him.  Then  they  went  their 
way,  wondering  how  such  superior  beings  should  vol- 
untarily lay  aside  their  reason  for  a  time  and  become 

In  April  1811,  Harmon  abandoned  the  Fraser  Fort 
and  returned  to  Fort  Stuart.  Shortly  afterward  lie 
sent  most  of  his  men  to  McLeod  Fort  to  prepare  for 
a  journey  cast,  and  in  a  few  days  followed  them  with 
QuesneL     A  little   native   boy  nut  yet  four  years  old, 


282  HARMON  IX  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

called  George  Harmon,  of  whom  he  was  father,  accom- 
panied him  on  his  way  to  the  United  States,  whither 
Harmon  was  sending  him,  under  the  charge  of  Quesnel, 
to  be  educated.  A  daughter  was  soon  after  born  to 
him,  whom  he  called  Polly  Harmon;  for  this  good 
man's  piety  did  not  prevent  his  propagating  the  natives 
of  that  wilderness  wherever  he  went.  Yet  to  these 
dusky  offspring  Harmon  was  most  affectionately  at- 
tached, and  he  always  endeavored  to  do  his  duty  by 
them.  His  feelings  toward  them  and  his  treatment 
of  them  in  every  respect,  were  the  same  as  if  they  had 
been  born  of  a  white  mother  in  lawful  wedlock.  After 
sending  away  this  boy,  as  he  believed  for  his  good,  he 
returned  to  Stuart  Fort;  and  so  dejected  were  his  spir- 
its in  consequence,  he  says,  that  he  passed  four  of  the 
most  miserable  days  of  his  life.  And  when  some  two 
years  later,  Harmon  heard  that  his  boy  was  dead,  he 
was  overwhelmed  with  grief,  while  the  mother  was 
thrown,  if  possible,  into  still  greater  distress,  being 
delirious  the  whole  night  after  receiving  the  intelli- 
gence. 

Bio-  Knife  was  the  name  the  natives  ouve  Harmon, 
for  he  sometimes  carried  a  sword;  and  though  during 
the  eleven  years  he  had  spent  in  the  Indian  country 
he  had  never  struck  an  Indian,  it  now  devolved  on  him 
to  chastise  a  chief  named  Quas,  or  else  be  called  a 
coward,  and  lose  his  influence  in  those  parts.  Har- 
mon tells  the  story  at  some  length.  Briefly,  it  is  as 
follows:  Quas,  to  display  his  importance  before  his 
followers,  insisted  that  Harmon  should  give  credit  to 
an  Indian  not  worthy  of  it.  Harmon  refused,  where- 
upon  Quas  bantered  Harmon  as  to  his  business  qual- 
ifications, saying  that  he  managed  his  affairs  as  well  as 
any  white  man.  Then  he  asked  credit  for  a  small 
piece  of  cloth,  which  was  readily  granted;  but  on 
showing  him  one  piece  of  cloth  after  another,  he 
affected  disgust  with  them  all.  Then  Harmon  felt 
it  his  duty  to  punish  him,  which  he  did  by  beating 
him  over  the  head  with  a  stick.     The  chief  cried  to 


LEAEXS  OF  FORT  ASTOEIA.  2S3 

his  warriors,  several  of  whom  were  present,  bo  seize 
his  assailant;  but  they  dare  not  touch  him;  and  there- 
after  none   among    them   ranked   higher   than 
Knife. 

In  the  autumn  of  1811  Peace  River  was  frozen  be- 
fore the  usual  supplies  were  brought  up,  so  that  in 
December  Harmon  was  obliged  to  bring  the  goods 
over  with  clogs  and  sledges.  He  set  out  on  the  20th 
with  twenty  men,  and  returned  in  time  for  the  first  of 
January  festivity,  accompanied  by  McDougall. 

During  this  month  of  January  1812,  Harmon 
visited  the  native  village  of  Tachy,  situated  at  the 
other  end  of  Stuart  Lake.  He  found  the  people 
indolent,  and  consequently  poorly  fed  and  clad.  Then 
with  McDougall  and  twelve  of  his  own  men  and 
two  Carriers,  he  made  a  journey  to  the  terrii 
of  the  Xateotetains  living  to  the  westward.  Few  of 
■  people  had  ever  before  seen  white  men,  and  on 
their  approach  they  showed  by  warlike  g  how 

they  would  defend  themselves  in  case  they  weir  • 
attacked.  They  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
clubs  and  axes.  When  informed  by  the  stran  > 
that  they  had  come  to  supply  their  necessities  and 
purchase  their  furs,  respect  and  hospitality  were  pro- 
fusely proffered. 

Continuing  their  journey,  they  the  next  day  came 
>n  four  other  villages,  whose  people  told  them  how 
white  men  ascended  their  river  from  the  Pacific  Oct 'an 
and  sold  goods  to  their  neighbors  on  the  west,  from 
whoi 1 1 1  hey  purchased.  In  February  Harmon  made  an 
eight  <lays'  jaunt  to  Fraser  Lake,  and  was  everywhere 
well  received  by  the  natives. 

Letter  from  David  Thompson,  dated  at  Ilko- 
y<  'i  »<  i  the  Columbia  River  the  28th  <  >f  August 

1811,  Harmon  now  first  receives  intelli  the 

fort-builders  at  the  month  of  the  Columbia,  who  call 
themselves  the  Pacific  Fur  Company.  This  letter 
had  been  on  the  way  eight  months,  when  the  distance 
might  easily  be  travelled  in  thirty  days.     The  reason 


284  HARMON  IN  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

of  this  was  that  instead  of  sending  it  through  direct 
by  a  single  messenger,  it  was  delivered  by  Thompson 
at  one  of  his  posts  down  the  Columbia  to  the  ad- 
jacent tribes,  with  instructions  to  pass  it  on  to  the 
next  tribe,  and  so  on  until  it  should  reach  its  destina- 
tion.    The  wonder  is  that  it  went  through  at  all. 

In  May,  Harmon  went  to  McLeod  Lake  to  despatch 
his  eastern  express,  and  while  crossing  a  small  lake  on 
a  sledge,  one  of  his  men,  Pierre  Lambert,  fell  through 
the  ice  and  was  drowned.  The  winter  of  1812-13 
was  spent  by  Harmon  in  company  with  John  Stuart, 
at  Stuart  Fort.  With  them  were  twenty-one  laborers, 
one  interpreter,  five  women,  and  a  troop  of  children. 
While  on  a  fur-trading  excursion  to  Fraser  Lake  the 
two  friends  narrowly  escaped  being  killed  by  certain 
Indians,  who  wTere  incensed  against  the  interpreter's 
wife;  but  courage,  coolness,  and  kind  words  finally 
pacified  them. 

With  five  voyageurs  and  a  Carrier  Indian,  Har- 
mon left  Stuart  Lake  the  6th  of  February  1813  for 
Fort  Dunvegan,  for  the  purpose  of  transacting  some 
business  with  McGillivray.  There  he  was  informed 
that  the  British  had  taken  Niagara  and  Mackinaw. 

Accompanied  by  six  voyageurs  and  two  natives, 
John  Stuart  on  the  13th  of  May  embarked  at  Stuart 
Lake  in  two  canoes  with  a  small  stock  of  goods  as 
pocket-mone}^,  and  six  weeks'  provisions,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  finding,  if  possible,  water  communication 
between  that  point  and  the  Columbia  River.  Should 
his  efforts  prove  successful,  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  Northwest  partners  to  obtain  supplies  and  make 
returns  by  that  route,  building  vessels  somewhere  on 
the  Pacific  coast  to  ply  between  the  Columbia  River 
and  China,  and  thus  avoid  the  long  land  travel  from 
Canada.  On  reaching  the  Columbia,  Stuart  was 
to  be  joined  by  John  G.  McTavish,  who  was  to  ac- 
company him  to  the  ocean.  This  left  Harmon  in  the 
full  superintendence  of  affairs  in  New  Caledonia. 

At  these  far  interior  posts  the  officers  had  leisure 


A  VERY  NEW  COUNTRY.  285 

enough.  Harmon  says  thai  not  more  than  one  fifth  of 
his  time  was  occupied  by  business.  But  at  every  post 
were  books,  and  among  them  many  thai  were  worth 
reading.  Gloomy  reflections  sometimes  arose  as  he 
thought  of  his  civilized  home,  some  thirteen  years 
having  now  passed  since  he  left  it;  but  mosl  of  the 
time  he  was  contented  and  cheerful.  No  small  por- 
tioo  of  his  time  was  occupied  in  religious  resolves, 
which  he  conscientiously  endeavored  to  carry  out. 

Joseph  La  Roche,  who  had  accompanied  John  G. 
McTavish  to  the  Pacific  the  summer  previous,  arrived 
at  Stuart  Lake  the  7th  of  November  1813.  The 
4th  of  Februaiy  following,  Donald  McLennan  arrived 
with  the  intelligence  of  the  purchase  of  the  property 
of  the  Pacific  Fur  Company  by  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany. 

During  these  years,  Harmon  was  chiefly  occupied 
in  baling  and  shipping  down  Peace  River  the  furs 
collected  at  the  several  posts  under  his  charge,  and  in 
receiving  and  distributing  the  supplies  of  goods  sent 
him.  1 1  was  monotonous  enough  thus  being  shut  in  the 
wilderness  for  nineteen  years,  and  an  agreeable  com- 
panion was  most  highly  prized.  "  Happy  arc  those/' 
he  exclaims,  while  laboring  under  the  disappointment 
of  losing  McLennan,  who  he  had  hoped  would  have 
remained  with  him  during  the  summer,  "happy  are 
those  who  have  an  amiable  and  intelligent  friend  with 
whom  they  can  at  pleasure  converse!" 

The  first  goods  sent  into  New  Caledonia  by  way  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Columbia  River  of  which 
Harmon  makes  mention,  arrived  at  Stuart  Fort  the 
18th  of  October  1814.  They  were  brought  from  Fori 
George  in  two  canoes  by  Joseph  La  Roche,  who  on 
arrival  was  sent  by  Harmon  once  more  to  reestab- 
lish Fort  Fraser.  La  Roche  was  soon  relieved  by 
Harmon  himself,  who  soon  after  was  joined  by  Stuart 
and  McDougall,  who  took  him  with  them  to  Stilla  to 
purchase  salmon  of  the  natives.  The  11th  of  Janu- 
ary  1815    Harmon  set  out  with    six   meu  and   two 


2S6  HARMON  IN  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

natives  to  visit  the  Naskootains3  who  had  never  before 
held  intercourse  with  white  men. 

As  spring  came  on,  a  small  piece  of  ground  at  Fort 
Eraser  was  inclosed  in  palisades  for  a  vegetable  gar- 
den, and  potatoes,  beets,  onions,  carrots,  and  parsnips 
planted,  besides  a  little  corn  and  barley.  The  summer 
of  1815  Stuart  passed  at  Stuart  Lake,  and  Harmon 
at  Fraser  Lake.  The  narrative  about  this  time  be- 
comes very  sentimental  and  very  religious.  The 
writer  sighs  for  companionship  like  a  sick  school-girl, 
and  throws  in  pages  of  protestations,  prayers,  and 
high  resolves.  Although  his  desire  to  return  to  his 
old  home  was  never  so  great  as  now,  yet  in  the  spring 
of  1816  Harmon  agreed  with  George  McDougall*  to 
remain  in  the  country  two  years  longer  as  clerk  of  the 
Northwest  Company. 

The  winter  of  1816-17  came  on  early  with  its  cold 
white  coverings.  As  usual,  salmon  dried  during  the 
summer  was  the  chief  subsistence  alike  of  white 
man  and  red.  In  December,  fifteen  sledge -loads  of 
this  food  were  sent  by  Harmon  from  Fort  Fraser 
to  McLeod  Fort  to  supply  the  winterers  there  as 
well  as  the  spring  packers.  The  summer  was  very 
dry,  there  being  not  a  drop  of  rain  for  months.  In 
May,  Harmon  set  out  on  a  visit  to  Fort  Chipewyan, 
returning  the  1st  of  September.  On  the  3d  of  Octo- 
ber Fort  Fraser  was  burned;  most  of  the  property, 
however,  was  saved. 

The  year  1818  was  partly  spent  by  Harmon  in 
preparations  to  return  to  his  native  land,  on  which 
he  was  now  fully  determined.  To  this  end  George 
McDougall  in  February  1819  took  his  place  at  Stuart 
Fort,  where  of  late  he  had  been  stationed,  while  Har- 
mon himself  proceeded  to  McLeod  Fort,  and  thence 
the  following  summer  to  Montreal  and  Vermont. 

3  For  full  accounts  of  all  the  aborigines  of  this  locality,  see  Native  Races,  i. 
114-37,  146. 

4  This  George  McDougall  came  out  from  Canada  to  Red  River  the  summer 
previous  with  Lord  Selkirk's  party.  Becoming  dissatisfied  with  the  treat- 
ment of  John  Clarke,  his  superior,  he  left  the  settlement,  and  joined  his 
brother  James  McDougall  west  of  the  mountains. 


PETEB  SKEEN  OGDEN.  2S7 

I  have  beeD  thus  minute  in  giving  the  somewhat 
tame  events  from  Harmon's  journal,  from  the  fact 
that  it  is  the  only  historical  record  we  have  of  this 
region  during  this  period;  and  as  the  time  was  of 
ill-'  earliest,  incidents  assume  importance,  which  at  a 
later  date  would  be  deemed  insignificant.  One  crown- 
ing noble  act  this  man  Harmon  did  on  emerging 
from  the  wilderness,  which  partners  with  nnore  gen- 
tlemanly pretensions  might  well  have  followed.  His 
uncouth  children  with  their  Indian  mother  he  did  not 
desert,  hut  took  them  all  with  him  to  his  old  home, 
made  the  woman  his  lawful  wife,  and  educated  his 
children  in  all  his  own  high  and  holy  principles. 

Events  call  us  once  more  to  Fort  George.  The 
attention  of  the  magnates  there  in  charge  was  di- 
vided between  the  receiving  and  disbursing  of  the 
annual  outfits,  and  the  cultivation  of  trade  with  the 
aboriginals  of  the  Willamette  and  the  Cowlitz.  Keith 
was  in  many  respects  an  excellent  man,  but  he  pos- 
sessed a  remarkable  faculty  for  bungling  business.  I 
will  cite  an  instance : 

Oskononton  was  an  Iroquois,  one  of  the  twenty- 
five  who  had  revolted  from  McKenzie.  He  crept 
hack  an  emaciated  penitent  to  Fort  Walla  Walla,  and 
from  there  was  sent  down  to  Fort  George.  Shortly 
afterward  he  joined  a  party  of  his  countrymen  to  trap 
on  the  Cowlitz,  where,  in  attempting  with  some  of 
his  wild  comrades  to  force  the  women,  he  was  killed. 
The  party  returned  to  the  fort  and  represented  the 
affair  as  an  unprovoked  murder,  whereupon  Keith 
sent  thirty  Iroquois,  under  Ogden,5  to  investigate  the 

rea  somewhat  conspicuously  in  Northwest  Coast 
affairs.  He  was  a  son  of  Chief  Justice  Ogdcn  of  Quebec,  ami  joined  the 
Northwest  Company  in  1811.     Tfia  earlier  days 

.  ith  occasional  visits  to  California.     Rising  i  i 
in  the  II  I  bmpany,  in  1831  he  left  the  Snake  country,  and  in  1835 

:  factor  in  charge  "t  the  district  <>t  New  Caledonia.     A1  fch 
sixty  lie  died  at  Oregon  City,  in  the.  house  of  his  son-in-law,  Archibald  Mc- 
Kinlay.  in  1854.     McKinlay's  A'»;-..  MS.,  II;  Andersoi  MS., 23; 

Portland  Oregonian,  Sept.  30,  L854.    Allen,  /A///..  MS.,  •  den  had 

been  .-i  \\  ild  youth,  and  though  possessing  much  ability,  was  still  fond  of  tricks 
,in  later  years.' 


2S8  HARMON  IX  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

matter,  a  choice  of  instruments  which  no  competent 
manager  could  by  any  possibility  have  made.  Arrived 
at  the  Cowlitz  camp,  without  awaiting  orders  from 
their  leader,  these  eastern  barbarians  raised  their  guns 
and  fired,  bringing  down  men,  women,  and  children. 
Twelve  persons  wholly  innocent  of  any  crime  were 
killed  before  the  eyes  of  the  Cowlitz  chief.  Howhow, 
who  that  moment  was  assisting  Ogden  to  find  the 
murderer,  was  sickened,  enraged,  as  well  he  might  be. 
Ogden  attempted  to  pacify  him,  begged  him  to  visit 
the  fort  where  all  should  be  explained  and  rectified, 
but  all  to  no  purpose.  Every  other  effort  proving 
unavailing,  a  husband  from  among  the  white  chiefs 
at  the  fort  was  promised  Howhow's  beautiful  young 
daughter.  This  Avas  more  than  the  fond  father  could 
withstand.  A  guard  was  promised  him  to  and  from 
the  fort,  as  he  would  have  to  pass  over  the  lands  of 
his  enemies,  the  Chinooks.  The  princess  was  brought 
to  the  fort  and  happily  married.  After  the  days  of 
rejoicing  were  over,  Howhow  was  permitted  to  leave 
the  fort  to  return  without  a  guard,  being  attended 
only  by  his  own  immediate  followers.  The  conse- 
quence was,  before  they  had  proceeded  three  hundred 
yards,  the  Cowlitz  were  fired  upon  by  some  Chinooks 
in  ambush.  The  stupid  sentinel  cried  out  that  the 
fort  was  attacked  by  Howhow  and  his  men,  and 
against  them  the  guns  of  the  bastion  were  discharged, 
wounding  two  of  the  Cowlitz.  Soon  the  mistake  was 
discovered  and  Howhow  brought  into  the  fort.  Keith 
attempted  to  explain,  but  Howhow  was  a  changed 
man.  In  stern  and  sulky  meditation  he  took  leave  of 
his  white  son-in-law,  loaded  with  presents,  but  yet 
suspicious  and  revengeful. 

Thus  driven  by  their  own  misconduct  and  stupidity 
from  the  Cowlitz,  fresh  attention  was  directed  toward 
the  Willamette.  Already  there  were  trappers  enough 
in  that  quarter,  but  the  graceless  Iroquois  must  have 
a  hunting-ground  somewhere.  Hence,  sixty  men, 
under  two  half- breed  Canadian  clerks,  ascended  the 


DARK  DOINGS  AT  UMPQUA.  2S9 

Willamette,  and  crossed  over  to  the  Umpqua.  The 
natives  were  peaceful  and  timid.  They  did  not  ob- 
ject to  the  trapping  on  their  premises,  but  they  did 
not  wish  to  barter  furs,  exchange  horses,  or  seii  wives. 
As  the  white  men  encroached  upon  their  privacy,  the 
natives  retired.  One  day  as  the  latter  ww<>  breaking 
up  camp  in  order  to  escape  their  persecutors,  the 
trappe*rs  seized  the  horses  of  the  Indians  in  order  to 
insure  their  return.  The  owners  resisted,  whereupon 
the  trappers  fired  upon  them,  killing  fourteen  innocent 
and  inoffensive  persons,  who  had  not  even  drawn  an 
arrow  in  self-defence.  The  survivors  tied,  the  hunt- 
ers pursuing.  How  many  more  were  killed  in  the 
flight  was  never  known.6  A  guilty  fear  then  seized 
the  wretches,  and  falling  back  upon  the  Willamette, 
four  of  their  number  were  sent  to  Fort  George  to 
tell  how  they  had  been  attacked  and  well  nigh  massa- 
cred by  the  treacherous  and  blood-thirsty  savages  of 
the  Umpqua.  Retribution,  however,  was  at  hand. 
Camping  while  en  route  at  Oak  Point,  the  four  mes- 
sengers were  murdered  by  five  Tlatskanai,  of  the 
same  band  as  that  which  in  1811  had  killed  three 
of  the  Pacific  Company's  men.  As  soon  as  the  Oak 
Point  murder  was  known  at  the  fort,  a  party  was 
sent  in  pursuit  of  the  assassins,  who  wTere  captured 
and  tried,  and  four  of  the  five  convicted  and  executed. 
By  these  and  like  mismanagements  the  returns  at 
Fort  George  were  this  year,  1819,  reduced  4,000 
beaver,  equivalent  in  money  to  £G,000. 

Another  year  was  spent  by  Donald  McKenzic  in  th 
Snake  country,  closing  on  his  return  to  Fort  Walla 
Walla,  the  10th  of  July  1821.      Next  year  he  crossed 
the  mountains  to  York  Factory,  and  was  sh<  >ri  ly  alter 

cTt  is  with  heart-felt  Borrow  that  Iftnd  it  my  duty  to  register  so  dastardly 
an  outrage  perpetrated  under  Northwest  Company  rule.  would 

be  that  the  friends  who  did  it  were  eastern  savages,  [roquois,  whom  they 
found  it  extremely  difficult  to  control.     We  well  know  that  such  deed 
disavowed  and  lamented  by  the  members  of  the  Northwest  Company,  most 
of  all  men. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    19 


290  HARMON  IX  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

made  governor  of  the  Red  River  Colony,  a  position 
second  only  to  that  of  governor-in-chief.  After  filling 
that  office  for  ten  years,  he  removed  with  his  family 
to  Mayville,  New  York. 

In  the  summer  of  1818,  there  arrived  at  Astoria 
the  remnant  of  a  party  of  twenty-five  led  by  Louis 
Pichette  from  Canada  the  year  previous,  and  who 
had  wintered  on  the  plains.  Seven  of  the  company  had 
died  upon  the  way.  After  spending  several  years  each 
at  Forts  Vancouver,  Colville,  and  Hall,  Pichette  finally 
took  a  farm  at  Champoeg,  where  he  died  in  1876.7 

By  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  signed  at  Ghent  the  24th  of  Decem- 
ber 1814,  it  was  agreed  that  all  territory  and  places 
taken  by  either  from  the  other  during  the  war  should 
be  immediately  restored.  In  pursuance  of  this  agree- 
ment, on  the  18th  of  July  1815,  James  Monroe, 
secretary  of  state,  notified  Mr  Baker,  charge  d'affaires 
of  Great  Britain  to  the  United  States,  that  measures 
would  be  taken  to  reoccupy  the  post  of  Astoria,  on 
the  Columbia  River,  without  delay,  at  the  same  time 
asking  a  letter  to  the  person  in  charge,  giving  orders 
for  its  restitution. 

Mr  Baker  replied  that  he  had  no  authority  from 
his  government  to  furnish  such  a  letter,  and  referred 
the  secretary  to  Vice-admiral  Dixon,  of  his  majesty's 
naval  forces  on  the  Brazil  station,  whose  command 
included  the  Pacific.  There  the  matter  rested  until 
September  1817,  when  the  sloop  of  war  Ontario  was 
ordered  to  the  Columbia  peaceably  to  assert  the 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States  in  the  territory  ad- 
jacent. The  captain  of  the  sloop,  J.  Biddle,  and  J. 
B.  Prevost  were  appointed  joint  commissioners  to 
carry  these  instructions  into  effect.8 

7  The  Salem  Statesman,  Dec.  22,  1876,  claims  for  him  that  he  was  the  first 
white  man  to  settle  in  Marion  county.  There  are  so  many  claimants  to  the 
honor  of  first  settler  here  and  elsewhere,  that  it  is  not  always  easy  to  de- 
termine the  truth. 

8  Annals  Cong.,  1822,  app.  ii.  2130-1 ;  President's  Message,  April  15,  1822; 
GreenJww's  Or.  and  Cal.,  307;  Evans''  Hist.  (Jr.,  MS.,  103. 


ASTORIA  RESTORED.  291 

Pre  vest  and  Biddle  had  not  been  many  days  absent 
on  their  mission  when  Mr  Bagot,  the  British  minister 
at  Washington,  addressed  inquiries  to  Mr  Adams. 
secretary  of  state,  relative  to  the  destination  of  the 
Ontario,  and  the  purpose  of  her  voyage,  which  being 
answered,  Bagot  remonstrated,  saying  thai  the  North- 
west Coast  was  early  possessed  by  Great  Britain  as 
part  of  her  dominion,  and  that  the  post  upon  the 
Columbia  was  not  captured  during  the  war,  but  was 
sold  by  one  commercial  company  to  another  for  a  fail- 
consideration,  and  did  not  therefore  conic  within  the 
provision  of  the  first  article  of  the  Ghent  treaty. 

Mr  Bagot  lost  no  time  in  communicating  to  his 
government  the  state  of  affairs,  which  immediately 
became  a  matter  of  discussion  between  Lord  Cas 
reagh,  British  secretaiy  for  foreign  affairs,  and  Mr 
Rush,  United  States  minister  in  London.  Castlen  sag]  i 
regretted  that  the  British  government  had  not  been 
notified  of  the  intended  occupation  of  the  Columbia  by 
the  United  States  before  the  sailing  of  the  Ontari 
Great  Britain  claimed  dominion  over  that  territory. 
He  now  proposed  to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitration. 

To  this  Mr  Bush  objected.  He  would  not  admit 
that  there  was  any  ground  for  an  arbitration,  any 
just  ground  upon  which  England  could  claim  dominion. 
Y\  as  not  the  territory  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States  before  the  war?  he  asked.  Did  it  not  fall  by 
belligerent  pressure?  How,  then,  under  treaty  stipu- 
lations requiring  mutual  restitution  could  possession 
be  withheld?  Castlereagh  admitted  the  right  of  tic 
1  nited  States  as  the  party  in  possession  pending  ne- 
gotiations. He  lamented  only  the  manner  of  ol  Gaining 
possession,  fearing  disturbance  in  consequence.  To 
prevent  misunderstanding  in  this  transfer,  lie  requested 
the  colonial  secretary,  Lord  Bathurst,  and  the  Lords 
of  the  admiralty  to  expedite  the  proper  orders  to  the 
person  in  charge  of  the  fort,  which  was  done.  I  udeed, 
the  British  government  displayed  a  magnanimous  de- 
sire  to  avoid  any  hostile  collision  between  the  repre- 


292  HARMON  IN"  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

sentatives  of  the  respective  governments  in  these 
distant  parts. 

Continuing  her  voyage  the  Ontario  reached  Valpa- 
raiso in  February.  No  orders  had  yet  been  received 
from  the  British  government  for  the  delivery  of  Fort 
George,  and  it  was  now  evident  that  no  British  officer 
nor  any  agent  of  the  Northwest  Company  would  as- 
sume the  responsibility  of  voluntarily  relinquishing 
the  post.  Yet  the  orders  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment must  be  obeyed.  And  the  Ontario  must  com- 
plete her  mission  so  far  as  possible.  It  was  clearly 
evident,  however,  that  what  was  now  done  at  the 
Columbia  Biver  would  be  empty  form,  whereas  some- 
thing might  be  gained  by  further  conference  with 
British  powers.  In  view  of  these  several  aspects  of 
the  case,  it  was  finally  arranged  that  while  Mr  Prevost 
remained  at  Valparaiso,  Captain  Biddle  should  pro- 
ceed to  the  Columbia  in  the  Ontario,  and  take  formal 
possession  of  Fort  Astoria,  which  was  done  on  the  9th 
of  August.  The  Ontario  then  returned  to  the  South 
Pacific. 

Meanwhile  Lord  Bathurst's  order9  for  the  surren- 
der of  Fort  George  to  the  United  States  had  reached 
Bio  cle  Janeiro,  and  was  sent  by  Commodore  Bowles, 
commander  of  the  British  naval  forces  in  the  South 
Sea,  to  his  senior  officer  in  the  Pacific,  Captain  Sher- 
iff. Prevost  was  still  at  Valparaiso,  and  Captain 
Sheriff  immediately  informed  him  of  his  receipt  of 
the  order,  at  the  same  time  offering  him  conveyance 

9  Which  was  in  these  words : 
'  To  the  partners  or  agents  of  the  Northioest  Company  residing  on  the  Columbia 
River: 

'Intelligence  haying  been  received  that  the  United  States  sloop  of  war 
Ontario  has  been  sent  by  the  American  government  to  establish  a  settlement 
on  the  Columbia  River,  which  was  held  by  that  state  on  the  breaking  out  of 
the  last  war,  I  am  to  acquaint  you  that  it  is  the  Prince  Regent's  pleasure- 
without,  however,  admitting  the  right  of  that  government  to  the  possession 
in  question — that  in  pursuance  of  the  first  article  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  duo 
facility  should  be  given  to  the  reoccupation  of  the  said  settlement  by  the 
officers  of  the  United  States;  and  I  am  to  desire  that  you  would  contribute, 
as  much  as  lies  in  your  power,  to  the  execution  of  his  Royal  Highness'  com- 
mands. I  have,  etc.,  etc., 

'Bathurst.' 


CHANGE  OF  FLAGS.  293 

to  the  Columbia,  which  was  thankfully  accepted.    The 
1  chosen  for  this  errand  was  the    British  frigate 
Blossom,  ( laptain  I  [ickey. 

The  Blossom  entered  the  Columbia  the  1st  <»f  Octo- 
ber, and  on  the  6th   the  surrender  was  made. 
British  flag  was    lowered,  and    that    of  the    Urn 
Stateswas  hoistedin  its  place.1"    Placards  declaratory 
of  the  surrender  were  placed  on  either  side  of  the  en- 
trance to  the  river,  one  on  Cape  Disappointment,  and 
another  on  Point  Adams.     These  were  afterward 
moved  by  the  natives.11     Mr   Keith  then  addressed 
inquiries  to  Mr  Prevosl    respecting  the  position  and 
imercial   interests  of  the   Northwest  Company  on 
the  Columbia,  to  which  Mr  Prevost  replied  that  the 
action  of  his  government  he  could  not  determine,  but 
that  the  Northwest  Companymight  restassured  that 
their  rights  would  be  respected,  and  that  no  necess 
existed  for  the  immediate  abandonment  either  of  the 
Columbia  River  or  of  Fort  George.12 

10 House  Com.  Bep't,  No.  1<>1,  25th  Cong.  3d.  Sess.,  p.  7. 
"Prom  Monterey,  Mr  Prevost  wrote  the  secretary  of  state  the  11th  of 
November  1818,  with  copies  of  the  acts  of  delivery  and  acceptance,  all  oi 
which   documents  accompanied   President    Monroe's    message   to   Cod 
April   17.    \^22.     The  act  of  delivery    by  the  British  Commissioners   is   in 
these  words: 

'  In   obedience  to  the    commands    of   his    Royal    Highness    the    Prince 
at,  signified  in  a  despatch  from  the  Right  Honorable  Earl   Bathurst, 
Bed  to  the  partners  or  agents   of  the   Northwest  Company,   hearing 
date  the  27th  of  January  1818,  and  in  obedience  to  subsequent  ord 

2  ith  of  July  last,  from  William  H.  Sheriff,  Esq.,  captain  of  his  maj 
ship  A  we,  the  undersigned,  do,  in  conformity  to  the  first  article 

of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  restore  to  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
through  its  agent,  J.  B.  Prevost,  Esq.,  the  settlement  of  Fort  <  reorge  on  the 
River  <  iolumbia.  (liven  under  our  hands  in  triplicate  at  Port  George,  Colum- 
bia River,  this  6th  clay  of  October,  1818. 

'P.  Hickey,  Captain  of  his  Majesty's  ship  Bl 
'  James  Keith,  of  the  Northwest  Company.' 
The  act  of  acceptance  by  the  United  States  Commissioner  reads  as  follows: 
'I  do  hereby  acknowledge  to  have  this  day  received,  in  bi  half  of 
ernment  of  the   United  States,  the  possession  of  the  settlemenl 
.  in  conformity  td  the  first  article  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent.     G 
md  in  triplicate,  at  Fort  George,  Columbia  River,  this  6tb  d 
ber  1818.  J.  B.  Pbevost,  agent  for  the  TJ\ 

12  This  correspondence  should  be  given  in  full. 
Mr  Keith  to  Mr  Pn 

'FoetGeoege,  Columbia  River,  October  6,  I 
Now  that  the  restitution  and  the  settlement  have  been  ma  dr.  and  that 
the  Northwest  Company  are  still  allowed  to  occupy  it  in  the  prosecution  of 


294  HARMON  IN  NEW  CALEDONIA. 

The  purchase  of  the  Pacific  Company  by  the  North- 
west Company  was  not  known  by  the  plenipotentiaries 
at  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  yet  provision  to  meet  such  an 
emergency  had  not  been  neglected.  Such  an  event, 
or  rather  the  capture  of  Fort  Astoria  by  the  British 
forces  in  the  Pacific, likely  enough  had  occurred  during 
the  war,  in  which  case,  or  in  any  case,  no  claim  that 
might  be  set  up  by  the  British  government  to  the 
Northwest  Coast,  or  any  part  of  it,  should  for  a 
moment  be  recognized.13     The  Ghent  commissioners, 

their  commercial  pursuits,  permit  me  to  submit  to  you  the  following  important 
queries,  to  which  I  recpiest  a  candid  and  explicit  reply:  Whether  or  not  you 
feel  authorized  on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  to  tender  me  any  assurance, 
or  to  afford  any  security  that  no  abandonment  or  relinquishment  of  said  set- 
tlement will  be  claimed  by  your  government  in  favor  of  any  of  its  subjects, 
to  the  ejectment  and  exclusion  of  said  Northwest  Company,  prior  to  the  final 
decision  of  the  right  of  sovereignty  to  -the  country  between  our  respective  gov- 
ernments? And  pending  such  discussion,  as  also  in  the  event  of  such  sov- 
ereignty being  confirmed  to  the  United  States,  may  the  Northwest  Company 
implicitly  rely  on  the  justice  and  equity  of  your  government,  that  adequate 
allowance  will  be  made  for  any  extension  or  amelioration  of  aforesaid  settle- 
ment, or  of  the  trade  dependent  thereon,  of  which  circumstances  may  from 
time  to  time  suggest  the  propriety  ?  I  have  the  honor,  etc. , 

'  James  Keith, 
'J.  B.  Prevost,  Esq.  Acting  for  self  and  Northwest  Company.' 

Mr  Prevost  to  Mr  Keith: 

'Fort  George,  Columbia,  October  6,  1818. 

'Sir:  In  answer  to  your  note  of  this  morning  I  have  the  honor  to  state 
that  the  principal  object  of  the  president  in  sending  me  thus  far  was  to  obtain 
such  information  of  the  place,  of  its  access,  and  of  its  commercial  importance, 
as  might  enable  him  to  submit  to  the  consideration  of  congress  measures  for 
the  protection  and  extension  of  the  establishment.  From  hence  you  will  per- 
ceive  that,  until  the  sense  of  the  government  may  be  taken  upon  my  report, 
any  assurance  I  might  offer  to  meet  the  wishes  expressed  by  you,  would  be  as 
unauthorized  as  unavailing.  I,  however,  sir,  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 
that  should  it  hereafter  comport  with  the  views  of  the  nation  to  foster  the 
settlement,  any  claim  of  the  Northwest  Company,  justified  by  the  usages  of 
nations,  will  be  liquidated  with  great  liberality;  and  that,  should  its  policy 
induce  a  system  of  exclusion,  it  will  never  extend  to  your  removal  without 
sufficient  notice  to  prevent  loss  and  injury  to  the  company.  I  cannot  take 
my  leave,  sir,  without  expressing  my  approbation  of  the  manner  in  which  an 
establishment  so  precarious  has  been  managed,  nor  without  offering  a. hope 
that  the  same  judicious  course  may  be  pursued,  under  the  change  of  flag,  for 
its  success,  until  the  pleasure  of  the  president  can  be  known.' 

'James  Keith.  J.  B.  Prevost.' 

13  Under  date  of  22d  of  March  1814,  James  Monroe,  secretary  of  state, 
wrote  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  United  States,  that  in  the  event  of  a  treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  and  a  reciprocal  restitution  of  territory,  they  should  have 
it  in  recollection  that  the  United  States  had  in  their  possession  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  a  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Columbia,  which 
commanded  the  river,  which  ought  to  be  comprised  in  the  stipulation,  should 
the  possession  have  been  wrested  from  us  during  the  war.    'On  no  pretext  can 


THE  TREATY  OF  GHEXT.  295 

on  behalf  of  the  United  States,  had  been  instructed  to 

recognize  no  British  claim  to  territory  south  of  the 
forty-ninth  parallel.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  relin- 
quishment of  Fort  George,  the  British  government 
by  no  means  acknowledged  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Oregon  territory.  By  the  present  trans- 
fer matters  were  simply  placed  as  before  the  war,  with 
boundary  and  title  yet  to  be  determined. 

Among  ether  questions  growing  out  of  the  treaty 
of  Ghent,  yet  unsettled,  was  that  of  the  partition  line 
between  the  British  American  possessions  and  the 
United  States,  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  An 
agreement  was  drawn  up  between  the  powers  that  all 
differences  should  be  settled  by  convention,  which  was 
signed  in  London  the  20th  of  October  1818.  Then  it 
was  agreed  that  the  Northwest  Coast,  by  whichsoever 
claimed,  should,  for  ten  years  from  the  date  of  the 
convention,  be  open  to  subjects  of  both  nations;  nor 
was  this  agreement  to  be  to  the  ultimate  prejudice  of 
the  claim  of  either  to  any  part  of  that  territory.  The 
settlement  of  the  boundary  question  was  simply  post- 
poned, it  being  inconvenient  and  unnecessary  to  de- 
termine it  at  that  time.14 

the  British  government  set  up  a  claim  to  territory  south  of  the  northern 
boundary  of  the  United  States.  It  is  not  believed  that  they  have  any  claim 
whatever  to  territory  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  You  will,  however,  be  careful 
Bhould  a  definition  of  boundary  be  attempted,  not  to  countenance  in  any  man- 
in ir  or  in  any  quarter,  a  pretension  in  the  British  government  to  territory 
south  of  that  line.'    See  Annals  of  Congress,  1814-15,  app.,  1375. 

liAnnals  of  Congress,  1822,  i'i.  2130-42;  Am.  Strife  Papers,  For.  Bel.,  v. 
582;  Barton'sDeba  •  ?,  v.  399,  x.  301;  President's  Messages,  Dec.  29,  1818,  Feb. 
•22.  1819,  April  15,  1822,  Jan.  31,  1826,  and  Accompanying  Dor.;  Evans'  Or., 
MS.,  101  l:  GreenJtow's  Or.  andCal.,  306-14;  Gray's  Hist.  Or.,  20,  37;  Vic- 
tor's Riv>  r  of  the  West,  32-3;  Dix's  Speeches,  i.  47;  Anderson's  Northwest  Coast, 
M.S.,  4,  100. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

UNION  OF  THE  NORTHWEST  AND   THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COM- 
PANIES, AND  THE  SUBSEQUENT  CHARTERS. 

1803-1846. 

Title  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  to  Rupert  Land— Boundary,  not 
Title,  the  Question  in  Dispute — Jurisdiction  of  Courts — Ruin 
from  Rivalry  Imminent— The  Northwest  Company's  Opposition  to 
Lord  Selkirk  and  his  Colonization  Scheme — The  Two  Companies 
before  Parliament  —  The  Ministry  Interpose  Mediation  —  The 
Question  of  Compromise  Debated— Terms  of  Union— Passage  of 
the  Act  Empowering  the  Crown  to  Grant  Exclusive  License  of 
Trade— The  Grant  of  1821 — The  Assignment  in  1824  of  the  North- 
west Company — The  Deed-Poll  of  1834— The  Renewal  of  License 
in  1S38— The  Settlement  of  the  Boundary  Question  in  1846— The 
Grant  of  Vancouver  Island  in  1849. 

It  lias  been  many  times  mentioned  that  in  1821 
the  Northwest  Company  and  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  became  one  corporation ;  how  the  companies 
were  united  has  nowhere  been  told.  After  quiet  oc- 
cupancy for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  title  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  to  Rupert  Land  might 
scarcely  be  questioned  by  a  rival  association.  Al- 
though France  claimed  the  country  when  the  charter 
of  Charles  II.  dated  the  2d  of  May  1670  was  made, 
and  although  the  grant  never  had  been  permanently 
ratified  by  parliament,  the  claim  of  the  adventurers 
of  England  had  been  tacitly  acknowledged  by  govern- 
ment in  various  ways. 

In  the  first  place,  the  incorporators  and  their  suc- 
cessors were  made  lords  proprietors  of  the  lands 
granted,  which  were  to  be  held  in  free  and  common 
socage,  and  not  in  capite,  or  by  knight's  service.     It 


THE  CHARTER.  297 

was  a  five  and  absolute  gifi .  subject  to  revocation  only 
by  the  power  that  made  it,  exclusive  in  its  terms, 
and  requiring  the  recognition  of  royal  authority  only 
by  a  promise  to  pay  the  grantor  or  his  successors  two 
elk  and  two  black  beaver,  whenever  one  of  them 
should  enter  the  territories  so  granted.  The  com- 
pany might  colonize  wherever  they  chose,  appoint 
mors,  make  laws,  and  administer  justice.  Over 
the  natives  of  the  granted  territory  their  power  was 
absolute,  involving  life  or  death;  their  own  people 
they  might  punish  in  minor  matters,  or  even  for  high 
offences  if  no  appeal  was  made  to  England.  It'  such 
appeal  was  made,  the  company  must  send  prisoners 
thither;  likewise  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  other 
than  those  employed  by  the  company,  found  within 
the  territory,  might  be  arrested  and  sent  to  England. 
The  fact  that  King'  Charles  might  as  righteously 
have  granted  his  cousin  Rupert  land  in  Fiance,  or 
Italy,  or  Saturn,  or  the  sun,  as  round  Hudson  Bay, 
made  no  whit  difference,  so  long  as  the  protection 
which  backed  his  gift  was  strong  enough  to  break 
down  opposition. 

The  chief  question  in  dispute  between  the  adven- 
turers of  England  and  the  merchants  of  Montreal  was 
not  one  of  title  to  Rupert  Land,  although  the  North- 
west Company  did  claim  that  the  grant  of  Charles 
II.  was  invalid,  lacking  the  sanction  of  parliament. 
An  act  confirming  the  charter  was  passed  by  Parlia- 
ment in  1G90,  but  for  seven  years  only,  and  no  longer.1 
An  attempt  was  made  to  renew  the  charter  at  the  ex- 

1  .Martin,  TJie  Hudson's  Bay  Territorit  s,  45,  asserts  that  thisact  makes  the 
grant  perpetual,  yet  in  the  same  breath  lie  admits  that  it  expired  at  the  end 

a  years.    'MrM.  Martin  says  "forever."  Heputsth 
and  would  leave  readers  who  do  not  n  i  at  the  font  of  a  page,  in 

small  type,  with  the  belief  that  the  charter  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  I 
confirmed  by  Parliament  forever.    There  cannot  be  anything  more  grossly  un- 
true.'   Fitzgerald's  I'.  /..!)::.     The  truth  of  the  matter  is  thai   the  bill  was 
drawn  making  the  charter  to  hold  forever.    The  Mouse  of  <  !ommons  decided 
it  should  be  valid  but  for  ten  years.    The  House  of  Lord  down 

i  years  -and  no  longer.'   Tims  it  becamea  lav.  ;  awing 

a  new  bill,  a.  rider  was  attached  limiting  the  time  to  seven  years.  Tims  Mr 
Fitzgerald's  criticism  is  just.  Mr  Martin  obviously  wished  to  deceive,  and  like 
all  who  deal  in  untruths,  he  made  a  bungling  affair  of  it. 


293  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

piration  of  the  seven  years.  A  bill  was  introduced, 
but  the  company  seeing  it  was  going  against  them 
withdrew  it,  lest  they  should  be  ruined  by  defeat. 
Nevertheless,  government  regarded  the  corporation 
with  no  special  disfavor,  recognizing  the  claims  of  the 
adventurers  of  England  when  such  recognition  was 
almost  equivalent  to  a  renewal  of  the  charter.2 

While  the  adventurers  of  England  exercised 
almost  sovereign  power  round  Hudson  Bay,  in  the 
Indian  countries,  as  the  region  west  of  Rupert  Land 
was  called,  their  authority  was  questioned.  In  order 
to  determine  the  matter,  on  the  11th  of  August 
1803,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  forty -third  year  of  the 
reign  of  George  III.,  an  act  was  passed  by  parlia- 
ment for  extending  the  jurisdiction,  not  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  but  of  the  Canadian  courts 
of  justice  over  this  territory.  By  this  act  justices 
of  the  peace  for  the  Indian  countries  might  be 
created  by  the  governor  of  Lower  Canada,  who  should 
be  empowered  to  commit  offenders  until  they  could 
be  conveyed  to  Canada  for  trial.  Minor  offences,  and 
all  offences  committed  in  the  Indian  countries,  were 
to  be  tried  in  the  same  manner  as  if  committed  in 
Canada.  This  act  remained  in  force  until  the  union 
of  the  Northwest  and  the  Hudson's  Bay  companies. 
But  it  was  disputes  concerning  boundaries  rather  than 
those  of  title,  which  brought  on  the  bloody  conflict 
between  the  two  companies.  Until  their  fellow-coun- 
trymen, following  north-westward  the  pathway  of  the 
great  lakes,  had  penetrated  beyond  Superior,  and  even 

2  Recognition  is  found  in  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  1713;  in  the  treaty  of  Ore- 
gon 1846;  in  various  acts  of  Parliament— as,  for  example,  the  2  William  and 
Mary  1690;  6  Anne,  cap.  37;  14  George  III.,  cap.  83;  and  1  and  2  George  I\  ., 
cap.  66.  On  the  other  hand,  we  might  say  that  the  territory  granted  did  not  at 
the  time,  under  the  then  recognized  law  of  nations,  belong  to  England,  and 
was  not  so  determined  until  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  1713.  The  treaty  of 
Utrecht  does  not  guarantee  the  company's  privileges,  but  only  remunerated 
them  for  their  losses.  The  treaty  of  Ryswick,  signed  in  September  1697.  pro- 
vided for  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  determine  whether  Rupert 
Land  belonged  even  then  to  France  or  to  England.  A  portion  of  the  Red 
River  territory  claimed  by  the  company,  the  government  did  not  hesitate  to 
yield  to  the  United  States,  thereby  admitting  the  absence  of  title. 


RIVALRY  AND  WAR.  209 

Winnipeg,  the  adventurers  of  England  scarcely  left 
the  shores  of  Hudson  Bay.  Bui  suddenly  their  pre- 
tensions assumed  broad  proportions.  At  first  they 
were  satisfied  with  the  lands  drained  by  streams  flow- 
ing immediately  into  Hudson  Bay.  l>ut  afterwards 
I'm. I'm--  rivers  having  their  sources  a  thousand  miles 
away,  falling  into  lakes  which  fed  the  streams  flow- 
ing immediately  into  Hudson  Bay,  they  thereupon 
claimed  territory  equal  to  twice  their  original  domain, 
and  finally  the  I  'acific  and  Arctic  oceans  alone  bounded 
their  avarice. 

To  the  Red  River  country  and  the  region  wesi 
and  north-west  of  lakes  Winnipeg  and  Athabasca, 
the  Northwest  Company  deemed  their  righi  quite 
as  good  as  that  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  The 
latter  was  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  absolute 
and  unlimited  monopoly.  Upon  these  conditions 
alone  could  they  at  once  preserve  the  game  and 
regulate1  the  fur  market  of  the  world.  There  were 
no  doubt  advantages  arising  from  such  a  policy, 
provided  this  whole  region  was  to  be  forever  kept 
alone  for  fur-producing  purposes.  Only  by  some 
such  method  could  the  diseases  and  demoralizations 
of  civilization  be  kept  from  the  natives.  If  under 
any  conditions  the  existence  of  a  grinding  monopoly 
can  be  aught  else  than  a  curse,  it  was  here,  where 
competition  signified  intoxicating  drink  and  exter- 
mination of  animals. 

For  some  time  past  it  had  been  clearly  evident  that 
if  the  hitter  rivalry  of  the  two  great  companies  was 
continued  much  longer,  both  would  be  ruined  by  it. 
Obviously  one  would  succumb  before  the  other;  bul 
victory  would  come  too  late  Each  was  inflicting  a 
mortal  wound,  and  success  was  as  fatal  as  failure.  In 
this  emergency  the  friends  of  both  compani 
measures  for  a  reconciliation.  Following  the  Red 
River  affray,  attempts  were  made  to  bring  the  more 
conspicuous  among  the  belligerents  on  both  sides  I  i 
trial,  though  without  much  success,    li  was  extremely 


300  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

difficult  for  the  courts  of  Canada  or  of  England  to 
reach  these  wars  in  the  distant  wilderness.  It  was 
almost  impossible  to  apprehend  offenders,  or  to  find 
witnesses  when  the  persons  sought  did  not  choose  to 
be  found.  In  the  unexplored  west  were  millions  of 
hiding-places  safe  to  the  fur-hunter,  but  fatal  to  his 
pursuer. 

The  Northwest  Company,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
exceedingly  wide-awake  and  enterprising,  and  by  its 
superior  talent  and  energy  it  gradually  undermined 
even  the  solid  foundation  of  the  adventurers  of  Eng- 
land trading  into  Hudson  Bay.  While  at  the  height  of 
their  rivalry,  before  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had 
scarcely  crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains,  the  Northwest 
Company  had  a  thriving  establishment  on  the  bank  of 
the  Columbia.,  with  a  chain  of  posts  extending  from 
Lake  Superior,  and  trade  established  on  the  shore  of 
the  Pacific  southward  to  California  and  northward  to 
New  Archangel.  By  1817  more  than  three  hundred 
Canadians  were  in  their  service  on  the  western  slope 
alone,  and  three  ships  had  brought  them  supplies 
round  Cape  Horn,  returning  with  rich  cargoes  of  furs 
to  Canton  and  London.  During  the  war  of  1812 
they  opposed  the  United  States  with  a  company  of 
their  voyageurs,  commanded  by  officers  of  the  com- 
pany, who  not  only  served  without  .pay  but  furnished 
their  own  outfit  and  stores. 

Lord  Selkirk's  Red  River  colonization  scheme  they 
felt  to  be  as  unjust  as  it  was  insulting,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  resist  it  to  the  death.  Nor  did  they  attempt 
to  shirk  the  responsibility  of  their  actions,  or  the 
acts  of  their  agents  after  they  had  brought  matters 
to  a  bloody  issue.  They  believed  themselves  still  to 
be  right,  and  upon  their  conviction  they  were  willing 
to  stake  their  lives. 

Fortunately,  however,  for  all  concerned,  there  was 
yet  remaining  one  feature  favorable  to  reconciliation. 
Red  River  colonization  was  the  project  of  Selkirk, 
and  not  that  of  the  directors  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 


EED  RIVEE  AT!  30] 

Company:  and  although  his  lordship  with  his  m< 
could  buy  shares  which  would  enable  him  to  outvote 
his  associates  in  council,  their  influence  with  the  gov- 
ernment outweighed  his.8 

Throughoul  their  entire  disagreements  each  com- 
pany was  eager  to  have  its  side  of  the  story  properly 
placed  before  government.  The  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany was  never  without  its  influence  in  politics,  and 
there  were  able  men  in  England  to  represenl  the 
Northwesl  ( lompany. 

During  the  war  with  the  United  States  the  prop- 
erty and  hunting-grounds  of  the  Northwest  Company 
were  much  more  exposed  than  those  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company.  Hence  in  February  L814  a  memo- 
rial was  presented  the  secretary  of  state  for  the  colo- 
nics, asking  that  direct  communication  might  be 
opened  with  their  posts  through  Hudson  Bay.  At 
the  same  time  Selkirk  was  begging  the  protection  of 
ernment  against  dangers  threatened  by  the  Ind- 
ians , -it  the  instigation  of  the  Northwest  Company. 
In  1815  the  government  expressed  its  desire  to  do 
justice  on  both  sides,  hut  it  felt  the  subjed  to  he  «>n<- 
of  great  difficulty.  Then  followed  the  affray  at  Red 
River,  when  it  became  absolutely  necessary  for  gov- 
ernment to  take  action  in  the  matter.  Inamored 
nite  form  than  ever  before,  the  proceedings  of  the 
rival  associations  were  broughi  before  parliament  in 
June  181*.),  and  their  affairs  closely  investigated.  In 
1820  Lord  Selkirk  died,  and  thus  was  removed 
main  instrument  in  the  late  dissensions. 

The  question  of   a  settlement    of   difficulties    was 

thoroughly  debated  in  parliament,  hut  without  much 

success.     The  breach  could  never  he  healed  by  stat- 

-  which  could  never  be  enforced.    Finally  the  min- 

•TheNorthwi      i  were  not  di  r  rivals  on  this 

scon.      I  in  it  all  but  one  objeel   said  they,  which  was  '  to  di 

Northwest  <  'ompany  from  the  trade  and  obtain  the  monopol)  •■•  it;  and  bow- 
i    ■      incere  Lord  Selkirk  may  originally  have  been  in  his  plans  of  coloniza- 
tion, the  colony  was  subsequently  converted  into  an  <  t  this  object, 
Canadian  from  the  Indian  country.    N> 
1-7. 


302  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

istry,  deeming  the  matter  of  sufficient  importance  to 
interpose  its  mediation,  effected  a  compromise  by 
which  the  two  companies  became  united  under  one 
head. 

First  of  all,  an  agreement  of  partnership  was  entered 
into  on  the  26th  of  March  1821,  whereby  the  two  com- 
panies should  share  equally  the  profits  of  the  trade  for 
a  term  of  twenty-one  years,  beginning  with  the  outfit 
of  1821.  Each  company  was  to  furnish  an  equal 
amount  of  capital,  and  the  profits  were  to  be  equally 
divided.4  Although  it  was  less  a  merging  of  one  into 
the  other  than  a  union  upon  equal  terms,  the  name 
of  the  older  and  chartered  company  alone  was  retained, 
thus  giving  the  new  association  whatever  respectability 
or  benefits  attached  to  it.  The  interests  of  the  con- 
solidation were  divided  into  one  hundred  shares,  forty 
of  which  were  held  by  the  chief  factors  and  the  chief 
traders,  and  the  remainder  by  partners  or  share- 
holders in  Canada  and  Great  Britain.  The  forty 
shares,  belonging  as  they  did  to  the  active  workers  of 
the  association,  were  in  some  respects  privileged;  for 
instance,  should  loss  occur  in  one  year,  it  was  to  be 
made  good  out  of  the  profits  of  the  following  year.  A 
general  account  accompanied  by  an  inventory  was  to  be 
made  out  annually  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  such  profits 
as  were  not  paid  to  shareholders  within  fifteen  days 
were  to  draw  five  per  cent  per  annum  interest.  No 
expenses  for  colonization  purposes  or  for  any  other 
schemes  apart  from  trade  should  be  a  charge  upon  the 
new  association. 

The  governor  and  directors  of  the  consolidation, 
henceforth  to  be  known  only  as  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, were  empowered  to  appoint  district  governors 
who  should  preside  at  the  councils  of  chief  factors, 

4  Each  contributed  either  in  money  or  in  stock  £200,000.  The  capital  stock 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  at  this  time  was  but  £100,000,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  call  in  a  like  amount  to  make  their  contribution  equivalent  to  that 
of  the  Northwest  Company.  After  the  union,  profits  were  added  to  the  prin- 
cipal after  paying  ten  percent  dividends  annually,  until  the  capital  stock  was 
£500,000.     See  House  Commons  Rept.,  345. 


ACT  OF  PARLIAMENT.  303 

and  see  executed  all  the  acta  authorized  or  imposed 
by  parliament.  Three  chief  factors,  in  addition  to  the 
president,  should  constitute  a  council:  and  in  the 
absence  of  chief  factors,  the  number  mighi  be  com- 
pleted by  senior  chief  traders.  Two  of  the  three  coun- 
cillors should  decide  any  question  noi  vetoed  by  the 
governor. 

The  appointment  of  twenty-five  chief  factors  and 
twenty-eight  chief  traders  was  rendered  necessary 
by  the  terms  of  this  deed.  These  were  named  from 
the  former  servants  of  each  company  alternately. 
Thus  in  every  respect  the  two  companies  came  to- 
gether upon  an  equal  footing.  Eighty-five  [.arts  were 
made  (.('the  forty  shares  to  be  divided  among  the  chief 
factors  and  the  chief  traders,  of  which  subdivisions 
two  were  given  to  each  chief  factor,  and  one  to  each 
chief  trader.  The  seven  shares  left  were  again  sub- 
divided, and  distributed  as  awards  among  the  old  and 
meritorious  servants  of  both  associations. 

The  terms  of  union  being  thus  agreed  on,  the  next 
step  was  to  obtain  an  act  of  parliament  empowering 
the  crown  to  grant  to  any  person,  or  body  corporate, 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  trading  with  the  natives  of 
any  part  of  hyperborean  North  America  not  already 
granted  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  noi  being 
any  part  of  the  United  States,  or  any  part  of*  the  ter 
ritory  west  of  the  Stony  Mountains,  which,  by  the 
convention  of  1818,  it  had  been  stipulated  should  be 
open  to  the  subjects  of  both  powers  for  ten  years,  or 
any  of  the  provinces  of  North  America.  Thus  under 
the  new  rSgime  the  old  question  of  title  was  to  1"' 
firsi  and  forever  settled. 

This  ad  was  passed  the  2d  of  July  1821.  It  was 
constructed  to  fit  the  emergency,  and  with  the  Bole 
object  of  consummating  the  union  of  the  rival  com- 
panies. The  license  which,  under  the  provisions  the 
crown  might  grant,  should  not  run  for  any  longer 
period  than  twenty-one  years.  For  the  first  twenty- 
one  years  no  rents  should  be  received;  afterthat  time 


304  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

the  government  might  demand  whatsoever  rent  might 
be  deemed  just.5  A  record  of  the  names  of  all  persons 
employed  by  the  company  should  be  sent  the  secre- 
tary of  state  each  year;  and  the  company  should  give 
bonds  for  the  proper  delivery  for  trial  of  any  charged 
with  criminal  offence,  as  well  as  for  the  fulfilment  of 
any  other  stipulation.  All  minor  offences  were  to 
be  tried  by  magistrates  appointed  by  the  crown. 
Criminal  cases,  involving  capital  punishment  and  civil 
suits,  where  the  sum  involved  should  be  over  two 
hundred  pounds,  were  to  be  brought  for  trial  before 
the  court  of  Upper  Canada.  Last  of  all,  nothing  in 
this  act  should  affect  the  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  under  their  former  charter. 

All  being  thus  duly  prepared,  on  the  21st  of  De- 
cember 1821  the  king  granted  the  united  companies 
exclusive  trade  with  the  Indians  of  North  America 
according  to  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  the  2d  of 
July.  The  grant  was  made  to  the  Company  of  Ad- 
venturers of  England  trading  into  Hudson's  Bay,  and 
to  William  McGillivray,  Simon  McGillivray,  and 
Edward  Ellice  on  behalf  of  the  Northwest  Company. 
The  servants  of  the  company  were  commissioned  jus- 
tices of  the  peace,  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts 
of  Upper  Canada  was  extended  to  the  shore  of  the 
Pacific.  Thus  was  secured  to  every  British  subject 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  the  protection  of  Brit- 
ish law. 

Whatever  rights  or  interests  yet  remained  to  the 
Northwest  Company  were  in  1824  formally  assigned 
to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Compairy,  in  whose  name  alone 
the  business  was  thereafter  conducted.  A  deed-poll 
for  ascertaining  the  rights  and  prescribing  the  duties 
of  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  and  for  the  general 
management  of  the  business  was  made  the  6th  of 
June  1834. 

5  By  the  actual  tonus  of  the  grant,  no  rent  was  required  for  the  first  four 
years;  for  the  remainder  of  the  term  of  '21  years,  five  shillings  were  to  be 
paid  yearly  on  June  1st,  'into  our  exchequer.'  Greenhow,  Or.  ami  L'uL,  47o. 


RENEWAL  OF  LICENSE.  305 

About  this  time  attention  began  to  be  once  more 
directed  to  the  question  of  a  north-wesl  passage, 
which  bwice  before  since  the  charter  to  Prince  Rupert 
had  broken  ou1  in  spasms;  once  in  L719,  when  Cap- 
tain kniivit  endeavored  to  sail  the  frigate  Albany  and 
the  sloop  Discovery  from  Churchill  Factory  through 
the  Strait  of  Anian  in  order  to  load  them  with  the 
gold  of  California;  and  again  in  L 769  when  Hearne 
found  the  Frozen  Ocean.  Now  come  forward  Simp- 
son, Dease,  and  Back  and  talk  of  explorations.  Al- 
though the  subjecl  had  always  been  distasteful  to  the 
company,  they  could  not  ignore  it  because  it  was  one 
of  the  specified  objects  of  the  charter,  this  and  the 
conversion  of  the  natives  to  Christianity.  But  if  in- 
vestigation into  the  nature  and  extent  of  contiguous 
domain  was  to  be  made,  they  would  rather  make  it 
themselves.  It  was  better  they  reasoned,  and  cun- 
ningly, that  the  company  should  do  the  seeing  and  re- 
porting. 

A  general  awakening  followed.  Arctic  explorat  i<  >ns 
wer  taken  under  the  company's  wing;  the  supply  of 
spirits  to  the  natives  was  reduced;  missionaries  were 
called  for,  signs  were  hopeful.  Patriotism,  piety,  and 
enterprise  were  all  employed  by  the  monopolists  as  a 
feint  which  should  guard  their  privacy.  Gathering 
strengthwith  a  renewal  of  righteousness,  the  company 
deemed  this  opportunity  as  good  as  another  for  the 
renewal  of  their  charter.  Parliament  had  invested  the 
crown  with  power,  as  we  have  seen,  to  granl  a  license 
elusive  trade  for  a  term  of  twenty-one  years 
only.  Since  the  last  grant,  seventeen  years  ha  1 
passed,  leaving  but  four  years  to  run.  The  end  was 
rapidly  approaching.  Seeing  that  the  time  was  favor- 
able to  their  purpose,  they  determined  to  avail  them- 
selves of  it.  Whal  mighl  be  the  condition  <  f  things 
four  years  hence  no  one  could  tell.  They  could  now 
p,,int  to  their  benefactions.  J  )oing  good  was  tiresome 
and  expensive;  they  could  nol  long  exist  under  the 
strain.     Besides,  explorations  and  conversions  broke 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    20 


30G  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

exclusivencss  and  interfered  with  trade.  Taking  in 
view  all  these  considerations,  the  company  determined 
at  this  time  to  apply  for  a  renewal  of  their  license, 
instead  of  awaiting  the  expiration  of  the  full  term. 
And  they  were  successful.  Upon  the  surrender  of 
the  former  grant  a  royal  license  of  exclusive  trade 
with  the  Indians  in  certain  parts  of  North  America 
for  a  further  term  of  twenty-one  years  was  issued  to 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  the  30th  of  May  1838. 

After  reciting  the  terms  of  the  grant  of  1821,  the 
new  license  invests  the  company  with  all  its  former 
powers  and  privileges,  the  conditions  as  to  rent  re- 
maining unchanged.  Right  was  reserved,  as  in  the 
former  grant,  to  revoke  the  grant  in  so  far  as  the 
same  extended  to  territories  subsequently  to  be  colo- 
nized. This  reservation  gave  the  crown  the  right 
at  any  time  to  form  colonies  within  the  territories 
granted,  to  establish  such  government  as  it  should 
deem  best,  withdrawing  from  the  control  of  the  com- 
pany such  territory  as  should  be  necessary  for  that 
purpose. 

At  this  time  the  boundary  between  the  United 
States  and  British  America  west  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains was  still  unsettled.  By  treaty  of  the  15th  of 
June  1846,  however,  the  forty-ninth  parallel  was  made 
the  dividing  line,  thus  obliging  the  fur  company  to 
abandon  its  twelve  posts  south  of  that  bound. 

On  condition  of  promoting  its  colonization,  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  in  1849,  obtained  a  crown  grant 
of  Vancouver  Island,  particulars  of  which  will  be  treated 
elsewhere.  At  the  expiration  of  its  second  charter 
in  1859,  the  license  of  exclusive  trade  was  not  renewed; 
British  Columbia  was  erected  into  a  crown  colony, 
and  the  great  monopoly  took  its  place  among  the  rest 
as  a  private  trading  corporation. 


DEED   POLL 


'      !.    r.V    Tin:    GOVERNOR     LND    COMPANY.    OF    HUDSON'S     BAY,    WITH 

» TBEm  Chief  Factors  and  Chief  Traders  forConj 
Tin-.n:  Trade  in  Rupert's  Land  \m>  North  America,  and  roi 
taining  Tin:  Rights  and  Prescribing  thj  Duties  ot  those  Officers. 

To  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come.  The  Governor  and  Company  of 
Adventurers  of  England  trading  into  Hudson's  Kay.  Bend  greeting.  Whereas, 
his  majesty,  Bang  Charles  the  Second,  did,  by  his  royal  charter,  constitute 
rnorand  company  of  adventurers  of  England  trading  into  Hudson's 
Bay  into  a  body  corporate  with  perpetual  succession,  and  with  pow<  r  to  elect 
a  governor  and  deputy-governor  and  committee  for  the  management  of  their 
trade  and  affairs.  Now,  know  ye  that  the  governor  and  companj  of  adven- 
turers of  England  trading  into  Hudson's  Bay,  commonly  called  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  being  duly  assembled  according  to  the  provisions  of  Baid 
charter,  do  make,  ordain,  and  constitute  the  following  lows  and  ordinances, 
rules  and  regulations,  and  direct  them  to  be  observed  by  all  governors,  chief 
factors,  chief  traders,  and  other  officers  and  persons  appointed  bj  the  said 
governor  and  company  to  conduct  and  superintend  the  trade  of  the  said  gov- 
ernor and  company  in  their  territory  of  Rupert's  Land,  or  in  other  places  in 
North  America,  and  they  do  hereby  direct  that  the  said  trade  shall  in  future 
be  carried  ou  and  conducted  under  and  subject  to  the  articles,  provisions, 
rules,  and  regulations  hereafter  mentioned  and  contained,  that  is  to  say: 

ARTICLE  I.  The  present  and  the  future  chief  factors  tor  the  time  be 
■wholly  employ  themselves  in  the  superintendence  of  the  trade  with  the  Ind- 
ians and  other  persons,  and  also  of  all  business  relating  to  the  said  tra 
whether  within  the  territory  of  the  said  governor  and  company  .ailed  Ru- 
pert's Land,  or  in  other  places  in  North  America  where  the  said  governor  and 
company  have  the  power  of  carrying  on  trade  with  the  Indians  or  other  p<  r- 
Bons  in  furs  or  other  articles. 

II.  The  present  and  future  chief  traders  for  the  time  being  shall  wholly 
and  exclusively  act  as  traders  and  conduct  the  business  as  such  in  their 
respective  departments  and  under  the  orders  and  regulations  to  be  from  time 
to  time  given  to  them  respectively  by  the  respective  governors  in  council  i  i 
the  respective  districts,  but  without  entitling  any  chief  trader  to  sit  as  a  mem- 
ber of  council,  or  to  have  any  vote  therein  in  respect  of  any 

discussed  except  in  such  special  cases  as  are  hereinafter  mentioned. 

III.  The  chief  factors  for  the  time  being  duringtheir  continuance  in  office 
gether  with   any  governor   or  governors   to  be  from  time  to  time 

appointed  by  the  said  governor  and  company,  and  in  case  more  than  one  sm  h 

governor  shall  be  there  present,  then  together  with  the  senior  of 

emors,    or  in   case   of  the   absence   of   all   such   governors,    then 

with  other  p  r  on  or  persons  who  may  be  specially  appoint 

governor  and   company,  as   president   thereof,  constitute  the  councils  for 

regulating  the  trade  and  affairs  of  the  said  governor  and  company,  as  well 

without  as  within  the  limits  of  their  territory;  but  to  constitute  a  council 

not  less  than  seven  members,  whereof  three  at  least  Bhall  b 

shall  be  pr<  Bent,  besidi  a  the  governor  or  president ;  and  in  case  at  any  time 


30S  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

there  shall  not  be  present  seven  chief  factors  to  constitute  such  council,  then 
the  deficiency  in  the  number  of  chief  factors,  over  and  above  three,  shall 
be  made  up  and  supplied  at  the  time  by  or  out  of  the  senior  chief  traders 
(according  to  the  duties  of  the  commissions),  who  shall  be  present  at  the  time 
and  place  where  the  council  is  intended  to  be  Iiolden,  and  they  shall  be  sum- 
moned accordingly,  and  shall  or  may  set  and  vote  as  members  of  the  said 
council.  It  being,  nevertheless,  expressedly  understood  that  in  ordinary  cases 
no  council  shall  be  deemed  to  be  lawfully  constituted  unless  three  chief 
factors,  at  least,  are  present,  besides  the  chief  factor,  if  any,  acting  as 
president. 

IV.  Each  council  to  be  constituted  as  aforesaid,  shall  make  arrangements 
with  respect  to  the  trading  posts  and  stations,  and  the  respective  outfits  for 
carrying  on  the  trade,  and  the  wintering  residence  of  the  chief  factors  and 
chief  traders,  and  of  the  clerks,  and  others  in  the  service  of  the  said  company 
in  the  territories  and  places  aforesaid,  as  well  under  the  charter  of  the  said 
governor  and  company  as  otherwise,  and  the  same  shall  be  fixed  and  settled 
by  the  respective  governors  and  council  in  their  respective  departments. 

V.  Each  council,  constituted  as  aforesaid,  shall,  in  its  department,  ascer- 
tain the  result  of  the  preceding  year's  trade  at  each  post  within  such  depart- 
ment, and  be  guided  thereby  iu  regulating  the  outfit  for  the  then  following  or 
current  season. 

VI.  All  matters  whatsoever,  which  may  be  determined  upon  by  each 
council,  constituted  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  distinctly  and  fully  minuted  in  the 
book  to  be  kept  for  that  purpose,  to  be  called  'The  Council  Minute  Book,' 
and  a  copy  of  such  minutes  shall  be  made  out,  and  signed  by  the  said  gov- 
ernor or  president  and  members  present  at  the  council,  vouching  the  same  to 
be  a  faithful  copy  of  the  minutes  made  at  such  council,  which  copy  shall 
be  annually  transmitted  by  the  governor  or  president  to  the  governor  and 
company  in  England,  or  their  committee. 

VII.  Each  council  so  constituted  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  authorized  to 
make  rules  and  regulations  for  the  management  and  conduct  of  the  trade,  and 
otherwise  relating  thereto,  from  time  to  time,  as  they  may  think  fit;  and  such 
rules  and  regulations  shall  remain  in  force  until  objected  to  by  the  governor 
and  company  in  England,  or  their  committee,  according  to  the  provision  here- 
after contained. 

VIII.  Each  council  so  constituted  as  aforesaid,  shall  have  full  power 
and  jurisdiction  to  inquire  or  cause  inquiry  to  be  made  into  the  conduct  cf 
the  chief  factors,  chief  traders,  clerks,  and  servants,  in  the  territories  and 
place  aforesaid,  or  of  any  one  or  more  of  them,  and  to  impose  such  mulcts  and 
fines  for  misconduct,  as  the  said  council  shall  from  time  to  time  think  fit,  but 
such  mulcts  and  fines  so  imposed  may  be  varied  by  the  governor  and  com- 
pany, or  their  committee,  and  shall  not  be  enforced  until  ratified  or  varied  by 
the  governor  and  company,  or  their  committee. 

IX.  If,  owing  to  death  or  other  cause,  the  governor,  or  other  president 
appointed  by  the  said  governor  and  company,  shall  not  be  present,  or  if  there 
shall  be  a  want  of  sufficient  members,  or  on  any  other  account,  the  persons 
who  may  have  met  together  in  council,  may  adjourn  from  time  to  time. 

X.  In  case  of  the  death  or  absence  of  all  the  governors,  and  of  any  other 


OX  GOVERNORS  AND  CHIEF  FACTORS.  309 

pecially  appointed  to  preside  by  the  governor  and  company,  i 
said,  the  senior  chief  factor  of  each  district,  and  w  ho  Bhall  for  the  time  being 
I..-  present,  shall  temporarily  preside  at  such  respective  council,  and  if  the 
number  of  chief  factors  hereby  required  to  form  such  respective  lull  council 
cannot,  from  the  intemperate  state  of  the  Beason,  or  from  any  othi 
ordinary  circumstance,  assemble  within  any  given  period  fixed  by  the  said 
governor  and  company,  or  their  committee,  at  the  usual  places  respectively 
appointed  for  holding  the  councils,  whether  original  or  adjourned, 
many  of  the  chief  factors  of  each  district  ordepartment  as  can  assi  mbl 
assisted  bj  as  many  of  the  chief  traders  of  the  same  district  or  department, 
as,  for  the  time  being,  can  conveniently  be  assembled  for  the  purpose,  re- 
spectively form  a  temporary  council,  to  determine  the  necessary  outfits  and 
and  siuh  temporary  council  may  adjourn,  from 

occa  si tay  require;  subject,  nei 

by  the  original  council,  in  case  the  same  can  lie  assembled  during  the  Bitting 
or  adjournment  of  the  temporary  council. 

XI.  [f  any  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  misconduct  or  misbehave 

so  as  to  injure  the  said  trade  in  any  manner  howsoever,  and  shall  tic  reoi    be 
convicted  by  proof  to  the  satisfaction  of  tic  governor  and  council,  or  the 
majority  of  the  members  thereof  within  the  district  to  which  th 
ing  shall  belong,  ami  which  governor  and  council  shall  have  power  to  hear 

and  determine  all  charges  of  that  nature,  tin-  governor,  with  the 

of  the  majority  of  the  council  before  whom  such  charges  shall   I" 
-hall  have  power  to  expel  or  remove  the  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  so  offend- 
ing; and  the  share  or  shares  belonging  to  the  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  so 
offending  shall  be  forfeited;  and  the  same  shall  thereupon  beci 
in  such  manner,  for  the  benefit  of  the  succeeding  chief  factoror  chief  trader  to 
he  substituted  in  the  room  of  the  offending  party,  as  the  said  govei 
company,  or  their  committee,  shall  think  fit,  provided,  nevertheless,  no  chief 
factoror  chief  trader  shall  he  so  removed  or  expelled  by  th 
and  council  unless  a.  majority  shall  concur  in  the  sentence,  aid  im 
]■  moval  or  expulsion  shall  be  subsequently  ratified  by  the  governor  an.l  com- 
pany, or  their  committee. 

XII.  It  shall  not  be  competent  to  any  governor  or  council  to  dismiss  any 
clerk  for  misconduct,  without  first  obtaining  the  sanction  of  the  governor  and 
company,  or  their  committee,  in  that  behalf,  except  in  cases  of  habitual  intox- 
ication or  fraudulent  or  wilful  misapplication  of  property  intrusted  to  him,  in 

either  of  which  lasl  mentioned  cases  it  shall  be  competent  to  th \rernorand 

council  of  the  department  wherein  such  misconduct  maj  arise,  i  I  their  own 
authority  to  dismiss  such  clerk  at  once,  and  in  all  other  cases  of  misconduct 
the  governor  and  council  Bhall  or  may  suspend  him  from  his  situation  until 
the  pleasure  of  the  governor  and  company,  or  their  committi  • 

I  known. 

XIII.  The  chief  factors  or  chief  traders  who  Bhall  from  time  to  time 
winter  in  the  Indian  country,  shall  delivei  aorand  council 
of  the  district  \\  herein  Mich  chief  factors  or  chief  traders  Bhall  respectively 
act,  and  every  year  or  oftener  if  required,  a  true  ace, nut  and  invent 

the  goods,  provisions,  o  i  in  hand,  an 


310  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

the  furs,  peltries,  and  of  all  debts  due  by  Indians  and  canoemen,  and  also  true 
accounts  of  the  expenditure  of  goods  and  effects  committed  to  their  respective 
charges ;  and  also  such  information  as  may  tend  to  elucidate  the  state  and 
condition  of  the  trade  under  their  respective  management  at  the  time. 

XIV.  The  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  shall  not  on  their  separate 
account,  distinct  froni  the  said  trade,  enter  into  any  trade,  business,  or  com- 
merce whatever,  neither  directly  nor  indirectly,  or  be  in  any  wise  concerned 
or  interested  therein,  neither  with  Indians  nor  with  any  other  person  whom- 
soever; and  every  such  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  so  offending,  shall  for  each 
such  offence  pay  the  sum  of  £1,000  to  the  governor  and  company  as  stated, 
or  liquidated  damages. 

XV.  The  present  and  future  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  during  their 
continuance  to  fill  such  office,  and  as  a  compensation  for  their  performance 
of  the  duties  imposed,  or  to  be  hereinafter  imposed,  on  him  or  them  as  such 
chief  factor  or  chief  trader,  shall  have,  or  be  entitled  to,  such  share  or  shares  in 
the  gains  and  profit  of  the  said  trade  as  are  hereinafter  specified, 

XVI.  That  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  from  time  to  time  the  true 
state  and  condition  of  the  stock  and  capital,  and  of  the  gains  and  profits  of 
the  said  trade,  inventories  of  such  trading  goods,  provisions,  and  stores  as 
on  the  1st  day  of  June  1834,  or  the  usual  period  of  closing  the  spring  trade 
of  the  outfit  of  1833,  and  on  the  same  day  or  usual  period  in  every  succeed- 
ing year  during  the  continuance  of  the  said  trade,  may  remain  on  hand  at  the 
several  depots,  stations,  or  posts,  in  the  territories  and  places  aforesaid,  occu- 
pied in  carrying  on  the  said  trade,  as  the  part  undisposed  of  to  the  Indians, 
of  the  outfit  of  the  year  then  immediately  preceding,  shall  be  made  out  as 
soon  as  may  be  afterwards,  and  that  thereupon  the  same  shall  be  valued  at  a 
tariff,  to  be  from  time  to  time  determined  upon  by  the  said  governor  and 
company ;  and  the  amount  of  such  valuation  shall  be  allowed  as  a  credit  in  the 
account  of  the  outfit  of  the  year  immediately  preceding,  and  shall  be  made  a 
charge  in  the  accounts  of  the  outfit  of  the  year  then  next  following ;  and  the 
same  goods,  provisions,  and  stores  shall  be  considered  as  a  part  of  the  outfit  of 
the  year  then  next  following,  provided  always,  that  in  such  inventories  and 
valuations  shall  be  included  all  debts  which  on  such  first  day  of  June,  or  such 
usual  period,  may  be  owing  to  the  said  trade  from  traders,  clerks,  guides,  inter- 
preters, canoemen,  and  laborers  or  other  persons,  except  Indians,  for  ad- 
vances and  supplies;  but  debts  due  from  Indians  shall  be  included  without 
any  valuation  being  put  thereon.  And  a  general  account  shall  on  the  first 
day  of  June  1836,  and  on  every  succeeding  first  day  of  June  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  said  trade,  be  stated  and  made  out  in  the  manner  following, 
that  is  to  say,  in  stating  and  making  out  such  account  on  the  first  day  of 
June  1836,  there  shall  be  placed  on  the  debit  side  of  the  said  account,  the 
amount  of  the  valuation  to  be  made  as  before  mentioned,  of  the  goods, 
provisions,  stores,  supplies,  debts,  and  other  articles,  of  which  inventories 
are  to  be  taken  as  before  mentioned,  and  which  are  to  form  part  of  the 
outfit  of  the  year  1834,  together  with  interest  at  five  per  cent  per  annum  on 
such  amounts,  from  the  first  day  of  June  1834  to  the  1st  day  of  June  1836, 
and  also  the  amount  of  the  charge  for  the  goods,  provisions,  and  stores, 
ordered  and  to  be  ordered  for  the  outfit  of   the  year  1834,   together  with 


OX  KEEPING  THE  ACCOUNTS.  311 

interest   at    bhe  a  the  sums  forming  Buch  amount,  from  the  re- 

spective times  of  the  payment  of  bhe  same  sums  to  the  I  t  daj  of  Jum  L836, 
and  also  the  amount  of  the  valuation  to  be  made  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  House 
in  London,  \\  i  t  U  Its  appointments,  including  the  furniture  therein,  and  of 
the  ships  which  Bhall  on  the  same  1st  day  of  June  1834  belong  to  the  said 
governor  and  company,  together  with  interesl  at  the  Bamerate  on  such  amount 
for  the  period  last  aforesaid;  and  also  the  amounts  of  such  of  the  <■  | 
be  incurred  up  to  the  1st  day  of  June  183.~>,  in  respect 

of  the  said  governor  ami  company,  together  with  interest  at  the  same  rate,  on 
the  amount  of  such  expenses  from  the  respective  times  of  the  payment  thereof 
up  to  the  1st  .lay  of  June  L836.  And  there  should  be  placed  on  the  credit  side 
of  the  said  account,  the  amount  of  the  valuation  to  be  made  before  mentiom  d 
of  such  trading  goods,  provisions,  and  stores,  as  on  the  1st  day  of  June  1835, 
or  the  usual  period  of  closing  the  spring  trade  of  1835,  might  remain  on  hand 
at  the  several  depots,  stations,  or  posts,  as  aforesaid,  and  of  I 
included  in  such « alua  I  i<  in  i  as  af<  >resaid,and  also  the  amount  of  the  then  value  of 
the  Hudson's  liay  House  for  the  time  being  in  London,  with  its  appurtenances, 
and  the  furniture  therein,  and  any  other  property  which  shall  b 
the  trade  on  the  1st  day  of  June  1835,  together  with  interest  at  the  rate  afore- 
said  on  both  amounts  from  the  1st  day  of  June  1833  to  the  1st  day  of  June 
1S3G,  and  also  the  net  amount  to  arise  from  the  sale  of  the  furs,  peltries,  and 
other  articles,  to  be  received  as  the  returns  of  the  outfit  of  the  year  1834,  after 
deducting  all  expenses  attending  or  relating  to  the  sale  thereof,  together  with 
interest  at  the  same  rate  on  the  sums  forming  such  net  amount,  from  the  re- 
spective prompt  days  of  the  sale  of  the  said  furs,  peltries,  and  other  articles, 
till  the  1st  day  of  June  1S36,  an^  that  the  balance  of  the  said  general  account 
shall,  in  the  event  of  such  balance  being  on  the  credit  side  of  the  said  account, 
be  deemed  to  be  the  gains  and  profits  in  respect  of  the  outfit  of  the  year  1 834 ; 
and  that  the  general  account  to  be  settled  and  made  out  on  the  first  day  of 
June  1S37,  and  on  every  succeeding  first  day  of  June  during  the  continuance 
of  the  said  trade,  shall  be  stated  and  made  out,  adjusted  and  settled  upon  the 
like  principle  as  the  account  to  be  stated  and  made  out  on  the  first  day  of 
June  1S3G,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  far  as  circumstances  will  admit,  in  re- 
gard to  the  details  or  particulars  thereof. 

XVII.  The  clear  gains  and  profits  arising  from  the  said  trade  so  to  be 
ascertained  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  considered  as  divisible  into  one  hundred 
equal  shares,  whereof  forty  shares  are  and  Bhall  be  appropriate  -1  to  such  person  i 
as  now  are  chief  factors  and  chief  traders,  and  hereinafter  mentioned  in  articles 
xix.  and  x\'.,  and  to  such  persons  as  shall  from  time  to  time  hereafter  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  said  governor  and  company,  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  to 
succeed  them,  or  as  a  temporary  provision  to  chiei  chief  traders, 

already  retired,  and  as  named  in   article  xxi.,  and  BUCh   |  nay  liere- 

d  on  the  retired  list,  as  hereafter  mentioned. 

XVIII.  The  said  party  shares  of  gains  and  profitsare  and  shall  be  sub- 
divided into  eighty-five  Bhares  of  equal  amount. 

XIX.  Each  of  the  present  chief  factors,  namely,  Colin  i:  ibertson,  John 
George  McTavish,  Alexander  Stewart,  John  Clarke,  I  leorge  Keith,  John  Dugald 

i.  John  (diaries,  John  Stuart,  Edward   Smith,  John   McLoughlin, 


312  UNION  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

James  Keith,  Joseph  Brioley,  Angus  Bethune,  Donald  McKenzie,  Alexander 
Christie,  John  McBean,  William  Mcintosh,  William  Connolly.  John  Rowand, 
James  McMUlan,  Allen  McDonnell,  Peter  Warren  Dease,  John  Lee  Lewes, 
Roderick  McKenzie  senior,  and  Duncan  Finlayson,  and  also  the  future  chief 
factors  for  the  time  being,  and  holding  a  commission  as  such,  and  while  he 
shall  continue  to  fill  the  office  of  chief  factor,  shall  have,  or  be  entitled  to, 
two  of  the  said  eighty-five  shares  of  gains  and  profits,  as  a  compensation  for 
his  performance  of  the  duties  appertaining  to  the  office  of  chief  factor. 

XX.  Each  of  the  present  chief  traders,  namely,  Jacob  Corrigal,  Thomas 
McMurray,  Donald  Mcintosh,  John  Peter  Pruden,  Hugh  Faries,  Augustus 
Cameron,  Simon  McGillivray,  John  McLeod,  Alexander  Roderick  McLeod, 
Alexander  Fisher,  Samuel  Black,  Peter  Skeen  Ogden,  Cuthbert  dimming, 
Francis  Heron,  John  Steveright,  Robert  Miles,  Colin  Campbell,  Archibald  Mc- 
Donald, John  Edward  Harriet,  Robert  Cowie,  Donald  Ross,  John  Work,  Will- 
iam Tod,  James  Hargrave,  Nicar  Finlayson,  Richard  Hardisty,  John  Tod, 
John  McLeod  junior,  and  Murdoch  McPherson,  half  shares,  and  also  of  the 
future  chief  traders  for  the  time  being,  and  holding  a  commission  as  such,  and 
while  he  shall  continue  to  fill  the  office  of  chief  trader,  shall  have,  or  be  en- 
titled to,  one  of  the  said  eighty-five  shares  of  gains  and  profits,  as  a  com- 
pensation for  his  performance  of  the  duties  appertaining  to  the  office  of  chief 
trader. 

XXL  The  remaining  six  and  a  half  shares  shall  be  applied  for  the  benefit 
of  James  Keith,  Alexander  Kennedy,  Alexander  McDonald,  John  Spencer, 
Robert  McVicar,  Joseph  Felix  Laroche,  Roderick  McKenzie,  John  Warren 
Dease,  Emilius  Simpson,  Alexander  McTavish,  and  Joseph  McGillivray,  being 
chief  factors  and  chief  traders  who  have  retired  from  the  service,  or  their 
representatives,  and  to  fulfil  the  condition  entered  into  by  the  said  governor 
and  company  with  them,  and  the  said  shares  as  they  fall  in  shall  from  time  to 
time  be  applied  by  the  said  governor  and  company  according  to  article  xxx. 

XXII.  The  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  who  winter  in  the  interior 
shall  be  allowed  out  of  the  general  stores  belonging  to  the  said  trade,  such 
articles  of  personal  necessaries  as  have  been  customarily  allowed,  without  being 
charged  for  the  same,  and  in  addition  to  their  respective  interest  in  the  trade, 
and  according  to  the  present  scale  of  allowance,  as  appi-oved  by  the  governor 
and  company,  or  their  committee,  and  all  other  articles  consumed  by  the 
party,  or  improperly  expended  by  him,  shall  be  charged  to  the  private  account 
of  the  party  by  whom  the  same  shall  have  been  consumed,  or  improperly 
expended. 

XXIII.  Any  one,  or  more,  of  the  present  or  future  chief  factors  and  chief 
traders  for  the  time  being,  may  retire  at  any  time  hereafter,  upon  the 
following  terms,  that  is  to  say: 

A  chief  factor  for  the  time  being,  entitled  to  two  eighty-fifth  shares,  and 
a  chief  trader  for  the  time  being,  entitled  to  one  eighty-fifth  share,  shall  be 
permitted  to  retire  upon  the  following  allowances,  that  is  to  say,  after  having 
held  his  commission  four  years,  he  shall  be  allowed  to  hold  his  share  or  shares 
as  the  case  may  be,  for  one  year  next  after  his  retirement,  and  half  of  his  share 
or  shares  for  the  next  succeeding  six  years,  or  which  shall,  or  may  be,  respec- 
tively held  by  him  or  his  representatives  respectively  during  the  respective 


SHARES  AND  MEMBERS.  313 

period  mentioned  in  this  article,  and  in  the  computation  of  service  a 

the  present  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  shall  be  included  the  r< 

times  for  which  they  have  already  served;  but  uo  more  than  thn 

:  ;■  twochief  factors  and  twochief  traders,  shall  beallowed  to  retire  in 

a,  unless  he  or  th<  y  i 
shall  have  given  on  i  year's  pn  \  Lou  -  notii  e  in  writing  to  I 

.  a,!  the  option  of  retirement  shall  only  be  seniority  in  each  class,  ac- 
cording to  the  dates  of  their  respective  commissionsj  provided  always,  that 
whenever  there  are  chief  factors  an  1  chief  traders  on  the  re:  ire,  I  list  who  shall 

hold  to  the  extent  of   twenty-one   shares,  then  and  in  such 

;  ;  factor  or  chief  trader  shaU.be  allowed  to  retire  and  receive  the 
allowances  provided  under  this  article  until  ther*  y  by  the  falling 

in  of  a  sufficient  bhatp 

and  company,  or  their  committee,  shall  think  lit. 

XXVII.  Three  chief  factorsand  two  chief  traders  shad  be  allowed  to 
leave  the  territory,  or  place  aforesaid,  ou  furlough  in  each 

lated  at  an  annu  Lve  council  of  each  d 

ing  to  a  rotation  list,  and  each  such  furlough,  for  the  time  being,  is  not 
I  one  j  ear  without  the  express  consent  of  the  governor  and  company, 
or  their  committee,  or  unless  the  party  be  prevented  from  returning  at  tho 
m  of  his  furlough  from  severe  illness,  and  any  factor  or  trader 
absenting  himself  after  the  expiration  of  such  furlough,  without  leave  of  tho 
governor  and  company,  or  their  committee,  except  from  severe  illness,  to  bo 
proved  to  the  .  l  oi  the  governor  and  company,  or  their  committee, 

shall  he  deemed  and  considered  as  having  retired  or  vacated  his  situation  or 

XXVIII.  The  chief  factors  or  chief  traders  not  taking  advantage  of  rota- 
tion shall  not  be  entitled  to  any  furlough  till  i:  ■  to  their  turn, 
but  they  may  exchange  their  rotation  with  any  other  chief  factor  or  i  hi<  f 
trader  upon  obtaining  nevertheless  the  previous  consent  of  the  governor  and 

,  ive  districts. 

XXIX.  The  governor  and  company,  or  their  committee,  shall  be  at  lib- 
.  my  time,  upon  or  after  the  first  day  of  June  1839,  to  place  upon  tho 

retiring  list  the  present  chief  factors  and  chief  traders,  or  any  one  or  more  of 
them,  and  from  time  to  time,  upon  and  from  the  first  day  of  June   I 
any  subsequent  years;  and  also  any  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  who 

shall  he  hereafter  appointed,  and  who  shall  have  served  for  the  space  of  four 

id  as  to  each  or  any  of  them,  upon  and  from  the  first  da; 
which  shall  first  happen  next  after  the  expiration  of  such  his  or 
tivc  four  years'  bi  n  ice,  or  upon  and  from  the  first  day  of  June  of  an 

but  then,  and  in  ever  '  •  whether 

i  led  tohold,  I  i 
beingpla  h  retired  fist,  under  this  article,  the  v 

next  SUCC  ars   the  One   half  of  his  share   or  shares,  according  as 

• 

trader,  it   being  intended  that   every  chief  factor  and  chief  trader  shall,  in 

case  he  lives  and  fills  the  office,  have,  for  five  years  a1  least,  his  full 

.  and  one  half  share  or  shares  for  the  six  next  succeeding  years. 


314  UNIOX"  OF  THE  TWO  COMPANIES. 

XXX.  That  upon  the  falling  in  of  any  of  the  said  eighty-five  shares  held 
by  any  of  the  chief  factors  or  chief  traders  or  their  representatives  or  parties 
claiming  under  them,  and  mentioned  in  article  xxi.,  and  the  said  governor 
and  company  shall  appoint  a  person  or  persons  to  such  share  or  shares,  when 
the  said  governor  and  company,  or  their  committee,  shall  think  it  expedient 
so  to  do ;  and  in  case  of  their  appointing  a  chief  factor  or  chief  factors,  or  chief 
trader  or  chief  traders,  then  the  person  or  persons  to  be  appointed  as  chief 
factor,  or  as  chief  factors,  shall  be  selected  from  the  persons  then  holding 
the  situation  of  chief  traders,  and  the  person  or  persons  to  be  appointed  chief 
trader  or  chief  traders,  from  the  then  clerks  of  the  said  governor  and  com- 
pany. 

XXXI.  Regular  sets  of  accounts,  made  up  the  preceding  1st  day  of 
June,  shall  be  sent  out  annually  by  the  outward-bound  ships  of  the  season,  to 
to  be  laid  before  the  councils  of  the  said  company,  and  if  no  objections  iu 
writing  to  the  same  be  transmitted  by  the  homeward-bound  ships  belonging  to 
the  -said  company  in  the  following  year,  such  accounts  shall  be  considered  as 
approved,  and  be  thenceforth  binding  and  conclusive  as  a  settled  account. 

XXXII.  By  the  same,  or  like,  outward-bound  ships  of  the  season,  each 
chief  factor  and  chief  trader  and  each  clerk  respectively  in  the  service  shall 
have  his  private  account  transmitted  to  him,  and  the  balance  shall  be  either 
paid  to  him  by  bills  drawn  by  him  and  made  payable  in  London  on  every  loth 
day  of  April,  or  be  paid  to  any  person  authorized  by  him  as  agent  to  receive 
the  same  and  to  settle  the  account  or  accounts  for  the  time  being,  in  respect 
of  such  balance,  on  the  same  being  made  up  on  the  1st  day  of  June  as  afore- 
said, or  if  the  said  party  prefer  to  leave  such  balance  in  the  hands  of  the  said 
governor  and  company,  and  notify  the  same  to  them,  the  governor  and  com- 
pany will  either  allow  him  interest  for  the  same  as  may  be  agreed  on,  or  at 
the  option  of  the  said  governor  and  company  invest  the  same  in  the  purchase 
of  parliamentary  stock,  and  receive,  and  when  received  credit,  his  account  with 
the  dividend  thereof. 

XXXIII.  No  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  who  may  retire,  nor  the  repre- 
sentatives of  a  chief  factor  or  chief  trader,  shall  after  such  retirement  or 
death  be  at  liberty,  or  have  any  right  to  respect  or  question  the  accounts 
mentioned  in  article  xxxi.,  but  shall  respectively  be  concluded  by  the  certifi- 
cate of  the  governor  and  company,  or  their  committee,  testifying  to  their 
correctness  as  far  as  respects  their  shares  and  interests  therein. 

XXXIV.  No  person  becoming  entitled  as  assignee  of  the  share  or  shares 
of  a  retired  chief  factor  or  chief  trader,  or  the  representatives  of  a  deceased 
chief  factor  or  chief  trader,  shall  be  entitled  to  derive  any  benefit  therefrom, 
as  such  assignee  or  representative,  unless  such  person  within  eighteen  cal- 
endar months,  respectively  next  after  his  respective  title  or  claim  shall  occur, 
shall  give  notice  thereof  to  the  said  governor  and  company  at  the  Hudson's 
Bay  House  in  London,  or  their  house  in  London  for  the  management  of 
their  concern ;  and  cause  the  several  instruments  under  which  he  respectively 
derives  title  as  such  assignee  or  representative  to  be  then  duly  registered  in 
the  books  of  the  said  governor  and  company. 

XXXV.  The  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  now  appointed,  and  every 
chief  factor  and  chief  trader,  from  time  to  time  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov- 


DEED -TOLL  DAMAGES.  315 

ernor  and  company,  for  the  superintendence  and  management  of  the  Bald 
trade  or  concern,  shall -within  eighteen  calendar  months,  next  after  the  date 
hereof,  with  respect  to  the  present  chief  factors  and  chief  traders  here  before 
named,  and  with  respect  to  all  future  chief  factors  and  chief  traders,  shall 
within  twelve  calendar  months  next  after  the  date  of  their  respective  com- 
mission, enter  into  a  covenant  or  agreenu  ol  w  Lth  the  said  governor  and  com- 
pan\ .  for  the  due  observance  and  performance  by  them,  the  said  chief  factors 
and  chief  traders,  of  all  conditions,  agreements,  ordinances,  rules,  regulations, 
mentioned  and  contained,  and  also  all  other  ordinances,  rules,  and  regu- 
lations, to  be  from  time  to  time  duly  made,  ami  the  termsthereof  as  tar  as  the 
same  are,  <>r  shall  he.  applicable  to  them  respectively,  and  for  payment  to  the 
Baid  governor  and  company  of  the  sumof  Ml,  000  as  liquidated  damages  for  every 
wilful  breach  of  each  such  condition-,  agreements,  rules,  and  regulations  by 
the  parties  respectively  covenanting,  and  for  the  acceptance  by  them  respec- 
tively of  the  several  provisions  hereby  made,  or  to  be  made,  for  them,  and 
every  such  appointment  shall  be  voidable  in  case  the  appointee  therein  named 
shall  omit  or  refuse  to  enter  into  such  covenant  or  agreement  within  the  time 
hereinbefore  mentioned  on  that  behalf. 

And  lastly,  the  said  governor  and  company  shall  be  at  liberty,  eith 
by-law  of  the  said  company  or  in  any  other  manner,  to  set  aside  ami  deter- 
mine, or  alter  or  vary  from  time  to  time,  any  one  or  more  of  the  several  arti- 
cles hereinbefore  contained,  and  either  wholly  or  in  anyone  or  more  of  the 
particulars  therein  mentioned,  provided  always  that  the  same  shall  not  in 
any  wise  disturb  nor  affect  any  right  to  which  the  person  or  persons  who  for 
the  time  being  shall  be  chief  factor  or  chief  trader  of  the  said  governor  and 
company,  and  in  their  actual  employment  at  the  time,  or  who  having  been 
chief  factors  or  chief  traders  of  the  said  governor  and  company,  shall  for  the 
time  being  be  upon  the  retired  list  of  the  said  company  or  their  representa- 
tives or  assignees,  may  be  entitled  under  articles  xvii.,  xviii.,  xix.,  xx.,  xxi., 
xxiii.,  xxiv.,  xxxi.,  or  xxxii.,  with  the  consent  of  the  person  or  persons  whose 
rights  shall  be  so  affected,  in  writing,  first  had  and  obtained,  hut  in  either 
respects  all  and  every  such  determination,  alterations,  ami  variations  to  bo 
made  as  aforesaid,  shall  or  may  take  affect  and  be  carried  into  execution,  any- 
thing hereinbefore  contained  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  In  witness 
whereof  the  said  governor  and  company  have  caused  their  common  seal 
hereunto  affixed,  this  sixth  day  of  June,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  rei 
our  sovereign,  Lord  William  the  Fourth,  by  the  grace  of  God  of  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  king,  defender  of  the  faith,  and  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty  four. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

1818-24. 

Introduction; — Chronological  Resume  of  Title-foundations — Epochs  of 
Discovery,  Exploration,  and  Fur-trade— Overland  Occupation- 
Treaties,  Controversies,  and  Comments— Merits  of  the  Case  before 
Discussion — Statement  of  Claims,  1S17 — Rush  and  Gallatin  versus 
Robinson  and  Goulburn — Treaty  of  1818— Joint  Occupation— Its 
True  Meaning — Boundary  Treaty  of  1819  between  Spain  and  the 
United  States — The  Northwest  Coast  in  Congress,  1820-2 — Debates 
of  1823 — Mr  Benton's  Warning  in  the  Senate — United  States  and 
Russia — Treaty  of  1824— Statement  of  American  Claims— Congres- 
sional Debates  of  1824 — Bill  for  the  Occupation  of  the  Columbia — 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

What  was  to  be  the  national  ownership  of  the 
Northwest  Coast  ?  This  was  the  famous  Oregon 
Question,  first  raised  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  in  1818,  and  finally  settled  by  a  treaty 
establishing  boundaries  in  1846.  It  was  a  controversy 
which  throughout  the  period  mentioned,  particularly 
in  its  later  years,  was  a  subject  of  constant  popular 
agitation,  besides  giving  rise  at  intervals  to  diplomatic 
negotiations  and  arguments  between  representatives 
of  the  two  nations.  As  the  trouble  approached  solu- 
tion volumes  were  written  and  printed  on  its  merits. 

Since  the  cooling  of  partisan  strife,  less  has  been 
said  upon  the  subject;  yet  it  is  one  that  richly  merits 
our  careful  study,  one  that  cannot  fail  to  interest  the 
reader  of  north-western  annals,  and  one  that  may  now 
be  treated  clearly  and  with  all  due  comprehensiveness 
in  a  comparatively  brief  space.  In  contemporary  dis- 
cussions not  a  few  of  the  arguments  employed  on  both 

(31G  \ 


INTRODU<  TORY.  .".17 

sides  were  weak,  including  a  large  amount  of  irrelevant 
matter  which  may  now  be  profitably  eliminated.  All 
the  facts  on  which  the  resped  ive  nal  ional  claims  were 
made  to  rest,  except  a  few  so  slightly  and  indirectly 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  Pacific  Statesasto 
require  only  brief  mention,  are  elsewhere  pul  bef  re 
the  reader  with  all  desirable  detail  and  explanation, 
notably  in  the  first  chapters  <>!*  the  preceding  volume 
devoted  to  the  subject  of  maritime  exploral  ion.  Yei  I 
deem  it  essential  to  give  here,  as  an  introduction  to  the 
Oregon  Question,  in  a  compacl  and  chronologic  order, 
such  facts  as  figured  prominently  in  the  controversy, 
with  such  brief  comments  <>n  their  significance  as  will 
save  repetition  and  confusion  in  the  pages  that  follow. 
The  quality  of  right,  it  is  needless  to  say,  was  based 
on  relative  rights,  on  the  conventional  and  interna- 
tional codes,  and  had  little  to  do  with  inherent  or 
natural  right  vested  alone  in  the  natives. 

In  1543,  in  the  interest  of  Spain,  Ferrelo,  of  Ca- 
brillo's  expedition,  sailed  up  the  coast  to  the  latitude 
of  44  as  he  reported  and  believed.  In  1570  Drake,  an 
Englishman,  reached,  according  to  his  belief  and  that 
of  hi-  companions,  a  latitude  between  40°  and  48°,  the 
best  supported  interpretation  of  their  opinion  fixing 
the  limit  at  43°.  In  L603  Aguilar,  commanding  one 
of  Vizcaino's  Spanish  exploring  vessels,  also  reached 
a  point  which  by  his  observations  was  in  43°.  These 
latitudes  were  not  questioned  in  early  times,  and 
indeed  there  was  then  no  good  reason  to  doubl 
accuracy.  Jn  this  first  epoch  of  exploration,  therefore, 
Spain  was  entitled,  so  far  as  discovery  could  give  a 
title,  to  about  one  hundred  miles  of  the  Northwest 
( loast.    To-day  there  is  reason  to  doubt  t  hal  either  of 

the  three  ]  ui  \  i  g  ,-i  t  ,,fs  named  really  passed  the  latitude 
of  42°;  if  the  doubt  is  less  in  the  case  of  1  >rake  than  of 
the  others,  it  is  chiefly  for  want  of  evidence  to  the 
contrary:  and  the  difference,  so  far  a-  title  i>  con- 
cerned, i.s  in  a  -  nse  counterbalanced  by  the  doubt 


318  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

whether  the  discoveries  of  Drake  as  a  freebooter,  or 
outlaw,  could  confer  any  territorial  rights  whatever 
upon  his  nation.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  not  much  im- 
portance was  attached  in  later  discussions  on  national 
title,  to  the  discoveries  of  these  earliest  voyagers. 
The  topic  was  vague,  and  full  of  difficulties;  neither 
England  nor  Spain  could  derive  any  definite  advantage 
from  it;  and  it  is  as  well  for  us  to  regard  the  coast 
above  42°  as  an  undiscovered  country  throughout  the 
seventeenth  century  and  three  fourths  of  the  eigh- 
teenth. 

The  second  epoch  of  discovery  and  title-founding 
included,  like  the  first  three  expeditions,  two  Spanish 
and  one  English;  but  unlike  the  first  its  events  are 
clearly  recorded,  and  leave  no  room  for  doubt  or  dif- 
ficulty respecting  results.  Perez  in  1774  sailed  up 
to  about  the  latitude  of  55°,  noted  the  present  Dixon 
entrance  and  the  islands  and  points  about  that  strait, 
followed  the  coast  southward,  anchored  at  Nootka 
Sound,  and  sighted  the  coast  at  several  different  points 
both  above  and  below  Nootka.  In  1775  Heceta  and 
Cuadra,  in  two  vessels,  extended  the  Spanish  explora- 
tion up  to  58°,  saw  from  a  short  distance  nearly  the 
whole  extent  of  the  Northwest  Coast,  discovered  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  River,  and  landed  to  take 
formal  possession  in  latitude  47°  20',  and  at  twTo  points 
on  the  Alaska  coast,  besides  exploring  the  harbors  of 
Trinidad  and  Bodega  on  the  California  coast.  In  1778 
Captain  Cook,  in  command  of  a  British  exploring 
expedition,  touched  the  coast  in  latitude  44°  55',  and 
made  observations  for  a  hundred  miles  below,  subse- 
quently sighting  Cape  Flattery,  making  a  careful 
survey  of  Nootka,  and  then  proceeding  to  make  an 
extended  exploration  of  the  Alaska  coast,  already  dis- 
covered by  the  Russians.  I  think  that  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  explorations  of  1774-5  gave  to  Spain 
as  valid  a  title  as  mere  discovery  could  give  to  all  the 
Northwest  Coast,  and  that  Cook's  later  survey,  less 
extensive  but  in  several  respects  more  accurate,  gave 


SUMMARY  OF  VOYAGES.  819 

to  England  no  title  whatever.  A  country  can  be  dis- 
covered but  once.  If  accuracy  of  Burvey  is  fco  be 
taken  into  the  account,  large  portions  of  the  country 
in  question  arc  still  undiscovered.  English  writers 
and  diplomatists  would  perhaps  never  have  ventured 
to  base  any  territorial  claims  on  Cook's  voyage  if  the 
Spanish  voyages  had  been  satisfactorily  recorded.  Yet 
no1  only  wore  the  Spaniards  the  true  discoverers,  luit 
a  printed  narrative  in  English  of  Heceta's  expedition, 
with  allusions  to  that  of  Perez,  was  in  circulation 
before  Cook's  narrative  appeared. 

Meanwhile  the  Russians  from  the  north  had  dis- 
covered America,  and  in  1741  had  touched  the  coast 
as  low  as  latitude  56°.  There  was  never  any  definite 
settlement  of  boundaries  between  Spain  and  Russia. 
The  former  claimed  that  her  possessions  extended  to 
Prince  William  Sound,  and  the  latter  at  times  ex- 
tended her  claims  to  the  Columbia;  but  the  respective 
claims  were  not  zealously  urged,  and  resulting  contro- 
versies had  very  slight  bearing  at  any  time  on  the 
present  subject. 

Also  preceding  the  Spanish  discovery  of  1774-5 
were  certain  acts  affecting  international  boundaries 
east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  which  were  made  to 
figure  beyond  their  merits  in  the  Oregon  Question. 
In  1762—3  Canada  and  all  French  possessions  east  of 
the  Mississippi  were  ceded  to  great  Britain;  while  the 
rest  of  Louisiana — that  is  of  French  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi—  was  ceded  to  Spain.  No  boundary 
had  ever  been  established  between  the  French  and 
English  possessions.  By  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in 
1713  commissioners  were  to  fix  such  a  boundary  so  as 
to  give  to  England  all  rivers  and  places  belonging  to 
Hudson  Bay,  that  is  presumably  along  the  heights 
separating  waters  flowing  into  that  bay  from  those 
tributary  to  the  St  Lawrence  and  the  .Mississippi; 
but  no  such  line  was  established.  No  boundary  was 
needed  east  of  the  river  after  1763,  all  being  English 
territory.     Neither  had  any  western  limit  ever  been 


320  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

fixed  or  needed  for  the  English  or  French  possessions. 
But  Louisiana  may  naturally  be  regarded  as  having 
included  all  lands  drained  by  western  tributaries  of 
the  Mississippi.  Writers  have  indulged  in  long  dis- 
cussions respecting  some  of  these  points,  but  I  have 
no  room  for  the  differences  of  opinion,  which  do  not 
materially  affect  the  question  at  issue. 

By  the  treaty  of  1783,  acknowledging  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States,  the  north-western 
boundary  was  defined  by  a  line  running  clue  west  from 
the  most  north-western  point  of  Lake  of  the  Woods 
to  the  Mississippi,  and  thence  down  that  river.  This, 
though  sufficient  for  the  needs  of  the  time,  was  no 
boundary  at  all;  for  the  head-waters  of  the  river  are 
some  eighty  miles  directly  south  of  the  lake,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  difficulty  of  finding  the  most  north- 
western point  of  a  lake  of  such  peculiar  shape. 
Whether  the  dominant  idea  of  the  makers  was  a  line 
between  latitudes  49°  and  50°  or  a  direct  line  from 
the  lake  to  the  river  at  its  nearest  point  was  an  enigma 
left  for  future  diplomac}^  to  solve. 

In  1785  the  English  fur-trading  vo}rages  began 
with  Hanna's  trip.  About  forty  British  traders  vis- 
ited the  coast  before  1800.  Their  local  discoveries 
were  extensive  in  the  aggregate,  but  results  were  im- 
perfectly recorded.  A  few  details  made  to  figure  in 
later  discussions  will  be  noted  in  their  order.  These 
traders  founded  no  settlements  or  permanent  trading- 
posts  which  could  serve  as  a  base  for  national  claims. 

In  1786  La  Perouse,  in  the  French  interest,  sailed 
along  the  coast  from  north  to  south.  In  its  bearing 
on  the  matter  of  title  this  exploration  is  similar  to 
that  of  Cook. 

Barclay,  in  a  vessel  from  Ostend,  under  the  flag  of 
the  Austrian  East  India  Company,  discovered  but  did 
not  enter  the  strait  afterward  called  Fuca,  in  1787. 

Duncan,  an  English  trader,  was  the  first  to  sail 
through  the  passage  between  Queen  Charlotte  Island 
and  the  main  in  1787-8. 


DISCOVERY  TITLE.  321 

In  1788  the  American  fur-trade  began  with  the 
voyage  of  Kendrick  and  Gray.  Before  L800  about 
forty  vessels  had  visited  the  coast,  and  later  the  Amer 
icans  monopolized  the  trade.  My  remarkson  the  Eng- 
lish traders  apply  equally  to  the  Boston  men  so  far  as 
discovery  and  settlement  are  concerned. 

[t  was  also  in  L 788  thai  Meares,  an  English  trader, 
whose  vessel  for  special  purposes  was  under  Portu- 
colors,  erected  a  small  building  at  Nootka  for 
temporary  trading  facilities,  though  he  claimed  to 
have  purchased  lauds  from  the  Dative  chiefs.  Meares 
also  built  and  launched  this  year  at  Nootka  the  firsl 
vessel  ever  constructed  on  the  Northwesl  Coasl  ;  and 
lie  was  the  first  to  enter  the  strait  discovered  by 
Barclay,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Juan  de  Puca. 
Furthermore  he  visited  the  mouth  of  Heceta's  great 
river,  and  decided  that  no  river  was  there.  He 
claimed  to  have  taken  possession  of  the  strait  for 
Great  Britain,  but  there  is  some  reason  to  doubt  his 
cent. 

In  1789  Spain  sent  an  expedition  to  take  formal 
possession  of  Nootka,  to  erect  a  fort,  and  to  found  a 
permanent  settlement.  This  Spanish  establishment 
was  maintained  for  six  years,  receiving  supplies  regu- 
larly  from  San  Bias. 

This  same  year  Meares  and  his  English  company  at- 
tempted to  found  a  permanent  trading-posi  at  or  near 
i,  but  were  not  permitted  by  the  Spaniards  to 
do  so:   and  in  the  ensuing  quarrel  three  English  ves- 
r<    taken  as  Spanish  prizes. 

1 1  was  claimed  that  in  1789  Kendrick  the  A 
can  trader,  not  only  penetrated  the  Strait  of  Euca, 
but  sailed  through  into  the  Pacific  above.  The  evi- 
dence is  uot,  however,  sufficient  to  establi  h  t'::  fact. 
\i  Britain  in  1 790  not  only  dema  ided  from 
Spain  a  restoration  of  such  property  as  had  been 
■;i  Nootka,  but  protested  against  the  Spanish 
claim  to  exclusive  ownership  of  the  Northwe  I  ( 'oast. 

Spain    had    to    yield     both    points,   and    by    the   C0n-> 
IIist.  N".  w.  6oABT,  Vol.  II.    \ii 


322  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

vention  of  October  28,  1790,  it  was  agreed  that 
in  future  the  whole  coast  above  the  places  already 
occupied — that  is  in  spirit,  above  San  Francisco,  but 
literally  perhaps  above  Nootka — should  be  free  to 
both  nations  for  trade,  navigation,  and  settlement, 
each  nation  having  also  free  access  to  all  establish- 
ments of  the  other. 

As  to  the  territorial  rights  bestowed  by  mere  dis- 
covery, there  are  many  differences  of  opinion  among 
competent  authorities.  Most  writers  hold  that  dis- 
covery must  be  followed  within  a  reasonable  time  by 
steps  toward  occupation  in  order  to  create  a  title  which 
other  nations  are  bound  to  respect.  But  whatever  the 
nature  of  the  discovery  title,  it  evidently  belonged  to 
Spain  alone,  down  to  1790;  and  it  is  equally  evident 
that  after  the  Nootka  convention  Spain  relinquished 
her  right  to  exclusive  ownership.  She  could  regain 
it  only  by  actual  occupation  of  the  coast,  or  by  obtain- 
ing a  voluntary  or  enforced  acknowledgment  of  her 
right  from  other  nations. 

From  1790  to  1792  Spain  in  three  successive  ex- 
plorations, those  of  Quimper,  Elisa,  and  Galiano,  en- 
tered the  Strait  of  Fuca,  and  made  a  thorough  survey 
of  the  inland  waters.  In  the  last  year  the  English 
explorer,  Vancouver,  made  a  like  exploration,  being 
for  a  part  of  the  time  in  company  with  Galiano,  and 
being  the  first  to  emerge  into  the  Pacific,  proving  the 
Nootka  region  to  be  an  island.  Vancouver  extended 
his  survey  further  north;  and  northern  explorations 
were  also  made  for  Spain  by  Fidalgo  in  1790,  by 
Malaspina  in  1791,  and  by  Caamaiio  in  1792.  The 
operations  of  these  three  years,  especially  those  of 
the  English  explorer,  which  were  more  fully  made 
known  to  the  world  than  the  others,  were  vastly  im- 
portant for  the  advancement  of  geographical  knowl- 
edge; but  they  had  no  importance  as  bases  for  national 
claims  to  the  Northwest  Coast.  Both  English  and 
Spanish  explorers  took  formal  possession  in  the  name 
of   their    respective    sovereigns    at    several    different 


THE  COLUMBIA  RIVER. 

points;    but  obviously  under  the  convention  of  L790 
ceremonies  had  no  possible  force. 
1m   179]    Captain    Kendrick    purchased    from    the 
chieftains,  taking  i\rn\^  signed  with  their  marks 
and  duly  \\  itnessed,  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  Nootka 
region.     It  is  remarkable  thai   in  later  discussions  so 
littl  ■  prominence  was  given  to  ELendrick's  purchas 
as  an  element  of  United  Stales  title.     On  it  migh 
have  been   founded  a  stronger  argument,  to  say  the 
.  than  some  that  were  persistently  urged.     This 
same  year   the  Americans  1  milt  a  house  for  winter 
rs  at  Clayoquot;   and  built  a  schooner,  which 
was  launched  the  next  spring. 

In   1791    Fidalgo  founded  a  Spanish  post  at   Port 
z  Gaona,  or  Neah  Bay,  within  the  strait;  but 
it  was  abandoned  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

bh  Gray  and  Vancouver  in  \7\)-2,  as  Hcceta  and 
Meares  had  been  before,  were  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia.     The  Englishman  convinced  himself  that 
there  was  no  river,  or  at  least  no  safe  navigable  open- 
ing there;    while    the    swift    current   prevented    the 
American  ('rem  entering.     But  in  May  of  the  same 
year  Gray  returned  and  crossed  the  bar,  being  the 
firsl  to  enter  the  river,  which  he  ascended  some  twen- 
miles,  bestowing  on  it  the  name  of  his  vess   I 
the  Columbia.     From  the  American  point  of  view  in 
years  this  was  the  discovery  of  the  river  and 
'!_'  -i    clement  in  the  United  States  title  I  i 
the    coast.     The    river   had,    however,    been    discov- 
"Venteen  years  before,  and  Gray's  act,  though 
in  reality  a  re-discovery,  musl   not  be  allowed  to  as 
sume  a  too  great  or  overwhelming  superiority  over 
fHeceta.     However  this  may  be,  ]  havealready 
!   my  conviction  that  in  1702  there  was  no 
this  c  >as1  for  such  discovery  as  could 
give  national  sovereignty.     Gray's  ad    might   under 
certain  circumstances  have  been  regarded  as  a 
toward  occupation  conferring  title;  that  isj  if  he  had 
gone  to  Boston,  and  on  returning  with  an  American 


324  THE  OREGON  QUESTION". 

colony  for  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  had  found  an 
English  post  established  there  by  men  who  had  known 
his  plans,  his  government  might  plausibly  have  claimed 
an  exclusive  right  to  settle  at  that  point. 

In  November  of  the  same  year  Broughton  of  Van- 
couver's expedition  also  entered  the  Columbia,  and 
followed  its  course  much  further  than  Gray  had  done. 
This  navigator,  making  a  fine  distinction  between  the 
river  and  its  estuary,  advanced  a  theory  beside  which 
the  assurance  of  the  American  discovery  dwindles 
into  modesty  itself:  namely,  that  Gray  had  never  seen 
the  river  nor  been  within  live  leagues  of  its  entrance. 
English  diplomats,  however,  did  not  found  their  claims 
to  any  great  extent  on  this  theory. 

In  1793  was  accomplished  the  first  overland  expe- 
dition to  the  Pacific,  by  Alexander  Mackenzie,  an 
English  explorer  and  fur-trader.  His  route  was  up 
the  Peace  Eiver  and  down  the  Fraser — believed  then 
and  later  to  be  the  Columbia — crossing  from  the  river 
to  the  coast  just  above  latitude  52°. 

A  treaty  of  1794  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  provided  for  a  joint  survey  to  regulate 
the  boundary  line  of  1783,  in  the  region  of  the  upper 
Mississippi  and  Lake  of  the  Woods,  the  geographical 
absurdity  of  that  line  having  become  somewhat  ap- 
parent; but  nothing  was  done  in  the  matter. 

In  1794-5  the  Nootka  controversy  in  its  last  phases 
was  settled.  The  Spanish  commissioner  had  taken 
the  ground  that  as  no  property  except  the  ships  had 
been  taken  from  Englishmen  in  1789,  therefore  there 
was  nothing  more  to  be  restored;  but  the  Englihs 
commissioner  had  demanded  that  the  port  of  Nootka 
should  be  given  up.  By  the  treaty  of  1794,  both 
nations  agreed  to  a  formal  abandonment  of  the  place, 
and  it  was  formally  abandoned  by  representatives  of 
both  nations  in  1795.  After  this  time  either  Spain 
or  England  might  settle  on,  and  thus  acquire  title  to, 
any  part  of  the  coast  except  Nootka.  Neither  power 
ever  took  any  steps  toward   the  formation  of  such 


SPAIN  AND  ENGLAND.  3-r» 

settlements;  neither  power  gave  any  further  attention 
officially  to  the  coast  j  and  soon  the  region  was  prac- 
;   n  by  all  but  American  fur-traders. 
r  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain  broke  out 
in  L 79 6,  lasting  practically  until  L809.    The  effect  of 
this  war  on  the  Nootka  treaty  has  been  the  subject 
tuch  discussion.     It  is  generally  admitted  thai  as 
a  rule  treaty  obligations  are  ended  by  war  between 
the  parties;  but  also  that  recognitions  of  right   in  a 
ay  be  perpetual,  and  that  various  conventions 
and  compacts  may  be  from  their  very  nature  indo- 
or Avar.     On  the  pari  of  England  it 
laimed  that  the  Nootka  convention,  recognizing 
the  right  of  British  subjects  to  settle  on  the  N 
west  :v  loasi ,  was  permanent  in  its  nature,  and  could  not 
be  affected  by  a  war,  unless  in  that  war  Great  Britain 
should  be  forced  to  definitely  relinquish  her  right.     In 
the  American  view  on  the  other  hand,  the  convention 
was  but  a  series  of  concessions  by  Spain,  England 
obtaining  merely  the  privilege  of  establishing  p 
for  temporary  purposes  of  trade  in  Spanish  territory. 
By  this  view  Spain's  exclusive  sovereignty  and  owner- 
ship remained  unimpaired,  and  the  privilege  of  course 
expired  with  the  declaration  of  war.     Yet  the  privi- 
lege must  not  be  regarded  as  a  purely  commercial  one 
by  Americans,  because  in    181-1,  before  the   United 
■  s  became  a  party  to  the  question,  all  commercial 
treaties  in  force  before  1796  between  Spain  a] 
land  were  restored.      These  two  countries  never   had 
controversy  on  the  subject;  and  the  only  point  at 
is  the  validity  of  the  title  subsequently  trans- 
mi       !  by  Spain  to  the  United  States. 

Tho  discussion  is  of  interest   I  do  not  deem 

it   necessary    fco   present    its    intricate   complicate 
b       'i  e  the  decision,  whatever  it  may  be,  has  no  real 
bearing  on  the  question  of  title     If  the  NTootka  con- 

ined  in  f  r  I  796,  of  <•  »u] 

had  no  exclusive  title  to  transmit  to  a  third  pow 
but  if  the  convention  was  (ado  I  by  the  war,  it  by  no 


326  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

means  follows  that  Spain  had  such  a  title,  or  that 
England  had  lost  her  right  to  settle  on  the  coast. 
Spain's  title  was  at  its  best  in  1789.  She  had  then 
all  the  title  that  discovery  alone  could  give,  supple- 
mented by  actual  occupation  of  Nootka.  The  discovery 
title  alone  was  of  doubtful  validity  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world.  The  occupation  of  Nootka,  though  valid  and 
legitimate  at  the  time,  was  not  really  intended  as  the 
beginning  of  a  permanent  and  wide-spread  extension 
of  Spanish  settlement  northward,  but  rather  as  a 
temporary  expedient  to  keep  foreigners  away  until  the 
country's  value  could  be  ascertained.  With  the  lapse 
of  time,  even  if  Nootka  were  still  held,  the  purpose  of 
Spain  would  become  apparent,  and  the  nations  would 
by  no  means  admit  her  right  to  exclude  foreign  settlers 
from  a  long  stretch  of  coast  which  she  neither  occupied 
nor  had  any  immediate  intention  of  utilizing.  Such 
being  the  case,  what  shall  be  said  of  Spain's  title,  when 
instead  of  enforcing  her  exclusive  claims  she  by  treaty 
admitted  England  to  equal  rights  with  herself?  when 
.she  not  only  did  not  extend  her  posts  but  abandoned 
her  only  establishment  on  the  coast?  when  she  not 
only  failed  to  exercise  her  rights  of  navigation  and 
commerce  under  the  convention,  but  saw  without  pro- 
test the  fur-trade  of  the  north-west  monopolized  by 
Americans  ?  when  high  Spanish  officials  made  no  secret 
of  the  fact  that  there  was  no  intention  to  occupy  the 
country?  Will  the  most  ardent  supporter  of  the  dis- 
covery title  claim  that  its  validity  could  have  endured 
through  all  this?  Can  any  one  believe,  for  instance, 
that  Spain  had  a  right  to  prevent  the  Winships  in 
1810,  or  As  tor  in  1811,  from  establishing  a  post  on 
the  Columbia? 

In  1797  Finlay  crossed  the  mountains  by  Peace 
River  in  about  56°,  giving  his  name  to  a  branch  of 
that  stream. 

From  1800,  as  has  been  stated,  the  coast  fur-trade 
was  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  Americans 
without  official  protest  from  any  other  nation. 


INLAND  EXPLORATIONS.  327 

Tn  1800,  Louisiana,  in  all  its  original  extent  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  but  without  specified  boundaries  in 
the  north-west,  was  m\rd  by  Spain  back  to  France. 

In  1803  the  same  territory  was  ceded  by  France  to 
the  United  States.  As  the  boundary  on  the  west 
was  presumably  the  Rocky  Mountains,  this  acquisi- 
tion gave  the  United  States  a  new  interest  in  the 
Pacific  territory,  now  in  a  sense  adjoining  her  own 
ions.  It  also  gave  a  new  importance  to  the 
matter  of  a  northern  boundary. 

In  a  convention  of  1803,  never  ratified,  it  was 
agreed  that  the  boundary  between  English  and  Amer- 
ican territory  should  be  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods 
to  the  Mississippi  River  by  the  shortest  line. 

Spain  by  no  means,  however,  admitted  that  the 
Louisiana  lately  purchased  by  the  United  States 
extended  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  as  appeared  from 
negotiations  on  the  subject  in  1804,  which  led  to  no 
result,  but  only  to  hopeless  disagreement. 

Fraser  and  Stuart,  for  the  Northwest  Company, 
crossed  the  mountains,  and  founded  on  McLeod  Lake 
the  first  British  post  in  the  territory. 

Lewis  and  Clarke,  in  1804-6,  accomplished  for  the 
United  States,  what  Mackenzie  had  done  before  for 
England,  that  is,  they  made  an  overland  exploration 
to  the  Pacific.  Their  route  was  down  the  Clearwater, 
Snake,  and  Columbia  rivers,  touching  also  the  Salmon 
and  Clarke  branches  in  the  Pocky  Mountains,  and 
reaching  a  latitude  somewhat  above  47°  in  the  interior. 
Having  spent  the  winter  from  November  to  March 
in  camp  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Columbia  near  its 
mouth,  they  returned  in  180G  by  way  of  the  head- 
waters of  the  Missouri  to  the  eastern  states.  This  was 
an  official  government  exploration,  but  that  il 
an  announcement  to  the  world  of  the  intention  oi 
the  American  government  to  occupy  and  settle  the 
countries  explored/7  as  one  writer  declared,  may  be 
questioned.  It  gave  the  same  kind  of  a  title  that 
Mackenzie's  expedition  had  given  to  further 


328  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

north,  that  is,  no  title  at  all,  unless  followed  by  actual 
occupation. 

In  1806,  Russian  officials  of  high  rank  favored  the 
founding  of  a  post  on  the  Columbia,  to  prevent  that 
region  from  falling  into  American  hands,  but  nothing 
was  accomplished  in  this  direction. 

In  180G-7  the  boundary  east  of  the  mountains  was 
again  the  subject  of  negotiation;  and  by  a  treaty,  like 
the  preceding  ones  never  ratified,  though  approved  b}>- 
both  governments,  it  was  fixed  on  the  parallel  of  49°, 
as  far  westward  as  the  possessions  of  the  respective 
parties  might  extend,  but  not  to  the  territory  claimed 
by  either  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  It  is  notice- 
able that  President  Jefferson  objected  to  the  last  con- 
dition as  "an  offensive  intimation  to  Spain  that  the 
claims  of  the  United  States  extend  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean."  The  choice  of  49°  seems  to  have  originated 
in  an  erroneous  impression  from  certain  old  maps  that 
such  was  the  line  fixed  between  French  and  English 
possessions  in  1713. 

In  1806  two  forts  were  established  on  Fraser  and 
Stuart  lakes  respectively,  and  having  founded  Fort 
George  in  1807  at  the  confluence  of  the  Stuart  and 
Fraser  rivers,  in  1808  the  two  adventurers  who  had 
named  those  streams  went  down  the  latter  to  its 
mouth,  in  latitude  49°. 

It  was  also  in  1808  that  Russia  made  some  com- 
plaints respecting  the  movements  of  American  traders; 
and  in  the  negotiations  which  resulted,  it  was  Stated 
that  the  Russian  American  fur  company  claimed  the 
whole  coast  to  and  beyond  the  Columbia. 

The  Missouri  fur  cornpairy  having  been  organized  in 
1808,  Henry,  one  of  its  agents,  founded  in  1809  a 
trading-post  on  the  Henry  branch  of  Snake  River  in 
about  44°.  This  was  the  first  establishment  by  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  west  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains; but  on  account  of  Indian  hostilities  it  had  to  be 
abandoned  in  1810. 

The  Yvinships  of  Boston  attempted  in  1810  to  estab- 


INTERIOR  POSTS.  329 

lish  a  trading-posl  on  the  south  bant  of  the  ( lolumbia, 
aboi  ove  its  mouth  :  but  the  scheme  was 

abandoned  on  account  of  the  hostile  attitude  of  the 
natives. 

In  I  8  LO  Thompson,  of  the  Northi 
exploring  I  lie  river  that  bears  his  Dame,  \  tear 

the  junction  of  Canoe  River  and  the  main  Columbia 
in  nlx.nt  52  .  In  the  spring  of  L811  he  continued  his 
journey  down  the  river,  taking  poss<     ion   by  raising 

i  ;m  various  points,  to  I  lie  !  pokane  in 
and  there  a  posi  was  established  b;  or  Mc- 

]  >onald,  in  what  month  does  n<  ■  Thorn] 

\.  ■  :plore  the  main  ( lolui  ib  i  he 

moi  •  Snake.     He  doubtle      intended  to  I 

i   for  his  company  and  for  !  at    the 

month  of  the  Columbia,  where  he  arrived  in  July;  but 
ho  was  too  la1   . 

The  'ur  Company  of  New  York,  org; 

by  Aster  in  1810,  sent  out  by  sea  a  party  which  in 
March  1811  founded  the  post  of  Astoria  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Columbia  near  its  mouth.  Later  in  the 
year  this  company  sent  men  up  the  river  to  found  a 
posl  at  the  mouth  of  the  Okanagan  in  about  48°;  and 
q  the  Clearwater  and  Willamette  were  occu- 
pied for  a  time  as  stations  by  parties  of  trappers. 

The  most,  that  can  be  claimed  for  t  lie  aci  s  of  Astor's 
pany  is  that  they  gave  to  the  United  States  the 
f  territorial  rights  as  England  had  gained 
from  the  founding  of  forts  Fraser,  Stuart,  i  nd  others 
in  the  north;  that  is,  that  the  founding  of  Astoria 
ate  aci  of  occupation,  giving  a  national 
title — permanent    if  the  settlement    should    not    be 
abandoned — to  a  certain  territory,  the<  .tent  of  which 
would  depend  on  subsequent  operations  of  this  com- 
pany and   others.     There  was  nothing  in   what  had 
be<   .  arily  prevented  eitherthi    i  'acific 

or  I  mpanies  from  extendin  ;  their  posts 

n<  rth  or  outh,  leaving  the  question  of  boundari<  -  to 
be    ettled  lal 


330  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

In  admitting  this  American  claim  founded  on 
Astoria,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  overrule  some 
very  plausible  objections  on  the  English  side,  to  the 
effect  that  the  Pacific  Fur  Company  was  merely  a 
mercantile  firm,  and  as  such  was  not  definitely  author- 
ized by  government  to  establish  posts  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains;  that  a  majority  of  the  partners 
were  British  subjects,  Astor  himself  being  a  German 
by  birth;  that  the  British  partners  obtained  from  the 
minister  of  their  nation  an  assurance  that  in  case  of 
war  they  would  be  respected  as  British  subjects  and 
merchants;  and  that  Astor  before  beginning  active 
operations  offered  to  the  Northwest  Company  a  share 
in  the  enterprise.  Yet  whatever  force  these  objections 
may  have  had  seems  to  have  been  lost  by  the  failure 
of  Great  Britain  to  insist  on  them  when,  as  will  be 
seen,  an  opportunity  presented  itself  for  doing  so. 
That  the  establishment  of  the  northern  trading-posts 
gave  to  either  of  the  respective  nations  any  claim  to 
exclusive  ownership  of  the  whole  coast,  or  of  broad 
sections  of  it  apart  from  the  points  actually  occupied, 
cannot  be  admitted. 

In  1812  the  Russian  American  Fur  Company  es- 
tablished a  post  near  Bodega  on  the  California  coast. 
This  was  done  without  the  consent  of  Spain  or  of 
any  Spanish  official;  and  the  establishment  was  kept 
up  for  about  thirty  years  in  spite  of  oft  repeated  pro- 
tests from  Spain  and  Mexico.  Russia,  however,  never 
laid  claim  to  any  territorial  possessions  in  California 
by  reason  of  the  company's  settlements  at  Bodega  and 
Ross. 

By  the  terms  of  partnership  the  Astor  company, 
if  successful,  was  to  continue  for  at  least  twenty  years, 
but  if  unprofitable  might  be  dissolved  by  the  partners 
at  any  time  within  five.  In  1813  it  was  contemplated 
by  members  at  Astoria  to  abandon  the  enterprise  on 
account  of  the  war  between  England  and  the  United 
States,  and  the  consequent  impossibility  of  obtaining 
supplies  or  protection  from  New  York.     Later  in  the 


OCCUPATION  OF  ASTORIA.  331 

■  year  it  was  determined,  however,  instead  of 
simply  abandoning  the  posl  and  dissolving  the  com- 
pany, to  sell  out  the  property  to  fche  NTorthwesI 
Company;  and  the  bargain  was  concluded,  the  price 
being  $80,500.  [mmediately  after  the  sale  the  British 
man-of-war  Raccoon  appeared,  and  the  British  flag 
was  raised  over  Fori  George,  by  which  name  Astoria 
was  now  for  a  time  to  be  known. 

It  has  been  charged  thai  the  nationality  of  the 
idenl  partners  had  an  influence  in  this  transaction, 
though  I  doubt  it.  But  whether  they  acted  for  the 
besl  interests  of  their  company,  or  in  good  faith 
toward  Astor,  is  a  question  that  lias  no  bearing  on 
the  present  discussion,  and  is  fully  considered  else- 
where. Had  they  been  Americans  by  birth  and  in 
feeling,  they  might  or  might  not  have  refused  to 
negotiate  a  sale,  and  have  held  Fort  Astoria  until 
forced  to  abandon  it,  but  I  think  it  would  have  made 
little  difference.  Such  action,  however,  could  only 
have  had  an  influence  on  the  question  of  title  eventu- 
ally, by  their  success  in  maintaining  themselves  in 
possession  of  the  interior  for  several  years,  and  a 
consequent  readiness  to  reoccupy  Astoria,  and  con- 
tinue the  original  enterprise  from  1818.  That  they 
would  or  could  have  done  this  seems  to  me  on  fche 
le  improbable;  but  the  point  is  not  an  esse  itial 
one,  as  will  presently  appear. 

Air  it  tion  of  sonic  interest,th  - 

which  was  greatly  lessened  if  net  remo1  ub- 

sequeni  m  ,  was  whether  the  .\ 

could  by  a   sale  of  its  property  transfer  th<    sovereign- 

(Jnited  States  to  England.     Apj 
not  if  the  original  founding  had  be< 
\y.    1  by  1  nmenl  wit  h  a 

but  it  wa  ich  an  act;  it 

a  purp  i  se;  and  the  permanent   aha     I 
post    would    have    put    it    in    the 

ary  and  Winship,  so   f.  con- 

cerned. 


332  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

By  the  treaty  of  1814  Great  Britain  agreed  to 
restore  to  the  United  States  all  places  taken  during 
the  war.  There  was  no  allusion  to  territory  west 
of  the  Bocky  Mountains,  or  to  boundaries;  though 
the  American  plenipotentiaries  had  been  instructed 
to  consent  to  no  claim  on  the  part  of  England  to  terri- 
tory south  of  latitude  49°  in  the  region  of  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods. 

From  1813  until  1818  the  Northwest  Company 
remained  in  undisturbed  possession  of  Fort  Astoria. 
In  1817  the  United  States  took  steps  to  assert  their 
claim  to  the  post  under  the  treaty.  The  British 
minister  remonstrated  to  the  effect  that  the  place  was 
not  captured  during  the  war,  but  that  it  had  been 
abandoned  by  the  Americans  who  voluntarily  sold  the 
property  to  an  English  company,  so  that  no  claim  for 
its  restitution  could  be  founded  on  the  treaty  of  1813. 
The  American  government  insisted,  however,  on  its 
right  to  Astoria,  and  after  some  discussion  both  at 
Washington  and  London,  Great  Britain  yielded  the 
point,  and  admitted  the  American  right  to  be  rein- 
stated and  to  be  the  party  in  possession  while  treating 
on  the  title  and  negotiations  on  the  subject  and  that 
of  the  boundaries  were  about  to  be  commenced.  Ac- 
cordingly Fort  Astoria  was  formally  restored,  and 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  raised  in  Novem- 
ber 1818,  though  the  English  company  remained  for 
many  years  in  possession. 

That  the  United  States  had  a  right  to  require  and 
that  Great  Britian  was  under  a  legal  obligation  to 
make  this  concession  has  been  doubted  by  some,  but 
this  doubt  has  no  special  bearing  on  the  present  topic. 
It  is  enough  that  the  restoration  was  made. 

It  is  important,  however,  to  understand  the  exact 
purport  of  the  act,  since  there  was  a  manifest  tendency 
in  later  years  to  exaggerate  its  importance.  It  was  in 
no  sense  a  recognition  of  the  American  title  to  the 
Northwest  Coast,  or  to  that  part  of  it  lying  south  of 
the  Columbia.    It  was  merely,  as  stated,  an  admission 


SUMMARY  OF  EVIDENCE.  333 

of  a  right  of  the  United  States  to  be  the  party  in 
possession  at  Fort  Astoria  while  treating  on  thetitle. 
!t  had  do  bearing  necessarily  on  any  territory  beyond 
the  precincts  of  Astoria.  It  was  at  mosl  an  agree- 
ment thai  if  the  United  States  should  after  investiga- 
tion be  deemed  by  the  founding  of  Astoria  or  by  other 
earlier  acts  to  have  acquired  an  exclusive  ownership 
of  thecoasl  or  any  pari  of  it,  England  would  nol  urge 
the  transfer  of  L813  as  destroying  thai  title;  and  it 
implied  on  the  other  hand  thai  if  the  exclusive  title 
was  found  to  belong  to  England,  the  United  States 
could  nol  urge  the  retransfer  of  1818.  Or  to  look  at 
the  matter  from  another  poinl  of  view,  if  the  Amer- 
icans should  renew  their  fur-trading  operations,  estab- 
lishing posts  or  settlements  as  they  had  a  right  to  do, 
they  could  not  be  deprived  by  their  rivals  of  the 
desirable  position  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia. 

Thus  in  the  form  of  an  introduction  the  Oregon 
title  has  been  brought  down  to  the  date  of  1818  when 
controversy  began.  I  have  disposed  of  each  subdi- 
vision briefly,  because  each  expedition  has  been  de- 
scribed in  detail  before.  If  in  my  comments  I  may 
seem  to  have  decided  in  advance  the  whole  question 
at  issue,  dismissing  somewhat  too  summarily  the 
lengthy  arguments  of  abler  men  on  several  phases  of 
the  question,  I  have  to  say  that  this  course  has  been 
taken  deliberately  with  a  view  to  economize  space  and 
avoid  useless  repetition  in  what  is  to  follow — in  chap- 
ters, not  volumes — where  the  tenor  of  the  arguments 
will  necessarily  appear.  It  is  well  also  to  remind  the 
reader  thai  during  the  discussion  from  1818  to  1846, 
many  of  the  facts  in  the  case  were  by  no  means  so 
i  known  as  now.  Both  parties  repeatedly  based 
some  of  their  conclusions  on  inaccurate  statements  of 
fact.  And  above  all  it  should  he  remembered  that  the 
many  able  men  who  wrote  on  this  question  were 
without  exception  advocates  and  partisans  on  one 
side  or  the  other,  whose  real  opinions   we   have   d  - 


334  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

means  of  knowing,  and  whose  only  aim  was  to  win 
their  case. 

In  1818  the  Northwest  Company  were  the  only 
occupants  of  this  broad  territory,  where  they  had  sev- 
eral forts,  or  trading -posts,  to  the  possession  of  one 
of  which,  however,  by  the  voluntary  act  of  Great 
Britain,  the  United  States  was  entitled.  Neither 
nation  had  any  just  claim  to  exclusive  ownership  of  the 
whole  or  any  large  part  of  the  territory  between  42° 
and  55°;  both  had  the  right  to  hunt  or  settle  at  any 
unoccupied  point ;  each  had  a  rightful  title  to  the  posts 
it  had  already  established,  and  might  rightfully  found 
others;  either  nation  might  interfere  to  protect  its 
subjects  if  wronged  in  local  quarrels;  and  finally,  if 
neither  party  withdrew,  there  must  arise  a  Question 
of  National  Boundary,  to  be  settled  solely  by  the  ter- 
ritory occupied  at  the  time.  Such  was  the  state  of 
affairs  in  equity  before  1818;  such  it  became  more 
practically,  and  in  a  sense  legally,  after  that  date,  as 
we  shall  see. 

While  the  correspondence  of  1817  was  not  strictly 
speaking  a  part  of  the  main  controversy — since  the 
United  States  demanded  and  England  conceded  the 
restoration  of  Astoria,  not  because  of  a  just  title  to 
that  region,  but  simply  because  the  place  had  been 
occupied  by  Americans,  and  had  been  taken  during 
the  war — yet  this  negotiation  was  in  a  sense  the 
beginning  of  that  controversy;  for  the  American 
commissioners  to  Fort  Astoria  were  instructed  to 
"  assert  in  a  friendly  and  peaceable  manner  the  claims 
of  the  United  States  to  the  sovereignty  of  the 
adjacent  country ;"  and  the  British  minister  in  his 
turn  protesting,  affirmed  that  "the  territory  itself 
was  early  taken  possession  of  in  his  Majesty's  name, 
and  had  been  since  considered  as  forming  part  of  his 
Majesty's  dominions."  Moreover,  England  at  the  same 
time  in  instructions  to  her  representatives  declared 
herself  "  not  prepared  to  admit  the  validity  of  the 
title  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  this 


UNDEB  I>:  •    C7SS]  IN.  335 

and  the  representative  in  consenting  to 
the  restoration  of  the  post  held  by  the  United  States 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  was  to  "assert  in  suitable 

3  the  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  thai  territory,  upon 
which   the  A.merican  settlement   must    be  considered 

icroachment."  Thus  were  the  respective  claims 
first  asserted,  though  somewhat  vaguerj  ;  and  argu- 
ments were  reserved  for  the  future.1 

vera!  distinct  subjects  inv<  Ived  in  the 
international  negotiations  of  these  years,  and  settled  by 
the  treaty  of  I  sis,  only  two  of  which,  however,  have 
any  connection  with  the  subject  under  consideration, 
and  those  deemed  the  least  important  of  all.  They 
were  the  questions  of  title  to  the  Northwest  Coast, 
and  of  iliv  boundary  west  of  Lake  of  the  Woods,  and 
both  were  treated  practically  as  one  matter.  Richard 
Rush  and  Albert  Gallatin  represented  the  United 
States  by  President   Monroe's  appointment  of  May 

'On  the  restoration  of  Astoria  to  the  United  States  and  the  i 

,  the  authorities  are  as  follows :  President's  Mess,  and  />■■■..  Dec. 
29,    1  118,  April  1">.   17.   1822,  the  last  and  n  ag  found  in 

p.  Z?eZ.,iv.85]  S;aAaoinAnnalsefCongress,17thCong., 
I  Addington's  British  26,iald.,\i. 

L826,  in  Id.,  vi.  670;  Brit; 
.  I  }19  20,  Iv'l  2,  as  cited  by  Twiss,  Or.  Quest.,V, 
:  or  last  named,  also  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cal.,  306  16,452  3, 

give  a  very  satisfactory  account  of  the  Mimic  subject.     'J  lie  E 
tract  :  iry  Adams'  letter  of  May  20,  ISIS,  to  Mr  Hush.  theAmerican 

.  is  interestir.  ag  the  attitude  of  the  United  Sti 

was  o  pated  that  any  di  -ted  in  the  Bi 

■  t  title  with  us  on  the  bord 
moti      for  reserve  or  concealment.   I  a 
to  Lord  Castlereagh,  rather  in  conversation  than  in  any  formal  mi  oner, 

k  the  minuteness  of  the  pi  5ts  either  to  ' 

Britai  I  ,  involved  in  this  concern;  and  the  unwilling- 

for  that  reason,  of  this  government  to  include  it  among  I 
Berio  i  with  them.     At  the  same  fci  at  give  him  to  un- 

oot  unless  in  a  manner  to  avoid  i  n  in  the 

Erom  the  nature  of  things,  it  in  the  • 
shou!  3  importance  to  t  n 

iposi  d  that  <  rreat  Britain  would  6 
• 

States  leave  her  in  undisl  E  all  her  holds  upon  I 

and  .  all  h<  r  actual  possessions 

fairly  expect  that  she  will  not  think 

y  and  alarm 
I  dominion  in  North  Amei  i 
Bolid  ;  '.vent  until  all  possibility  of  hi  r  pn  v<  ating  ii     hall  have 

vanished.'  .1-  /  . 


336  THE   OREGON  QUESTION. 

22,  1818;  while  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  were 
intrusted  to  Frederick  John  Robinson  and  Henry 
Goulburn.  The  United  States,  so  far  as  may  be 
judged  by  Mr  Adams'  instructions,  did  not  deem 
present  action  on  either  of  the  two  matters  as  of 
pressing  importance,  especially  the  determination  of 
lights  and  boundaries  on  the  Pacific,  now  that  its 
right  to  the  Astoria  post  was  admitted.  Indeed,  he 
declared  that  in  that  region,  "save  pretensions,  there 
is  no  object  to  any  party  worth  contending  for;"  but 
"from  the  earnestness  with  which  the  British  govern- 
ment now  returns  to  the  object  of  fixing  this  boundary, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  have  some  other 
purpose  connected  with  it,  which  they  do  not  avow, 
but  which  in  their  estimation  gives  it  an  importance 
not  belonging  to  it,  considered  in  itself."2 

The  topics  that  interest  us  first  came  up  at  the 
third  conference  in  London  on  the  17th  of  September. 
Each  party  was  disposed  to  think  its  nation  had  the 
better  title  to  the  Northwest  Coast;  but  the  arguments 
submitted  were  brief  and  superficial.  As  reported  by 
Gallatin  and  Rush,  "the  British  plenipotentiaries 
asserted  that  former  voyages,  and  principally  that 
of  Captain  Cook,  gave  to  Great  Britain  the  right 
derived  from  discovery ;  and  they  alluded  to  purchases 
from  the  natives  south  of  the  Columbia  River,  which 

2  Adams  to  Gallatin  and  Rush,  July  28, 1818.  He  adds  that  England  having 
given  up  her  claim  to  a  line  to  the  Mississippi,  and  even  to  the  navi- 
gation of  that  river,  the  north-western  boundary  would  seem  of  no  importance 
to  her ;  but  'the  new  pretension  of  disputing  our  title  to  the  settlement  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  either  indicates  a  design  on  their  part  to  encroach, 
by  new  establishments  of  their  own,  upon  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude, 
south  of  which  they  can  have  no  valid  claim  upon  this  continent ;  or  it  mani- 
fests a  jealousy  of  the  United  States,  a  desire  to  check  the  progress  of  our  set- 
tlements. Their  projects .  .  .in  1806. .  .and  1814  were  to  take  49°. .  .west,  as  far 
as  the  territories  of  the  United  States  extend  in  that  direction,  with  a  caveat 
against  its  extension  to  the  South  Sea,  -or  beyond  the  Stony  Mountains,  upon 
which  two  observations  are  to  be  made. .  .secondly,  that  they  always  affected 
to  apply  the  indefinite  limit  of  extension  as  far  as  the  territories  extend,  to  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  and  not  to  those  of  Great  Britain,  leaving  a 
nest-egg  for  future  pretensions  on  their  part  south  of  latitude  49°.  The  coun- 
ter-projects for  the  line  on  our  part  therefore  were. .  .along  that  parallel,  due 
west,  as  far  as  the  territories  of  both  parties  extend  in  that  direction,  and 
adopting  the  caveat  against  extension  to  the  Pacific' 


BOUNDARY  PI 

they  alleged  to  have  beeD  made  prior  to  the  American 
revolution;"  and  the  Americans,  "so  far  as  discos 
gave  a  claim,  ours  to  the  whole  country  on  the  waters 
of  the    Columbia  River  was    indisputal  ;      had 

derived  its  name  from  thai  of  the  American  ship  com- 
manded by  Captain  Gray,  who  had  first  discovered 
and  entered  its  mouth.  It  was  first  explored,  from  its 
sources  to  the  ocean,  by  Lewis  and  ( Jlarke,  and  before 
the  British  traders  from  ( Janada  had  reachedany  of  its 
waters.  The  settlement  at  Astoria  was  also  the  first 
permanent  establishment  made  in  that  quarter;"  still 
"we  did  not  assert  that  the  United  States  had  a  per- 
fect right  to  that  country,  but  insisted  that  their  claim 

rood  against  Great  Britain."  The  Brit- 
ish plenipotentiaries  showed  a  desire  during  the  whole 
negotiation  to  unite  the  two  subjects,  being  unwilling 
to  agree  to  a  boundary  east  of  the  mountains,  unless 
an  agreement  could  be  made  respecting  the  western 
region.  Accordingly,  the  Americans  proposed  an 
tension  of  the  line  due  west  on  the  parallel  of  49° 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean.3  This  Robinson  and  Goulburn 
would  not  accede  to,  intimating  that  the  Columbia 
River  would  be  the  most  convenient  boundary,  and 
declaring  that  they  would  agree  to  none  that  did  not 
give  them  the  harborat  the  river's  mouth  in  common 
with  the  United  States.  This  meeting  with  no  favor, 
proposed  at  the  conference  of  October  6th  that 

aountains  the  territory  between  latitudes 
45°  and  49  should  be  free  for  purposes  of  trade  to  both 
nations,  neither  to  exercise  sovereign  authority  within 
those  limits,  but  this  agreement  was  not  to  prejudice 
the  claim-  of  cither  or  of  any  other  power.1  Rather 
than  assent  to  this,  the  Americans  preferred  to  leave 

3  Annex  B.  to  protocol  of  third  conference.     This  was  to  affect  i 

.  3  w  ithout  reference  to  the  claims  of  any  other  nation.  'I  he 
subjects  of  both  p  also  to  have  fi  *  and 

.  I  equal  privileges  of  trade,  in  all  i  >n  '1"' 

Northwest  Coast,  and  the  naw 
intersected  by  the  boundary  wae 

i  of  fifth  confi  ■  itli   tho 

;  i   it  stipulated  forfree  navigation  of  th  Riv<  r. 

Hist.  N.W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.     22 


33S  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

the  whole  matter  on  both  sides  of  the  mountains  in 
abeyance;  but  at  the  next  conference  they  proposed 
amendments,  making  the  whole  western  region  free 
for  trade  instead  of  that  portion  between  45°  and  49°. 
The  proposition  thus  amended  with  other  verbal 
changes  was  again  presented  by  the  Englishmen  on 
October  13th,  and  after  another  amendment  submitted 
by  the  Americans  at  the  eighth  conference,  by  which 
the  agreement  was  limited  to  the  period  of  ten  years, 
it  was  approved  by  both  parties,  and  the  treaty  was 
signed  on  October  20,  1818. 

By  this  convention,  or  treaty  of  joint  occupation, 
the  Northwest  Coast  became  free  to  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  for  a  period  of  ten 
years.  The  question  of  title  or  national  sovereignty 
was  left  exactly  as  it  stood  before.  As  far  west  as  the 
Rocky  Mountains  the  parallel  of  49°  was  made  the 
permanent  boundary.5 

As  I  have  previously  remarked,  the  treaty  of  1818 
left  the  two  nations  in  respect  of  their  rights  on  the 
Northwest  Coast  exactly  where  they  stood  before,  the 
natural  and  equitable  right  of  English  or  American 
subjects  to  trade,  hunt,  and  settle  where  they  pleased 
being  now  formally  acknowledged.  Each  party  merely 
reserved  the  right  to  prove,  or  insist  on,  ten  years 
later,  an  exclusive  ownership,  founded  on  events  pre- 
ceding 1818,  not  to  be  affected  by  anything  done  by 
either  side  after  that  date.     There  was  no  quarrel; 

5  The  treaty  negotiations  and  preliminary  correspondence  are  given  in 
full  in  the  President'*  Mess,  and  hoc,  Dec.  29,  ISIS,  15th  Cong.,  2d  Sess., 
under  heading  Great  Britain,  Conventionof  October  20, 1S18,  in  American  State 
Papers,  For.  Bel.,  iv.  348-407.  The  parts  relating  particularly  to  the  sub- 
ject are  on  pp.  371-2,  374,  376-7,  380-1,  3S4,  391-3,  395,  397,  40G.  'Art.  3. 
It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  claimed  by  either  party  ou  the 
Northwest  Coast  of  America  westward  of  the  Stony  Mountains,  shall,  together 
with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  the 
same  be  free  and  open,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the  date  of  the  signature 
of  the  present  convention,  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two 
powers,  it  being  well  understood  that  this  agreement  is  not  to  be  construed 
to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two  high  contracting  parties 
may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said  country,  nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  affect  the 
claims  of  any  other  power  or  state  to  any  part  of  the  said  country ;  the  only 
object  of  the  high  contracting  parties,  in  that  respect,  being  to  prevent  dis- 
putes and  differences  among  themselves. ' 


JOINT  OCCUPANCY.  3CJ 

but  each  party  reserved  the  right  to  quarrel  af  a 
later  date,  and  under  favorable  circumstances,  should 
the  country  prove  worth  the  trouble.  Neither  at- 
tached greal  Importance  to  the  subject  at  the  time; 
neither  had  much  faith  in  its  own  exclusive  right, 
;m1  a  vague  idea  that  it  was  at  leasi  equal  to  that 
the  other.  Neither  really  expected  ultimately  to 
prove  the  validity  of  its  old  exclusive  title,  unless 
possibly  it  might  sometime  be  enforced  by  war,  or 
to  avert  war:  but  should  it  appear  in  the  end-  and 
they  mere  than  suspected  perhaps  what  the  reader 
knows,  that  it  must  so  appear — that  there  was  no 
exclusive  title  on  either  side  in  1818,  then  subsecp' 
acts  of  occupation  would  become  potent,  and  in  this 
respect  each  was  willing  to  trust  the  future.  It  was 
not  expected,  however,  that  ten  years  would  make 
any  radical  change  in  the  situation,  and  each  party 
hoped  for  some  advantage  from  the  slight  modifica- 
tions likely  to  occur. 

England  saw  the  territory  in  the  actual  possession 
of  the  English  Northwest  Company,  who  would  nat- 
urally extend  their  operations;  it  wTas  doubtful  if 
Astor's,  or  any  other  American  company,  would 
reenter  the  field  as  rivals;  it  was  not  likely  that  set- 
tlers would  be  attracted  to  this  distant  country  \'m- 
many  years,  especially  while  the  title  remained  unde- 
termined; and  still  less  likely  that  the  United  States 
government  would  maintain  posts  in  advance  of  com- 
mercial and  agricultural  occupation.  The  America 
on  the  other  hand,  had  little  fear  that  any  other  E 
lishmea  than  fur-hunters  would  occupy  the  coasl  ; 
they  believed  the  Pacific  Company  would  renew  its 
operations;  they  hoped  settlers  mighl  be  induced  to 
3S  the  continent;  at  any  rate  they  had  unlim- 
ited faith  in  the  future  development  n['  their  nation, 
and  were  content  to  leave  their  rights  in  abeyance 
until  such  time  as  they  might  be  ready  1"  exer< 
them.  The  decision  was  a  wise  and  equitable  one  for 
both  pan  i 


340  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

Throughout  the  ten  years  named  in  the  treaty  the 
English  fur-hunters  remained  in  possession  of  the 
territory,  their  rivals  failing  to  exercise  the  privileges 
conceded  to  them.  Meanwhile  there  occurred  a  series 
of  events  which  had  an  influence  on  this  subject,  though 
the  importance  of  some  of  them  in  this  respect  has 
generally  been  exaggerated. 

The  first  was  the  signing  of  the  Florida  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain  on  Feb.  22, 
1819.  The  negotiations  preceding  this  treaty  were 
long  and  complicated;  but  the  boundary  in  northern 
regions  was  an  unimportant  feature  in  the  discussions. 
In  1805  the  United  States  had  proposed  a  line  run- 
ning north  from  the  sources  of  the  Red  River;  while 
Spain  had  preferred  a  boundary  commission  to  explore 
the  unknown  region  north  of  Red  River  and  investi- 
gate documents  bearing  on  the  title;  but  nothing 
was  done.6  At  the  beginning  of  1818  the  Spanish 
plenipotentiary,  Luis  de  Onis,  wrote:  "  The  right  and 
dominion  of  the  crown  of  Spain  to  the  Northwest 
Coast  of  America  as  high  as  the  Californias,  is  not 
less  certain  and  indisputable,  the  Spaniards  having 
explored  it  as  far  as  the  47th  degree,  in  the  expedition 
under  Juan  de  Fuca,  in  1592,  and  in  that  under  the 
Admiral  Fonte  to  the  55th  degree  in  1640."  That 
the  Spanish  claim  was  thus  founded  on  the  fictitious 
discoveries  of  Fuca  and  Fonte  shows  how  little  was 
known  or  cared  about  the  matter;  the  claim  was  not 
disputed,  and  the  subject  was  dropped  until  the  ques- 
tion of  boundary  came  up  near  the  close  of  the  nego- 
tiation. Spain  had  wished  in  exchange  for  Florida 
to  obtain  everything  west  of  the  Mississippi;  but 
attention  was  given  almost  exclusively  to  the  south. 
On  October  31st  Mr  Adams  proposed  as  a  bound- 
ary the  Red  River,  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  line 
of  41°  to  the  Pacific.     This  was  the  first  intimation  of 

6 President's  3Iess.  and  Doc,  Dec.  6,  1805,  Sth  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  in  American 
State  Papers,  For.  Bel,  ii.  662,  665;  Twiss,  Or.  Quest.,  231,  also  cites  British 
and  Foreign  State  Papers,  1817-18,  321,  but  gives  the  date  of  a  document 
cited  incorrectly. 


SPAIN  AXD  THE  UNITED  STA  841 

a  claim  to  territory  west  of  the  mountains;  and  ai 
first  Spain  would  not  listen  to  anything  of  the  kind. 
but  soon  viewed  the  idea  more  favorably.  In  Jan- 
uary L819,  Onis  proposed  a  line  from  the  source  of 
the  Missouri  to  the  Columbia,  and  down  thai  stream 

ie  Pacific.    This  being  rejected,  he  proposed  the 

upper  Arkansas  and  line  of  41    to  the  Multnomah, 

or  Willamette,  and   down  the  river    to   the   ocean. 

in  respon  d  the  upper  Arkansas  and 

line  of  41°  to  the  Pacific,  whereupon  Onis  suggested 

from   the  Arkansas  to  the  Multnomah,  and  43 
from  the  latter  stream  to  the  ocean.      Finally  Onis 
for   Spain   proposed  42°    from   the  Arkansas  to  the 
Pacific,  and  Adai  1  to  this  in  behalf  of  the 

United  States.     The  treaty  was  signed  according 

By  this  treaty  "His  Catholic  Majesty  rvdr^  to  the 
United  States  all  his  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions 
to  any  territories  cast  and  north  of  the  said  line, 
and. .  .renounces  all  claim  to  the  said  territories  for- 
ever." That  is,  the  United  States  acquired  the  Spanish 
title  to  the  Northwest  Goad  above  the  latitude  of 
.  I  have  already  shown  that  Spain  had  no  rights 
in  that  territory  except  that  of  making  settlements  in 

<iate  Papers,  For.  /,'</.,   Lv.  455,   530-2,   615-23,   b 
1819.,  15th  Cong.,  2d  Seas.; 
13,  cites  also  the  British  am  vpers  of  L617 

contii  'Art.  :i.  The  boundary  li 

the  two  countries,  west  of  the  Mississippi,  shall  begin  on  the  Gulf  of  Mi 
at  the  mouth  of  the  rive:'  Sabine,  in  the  sea,  continuing  north  al  a 

.!;  of  that  river  to  the  32d  degree  of  latitude;  then© 
due  north,  to  of  latitude  where  it  strikes  the  Rio  Roxo 

en  following  the  course  of  the  R 
e  of  longitudi  I  ad  23  from  \. 

then  crossing  the  said  Red  River,  and  running  thence  by  a  line  due  - 
river  Arkansas;  thenee  following  the  course    of  the  southern 

source,   in  latitude-    [2  north;   and  thence 

i  :'   latitude   to  the  South 
• 

But,  if  th( 
River  shall  or  south  of    latitude  42  < 

He  Bhall  run  from   the  said  bo 
may  I  aid  ]  arallel 

prop"  also  to  be  ac< 

but  there  was  no  rooi 

■  i.tly  ratified  by  Mexico  in 


342  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

unoccupied  spots,  even  her  'claims  and  pretensions' 
having  been  virtually  abandoned  since  1795.  The 
validity  of  the  title  acquired  in  1 8 1 9  was,  however,  the 
subject  of  much  argument  in  later  years,  as  we  shall  see. 
Immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  in 
1819-20,  an  exploring  expedition  was  sent  out  by  the 
United  States  to  the  great  west.8  "One  most  impor- 
tant fact,  in  a  political  point  of  view,"  says  Greenhow, 
"was  completely  established  by  the  observations  of 
the  party;  namely,  that  the  whole*  division  of  North 
America  drained  by  the  Missouri  and  the  Arkansas, 
and  their  tributaries  between  the  meridian  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Platte  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  is 
almost  entirely  unfit  for  cultivation,  and  therefore 
uninhabitable  by  a  people  depending  upon  agriculture 
for  their  subsistence.  •  And  late  observations  have 
shown  the  adjoining  regions,  to  a  great  extent  west  of 
those  mountains,  to  be  still  more  arid  and  sterile.  These 
circumstances  as  they  became  known  through  the 
United  States,  rendered  the  people  and  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  federal  legislature  more  and  more 
indifferent  with  regard  to  the  territories  on  the  north- 
western side  of  the  continent.  It  became  always 
difficult  and  generally  impossible  to  engage  the  atten- 
tion of  congress  to  any  matters  connected  with  those 
countries;  emigrants. from  the  populous  states  of  the 
union  would  not  banish  themselves  to  the  distant 
shores  of  the  Pacific  whilst  they  could  obtain  the 
best  lands  on  the  Mississippi  and  its  branches  at 
moderate  prices;  and  capitalists  would  not  vest  their 
funds  in  establishments  for  the  administration  and 
continued  possession  of  which  they  could  have  no 
guarantee.  From  1813  until  1823,  few  if  any  Amer- 
ican citizens  were  employed  in  the  countries  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  ten  years  more  elapsed 
before  any  settlement  was  formed  or  even  attempted 
in  that  part  of  the  world."9 

8 Long's  Account  of  Exploring  Expedition,  8vo,  2  vols.  Philadelphia,  1S23. 
9  Greenhow's  Or.  and  C'al.,  322-3. 


RANDOM  STATEMENTS.  343 

In    1  he  Nortl         I    ( iompany  was  merged   in 

the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  the  latter  remaining  in 
;  don  of  the  western  country.     The  change  had 

i.  i  bearing  whatever  od  the  question  of  title. 

At  theendof  L820  the  Northwesl  (  Joasl  ma  lei 
appearance  in  th  js  of  the  United  States.  "On 

motion  of  Mr  Floyd  a  committee  was  appoinl 
inquire  into  the  situation  of  the  settlements  upon  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  expediency  of  occupying  the 
Columbia  River."  This  was  on  December  L9th,  and 
on  January  25,  L821,  the  report  of  the  committee  was 
read  in  the  house.  In  this  document  the  question  of 
title  wi  I  some  length  with  frequent  allu- 

sions to  facts  of  doubtful  accuracy.  For  instance 
congress  was  told  that  "in  the  year  1785-6 
lishment  was  made  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River  by  Mr  Hendricks;"  that  Lewis  and  Clarke 
"built  Fort  Clatsop,  yet  to  be  seen" — really  the  ex- 
plorer's winter  camp — those  events  being  at  a  time 
when  the  Spanish  settlements  were  "in  lai 
north  upon  the  Colorado  of  California;"  and  that  five 
posl  i  besides  Astoria  had  been  established  by  A 
company.  Great  force  was  given  to  the  Spanish  exclu  - 
sive  title,  which  even  England  had  virtually  acknowl- 
edged in  1790  by  her  willingness  "to  treat  for  the 
enjoyment  of  privileges  on  that  coast."  That  the 
United  States  through  Spain,  France,  and  her  own 
establishments  had  the  undisputed  sovereignty  of  the 
coast  from  latitude  G0°  down  to  36  there  could  be  no 
doubt;  and  it  was  equally  clear  that  the  occupation  of 
late  territory  would  be  most  profitable. 
Accordingly  a  bill  was  introduced  in  twelve  sections 
for  the  occupation  of  the  Columbia,  grant  of  lands  to 
settlers,  and  regulation  of  Indian  affairs.10  The  bill 
was  referred  to  a  committee.  At  the  end  of  the 
year,  on  motion  of  Mr  Floyd,  another  committee  was 

10  Ann 

■  .  Jan.  25th,  in  Id., 
Benton's  Abridg.  Debates  in  Congress,  viL  74-81. 


344  THE   OREGON  QUESTION. 

appointed  to  "inquire  into  the  expediency  of  occupying 
the  Columbia  River  and  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  adjacent  thereto;"  which  committee  reported 
in  January  1822  with  a  bill  probably  like  the  former, 
which  was  read  twice  and  committed  as  before. 
Meanwhile  a  resolution  had  also  been  adopted  calling 
for  information  from  the  secretary  of  the  navy  re- 
specting the  expense  of  surveying  Pacific  ports  of  the 
United  States  and  of  transporting  artillery  to  the 
Columbia.11 

At  the  end  of  the  year,  Dec.  17th  to  18th,  the  mat- 
ter came  up  for  discussion  in  committee  of  the  whole, 
and  after  a  long  speech  by  Mr  Floyd,  other  members 
showing  no  disposition  to  speak,  the  bill  was  reported 
to  the  house.  In  the  following  debate  two  members 
spoke  in  its  favor  and  one  against  it;  but  the  house 
was  apathetic  and  further  consideration  Avas  deferred. 
A  remarkable  feature  of  the  debate  was  the  absence 
of  allusion  to  the  treaty  of  1818.  There  was  not  the 
slightest  doubt  expressed  as  to  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Northwest  Coast.  Those  that  favored 
the  measure  dwelt  on  the  value  of  the  fur-trade  and 
the  whale-fishery,  and  the  grandeur  of  a  republic 
stretching  from  sea  to  sea;  while  Mr  Tucker  opposed 
it  simply  because  he  did  not  wish  to  accelerate  the 
inevitable  progress  of  the  population  westward,  believ- 
ing that  the  peoples  east  and  west  of  the  mountains 
"must  have  a  permanent  separation  of  interest."12 

The  Columbia  project  was  again  discussed  in  the 
house  of  representatives  in  January  1823,  and  increased 
interest  was  manifested,  though  not  enough  to  pass 
the  bill.  The  debate  doubtless  had  its  eifect  in  edu- 
cating the  American  people  into  an  implicit  faith  in 
the  validity  of  their  national  claim  to  the  Northwest 
Coast;  for  as  before,  no  opponent  of  the  measure  ex- 

11  Annals  of  Congress,  17th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  529,  553,  560-1,  744. 

12  Benton's  Abridg.  Debates  hi  Congress,  vii.  30-2-407;  Annals  of  Co?igress, 
17th  Cong.,  :.'</  Sess.,  355,  396-424,  430.  According  to  amendments  it  was 
proposed  to  occupy  the  country  '  with  a  military  force, '  and  a  salary  was 
named  for  the  '  Governor  of  Oregon.' 


BEFORE  CONG] 

pressed  doubt  of  the  perfect  right  to  occupy.  They 
doubted  the  value  of  the  territory  in  question;  dwell 
on  its  distance  from  American  civilization;  objected 
to  anything  like  colonization  under  a  republican  govern- 
ment; deemed  the  occupation  practicable  bul  inex- 
pedient, at  least  for  the  present;  and  alluded  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains  as  a  natural  boundary,  across  which 
no  line  of  commercial  communication  could  ever  extend. 
The  advo  the  other  hand  affirmed,  instead  of 

silently  assuming  as  before,  the  validity  of  the  title; 
bul  no  arguments  were  wasted  in  proving  what  nobody 
doubted;  and  their  eloquence  was  expended  in  show- 
rious,  profitable,  and  politic  a  thing   it 
would  be  iiow  to  extend  the  republic  across  the  w! 
continent,    I  append  a  few  extracts  from  the  deba 
The  bill  was  tabled;  and  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  I  > 
sixty-one  the  house  refused  to  take  it  up  again.     In 
all  this  there  was  not  a  hint  at  the  rights  of  England 
p  the  treaty  of  joint  occupation. 
In  February,'  Mr  Benton  brought  the  matter  up  in 
the  senate,  with  a  motion  and  a  speech.   The  moti<  m  was 
"that  the  committee  on  military  affairs  be  instructed 

18  '  The  only  nations  on  earth  who  have  ever  made  any  claims  to  these  regions 
ipain,  Russia. .  .    Spain  never  had  any  prel  rthan 

ised  by  her  province  of  Louisiana,'  and  her  rights  were  trans- 
fco  the  Unit  '  .     'The  emperor  of  Russia  will 

quarrel  with  us  for  anything  we  may  do  south  of  his  latitude  of  51  .'  England 
had  anyposs<  I  b  lieve  never  pretended  to  any  ti 

:'  the  Columbia.     T>  territory  n 

'would  have  continued,  it  maybe  presumed, 
the  boundary  between  us  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  if 
'.'     'She  restored  to  us  possession  of  our  settl 
mouth  of  the  Columbia,  without  the  least  intimation  in  all  berm 
tions  on  the  subject  of    any  question  as  to  our  ti 
shoal  I  by  us,  can  we  believe  that  other  nations  will] 

?     If  they  do:  I  Learn 

land  had  poa 
of  the  Columbia,  what  should  we  do?     We  should  then  b 
ourri  ity  of  our  territory.     \. 

id  cannot  abandon  any  part  of  it 

A'.  )".    '  How  oftenarewe  n  mind<  I  ol  Amer- 

I    is  made  a  coi  inned 

-  our  own  domain  I*  Vt.    '  For  bis  part 

]u.  AV;  ettlement  woi  made 

in  any  period  of  time  to  which  a 
men   \  d    our  views.1     'To    my  mind,  sir.  no 

more  visionary  than  that  of  an  internal  comm  i  and 


346  THE   OREGON  QUESTION. 

to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  making  an  appro- 
priation to  enable  the  president  of  the  United  States 
to  take  and  retain  possession  of  the  territories  of  the 
United  States  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of  America." 
Benton's  motives  and  methods  of  treating  the  sub- 
ject were  radically  different  from  those  of  congressmen 
who  had  spoken  before.  His  aim,  he  said,  "was  to 
prevent  the  country  in  question  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  another  power."  He  knew  that  the  public 
mind  was  tranquil  upon  this  point;  but  he  believed 
that  this  tranquillity  arose,  not  from  an  indifference  to 
the  loss  of  the  Columbia  River  and  the  great  country 
drained  by  its  waters,  but  from  a  belief  that  our  title 
to  it  was  undisputed,  and  the  possession  open  to  our 
citizens  whenever  the  government  would  permit  them 
to  enter  upon  it.  The  contrary  of  all  this  he  held  to 
be  the  fact,  and  he  w^ould  undertake  to  show  to  the 
senate:  "First,  that  our  claim  of  sovereignty  is  dis- 
puted by  England.  Second,  that  England  is  now  the 
party  in  possession.  Third,  that  she  resists  the  pos- 
session of  the  United  States.  Fourth,  that  the  party 
in  possession  in  1828  wTill  have  the  right  of  possession 
under  the  law  of  nations  until  the  question  of  sov- 
ereignty shall  be  decided  by  war  or  negotiation." 
In  support  of  these  propositions  Benton  referred  to 
documents  with  which  the  reader  is  familiar;  he  re- 
garded the  nominal  restitution  of  Fort  Astoria  as  by 
no  means  a  relinquishment  of  the  English  title ;  and  in 

Columbia.  The  God  of  nature  has  interposed  obstacles  to  this  connection, 
which  neither  the  enterprise  nor  the  science  of  this  or  any  other  age  can  over- 
come.' '  He  was  ready  to  admit  that  neither  England,  Spain,  nor  Russia  had 
the  right,  or  probably  would  have  the  disposition,  to  complain  of  the  measure/ 
'  The  measure  is  not  called  for  by  any  great  public  interest.'  Tracy  of  N.  Y. 
Mr  Mallary  offered  an  amendment,  or  substitute,  of  which  the  first  section  was: 
'  That  the  president  be  authorized  and  required  to  occupy  that  portion  of  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  north  of  42J,  and  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  with  a  military  force,  and  to  cause  a  suitable  fort  to 
be  erected  on  the  Oregon  River. .  .which  tract  of  country  is  hereby  declared 
to  be  the  territory  of  Oregon.'  'Gentlemen  are  talking  of  natural  boundaries. 
Sir,  our  natural  boundary  is  the  Pacific  Ocean. '  Baylies  of  Mass.  '  The  spirit 
of  migration  should  rather  be  repressed  in  your  citizens  than  encouraged.' 
Breckenridge  of  Ky.  Mr  Little  of  Maryland  presented  a  petition  of  farmers 
and  mechanics  in  favor  of  the  bill.  Annals  of  Congress,  17th  Cong.,  2d  Sess., 
5S3-G02,  078-700,  1077-1206. 


POSITION  OF  AMERICAN  STATESMEN.  347 

support  of  this  third  point  ho  noted  that  the  British 
minister  in  two  interviews  with  the  secretary  of  state, 
referring  to  the  bills  for  the  occupation  of  the  Colum- 
bia  "suggested  thai  ( rreat  Britain  had  claims  on  the 
north-west  coast  of  America,  with  which  lie  conceived 
that  such  occupation  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
would  conflict ;  and  requested  to  be  informed  what 
were  the  intentions  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  in  this  respect."14 

While  the  reader  who  is  acquainted  with  the  facts 
may  not  be  unduly  influenced  by  the  assurance  with 
which  American  statesmen  assumed  the  unquestion- 
able validity  of  their  count  it's  exclusive  title  and 
ridiculed  Great  Britain's  'pretensions,'  and  while  it  is 
true  that  the  measure  urged  in  some  of  its  features 
was  contrary  to  treaty  obligations,  yet  it  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  measure  was  defeated,  and 
that  the  agitation  at  this  time  was  in  certain  respects 
a  legitimate  and  necessary  one.  The  United  States 
had  no  title,  it  is  true,  but  citizens  had  a  right  by 
occupation  to  lay  for  their  country  the  foundation  of 

Abridg.  Debates  of  Congress,  vii.  363,  3GG-9;  Annals  of  Con- 

,  235,  248-51,  27t.     The  committee  of  foreign  rclas 

tions  having  been  substituted  for  that  of  military  affairs,  the  motion  war 

I  to;  but  on  February  25th,  that  committee  was  discharged  from  furthes 
consideration  of  the  matter.  A  few  additional  quotations  from  Mr  Iknton't 
speech  may  be  necessary  to  show  his  spirit.  'This' — referring  to  the 
quotation  in  my  text — 'is  resistance  and  resistance  in  the  most  imposing  form- 
It  goes  the  whole  length  of  unqualified  opposition. .  .England  has  virtually 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  a  legislative  act  in  the  congress  of  the 
United  States — an  attempt  which,  if  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken  in  the  temper 
of  the  American  people,  will  accelerate  the  measure  it  was  intended  to  im- 
pede.' In  the  case  before  the  senate  the  United  States  have  a  right  oi 
session  under  the  treaty  of  Ghent' — really  only  to  Astoria  by  the  terms  of  the 
restoration — 'and  a  right  of  entry  under  the  treaty  of  1818;  but  the  latter 
is  already  half  run  out,  and  the  former  must  be  considered  as  abandoned  if 
not  renewed  and  effectually  asserted.'    He  speaks  of  two  wide-spread  i 

that  the  English  recognized  the  49th  degree  as  the  boundary  I 
;  and  second,  that  the  United  States  granted  to  her  the  use  of  the 
I  and  the  trade  of  its  inhabitants  for  the  period  of  ten  years.     The 

tains  possession  by  virtue  of  his  own  cl 
and  each  agrees  to  tolerate  the  possession  of  the  other  for  ten  years.'     '  I 
the  linger  of  Russia  in  the  trc;  I  y  of 

E        nd,  securing  to  herself  the  means  of  strengthening  1  osions 

by  joining  to  them  the  "claims"  of  all  other  "powers  and  states."'  'The 
republic,  partly  through  its  own  remissness,  partly  from  the  concessions  of 
our  mi  London,  but  chiefly  from  the  bold  j  ad,  is 

in  imminent  danger  of  losing  all  its  territory  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.' 


343  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

a  legitimate  title  to  a  large  part  of  the  territory ;  and 
it  was  important  that  the  people  should  not  be  caught 
napping,  and  so  permit  their  prospective  title  to  go  by 
default.  There  doubtless  was  such  a  popular  impres- 
sion as  Benton's  warning  was  intended  to  remove. 
His  four  points  were  all  well  made  and  timely.  More- 
over, it  was  well  to  create  a  public  sentiment  for  the 
time  when  negotiations  for  a  new  treaty  would  be  in 
order.  But  for  many  }Tears  the  question  attracted 
very  little  popular  attention  either  in  the  United 
States  or  in  England.15 

Meanwhile,  in  1821-4,  there  were  in  progress 
certain  negotiations  between  the  United  States  and 
Russia  which  should  be  noticed  here. 

A  dozen  years  earlier  there  had  been  some  unsuc- 
cessful negotiations  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  during 
which  the  Russians  had  implied  that  their  possessions 
rightfully  extended  at  least  down  to  the  Columbia, 
while  the  United  States  gave  expression  to  the  idea 
that  the  Spanish  title  probably  had  extended  up  to 
60°.  Now  on  September  4,  1821,  the  emperor,  in  a 
formal  edict  approving  certain  rules  of  the  Russian 
American  fur  company,  declared  that  the  Northwest 
Coast  down  to  latitude  51°  belonged  exclusively  to 
Russia,  and  prohibited  all  foreign  vessels  from  ap- 
proaching within  a  hundred  Italian  miles  of  an}*-  part 
of  that  coast.  In  February  1822,  Secretary  Adams 
called  on  M.  Poletica,  the  Russian  envoy,  for  an  ex- 

lbNUes'  Register,  always  reflecting  very  fully  the  spirit  of  the  American 
press,  has  little  on  this  topic  of  Northwest  Coast  occupation  before  1S30.  In 
1821,  however,  xx.  21-5.  it  takes  from  the  National  Intelligencer  a  communi- 
cation from  William  D.  Robinson  dated  Jan.  1.3th,  giving  an  account  of  the  old 
explorers,  urging  the  importance  of  further  exploration  by  the  United  States, 
and  dwelling  also  on  'the  policy  and  necessity  of  our  government  fixing  on  a 
place  on  the  Pacific  Ocean  for  a  commercial  and  military  post.'  To  it  is  joined 
a  shorter  article  on  the  same  topic  written  by  Commodore  Porter  in  181.3,  in 
which  he  says,  '  We  possess  a  country  whose  shores  are  washed  by  the  At- 
lantic and  the  Pacific.'  And  as  late  as  1S25  the  Register,  xxix.  151,  says :  '  The 
project  of  establishing  a  chain  of  military  posts  to  the  Pacific,  and  of  building 
up  a  colony  at  some  point  near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River,  is  again 
spoken  of  in  the  newspapers.  We  hope  that  it  will  be  postponed  yet  a  little 
while.  It  is  the  interest  of  either  the  old  Atlantic,  or  of  the  new  states  in  the 
west,  that  a  current  of  population  should  now  be  forced  beyond  the  present 
settled  boundaries  of  the  x'epublic. ' 


THE  RUSSIAN  SIDE  OF  IT.  349 

planation  of  that  extraordinary  edict.  In  reply,  that 
official  defended  the  right  of  his  nation  to  the  terri- 
tory claimed,  on  the  grounds  that  tin-  discoveries  of 
Bering  and  Chirikof  in  1741  had  extended  to  40°; 
that  Haro,  in  1789,  had  found  eight  Russian  estab- 
lishments in  latitudes  48°  and  49°;  and  that  51°  Was 
midway  between  Sitka  and  the  Columbia,  besides  the 
usual  protestations  of  undisputed  rights  of  discovery 
and  possession.  The  first  two  statements  were  not 
true,  and  the  third  not  relevant;  to  say  nothing  of 
there  being  no  possible  defence  of  the  hundred-mile 
prohibition.  Mr  Adams  alluded  to  the  fact  that  the 
charter  of  the  fur  company  did  not  extend  Russian 
claims  below  55°,  and  trusted  that  an  interdiction 
manifestly  incompatible  with  American  rights  would 
not  be  enforced;  while  M.  Poletica,  with  a  warning 
against  trouble  for  which  American  traders  could  only 
accuse  their  own  imprudence,  promised  to  refer  the 
er  to  his  emperor.10 
Resulting  negotiations  between  Russia  and  the 
United  States  were  carried  on  in  1823-4  by  Mr  Mid- 
dleton  and  Count  Nesselrode  at  St  Petersburg.   Rus- 

16  President's  Mess,  and  Doc,  April  17,  1S22,  in  Annals  of  Congress,  17th 
-  is.,  2130-59;  also  in  Ameri  <  'or.  Bel.,  iv.  856-64. 

Quarterly  /'■  m  w,  xxvi.  3-43-G,  of  January  IS--''-',  some  comments  woo 
made  on  the  Russian  policy  ami  the  edict  of  1821:  'Whether  this  wholi 
usurpation  of  2,000  miles  of  sea-coast,  to  the  greater  part  of  which  Russia  can 
have  no  possible  claim,  will  be  tacitly  passed  over  by  England,  Spain,  and  the 
United  States,  the  three  powers  must  interested  in  ir,  we  pretend  not  to 
know;  but  we  can  scarcely  be  mistaken  in  predicting  that  his  Imperial  Majesty 
will   discover,  at  no  distant  period,  that  he  has  assumed   an  authority  and 

1  a  principle  which  ho  will  hardly  be  permitted  to  i  Two 

somewhat  carious  admissions  by  this  English  writer  are  the  following:  (0n 
the  ground   of  priority  of  discovery  it  is  si  lear  that  England 

has  if  claim  to  territorial  possession.  On  this  principle  ii  woul  I  jointly 
belong  to  Russia  and  Spain;'  and  'the  whole  country  from  lat.  -"ii  30'  to  tin; 
boundary  of  the  United  States  in  latitude  is  ,  or  thereabouts,  is  now  and  has 

sen  in  the  actual  possession  of  I  mpany.'    in 

tin-  North  American  Rem  22,  xv.  370-401,  wasalso  published  an 

mation  of  the  Russian  claims  to  the  Nbrthwi       i  oi   America,' 

written  apparently  by  Captain  William  Stui  is  a  sound 

one,  but  does  not  cl  ity  for  the  United  dythe 

privilege  of  tier  to  .din 

the  British  parliament, and  appears  to  have  created  considi  rabl    i    citement.' 

July  27.  1822,  xxii.  349,  contains  i 
Times  and  the  Liverpool  Mercury.    The  former  says:  'So  sunk  has  the  country 
been  by  its  misfortunes  that  the  imperial  document  has  been  permit 


350  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

sia  made  a  feeble  effort  to  substantiate  her  claims  as 
based  on  discovery;  tried  to  avoid  the  issue  by  the 
assertion  that  the  boundary  question  was  one  between 
herself  and  England,  in  which  the  United  States  had 
no  interest;  even  set  up  the  plea  that  the  treaty  with 
Spain  gave  the  United  States  a  right  only  to  territory 
north  of  42°,  and  not  to  anything  west  of  the  merid- 
ian where  that  line  touched  the  coast;  struggled  some- 
what earnestly  against  every  proposition  involving 
free  trade  on  her  coasts;  and  finally  consented  to  a 
treaty  on  reasonable  terms.  So  far  as  her  exclusive 
pretensions  below  55°  were  concerned,  Russia  was 
altogether  in  the  wrong,  even  if  her  rival  was  not 
entirely  in  the  right;  and  the  intricacies  of  the  nego- 
tiation have  but  slight  importance  in  history.  The 
treaty  was  signed  on  April  5th  ( 1 7th),  1824.  By  it  the 
boundary  was  fixed  at  latitude  54°  40',  beyond  which 
neither  nation  was  to  found  any  establishment  or  to 
resort  without  permission  to  those  of  the  other;  though 
for  a  period  of  ten  }-ears  the  vessels  of  either  nation 
were  to  have  free  access  for  trade  and  fishery  to  all 
interior  waters  of  the  other's  territory.  Thus  Russia's 
claims  below  54°  40'  were  relinquished,  as  had  been 
those  of  Spain  above  42°,  to  the  United  States;  and 
the  field  of  controversy  between  the  latter  and  Great 
Britain  was  clearly  defined.17  In  February  1825  a 
treaty  was  concluded  between  England  and  Russia, 
by  which  the  latter  again  relinquished  her  claim  not 
only  to  the  region  below  latitude  54°  40',  but  to  the 
broad  interior  up  to  the  frozen  ocean.13    The  United 

pass  without  one  individual  of  the  British  parliament  having  ventured  to 
observe  upon  it.  Luckily  for  the  -world  the  United  States  of  America  have  not 
submitted  with  equal  patience  to  the  decrees  of  the  autocrat.'  The  Register 
of  1S23,  xxiv.,  lias  references  to  the  matter  on  pp.  16,  112,  146,  245,  2S1,  310. 
This  subject  attracted  much  more  popular  attention  than  the  dispute  with 
Great  Britain.  In  the  last  item  alluded  to  the  debate  in  the  English  parlia- 
ment is  described,  when  in  regard  to  a  question  of  Sir  James  Mcintosh,  Mr 
Canning  replied  that  his  government  had  protested  against  the  Russian  ukase, 
and  that  negotiations  were  still  pending. 

17  All  the  correspondence,  etc.,  including  the  treaty,  is  found  in  the  Presi- 
dent's Mess,  and  Doc.,  Dec.  15,  1824,  in  American  State  Papers,  For.  Eel.,  v. 
432-71. 

18  The  boundary  was  54°  40',  Portland  Channel,  to  56°,  summit  of  coast 


ENGLISH  PRETENSIONS.  351 

States  made  do  formal  objection,  though  that  power 
had  protested  in  advance  that  it,  would  not  be  bound 
by  any  convention  made  by  England  separately. 

Bui  the  record  of  these  negotiations,  while  unim- 
portant so  far  as  the  Russian  aspepts  of  the  matter  are 
concerned, had  much  importance  in  its  bearingon  the 
English  pretensions;  because,  in  the  first  place,  it  con 
tained  incidentally  a  much  fuller  statemenl  of  the  early 
title-giving  transactions  than  had  before  been  extant  ; 
and  secondly,  it  included  vrvy  definite  assertions,  not 
only  of  an  exclusive  claim  on  the  part  of  the  United 
3,  but  of  the  principles  constituting  what  was 
known  later  as  the  Monroe  doctrine.  It  was  the  desire 
of  the  United  States,  since  English  interests  as  well  as 
Americanwereat  stake,  that  a  joint  convention  between 
the  three  powers  should  be  formed,  similar  to  that  of 
1818;  and  a  clause  was  also  suggested  to  the  effect  that 
Russia  should  found  no  establishments  south  of  lati- 
tude 55°,  the  United  States  none  north  of  51°,  and 
Great  Britain  none  north  of  55°,  or  south  ol  51 ", 
though  there  was  indicated  a  willingness  to  accept 
49°  instead  of  51°.  After  some  hesitation  England 
refused  to  join  in  the  negotiations,  partly,  as  we  may 
suppose,  because  of  the  latitude  suggested,  but  eh  icily 
because  of  the  recent  action  of  the  American  congress 
and  promulgation  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  which  not 
only  was  displeasing  to  Great  Britain,  but  was  likely 
to  be  equally  so  to  Russia,  and  might  cause  a  kind  of 
defensive  alliance  between  the  two  powers  against 
American  pretensions.  I  append  a  series  of  brief 
quotations,  to  illustrate  the  position  now  assumed  by 
the  United  States.19 

mountains,  and  141st  meridian  north  to  the  ocean.   On 

claims,  pp.  34-2-3,  that  this  treaty  virtually  annulled 
:  noted  that  in  the  former,  Russia  had  merely  agreed 

not  tos<  the  line;  while  in  the  latter  that  line  is  called  ljthe  line 

□  between  the  possea  ions  oi  the  tu 

of  the  United  States  from  I-   to  m  on         !  '  >cean  we 

0f  ,],,.  ,  i  Loration,  and  the  i  ttlement  oi  Asto- 

ria. •'!!.;  territory  is  to  the  United  States  of  an  impoi  ance  which  do  pos- 
session in  North  America  can  be  to  any  European  nation.'     '  It  is  not  to  be 


352  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

In  congress  the  matter  was  again  brought  up  at 
the  end  of  1823,  by  a  motion  of  Mr  Floyd  to  "inquire 
into  the  expediency  of  occupying  the  Columbia  or 
Oregon  river,"  and  by  the  committee  then  appointed 
a  bill  was  reported  in  January  1824.  An  estimate  of 
expense  for  the  transportation  of  troops  was  obtained 
from  the  quartermaster -general,  the  amount  being 
$30,000.  In  April  a  letter  was  submitted  from 
General  Jesup  on  the  advantages  and  difficulties  of 
the  proposed  occupation.  This  officer  strongly  favored 
the  measure  from  a  military  point  of  view;  expressed 
the  opinion  that  there  should  be  at  least  three  posts 
on  the  Columbia;  and  added:  "They  would  aiford 
present  protection  to  our  traders,  and  on  the  expi- 
ration of  the  privilege  granted  to  British  subjects  to 
trade  on  the  waters  of  the  Columbia,  would  enable 

doubted  that  long  before  the  expiration  of  that  time  (ten  years)  our  settlement 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River  will  become  so  considerable  as  to  offer 
means  of  useful  commercial  intercourse  with  the  Russian  settlements. '  The 
principle  of  the  convention  of  ISIS  was  that  the  Northwest  Coast  '  could  not 
be  considered  as  the  exclusive  property  of  any  European  nation.'  '  With  the 
exception  of  the  British  establishments  north  of  the  United  States,  the  remain- 
der of  both  the  American  continents  must  henceforth  be  left  to  the  manage- 
ment of  American  hands.'  '  The  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  Columbia 
River,  and  to  the  interior  territory  washed  by  its  waters,  rests  upon  the  dis- 
covery '  by  Gray,  exploration  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  settlement  of  Astoria,  and 
acquisition  of  the  rights  of  Spain,  '  the  only  European  power  who,  prior  to 
the  discovery  of  the  river,  had  any  pretensions  to  territorial  rights . . . the 
waters  of  the  Columbia  extend  by  the  Multnomah  to  42°. .  .and  by  Clarke's 
River  to  50°  or  51° . . .  To  the  territory  thus  watered,  and  immediately  contigu- 
ous to  the  original  possessions  of  the  United  States . . .  they  consider  their 
right  to  be  now  established  by  all  the  principles  which  have  ever  been  applied 
to  European  settlements  on  the  American  hemisphere. ' . . . '  It  is  not  imaginable 
that  in  the  present  condition  of  the  world  any  European  nation  should  enter- 
tain the  project  of  settling  a  colony  on  the  Northwest  Coast.  That  the  United 
States  should  form  establishments  there  with  views  of  absolute  territorial  right 
and  inland  communication,  is  not  only  to  be  expected,  but  is  pointed  out  by 
the  finger  of  nature,  and  has  been  for  many  years  a  subject  of  serious  delibera- 
tion in  congress.  A  plan  has  for  several  sessions  been  before  them  for  estab- 
lishing a  territorial  government  on  the  borders  of  the  Columbia  River.  It 
will  undoubtedly  be  resumed  at  their  next  session,  and  even  if  then  again 
postponed  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  it  must 
be  carried  into  effect. '  '  The  American  continent  henceforth  will  no  longer 
be  subject  of  colonization . .  .  the  application  of  colonial  principles  of  exclusion, 
therefore,  cannot  be  admitted  by  the  United  States  as  lawful  upon  any  part  of 
the  Northwest  Coast,  or  as  belonging  to  any  European  nation. '  Adam*,  July  22, 
1S23.  '  It  appears  probable  that  these  two  nations  (Spain  and  England)  have 
not  now  any  possession  upon  the  Northwest  Coast  between  42°  and  60°.'  M'al- 
dleton.  '  Great  Britain,  having  no  establishment  or  possession  upon  any  part 
of  the  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  she  can  have  no  right  or  pretension,  except 
.such  as  may  result  from  her  convention  with  Spain.'  Id.,  Report  to  Adams. 


r    i  ONGRESS  AGAIN. 

us  to  remove  them  from  our  territory  and  to  Becure 
the  who],'  to  our  citizens.' 

In  the  discussions  of  I  December  some  slighi  allusion 
was  made  to  English  rights  under  the  treaty,  but 
alwavs  to  temporary  rights  only,  there  being  no  doubt 
expressed  of  the  title  of  the  United  States.  Mr 
Buchanan  thought  that  the  free-trade  of  the  treaty  was 
diametrically  in  opposition  to  the  establishmeni  of  the 
proposed  port  of  entry.  Mr  Smyth  admitted  thai  Eng- 
land had  a  military  post  at  the  mouth  of  the(  Jolumbia, 
and  a  righi  to  retain  it  until  the  expiration  of  the  term 
of  ten  years.  Mr  Trimble  held  that  "our  rights  will 
erase  at  the  end  often  years;  and.  instead  of  our  people 
having  the  exclusive  right  to  trade  there  after  October 
we  shall  he  excluded  from  the  trade  entirely; 
whereas  if  we  take  possession  now  as  we  ought  to  do, 
and  have  a  char  right  to  do,  the  rights  of  the  British 
traders  and  navigators  there  will  cease  in  October 
!  28.  England  has  only  the  color  of  a  claim,  hut  to 
this  she  has  wrongfully  superadded  an  actual  posses- 
sion: and  we  must  speedily  reoccupy  the  country,  or 
we  shall  have  to  treat  for  its  reclamation  at  an  obvi- 
ous disadvantage."  Mr  Cook  even  "wished  to  press 
upon  the  house  the  question  whether  the  establisl  Lment 
of  the  contemplated  post,  taking  formal  and  effectual 
possession  of  that  region,  would  not  be  viewed  by 
England  as  an  infraction  of  the  treaty."  But  for  the 
mosl  part  the  discussion,  as  before,  related  to  the 
expediency  rathei-  than  the  right  of  occupation,  some 
members  also  favoring  a.  colony  and  a  territorial  gov- 
ernment for  Oregon,  while  others  preferred  a  mere 
military  post.  The  bill  was  passed  December  23, 
L824,  by  a  vote  of  I  L3  to  57.  As  it  never  became  a 
law  it  is  not  necessary  to  notice  its  features  more 
fully.21 

78,  1203,  L622, 
"234.").     Ji  ited  April  "_!<■.  1824. 

" Annals  of  Congress,  18th  Cong.,  U  St  ..  M  27,  36  61;  B  '  Abridg. 
DebaU  j  ofCongn  ss,  viii.  202  21.  Mr  FI03  L  called  attention  to  the  Columbia 
region  "as  the  only  point  1  0  rh<  re  a  naval  powi  r  can  reach  tli«' 

III-  1-  N.'\V.  COAST.  \.  .-  II 


354  THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

In  his  message  to  congress  of  December  1823, 
President  Monroe  had  said,  referring  to  the  negotia- 
tions affecting  the  Northwest  Coast:  "The  occasion 
has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting  as  a  principle  in 
which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States 
are  involved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the 
free  and  independent  condition  which  they  have  as- 
sumed and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any 
European  powers."  This  was  the  subsequently  famous 
'  Monroe  doctrine.'  Of  course  this  announcement  had 
no  effect  on  the  respective  rights  of  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States ;  but  it  naturally  offended  the  former 
power,  and,  as  supplemented  by  the  policy  of  congress, 
and  especially  by  Jesup's  proposition  to  "remove 
British  subjects"  at  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years, 
was  a  most  formidable  obstacle  to  the  success  of  the 
negotiations  to  be  recorded  in  the  next  chapter.  In 
his  message  at  the  end  of  1824,  President  Monroe 
suggested  "the  propriety  of  establishing  a  military 
post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  or  at  some  other 
point  in  that  quarter  within  our  acknowledged  limits," 
recommending  an  appropriation  to  send  a  frigate  for 
the  necessary  exploration.22 

East  India  possessions  of  our  eternal  enemy  Great  Britain. '  By  occupying  it 
'we  take  the  strongest  and  surest  security  of  Britain  for  her  future  good- 
behavior.'  We  also  'procure  and  protect  the  fur- trade,  worth  to  England 
three  millions  of  dollars  a  year.'  England  'wants  nothing  now,  to  give  her 
the  entire  control  of  all  the  commerce  of  the  world  for  ages  to  come,  but  a 
position  on  our  western  coast,  which  she  will  soon  have  unless  you  pass  this 
bill.' 

22 American  State  Papers,  For.  Bel.,  v.  246,  35S. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

1824-1829. 

Negotiations  of  1S24— HrjsKissoN  and  Canning— Adams'  Instructions 
io  Rush— Statement  of  the  American  and  British  Claims— Prop- 
ositions Rejected— Merits  of  the  Case— Monroe  Doctbine— Occu- 
pation  of  Oregon  in   the  Senate,  1825— Views  of  Benton    and 

Others— Key-note  of  American  Sentiment — Baylies'  Report,  1S2G — 
Negotiations  of  1826-7 — Gallatin  versus  Huskisson  and  Adding- 
ton— Claims  and  Counter-claims— Exclusive  Title  of  the  I 
States,  with  British  Objections — Discovery— Settlement— Con- 
tiguity—Spanish  Title— Nootka  Convention— Cumulative  Title- 
United  States  Offer  4'J3  and  Navigation  of  the  Columbia— Eng- 
land Offers  the  Columbia  and  Southern  Shore  of  Fuca  Strati 
Not  Accepted— Joint  Occupancy  Indefinitely  Extended— Gali  \- 
tin's  Suggestions  of  Policy— Congressional  Discussion  of  1828-9. 

In  the  negotiations  of  London,  1824,  England  was 
represented  by  William  Huskisson  and  Stratford 
( '.inning,  and  the  United  States  by  Mr  Rush.  The 
instructions  of  Secretary  Adams  to  the  latter  have 
already  been  cited  at  some  length.1  In  them  it  is 
stated  as  a  reason  for  opening  negotiations  so  long- 
before  the  expiration  of  the  existing  treaty:  "This 
interest  is  connected  in  a  manner  becoming  from  day 
to  day  more  important  with  our  territorial  rights; 
with  the  boundary  relations  between  us  and  the  Brit- 
is!  i  North  American  dominions ;  with  the  whol<  i  sysl  em 
of  our  intercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes;  with  the 
fur-trade;  the  fisheries  in  the  Pacific  Ocean;  the  com 
merce  with  the  Sandwich  Islands  arid  China;  with  our 
boundary  upon  Mexico;  and,  lastly,  with  our  political 

1  See  note  19  of  the  preceding  chapter. 


356  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

standing  and  intercourse  with  the  Russian  Empire."2 
After  Great  Britain's  refusal  to  treat  for  a  joint  conven- 
tion with  the  United  States  and  Russia,  the  American 
envoy  continued  his  efforts  to  secure  a  separate  treaty, 
combining  this  subject  with  several  others  respecting 
which  negotiations  were  pending.  It  came  up  first 
at  the  eleventh  conference  on  April  1,  1824,  and  was 
discussed,  verbally  for  the  most  part,  at  several  subse- 
quent conferences,  until  July  1 3th.  The  spirit  of  the 
discussion  on  both  sides  was  shown  in  Mr  Rush's 
report  of  August  12th,  in  which  he  announced  the 
failure  of  his  efforts.3 

Mr  Rush,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  made 
a  definite  announcement  of  his  government's  claim  to 
exclusive  ownership  of  the  Northwest  Coast.  From 
Spain  the  United  States  had  obtained  in  1819a  right 
"surpassing  the  right  of  all  other  European  powers  on 
that  coast,"  Spain  having  lost  "all  her  exclusive  colo- 
nial rights  recognized"  by  the  Nootka  convention  of 
1790,  both  because  of  the  independence  of  the  Spanish 
American  States,  and  of  her  renunciation  of  all  claims 
above  latitude  42°.  But  apart  from  the  right  acquired 
from  Spain,  "the  United  States  claimed  in  their  own 
right  and  as  their  absolute  and  exclusive  sovereignty 
and  dominion  the  whole  of  the  country  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains  from  the  42d  to  at  least  as  far  up 
as  the  51st  degree  of  north  latitude,"  a  right  de- 
pending on  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  by  Gray 
from  the  sea  and  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  from  the  inte- 
rior, and  on  the  Astor  settlement.  Moreover,  he  an- 
nounced the  Monroe  doctrine,  that  no  part  of  the 
American  continent  was  longer  open  to  colonization 
by  foreigners.      Having  thus   clearly  set   forth  the 

2  The  instructions  of  July  22,  1S23,  are  given  also  in  American  State  Papers, 
For.  Pel,  v.  791-3. 

3 American  State  Papers,  For.  Pel,  v.  553-64,  5S2,  being  the  report  of 
Rush,  protocols  of  those  conferences  at  which  the  Northwest  Coast  was  con- 
sidered, and  a  few  other  papers  on  the  subject.  The  whole  correspondence  on 
six  topics  of  discussion,  of  which  the  Northwest  Coast  was  only  one,  and  not 
a  prominent  one,  is  found  in  Id.,  510-82,  being  the  President's  JIcss.  and  Doc, 
Jan.  20,  1S25. 


PROPOSALS  REJECTED.  367 

principles  involved,  the  American  envoy  proposed  as 
a  settlement  of  the  question,  an  extension  of  article 
3  of  the  convention  of  181s  for  an  additional  period 

often  year-,  with  a  stipulation  that  during  thai  time 
no  settlements  should  be  made  by  the  subjects  of 
Greai  Britain  south  of  latitude  5  I  ,  or  by  Americans 
north  of  that  line. 

The  English  commissioners  refused  to  accept  either 
principles  or  proposal.  "They  said  that  Great  Brit- 
ain considered  the  whole  of  the  unoccupied  parts  of 
America  as  being  open  to  her  future  .settlements  in 
like  manner  as  heretofore,  as  well  that  portion  of 
the  Northwest  Coast  between  the  42d  and  the  51st 
degrees  as  any  other  parts.  She  had  not,  by  her  con- 
vention with  Spain  in  1700,  or  at  any  other  period, 
conceded  to  that  power  any  exclusive  rights  on  that 
coast  where  actual  settlements  had  not  been  formed. 
She  could  not  concede  to  the  United  States,  who  held 
the  Spanish  title,  claims  which  she  had  felt  herself 
obliged  to  resist  when  advanced  by  Spain."  Nor  would 
Great  Britain  admit  the  validity  of  the  discovery  by 
Captain  Gray;  or  that  the  entrance  of  a  private  indi- 
vidual into  a  river,  even  if  it  were  the  discovery,  could 
give  the  United  States  a  claim  up  and  down  the  coast 
to  regions  that  had  been  previously  explored  I  > v  offi- 
cially despatched  British  expeditions  like  that  of  Cook. 
It  was  added,  in  part  erroneously,  that  "on  the  coast, 
a  few  degrees  south  of  the  Columbia,  Britain  had  made 
purchases  of  territory  from  the  natives  before  the 
United  States  were  an  independent  power,  and  upon 
that  river  itself,  or  upon  rivers  that  flowed  into  it.  her 
subjects  had  formed  settlements  coeval  with,  if  not 
prior  to.  the  settlement  by  American  citizens  a1  its 
mouth."  Drake's  exploration  up  to  is  was  also  al- 
luded to,  the  America  us  in  reply  setting  the  limit  at 
43°,  and  referring  to  Fuca's  voyage  and  Aguilar's  up 
to  L5°.  The  Englishmen  denied  mosl  emphatically 
thai  the  restoration  of  Fort  Astoria  under  the  treaty 
of  Ghent  had  any  bearing  on  the  title;  and  also  that 


358  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

the  Nootka  convention  had  recognized  or  implied  any 
exclusive  title  belonging  to  Spain. 

Great  Britain  proposed,  however,  pretending  con- 
cession, to  accept  as  a  boundary  the  line  of  49°  from 
the  mountains  to  the  north-east  branch  of  the  Colum- 
bia, known  as  McGillivray  River,  and  down  the  river 
to  the  sea,  neither  party  to  found  establishments  be- 
yond this  line,  but  those  already  founded  not  to  be 
disturbed  for  ten  years,  the  whole  region  to  be  free 
for  trade  to  both  parties  for  the  same  period,  and  the 
navigation  of  the  Columbia  to  be  forever  free  to  the 
vessels  of  both  nations.  This  was  rejected,  as  was 
in  its  turn  the  amended  proposition  of  the  Americans 
offering  the  latitude  of  49°  instead  of  51°  as  a  boun- 
dary. Thus  nothing  was  effected  by  the  Americans, 
and  the  convention  of  1818  remained  in  force.  Mr 
Rush  found  the  British  representatives  very  inde- 
pendent in  their  tone,  and  by  no  means  disposed  to 
be  conciliatory,  but  rather  to  complain  of  the  attitude 
recently  assumed  by  the  United  States. 

Thus  the  United  States  openly  asserted  exclusive 
ownership  of  the  Northwest  Coast.  The  title  resting 
on  the  Spanish  claim  and  on  the  operations  of  Gray, 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  and  Astor  was  now  deemed  per- 
fect. Apparently  each  of  the  two  elements  consti- 
tuted about  three  fourths  of  a  title,  the  two  combined 
amounting  to  a  title  and  a  half;  whereas  if  either  had 
been  perfect,  and  the  other  consequently  nothing,  the 
sum  total  would  have  been  only  one  title.  Thus  each 
element  was  ingeniously  left  weak  enough  to  give  the 
other  strength.  Great  Britain  disputed  the  exclusive 
title  of  the  United  States,  but  claimed  none  for  her-, 
self. 

Though  not  presented  in  its  full  strength  by  Hus- 
kisson  and  Canning,  who  made  more  blunders  than 
Rush,  the  position  assumed  was  a  sound  one,  how- 
soever the  proposition  to  adopt  the  Columbia  as  a 
boundary  might  be  regarded.  That  Gray's  entry 
into  a  river  previously  discovered,  on  a  coast  repeat- 


FUR-HUNTERS  AND  SETTLERS.  350 

edly  explored  by  vessels  of  different  nations,  even 
as  supplemented  by  Lewis  and  Clarke's  exploration 
of  eastern  branches  up  to  47°,  could  give  to  the 
United  States  a  title  to  the  whole  coasl  north  and 
south  to  the  supposed  head-waters  of  the  main  ( lolum- 
bia,  first  explored  for  hundreds  of  miles  by  British 
subjects;  and  of  the  Multnomah,  explored  by  Eng- 
lish hunters  if  at  all,  is  a  proposition  thai  cannot 
wholly  be  sustained.4  The  right  of  Great  Britain 
rested  solely  on  the  actual  occupation  by  her  fur- 
hunters  of  several  points  in  the  territory;  but  occupa- 
tion by  fur-hunters  is  quite  different  from  occupation 
by  settlers.  The  right  of  the  United  States  rested 
on  the  occupation  of  Fort  Astoria  and  a  few  other 
points,  the  validity  of  which  had  been  conceded  by 
England.  How  long  the  validity  of  such  a  possession 
would  continue  without  actual  occupation  is  a  question 
that  seems  never  to  have  been  discussed;  perhaps 
until  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years.  Neither  right 
amounted  to  anything  like  an  exclusive  title,  but  the 
British  was  a  little  less  absurd  than  the  American. 
Had  each  claimed  the  right  to  exclude  the  other, 
they  would  have  been  about  upon  an  equality.  I 
cannot  think  that  the  United  States  possessed  the 
right  to  exclude  English  settlers  south  of  the  Colum- 
bia, or  that  the  English  had  the  right  to  exclude  the 
Americans  north  of  that  line;  indeed  the  latter  claimed 
no  such  right.  At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  and 
for  these  many  years  it  was  simply  a  matter  for  arbi- 
tration.6 

*It  should  also  be  noted  that  Fraser  Paver,  discovered  by  the  Spaniards  in 
or  before  170-'.  Mas  explored  for  some  distance  by  Mackenzie  in  1793.  This, 
accordin,'  to  1 1 1 « ■  American  theory  of  1824,  would  certainly  give  England  a 
better  title  down  to  49°  than  Lewis  and  Clarke's  later  operations  could 
the  United  States  above  that  latitude.  Twiss,  Or.  Quest.,  284  ■">.  points  out 
the  inconvenience  of  Rush's  theory  as  applied  to  such  streams  as  the  Columbia 
and  Fi 

5 Mr  Greenhow,  Or.  and  CaJ.,  340-1,  comments  as  follows  on  one  phase  of 
the  negotiation:  'The  introduction  by  him  (Mr  Rush)  oi  the  Nootka  conven- 
tion as  an  element  in  the  controversy  was  according  to  express  instructions 
from  his  government.  It  appears  to  have  been  wholly  unnecessary,  ami  was 
certainly  impolitic.  ,  No  allusion  had  been  made  to  that  arrangi  ment  in  any 
of  the  previous  discussions  with  regard  to  the  north-west  coasts,  and  it  Mas 


360  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

The  announcement  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  had,  of 
course,  no  bearing  on  the  merits  of  the  question,  or 
on  the  rights  of  European  nations.  The  United 
States  had  a  right  to  announce  and  maintain  this  pol- 
icy of  self-defence,  and  by  force  or  a  standing  threat 
to  employ  force,  to  prevent  European  colonization  on 
the  Northwest  Coast,  or  in  any  other  part  of  Amer- 
ica, if  they  possessed  the  power.6 

At  the  end  of  1824,  as  we  have  seen,  the  lower 
house  of  congress  had  passed  a  bill  for  the  occupation 
of  the  Oregon  Territory,  and  President  Monroe  had 
recommended  the  measure  in  his  last  message.  In 
February  1825  the  bill  was  discussed  in  the  senate, 
chiefly  by  Barbour  of  Virginia,  Dickerson  of  New 
Jersey,  and  Benton  of  Missouri.  The  two  questions 
considered  by  Mr  Barbour  were,  Have  the  United 
States  a  right  to  the  territory  proposed  to  be  settled? 
and,  Is  it  politic  now  to  occupy  it  in  the  way  proposed 
by  the  bill?  Both  of  these  questions  he  decided  most 
emphatically  in  the  affirmative,  without  entering  very 
fully  into  detail,  but  referring  with  approval  to  the 
arguments  of  Mr  Rush  in  the  recent  negotiations.7 

doubtless  considered  extinct ;  but  when  it  was  thus  brought  forward  by  the 
American  government  in  connection  with  the  declaration  against  European 
colonization,  as  a  settlement  of  general  principles  with  regard  to  these  coasts, 
an  argument  was  afforded  in  favor  of  the  subsistence  of  the  convention  of 
whiclT  the  British  government  did  not  fail  to  take  advantage,  as  will  be 
hereafter  shown.  If  the  Nootka  convention  were,  as  asserted  by  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  a  definitive  settlement  of  general  principles  of  national  law 
respecting  navigation,  etc.,  it  would  be  difficult  to  resist  the  pretensions  of 
the  British  plenipotentiaries  with  regard  to  the  territories  west  of  the  Bocky 
Mountains.' 

G  The  Monroe  doctrine  is  believed  to  have  been  devised  secretly  by  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States  and  England  as  a  measure  against  the  Holy 
Alliance,  to  prevent  the  re-occupation  by  Spain  of  her  former  American  col- 
onies. To  assert  it  against  England  so  soon  and  in  so  petty  a  matter  was,  to 
say  the  least,  a  very  peculiar  pnase  of  American  diplomacy. 

7  '  If,'  as  Mr  Barbour  bebeved,  'America  in  the  spirit  of  friendship  and  for- 
bearance had  made  a  sacrifice  to  Bussia  of  five  degrees  of  her  just  claims  on  the 
Northwest  Coast,  and  in  the  same  spirit  had  been  willing  to  make  an  equal 
sacrifice  to  Great  Britain  ( ! ), '  he  hoped  ' on  her  part  she  would  eagerlv  seize  this 
proof  of  good-will,  and  close  with  the  terms  proposed.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the 
United  States  can  yield  no  further.  As  a  consequence  our  claim  must  be  held 
as  unquestionable  many  degrees  to  the  north  of  the  proposed  settlement.  As 
a  matter  of  curiosity,  and  indeed  as  connected  with  the  question  in  hand,  one 
may  be  permitted  to  recur  to  the  pretensions  of  the  European  nations  to  the 


o 


FRESH   DISi  OSSIONS.  361 

Mr  Dickerson  in  opposing  the  measure  did  not 
doubt  the  validity  of  his  nation's  title,  though  he 
more  aearly  took  that  ground  than  any  American 
speaker  that  had  preceded  him.  "  It  is  true,"  he  said, 
"by  the  operation  of  certain  causes  we  have  acquired 
thai  territory;  but  that  circumstance  surely  imposes 
upon  congress  no  obligation  to  provide  for  its  occupa- 
tion or  population,  unless  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  should  require  it;"8  and  this  he  denied.  "Ore- 
gon can   never  he  one  of  the   United   States.      If  we 

extend  our  laws  to  it,  we  must  consider  it  as  a  colony." 

And  he  expressly  declared  that  the  adoption  of  the 
measure  "would  interfere  with  existing  relations 
between  the  British  government  and  ours."  "This 
treaty  expires  in  1828,  until  which  period  it  will  be 
highly  improper  to  take  possession  of  this  territory 
by  military  force,  or  to  establish  a  port  of  entry  there ; 
or  indeed  to  exercise  any  act  of  possession  or  occupa- 
tion we  did  not  exercise  at  the  period  of  making  this 
treaty;  more  especially  in  that  part  of  the  territory 
to  which  the  British  government  laid  claim,  however 
unfounded."  The  measures  could  but  provoke  a  col- 
lision needlessly;  at  any  rate,  diplomatic  methods 
should  fir.st  be  exhausted;  and  "should  the  negotia- 
tions occupy  many  years,  it  ought  to  excite  no  regret . 
as  it  would  give  the  unhappy  natives  of  that  region  a 
little  more  time  to  breathe  upon  the  face  of  the  earth, 
before  the  final  process  of  extermination.  If  the 
two  governments  would  make  a  perpetual  treaty,  to 

different  portions  of  the  new  world.  Spain,  under  w  bom  we  claim  (?),  baa  un- 
questionably the  undivided  credit  of  its  first  discovery,  and  to  the  extent  to 
wbich  this  fact  goes,  the  best  title,  to  which  she  has  superadded  the 
the  head  of  the  Christian  world,  in  the  person  of  the  pope;  and  however 
ridiculous  the  latb  r  may  seem  at  this  time,  at  the  time  of  the  exercise  oi  this 
high  prerogative  it  was  respected  by  the  civilized  world.' 

lie  describes  the  hill  as  follows-.  'By  the  present  hill,  that  portion  of 
country  lying  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  uorth  oi  the  I2d  degree,  and  w 

i  [us,  is    to    1'-   erected    into    the   territory    of    Oregon,    without 

defining  its  northern  boundary.     The  president  I «upy  the  same  with  a 

military  force,  and  cause  a  suitable  fortification  to  be  erected.     The  Indian 

I  for  a  tract  uoi  exceeding  30  miles  square.  I 
port  of  entry. .  .whenever  he  shall  think  the  public  good  may  requin 
to  appoint  officers,'  etc 


362  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

take  no  further  possession  of  that  territory  than  they 
now  have,  they  would  do  more  for  the  cause  of 
humanity  than  has  been  done  in  the  present  age." 
On  this  senator's  motion  the  bill  was  laid  on  the  table. 
But  it  was  taken  up  again  a  few  days  later,  though 
it  appears  from  remarks  made  at  the  time  that  there 
was  no  intention  of  passing  the  bill  during  this  session, 
in  order  to  give  Mr  Benton  an  opportunity  of  exjDress- 
ing  his  views.  The  senator  from  Missouri  regarded 
Mr  Dickerson's  speech  as  "a  general  assault  upon  the 
principle,  the  policy,  and  the  details  of  the  bill;"  and 
his  own  avowed  purpose  was  "to  expose  and  confute 
those  parts  of  the  gentleman's  argument  in  which  he 
had  favored  the  pretensions  of  Great  Britain  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  rights  and  interests  of  his  own  country." 
Beginning  with  the  false  assumption  that  Dickerson 
had  admitted  the  validity  of  the  English  title  north 
of  the  Columbia,  the  speaker  proceeded  to  indulge  in 
a  series  of  brilliant  misrepresentations  of  the  question 
at  issue.  The  spirit  of  his  remarks  and  the  accuracy 
of  his  statements  are  clearly  illustrated  by  the  appended 
extracts  from  his  speech.9 

9  'The  moment  we  discovered  it  [the  Columbia]  she  [England]  claimed  it; 
and  without  a  color  of  title  in  her  hand  she  has  labored  ever-since  to  overreach 
us  in  the  arts  of  negotiation,  or  to  bully  us  out  of  our  discovery  by  menaces 
of  war.  In  1790  Captain  Gray  of  Boston  discovered  the  Columbia;  and  in 
1803  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  sent  to  complete  the  discovery  of  the  whole  river, 
and  to  take  formal  possession  in  the  name  of  their  government. '  No  such 
possession  was  taken,  to  say  nothing  of  the  inaccurate  dates.  'In  1793  Mac- 
kenzie had  been  sent  to  effect  the  same  object;  but  he  missed  the  sources  of 
the  river. .  .and  struck  the  Pacific  500  miles  north  of  the  Columbia.'  Yet  he 
found  a  river  flowing  into  the  Pacific  farbelowthe  head-waters  of  the  Columbia, 
as  Mr  Benton  does  not  add.  Having  at  first  alleged  the  discoveries  of  Cook  and 
the  purchase  of  lands  from  the  natives,  'in  subsequent  negotiations  the  British 
agents  further  rested  their  claim  upon  the  discoveries  of  Mackenzie  in  1793, 
the  seizure  of  Astoria  during  the  late  war'— no  such  point  had  been  urged — 
' and  the  Nootka  Sound  treaty  of  1790,'  which  in  fact  had  as  yet  been  mentioned 
only  by  the  United  States.  '  Such  an  exhibition  of  title  is  ridiculous,  and  would 
be  contemptible  in  the  hands  of  any  other  power  than  that  of  Great  Britain.  Of 
the  five  grounds  of  claim  which  she  has  set  up,  not  one  is  tenable  against  the 
slightest  examination.  Cook  never  saw  any  part  of  the  Northwest  Coast  in 
the  latitude  of  the  Columbia'— but,  yes,  in  latitudes  claimed  by  the  United 
States.  As  to  the  sale  of  lands,  the  natives  'are  said  to  have  residedto  the 
"south"  of  the  Columbia;  by  consequence,  they  did  not  reside  upon  it,  and 
could  have  no  right  to  sell  a  country  of  which  they  were  not  possessors; '  yet 
the  land  was  still  within  the  United  States  claim,  or  would  have  been  had 
not  the  sale  and  land  been  entirely  mythical.     Mackenzie's  trip  has  been 


CLAIM  TO  EXCLUSIVE  OWNERSHIP  363 

The  argument, like  many  another  presented  in  later 
years,  derived  its  force  or  plausibility  from  the  un- 
founded assumption  thai  England  like  the  United 
States  claimed  an  exclusive  title  to  the  Northwest 
( !oast.  Moreover,  attention  was  drawn  almost  wholly 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  and  to  the  post  of 
Astoria.  It  was  not  difficult  to  show  thai  England 
had  no  right  to  expel  the  Americans  from  Astoria; 

already  mentioned.  On  the  seizure  of  Astoria  Mr  Benton  says:  'Mr  B 
[iu  1817]  was  remonstrating  against  the  occupation  by  the  United  Stal 
the  Columbia,  and  reciting  that  it  had  been  taken  possession  of  in  his  ma] 
oame,  during  the  late  war.  "and  had  since  been  considered  as  forming  a  part 
of  his  Majesty's  dominions."  The  word  "since"  is  exclusive  of  all  previous 
pretensions;  and  the  Ghent  treaty,  whirl,  stipulates  for  the  restoration  of  all 
the  captured  posts,  is  a  complete  "extinguisher  to  this  idle  pretension.1  Now 
tins  is  a  deliberate  misrepresentation.  Instead  of  the  words  'during  the  late 
war/  Mr  Bagot  had  used  the  word  'early,'  referring  to  a  period  Ion-  pre- 
ceding the  war,  as  Mr  Benton  well  knew.  The  clause  of  the  Nootka  con- 
vention relied  upon  by  England  'is  that  which  gives  the  right  of  landing  i  a 
parts  of  the  Northwest  Coast  not  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
on  commerce  and  making  settlements.  The  first  inquiry  is  whether  the  i 
in  the  latitude  of  the  Columbia  was  unoccupied  at  the  date  of  the  Xootka 
treatv.  The  answer  is  in  the  affirmative.  The  second  is,  whether  the  English 
landed  upon  this  ci  >ast  while  it  was  so  unoccupied.  The  answer  is  in  the  nega- 
tive'—this  is  not  true  unless  by  latitude  of  the  Columbia  its  mouth  only  is 
considered— 'and  this  answer  puts  an  end  to  all  pretension  of  British  claim 
founded  upon  this  treaty,  without  leaving  us  under  the  necessity  of  recurring 
to  the  fact  that  the  permission  to  land  and  make  settlements,  so  far  from  con- 
templating an  acquisition  of  territory,  was  limited  by  subsequent  restrictions. ' 
There  were  no  such  restrictions  to  the  erection  of  temporary  huts  for  the  per- 
sonal accommodation  of  fishermen  and  traders  only.  'The  truth  is,  Mr  Presi- 
dent, Great  Britain  has  no  color  of  title  to  the  country  in  question.  She 
up  none.  There  is  not  a  paper  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  in  which  a  British 
minister  has  stated  a  claim .  .  .the  claim  of  Great  Britain  is  nothing  but  a  naked 
pretension,  founded  in  the  double  prospect  of  benefiting  herself  and  injuring 

aited  States.  The  fur-trader,  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie,  isat  the  bottom 
of  this  policy.'  Mr  Benton  inaccurately  stated  that  the  line  of  49 '  was  fixed  by 
commissioners  under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht.  '  This  boundary  was  acquiesced  in 
for  a  hundred  years.  By  proposing  to  follow  it  to  the  summit  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  the  British  government  admits  its  validity;  by  refusing  to  follow 
it  out  they  become  obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  inconsistency,'  etc.  Benton 
would  not  "consume  the  time  of  thesenate  in  tracing  the  titles  of  Spain.    They 

universally  known  to  have  been  valid  against  Russia  to  latitude  58  .and 
against  England  throughout  its  whole  extent.     Having  dif  ques- 

tion  of  title,  Benton    took   up  that  of  possession.     On  this  point  he  took 
four  positions:   '1.  That  the  United  States  bad  the  rigl it  oi  True 

only  bo  i;iv  as  the  postof  Astoria  was  concerned.     '2.  Thai  I  Q  had 

the' actual  possession.     3.  That  she  resists  the  possession  of  the  United  S 
—not  the  possession  of  Astoria.     '4.  That  alter  1828  the  part]   in  po 
will  have  the  right  of  possession  until  the  question  of  title  shall  be  d< 
by  arms  or  negotiation.'     But  for  some  gross  exaggerations  of  Dickerson's 
positions,  the  arguments  on  these  points  were  simil 

Benton  in  an  early  session,  as  already  noted.     Finally  he  presented  an  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  desirability  and  expediency  of  occupying  the  territory. 


364  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

that  she  claimed  no  such  right  was  left  entirely  out 
of  sight.  The  real  question,  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  exclude  British  subjects — who  had  preceded 
the  Americans  on  the  coast  both  as  explorers  and 
traders,  who  had  been  the  first  to  explore  a  large 
part  of  the  Columbia,  and  who  were  in  fur-trading 
possession  of  the  country — from  the.  broad  tract  of 
coast  and  interior  stretching  northward  to  the  head- 
waters of  the  Columbia,  a  right  resting  on  the  facts 
that  Americans  had  been  first  to  enter  the  river, 
to  explore  its  eastern  branches,  and  follow  its  main 
course  to  the  sea — this  question  was  not  discussed 
at  all.  I  am  well  aware  that  it  is  not  my  duty  to 
reply  to  partisan  speeches  in  congress;  but  I  have 
noticed  this  one  at  considerable  length  because  in 
it  was  struck  the  key-note  of  what  became  later 
the  prevalent  American  sentiment,  one  of  unintelli- 
gent, but  for  the  most  part  honest,  derision  of  the 
British  'pretensions'  on  the  Northwest  Coast,  which 
made  it  well  nigh  treason  to  doubt  the  perfect  validity 
of  the  United  States  title.  Mr  Benton  concluded 
by  stating  that  whatever  use  the  republic  might 
eventually  decide  to  make  of  her  Pacific  territories, 
"there  were  certain  preliminary  points  on  which  he 
believed  that  both  the  senate  and  the  people  of  the 
United  States  would  cordially  agree,  namely,  neither 
to  be  tricked  nor  bullied  out  of  their  land,  nor  to 
suffer  a  monarchical  power  to  grow  up  upon  it."  Then 
the  bill  was  again  laid  on  the  table.10 

President  Adams  in  his  message  of  December  6, 
1825,  renewed  the  recommendation  of  his  prede- 
cessor, alluding  to  the  plan  of  military  occupation  as 
"already  matured  in  the  deliberations  of  the  last  con- 
gress."11 

The  only  other  congressional  allusion  to  the  subject 
in  1825,  was  a  resolution  introduced  in  the  house 

10 Annals  of  Congress,  ISth  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  684-714j  Benton's  Abridg.  De- 
bates of  Congress,  viii.  183-98. 

11  American  State  Papers.  For.  Bel.,  v.  765. 


IMPERFECT  STATEMENT?.  365 

by  Baylies  of  Massachusetts  to  employ  the  sloop-of- 
war  Boston  to  explore  the  Northwest  Coasl   between 

latitudes  42e  and  49°.12 

That  portion  of  the  president's  message  relating  to 
tlic  establishment  of  a  military  post  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  was  referred  by  the  house  to  a  select 
committee  of  which  Mr  Baylies  was  chairman,18  and 
which  presented  two  M>niewJiat  lengthy  reports  dated 
January  16  and  May  15,  1826. u  The  former  was 
mainly  filled  with  details  respecting  the  country,  its 
geography,  soil,  climate,  productions,  the  value  of  its 
fur -trade,  and  the  probable  expenses  of  its  occupa- 
tion. The  second  contained  some  additional  and,  to  us, 
rather  startling  details  of  north-western  geography, 
derived  from  one  Samuel  Adams  Ruddock,  who  in 
1821  made  a  trip  overland  to  New  Mexico  and  thence 
to  Oregon.  Suffice  it  to  say  of  Ruddock's  trip,  that 
his  route  was  by  Lake  Timpanogos,  in  latitude  42  ,  the 
principal  source  of  the  River  Timpanogos,  the  Mult- 
nomah of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  and  down  that  river  to 
the  Columbia! 

But  this  report  was  chiefly  filled  by  a  narrative  of 
the  early  voyages  of  discovery  and  exploration,  and  an 
examination  of  the  question  of  title.  The  narrative 
was  naturally  not  free  from  petty  errors,  which  I  have 
no  space  to  chronicle.  Gali,  Fuca,  and  Fonte  are 
given  a  place  as  discoverers  whose  statements  can  no 
longer  be  questioned,  the  discoveries  of  the  first 
extending  to  57°  30'.  The  most  important  errors  were 
the  statements  that  down  to  1792,  "that  long  range 
of  coasl  stretching  from  44'  33'  to  47°  ;V.  was  wholly 
unknown;  it  had  not  even  been  descried,'"'  making 
Gray  the   only  discoverer;  that  no  British  subjects 

12  Benton's  Abridg.  Debatt  j  o/Congrrew,  viii.  600-3;  Cong.DebaU  s,19thCong., 
■   15.    An  amendment  urged  was  to  include  in  tl 
cry  of  the  north-"«  ■ 

ntinent  (Lewis  and  Clark  ■  called  for  in  the  house.   / 

862. 

ibably  on  Dec.  7, 1825.     Cong.  Debates,  19th  I  -       ,797. 

li  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  Reports  of  Special  > 
1826,in  U.  8.  Gov.  Doc.,  19th  <  ong.,1  tSess.,  II.  1:  ,  213. 


366  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

had  any  posts  whatever  on  the  western  side  of  the 
mountains  before  the  founding  of  Astoria;  and  that 
consequently  all  the  posts  of  the  united  Northwest 
and  Hudson's  Bay  companies  "for  all  national  and 
legal  purposes  are  now  and  have  been  for  several 
years  in  the  possession  of  the  United  States."  With 
this  view  of  the  facts  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
committee  decided  the  American  title  to  be  indis- 
putable; while  as  to  the  British  claim,  "never  was 
a  great  nation  driven  to  such  miserable  expedients 
to  cover  that  inordinate  ambition  which,  not  satisfied 
with  half  the  world,  seeks  to  add  this  little  territory 
to  her  unwieldy  colonial  empire."  Drake's  voyage  is 
the  only  element  of  the  English  title  that  is  deemed 
worthy  of  serious  consideration,  and  naturally  presents 
but  few  difficulties.  "After  a  careful  examination  of 
the  British  claim  the  committee  have  unanimously 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  wholly  unfounded. 
Neverthless,  the  minute  examination  which  has  been 
made  by  the  English  navigators  of  parts  of  this  coast, 
ought  perhaps  to  secure  to  the  nation  who  patronized 
them  something  more  than  could  be  claimed  as  a 
positive  right;  but  we  think  the  offer  of  Mr  Bush  to 
continue  the  boundary  along  the  49th  parallel  of 
latitude  was  as  great  a  concession  as  would  be  com- 
patible with  our  interests,  our  honor,  or  our  rights." 
And  the  report  concludes  as  follows:  "The  indiffer- 
ence of  America  stimulates  the  cupidity  of  Great 
Britain.  Our  neglect  daily  weakens  our  own  claim, 
and  strengthens  hers;  and  the  day  will  soon  arrive 
when  her  title  to  this  territory  will  be  better  than 
ours,  unless  ours  is  earnestly  and  speedily  enforced." 
With  these  reports  a  new  bill  for  the  execution  of  the 
proposed  measures  seems  to  have  been  introduced, 
but  if  so  it  was  laid  on  the  table;  and  there  was  no 
further  action  on  the  subject  till  the  end  of  1828.15 

15 The  report  of  May  loth  is  indorsed  as  'referred  to  the  committee  of  the 
whole  house  to  which  is  committed  the  bill,'  etc.,  showing  that  there  was 
such  bill.    And  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Gal. ,  344,  says  a  bill  was  introduced  and 


AN  AGREEMENT  DESIRABLE.  367 

There  were  several  special  reasons  why  a  definite 
settlement  of  the  Oregon  Question  at  an  early  date 
was  desirable  to  both  parties.  England  looked  with 
much  anxiety  upon  the  agitation  in  congress,  indi- 
cating a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
to  occupy  the  territory  in  spite  of  the  treaty.  Should 
such  a  step  be  taken  it  would  be  necessary  either  to 
relinquish,  in  a  manner  repugnant  to  British  pride, 
lights  well  founded  and  often  boldly  asserted,  or  to 
use  force  in  defending  the  possession  of  a  country  not 
worth  fighting  for.  Neither  was  a  collision  desirable 
to  the  United  States.  However,  there  was  the  warn- 
ing of  Senator  Benton  that  after  1828  by  the  law  of 
nations  Great  Britain  would  be  the  party  rightfully 
in  possession  if  no  steps  of  occupation  were  taken 
before  that  time.  But  it  had  become  apparent  to 
statesmen  that  such  occupation  as  the  treaty  justified, 
that  is  the  founding  of  posts  at  unoccupied  spots 
giving  only  local  title,  was  not  practicable  for  the 
government,  while  no  individuals  or  companies  were 
likely  now  to  enter  the  field  of  commerce  as  rivals  of 
the  English  company.  Settlers  might  cross  the  moun- 
tains in  time,  but  not  yet.  The  only  way  to  avoid  an 
undesirable,  costly,  and  disadvantageous  quarrel  Mas 
to  obtain  from  Great  Britain  an  acknowledgment  of 
American  rights  by  a  settlement  of  boundaries,  or, 
that  being  impracticable,  to  secure  a  continuance  of 
the  joint  occupation  of  1818. 

Canning,  British  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  made 
known  in  April  1826  to  the  United  States  minister, 
King,  the  disposition  of  his  government  to  resume 
negotiations,  and  in  June  Clay  sent  Gallatin  his  in- 
structions. He  was  authorized  to  offer  an  extension 
of   the  line   of  49°   to   the    Pacific   as  a  boundary. 

laid  on  the  table.     But  in  the  printed  record  of  congressional  di  bat      I 
not  the  slightest  record  of  any  such  bill,  nor  even  of  the  reception  and  refer- 
ence of  Baylies' reports.     And  when  the  matter  came  up  in  1828,1    - 
begins  abruptly  with  the  consideration  of  'a  bill,'  etc.     Mr  Greenhow  is  evi- 
dently somewhat  confused  in  the  matter,  for  he  does  not  mention  th< 
of  the  bill  in  1824. 


368  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

"  This  is  our  ultimatum,  and  you  may  so  announce  it. 
We  can  consent  to  no  line  more  favorable  to  Great 
Britain."16  If  no  boundary  could  be  agreed  upon,  the 
treaty  of  1818  might  be  continued  in  force  for  an- 
other term  of  ten  years.  Huskisson  and  Addington 
represented  the  British  government,  and  the  first 
series  of  negotiations  took  place  in  London  in  No- 
vember and  December  1826.17 

In  these  negotiations,  as  recorded  in  the  protocols 
of  the  different  conferences,  in  the  various  proposi- 
tions offered  on  one  side  or  the  other,  in  Gallatin's 
reports  to  his  government,  and  in  the  formal  state- 
ments of  national  claims  presented  by  both  parties, 
the  Oregon  Question  was  much  more  fully  and  satis- 
factorily discussed  than  ever  before.  Errors  of  fact 
were  largely  eliminated,  and  missing  links  in  title  were 
supplied  as  a  rule  by  complicated  arguments  on  points 
of  international  law,  usage,  and  justice,  rather  than 
by  misstatements  of  early  explorations.  I  shall  attempt 
to  give  as  complete  a  view  of  the  respective  claims  as 
is  possible  without  undesirable  repetition  of  what  has 
been  said  in  preceding  pages. 

For  the  United  States  was  claimed  as  before  an 
exclusive  ownership  of  the  north-west,  founded,  first, 
on  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  the  Columbia 
River  by  Gray,  and  Lewis  and   Clarke.13     On  the 

16  Yet  if  the  line  should  be  found  to  cross  the  Columbia  or  any  of  its 
branches  below  the  head  of  navigation,  British  subjects  may  have  the  right  of 
navigation  to  the  ocean.  Five  years  may  be  allowed  for  removing  any  set- 
tlements existing  beyond  the  line. 

"President's  Mess,  and  Doc,  Dec.  12,  1S27,  20th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  in  Amer- 
ican State  Papers,  For.  Eel. ,  vi.  639-706.  Two  other  topics  were  negotiated  at 
the  same  time,  a  commercial  convention  and  one  respecting  the  north-eastern 
boundary. 

18  By  these  discoveries  the  United  States  had  a  right  to  claim  against 
Great  Britain  and  every  other  nation  the  whole  territory  drained  by  that 
river  and  its  various  branches ;  together  with  a  certain  portion  of  the  coast 
north  and  south  of  the  river,  citing  the  usage  of  England  and  other  nations 
in  granting  charters  to  all  territory  watered  by  certain  rivers.  '  The  extent 
of  territory  which  would  attach  to  first  discovery  or  settlement  might  not  in 
every  case  be  precisely  determined ;  but  that  the  first  discovery  and  subse- 
quent settlement  within  a  reasonable  time  of  the  mouth  of  a  river,  particularly 
if  n«ne  of  its  branches  had  been  explored  prior  to  such  discovery,  gave  the 
right  of  occupancy,  and  rdtimately  of  sovereignty,  to  the  whole  country  drained 
by  such  river  and  its  several  branches,  has  been  generally  admitted.' 


LATE?.  ARGUMENTS.  3C9 

other  hand  it  was  denied  thai  Gray's  entry  into  the 
river's  mouth  was  anything  more  than  "a  step  in  the 
progress  of  discovery,"  since  other  aavigators,  par- 
ticularly Meares,  had  preceded  Gray  on  thai  pari  of 
the  coast,  and  had  even  visited  and  named  the  bay 
which  the  river  flows;  while  Broughton,  imme- 
diately after  ( rray,  made  much  more  extensive  explora- 
tions. Ami  especially  was  it  denied  that  Gray's  act, 
even  if  it  had  been  the  real  discovery,  could  confer  a 
title  i;i  exclusive  sovereignty  to  such  a  vast  extent  of 
territory  as  was  claimed.  The  argument  was  not  a 
conclusive  one,  though  it  might  have  been  strength- 
ened by  an  allusion  to  Heceta's  discovery  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia.19 

The  title  of  the  United  States  was  founded,  sec- 
ondly, upon  the  establishing  of  Fort  Astoria,  preced- 
ing that  of  any  other  power  on  the  river.  On  behalf 
of  England  it  was  claimed  that  some  of  Thompson's 
posts  on  the  Columbia  were  built  before  Astoria,  which 
was  not  proven.  It  was  admitted  that  the  United 
States  had  a  right  to  Astoria,  but  denied  that  such 
a  post  at  the  mouth,  any  more  than  Gray's  entrance, 
could  give  title  to  so  vast  a  territory.     In  this  con- 

19  The  charters  cited  by  the  United  States  were  declared  to  be  valid  only 

•linst  other  subjects  of  the  power  granting  them.     That  is,  'Had  the 

United  States  thought  proper  to  issue  in  1700,  by  virtue  of  their  national 

authority,  a  charter  granting  to  Mr  Cray  the  whole  extent  of  country  watered 

directly  or  indirectly  by  the  river  Columbia,  such  a  charter  would  no  doubt 

been  valid  in  Mr  Gray'a  favor  as  against  all  other  citizens  of  the  United 

3.     But  can  it  be  supposed  that  it  would  have  been  acquiesced  in  by 

either  of  the  powers — Great  Britain  and  Spain — which  in  thai  simp  yea 

preparing  to  contest  by  arms  the  possession  of  the  country''     'As  I 

to  discoveries,' says  Gallatin,  'they  refer  to  Meares'  and  Dixon's  voyages  to 

prove  that  the  prior  right,  as  respects  the  Straits  of  Puca  or  Gulf  of  Georgia, 

contestably  theirs,  several  English  vessels  having  entered  them 
i        ain  I  rray  did.    The  inference  which  I  understood  them  to  <h 
bo  far  as  the  United  States  and  British  discoveries  could  constitute  a  tit: 
could  establish  none  along  the  sea-coast  north  of  the  Columbia,  the  whole 
coast  having,  without  reference  to  Drake  or  Cook,  been  explored  by  British 
aavigators  prior  to  the  date  of  any  American  discovery.'    I    ■  '  rray  a 

act  as  the  Americans  alleged  that  'the  fact  of  the  coasi  extending 

from  42  to  50  being  once  known,  the  sole  object  of  discovery  for  subsequent 
.tors  was  the  entrance  of  straits,  or  of  a  large  river  communicating  with 
the  interior  of  the  country.     It  was  what  Meares  sought  and  what  he  failed 
had  been  the  case  with  Maurelle,  and  others  of  his  predecessors,  and 
as  also  the  case  with  Vancouver,  who  had  in  his  journal  recorded  the 
fact.' 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    21 


370  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

nection  the  Americans  claimed  that  the  restoration 
of  Astoria  in  1818  was  a  recognition  of  the  validity  of 
their  title,  while  the  others  held  that  the  post  had 
been  restored  under  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  had  no 
bearing  implied  or  expressed  on  the  title  of  adjoining 
territory.  This  had  been  clearly  enough  expressed 
verbally  and  in  instructions  at  the  time;  but  Gallatin 
considered  rather  the  absence  of  any  written  and  for- 
mal reservation  from  the  act  of  restoration. 

A  third  ground  on  which  Gallatin  based  his  country's 
claim,  \tas  that  the  territory  in  dispute  if  not  a  part  of 
the  Louisiana  acquired  in  1803,  was  at  least  contiguous 
to  that  region,  and  therefore  belonged  more  naturally 
to  the  United  States  than  to  any  other  power.  Occu- 
pants of  Atlantic  frontage  or  undefined  inland  area 
usually  claimed  back  to  the  Pacific.  Moreover,  the 
destiny  of  Oregon  to  be  settled  from  the  United  States 
rather  than  from  Europe,  was  made  an  element  of  a 
kind  of  natural  title.  Addington  denied  that  Louisi- 
ana had  ever  extended  to  the  Pacific,  nor  would  he  ac- 
cept the  theory  that  contiguity  and  destiny  were  to  be 
deemed  as  solid  foundations  of  exclusive  sovereignty.20 

Fourthly — I  pay  no  attention  to  the  original 
order  of  the  propositions — the  United  States  title 
was  that  derived  from  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1819,  a 

20 '  The  United  States  claimed  a  natural  extension  of  their  territory  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  on  the  ground  of  contiguity  and  population,  which  gave  them  a 
better  right  to  the  adjacent  unoccupied  land  than  that  of  any  other  nation. 
This  was  strengthened  by  the  doctrine  admitted  to  its  fullest  extent  by  Great 
Britain,  as  appeared  by  all  her  charters,  extending  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  to  colonies  established  then  only  on  the  borders  of  the  Atlantic.  In 
point  of  fact  the  occupancy  on  which  Great  Britain  principally  relied  was 
solely  owing  to  that  westwardly  extension  of  their  trading  settlements  of 
Hudson  Bay  and  its  waters.'  'It  will  not  be  denied  that  the  extent  of  con- 
tiguous territory  to  which  an  actual  settlement  gives  a  prior  right,  must 
depend  in  a  considerable  degree  on  the  magnitude  and  population  of  that  settle- 
ment, and  on  the  facility  with  which  the  vacant  adjacent  land  may,  within  a 
short  time,  be  occupied,  settled,  and  cultivated  by  such  population  as  com- 
pared with  the  probability  of  its  being  thus  occupied  and  settled. '  '  By  refer- 
ring to  the  most  authentic  French  maps  it  will  be  seen  that  New  France  was 
made  to  extend  over  the  territory  drained,  or  supposed  to  be  drained,  by  rivers 
emptying  into  the  South  Sea.'  From  1717  Louisiana  'extended  as  far  as  the 
most  northern  limit  of  the  French  possessions  in  North  America,  and  thereby 
west  of  Canada  or  New  France.  The  settlement  of  that  northern  limit  still 
further  strengthens  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  the  territory  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains;'  how,  is  not  very  apparent. 


THE  SPANISH  TITLE.  371 

title  regarded  as  perfect  against  thai  of  any  other 
European  power  at  the  time  of  transfer,  and  for  a 
territory  extending  up  to  latitude  60  *  But  England 
denied  that  Spain  had  in  181!)  any  title  whatever.  If 
the  matter  had  uot  otherwise  been  sei  at  rest,  said  Mr 
Huskisson,  "nothingwould  be  more  easy  than  to  demon- 
strate that  the  claims  of  Great  Britain  to  that  country 
as  opposed  to  those  of  Spain,  were  so  far  from  vision- 
ary or  arbitrarily  assumed,  that  they  established  more 
than  a  parity  of  title  to  the  possession  of  the  country 
in  question "  either  as  against  Spain  or  any  other 
nation."  This  was  hardly  true;  but  Great  Britain 
could  not  be  expected  now  to  admit  the  validity  of  a 
title  about  which  she  had  been  ready  to  fight  thirty- 
six  years  earlier. 

However,  the  whole  question  had,  it  was  claimed — 
and  this  was  the  key-stone  of  the  British  position  in 
the  negotiations  of  1826-7 — been  definitively  set  at 
rest  by  the  Nootka  convention  of  1790.  "  Whatever 
the  title  may  have  been,  either  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain,  or  on  the  part  of  Spain,  prior  to  the  con- 
vention of  1790,  it  was  from  thenceforward  no  longer 
to  be  traced  in  vague  narratives  of  discoveries,  several 
of  them  admitted  to  be  apocryphal,  but  in  the  text 
and  stipulations  of  the  convention  itself." " 

Previously  to  that  time  Spain  had  asserted  an  ex- 
clusive right,  which  England  had  disputed;  but  by 
the  treaty  the  Northwest  Coast  was  thrown  open  to 
the  subjects  of  both  powers,  and  practically  to  those 
of  other  nations,  for  all  purposes  of  commerce  and 
settlement,  the  sovereignty  remaining  in  abeyance. 
This  convention  preceded  not  only  Gray's  discovery, 

21  Mr  Clay  says:   '  By  the  renunciation  and  transfer  contained  in  thi    I 
with  Spain  of  1819,  our  right  extended  to  the  60th  degree  of  north  latil 
And  Gallatin:  'Byvirtneof  their  treaty  with  Spain,  the  United  States  claimed 
all  which  Spain  might  have  lawfully  claimed  north  of  42  ,  eitb<  r  aa  derived 
from  Spanish  discoveries  or  by  virtue  of  rights  of  sovereignty  acknowl 
by  other  nations,  and  by  Great  Britain  particularly;'  and  again:  'The  United 
States  have  an  undoubted  right  to  claim  both  byvirtueof  fixe  Spanish di 
I  their  own.' 

^Huskisson  and  Addington'e Statement,  i:<v.',.  This  statement  and QotUattn  t 
Counter-statement  are  reproduced  in  Qreenhoufa  Or.  and  Col.,  1 1G-05. 


372  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

but  the  Spanish  transfer  of  Louisiana,  and  the  later 
quitclaim  above  latitude  42°.  Therefore  with  the  rights 
acquired  in  1819,  they  said,  "the  United  States  neces- 
sarily succeeded  to  the  limitations  by  which  they  were 
defined  and  the  obligations  under  which  they  were  to  be 
exercised.  From  these  obligations  and  limitations,  as 
contracted  towards  Great  Britain,  Great  Britain  cannot 
be  expected  gratuitously  to  release  those  countries 
merely  because  the  rights  of  the  party  originally  bound 
have  been  transferred  to  a  third  power." * 

This  position  was  a  new  one,  and  one  to  which  the 
American  envoy  was  not  prepared  to  make  a  full 
reply.  His  objections,  besides  the  evasive  one  that 
this  plea  could  affect  only  one  of  the  several  elements 
of  the  American  title,  were,  however,  threefold.  First, 
that  the  Nootka  convention  was  an  instrument  merely 
of  a  commercial  nature,  by  which  Spain  without  re- 
linquishing her  exclusive  rights  or  acknowledging  any 
rights  on  the  part  of  England,  made  a  series  of  tem- 
porary concessions  in  return  for  others  made  by  Eng- 
land, the  settlements  permitted  being  temporary  posts 
for  trade  with  the  natives.  Second,  that  even  if  the 
word  'settlement'  was  meant  in  its  most  unlimited 
sense,  the  stipulations  were  not  made  with  a  view  to 
the  ultimate  territorial  claims  of  the  parties;  the 
promiscuous  and  intermixed  settlements,  each  free  to 
subjects  of  either  nation,  were  declared  "  incompatible 
with  distinct  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty;"  and  indeed 
the  exclusive  dominion  was  expressly  left  in  abeyance. 
In   other  words,  the  right  of  exclusive  sovereignty 

23 Or,  as  Mr  Gallatin  puts  the  British  claims:  'The  United  States  cannot 
claim  under  their  treaty  with  Spain,  any  greater  right  than  Spain  then  had; 
and  as  the  Nootka  convention  has  no  reference  to  the  discoveries,  and  is  un- 
limited in  its  duration,  they  cannot  resort  to  any  Spanish  discovery  in  support 
of  their  presumed  title  to  any  part  of  the  country.  This  convention  must  be 
considered  generally  as  having  become  an  international  law,  at  least  for  the 
Pacific;  superseded*  the  claims  ascribed  to  mere  prior  discovery;  set  aside  the 
exclusive  pretensions  of  Spain  to  the  north-west  part  of  America,  and  opened 
it  to  the  commerce  and  settlements  of  all  countries  whatever,  including  the 
United  States.  Actual  occupancy  and  regard  to  mutual  convenience  are, 
therefore,  the  only  basis  of  any  arrangement  for  the  establishment  of  a  boun- 
dary, for  the  partition,  between  the  only  powers  having  settlements  or  laying 
claims  thereto,  of  a  country  which  was  heretofore  held  in  common.' 


EFFECT  OF  THE  NOOTKA  CONVENTION.  373 

was  simply  suspended  instead  of  extinguished,  on  both 
sides;  so  that  when  the  question  of  ownership  should 
finally  come  up,  cadi  claimant  must  refer  not  to  the 
settlements  founded  since  and  under  the  convention, 
but  to  the  original  rights  before  the  convention. 
Third,  the  Nootka  convention,  unless  of  the  purely 
commercial  character  indicated  above,  was  terminated 
by  the  war  between  Spain  and  England. 

As  to  the  first  objection,  that  the   convention  of 
1700  was  a  mere  commercial  and  temporary  concession, 
implying  an  exclusive  title  on  the  part  of  Spain  rather 
than  destroying  it,  and  also  that  the  settlements  per- 
mitted were  not  compatible  with  the  exercise  of  local 
sovereignty,  I  have  already  expressed  decided  opinion, 
and  said  perhaps  all  that  is   needed  respecting  the 
Nootka    convention  in  all  its    aspects.     The    second 
objection  involving  the  true  meaning  of  the  stipula- 
tion which  left  the  sovereignty  in  abeyance,  and  the 
third,  that  the  convention,  not  being  such  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  rights  as  the  British  deemed  it,  was  ter- 
minated by  war,  might  give  rise  to  a  verycomplici 
discussion  on  points  of  international  law.     The  qu 
tions  involved  arc  such  as  cannot  be  decided  positively. 
I  excuse  myself,  however,  from  the  discussion,  with 
its  confusing  net-work  of  citations  from  numerous  con- 
flicting authorities,  because  I  do  not  deem  the  decision 
in  any  sense  essential.    If  the  Nootka  treaty  was  still 
in  force  in  1819,  Spain  clearly  had  no  exclusive  title 
to  transfer  to  the  United  States;  but  if,  on  ace 
of  the  war,  it  was  no  longer  in  force,  it  by  no  m< 
follows  that  she  had  such  a  title.     Whatever  may  be 
the  interpretation  of  the  treaty,  I  cannot  admit,  nor 
do  I  beli  V  any  intelligent  man  will  claim  at  this  date, 
that  Spain's   title   resting  on   discovery    wa       trong 
enough  to  remain  intact  and  merit  unlimiti 
from  the  nations  after  formal  abandonmenl  of  I  he  ter- 
ritory in  1795.24    Spain  had  the  right,  in  common  with 

a  Mr  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Col.,  321,  admits, 

stances  the  title  of  Spain  to  the  countries  north  of  the  bay  of  Sun  i'runcisco, 


374  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

other  nations,  particularly  England,  to  settle  on  un- 
occupied parts  of  the  Northwest  Coast.  This  was  all 
the  right  the  United  States  could  obtain  from  her  in 
1819;  and  it  was  worthless,  because  that  right  was 
already  possessed. 

Finally  Gallatin  urged  that  if  no  one  of  the  ele- 
ments of  United  States  title  was  quite  perfect,  alto- 
gether they  had  a  cumulative  force  amply  sufficient 
to  constitute  an  exclusive  ownership.25  On  the  other 
side  it  was  held  that  one  only  of  the  three  claims,  those 
based  respectively  on  discovery,  acquisition  from  Spain, 
and  contiguity,  could  be  valid.  "  They  are,  in  fact, 
claims  obviously  incompatible  the  one  with  the  other. 
If,  for  example,  the  title  of  Spain,  by  first  discovery, 
or  the  title  of  France  as  the  original  possessor  of  Lou- 

however  strong  it  may  have  been  in  1790  or  1796,  in  virtue  of  discoveries  and 
settlements,  must  be  allowed  to  have  become  considerably  weaker  in  1819 
from  disuse,  and  from  submission  to  the  acts  of  occupation  by  other  powers. 
Thus  whilst  it  may  be  doubted  that  either  of  those  powers  could  in  justice 
claim  the  sovereignty  of  the  country  occupied  by  its  subjects  without  the  con- 
sent of  Spain,  the  latter  could  not  have  claimed  the  exclusive  possession  of 
such  country,  or  have  entered  into  compacts  with  a  third  power  respecting 
trade,  navigation,  or  settlement  in  it  agreeably  to  any  recognized  principle  of 
international  law.  Still  less  could  Great  Britain  have  claimed  the  right  to 
exclude  other  nations  from  the  sovereignty  of  the  regions  traversed  by  the 
Columbia,  in  which  her  subjects  had  made  no  discoveries,  and  which  had  been 
first  occupied  by  the  United  States,  unless  upon  the  ground  of  conquest  during 
war,  barred  by  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  '  Thus  whilst  the  title . . .  derived  by  the 
United  States  from  Spain. .  .was  undoubtedly  imperfect,  though  not  from  any 
possible  effect  of  the  Nootka  convention,  yet  that  title,  in  addition  to  those 
previously  possessed  by  the  Americans . . .  appears  to  constitute  a  right  in  their 
favor,  stronger  than  could  be  alleged  by  any  other  nation,  if  not  amounting 
to  an  absolute  right  of  sovereignty.' 

25 '  To  each  of  them,  taken  by  itself,  objections  might  be  made,  tending  to 
show  that  it  did  not  constitute  a  complete  right  of  sovereignty.  Considered 
together,  and  supporting  each  other  as  they  did,  they  appeared  to  us  to  estab- 
lish our  claim  on  the  most  solid  foundation.'  '  But  it  is  the  peculiar  charac- 
ter of  the  claim  of  the  United  States  that  it  is  founded  on  both  principles, 
which  in  this  case  unite  both  in  its  support,  and  convert  it  into  an  incontes- 
table right.  It  is  in  vain  that,  in  order  to  avert  that  conclusion,  an  attempt 
is  made'to  consider  the  several  grounds  on  which  that  right  is  urged  as  incom- 
patible one  with  the  other,  as  if  the  United  States  were  obliged  to  select  only 
one  and  to  abandon  the  others.  In  different  hands  the  several  claims  would 
conflict  one  with  the  other;  now,  united  in  the  same  power,  they  support  each 
other.  The  possessors  of  Louisiana  might  have  contended,  on  the  ground  of 
contiguity,  for  the  adjacent  territory  on  the  Pacific,  with  the  discoverers  of  the 
coast,  or  of  its  main  rivers.  The  several  discoveries  of  the  Spanish  and  Ameri- 
can navigators  might  separately  have  been  considered  as  so  many  steps  in  the 
progress  of  discovery,  and  giving  only  imperfect  claims  to  each  party.  All  those 
various  claims,  from  whatever  considerations  derived,  are  now  brought  united 
against  the  pretensions  of  any  other  nation.' 


CUMULATIVE  TITLE.  375 

isiana  be  valid,  then  musi  one  or  the  oilier  of  these 
kingdoms  have  been  the  Lawful  possessor  of  thai  I 
ritory  at  the  moment  when  the  United  Stat<  -  claim 
to  have  discovered  it.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Americans  were  the  firsi  discoverers  there  is  aeces- 
sarily  an  end  of  the  Spanish  claim;  and  ifpriority  of 
discovery  constitutes  the  title,  thai  of  BVance  falls 
equally  :  ground."     The  objections  semi  well 

taken,  notwithstanding  the  ingenious  American  d<  • 
of"  admitting  one  element  to  bo  not  quite  perfect  in 
order  to  give  some  value  to  others,  and  secure  a  large 
and  more  than  perfect  aggregate. 

The  following  quotations  from  the  statement  of 
Huskisson  and  Addington  will  put  the  British  position 
in  a  clear  light,  their  arguments  in  opposition  to  the 
American  claim  having  been  already  presented.  "It 
is  highly  desirable  to  mark  distinctly  the  broad  differ- 
ence between  the  nature  of  the  rights  claimed.  Over 
a  large  portion  of  that  territory,  namely,  from  the  4 2d 
to  the  49th  degree,  the  United  States  claim  full  and 
exclusive  sovereignty.  Great  Britain  claims  no  ex- 
clusive sovereignty  over  any  portion  of  that  territory. 
Her  present  claim,  not  iu  respect  to  any  part,  but  to 
the  whole,  is  limited  to  a  right  of  joint  occupancy  in 
common  with  other  states,  leaving  the  right  of  exclu- 
sive dominion  in  abeyance.  In  other  words  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  United  States  tend  to  the  ejection  of 
all  other  nations,  and  among  the  rest,  of  Great  Britain, 
from  all  right  of  settlement.  The  pretensions  of  Gr<  at 
Britain,  on  the  contrary,  tend  to  the  mere  maintenance 
of  her  own  rights."  "  It  only  remains  for  Great  Brit- 
ain to  maintain  and  uphold  the  qualified  rights  which 
she  now  possesses  over  the  whole  of  the  territory  in 
question.  Tic  le  right&are  recorded  and  defined  in  the 
convention  of  Nootka.  They  embrace  the  right  to 
navigate  the  waters  of  those  countries:  the  righl  to 
settle  in  and  over  any  part  of  them;  and  the  righl 
freely  to  trade  with  the  inhabitants  and  occupiers  <>f 
the  same.    These  right-  have  been  peaceably  exerci 


376  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

ever  since  the  date  of  that  convention — that  is  for  a 
period  of  nearly  forty  years.  Under  that  convention 
valuable  interests  have  grown  up  in  those  countries. 
It  is  fully  admitted  that  the  United  States  possess  the 
same  rights,  though  they  have  been  exercised  by  them 
only  in  a  single  instance,  and  have  not  since  the  year 
1813,  been  exercised  at  all;  but  beyond  these  rights 
they  possess  none.  To  the  interests  and  establish- 
ments which  British  industry  and  enterprise  have 
created  Great  Britain  owes  protection.  That  pro- 
tection will  be  given,  both  as  regards  settlement  and 
freedom  of  trade  and  navigation,  with  every  attention 
not  to  infringe  the  coordinate  rights  of  the  United 
States.  Fully  sensible  at  the  same  time,  of  the 
desirableness  of  a  more  definite  settlement,  the  British 
government  will  be  ready  at  any  time  to  terminate 
the  present  state  of  joint  occupancy  by  an  arrange- 
ment of  delimitation.  But  such  arrangement  only  can 
be  admitted  as  shall  not  derogate  from  the  right  of 
Great  Britain  as  acknowledged  by  treaty,  nor  prejudice 
the  advantages  which  British  subjects,  under  the  same 
sanction,  now  enjoy  in  that  part  of  the  world."26 

Such  were  the  respective  views  entertained  as  to 
title.     Mr  Gallatin's  offer  in  behalf  of  his  country  was 

26 '  It  is  a  fact  admitted  by  the  United  States,  that  -with  the  exception  of 
the  Columbia  River,  there  is  no  river  which  opens  far  into  the  interior  on  the 
whole  western  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  the  interior  the  subjects  of 
Great  Britain  have  had  for  many  years  numerous  settlements  and  trading- 
posts;  sevei-al  of  these  posts  on  the  tributary  streams  of  the  Columbia  itself ; 
some  to  the  northward,  and  others  to  the  southward  of  that  river;  and  they 
navigate  the  Columbia  as  the  sole  channel  for  the  conveyance  of  their  prod- 
uce,' etc.  Mr  Gallatin  in  reply  denies  'that  the  trading  -  posts  of  the 
Northwest  Company  give  any  title  to  the  territory  claimed  by  America,  not 
only  because  no  such  post  was  established  within  the  limits  claimed  when  the 
first  American  settlement  was  made,  but  because  the  title  of  the  United 
States  is  considered  as  having  been  complete  before  any  of  those  traders  had 
appeared  on  the  waters  of  the  Columbia.  It  is  also  believed  that  mere 
factories,  established  solely  for  the  purpose  of  trafficking  with  the  natives, 
and  without  any  view  to  cultivation  and  permanent  settlement,  cannot  of 
themselves,  and  unsupported  by  any  other  consideration,  give  any  better  title 
to  dominion  and  absolute  sovereignty  than  similar  establishments  in  a  civilized 
country.'  Mr  Twiss,  Or.  Quest.,  316,  cleverly  points  out  that  this  would 
iitterly  undermine  any  claim  of  the  United  States  resting  on  the  Astoria  set- 
tlement. 


SO-CALLED  CONCESSIONS.  377 

the  line  of  49°  as  a  boundary  from  the  mountains  to 
the  ocean,  together  with  navigation  of  the  Columbia 
should  thai  river  or  any  of  its  branches  prove  to  be 
navigable  above  the  lino.-7  This  offer  was  made  "ina 
genuine  spirit  of  concession  and  conciliation;"  since 
by  accepting  it  England  would  get  a  clear  title  to  five 
degrees  of  latitude  on  the  Pacific,  over  most  of  which 
the  United  States  title  properly  extended.  The  only 
modification  of  this  offer  which  Mr  Gallatin  showed 
any  disposition  toallow,thoughitwasnot  formally  pro- 
posed, was  to  give  up  the  southern  end  of  Vancouver 
Island,  or  the  mouth  of  Eraser  River  if  it  should 
prove  to  be  below  latitude  49°,  in  return  for  regions 
above  the  line  in  the  interior;  but  this  was  not 
approved  by  Mr  Clay. 

The  British  offer  was  to  make  the  Columbia  the 
boundary  up  to  latitude  49°,  accepting  that  line  be- 
tween the  river  and  mountains.  The  navigation  of 
the-  river  was  to  be  forever  free  to  vessels  of  both 
nations.-3  This  also  was  offered  as  a  concession, 
because  "to  carry  into  effect  this  proposal  Great 
Britain  would  have  to  give  up  posts  and  settlements 
south  of  the  Columbia,  On  the  part  of  the  United 
States  there  could  be  no  reciprocal  withdrawing  from 
actual  occupation,  as  there  is  not.  and  never  lias  been, 
a  single  American  citizen  settled  north  of  the  Colum- 
bia." Mr  Gallatin  objected  that  this  division  would 
leave  England  in  exclusive  naval  command  of  the 
:  since  the  harbor  at  the  river  mouth  was  fitted 
only  for  commercial  purposes,  while  north  of  Fuca 
Strait  the  coast  abounded  with  deep  ports  for  naval 
station-.     Whereupon  Mr  Huskisson,  admitting  the 

blished  within  fifteen  years,  and  meanwhile  tlie 
!  It  was  anticipated  I 

ie  a,  perpetually  fri  < 

doubt  that  the  river  was  navigable  above  19°.     There  wa 

to  what  should  be  considered  a  u  an. 

-sOn  the  Americans  objecting  that  the  channel  of  the  Columbia 
mouth  was  so  close  to  the  northern  hank  as  to  give  the  i-.  iommand 

ered  a  stipulation  that  no  work 
at  the  mouth  or  on  the  banks  of  the  river  to  hinder  I 
tion  by  vessels  or  boats  of  either  party. 


378  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

force  of  the  objection,  offered  to  concede  a  detached 
territory,  namely  the  peninsula  formed  by  the  Pacific 
above  Gray  Harbor,  the  Strait  of  Fuca,  Admiralty 
Inlet,  and  Hood  Canal,  including  the  fine  harbor  of 
Port  Discovery. 

Naturally  with  views  of  national  rights  so  radically 
different,  neither  party  would  accept  the  offers  of  the 
other ;  and  it  soon  became  apparent  that  no  boundary 
could  be  agreed  upon.29  Accordingly  the  other  alter- 
native, a  continuance  of  joint  occupancy  was  con- 
sidered. On  account  of  certain  conditions  desired  by 
England  this  matter  had  to  be  referred  to  the  gov- 
ernment at  Washington;  and  the  negotiation  was 
consequently  suspended  until  June  1827,  when  the 
conferences  were  resumed,  continuing  until  August. 
Charles  Grant  took  Huskisson's  place  before  the 
matter  was  concluded. 

In  negotiating  for  a  continuance  of  joint  occupancy 
the  Americans  preferred  a  simple  renewal  of  the 
treaty  of  1818  for  an  additional  period  of  ten  years, 
without  any  other  alteration  than  the  omission  of  the 
clause  relating  to  the  claims  of  other  powers,  both 
Spain  and  Russia  having  relinquished  their  claims 
since  the  date  of  the  treaty.  The  British  government 
preferred  a  longer  period,  and  earnestly  contended  for 
the  addition  of  certain  conditions.  The  following 
additional  clause  was  first  proposed :  "  It  is  further 
agreed  that,  during  the  said  term  of  fifteen  years, 
neither  of  the  contracting  parties  shall  assume  or  exer- 
cise any  right  of  exclusive  sovereignty  or  dominion 
over  any  part  of  the  said  country,  nor  form  therein 
any  establishment  in  support  or  furtherance  of  any 
such  claim."30     Subsequently  the  latter  part  of  the 

29  A  settlement  of  title  on  parts  of  the  territory,  leaving  an  intermediate 
space  for  joint  occupancy,  Avas  informally  proposed  by  Gallatin,  but  was  not 
favorably  received  either  by  the  British  representatives  or  by  the  United 
States  Government. 

30  Says  Gallatin :  '  The  second  article  is  intended  not  only  to  prevent  the 
establishment  of  a  territorial  government  by  the  United  States,  but  also  to 
establish  the  general  doctrine  that  no  exclusive  sovereignty  can  be  assumed  or 


JOINT  OCCUPANCY  A<  I A I N.  379 

clause  was  modified  to  read:  "Nor  shall  any  settle- 
mem*  which  may  now  exist,  or  which  maybe  hereafter 
formed  therein  by  either  party  during  the  said  term 
en  years,  be  at  any  time  adduced  in  support 
or  furtherance  of  any  claim  to  such  sovereignty  or 
dominion."  And  finally  Addington  contended  for  the 
insertion  in  the  treaty  of  some  article  defining  the 
rights  of  the  parties  under  the  joint  occupancy,  or  at 
least  for  an  expression  in  the  records  of  the  English 
view  respecting  those  rights.  But  Gallatin  declined 
to  accept  anything  of  the  kind.  If  there  was  any 
doubt  respecting  the  rights  of  his  nation  under  the 
l  reaty,  that  doubt  must  not  be  removed. 

In  these  propositions  and  refusals  both  parties  had 
in  view  the  action  of  the  United  States  congress. 
The  proposed  occupation  of  the  Columbia  was  con- 
trary  in  several  respects  to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty, 
as  was  well  known  to  both  parties;  therefore  Great 
Britain  desired  and  the  United  States  opposed  an 
agreement  on  what  steps  the  latter  might  legally  take. 
Gallatin  clearly  thought  it  might  be  advantageous  for 
his  country  in  the  near  future  to  consider  what  Eng- 
land would  permit  rather  than  what  might  be  right- 
fully claimed.  In  the  verbal  discussions,  however,  he 
made  one  good  point  in  defence  of  the  proposed  i 
lishment  of  a  territorial  government;  namely,  thai  as 
England  had  already  extended  her  criminal  juris- 
diction over  the  territories  occupied  by  the  trading 
companies,  the  United  States  would  be  obliged  to 
establish  some  form  of  government,  having  no  other 
way  of  exercising  a  similar  jurisdiction  for  the  pro- 
tection  of  subjects.31     It   was   also    maintained,   and 

1  over  any  part  of  the  country  in  its  present  situation,  and,  by  implica- 

ction  may  be  exercised  sufficient  to  pre  erve  ord<  c 

ders.' 

Mr  Clay:    'The  form  of  territorial  governmi  which  is 

most  approved  by  our  i  a  a  govemmenl  m    lit  be  considered 

ible  with  the  second  article  if  it  wi  easimple 

of  the  third  articleof  the  convention  of  1818,  Greal  Britain  will  have 

abundant  security  in  the  good  faith  of  the  United  St  olfilment 

of  all  its  stipulations.'    Ami  Gallatin:  '1  understood  it  to  be  the  opinion 

of  the-  British  plenipotentiaries  that  there  could  I 


380  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

plausibly,  that  the  proper  medium  for  either  party  to 
express  its  view  as  to  what  would  be  an  infringement 
of  the  treaty  was  neither  the  treaty  itself  nor  the 
records  of  the  conferences,  but  a  diplomatic  note 
through  the  ordinary  channels. 

The  English  plenipotentiaries  refusing  their  assent 
to  a  renewal  of  the  treaty  for  a  fixed  period  without 
conditions,  and  the  Americans  declining  to  accept  any 
conditions  whatever,  a  compromise  was  agreed  to  at  the 
conference  of  July  27th,  to  the  effect  that  the  treaty 
of  joint  occupation  should  be  indefinitely  renewed  sub- 
ject to  abrogation  at  any  time  by  either  party  on 
twelve  months'  notice ;  and  this  convention  was  signed 
on  the  8th  of  August.32 

Thus  the  question  at  issue  was  left  exactly  in  its 

lishment  of  military  posts,  or  to  a  jurisdiction  confided  by  each  power  to  its 
own  citizens  or  subjects,  and  that  any  outrages  committed  by  either  such 
citizens  or  subjects  on  those  of  the  other  nation  ought  not  to  be  considered  as 
acts  of»national  aggression  unless  authorized  by  government.'  'Any  impedi- 
ment to  the  free  navigation  of  harbors  and  rivers,  the  laying  duties  or 
establishment  of  any  custom-house,  the  removing  or  disturbing  any  British 
settlement,  and  the  exercise  of  any  jurisdiction  over  British  subjects,  would 
be  considered  as  infractions  of  the  condition.  But  it  must  be  observed  that 
they  would  be  equally  considered  as  infractions  of  the  existing  article  without 
tin- additional  condition.'  'The  establishment  of  a  distinct  territorial  gov- 
ernment west  of  the  Stony  Mountains  would  also  be  objected  to,  as  an  attempt 
to  exercise  exclusive  sovereignty. .  .It  was  suggested,  and  seemed  to  be 
acquiesced  in,  that  the  difficulty  might  be  obviated,  provided  the  erection  of 
a  new  territory  was  not  confined  exclusively  to  the  west  of  the  mountains ; 
that  it  should  be  defined  as  embracing  all  the  possessions  of  the  United  States 
west  of  a  line  that  should  be  at  some  distance  and  east  of  the  Stony  Moun- 
tains.' '  By  the  act  of  parliament  of  July  2,  1821,  Great  Britain  has  assumed 
such  jurisdiction  as  suited  her  own  purposes.  The  United  States  on  their 
part  have  not  assumed  or  exercised  auy  sovereignty  or  jurisdiction.  When- 
ever this  may  become  necessary,  they  have  the  same  right  to  do  it  in  the 
manner  most  suitable  to  their  institutions  and  to  the  pursuits  of  their  subjects. 
The  same  reliance  may  bo  placed  on  their  violating  no  existing  agreement. ' 

32  'Article  1.  All  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the  convention  on 
the  20th  of  October  ISIS,  shall  be,  and  they  are  hereby  indefinitely  extended 
and  continued  in  force,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  all  the  provisions  of  the 
said  article  were  herein  specifically  recited. 

'  Article  2.  It  shall  be  competent,  however,  to  either  of  the  contracting 
parties,  in  case  either  should  think  fit,  at  any  time  after  the  20lh  of  October 
1S2S,  on  giving  due  notice  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  contracting  party,  to 
annul  and  abrogate  this  convention;  and  it  shall  in  such  case,  be  accordingly 
entirely  annulled  and  abrogated  after  the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  notice. 

'  Ai'ticle  3.  Nothing  contained  in  this  convention,  or  in  the  third  article  of 
the  convention  of  the  20th  of  October  1818,  hereby  continued  in  force,  shall 
be  construed  to  impair  or  in  any  manner  affect  the  claims  which  either  of  the 
contracting  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  country  westward  of  the 
Stony  or  Rocky  mountains.' 


NATIONAL  PRIDE,  NOT  UTILITY.  3S1 

former  state.  Both  nations  formally  reserved  the 
right  to  assert  their  full  claims  in  future  unaffected  by 
offers  made  during  the  negotiations.  The  remarks 
made  in  the  preceding  chapter  about  the  settlement 

of  181s  will  for  the  most  part  apply  equally  well  to 
that  of  1827.  "No  unworthy  concession  was  made, 
no  loss  of  dignity  or  right  was  sustained  on  either 
side;  and  to  break  the  amicable  and  mutually  profit- 
able relations  then  existing  between  the  two  count  ries, 
<ni  a  question  of  mere  title  to  the  possession  of  terri- 
tories from  which  neither  could  derive  any  immediate 
benefit  of  consequence,  would  have  been  impolitic  and 
unrighteous,"  says  Grecnhow.33  The  nature  of  the 
respective  claims  being  alone  considered,  the  result 
was  a  triumph  for  Great  Britain.  That  nation  had 
also  the  advantage  of  actual  possession  and  of  pros- 
pective profits  in  the  fur-trade.  But  so  far  as  per- 
manent possession  was  concerned,  the  advantage  was 
on  the  side  of  the  United  States;  for  under  the 
arrangement  they  might  defer  the  final  assertion  of 
their  pretended  exclusive  rights  until  the  circum- 
stances should  be  favorable,  permanent  settlers  being 
much  more  likely  to  come  with  time  from  the  United 
States  than  from  England. 

Thus  each  nation  obtained  what  most  favored  its 
own  real  interests.  For  it  was  clearly  evident  from 
the  spirit  of  the  whole  negotiation,  and  particularly 
from  the  offer,  that  neither  existing  settlements,  nor 
others  formed  during  a  period  of  fifteen  years,  should 
ever  be  adduced  in  support  of  title,  that  Great  Britain 
did  not  look  forward  to  a  permanent  possession  of  the 
Northwest  Coast.  Indeed,  according  to  Gallatin's 
report  to  Clay,  Huskisson  in  the  course  of  the  discus- 
sion several  times  repeated  that  there  was  no  inten- 
tion to  colonize  the  country.  "They  have  certainly 
no  other  immediate  object  than  that  of  protecting  the 

S3Or.  and  Col.  "."il.  'No  settlements  could'  (were  likely  to?)  'be  formed 
in  the  territory  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  by  which  it  could  acquire  a 
population,  while  the  arrangement  subsisted.' 


382  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

Northwest  Company  in  her  fur- trade."  In  every  other 
respect  the  question  appeared  to  be  with  them  rather 
one  of  national  pride  than  anything  else.34  Again, 
and  exactly  to  the  point:  "National  pride  prevents 
any  abrupt  relinquishment  of  her  pretensions;  but 
Great  Britain  does  not  seem  indisposed  to  let  the 
country  gradually  and  silently  slide  into  the  hands  of 
the  United  States,  and  she  is  anxious  that  it  should 
not,  in  any  case,  become  the  cause  of  a  rupture  between 
the  two  powers."35 

In  his  report  of  August  10,  1827,  in  which,  as 
already  cited,  he  explained  the  national  feeling  of 
England  respecting  the  territory  in  dispute,  Mr  Gal- 
latin also  took  the  liberty  of  making  some  very  perti- 
nent suggestions  on  the  policy  that  should  be  observed 
by  the  United  States  under  the  renewed  treaty;  that  is, 
as  to  what  steps  of  occupation  might  be  taken  without 
causing  a  collision  with  Great  Britain.  That  nation 
would,  he  believed,  insist  on  three  restrictive  condi- 
tions. First,  "that  no  custom-house  should  be  erected, 

34  It  was  doubtful  if  the  offer  respecting  the  settlement  was  not  intended 
'to  establish  clearly,  and  to  impress  on  their  subjects  that  Great  Britain 
neither  now  nor  hereafter  means  to  claim  such  exclusive  sovereignty.'  'Not 
only  from  them,  but  from  several  other  distinct  quarters,  it  is  certain  that 
their  pride  was  sorely  wounded  by  that  part  of  the  late  president's  message 
which  declared  that  America  was  no  longer  open  to  European  colonization. 
Those  parts  of  the  second  report  of  a  committee  of  the  house  at  the  last 
session. .  .gave  great,  fresh,  and  additional  offence.  I  think  it  not  improbable 
that  we  might  have  come  to  an  arrangement  had  it  not  been  for  those  causes. 
The  Northwest  Company  is  also  very  inimical,  and  has  no  inconsiderable 
weight.'  Mr  Huskisson  said  that  'the  removal  by  the  United  States  of  any  set- 
tlement made  by  British  subjects  would  be  considered  as  an  act  of  aggression ;' 
but  Astoria  was  considered  as  in  possession  of  the  United  States,  and  had 
indeed  been  abandoned  in  favor  of  Vancouver  across  the  river.  '  In  making  a 
final  agreement  with  the  United  States  she  considered  the  whole  country  as 
still  open  equally  to  both  parties,  and  to  be  divided  as  such  and  on  that 
principle.'  '  There  was  in  the  course  of  the  conversation  more  susceptibility 
shown  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries  than  was  called  for  by  my  observations. 
That  the  United  States  had  no  light  to  dispossess  a  single  British  subject,  or 
in  any  way  to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  any  part  of  the  territory  in  question 
was  again  repeated,  saying,  however,  that  they  claimed  no  such  right  on  their 
side.     The  latter  part  of  the  conversation  was  more  conciliatory. ' 

35 1  have  been  unable  to  find  'the  gross  misstatements  with  regard  to  the 
discoveries  of  the  Americans,  the  extravagant  and  unfounded  assumptions, 
and  the  illogical  deductions  in  the  document  presented  by  them  (the  British 
plenipotentiaries)  to  Mr  Gallatin,'  mentioned  by  Mr  Greenhow,  Or.  and  CaL, 
349. 


CONDITIONS.  3S3 

nor  any  duties  or  charges  on  tonnage,  merchandise,  or 
commerce,  be  raised  by  either  party  in  the  territory 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains."  And  this,  indeed, 
would  favor  the  United  States  by  promoting  settle- 
ment, especially  as,  with  duties  on  articles  for  trade 
with  the  Indians,  Americans  could  not  compete  with 
the  English  company.  Second,  "that  the  citizens  and 
subjects  of  the  two  powers  residing  in  or  resorting  to 
the' territory  in  question  should  be  amenable  only  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  their  own  country  respectively." 
This  subject  should  be  determined  by  a  positive  com- 
pact, as  might  readily  be  done.38  Third,  "that  no 
military  post  should  be  established  by  either  party  in 
the  territory."  That  is,  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  establish  such  posts  was  not  denied,  but  if 
the  right  were  exercised  Great  Britain  would  be 
obliged  to  found  similar  posts ;  and  with  such  forts  ex- 
isting on  both  sides,  the  dangers  of  collision  and  the 
probable  difficulties  of  a  peaceful  arrangement  would 
be  greatly  increased.  This  was  as  clear  from  the 
American  as  from  the  British  standpoint.  "Its  real 
difficulty,"  says  Gallatin  frankly,  "consists  in  that 
Great  Britain  having  a  much  larger  military  estab- 
lishment than  the  United  States,  may,  with  no  greater 
inconvenience,  make  larger  detachments  for  any  ser- 
vice of  this  kind;  and  that  if  she  once  takes  posses- 
sion in  this  way,  independent  of  the  collisions  it  may 
occasion,  it  will  render  an  ultimate  relinquishment  of 
that  portion  she  would  naturally  occupy  much  more 
difficult  on  her  part."  The  United  States  would  have 
preferred  that  the  American  military  posts  should  be 
deemed  a  kind  of  equivalent  of  English  trading-posts 

36  Respecting  the  jurisdiction  at  Astoria,  the  post  naturally  to  be  first  occu- 
pied, Mr  Gallatin  BUggests  'that  the  settlement  and  restitution  of  Astoria 
may  be  forcibly  urged  as  strengthening  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  the 
whole  territory;  but  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  adduce  those  incidents  as 
giving  a  stronger  claim  to  the  absolute  sovereignty  over  thai  Bpot  than  on  any 
other  part  of  the  territory.  As  there  can  be  no  higher  title  or  right  than 
that  of  such  sovereignty, the  argument  could  not  be  pressed  without  acknowl- 
edging that  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  residue  of  the  territory  was 
something  less  than  one  of  absolute  sovereignty. ' 


384  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

for  the  protection  of  subjects  and  citizens;  but  Great 
Britain  was  not  likely  to  appreciate  the  benefits  of 
such  an  arrangement. 

It  was  believed  by  Gallatin,  with  much  reason, 
that  all  these  conditions  might  be  arranged  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both  parties;  that  of  the  military  posts, 
presenting  the  greatest  difficulties,  by  "the  erection 
of  a  territory  having  for  its  eastern  bound  a  line  within 
the  acknowledged  limits  of  the  United  States,  and 
describing  the  country  over  which  the  jurisdiction 
was  to  extend,  generally,  or  in  terms  similar  to  those 
used  in  the  act  of  parliament."  The  chief  prospective 
obstacle  to  the  success  of  this  moderate  policy,  and 
that  which  these  suggestions  were  doubtless  intended 
to  aid  in  removing,  was  the  policy  of  an  over-patriotic 
and  excessively  anti- British  minority  in  congress. 
Could  these  men  be  kept  in  the  minority  by  the  con- 
tinued union  of  members  who  saw  the  subject  in  its 
true  light  and  those  who  did  not  believe  Oregon  to 
be  worth  the  occupation,  the  prospects  of  the  United 
States  on  the  Northwest  Coast  were  very  bright. 

Before  the  treaty  and  negotiations  of  1827  were 
published,  there  was  reported  by  the  congressional 
committee  on  the  Oregon  Territory,  of  which  Floyd 
was  chairman,  "a  bill  to  authorize  the  occupation  of 
the  Oregon  Biver,"  which  came  up  for  discussion 
after  the  treaty  was  made  public,  and  occupied  the 
attention  of  the  house  of  representatives  almost  ex- 
clusively from  Dec.  23,  1828,  to  Jan.  9,  1829.07  This 
bill  provided  for  the  military  occupation  of  the  North- 
west Coast  from  latitude  42°  to  54°  40',  and  the  erec- 
tion of  a  fort;  for  the  establishment  of  a  territorial 
government  over  that  extent  of  country,  including  the 
appointment  of  civil  officers;  for  the  establishment  of 
a  port  of  entry,  with  custom-house,  revenue  officials, 

37  Congressional  Debates,  20th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  125-95;  Benton's  Abridg.,  x. 
273-315.  Of  this  bill,  before  its  appearance  in  committee  of  the  whole  on 
Dec.  23,  I  find  no  record  whatever;  not  even  a  copy  of  the  bill  itself  in  it3 
original  form,  its  purport  having  to  be  made  up  from  the  debate. 


VALIDITY  OF  TITLE.  385 

and  enforcement  of  United  States  revenue  laws;  and 
for  grants  of  lands  to  American  settlers."8  It  appeared 
thai  petitions  were  extanl  from  companies  iD  different 
states  composed  of  men  who  were  willing  to  emigrate 
to  Oregon  if  assured  of  protection  and  favored  with 
certain  privileges.  Accordingly,  at  an  early  stage  of 
the  debate,  an  amendment  was  proposed  to  -rant  large 
tracts  of  land  to  these  associations,  and  to  a  certain 
extent  to  take  their  proposed  establishments  under 
government  protection. 

As  to  the  perfect  validity  of  the  United  States 
title  to  the  Northwest  Coast  no  speaker  expressed 
the  slightest  doubt;  but  beyond  this  point  there  was 
hopeless  divergence  of  opinion.  Floyd,  as  in  earlier 
times  the  chief  defender  of  the  measure,  in  several  long 
speeches,  with  two  or  three  associates,  maintained  that 
Oregon  was  a  very  desirable  possession  in  every 
respect;  that  it  rightfully  belonged  to  the  United 
States;  that  Great  Britain  would  not  fight  in  support 
of  her  unfounded  pretensions;  and  that  if  she  did  re- 
sist the  righteous  claims  of  the  republic,  so  much  the 
worse  for  Great  Britain.  They  also  tried  to  make  it 
appear  that  the  proposed  occupation  was  not  contrary 
to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty,  being  no  more  than  Eng- 
land had  already  done  by  the  establishment  of  trading- 
posts  which  were  really  forts,  and  by  extending  the 
jurisdiction  of  Canada  over  those  regions.39 

38  Some  friends  of  the  measure  claimed,  that  as  no  definite  time  was  speci- 
fied  for  ita  being  carried  into  effect,  it  practically  provided  for  the  previous 
abrogation  of  the  treaty  by  the  required  notice  of  twelve  months.  This  was 
not  admitted  by  its  opponents. 

3aMr  Floyd  said:  '  There  is  nothing  more  clear  than  that  the  title  of  the 
United  States  was  pond  to  all  the  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  from 

36   t"  61  .'    'It  is  tli tlypoint  on  the  globewhere  a  strong  power  canstrike 

at  the  British  possessions  in  the  East  Undies.'  'Js  it  possible  for  an  American 
congress  to  submit  not  only  to  the  murder  of  our  citizens  in  those  regions,  but 
to  the  darinj  the  British  parliament  in  passing  a  law  extending 

the  jui  the  courts  of  upper  Canada  over  the  whole  Lndian  country? 

Sir,  my  country  ought  qoI  to  submit  to  this  for  a  single  m  >ment.  [f  England 
has  not  yet  learned  to  re  ped  the  sovereignty  and  rights  of  the  confedi 
she  must  he  taught  that  lesson;  and,  sir,  it  must  and  shall  be  taught  her;  and 
that,  too,  at  oo  distant  day,  in  a  way  which  she  will  not  easily  forget.'  Mr 
Richards. .n  deemed  the  title  indubitable,  and  the  country  well  worth  the 
probable  cost.  He  would  beashamed  to  favor  the  surrender  of  such  a  country 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    26 


386  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

But  few  congressmen,  however,  took  this  radical 
ground;  and  they  were  apparently  outnumbered  hy 
those  who  regarded  the  Oregon  territory  as  worthless, 
not  worth  occupying  even  if  there  were  no  opposition. 
Let  Great  Britain  have  it  if  she  cared  for  so  barren 
and  inaccessible  a  tract,  which  was  doubtful.  More- 
over, they  dreaded  any  future  extension  of  a  republic 
that  was  already  large  enough.  Bates  of  Missouri 
"could  not  repress  the  utterance  of  his  solemn  wish 
that  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  were  an  ocean 
bounding  the  United  States,  instead  of  the  vast  wil- 
derness that  extended  beyond  them."  That  Oregon 
could  ever  be  a  state  in  the  union  was  not  admitted 
for  a  moment.  Mitchell  of  Tennessee  opposed  the 
measure  as  involving  useless  expense,  besides  the  risk 
of  complications  with  England. 

Polk  of  Tennessee  made  an  able  speech  to  prove 
that  certain  portions  of  the  bill — that  is,  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  territorial  government,  the  enforcement 
of  revenue  laws,  and  the  granting  of  lands  to  set- 
tlers, were  contrary  to  the  treaties  of  1818  and  1827, 
and  a  violation  of  the  national  faith.  In  this  incon- 
trovertible position  he  was  supported  by  Strong  and 
Storrs  of  New  York,  and  b}^  others.  Some  of  these 
men,  if  not  convinced  that  the  bill  was  a  violation  of 
the  treaty,  did  believe  it  would  be  so  regarded  by 
Great  Britain,  leading  to  a  useless  collision;  and  they 
evidently  appreciated  the  advantages  of  "lettinorwell 
enough  alone,"  being  like  Gallatin  assured  of  Eng- 

to  Great  Britain;  but  he  did  not  believe  England  would  'readily  wage  war 
with  the  United  States  to  make  conquest  of  that  country;'  it  would  be  too 
risky.  Mr  Gurley  said:  The  convention  'confers  reciprocal  rights,  and  im- 
poses reciprocal  obligations.  Great  Britain  has  given  a  practical  construction 
of  the  convention.  She  has  erected  forts,  and  in  1821  extended  her  laws  and 
civil  jurisdiction  over  the  country.'  He  thought  the  United  States  might  do 
the  same.  '  If  Great  Britain  had  violated  the  convention,  it  was  no  longer 
binding  upon  us;  if  she  had  not,  neither  should  we  by  the  passage  of  the  bill. 
...We  would  not  abandon  our  rights  even  at  the  expense  of  war.  Great 
Britain  had  as  much  to  lose  by  a  war  as  we  had,  and  she  had  too  much  prudence 
and  foresight  to  engage  in  it  imnecessarily.  We  had  come  out  of  two  wars 
with  that  nation  with  honor  both  at  home  and  abroad;  and  if  it  was  the  will 
of  heaven  that  we  should  again  be  involved  in  that  calamity,  the  same  result 
would  follow. ' 


PROPOSED  SETTLEMENT.  3S7 

land's  disposition  to  let  the  country  "gradually  and 
silcntlv  slide  into  fche  bands  of  the  United  States;"  or 
at  least  they  believed  it  hut  right  to  give  the  required 
notice  of  twelve  months  before  taking  any  steps  what- 
ever toward  occupation.40 

There  was  a  strong  opposition  to  the  project  of 
granting  lands  with  special  protection  and  privileges 
to  companies,  on  the  ground  that  such  action  would 
promote  monopoly,  proprietary  government,  coloniza- 
tion, and  injustice  to  the  mass  of  immigrants.41  This 
amendment  was  therefore  defeated;  the  features  ob- 
jected to  by  Mr  Polk  were  dropped,  and  other  amend- 
ments were  adopted ;  so  that  the  bill  was  completely 
changed  from  its  original  form  when  finally  submitted 
to  vote.  It  now  provided  that  the  president  should 
be  authorized  to  erect  one  or  more  forts  west  of  the 
mountains,  and  between  latitude  42°  and  54°  40',  and 
to  garrison  them  with  troops  for  the  protection  of  citi- 
zens engaged  in  commercial  or  other  pursuits;  that  he 
should  cause  the  country  to  be  explored  before  sending 
troops,  if  he  deemed  it  best;  and  that  the  jurisdiction 
of  United  States  courts  should  be  extended  over  the 
country  in  such  a  way  as  to  punish  all  crimes  com- 
mitted there.  The  sum  of  $25,000  was  to  be  appro- 
priated to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the  act. 

The  measure  was  now  in  its  strongest  form.  Ther<  • 
was  nothing  in  the  bill  which  the  United  States  might 
not -do  in  accordance  with  the  treaty;  and  there  were 
many  who  felt  that  the  United  States  ought  to  make 
some  use  of  the  privilege  of  joint  occupancy,  instead 
of  leaving  the  British  in  sole  possession.  So  firmly 
had  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  become  established 
in  the  country  that  do  great  American  company  was 
likely  to  enter  the  field  against  them.     If  the  country 

*°Gorham  of  Massachuseti     ,  y  forcibly  thai 

this  time  no  oot  ■i"-  value  <>t  the  < br  .   i 

actio  i  -t  England,  and  no  □ 

v  for  any  change  of  policy  by  the  United  States. 

;1  Mr  Weems  also  objected,  on  the  ground  of  the  injustice  to  be  ■lone  to 
the  Indians. 


3SS  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONTINUED. 

was  to  be  occupied  at  all  it  must  be  by  individual 
hunters  and  small  associations.  There  were  absurd 
reports  afloat  that  American  hunters  had  recently  been 
killed  by  or  at  the  instigation  of  the  English  com- 
pany;42 few  perhaps  really  believed  such  reports;  but 
it  was  obviously  essential  to  afford  protection  for  the 
lives  and  rights  of  Americans  if  they  were  expected 
to  occupy  the  country,  even  if  danger  from  Indians 
or  from  each  other  only  was  to  be  apprehended. 
And  there  were  but  few  who  opposed  exploration. 

The  difficulty  was,  as  Gallatin  had  suggested,  that 
while  the  United  States  had  a  perfect  right  to  estab- 
lish military  posts,  Great  Britain  had  the  same  right, 
with  superior  advantages.  With  garrisoned  forts  on 
both  sides  the  chances  of  a  peaceful  settlement,  and 
especially  of  a  peaceful  abandonment  by  England 
would  be  much  diminished.  This  view  of  the  matter 
doubtless  influenced  many  to  join  their  votes  to  those 
of  the  members  who  did  not  want  Oregon  at  any  price. 
By  a  vote  of  ninety-nine  to  seventy-five,  the  house 
refused  to  order  the  bill  to  its  third  reading,  and  thus 
defeated  it. 

In  negotiations  and  discussions  of  later  date  no  new 
light  whatever  was  thrown  on  the  Oregon  Question ; 
but  its  real  merits  were  rather  obscured  by  the  popu- 
lar excitement  in  America.  It  will  therefore  be  no 
longer  necessary,  as  in  my  limited  space  it  would  be 
impossible,  to  give  a  detailed  resume  of  discussions  in 
congress  and  in  the  public  journals,  though  both 
speakers  and  writers  succeeded  in  twisting  the  subject- 
matter'into  a  variety  of  interesting  forms. 

42 Said  Everett:  'The  truth  is,  something  should  be  done  to  keep  pace 
with  the  British  settlements,  and  to  protect  our  hunters  and  trappers.  The 
territory  is  now  overrun  with  the  servants  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 
Under  a  nominal  joint  occupancy  they  monopolize  it.  They  are  there  in  great 
numbers ;  armed  of  course,  supported  by  a  chain  of  forts,  and  whenever  the 
American  trappers,  comparatively  few  in  number,  and  unsupported  by  any 
forts,  make  their  appearance  they  are  driven  off,  and  if  they  make  resistance, 
are  killed.'  He  had  lately  heard  from  reliable  sources  'that  eight  Americans 
Lave  been  shot  by  the  British  hunters,'  and  others  to  the  same  effect.  Dray- 
ton, Cambreling,  and  Ingersoll  were  among  the  most  prominent  in  urging  the 
measure  for  protection  alone. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

1830-1  sl(i. 

A  Popular  Question— Ami:i:h'\vTi;\im-krs- Tin:  Mission  series  TheGov- 
eunment  Seeks  Information— Reports  on  the  Oregon  Territory— 
The  Agitation  Renewed  en  Congress,  1841 — Senator  Linn's  Ef- 
forts— Presidents'  Messages — Congressional  Debates— Patriot 
Faith  in  the  Title— Political  Campaign  of  1844 — Polk's  Policy 
The  Question  in  Parliament— Hostile  Rumors— Speeches  vnd  Kii  \  > 
of  1844-5  — Final  Debate— A  Resolution  Passed  to  Annul  the 
Treaty— Pamphlets  Circulated — Diplomatic  Settlemeni  Great 
Britain  Yields-  Treaty  of  1S46— Authorities  Cited— Greenhow, 

TWISS,  AND  OTHER  WRITERS   ON   THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 

For  about  ten  years  after  the  discussion  noted  al 
the  end  of  the  preceding  chapter,  nothing  was  said  of 
the  Oregon  Question  in  congress;  and  the  topic  was 
much  longer  neglected  in  diplomatic  circles.  Nor  did 
anything  occur  during  this  period  to  affect  in  the 
slightest  degree  the  rights  of  the  respective  parties  to 
the  controversy.  Yet  though  congress,  absorbed  in 
other  matters, no  longer  paid  attention  to  the  Oregon 
Question,  the  people  had  taken  it  up,  to  some  extent. 
Colonization  and  trading  schemes  were  often  pro- 
posed, and  so  far  as  the  latter  were  concerned,  some- 
times carried  out. 

The  American  fur  companies,  under  several  nanus, 
explored  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  ventured  to  com 
pete  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  beyond  them.1 

1  The  relinquishmenl  of  the  Oregon  Territory  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  <  fcrarpany 
was  voluntary  on  the  part  of  the  firsl  American  companj  thai  of  Smith, 
Sublette,  and  Jack  ent  into  it.     Smith  having  been  attacke 

the   Qmpqua  River  by   [ndians,  escaping  only  with  his  life,  and  an 
at  Fort  Vancouver  in  a  destitute  and  Buffering  condition,  late  in  the  autumn 

i  as'J ) 


390  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

though  inconsiderably  for  a  period  of  years,  or  until 
the  increasing  number  of  companies  forced  all  into 
active  rivalry  with  each  other.  Of  the  adventurers 
who  tried  their  fortunes  in  this  field,  Wyeth  and 
Bonneville  were  conspicuous  examples,  and  failures. 
Their  exploits  are  elsewhere  recorded.  Of  those  who 
ventured  to  attempt  colonization  was  Kelley,  whose 
schemes  ended  in  even  more  disastrous  failure.  It 
was  not  until  American  missionaries  entered  in  and 
possessed  the  country  as  neither  traders  nor  colonizers, 
though  in  reality  very  willing  to  become  both,  that  a 
foothold  was  gained  for  the  occupation  of  Oregon  by 
American  settlers.  For  the  history  of  this  move- 
ment, and  the  subsequent  emigration  to  Oregon,  the 
reader  is  referred  also  to  the  History  of  Oregon.  From 
the  time  the  missionary  reports  commenced  to  reach 
the  United  States  from  Oregon,  together  with  the 
petitions  of  these  and  other  first  settlers  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Willamette,  congress  was  frequently  re- 
minded of  the  expectations  of  the  people,  up  to  the 
time  when  the  first  real  emigration  party  set  out  to 
cross  the  plains  for  the  Columbia  River. 

Though  congress  had  for  some  time  ceased  to  discuss 
the  Oregon  title  openly,  the  government  had  not  been 
idle,  but  was  collecting  information  from  every  source, 
and  placing  it  within  reach  of  the  people,  in  the  form 
of  congressional  documents.2    Such  w^as  the  report  of 

of  1829,  was  kindly  entertained  through  the  winter,  his  furs  recovered  and 
purchased  from  him  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  he  assisted  upon  his 
return  to  the  rendezvous  in  the  mountains.  Later,  a  keen  competition  was 
carried  on  all  over  the  middle  ground  between  the  head-waters  of  the  Lewis 
or  Snake  river  and  the  main  Columbia.  The  story  of  Jedediah  Smith  is 
fully  told  in  chap.  xix.  this  volume.  See  also  Hist.  Cal,  this  series;  also 
Hist.  Or.,  passim. 

-In  a  note  to  Greenhow's  Or.  and  Cal,  377,  he  names  several  of  these  gov- 
ernment documents,  as  the  following:  'Report  to  Senate,  with  maps,  and  a 
Bill  for  the  Occupation  of  Oregon,  presented  by  Mr  Linn,  June  6,  1838;' 
'  Reports  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, respecting  the  Territory  of  Oregon,  with  a  map,  presented  Jan.  4  and 
February  16,  1839,  by  Mr  Gushing,  accompanied  by  a  bill  to  provide  for  the 
protection  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  residing  in  that  territory,  or 
t  ading  on  the  Columbia  River,  and  various  documents  in  proof  '—from  which 
I  have  made  several  extracts  in  other  parts  of  this  history;  'Memoir,  His- 
torical and  Political,  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of  North  America,  and  the 


THE  CONGRESSIONAL  VIEW.  391 

the  cbmmittee  on  foreign  affairs,  by  Mr  Cushing, 
which  contained  the  reports  of  Wyeth,  Slacum,  and 
Kelley,  the  letter  of  Jason  Lee,  the  first  petition  of 
the  Oregon  settlers,  and  other  matter.  From  this 
time,  Mils  were  annually  brought  before  congress, 
having  for  their  objed  the  civil  and  military  posses- 
sion of  the  country.  They  came  up  in  every  shape, 
i,,  l,(.th  branches  of  the  national  legislature,  and  ema- 
nated, qo1  as  formerly,  from  one  or  two  individuals, 
but  from  many. 

In  1842  Lord  Ashburton  arrived  in  the  United 
States,  furnished  with  instructions  and  powers  for  the 
settlement  of  certain  questions  long  pending  between 
tli.'  United  States  and  Great  Britain;  and  the  im- 
pression generally  prevailed  both  in  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  that  the  Oregon  Question 
would  be  disposed  of  with  the  others.  In  this,  how- 
ever,  the  people  were  disappointed.  The  introduction 
of  this  subject  being  known  to  be  prejudicial  to  nego- 
tiations at  that  time  very  important  to  the  nation  in 
other  respects,  the  president  regarded  it  as  most 
advantageous  to  waive  this  one,  which,  though  equally 
important,  was  not  so  pressing.3  The  exclusion  of  the 
Oregon  Question  from  the  treaty  of  August  1842, 
increased,  says  Greenhow,  the  excitement  respecting 
that  country  in  the  United  States,  and  an  excitement 
was  soon  after  created  in  Great  Britain.4 

As  early  as  January  8,  1841,  Linn  of  Missouri  in- 
troduced in  the  senate  a  joint  resolution  to  authorize 
the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  occupation  and  set- 
tlement of  the  territory  of  Oregon,  and  for  extending 

adiacent  countries,  with  a  map.  and  a  geographical  view  ntries, 

by  Robert  Greenhow,  Translator  and  Librarian  to  the  Dej  3tate, 

presented  Feb.  10,  L840,  by  Mr  J. inn:  'Reportof  Hon.  J.  Et.  Poinsett,  Sec- 
retary of  War,  in  relation  to  the  establishment  of  a  line  of  Military  Posts 
from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Columbia,  L840;'  'Reporl  oi  the  Military 
Committee  of  the   Eou  -  of  l:>  presentatives,  on  th< 

tion  and  Defence  oi  the  Columbia  Countries,'  presented  '<■.,  Mr  Pendleton, 
Mav  -J-.  1842. 

nt    M'  ».,  I ■  6,  1842. 

ftow't  Or.  and  '  '"/.,  379. 


392  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

certain  portions  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  over 
the  same.  At  the  beginning  of  the  second  session  of 
the  same  congress  he  introduced  a  bill  providing  for 
its  occupation  and  settlement;  and  again  in  December 
he  reported  another  bill  for  the  same  purpose,  making 
a  speech  in  its  support  April  13,  1842,  and  contin- 
uing to  bring  it  up  at  every  opportunity  during 
the  session,  notwithstanding  the  pending  negotiations 
concerning  the  north-eastern  boundary,  which  other 
senators  urged  as  a  reason  for  remaining  silent  on  this 
question.  This  bill,  which  I  have  occasion  to  notice 
elsewhere,  passed  the  senate  early  in  February  1843, 
and  had  the  effect  of  stimulating  emigration  to  Oregon. 
Many  went  to  Oregon  in  the  belief  that  they  were  to 
receive  not  only  government  protection,  but  a  gift 
of  land  also,  as  a  reward  for  occupying  the  country 
for  the  United  States  in  opposition  to  Great  Britain 
as  represented  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  The 
failure  of  any  bill  to  pass  both  houses  left  the  people 
of  Oregon  in  that  anomalous  condition  which  makes 
their  history  unique  among  the  other  states  of  the 
union. 

But  every  year  that  now  passed  added  to  the 
interest  of  the  subject.  It  was  not  only  talked  of 
in    congress,5  but   in    the   public   prints   of  England 

5  President  Tyler,  in  his  message  of  December  5,  1843,  informed  that  body- 
that  the  United  States  Minister  at  London  had,  under  instructions,  again 
brought  the  subject  of  the  Oregon  boundary  to  the  notice  of  the  government 
of  Great  Britain,  and  that  '  while  nothing  would  be  done  to  compromise  the 
rights  of  the  United  States,  every  proper  expedient  would  be  resorted  to,  in 
order  to  bring  the  negotiations  in  progress  of  resumption  to  a  speedy  and 
happy  termination.'  Gong.  Globe,  28th  Cong.,  1st  Sess..  pt.  i.  6.  On  the  11th 
of  December  Hughes  of  Missouri  gave  notice  of  a  bill  for  the  organization  of 
a  territorial  government,  to  be  called  the  Oregon  Territory;  and  also  a  bill 
for  surveying  and  constructing  a  military  road  from  Fort  Leavenworth  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  River,  and  for  establishing  military  posts  on  the  same. 
/'/.,  41.  Several  attempts  were  made  to  have  that  portion  of  the  president's 
message  that  related  to  Oregon,  referred  to  the  committee  on  territories,  in- 
stead of  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  whei*e  it  made  no  progress.  Dec. 
20th  Wentworth  of  Illinois  introduced  a  resolution,  'That  the  president 
should  be  requested  to  furnish  the  house,  if  consistent  with  the  public  interest, 
all  the  correspondence  between  the  United  States  Government,  or  any  other 
power,'  in  relation  to  the  discovery,  possession,  title,  and  boundary  of  the 
Oregon  Territory.  Id. ,  54.  The  correspondence  here  asked  for  was  afterwards 
furnished  by  President  Polk  to  congress,  in  February  1846,  and  is  to  be  found 


CONGRESSIONAL  DISCUSSION.  393 

and  the  United  States,  as  also  in  those  of  France  and 
Germany;  and  on  both  sides  of  ijhe  Atlantic  books 
and  pamphlets  appeared   arguing  the  Oregon  title, 

in  the  Cong.  Globe,  xv.  333-5.  On  Jan.  4,  1844,  Owen  of  Indiana  intro- 
duced a  resolution  in  the  bouse,  that  the  presidenl  be  required  I  i  give  bh< 
twelve  months' notice  to  Great  Britain  required  by  the  second  article  of  the 
convention  of  1827,  and  that  on  the  expiration  of  that  time  the  United  states 
should  annul  and  abrogate  the  said  convention.  Id.,  ?8th  Cong.,  IstSess.,  pt. 
i.  103.  The  same  day  Hughes  introduced  the  bill  for  the  organization  ol 
Oregon  Territory  of  which  he  had  given  notice,  which  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  territories,  and  ordered  to  be  printed.  On  the  same  day 
Wentworth's  resolution  asking  for  information  of  the  presidenl  on  the  Oregon 
Question,  was  considered  and  adopted.  To  this  request  tin:  president  replied, 
on  the  L8th,  that  'all  such  correspondence  bad  from  time  to  time  been  laid 
before  congress,  except  some  recent  correspondence  with  our  minister  near 
the  court  of  St  James,  which  it  was  not  deemed  expedient  to  lay  before  con- 
gress on  the  eve  of  the  arrival  of  a  minister  from  England,  with  whom 
negotiations  would  be  opened  at  an  early  period.'  Id.,  163.  Hughes,  on 
the  -2dth,  offered  a  resolution  similar  to  Owen's,  requiring  the  president 
to  give  the  twelve  months'  notice,  which  resolution  was  negatived.  Id., 
168.  On  the  23d  Ingersoll,  from  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  to 
which  Owen's  resolution  had  been  referred,  returned  answer  that  it  was 
considered  inexpedient  for  congress,  at  that  time,  to  act  in  any  manner 
upon  the  subject  referred  to  in  the  said  resolution.  Id.,  ITS.  On  the 
following  day  Owen  made  a  speech  on  the  Oregon  boundary,  in  which 
he  animadverted  upon  the  practice  of  senators  and  others  in  letting  fall 
remarks  which  might  prejudice  the  claim  of  the  United  States,  and  quoted 
a  sentence  from  one  of  Calhoun's  speeches,  in  which  that  gentleman  bad 
said  that  'the  portion  of  territory  really  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries 
was  about  three  degrees  of  latitude,  that  is,  about  one  fourth  of  the  whole.' 
This,  he  thought,  was  leading  to  an  admission  concerning  the  extent  of  terri- 
tory claimed.  Did  any  one  imagine  that  Packington  had  not  read  that  speech, 
or  doubt  that  he  would  come  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  it?  He  advocated 
a  more  independent  position  toward  Great  Britain,  and  made  an  eloquent 
appeal  for  protection  for  the  Oregon  settlers,  drawing  at  the  same  time  a 
striking  picture  of  the  frontiersmen  who  were  taking  possession  of  the  country. 
'Oregon  will  soon  be  occupied — an  armed  occupation,  too.  And  occupied  by 
whom?  Not  by  smooth-chinned,  trim-uniformed  cadets  from  West  Point,  but 
by  veteran  pioneers,  from  whom  old  age  itself,  though  it  whitens  their  locks, 
cannot  steal  their  strength  and  their  fire,  by  fierce  young  hunters  of  the  fron- 
tier who  heard  the  warwhoop  in  their  cradles,  and  who  burn  to  emulate  the 
exploits — to  avenge  the  death,  perhaps,  of  their  fathers;  by  a  partisan  army, 
in  short,  of  Nimrod  warriors,  who,  with  their  knives  at  their  belts,  and  their 
long  rifles  on  their  shoulders,  fear  nothing,  red  or  white,  in  the  form  of  a 
man.'  He  urgently  advocated  passing  a  'notice'  bill,  after  which  it  would  be 
unquestionably  proper  to  do  for  Oregon  what  its  people  had  a  right  to  expect. 
II..  1SG.  On  the  11th  of  March,  Brown  of  Tennessee,  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  territories,  reported  a  bill  extending  the  civil  and  criminal  juris- 
diction of  the  courts  of  the  territory  of  Iowa,  south  and  west  of  said  territory 
to  the  Pacific,  which  was  ordered  to  be  printed  along  with  the  reporl  ol  the 
committee.  The  bill  extended  jurisdiction  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
from  latitude  42  to  54°  40*  north.  It  gave  640  acres  of  land  to  each  inhab 
of  any  state  or  territory  who  might  have  already  remdved,  or  might  there- 
after remove  to  that  country  and  cultivate  and  use  thi  tm  foi  five  years. 
Also  16  I  acres  for  the  wife  of  such  inhabitant,  and  the  like  quantity  to  each 
child  taken  there,  or  born  in  the  country.  It  further  provided  for  another 
judge  to  be  appointed  for  the  territory  of  Iowa,  who  should  resid 
and  also  for  tiie  appointment  of  justices  of  the  peace.     The  sum  of  (100,00  I 


394  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  (jONCLUDED. 

some  of  which  I  shall  notice  presently.  It  was  made 
the  issue  on  whicl}  the  presidential  campaign  of  1844 
was  founded.     Congress  had  given  the  initiative  to 

was  appropi'iated  to  build  forts  on  the  main  pass  to  Oregon,  and  within  it, 
and  to  carry  into  effect  the  other  provisions  of  the  bill.  Id.,  366.  Meantime, 
the  subject  was  not  left  out  of  consideration  in  the  senate.  A  lengthy  debate 
took  place  on  the  8th  of  January  in  which  Benton  as  usual  took  a  conspicuous 
part,  and  in  which  Crittenden  and  Morehead  of  Kentucky,  Archer  of  Vir- 
ginia, Berrien  of  Georgia,  Allen  of  Ohio,  Woodbury  of  New  Hampshire, 
Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others  participated.  The  debate  was  princi- 
pally upon  the  subject  of  the  pending  negotiations,  and  was  consequent  upon 
a  resolution  offered  by  Allen  some  time  before,  that  the  president  should 
be  requested  to  lay  before  the  senate,  if  in  his  judgment  the  public  in- 
terests would  not  be  prejudiced  by  his  so  doing,  a  copy  of  any  instructions 
■which  may  have  been  given  by  the  executive  to  the  American  minister  in 
England  on  the  subject  of  the  title  to,  and  occupation  of,  Oregon  since 
the  4th  day  of  March  1841,  with  a  copy  of  any  correspondence  which  might 
have  passed  between  the  United  States  government  and  that  of  Great 
Britain  in  relation  to  that  subject  since  that  time.  Id.,  28tk  Con;/.,  1st  Sess., 
pt.  ii.  9S-104.  The  tone  and  manner  of  this  debate  show  a  jealousy  in  the 
senate  of  the  power  of  the  executive  to  place  the  nation  in  a  certain  position 
toward  another  power  of  which  it  might  not  approve.  Allen  referred  to  a 
declaration  of  Lord  Palmerston  in  the  house  of  commons,  March  21,  1S43, 
that  if  the  senate  had  passed  a  bill,  as  reported,  'for  immediately  taking 
forcible  possession  of  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon ;  and  if  the  senator  who 
brought  in  the  bill  had  expressed  his  conviction  that  the  American  claim 
would  immediately  be  acquiesced  in  by  Great  Britain,  if  it  was  only  urged,  in 
what  he  was  pleased  to  call  a  proper  manner,  it  is  impossible,  I  conceive,  that 
this  lull  should  pass  the  other  branches  of  the  legislature ;  but  if  it  were  to 
pass,  and  to  be  acted  upon,  it  would  be  a  declaration  of  war.'  In  partial 
opposition  to  this  Allen  also  quoted  from  Sir  Robert  Peel,  who  had  reminded 
Lord  Palmerston  that  he  had  '  made  no  allowance  for  the  position  of  a  govern- 
ment so  open  to  popular  influence  as  that  of  America.  We,  however,  deal 
with  the  executive  government  and  not  with  the  senate.  We  have  proposed  to 
that  government  to  consider  the  means  of  effecting  a  conciliatory  adjustment 
respecting  the  Oregon  Territory,  and  have  met  with  no  repulse,  but  have 
received  assurances  in  reply  to  our  proposition,  that  the  executive  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  is  anxious  to  come  to  an  adjustment  of  that  ques- 
tion; and  we  have  every  reason  to  hope  that  unless  we  revive  the  former 
animosity,  and  embitter  the  feelings  between  the  two  countries,  an  attempt 
to  settle  the  question  by  negotiation  will  be  satisfactory.  The  noble  lord  says 
the  senate  has  passed  a  bill  which  I  believe  it  has  not  passed.  [Linn's  bill, 
passed  February  6,  1S43.]  I  think  the  votes  were  equally  divided;  but  what- 
ever the  senate  may  do,  it  is  impossible  for  the  executive  government  to  ap- 
prove of  such  a  bill,  after  having  expressed  a  desire  to  negotiate.  The  noble 
lord  says  the  adoption  of  that  bill  would  be  a  cause  of  w^ar.  I  will  not  discuss 
hypothetical  causes  of  war,  when,  as  I  have  said,  the  executive  government 
has  signified  to  us  its  desire  to  maintain  peace,  and  to  effect  a  satisfactory 
adjustment  of  the  question  of  the  Oregon  Territory.  I  trust  in  the  assurances 
of  the  executive  government,  and  I  will  not  believe  that  it  will  give  its 
consent  to  a  legislative  measure  at  variance  with  those  assurances.'  'The 
president  is  here  told,'  said  Allen,  'that  he  has  already  so  far  pledged  this 
government  to  that  of  England,  on  the  Oregon  Question,  as  to  render  it  im- 
possible for  him  to  sanction  such  a  bill  as  that  which  passed  the  senate.  Con- 
gress is  here  told  that  its  action  will  be  unavailing,  as  the  president  stands 
pledged  to  Great  Britain  to  interpose  the  veto  power.  Now,  sir,  this  declara- 
tion of  the  English  minister  is  either  true,  or  the  contrary;  and  in  either  case, 
and  for  equal  reasons,  the  president  should  inform  congress  of  the  actual  state 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  COURSE.  395 

the  people  in  censuring  President  Tyler's  course 
towards  Great  Britain,  as  weakly  conciliatory.  They 
wanted  an  executive  qoI  afraid  to  assert  the  right  of 
the  United  States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,8  and  were 


of  the  facts;  because,  whether  true,  or  the  contrary,  it  equally  relates  to 
the  action  of  congress.1  Allen  referred  to  the  sacrifices  made  of  territory  in 
the  recent  settlement  of  the  north-eastern  boundary,  from  fear  of  disturbing 
the  harmony  of  the  two  countries,  and  the  same  sacrifices  were  likely  to  occur 
in  the  contemplated  negotiations.  Archer  considered  Allen's  remarks  as 
tantamount  to  a  determination  to  have  war,  rather  than  yield  an  acre  >  I 
territory,  and  thought,  that  since  England  wished  to  negotiate  at  our  own 
door,  dining  the  period  of  a  peace  mutually  agreed  upon,  it  was  an  attitude 
that  ought  not  to  be  maintained.  Mr  Morehead  considered  it  only  proper 
under  the  circumstances,  to  leave  the  president  to  the  exercise  of  his  legiti- 
mate functions,  and  the  senate  to  theirs.  He  was  not  so  sensitive  as  the 
senator  from  Ohio,  to  the  declarations  of  the  British  parliament;  they  were 
worth  as  much  as  those  of  the  United  States  senate,  and  no  more,  and  neither 
bound  their  respective  governments.  Benton  spoke  in  favor  of  the  resolu- 
tion; and  contended  that  the  senate  had  a  right  to  assist  in  the  formation  of 
a  treaty  before  it  was  made,  and  consequently  a  right  to  know  the  state  oi 
every  negotiation  before  it  was  concluded.  The  constitution  said  the  presi- 
dent was  to  make  treaties  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate. 
President  Washington  had  given  the  example  of  consulting  the  senate,  of 
which  Benton  adduced  examples.  The  practice  had,  however,  been  departed 
from.  The  treaty  of  1842  was  an  example  of  this  departure;  but  the  treaty 
was  made  and  ratified,  as  it  would  not  have  been  if  the  senate  had  been  con- 
sulted beforehand.  'In  this  way  a  treaty  was  carried  through  this  body ,  which 
was,  in  fact,  almost  unanimously  disapproved,  and  Which  has  since  subjecti  d 
us  to  the  keenest  ridicule  of  the  British  parliament.'  A  similar  case  was  now 
pending,  and  the  president  had  asked  no  advice;  the  senate  had  offered  none. 
There  was  a  bill  before  the  senate,  the  same  as  had  before  been  passed,  which 
Mr  Robert  Peel  had  pronounced  impossible  for  the  president  to  sign.  Why 
could  not  the  president  sign  it,  if  it  passed  both  houses?  The  facts  should  be 
known,  if  the  president  is  really  committed  to  Great  Britain  on  this  point. 
As  regarded  the  resolution,  the  right  to  information  was  clear.  .Mr  Berrien 
denied  the  right  of  the  senate  to  call  for  any  information  relative  to  the  presi- 
dent's negotiations  with  foreign  powers,  or  to  throw  upon  him  the  responsi- 
bility of  refusing  it.  The  right  was  not  expressed  in  the  resolution,  which 
requested  the  president,  if  in  his  judgment  he  thought  best,  to  furnish  the 
information.  The  practice  of  the  first  president  had  long  since  hern  discon- 
tinued, and  would  at  present  lie  inexpedient.  To  make  public  the  instn.< 
to  tin-  American  minister,  would  have  an  injurious  influence  on  the  prop  «i  d 
negotiations.  The  instructions  of  the  British  government  would  remain 
while  those  of  the  United  States  would  be  exposed.  He  urged  the  senate,  in 
case  the  resolution  was  not  withdrawn,  to  reject  it.  A  sharp  disi  u  don  fol- 
lowed on  the  propriety  of  passing  the  resolution.  Mr  Crittenden  thought  it 
the  right  of  the  senate  to  do  so.  if  they  thought  proper,  bu1  thai 
pedient.     Mr  Buchanan  would  vote  advice  to  the  president,  if  he  should  find, 

the  instructions  had  been  received,  that  this  was  neo 
tie-  country  from  any  improper  sacrifice.     He  hoped  the  author  of  tin-  resolu- 
tion would  permit  it  to  he  laid  upon  tin-  table,  and   thai    Q<    v         ! 
similar  one  in  executive  session.    The  question  being  taken  on  thi  a  lop 
the  resolution,  it  was  rejected  by  31  nays  to  14  yeas.    I 
1st  S  88.,   pt.  'J.  !IS    104. 

6 An  election  trad    published  by  the  Democratic  Association  of  Wash- 
ington City,  and  entitled  Oregon,  commences :  'Whether  Oregon  shall  remain 


393  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

willing  and  anxious  to  support  him  in  doing  so.  The 
election  of  Mr  Polk  to  the  presidency  having  been 
secured,  increased  and  strengthened  the  excitement 
concerning  the  title  to  Oregon,  and  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  second  session  of  the  twenty-eighth  con- 
gress,7 the  question  came  up  almost  immediately,  in 

ours,  or  is  to  be  surrendered  to  Great  Britain,  is  one  of  the  questions  to  be 
settled  in  the  presidential  election  of  1S±4;  for  whilst  James  K.  Polk  is 
pledged  to  retain  the  whole  of  this  great  territory,  Henry  Clay  is  also 
pledged  to  surrender  nearly  one  half  of  it  to  England.  In  his  letter  of  April 
'23,  1844,  James  K.  Polk  declared  that  'the  authority  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  be  established  and  maintained'  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  and  'let  the 
fixed  policy  of  our  government  be,  not  to  permit  Great  Britain,  or  any  other 
foreign  power,  to  plant  a  colony,  or  hold  dominion  over  any  portion  of  the 
people  or  territory.'  The  democratic  national  convention  of  Baltimore,  which 
nominated  Mr  Polk  for  the  presidency,  unanimously  resolved  '  that  our  title 
to  the  whole  of  the  territory  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable;  that 
no  portion  of  the  same  ought  to  be  ceded  to  England  or  any  other  power. ' 
On  the  other  hand  it  was  urged  against  Mr  Clay,  that  in  1826,  while  secretary 
of  state,  in  his  instructions  to  Mr  Gallatin,  he  first  declared  that  Groat  Brit- 
ain had  not,  and  could  not  make  out  '  even  a  colorable  title  to  any  portion  of 
the  Northwest  Coast.'  Yet  in  the  same  communication  he  had  authorized 
Mr  Gallatin  to  'propose  the  annulment  of  the  convention  of  1818,  and  the 
extension  of  the  line  on  the  parallel  of  49°,  from  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Stony  Mountains,  where  it  then  terminated,  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,'  together 
with  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  should  the  49th  parallel  cross  any 
navigable  branch  of  that  river.  The  writer  held  that  by  this  official  commu- 
nication Mr  Clay  was  pledged  to  give  up  all  north  of  49°,  and  hence  was  not 
a  suitable  representative  of  the  nation.  On  such  unexpected  events  do 
the  fortunes  of  men  turn!  There  is  much  more  in  the  tract,  for  which  I  have 
not  room. 

7  Mr  Atchison  on  Dec.  19,  1844,  introduced  a  bill  to  '  organize  the  govern- 
ment of  Oregon,  and  for  other  purposes.'  A  debate  ensued,  on  an  attempt 
being  made  to  refer  it  to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  which  was 
known  to  be  unfriendly  to  any  bill  of  like  import;  Atchison,  Benton,  and 
Bagby  of  Alabama,  urging  its  reference  to  the  committee  on  territories,  while 
Archer,  Morehead,  and  Woodbury  opposed  it.  The  bill  was  finally  referred 
to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  where  it  seems  to  have  been  quietly 
disposed  of.  Cong.  Globe,  28th  Cony.,  2d  Sess.,  38,  48.  On  Jan.  13,  1845,  a 
petition  was  presented  to  the  senate  by  Allen  of  Ohio,  with  the  proceedings 
and  resolutions  of  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Zanesville,  Ohio,  in  favor  of 
the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  and  for  the  extension  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  by  the  erection  of  a  territorial  government  over  the 
territory  of  Oregon.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  foreign 
relations.  Id.,  128.  Meantime  the  house  sent  in  a  bill,  which  was  reported 
back  with  an  amendment.  In  February,  another  bill  from  the  house,  for  the 
organization  of  a  territorial  government  over  Oregon,  was  presented  in  the 
senate,  and  reported  back  with  an  amendment,  like  the  former.  Id.,  256.  On 
the  3d  of  March,  Atchison  moved  to  postpone  previous  orders,  and  take  up 
the  house  bill  (439)  to  organize  a  territorial  government  in  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, and  for  other  purposes.  A  debate  on  the  propriety  of  considering  such 
a  bill  during  the  pending  negotiations  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  session  fol- 
lowed, in  which  it  was  evident  the  measure  would  be  crowded  out,  as  it  had 
bciii  postponed  during  the  session.  On  the  motion  to  postpone  previous  or- 
ders, and  take  up  the  Oregon  bill,  the  vote  stood  21  for,  and  23  against  it. 
Id.,  3S7-S. 


POLK'S  MESSAGE.  337 

both  houses,  though  in  the  senate  it  was  not  permitted 
to  go  beyond  an  occasional  debate  on  the  propriety  of 
discussing  the  question  at  all,  during  the  consideration 
of  it  by  tlie  plenipotentiaries. 

All  scruples  of  the  nature  professed  by  the  senate 
were  weakened,  if  not  removed,  by  the  inaugural 
address  of  President  Polk,  who  asserted  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  "maintain,  by  all  constitutional  means,  the 
right  of  the  United  States  to  that  portion  of  our  ter- 
ritory which  lies  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Our 
title  to  the  country  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  unques- 
tionable; and  already  are  our  people  preparing  to  per- 
fect that  title  by  occupying  it  witli  their  wives  and 
children."  He  declared  it  the  duty  of  congress  to 
protect  the  Oregon  emigrants;  and  that  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  should  be  extended  over  them  in 
the  distant  region  they  had  selected  for  their  homes, 
and  that  every  obligation  imposed  by  treaty  or  con- 
ventional stipulations  should  be  sacredly  respected.8 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  agitation  in  the 
United  States  was  passing  unobserved  in  England.'' 
Mr  Roebuck  asked  Sir  Robert  Peel,  in  the  house  of 
commons,  what  measures  had  been  taken  to  counter- 
act the  efforts  in  the  United  States  congress,  to  annex 
Oregon;  asserting  with  a  spirit  even  more  partisan 
than  that  of  the  Oregon  emigrants,  that  the  United 
States  had  no  rights  west  of  the  Rock}^  Mountains."1 
Lord  John  Russell  also  reviewed  the  title  to  Oregon, 
in  the  house  of  commons,  April  4,  1845,  on  the  ground 
taken  by  Falconer,  citing  also  Farnham  and  Wilkes; 
saying  that  he  had  been  informed  that  there  were 
twenty  thousand  persons  in  the   Oregon   Territory, 

8  Conn.  Cfobe,  1844-5,  39a 

9  Tin;  London  Times  said  that  'President  Polk's  messagi  terms 
of  war,  or  conclusive  negotiation.  War  was  too  mon  bro  to  bi  thoughtof, 
except  after  every  effort  at  a  compromise  had  been  exhausted,'  etc.  Or.  - 
tutor,  Sept.  :;.  1846.  'The  president".-  message  met  \\i:Ii  v(  ■  .  g<  Q(  ral  favor, 
and  was  considered  a  fair  and  statesman-like  document,  both  at  home  and 
abroad.'  Id.,  Sept.  17.  1846. 

10 Hansard's  Pari.  D<J>'0<<,  7s,  IZo-G. 


398  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

scarcely  one  hundred  of  whom  were  Americans.  He 
asserted  moreover,  that  there  was  no  port  in  all  Ore- 
gon except  the  Columbia  River,  and  gave  a  history  of 
the  negotiations  of  1824,  referring  to  the  declaration 
of  President  Monroe,  that  colonization  would  not  be 
thereafter  allowed  on  the  American  continent;  which 
position,  as  well  as  the  right  of  the  United  States  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon,  he  said  the  British  commission- 
ers had  denied,  and  should  continue  to  deny.11 

In  answer  to  a  call  for  information  on  the  subject 
of  the  pending  negotiations,  Sir  Robert  Peel  replied, 
as  he  had  replied  to  Mr  Roebuck,  by  professing  igno- 
rance of  the  state  of  affairs,  as  the  correspondence 
had  not  yet  been  made  public. 

On  the  same  day,  the  subject  being  under  discussion 
in  the  house  of  lords,  it  was  inquired  by  Lord  Claren- 
don what  course  her  majesty's  government  would 
pursue,  under  the  circumstances,12  and  answered  by 

11  The  boundary  proposed  by  Mr  Canning  in  1824,  Lord  Russell  declared 
with  much  reason  to  be  '  giving  a  very  considerable  territory  to  the  United 
States.  It  was  giving  them  a  valley  watered  by  a  river  as  large  as  the  Colum- 
bia where  it  joins  the  McGillivray,  called  the  Willoughley  (Willamette?  i.  and 
all  the  territory  south  of  the  Columbia,  and  between  the  Columbia  and  the  42d 
parallel,  where  the  British  possessions  commenced. '  This,  Lord  Russell  thought 
as  fair  as  the  United  States  could  reasonably  expect;  and  it  had  been  rejected, 
while  the  United  States,  instead,  claimed  the  whole;  and  the  president  had 
called  upon  the  people,  with  their  wives  and  children,  to  go  and  occupy  it. ' 
No  offer  should  be  made  granting  more  than  Mr  Canning  had  proposed.  Han- 
sard's Pari.  Debates,  lxxix.  17S-201;  Id.,  1323;  Id.,  lxxi.  402;  Id.,  lxxii.  229. 

lL'  Lord  Clarendon  resented  the  tone  of  Mr  Polk's  inaugural,  on  the  question 
of  the  Oregon  boundary,  and  spoke  of  this,  and  other  indications,  as  '  cir- 
cumstances which  seem  but  too  probable  from  the  extraordinary  tone  of  the 
president's  address,  and  the  apparently  studied  neglect  of  that  courtesy  and 
deferential  language  which  the  governments  of  different  countries  are  wont  to 
observe  when  publicly  treating  of  international  questions.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  believe  that  any  negotiations  upon  this  subject  are  pending,  or 
that  they  have  ever  been  commenced,  or  even  proposed,  if  we  are  to  draw 
from  the  president's  speech  the  inference  which  it  must  naturally  suggest;  for 
not  only  does  he  not  make  the  slightest  allusion  to  them,  but  he  formally 
announces  that  the  right  of  the  Americans  to  the  Oregon  Territory  is  clear 
and  unquestionable ;  and  it  is  consequently  difficult  to  understand  upon  what 
ground  he  could  justify  the  right  of  their  government  to  negotiate  at  all  upon 
a  matter  not  doubtful;  for  whatever  predilection  they  may  have  for  acquiring 
what  does  not  belong  to  them,  they  certainly  exhibit  none  for  giving  up  what 
is  indisputably  their  own;  and  if  their  government  accordingly  did  consent  to 
negotiate,  it  would  seem  that  it  could  only  be  upon  the  basis  that  England 
was  unconditionally  to  surrender  her  pretensions  to  whatever  might  be 
claimed  by  the  United  States.'  Lord  Aberdeen,  to  whom  the  inquiries  of 
Lord  Clarendon  were  addressed,  declined  going  into  explanations,  but  said, 


IN  PARLIAMENT.  309 

Lord  Aberdeen,  that  "England  had  her  rights  and 
dare  maintain  them,"  as  the  sentiinenl  was  repeated  in 
( )regon  by  Lieutenant  Peel. 

It  must  be  understood  that  while  the  diplomatic 
representatives  of  both  nations  expressed  their  views 
always  calmly  and  with  courtesy,  though  using  all 
their  skill  to  keep  out  of  sight  the  weak  points  in 
their  respective  arguments,  outside  of  these  negotia- 
tions such  moderation  was  by  no  means  observed.  We 
have  presented  some  specimens  of  the  tone  in  parlia- 
ment and  in  congress,  and  that  of  newspaper  arti- 
cles may  be  easily  imagined.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  many  Englishmen  and  many  Americans  believed 
in  the  justice  of  their  country's  exclusive  right  to 
Oregon;  and  it  is  therefore  not  strange  that  there 
was  much  popular  declamation,  threatening,  and  even 
bluster.  The  Americans  proposed  to  take  possession 
of  a  country  that  belonged  to  them;  any  hint  from 
English  sources  at  possible  resistance  was  received  as 
an  insult  and  a  wrong,  and  vice  versa.  The  most 
preposterous  rumors  of  intended  outrages  on  settlers 

'I  -wish  to  state  that  the  negotiation  which  has  taken  place,  and  is  still  pending 
upon  this  subject,  was  commenced  immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  1  reaty 
Oi  Washington  in  1842, '  and  adverted  to  President  Tyler's  answer  to  the  senate, 
given  on  February  19,  1S45,  that  the  negotiation  was  being  carried  on  in  a  very 
amicable  spirit,  and  there  was  reason  to  hope  that  it  might  be  brought  to  a 
close  within  a  short  period.  This  was  the  latest  information  he  had  on  the 
subject.  The  new  cabinet  was  not  yet  formed,  and  nothing  Mas  known  of  its 
temper.  As  for  Great  Britain,  her  position  was  the  same  as  in  1818..  'I  am 
accustomed,'  said  Lord  Aberdeen,  'almost  daily  to  sec  myself  characterized  as 
pusillanimous,  cowardly,  mean,  dastardly,  truckling,  and  base.  I  bopi  I 
need  no1  say  that  I  view  these  appellations  with  indifference.  I  view  them, 
indeed,  really  with  satisfaction,  because  I  know  perfectly  well  wli.it  they 
mean,  and  how  they  ought  to  be,  and  are  translated.  I  feel  perfect  ly  satisfied 
tii.it  thes  vituperative  tern  is  are  to  be  translated  as  applicable  to  conduct  con- 
i  ii  nt  w  it  ii  jus,  ire,  reason,  moderation,  and  common-sense.  My  lords,  I  consider 
war  to  ]>,■  t  ho  greatest  folly,  if  not  the  greatest  crime  of  which  a  country  could 
be     ml'    .   i  ttered  into.'     His  Lordship  concluded  bj    saying  that 

'we  possess  rights,  which,  in  our  opinion,  are  clear  and  unque  tionable;  and 
by  thi                     God,  and  your  Bupport,  those  rights  w<    ire 
to  maintain.'  Hansards  fur/.    Debates,  Lxxix.  115-24.    Lord  Clarendon 
quoted  tin'  langui i  President  Polk  concerning  emigration  I  ■  ' 

li  that  Great  Britain  was  not  actuated   'bj   a  d<    ire  for 
andizement,  but  by  a  sincere  love  of  peace,  and   i  most     Lendly 

i     ited  States.1     But,  on  the  other  band,  hi   wa    equally 
sure  i!i  i     E  Great  Britain  would  be  determined  nol   I 

own  undeniabl  bments,  or  clamor,  or  menace.  Id. 


400  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

by  British  trappers  and  their  savage  allies  were  widely 
credited.  Errors  in  statement  of  historical  fact,  so 
common  on  both  sides  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  dis- 
pute, were  pointed  out  as  deliberate  falsehoods,  and 
corrected  with  an  air  of  triumph.  In  congress  a  Mon- 
treal paper  was  quoted,  to  the  effect  that  but  a  'small 
meal'  would  be  made  of  the  troops  of  the  'free  and 
enlightened;'  and  an  old  Indian,  that  the  "crows  will 
soon  be  picking  out  their  eyes."13  In  England  less 
was  said  and  written  on  the  subject,  and  in  a  quieter 
tone;  yet  the  friends  of  the  fur  company  were  not  in- 
active; and  in  the  little  that  was  said  on  this  topic 
there  appeared  from  time  to  time  the  insulting  sneer 
by  which  the  Briton  delights  to  make  himself  offen- 
sive, above  all  men  who  dwell  on  earth. 

The  twenty-ninth  congress  opened  with  a  message 
from  President  Polk,  that  promised  the  advocates  of 
'all  of  Oregon  or  none,'  the  consummation  of  their 
hopes.  He  gave  a  full  history  of  the  past  negotia- 
tions with  Great  Britain,  and  declared  that  the  civil- 
ized world  would  see  in  these  proceedings  a  spirit  of 
liberal  concession  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  their  government  would  be  relieved  from  all 
responsibility  which  might  follow  the  failure  to  settle 
the  controversy.14 

13  Cong.  Globe,  2Sth  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  ii.  244. 

14  'All  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  con- 
gress to  consider  what  measures  it  may  be  proper  to  adopt  for  the  security 
and  protection  of  our  citizens  now  inhabiting,  or  who  may  hereafter  inhabit, 
Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory.  In  adopting 
measures  for  this  purpose,  care  should  be  taken  that  nothing  be  done  to  violate 
the  stipulations  of  the  convention  of  1 S27,  which  is  still  in  force. . . .  Under 
that  convention,  a  year's  notice  is  required  to  be  given  by  either  party  to  the 
other,  before  the  joint  occupancy  shall  terminate,  and  before  either  can 
rightfully  assert  or  exercise  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  any  portion  cf  the  ter- 
ritory. This  notice  it  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  proper  to  give;  and  I 
recommend  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  giving  it  accordingly,  and 
terminating,  in  this  manner,  the  convention  of  the  Gth  of  August  1827.  It 
will  become  proper  for  congress  to  determine  what  legislation  they  can  in  the 
mean  time  adopt,  without  violating  this  convention.  Beyond  all  question,  the 
protection  of  our  laws,  and  our  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  ought  to  be 
immediately  extended  over  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  They  have  had  just 
cause  to  complain  of  our  long  neglect  in  this  particular,  and  have,  in  conse- 
quence, been  compelled,  for  their  own  security  and  protection,  to  establish  a 


'FIFTY-FOUR  FORTY  OR  FIGHT.1  401 

There  is  a  statemenl  by  Eolmes  of  South  Car- 
olina, thai  it  was  a  speech  by  Calhoun  in  the  senate, 
thai  caused  "public  opinion  fco  wane  from  its  high 
tone,  the  pulse  of  warto  beal  fainter  and  fainter,  until 
;,t  Lasi  the  presidenl  perceived  there  was  an  energy 
in  the  people  that  must  com.'  down  like  a  voice  of 
thunder  againsl  his  measures;"  thus  throwing  the 
'fifty-four  forty'  party  measures  upon  the  shoulders  of 
Polk,  instead  of  upon  the  people,  whom  he  was  trying 

tO    follow. 

Ee  recommended  that  notice  should  be  given  to 
Great  Britain  of  the  abrogation  of  the  then  existing 
convention,  that  the  laws  of  the  United  States  should 
be  extended  over  Oregon,  with  as  little  delay  as  pos- 
sible; thai  laws  governing  their  intercourse  with  the 
Indian  tribes  of  the  plains  should  be  extended  beyond 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  an  Indian  agency  be  es- 
tablished in  Oregon;  that  for  the  protection  of  emi- 
grants, a  suitable  number  of  stockades  and  block-houses 
for  forts  should  be  erected  along  the  usual  route  be- 
tween the  Missouri  frontier  and  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
and  that  an  adequate  force  of  mounted  riflemen  be 
raised  to  guard  and  protect  them  on  their  journey. 
He  recommended  also  the  establishment  of  an  over- 
land mail,  to  be  carried  once  a  month.  Whether 
more  than  this  could  be  done  before  the  expiration  of 
the  year's  notice,  he  left  it  for  congress  to  decide.  He 
avowed  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  pioneers  of  Oregon 
should  receive  donations  of  land;  that  to  doubt  that 
this  would  be  done  as  soon  as  the  convention  was 
annulled,  was  to  doubt  the  justice  of  congress;  and 
pending  the  year's  notice,  it  was  worthy  of  considera- 
tion whether  such  a  promise  might  not  be  made  to 
emigrants. 

••At    the    end    of    the    year's    notice,"    said     Polk, 

provj  imenl  for  themselves.     Theyare  anxious  to  haveourlaws 

.:,,[  over  them,  and  I  recommend  that  this  be  done  bj  congress,  with 

as  little  deL  e,  in  the  fall  extent  to  which  the  British  parliament 

have  pi sded  in  regard  to  British  subjects  in  that  territory,  bj  theu 

July  2,  1821.    I 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    20 


40-2  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

should  congress  think  proper  to  give  that  notice,  "wo 
shall  have  reached  a  period  when  the  national  rights 
in  Oregon  must  either  be  abandoned,  or  firmly  main- 
tained. That  they  cannot  be  abandoned  without  a 
sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and  interest,  is  too  clear 
to  admit  of  doubt."  15 

Congress  took  the  president  at  his  word.  The  first 
business  brought  before  the  house  was  the  considera- 
tion of  a  petition  from  the  legislature  of  Oregon.16 

The  petition  asked  for  all  those  things  which  the 
president  had  suggested  granting,  and  more.  It  called 
for  lands  to  be  surveyed  as  well  as  donated ;  for  navy- 
yards,  and  for  the  establishment  of  commercial  regula- 
tions that  should  enable  them  to  compete  successfully 
with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  The  petition  was 
ordered  to  be  printed,  and  was  afterwards  referred  to 
the  committee  on  territories. 

On  the  19th  of  December,  Douglas  of  Illinois  re- 
ported a  bill  in  the  house  to  protect  the  rights  of 
American  settlers  in  the  territory  of  Oregon,  until 
the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  same. 
Bowlin  of  Missouri  also  submitted  a  number  of  reso- 
lutions, for  surveying  the  waters  of  Oregon  and  explor- 
ing it  by  land;  for  sending  troops  to  aid  and  protect 
the  emigrants;  for  establishing  an  Indian  agency,  and 
providing  for  the  gradual  extinguishment  of  the  Indian 
title;  for  commencing  the  public  surveys;  for  organ- 
izing the  militia  of  Oregon,  and  arming  it  for  self-de- 
fence; and  for  establishing  a  mail  to  Oregon  by  means 
of  small  detachments  of  otherwise  unemployed  soldiers. 
The  resolutions  were  laid  over  for  debate. 

The  memorial  from  the  legislature  of  Oregon  was 
ordered  to  be  printed  for  reference  to  the  committee 
of  the  whole  on  the  state  of  the  union.      Douglas  on 

13  Cong.  Globe,  xv.  7.  Mr  Polk  here  enunciated  the  doctrines  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  of  that  period.  '  The  United  States,  sincerely  desirous  of  pre- 
serving the  relations  of  good  understanding  with  all  nations,  cannot  in  silence 
permit  any  European  interference  on  the  North  American  continent,  and 
should  any  such  interference  be  attempted,  will  be  ready  to  resist  it,  at  any 
and  all  hazards.'  /(/. 

lu  Cong.  Globe,  xv.  12. 


BRITISH  STATESMEN".  403 

the  following  day  offered  some  resolutions  in  relation 
to  Oregon."  On  the  9th  of  January  L846,  Bowlin 
introduced  a  bill  in  the  house  for  the  organization  of 
a  territorial  government  in  Oregon. 

The  position  of  affairs  with  regard  to  the  Oregon 
Question  at  the  opening  of  congress,  was  such  that,  do 
whal  they  would,  the  national  legislators  could  nol  well 
make  it  worse.  Negotiations  were  suspended,  owing 
to  the  wholly  irreconcilable  views  of  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries. One  party  or  the  other  would  have  to  yield, 
or  the  question  would  have  to  be  submitted  to  arbi- 
tration. This  the  United  States  government  declined/8 
and  democratic  senators  denounced. 

Nor  were  the  members  of  the  British  parliament 
silent  in  those  days.  Lord  John  Russell,  the  leader 
of  the  whig  party  in  England,  and  others,  spoke 
somewhat   freely  on   the   subject,  so  much  so  as   t  i 

17 '  1st.  Resolved,  That  the  title  to  any  part  of  the  Oregon  territorysouthi  »f5 1" 
40'  of  north  latitude  is  not  open  to  compromise  so  as  to  surrender  any  pari  i  f 
said  territory.  2d.  Resolved,  That  the  question  of  title  to  that  territory  should 
not  be  left  open  to  arbitration.'     Laid  over  for  debate.   Cong.  Globt  .  K\  .  86. 

18 'There  are  obvious  considerations  into  "which  I  need  not  enter  here,  grow- 
ing outof  the  relative  situation  of  that  country  and  ours  with  those  powers 
i  t  Europe  from  \\  limn  an  arbitrator  would  almost  necessarily  be  selected,  and 
out  of  the  influence  she  possesses  over  their  counsel,  and,  1  may  add.  grow  ing 
out  of  the  nature  of  our  institutions,  and  the  little  favor  these  enjoy  at  present 
upon  the  east,  in  continent,  which  may  well  have  made  the  governmi  n1  I-  ■ 
tate  fcosubmit  important  interests,  at  this  particular  juncture,  to  such  a.  tribu- 
nal. It  may  well  have  thought  it  better  to  hold  on  to  our  right,  and  to  hold 
on  also  to  our  remedy,  rather  than  commit  both  to  a  royal  arbitrator.  War  is  a 
great  calamity,  and  ought  to  be  avoided  by  all  proper  means:  but  there  are 
calamities  greater  than  war.  and  among  these  is  national  dishonor.1  I 
the  senate.  Cong,  Globe,  29th  Cong.,  lslSess.,45.  'I  am  sure  there  is  no 
party,  and  I  trust  there  are  few  individuals  in  this  country  who  are  prepared, 

even  in  an  extreme  spirit  of  compromise,  to  accept  the  st  Liberal  offer  that 

England  has  yet  made.     Her  pretensions  and  ours  are  so  widely  sep 
thatr  no  middle  ground  on  which  to  meet.     Our  mo 

claim,  and  her  most  liberal  offer,  Leave  the  parties  asunder  bj  si  ven  di 
of  Latitude,  and  by  a  large  portion  of  the  territory  in  question.     What  then 
is  our  condition  ?    Canwerecede?    Can  we  stand  still ;  ormust  • 
.\-  to  receding,  it  i-  neither  to  be  discussed  nor  though!  of.     I  refer  to 
to  denounce  it     a  denunciation  which  will  find  a  response  in  everj  Ami 
bosom.     Nothing  is  ever  gained  by  national  pusillanimity.     And  the  © 
which    seeks  to   purchase   temporary  security    by   yielding   to  unjusl    pn 
,  .  buys  present  ease  a1  the  expense  of  permanent  honor  and 
thewind  toreap  the  whirlwind.    Ihave  i 
here,  that  it  is  better  to  fight  for  the  first  inch  of  national  ten  it 
the  last.     It  is  better  to  defend  fche  door-sill  than  the  hearth-stone     the  pop  h 
than  the  altar.'  Id. 


404  THE  OREGON"  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

render  justifiable  in  the  eyes  of  many  the  belligerent 
tone  of  the  twenty-ninth  congress.19  The  remarks  of 
Cass  were  made  on  his  introducing  some  resolutions 
in  the  senate,  inquiring  into  the  condition  of  the  na- 
tional defences.  Mangum  of  North  Carolina,  in  dis- 
cussing the  resolutions,  said,  that  though  he  should 
deplore  a  war,  it  was  to  be  preferred  to  surrender- 
ing the  rights  of  the  United  States  or  compromising 
their  honor.'20  He,  however,  thought  the  resolutions 
unnecessarily  pressed  on  the  senate,  and  was  willing 
to  leave  everything  with  the  executive.     Allen  hoped 

19  'The  president  of  the  United  States  has  made,  as  I  have  already  read  to 
the  house,  a  peremptory  claim  to  the  whole  of  this  territory.  He  has  claimed 
the  whole  possession  of  it  for  the  United  States,  and  has  in  an  unusual  man- 
ner called  upon  the  people  of  the  United  States,  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, to  occupy  that  territory.  That  district  is  becoming,  on  account  of  the 
ports  on  the  Columbia  Eiver,  more  important  every  year.  After  that  state- 
ment of  the  president  of  the  United  States,  I  consider  it  impossible  that  her 
majesty's  government  should  not  endeavor  to  obtain  a  speedy  solution  of  this 
question.  I  am  sure  they  will  find  it  impossible  to  allow  the  present  unde- 
fined and  unsettled  state  of  relations  between  the  two  countries  to  continue 
without  danger;  that  the  people  of  the  United  States,  acting  upon  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  president,  may  endeavor  to  disturb  British  subjects  in  rights  which 
they  hold  in  virtue  of  existing  treaties,  and  may  produce  a  state  of  things 
dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  two  countries.  For  my  own  part,  I  will  say,  in 
all  moderation,  that  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  this  country  ought  to  put 
forward  any  arrogant  pretensions.  I  do  not  pretend  to  define — what  it  properly 
belongs  to  her  majesty's  advisers  to.  define — the  diplomatic  proposals  that 
should  be  made,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say  what  line  ought  to  be  laid  down; 
but  this  I  will  say,  that  I  do  not  think  we  can  make  any  proposal  which  will 
be  less  than  the  proposal  made  by  Mr  Canning  [that  was  the  line  on  the  parallel 
of  49°,  to  the  Columbia,  near  its  mouth],  with  any  regard  for  our  own  interest 
or  our  own  honor.  [Bringing  the  49th  parallel  near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
shows  the  geographical  knowledge  of  his  lordship.]  I  may  be  told  that  it  does 
not  matter  if  this  rocky  and  barren  territory  should  be  claimed  or  occupied 
by  the  United  States.  Yes,  sir,  I  must  say  it  does  matter.  It  cannot  be  a 
matter  of  indifference  that  a  large  territory,  to  which  we  have  a  better  and  a 
j uster  title,  should  be  yielded  to  what  I  must  call  a  blustering  announcement 
on  the  part  of  the  president  of  the  United  States.'  London  Morning  Chronicle, 
April  5,  1845,  Report  o/Parliamt  ntary  Pro,:,  edings.  Sir  Robert  Peel  also  said 
on  the  same  occasion:  'We  trust  still  to  arrive  at  an  amicable  adjustment  of 
our  claim;  but,  having  exhausted  every  effort  for  the  settlement,  if  our  rights 
shall  be  invaded,  we  are  resolved,  and  we  are  prepared,  to  maintain  them.' 
Id.,  Cong.  Globe,  xv.  49,  Lord  Ashburton  was  of  opinion  there  would  be  no 
war.  'It  would  be  madness,'  he  said,  'to  become  involved  in  war  for  a 
country  worthless  in  itself,  and  for  a  mere  question  of  honor,  for  it  was  im- 
possible to  deny  that  both  countries  had  pretensions  to  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute.'   Hansard's  Pari.  Debates,  lxxxiv.  1112-20. 

20  Whenever  that  extreme  measure  shall  have  been  determined  on,  and  the 
vote  by  yeas  and  nays  recorded  on  our  journals,  he  believed  there  would  not 
be  found  in  the  senate,  or  in  the  country,  a  single  anti-war  man.  'No,  sir; 
differ  among  ourselves  on  all  minor  questions  as  we  may,  whatever  collisions 
of  opinion  there  may  be  among  us  on  mere  party  topics,  or  subjects  of  domestic 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  403 

the  resolutions  would  pass  without  the  obstruction 
of  a  solitary  vote.  To  rejed  them  would  be  to  vir- 
tually declare  that  they  would  not  prepare  for  any 
emergency  that  might  arise  from  their  foreign  re- 
lations, a  position  which  the  United  States  should 
ii. .1  assume.  "Great  Britain,"  he  said,  "is  a  power 
whose  policy  is  known  throughout  the  civilized  world, 
and  need  not  be  defined.  Great  Britain  is  a  power 
who  conducts  her  negotiations  with  a  fleet  upon  the 
coast  of  the  power  with  whom  she  negotiates;  ever 
ready  to  settle  questions  that  cannot  be  settled  by 
words,  by  resorting  in  practice  to  the  ancient  Gallic 
maxim  of  casting  a  sabre  into  the  scale."  On  the  other 
hand,  the  United  States,  by  the  very  nature  of  their 
institutions,  wore  always  unprepared  for  the  terrible 
emergency  of  war,  having  no  standing  army  to  depend 
upon.  We  have,  however,  he  said,  a  standing  militia, 
a  nation  with  a  military  organization.21 

The  resolutions  of  Cass  continued  to  be  debated 
for  several  days,  the  only  opposition  made  being  in 
the  form  of  a  protest  from  Webster,  Archer,  Berrien, 
Clayton,  and  others,  against  their  being  considered  as 
a  war  measure,  instead  of  a  peace  measure. 

On  the  16th  of  December  they  were  put  to  vote, 
and  adopted  unanimously.  Correspondence  was  en- 
tered into  with  the  navy  department.  Several  bills 
were  introduced  for  the  building  of  steam  frigates.22 
An  increase  in  the  army  was  attempted,  and  the  as- 
pect  of  affairs  was  decidedly  warlike  throughout  the 
first  session.  Getting  bills  as  far  along  as  a  second 
reading  is  comparatively  easy,  when  the  topic  is  a 
popular  one;  but  passing  them,  when  they  involve 
cither  money  or  blood,  is  a  matter  of  much  delibera- 
tion; hence   all  the  bills  originating  in   the   Oregon 

policy,  whenever  a  proud,  arrogant,  and,  he  would  add,  grasping  enemy, 
strikes  a  blow  at  us,  or  by  trampling  on  our  rights  or  honor,  compels  as 
to  assume  a  belligerent  position,  we  shall  all  be  found  a  I  •  ■  and 

presenting  an  unbroken  phalanx,  merging  all  party  opposition,  and  deter- 
mined to  resist  tin-  aggression.1  '  ".••;/.  Qlobt ,  xv.  47. 

-'  < ;,.,,/.  Gloh  .  xv.  49. 

**C<mg.  Globe,  xv.  226,  252, 


406  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

controversy  were  put  off,  on  one  pretence  or  another, 
though  hardly  a  clay  passed  during  the  session,  that 
the  Oregon  Question  was  not  brought  up  in  some 
form. 

On  the  10th  of  February  1846,  the  president  of  the 
senate  announced  for  debate  a  series  of  resolutions. 
First  a  joint  resolution  advising  the  president  of  the 
United  States  to  give  notice  to  the  government  of 
Great  Britain  annulling  the  convention  of  the  6th  of 
Auo-ust  1827.  An  amendment  accompanied  the  reso- 
lution, reported  January  8,  1846,  striking  out  all  after 
"joint  resolution,"  and  making  it  read  "  to  annul  and 
abrogate  the  convention  of  the  6th  clay  of  August 
1827,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and 
Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  country  westward  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains." 

Another  joint  resolution  offered  January  26th  by 
Crittenden  set  forth  in  very  measured  terms  that 
a  convention  had  been  formed,  which  it  was  now 
desirable  to  terminate,  in  order  that  the  territory  in 
question  might  not  longer  suffer  the  evils  of  a  divided 
allegiance,  and  that  therefore  now  the  necessary  steps 
should  be  taken  to  abrogate  that  convention;  and  in 
his  resolution  authorized  the  president  of  the  United 
States,  at  his  discretion,  to  give  the  British  govern- 
ment the  notice  required;  but  provided,  that  in  order 
to  afford  ample  time,  such  notice  ought  not  to  be 
given  till  after  the  close  of  the  existing  session  of 
congress.  Other  resolutions  were  submitted  on  the 
subject  of  the  recent  negotiations,  approving  the  terms 
i  ilered  by  the  president,  as  proper  for  him  to  make, 
in  the  spirit  of  peace  and  compromise;  and  others  to 
the  effect  that  the  country  included  within  the  parallels 
of  42°  and  54°  40'  was  the  property  and  part  and 
parcel  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  abandon- 
ment or  surrender  of  any  portion  of  territory  of  Ore- 
gon would  be  an  abandonment  of  the  honor,  character, 
and  best  interests  of  the  United  States. 


COXIIRKSSIOXAL  DEBATES.  407 

Mr  Allen  of  Ohio  opened  the  debate  with  a  few 
remarks  on  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  toward  the 
United  States  since  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  and 
the  unfriendly  feeling  in  Europe  toward  the  United 
States  and  free  institutions.  Whether  the  notice 
they  were  about  to  give  Great  Britain  should  Lead  to 
Avar,  was  not  a  question  to  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion; he  did  not  believe  she  would  go  1<>  war  in  this 
case;  her  statesmen  were  too  wise  for  that.23 

The  discussion  of  the  joint  resolution  giving  notice 
to  Great  Britain  of  the  abrogation  of  the  convention 
of  1827  was  carried  on  until  the  27th  of  April,  when 
the  resolution  was  signed  by  the  speaker  of  the  house 
of  representatives  and  the  president  of  the  senate,24 
after    considerable   controversy  concerning  its   form. 

23  The  limits  of  this  history  will  not  permit  even  a  partial  review  of  the 
speeches  made  on  the  Oregon  Question  during  the  first  session  of  the  twenty- 
ninth  congress.  They  were  by  every  man  of  any  note  in  either  house,  25 
senators  and  80  representatives. 

'-''The  joint  resolution,  as  passed,  was  as  follows:  'Whereas,  by  the  con- 
vention concluded  the  20th  day  of  October  1818,  between  the  United  States 
of  America  and  the  king  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, for  the  period  of  ten  years,  and  afterwards  indefinitely  extended  and 
continued  in  force  by  another  convention  of  the  same  parties,  concluded  the 
6th  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1827,  it  was  agreed  that  any 
country  that  may  be  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of 
America,  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Uocky  mountains,  now  commonly  called 
the  Oregon  Territory,  should,  together  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and 
tin-  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  the  same,  be  free  and  open  to  the  vessels, 
citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  powers;  but  without  prejudice  to  any  claim 
which  either  of  the  parties  might  have  to  any  part  of  said  country;  and  witli 
this  further  provision  in  the  second  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th 
of  August  18-27.  that  either  party  might  abrogate  and  annul  said  convention 
on  giving  notice  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  contracting  party.  And 
whereas,  it  lias  now  become  desirable  that  the  respective  claim.,  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  should  be  definitely  settled,  and  that  said 
territory  may  no  longer  than  need  be  remain  subject  to  the.  evil  consequences 
of  the  divided  allegiance  of  its  American  and  British  population,  and  of  the 
confusion  and  conflict  of  national  jurisdictions,  dangerous  to  the  cherished 
peace  and  good  understanding  of  the  two  countries.  With  a  view,  then 
that  stej.~  be  taken  for  the  abrogation  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of 
August  1827,  in  the-  mode  prescribed  in  its  second  article,  and  that  the  att<  is 
tion  of  the  governments  oi  both  countries  may  be  more  earnestly  directed  to 
the  adoption  of  all  pro]  er  measun  s  for  a  speedy  and  amicable  adjustment  of 
the  ..  d  disputes  in  regard  to  said  territory:  Resolved  bytfo    & 

of.  and  ll<        oj   R  pri  entatives  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress 
assembled,   That  the   president  of  the  United  Stab  ■   be,  .Mel   he  La  I 
authorized,  at  his  discretion,  to  •  ive  to  the  governnv  nl  i 
notice  required  by  the  Becond  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  Gth  of 
August  li>27,  for  the  abrogation  of  the  same.1 


408  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

Those  who  believed  the  title  of  the  United  States  un- 
questionable from  the  4 2d  parallel  of  north  latitude 
to  54°  40',  were  unwilling  to  leave  it  to  the  discretion 
of  the  president,  but  wished  the  president  to  be  re- 
quired by  congress  to  give  notice  to  Great  Britain  of 
the  abrogation  of  the  convention,  and  at  the  same 
time  that  measures  should  be  taken  to  enforce  the 
United  States  claim  at  the  expiration  of  the  period 
of  twelve  months.  More  moderate  counsels,  however, 
prevailed,  and  the  resolution  was  passed  as  stated,  and 
immediately  approved  by  the  president,  who  caused 
McLane,  the  American  minister  at  London,  to  be 
instructed  to  give  the  requisite  notice  to  the  British 
government;  which  was  done  the  22d  of  May. 

Congress  and  the  people  understood,  at  this  time, 
the  actual  position  of  affairs  between  the  two  govern- 
ments, the  late  correspondence  of  the  plenipotentiaries 
having  been  laid  before  the  house  of  representatives 
by  the  president  on  the  7th  of  February  1846,  and 
published.25  Mr  Faran  of  Ohio,  in  a  speech  deliv- 
ered April  14th  in  the  house  of  representatives,  pre- 
sented the  case  as  it  stood,  very  clearly.26  He  showed 
that  in  the  offers  of  Great  Britain,  she  had  not  moved 
from  the  position  of  claiming  the  Columbia  River  for 
the  boundary  line.  This  was  in  fact  the  real  subject 
of  the  dispute.  To  possess  the  Columbia  in  whole  or 
in  part  had  been  the  determination  of  both  govern- 
ments from  the  commencement  of  negotiations.  A 
climax  had  now  been  reached  in  the  struggle,  when 
one  or  the  other  must  recede  from  its  position. 

The  conciliatory  language  of  the  joint  resolution, 

25  Cong.  Globe,  xv.  333-5. 

26  The  offers  made  in  the  recent  negotiations  of  1844-5,  in  addition  to  what 
had  been  offered  in  earlier  years,  were  as  follows  :  British  offer  of  August  26, 
1844  :  'In  addition  to  the  previous  offers  of  July  13,  1824,  and  December  1, 
1826,  to  make  free  to  the  United  States  any  port  or  ports  that  the  United 
States  might  desire,  either  on  the  Mainland  or  on  Vancouver's  Island,  south 
of  latitude  49°.  Rejected.  United  States  offer  of  July  12,  1845:  To  divide 
the  Oregon  Territory  by  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  to  make  free  to  Great  Britain  any  port  or 
ports  on  Vancouver's  Island,  south  of  this  parallel,  which  Great  Britain  might 
desire.     Rejected.'  29th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Cong.  Globe,  app. 


ENGLISH  IGNORANCE.  409 

as  adopted  by  congress,  and  approved  by  the  president, 

had  a  <2ood  effect  in  England,-''  when-  the  war  feeling 
in  the  United  States,  and  the  numerous  publications 
on  the  subjeet  of  the  United  States  title,  had  begun 
to  be  viewed  with  some  alarm.'28  The  number  of  the 
latter  was  very  great.  Many  of  the  speeches  of  both 
senators  and  representatives  were  printed  in  pamphlet 
form,  and  circulated  wherever  the  United  States  mail 
was  carried.29 

In  addition  to  the  congressional  documents  with 
which  the  people  were  liberally  supplied,  a  number 
of  writers  took  up  the  question  and  discussed  it  in 
a  variety  of  forms,  which  I  notice  elsewhere.  The 
nature  of  the  subject  precluded  the  possibility  of  add- 
ing any  new  facts  to  those  already  known.  The  object 
of  the  writers  seemed  to  be  to  keep  the  subject  be  To  re 
the  people,  and  impress  upon  them  their  right  to  the 
country  in  dispute.  In  this  respect  the  institutions 
of  the  United  States  gave  them  an  advantage  over 
Great  Britain.  While  Englishmen  did  not  disguise 
their  contempt  for  a  government  in  which  the  people 
had  a  controlling  influence,30  it  was  none  the  less  true 
that  this  very  intimacy  of  the  people  and  the  govern- 

27  Hansard's  Pari,  Debates,  86,  1424. 

28  Lord  Clarendon  asking  for  information  from  the  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  on  the  subject  of  the  negotiations  going  on  in  Washington,  March  17, 
L846,  said:   'Your  lordship  will  bear  in  mind  that  although  the  langua 

the  two  governments,  as  far  as  we  are  acquainted  with  it,  has  been  inspired 
by  public  sentiment ;  and  although  the  information  which  reaches  us  from 
America  is  of  the  same  character,  yet  we  cannot  disguise  from  ourselves  that 
the  two  countries  appear  to  be  gradually,  but  involuntarily,  drifting  towards 
war,'  to  which  Aberdeen  replied,  that  from  papers  in  his  possession,  'an 
inference  might  fairly  be  drawn  not  favorable  to  the  probable  future  r< 
oi  the  negotiations.'  Hansard's  Pari.  Debates,  lxxxiv.  1112-20. 

29Some  of  these  congressional  documents,  stained  by  time,  are  before  me: 
<hr< ,,'.- ■'/'/><  i)rrlrpationofOregon,Jan.23-4,l$<L&i  Crittenden's  Speech  on  tlu  ",-. 
gonQm  stion,  April  10,  1846, 10  pages;  A 'ties' Speech  on  the  <) rc\p> u  V"  *'""'.  March 
]'.K  1846,  II  pages;  Barrow's  Speech  on  the  Oregon  Question,  30th  of  March 
1846,  16  pages;  U'iek's  Speech  on  the  Oregon  Question,  Jan.  30,  1846,  7  p 
Weiitirnrth's  I!* -.marks  on  the  Oregon  Hill,  Jan.  '27,  1845,  6  pages;  Id.,  Speech, 
Jan.  24,  1S44.  A  conciliatory  speech  of  Webster's,  delivered  at  Boston,  on 
the  Oregon  Question,  is  quoted  in  the  Polynesian  oi  March  1  I,  1846. 

.'•Roberts,  in  his  Recollections,  calls  this  *a government  from  below.'  Ee 
was  annoyed  and  injured  by  the  way  in  which  American  institutions  conflicted 
with  personal  rights  derived  from  a  decaying  corporation,  toward  which  they 
entertained  a  national  antipathy, 


410  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

ment  was  what  defeated  the  pretensions  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  Question. 

While  the  people  and  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain  were  far  less  well  informed  on  the  merits  and 
the  progress  of  the  question  than  the  Americans,  they 
also  had  their  writers  who  took  up  the  subject  with 
partisan  zeal,  and  discussed  it  with  some  ability, 
though  with  a  small  degree  of  fairness. 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the  question  was 
suddenly  brought  to  a  close.  On  receipt  of  the  notice 
and  joint  resolution,  the  British  government,  without 
loss  of  time,  instructed  its  plenipotentiary,  Packington, 
to  make  a  new  proposition  for  the  settlement  of  the 
controversy,31  which  was  accepted  with  as  little  loss  of 
time  by  the  United  States. 

The  treaty  offered  by  Great  Britain  was  considered 
by  the  senate,  to  whom  the  president  sent  it  for  advice 
on  the  18th  of  June,32  when  Benton  made  a  speech 

31  Lord  Brougham  again  desired  to  know  of  Lord  Aberdeen  whether  the 
reports  in  circulation  in  the  American  and  English  public  prints,  that  the 
Oregon  boundary  questions  had  'been  brought  to  an  amicable  conclusion,  and 
one  honorable  to  both  parties,'  were  true.  Aberdeen  replied  that  they  were, 
and  said  that  when  he  saw  that  congress  had  adopted  resolutions  of  such  a  con- 
ciliatory and  friendly  disposition  he  "did  not  delay  for  a  moment,  but  putting 
aside  all  ideas  of  diplomatic  etiquette'  prepared  a  draft  of  a  convention  which 
was  sent  by  the  packet  of  May  18th  to  Packington,  to  be  proposed  for  the 
acceptance  of  the  United  States  government.  Packington  had  written  that 
his  proposal  had  been  submitted  to  the  senate  by  the  president,  who  was 
advised  by  that  body,  after  a  few  hours  deliberation  on  three  several  days,  by  a 
vote  of  38  to  12,  to  accept.  The  president  had  immediately  acted  on  the 
advice,  and  Buchanan  had  sent  for  and  informed  Packington  that  'the  condi- 
tions offered  by  her  majesty's  government  were  accepted  without  the  addition 
or  alteration  of  a  single  word.'  Hansard's  Pari.  Debates,  87,  103S. 

32  Treaty  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Her  Majesty  the  Queen 
of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  concluded  at  Washington 
on  the  15th  of  June  1S46. 

Article  I.  From  the  point  of  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude  where 
the  boundary  laid  down  in  existing  treaties  and  conventions  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  terminates,  the  line  of  boundary  between  the 
territories  of  the  United  States  and  those  of  her  Britannic  Majesty  shall  be 
continued  westward  along  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude  to  the  middle  of 
the  channel  which  separates  the  continent  from  Vancouver's  Island,  ami  thence 
southerly,  through  the  middle  of  the  said  channel,  and  of  Fuca's  Straits,  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  Provided,  however,  that  the  navigation  of  the  whole  of  the 
said  channel  and  straits  south  of  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude  remain 
free  and  open  to  both  parties. 

Article  II.  From  the  point  at  which  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude 
shall  be  found  to  intersect  the  great  northern  branch  of  the  Columbia  River, 
the  navigation  of  the  said  branch  shall  be  free  and  open  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 


THE  FORTY-NINTH  PARALLEL.  411 

upon  its  ratification.  The  view  taken  by  the  senator 
was,  that  the  49th  parallel  was  the  real  Line  of  right 
and  convenience  between  the  two  powers;  the  one 
offered  Great  Britain  since  the  time  of  Jefferson;  and 
wonderfully  adapted  to  the  natural  divisions  of*  the 
country,  and  the  actual  possessions  of  the  two  countries. 
It  parted  the  two  systems  of  water — those  of  the 
Columbia  and  Fraser  rivers — as  naturally  and  com- 
modiously  on  the  west  of  the  mountains,  as  it  parted 
on  the  east  side  of  the  same  mountains  the  two  systems 
of  waters  which  belonged,  on  the  one  hand  to  the 
gulf  of  Mexico,  on  the  other  to  Hudson  Bay;  and  on 
both  sides  of  the  mountains  it  conformed  to  the  actual 
discoveries  and  settlements  of  both  parties.  There 
was  not  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  he  said,  so  long  a 
line,  and  so  straight,  and  so  adapted  to  the  rights  of 
the  parties  and  the  features  of  the  country.  Jefferson 
had  offered  it  in  1807;  Monroe  in  1818,  and  again  in 
1824;  Adams  in  1826;  Tyler  in  1842;   and  Polk  in 

( lompany,  and  to  all  British  subjects  trading  with  the  same,  to  the  point  where 
the  said  branch  meets  the  main  stream  of  the  Columbia,  and  thence  do\i  a  the 
said  main  stream  to  the  ocean,  with  free  access  into  and  through  the  said  river 
or  rivers :  it  being  understood  that  all  the  usual  portages  along  the  line  thu  i 
described  shall,  in  like  maimer,  be  free  and  open.  In  navigating  the  said  river 
or  rivers,  British  subjects,  with  their  goods  and  produce,  shall  be  treated  on 
the  .s.uue  footing  as  citizens  of  the  United  States;  it  being,  however,  always 
understood  that  nothing  in  this  article  shall  be  construed  as  preventing,  or 
intended  to  prevent,  the  government  of  the  United  States  from  making  any 
i.  emulations  respecting  the  navigation  of  the  said  river  or  rivers  not  inconsist- 
ent with  the  present  treaty. 

Article  III.  In  the  future  appropriation  of  the  territory  south  of  the 
49th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  provided  in  the  first  article  of  this  treaty, 
the  possessory  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  of  all  British  sub- 
jects w  ho  may  be  already  in  the  occupation  of  land  or  other  property  lawfully 
acquired  within  the  said  territory,  shall  be  respected. 

Article  IV.  The  farms,  lands,  and  other  property  of  every  description 
belonging  to  the  Pugel  Sound  Agricultural  Company,  on  the  uorl  b  i  ide  ol  the 
( lolumbia  River,  shall  be  confirmed  to  the  said  company.  En  case,  howev< 
situation  of  those  farms  and  lands  should  be  considered  by  the  United  St 
be  of  public  and  political  importance,  and  the  United  States  government 
shoidd  signify  a  desire  to  obtain  possession  of  the  whole,  or  i  E  any  part 
f,  the  property  so  required  shall  betran  ferred  to  the  said  overnment 
to  be  agreed  upon  between  the  |  a 

Article  V.     The  pi  ball  1"    ratified  by  the  presidenl  of  the 

United  Mates,   bj    and  with  t  la  •  advice  and  consent,  of  thi 

by  her  Britannic  majesty;  and  the  ratification  shall  be  exchanged  at  London 
at  the  expiration  of  six  months  from  the  date  hereof,  or  sooner  if  DO 
Greenhow'a  Or.  and  Cal.,  482;  Oregon  Spectator,  March  1.  1847;   Tribum  Al- 
manac, lo47,  10;  Oregon,  Organic  Law  and  Treaty  Limits,  i>4-0. 


412  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

1845.  Thus  for  a  period  of  about  forty  years  the  United 
States  government  had  tendered  this  boundary  to  the 
government  of  Great  Britain. 

The  deflection  through  the  Strait  of  Fuca,  leaving 
out  Vancouver  Island  instead  of  dividing  it,  was  right 
and  proper  also.33  It  left  the  United  States  all  they 
desired  in  the  waters  of  Puget  Sound  and  all  the  bays 
and  inlets  connecting  therewith;  and  with  them  the 
small  cluster  of  islands,  probably  of  no  value,  between 
the  Haro  channel  and  the  continent.34 

Of  the  second  article  of  the  treaty,  with  regard 
to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  Benton  said 
that  it  fell  so  far  short  of  what  Great  Britain  had 
previously  demanded,  and  the  United  States  offered, 
that  it  amounted  to  a  relinquishment  of  the  whole 
pretensions  with  regard  to  that  river.  The  navigation 
was  to  be  free  to  a  few  British  subjects  during  the 
term  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  present  charter, 
who  were  to  be  subject  to  the  laws  and  regulations 
applying  to  United  States  citizens.35 

Respecting  the  third  article  of  the  treaty  which 
regarded  the  possessory  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 

33  Benton  held  that  the  island  was  worthless,  and  not  necessary  for  a  port, 
since  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  was  better  known  as  a  good  harbor;  and  that 
there  was  no  necessity  'to  go  north  three  hundred  miles  to  hunt  a  substi- 
tute port  in  the  remote  and  desolate  coasts  of  Vancouver  Island.  That  island 
is  not  wanted  by  the  United  States  for  any  purpose  whatever.  Above  all,  the 
south  end  of  it  is  not  wanted  to  command  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  It  so  happens 
that  these  straits  are  not  liable  to  be  commanded,  either  in  fact  or  in  law. 
They  are  from  fifteen  to  thirty  miles  wide — rather  too  wide  for  batteries  to 
cross  their  shot — and  wide  enough,  like  ail  the  other  great  straits  of  the 
world,  to  constitute  a  part  of  the  high  seas,  and  to  be  incapable  of  appropri- 
ation by  any  nation.  We  want  nothing  of  that  strait  but  as  a  boundary, 
and  that  the  treaty  gives  us.  With  that  boundary  comes  all  that  we  want  in 
that  quarter,  namely,  all  the  waters  of  Puget's  Sound,  and  the  fertile  Olympic 
district  which  borders  upon  them.'  Cong.  Globe,  app.,  1846,  867. 

3iCong.  Globe,  app.,  1846,  867.  Mr  Benton  did  not  foresee  the  strife  that 
in  a  few  years  was  to  grow  out  of  the  adverse  claims  to  these  islands. 
He  also  remarks  'neither  the  Spanish  discoveries,  nor  our  own  discovery  and 
settlement  of  the  Columbia,  would  have  given  us  those  waters.  Their  British 
names  indicate  their  discoverers,  and  the  line  of  49°  gives  them  to  us.'  Mr 
Benton,  in  his  desire  to  have  the  treaty  confirmed,  was  willing  to  sacrifice  both 
Spanish  and  American  discoverers,  when  at  another  time  he  might  be  at  great 
pains  to  defend  their  claims. 

35  This  clause  in  the  second  article  was  overlooked  by  the  British  plenipo- 
tentiary, and  even  Mr  Benton  does  not  refer  to  it  in  the  sense  in  which  it  after- 
wards became  objectionable  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  when  they  were 


FINAL  TREATY.  413 

Company  and  all  British  subjects  who  might  be  in 
the  occupation  of  land  or  other  property  lawfully  ac- 
quired within  the  said  territory  Denton  thought  that 
the  limitation  of  a  'lawful  acquisition,'  to  property 
within  the  territory, would  exclude  the  company  alto- 
gether, as  neither  the  United  States  laws  nor  those 
of  Great  Britain  admitted  the  validity  of  Indian  sales 
to  individuals;  and  possessory  rights  under  the  joint 
occupation  convention  could  only  continue  till  the  end 
of  the  company  in  18G3.  The  article,  he  thought,  was 
meant  for  the  quiet  of  the  company  until  they  could 
remove.30 

The  fourth  article,  treating-  of  the  Puget  Sound 
Agricultural  Company,  was  considered  by  Benton 
as  leaving  it  optional  with  the  United  States  to  con- 
firm the  lands  to  the  company  or  to  pay  for  the 
improvements  upon  tliem  at  an  equitable  valuation, 
there  being  no  doubt  of  the  action  of  the  United 
States  in  this  matter,  the  government  not  being  likely 
to  consent  to  the  presence  of  a  foreign  company  on 
the  waters  of  Puget  Sound.  Hence  the  treaty,  as  a 
whole,  was  favorable  to  the  United  States,  and  he,  as 
a  constitutional  adviser  of  the  president,  should  urge 
its  ratification.  The  country  at  large,  and  Oregon  in 
particular,  required  that  the  long  debated  question 
should  be  settled. 

On  the  vote  being  taken  in  the  senate,  forty-one 
members  were  for  and  fourteen  against  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty,  one  member  being  absent.37     The 

called  upon  to  pay  duties  on  goods  imported  from  England.  Roberts,  in  hia 
Recollections,  6,  Bays:  'The  treaty  was  very  lame,  so  far  as  the  company  was 
concerned.  They  never  contemplated  paying  duties  at  Vancouver;  this, 
coupled  with  the  disorganization  and  demoralization  of  their  men,  was  the 
doM  11 7 .1 11  of  the  company.1 

3G'I  am  willing  to  understand  the  article  liberally  and  to  exeeul. 
erouslj  ;  but  in  strictness  there  can  be  no  law  nil  possessions  in  ( Oregon  <  i 
the  defunct  treaty  would  impart  thai  character),  thi   persons]  tx  ing 

in  the  eye  of  our  law  intruders  and  trespassers.'  Gong.  Globi .  a  pp.,  LJ  16,  868. 
i  -  the  doctrine  of  the  American  settlers  in  Oregon  from  thi 

The  treaty  was  signed  by  Messi  -  Packington  andBuchanan  on  the  L5th  of 
June,  the  advice  of  tin-  senate  being  given  on  the  1.3th,  and  the  presidenl 
ing  it  on  the  18th,  immediately  after  its  confirmation  by  thi  1;  was 

signed  by  the  queen  of  Great  Britain  on  the  17th  of  July,  L846. 


414  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

president  without  delay  acted  on  the  advice  of  the 
senate,  and  in  a  month  from  that  time  the  Oregon 
Question  was  finally  settled  by  the  consent  of  the 
queen  of  Great  Britain  to  the  treaty  as  ratified  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States.33  The  exclusive 
claim  of  the  United  States  was  not  altogether  sound ; 
but  the  people  had  been  educated  into  a  belief  that 
it  was  so;  they  were  ready  or  nearly  so,  to  resort 
to  force  in  defence  of  their  rights ;  and  England  did 
not  deem  her  own  actual  right  in  the  matter  worth 
fighting  for.  Therefore  the  country  between  the 
Columbia  and  latitude  49°  was  peacefully  surrendered 
to  the  United  States. 

38  Authorities  consulted  on  the  subject-matter  of  this  chapter,  not  already 
quoted,  are:  American StatePapers,  xiii.  623-4,  xiv.  745-6;  Cong.  Globe,  1S3S-9, 
7, 15;  Id.,  1837-8,  10-2-2,  app.,  565;  Id.,  1839-40,6;  Id.,  1840-1,71,  89,  90,  100, 
app.,  105;  Id.,  1S41-2,  vi.,  app.,  736;  Id.,  1JJ41,  vi.;  Id.,  1842-3,  vii.,  app., 
iii.  132;  Id.,  1842-3,  vii.  xiii.  app.,  iii.  iv.;  Id.,  1843-4,  ix.  xix.  app.,  v.;  Id., 
1844-5,  vii.  xiii.  app.,  419;  Id.,  1845-6,  xii.  xxix.  xxx.;  Id.,  1845-6,  145,  153; 
Niks'  Beg.,  xxxiii.  213;  lvi.  234-9;  lxx.  341;  Id.,  lxviii.  151-2.  1S4,  205-7, 
213,  224,  236-9,  252,  364;  Cushing's  Kept,  on  Or.  Tcr.,  1839,  26-51;  Hansard's 
Pad.  Debates,  Lxxxiv.  1277-9;  lxxxviii.  88,  978,  989,  993;  Poussin's  Question 
cle  VOreqon,  87-88  ;  U.  S.  Charters  and  Constitution*,  ii.  1482-3  ;  Irving's  As- 
t  Ha,  497;  Evans1  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  113,  294;  Butter's  Wild  North  Land,  350; 
Cushing's  Treat//  of  Washin</ton,  211-14;  North  American  Review,  vi.  453; 
Id.,  xxvii.  490-512;  Id.,  lvi.  453-490,  xviii.  496-512,  Jan.  1840,  94,  103-09, 
132-44;  Id.,  xv.  370-94;  Edinburgh  Review,  lxxxii.  238-265;  Southern  Quart. 
Review,  July  1845,  217-43;  Perkins'  Annals  of  the  Wed,  vii.  xxiii.;  Robertson's 
Right  and  Title  to  Or.,  app.,  i-xxiv.;  Saxton's  Or.  Ter.,  30;  Sargent's  Life  of 
Dr  Linn,  195;  Pines'  Ex.  to  Or.,  365-375;  Rept.  Com.,  No.  31,  27th  Cong.,  3d 
Sess.j  Victor's  Or.,  9-34;  Tribune  Almanac  for  1S46,  17-43;  1847,  6-7;  Farn- 
ham's  Hist.  Or.,  51:  McKay's  Recoil.,  3;  Laplace,  Campagne,  vi.  1-39,  Zava- 
lishin,  6-7;  Giddini/s'  Speeches,  14S-63;  Simpson's  Nar.,  i.  262-6;  Humboldt's 
New  Spain,  Blade,  Trans.,  ii.  316-18;  Winthrop's  Speech  Or.  Quest.,  16;  Kd- 
by's  Colonization  of  Oregon,  17,  42-51;  Letter  of  J.  II.  Kelley  in  Thornton's 
Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  84-93;  House  Rept.,  No.  830,  27th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.;  Senate 
Repjf.,  No.  470,  25th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.;  Evans'  Northwest  Boundary,  1-S;  Thorn- 
ton's Or.  and  Cal. ,  30-1 ;  Papers  Relating  to  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  v.  39-44; 
Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  260;  President's  Mess.,  and  Doc,  20th 
Cong.,  10-14,  139-93;  Hastings'  Or.,  23;  Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc, 
1863-4,457;  Dix's  Speeches,  17-59;  Pac.  R.  R.  Explor.  and  Survey,  26;  Oregon 
Spectator,  April  1,  1847;  Messages  and  Documents  of  J.  K.  Polk,  1846,  1-33; 
Cong.  Globr,  1845-6,  20th  Cong.,  app.;  Cong.  Globe,  1846-7,  app;  Das  Oregon 
Gi  biet;  or  the  Official  Correspondence  on  the  Oregon  Question,  complete,  1-114; 
S.  I.  Frit, id,  v.  28-9;  Nicolay's  Or.  Ter.;  L.F.  Grover,  in  Trans.  Or.  Pioneer 
Assoc,  1874,  33-9. 

Among  contemporaneous  writers  on  the  Oregon  Question,  and  on  the 
events  of  Oregon  history  on  -which  that  question  depended,  Robert  Greenhow 
should  deservedly  be  mentioned  in  the  first  place.  He  was  a  native  of  Vir- 
ginia, educated  for  the  medical  profession,  in  1S38  established  the  Tricolor,  a 


ROBERT  GREENHOW.  413 

republican  paper,  in  New  York,  and  later  became  translator  and  librarian  to 

tlie  United  States  depart  men  t  of  state.  While  so  engaged  he  wrote  his  Mi  moir, 
Histori  ■  ■'■  Political,  of the  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  and  ike  Adjacent 
illustrated  by  a  Map  andOeograpIacalVu  w  of  those  ( 'ountries.  Wash- 
ington, 1S40,  8vb.  xii..  228 pages.  This  work  was  written  by  direction  of  the 
try  of  state,  ami  published  by  order  of  the  Benate  at  the  request  of 
Linn,  the  great  champion  of  Oregon  settlement.  U.  S.  (loci.  Dm-.,  26th  <  'ong., 
IstSess.,  Sen.  1><»-.,  No.  174.  I'"1""  years  later  this  work,  much  i  laborated, 
and  increased  in  size,  was  published  as  The  History  of  Oregon  and  ( >i  ifornia, 
ami  the  other  T<  rrttotieson  the  Northwest  Coast  of  Ann  rica\  accompanit  I  by  a 

•aphical  View  and  Map  of  those  Countries,  and  Number  of  Documents  as 
Illustrations  of  the  History.  Boston,  1844.  8vo,  xviii.,  4   l  \ 
It  Mas  also  issued  the  same  year  in  England  with  a  London  title-page;  and  a 

d,  third,  and  fourth  editions  were  published  in  1845  and  1847.  The  last 
edition  contains  some  additions.  The  first  xviii.  ll'O  pages  of  this  work  were 
separately  printed  and  issued  as  The  Geography  of  Oregon  and  California, 
etc.  Boston,  L845;  X.  Y.,  1843.  The  same  author  also  published  in  1845  an 
Answer  to  the  Strictures  of  Mr  Thomas  Falconer  of  Lincoln's  I  mi,  <>,,  th  II 
of  Oregon  and  California.  Washington,  hs4.">,  Svo,  7  pages,  lie  subsequently 
vent  to  California  as  associate  law-agent  of  the  United  States  before  the  land 
commission,  and  died  in  San  Francisco  iii  1S54,  at  the  age  of  54  years. 

Mr  ( rieenhow  was  an  accomplished  man  and  a  writer  of  ability  and  in- 
dustry, not  without  a  certain  brilliancy  of  style.  Those  parts  of  his  works 
devoted  to  historical  and  descriptive  matter  are  worthy  of  the  highest  praise ; 
indeed,  in  many  parts  they  can  hardly  be  improved  at  this  date,  occupying, 
legitimately  in  certain  respects,  the  place  of  standard  history.  As  an  argu- 
ment on  the  title  question,  the  work  also  deserves  praise  as  the  strongest 
possible  presentment  of  the  cause.  It  was  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a 
brief  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  though  the  author  denies  this  in  the 
preface  to  the  last  edition  in  reply  to  English  criticisms  in  the  Quarterly  /.'<  vit  "•, 
1845  '>.  567;  yet  for  a  production  of  this  class  it  was  remarkably  free  from 
!  pleading  and  partisan  unfairness.  The  Quark,  rly's  charge  that  Green- 
how  had  displayed  'more  art  and  diligence  than  candor  and  accuracy,' 
being  an  'unsafe  if  not  faithless  guide,'  was  exaggerated;  yet  it  is  hardly 

ble  that  so  intelligent  a  man  so  well  acquainted  with  the  subject  should 
really  have  believed  in  all  that  was  claimed  by  the  United  States  in  regard 
to  the  Northwest  Coast. 

Trav«  is  Tv.iss,  D.  C.  L.,  F.  R.  S.,  "professor  of  political  economy  in  the 
university  of  Oxford,  and  advocate  in  doctors'  commons,"  published  after  the 
appearance  of  Greenhow's  work,  The  Oregon  Question  examined  in  retpect  to 
■ml  th-  Law  of  Nations.  London,  1846, 8vo,  ix.  391  pages.  Itwasrepub- 
lished  as  The  Ore<jon  Territory,  its  History  and  Discovery,  etc.  V  ■■■■.  York, 
1846,  I2roo,  264  pages.  Dr  Twiss  was  in  every  respect  the  equal  of  the  Amer- 
ican eham;  ion,  inability,  knowledge,  and  freedom  from  extreme  partisanship. 
In  the  technicalities  of  international  law  he  was  superior;  he  had  also  the 
benefit  of  all  Greenhow's  researches  in  addition  to  his  own;  and  he  had, 
besides,  the  le.-s  ultra  side  of  the  argument.  As  a  history 
Coast  his  work  is  not  equal  to  Greenhow's;  but  as  an  argum<  ni  on  th 


416  THE  OREGON  QUESTION  CONCLUDED. 

gon  Question  it  is  in  all  essential  points  fairer,  in  fact  a  good  work  of  its  class. 
It  contains  many  mistakes  in  minor  historical  points  to  be  corrected ;  but  like 
Greenkow's  work  it  is  in  comparison  with  those  of  other  writers  more  free 
from  such  errors. 

The  subject  is  treated  less  exhaustively,  and  in  most  cases  with  a  more 
pronounced  spirit  of  partisanship,  in  the  following  works :  The  Oregon  Ques- 
tion; or  a  Statement  of  the  British  Claims,  etc.,  by  Thomas  Falconer,  Esq.  Lon- 
don and  New  York,  1845,  three  editions.  The  same  author  wrote  On  the 
Discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  and  on  the  Southwestern,  Oregon,  and  Northwest- 
ern Boundaries  of  the  United  States,  London,  1S44;  and  Mr  Falconer's  Reply  to 
Mr  Greenhow's  Answer,  with  Mr  Greenhow's  Rejoinder.  Washington,  1845. 
We  have  also  from  the  pen  of  the  United  States  plenipotentiary  in  the  nego- 
tiations of  1826-9,  Letters  of  Albert  Gallatin  on  the  Oregon  Question,  Wash- 
ington, 1846,  8vo,  30  pages;  and  The  Oregon  Question,  Nos.  1-5.  New  York, 
1846,  8vo,  78  pages.  '  An  ex-officer  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  wrote  The 
Oregon  Territory,  Claims  thereto  of  England  and  America  considered,  by  Alex- 
ander Simpson.  London,  1846,  Svo,  60  pages.  See  also  Robertson's  Oregon,  our 
Right  and  Title,  Washington,  1846,  Svo,  203  pages;  Murdoch's  Our  True  Title  to 
Oregon — that  is  resting  on  the  Virginia  charter;  Oregon,  the  Cost  and  the  Con- 
sequences, Phil.  1846;  Tucker's  History  of  Oregon,  Buffalo,  1844,  made  up  for 
the  most  part  from  Greenhow;  Sturgis'  Oregon  Question,  Boston,  1845,  a  lec- 
ture; Farnham's  History  of  the  Oregon  Territory,  1844;  Will  there  be  War"!  By 
an  Adopted  Citizen,  1846;  also  Hall  J.  Kelley's  pamphlets.  The  British  comic 
papers  of  the  time  also  presented  the  great  cpuestion  in  cartoons. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

1820-1830. 

"Is  Oregon  Worth  Having?" — Configuration,  Soil,  and  Climate — 
Relations  with  China— A  Terra  [ncogntta— England  to  India,  by 
way  of  the  Columbia  River— Irreconcilable  Opinions— Preparing 
to  Emigrate  Proposal  to  Make  Over  the  Territory  to  the  [ndians 
—The  Whale-fishery— A  School  for  Seamen— Conflicting  State- 
ments—A Hesitating  Government— Why  the  British  Monopolized 
the  Trade — McLoughlin  Succeeds  Keith  at  Astoria— Personal 
Appearance  and  Character  of  McLoughlix — His  Administration 
of  Justice— He  Explores  for  the  Site  of  a  New  Post — Fort  Van- 
couver Founded — Agriculture  and  Commerce — Amalgamation  of 
Fur  Companies — Perils  of  the  Fur-trade. 

"  Is  Oregon  worth  having  ?"  This  was  a  question 
which  first  assumed  importance  in  1820,  and  thencefor- 
ward during  ten  years  exercised  the  collective  wisdom 
of  congress.  Many  and  various  were  the  opinions  of 
legislators  who  took  part  in  the  debates  on  this  sub- 
ject. Many  members  were  entirely  unused  t<>  the 
consideration  of  vast  national  interests,  while  not  a 
lew  were  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  history  mid  con- 
ditions of  the  region  under  consideration.  This  lack 
of  exact  information  had  its  effect  in  furnishing  mate- 
rial for  the  pleasantry  of  the  better  informed  mem- 
bers, and  endued  with  unwonted  entertainment  the 
usually  somewhat  dull  pages  <»i*  the  Annals  of  Con- 

The  political   aspect  of  the  question    has   already 
been    considered;    it    may  not    be    withoul    inter, 
however,  in  this  place  to  cast  a  retrospective  glai 
over  the  ideas  of  more  than  half  a  century  ago  con- 
cerning the  nature  of  the  now  north-west. 

Hist.  X.  \V.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    27  (117) 


418  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

Configuration,  soil,  climate,  and  other  conditions 
governing  population  were  among  the  most  important 
points  upon  which  both  speculation  and  argument  were 
founded.  As  early  as  1821  it  was  confidently  as- 
serted that  "  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  is  in  its  climate 
more  mild  than  any  part  of  the  continent  in  the  same 
parallel,  and  many  vegetables  on  that  shore  grow  in 
great  abundance  in  the  native  forest  which  are  like- 
wise natives  of  China."1 

The  mention  of  China  is  in  this  connection  not 
inappropriate,  for  in  all  phases  of  the  Oregon  prob- 
lem that  empire  claims  a  large  share  of  prominence, 
whether  as  a  mart  for  the  distribution  of  coast  prod- 
ucts, or  a  means  of  peopling  the  coast  itself.  "It  is 
believed  that  population  could  be  easily  acquired  from 
China,  by  which  the  arts  of  peace  would  at  once 
acquire  strength  and  influence,  and  make  visible  to 
the  aborigines  the  manner  in  which  their  wants  could 
be  supplied .  .  .  And,  though  the  people  of  that  country 
evince  no  disposition  to  emigrate  to  the  territory  of 
adjoining  princes,  it  is  believed  they  would  willingly, 
nay,  gladly,  embrace  the  opportunity  of  a  home  in 
America,  where  they  have  no  prejudices,  no  fears,  no 
restraint  in  opinion,  labor,  or  religion."2  The  same 
congressional  committee  who  enunciated  the  above 
sentiments  supplemented  them  with  the  devout  hope 
that  an  establishment  on  such  conditions  "would  essen- 
tially benefit  the  natives,  whilst  it  would  give  this 
country  the  advantage  of  all  its  own  treasures,  which 
otherwise  must  be  lost  forever,  or  rather  never  enjoyed ; 
and  from  all  that  can  be  ascertained  relative  to  its 
present  and  increasing  value,  of  more  profit  to  this 
country  than  the  mines  of  Potosi."3 

Trade  with   China,  which  when   carried   on- with 

iAnnals  of  Cong.,  ICtli  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  956. 

2/</.,  956-7. 

3  Id.,  957.  The  vexed  question  of  the  Chinese  on  the  Pacific  coast  finds  a 
place  in  another  volume,  but  it  may  be  opportune  to  remark  here  that  the 
example  of  Chinese  industry  has  not  affected  the  aborigines  very  appreciably, 
while  the  immigrants  themselves  tan  no  longer  complain  of  the  absence  of 
prejudice  and  restraint. 


VERY  FAR  AWAY.  41.) 

eastern  seaports  involved  so  long,  circuitous,  and 
perilous  a  voyage,  was  always  confidently  pointed  to 
as  the  most  valuable  incentive  to  the  development  of 
the  region  adjacent  to  the  Columbia  River. 

In  December  1822,  Floyd  of  Virginia,  one  of  the 
warmest  advocates  for  the  occupation  of  the  territory, 
remarked:  "The  settlement  on  the  Oregon,  as  con- 
templated by  this  bill,  connecting  the  trade  of  that 
river  and  coast  with  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  is 
to  open  a  mine  of  wealth  to  the  shipping  interests 
and  the  western  country,  surpassing  the  hopes  even 
of  avarice  itself.  It  consists  principally  of  things 
which  will  purchase  the  manufactures  and  products 
of  China  at  a  better  profit  than  gold  and  silver;  and 
if  that  attention  is  bestowed  upon  the  country  to 
which  its  value  and  position  entitle  it,  it  will  yield  a 
profit,  producing  more  wealth  to  the  nation  than  all 
the  shipments  which  have  ever  in  any  one  year  been 
made  to  Canton  from  the  United  States."4 

Much  legislative  inaction  and  apparent  coldness  to 
the  new-born  enthusiasm  for  Oregon,  must  be  credited 
to  the  lack  of  reliable  specific  information.5  Its  ex- 
treme remoteness,  too,  appears  to  have  had  an  appall- 
ing effect  upon  most  minds,  though  here  and  there 
was  found  an  ardent  devotee  whose  advanced  ideas 
triumphed  over  time  and  space.  "  It  cannot  be  denied," 
says  one  of  these,  "that  the  distance  between  the  seat 
of  government  and  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  is 
very  great.  But  in  reference  to  the  facility  of  com- 
munication between  the  places,  the  distance  must  not 
be  estimated  by  miles,  but  should  be  computed  by  the 
time  required  to  pass  from  the  one  place  to  the  other.  I f 
steam-boats  were  established  in  all  the  waters  1  »<  t  wee]  i 
this  and  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  capable  of  steam- 
boat navigation,  the  journey  might  be  made,  I  do  not 
doubt,  in  less  time,  and  with  greater  ease,  than  tin' 

i  Annals  of  Cong.,  17th  Cong.,  2d  s,  88.,  398. 

5  'All  this  space  of  tin-  western  shores  of  our  territory  is  perfectly  unknot  :i 
to  us,  and  is  as  much  /<  rra  incognita  as  the  wilds  of  A 
17th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  oSo. 


420    -  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

representative  from  Missouri,  now  on  this  floor,  could 
have  come,  unless  by  sea,  from  his  state  to  this  city, 
only  ten  years  ago."6 

The  aspirations  of  such  advocates,  though  neces- 
sarily limited  to  existing  means,  contemplated  a  brill- 
iant future  for  the  unbuilt  city  of  the  Columbia. 

She  was  to  be  more  than  a  mere  port  of  entry,  a 
haven  for  the  whalers  battered  in  an  Arctic  tempest, 
an  emporium  of  furs  destined  for  the  trans-Pacific 
trade;  she  should  be  the  entrepot  of  European  trade 
with  India  and  China.  "  We  must  tak$  into  consid- 
eration a  trade  which,  at  no  distant  day,  must  grow 
out  of  the  great  improvements  we  have  made,  and  are 
daily  making,  in  the  means  of  communication  and 
transportation ...  I  do  verily  believe,  that,  in  twenty 
years,  and  if  not  in  twenty,  in  fifty  years,  a  person 
setting  out  from  London  to  go  to  India,  will  find  New 
York,  Albany,  and  Sandusky,  post-towns  on  his  route. 
By  pursuing,  continually,  nearly  a  west  course,  he 
will  cross  the  Atlantic,  reach  Albany,  follow  the  New 
York  canal,  embark  on  Lake  Erie,  pass  through  the 
Ohio  canal,  and  pursue  the  Ohio,  Mississippi,  and 
Missouri,  to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  over 
which  he  will  traverse  a  turnpike  of  only  seventy-five- 
miles,  which  will  bring  him  to  the  waters  of  the 
Columbia;  upon  these  he  will  reach  the  Pacific,  and 
from  thence  he  will  cross  a  ferry  to  the  Asiatic  con- 
tinent, a  ferry  of  some  two  or  three  thousand  miles, 
I  admit,  but  one  which,  in  reference  to  steam-boat  navi- 
gation, for  which  those  seas  are  particularly  adapted, 
would  be  no  more  than  so  many  hundred  miles  would 
have  been  some  few  }Tears  since ...  Is  it  not  reasonable, 
then,  to  suppose  that,  at  some  period,  not  very  remote, 
the  eastern  trade  may  be  pursued  in  the  course  I  have 
designated?"7 

So  rose-tinted  a  view  could  not  long  hold  its  own 
unchallenged.     Whatever  natural  advantages  the  ter- 

6 Annals  of  Cong.,  17th  Cony.,  2d  Sess.,  5S6. 
7 Id.,  5S5-G. 


IMPORTANT  THOUGH  RUGGED.  421 

ritory  might  or  might  not  possess,  its  friends  were 
Dot  destined  to  have  matters  all  their  own  way. 
Meagre  as  were  the  tacts  known,  they  appeal'  to  have 
been  equally  distributed  between  the  pros  and  cons, 
and  no  sooner  had  a  partisan  exhausted  plausibility 
in  depicting  the  resources  of  the  new  country,  than 
his  opponent  was  ready  with  a  new  array  of  tacts,  or 
the  old  ones  transposed,  to  controvert  his  arguments. 
We  now  find  this  much-debated  land  painted  in  Rem- 
brandtesque colors  by  one  who  claimed  to  be  possessed 
of  some  reliable  information,  though  it  was  "neither 
extensive  nor  precise."  This  knowledge  had  been 
obtained  from  gentlemen  who  had  spent  some  time  on 
the  Columbia,  and  was  in  every  way  trustworthy. 
"  The  coast  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia," said  he,  "is  high,  rugged,  and  to  use  the  techni- 
cal phrase  of  sailors,  iron-bound.  The  entrance  into 
the  river,  or  rather  into  the  estuary  into  which  the 
liver  disembogues,  is  difficult  and  dangerous,  owing 
to  the  bars  and  shoals  which  stretch  out  from  capes 
Disappointment  and  Adams,  the  two  points  which 
form  the  bay.  These  shoals  approximate  so  much  as 
to  leave  the  channel  between  them  too  narrow  to 
allow  vessels  to  pass  through  with  safety.8 

8  J.  B.  Prevost,  United  States  commissioner  at  the  surrender  of  Fort 
George,  in  his  letter  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  bearing  date  November  1 1.  1818, 
writes  concerning  the  estuary  of  the  Columbia:  '  The  bay  is  spacious;  contains 
Beveral  anchoring  places  in  a  sufficient  depth  of  water;  and  is  by  no  means 

nil  of  ingress  as  has  been  represented.     Those  enjoying  the  ex.  :. 
commerce  have  probably  cherished  an  impression  unfavorable  to  its  continu- 
ance, growing  out  of  the  incomplete  survey  of  Lieutenant  Broughtmi.  ina.lo 
under  the  orders  of  Vancouver  in  1792.     It  is  true  that  there  is  a  bar  extend- 
ing across  the  mouth  of  the  river,  at  either  extremity  of  which  are,  at  I 
appalling  breakers;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  it  offers,  at  the  low 
depth  of  21  feet  of  water  through  a  passage,  exempt  from  them,  of  w 
league  in  width.     The  Blossom,  carrying  more  guns  than  the  Onto 
tend  a  change  of  wind  while  in  the  channel;  was  ■  o  Lei  go  her 

anchor;  and.  when  again  weighed,  to  tack  and  beat,  in  order  to  reach  the 
harbor;  yet  found  a  greater  depth,  and  met  with  no  difficulty  either  th( 

ing  the  bay.  .  ,The  bearings,  distances,  and  soundin  I  ■  a  l>y 

Captain  Sickey,  who  was  kind  enough  to  lend  himself  to  the  examination, 
and  to  furnish  me  with  this  result,  ft  is  the  more  interesting,  as  il  mows 
that,  with  the  aid  of  buoys,  the  accest  I  anj  tonnage  may 

be    rendered     ecure.'    /</..   1207.     Captain    Hickey  was  in  command  ol 
Britannic   majesty's  sloop-of-war  Blossom.     Prevost's   letter  was  communi- 
cated to  the  house  of  representatives,  January  27,  lb'23. 


422  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

"  It  is  only,  therefore,  with  a  fair  and  free  wind 
that  a  ship  can  enter;  for,  without  a  leading  wind,  the 
strong  tides  which  set  here,  at  the  rate  of  five  or  six 
miles  an  hour,  would  strand  her  on  one  or  the  other 
of  the  capes,  as  the  tide  should  happen  to  be  either 
at  flood  or  ebb.  The  anchorage  within  is  tolerably 
good,  except  that  the  great  action  of  the  tides  is 
calculated  to  make  the  anchors  foul,  and  render  much 
labor  necessary  to  keep  the  vessel  safe  at  her  moorings. 

"  But  as  the  winds  which  prevail  on  the  coast  are 
principally  from  the  west,  the  difficulty  in  going  out 
is  much  greater  than  that  of  entering.  Vessels  in 
the  harbor  would  often  be  detained  for  weeks  before 
an  opportunity  would  present  for  putting  to  sea. 
Upon  the  whole,  the  harbor  must  be  considered,  at 
all  seasons,  bad,  and  during  the  winter  months  almost, 
if  not  altogether,  impracticable.  The  climate,  instead 
of  being,  as  I  have  heard  it  described,  bland  and  salu- 
brious, is  bleak  and  inhospitable.  It  is  true  that  deep 
snows  or  severe  frosts  are  seldom  known  during  four 
or  five  months  of  the  year,  but  the  vapor  arising  from 
the  ocean,  which  is  driven  by  the  constantly  prevail- 
ing west  winds  on  the  high  mountains,  is  condensed 
by  the  cold,  and  descends  in  drenching  rains  almost 
unremittingly. 

"A  dry  day  at  this  season  is  a  luxury  rarely  enjoyed, 
and  the  cheering  ray  of  a  sunbeam  scarcely  ever  ex- 
perienced. As  you  ascend  the  river  the  period  of  the 
rainy  season  diminishes,  and  at  the  first  spurs  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  a  distance  of  four  hundred  or  five 
hundred  miles,  it  is  almost  unknown.  But  the  climate, 
owing  to  this  excess  of  humidity  at  one  season,  and 
the  feeble  influence  of  the  sun  in  the  other,  is  believed, 
from  experiments  which  have  been  made,  to  be  inca- 
pable of  nourishing  many  of  the  valuable  products 
which  are  cultivated  with  success  in  the  corresponding 
latitudes  of  the  Atlantic.  The  attempts  which  were 
made  to  cultivate  maize  wholly  failed;  and,  although 
turnips,  cabbages,  and  some  other  culinary  vegetables 


A  LITTLE  GOOD  LAND.  423 


have  succeeded,  the  prospects  for  wheat,  rye,  oats, 
etc  are  miserable  indeed.  The  face  of  the  country, 
for  some  distance  from  the  ocean,  although  presenting 
a  Strom.-  and  deep  soil,  is  rugged, broken,  and  covered 
with  impenetrable  forests  of  hemlock,  spruce,  and 
white-cedar,  of  prodigious  size,  and  affording  the 
most  discouraging  prospects  to  the  settlers. 

"  The  country  o-enerally  continues  of  this  character 
until  you  reach  the  Wallamut  River,  which  enters  the 
Columbia  about  one  hundred  miles  from  the  sea.     in 
this  distance  there  are  occasionally  some  small  tracts 
of  alluvial  land,  which,  being  level  and  less  burdened 
with  timber,  might  be  more  easily  fitted  for  cultiva- 
tion than  the   broken  uplands;    but  even   these   are 
often  subjected  to  inundation  in  summer,  when  a  dis- 
solution of  the  mountain  snows  swells  the  river.  _  It 
is  true,  spots  might  be  found  above  the  reach  of  high 
water  but  they  are  too  insignificant  in  extent  to  be 
considered  in  relation  to  this  object  of  forming  a  com- 
pact and    important    settlement.      There   are  places 
along  the  Columbia  where  a  few  famdies  might  sit 
down  together,  but  they  are  not  numerous,  nor  is 
there  any  spot  sufficiently  large  for  a  considerable 
population  throughout  the  whole  timbered  country, 
which  extends  a  distance  of  about  two  hundred  miles 
from  the  sea.     Between  this  point  and  the  spurs  ot 
the  Rocky  Mountains  forest-trees  totally  disappear, 
and  nothing  larger  than  the  common  willow  is  to  be 
seen      This  whole  intervening  tract  is  one  of  gravel 
and  sand,  with  just  soil  enough  to  sustain  a  scanty 
covering  of  grass.    On  the  Wallamut,  a  tract  of  coun- 
try of  moderate  extent  is  found,  which  affords  some 
advantages  of  soil  and  climate  superior  to  those  which 
have  just  been  mentioned;  and  it  is  here,  and  here 
only,  that  the  least  prospects  for  an  agricultural  set- 
tlement can  be  found."9  _ 

He  readily  disposed  of  the  question  of  the  Colum- 
bia becoming  a  link  in  the  chain  of  communication 


»Id.,  591-3. 


424  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

between  Europe  and  the  orient,  treating  it  as  an  im- 
possible absurdity  which  could  not  happen  in  any 
case  "until  the  knowledge  of  ship-building  was  lost, 
and  the  art  of  navigation  forgotten."  "  When  we  re- 
flect/' continued  he,  "  that  the  interposition  of  the 
narrow  isthmus  of  Suez,  between  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  Red  Sea,  although  nothing  but  a  level  plain, 
has  interrupted  the  former  intercourse  with  India, 
and  has  for  ages  turned  the  whole  commerce  of  Europe 
with  that  country  into  a  circuitous  voyage  of  many 
thousand  miles,  how  can  we  fancy  that  we  shall  ever 
overcome  the  infinitely  greater  obstacles  which  are 
presented  in  this  imaginary  project?.  .  .The  God  of 
nature  has  interposed  obstacles  to  this  connection, 
which  neither  the  enterprise  nor  science  of  this  or 
any  other  age  can  overcome."10 

As  time  went  on  and  open  discussion  thoroughly 
ventilated  the  question,  the  public  mind  became  inter- 
ested. Persons  were  found  so  convinced  of  the  feasi- 
bility of  a  settlement  that  they  were  prepared  to 
emigrate  thither  with  their  families,11  undeterred  by 
any  evil  report  they  may  have  heard  concerning 
natives,  soil,  or  climate.12 

10 Id.,  590.  This  speech  was  delivered  in  January  1823;  the  Pacific  Pail- 
way  was  an  accomplished  fact  in  May  18G9;  and  the  Suez  Canal  was  opened 
in  November  of  the  same  year. 

11 '  Eighty  enterprising  farmers  and  mechanics,'  citizens  of  Maryland,  pre- 
sented a  memorial  to  congress  through  their  representative,  Mr  Little,  pray- 
ing for  legislation  on  the  matter  of  the  Oregon  settlement.  Annals  of  Cong., 
17th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  1077. 

12  One  pro-Oregon  debater  compares  the  winter  rains  favorably  with  the  snows 
of  the  Atlantic  coast,  declares  the  climate  one  of  the  best  on  the  globe,  and  con- 
cludes: 'The  humming-bird,  one  of  the  most  delicate  of  the  feathered  tribe, 
is  found  on  this  coast  as  high  as  latitude  00°.'  Id.,  084.  Prevost  writes  thus  in 
his  communication  to  the  secretary  of  state:  'It  has  been  observed,  by 
exploring  this  coast,  that  the  climate,  to  the  southward  of  53  degrees, 
assumes  a  mildness  unknown  in  the  same  latitude  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
continent.  Without  digressing  to  speculate  upon  the  cause,  I  will  merely 
state  that  such  is  particularly  the  fact  in  40°  10',  the  site  of  Fort  George.  The 
mercury,  during  the  winter,  seldom  descends  below  the  freezing-point;  when  it 
does  so,  it  is  rarely  stationary  for  any  number  of  days;  and  the  severity  of  the 
season  is  more  determined  by  the  quantity  of  water  than  by  its  congelation. 
The  rains  usually  commence  with  November,  and  continue  to  fall  partially  until 
the  latter  end  of  March  or  beginning  of  April.  A  benign  spring  succeeds; 
.and  when  the  summer  heats  obtain,  they  are  so  tempered  by  showers  as  sel- 
dom to  suspend  vegetation.    I  found  it  luxuriant  on  my  arrival,  and,  during  a 


GOING  AGAINST  NATURE,  425 

Still,  despite  the  very  evidenl  wishes  of  the  people 
at  large,  congress  would  sanction  no  scheme  of  coloni- 
zation in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  the  many  memorials 

and  petit  ions  addressed  to  that  body.  The  matter  was 
doubtless  more  complex  than  the  public  realized. 
Though  it  found  much  earnest  and  zealous  support, 
then'  was  still  a  preponderance  of  opinion  adverse  to 
any  official  action.  The  subject  of  inaccessibility  was 
revived,  and  treated  with  a  certain  amount  of  sarcasm, 
notably  by  Senator  Dickerson  of  Xew  Jersey.13 

It  was  also  gravely  proposed  to  secure  the  territory 
permanently  to  the  native  tribes.  "If  they  were  made 
secure  in  the  possession  of  this  territory,  their  popu- 
lation would  increase.  .  .The  British  government  are 
famed  for  their  magnificent  plans  for  ameliorating  the 
condition  of  the  human  race.  Would  they  not  readily 
join  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  any 
measure  that  might  be  necessary  to  secure  the  whole 
territory  claimed  by  both  parties  west  of  the  Rocky 

fortnight's  stay,  experienced  no  change  of  weather  to  retard  its  course.  The 
soil  is  good;  all  the  cereal  gramina  and  tuberous  plants  may  he  cultivated  with 
advantage;  and  the  waters  abound  in  salmon,  sturgeon,  and  other  varieties 
of  fish.'  Id.,  1208.    Prevost  arrived  in  the  Columbia  on  October  I.  L818. 

13 '  The  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri 
is  3,555  miles;  from  Washington  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri  is  1,160  o 
making  the  whole  distance  from  Washington  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
Paver  4,703  miles,  but  say  4,630  miles.    The  distance  therefore,  that  a  member 
of  con  state  of  Oregon  would  be  obliged  to  travel  in  coming  to 

the  seat  of  government  and  returning  home,  would  be  9,300  miles,  this,  at 
the  rate  of  eight  dollars  for  every  twenty  miles,  would  make  his  travelling 
expenses  amount  to  $3,720.  Every  member  of  congress  ought  to  see  his  con- 
stituents once  a  year.  This  is  already  v<  iry  difficult  for  those  in  thi 
remote  parts  of  the  union.  At  the  rate  which  the  members  of  congress  travel 
law — that  is,  20  miles  per  day — it  would  require,  to  come  to  the 
•  government  from  Oregon  and  return,  4G.">  days;  and  if  he  should  lie  by 
for  Si  66,  it  would  require  531  days.     But  if  he  should  travel  at 

miles  pi  r  day.  it  would  require  300  days.     Allow  for  Sim 
44.  it  would  amount  to  350  days.     This  would  allow  the  member  a  fortnight 
himself  at  Washington,  before  he  should  commence  his  journey  home. 
This  rate  of  travelling  would  be  a  hard  duty,  as  a  gn  ay  is 

ingly  bad,  and  a  portion  of  it  over  rugged  mountains,  w  here  Lew  is  and 
Chnke  found  b<  veral  feet  of  snow  in  the  latter  part  of  dune.  Yet  a  young, 
able-b  ■<•  travel  from  Oregon  to  Washington  and  I 

year;  but  lie  could  do  nothing  else.     It  would  lie  more  expeditious,  however, 
to  come  by  water  round  Cape  Horn,  or  to  pass  through  Behring's  Straits  round 
the  north  coa  t  of  this  continent  to  Baffin's  Bay,  thence  through  I1 
to  the  Atlantic,  and  so  on  to  Washington.     It  is  true,  this  passage  is  not  yet 
discovi  •  upon  our  maps;  but  it  will  be  as  soon  as  Oregon  .-hall  1     a 

state.*  Congressional  Debates,  1824— .3,  i.  692. 


426  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

Mountains  to  the  present  possessors  of  the  soil?  It  is 
an  object  worthy  of  the  united  exertions  of  the  two 
governments,  of  the  united  exertions  of  Europe  and 
America.  .  .As  to  the  Oregon  Territory,  it  can  never 
be  of  any  pecuniary  advantage  to  the  United  States, 
but  it  may  be  made  the  means  of  promoting,  in  a  most 
signal  manner,  the  cause  of  humanity.  "H 

In  1 828,  after  eight  years  continual  agitation,  another 
determined  effort  was  made  to  obtain  government  pro- 
tection for  emigrants  to  Oregon.    At  that  time  there 
©  .     ,  ©.  .  .  . 

were  three  associations,  one  in  Louisiana,  another  m 
Massachusetts,  and  one  in  Ohio,  each  prepared  to  set 
out  for  the  far  west  on  the  most  meagre  official  assur- 
ances. That  of  Massachusetts  comprised  "three  thou- 
sand individuals,  respectable  farmers  and  industrious 
artisans."  Each  association  had  friends  in  congress, 
straining  every  nerve  to  secure  land  grants,  and  the 
extinction  of  the  Indian  title  within  a  certain  area. 
Floyd  of  Virginia  was,  as  ever,  foremost  in  the  cause 
of  the  intending  emigrants.  He  was  armed  with  a 
formidable  mass  of  arguments,  facts,  and  statistics; 
but  the  opposition  was  too  powerful.  The  tide  of 
emigration  westward  was  to  flow  without  the  fostering 
of  official  power.  The  enterprise  of  individuals  was 
to  accomplish  unaided  that  which  their  most  ardent 
champions  failed  to  extort  from  government. 

Even  the  enormous  interests  involved  in  the  whale- 
fisheries  of  the  Northwest  Coast  were  powerless  to 
stir  the  stagnation,  though  Floyd  made  a  most  stirring 
appeal  in  their  behalf.  "  In  the  year  1818,  there  was 
exported  of  spermaceti  oil,  208,464  gallons;  of  whale- 
oil,  986,252  gallons,  worth  $500,000;  305,162  pounds 
of  spermaceti  candles;    9,300    pounds  of  whalebone; 

11  Congressional  Debates,  1824-5,  i.  694-5.  Senator  Benton  said  of  these 
same  natives:  'These  Indians  are  estimated  at  140,000  souls,  possess  the  finest 
horses,  and  are  among  the  best  horsemen  in  the  world.  The  present  age  has 
seen  the  Ccssacs  of  the  Don  and  Ukraine,  ravaging  the  banks  of  the  Seine  and 
the  Loire;  the  next  may  see  the  Cossacs  of  the  Oregon  issuing  in  clouds  from 
the  gorges  of  the  Bocky  Mountains,  and  sweeping  with  the  besom  of  desola- 
tion the  banks  of  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi.'   Id.,  709. 


STATISTICS.  427 

534,129  pounds  of  ginseng;  of  skins  and  furs,  $808, 133 
worth;  all  succeeding  years  nearly  the  same,  except 
the  exportation  of  whale-oil,  which,  in  L823,  was 
1,453,126  gallons,  and  in  1824  and  L825,  upward  of 
1,000,000.  This  document  exhibits  the  articles  and 
their  value  exported  from  the  United  States  to  the 
western  coast  in  prosecution  of  this  trade,  giving  a 
practical  illustration  of  my  ideas  of  the  balance  of 
trade,  as  exhibited  in  the  original  report  from  the 
committee,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  present  to  the 
house  many  years  ago.  Thus  it  appears,  we  only,  in 
the  year  1824,  exported  to  that  coast  $0,703,  for 
which  we  got  in  return  what  I  have  already  stated, 
the  rest  being  labor.  This  may  be  considered  a  branch 
of  business  which  rather  creates  a  revenue  than  yields 
a  profit,  in  a  commercial  point  of  view.  The  ship  sails 
from  the  United  States  with  nothing  or  but  little  to 
sell;  that  ship  goes  into  the  western  ocean,  where  the 
crew  after  taking  whale,  and  catching  seal,  and  cutting 
sandal- wood,  go  to  Canton  with  the  result  of  their 
labor,  where  it  is  sold  for  hundreds  of  thousands  of* 
dollars;  and  yet  statesmen  are  foolish  enough  to  talk 
about  the  balance  of  trade  being  against  us,  because 
we  import  more  than  we  export.  Again,  we  may  look 
to  this  branch  of  commerce  to  be  as  well,  if  not  bet- 
ter, calculated  to  bring  up  seamen  for  our  navy,  than 
even  the  cod  fisheries,  which  have  been  so  unwarrant- 
ably fostered  at  the  expense  of  the  treasury  and  the 
India  trade.  One  voyage  to  this  ocean  will  make  a 
man  a  complete  seaman  who  never  before  had  sailed. 
The  Canton  and  this  trade  gives  employment  fcothre< 
thousand  and  upwards  of  seamen,  and  brings  greai 
wealth  home,  even  though,  by  act  of  congress,  it  pays 
twenty  per  em!  higher  upon  any  goods  from  the  ( 'ape 
of  Good  Hope  and  beyond  it,  than  for  the  same  arti- 
cles from  Europe,  or  anywhere  else."16 

All  these  years  of  wrangling  discussion  bad  qo1  been 
sufficient  to  place  the  Oregon  country  within  the  pale 

*>C<mg.  Deb.,  v.  104. 


428  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

of  explored  lands.     "  Nineteen  twentieths  of  the  space 
between  the  Missouri  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  beyond 
the  culturable  prairies,  which  were  not  above  two  or 
three  hundred  miles,  was  a  waste  and  sterile  tract,  no 
better  than  the  desert  of  Zahara."     "It  is  not  merely 
an  extensive  region,  but ...  a  fertile  one.     If  there  are 
rough  and  barren  portions,  as  there  naturally  must 
be  in   so  extensive   a  tract  of  countiw,  bounded  by 
one  lofty  ridge  of  mountains,  and  traversed  by  another 
parallel"  to  it;  there  can  be  no  doubt,  even  if  we  had 
not,  as  we  have,  abundant  testimony  of  the  fact  that 
other  portions,  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  some  of  its 
numerous   islands,  and   the  valley  between   the   two 
ranges  of  hills  are  fertile.     In  that  part  of  the  globe, 
and  in  that  vicinity  to  the  ocean,  if  the  region  be  as 
sterile  as  it  has  just  been  described,  it  is  without  ex- 
ample in  geography."     "It  could  not  be  pretended .  .  . 
that  our  country  is  oppressed  by  an  excessive  popula- 
tion, too  dense  for  the  extent  of  our  territory,  and 
hence  that  it  has  become  necessary  to  give  an  outlet 
to  those  restless  spirits,  who,  as  appears,  are  willing  to 
go  into  that  sterile,  snowy,  and  mountainous  country, 
St  only  for  the  abode  of  mountain-goats    and  wild 
beasts,  the  most  ferocious — a  country  inhabited  by  the 
most  degraded  of  human  beings;  .  .  .  where  nothing 
awaited   the  infatuated  adventurers   who   visited   it 
but  wretchedness   and  ruin,  and  all  the  horrors  of 
savage  life."     "The  soil  for  the  most  part  is  a  light 
sandy  loam,   in  several   places  of  very  considerable 
depth,  and  abundantly  mixed  with  decayed  vegeta- 
bles.    The  vigor  and'  luxuriance  of  its  productions 
prove  it  to  be  a  rich,  fertile  mould.     This  country, 
regarded  in  an  agricultural  view,  I  should  conceive,  is 
capable  of  high  improvement."    "The  cove  is  a  large, 
commodious  harbor  for  a  fleet;  the  shores  most  beau- 
tiful; soil,  where  the  bears  had  turned  it  up  in  search 
of  roots,  ready  to  melt  in  its    own  richness;  game  in 
absolute  profusion."     "The  ocean  teems  with  otter,  the 
seal  and  the  whale;  while  the  mainland  affords,  in  in- 


TOUCHING  TATHOS.  429 

numerable  quantites,  the  common  otter,  the  bear,  the 
buffalo,  and  the  whole  variety  of  deer." 

"Admit  that  you  shall  succeed  in  planting  the  pro- 
posed colony.  After  you  have  planted  it  you  will  be 
compelled  to  protect,  it  against  war,  famine,  and  pesti- 
lence. You  must  protect  it  against  war  with  that 
great  bod}'  of  armed  hunters  who  arc  there  prosecut- 
ing the  fur-trade,  and  the  wretched  Indian  hordes. 
Will  you  be  able  to  sit  coolly  by,  and  see  the  blood  of 
your  fellow-citizens  streaming  from  every  pore,  and 
attempt  to  1cm id  them  no  assistance?  Sir,  it  is  impos- 
sible. The  spirit  of  the  nation  forbids  it;  and  wo 
must  attempt  their  aid,  cost  what  it  may.  I  say  you 
must  defend  them  against  famine.  How  will  they  be 
situated?  Among  mountains,  covered  through  the 
.winter  with  masses  of  snow,  which  nothing  could  thaw- 
but  the  endless  torrents  and  floods  of  rain  which  fall 
there  in  the  spring  and  early  part  of  the  summer. 
Then  these  valleys  are  perfectly  inundated;  all  the 
works  of  man  are  swept  away;  and  when  the  waters 
have  at  length  subsided,  the  remaining  season  is  so 
short  that  there  is  no  time  to  bring  anything  to  per- 
fection. You  will  therefore  be  compelled  to  furnish 
these  people  with  provisions,  by  vessels  going  around 
Cape  Horn;  and  after  such  a  voyage,  half  the  pro- 
visions would  be  putrid  when  they  got  there.  Sir, 
they  will  suffer  by  famine,  and  famine  will  quickly 
bring  pestilence  in  its  rear.  A  barren  soil,  an  inclem- 
ent sky,  the  want  of  all  things,  will  soon  reduce  these 
people  to  a  situation  in  which  pestilence  will  take 
what  war  and  famine  have  left,  and  you  will  soon 
a  destruction  of  human  life  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  history." 

Such  were  some  of  the  conflicting  opinion 
ments  through  whose  mazes  the  colonists  of  Oregon 
threaded  their  way,  led  by  the  clue  of  shrewd  common- 
sense. 

Sagacity  after  the  evenl   is  easy.     It  would  be  ob- 
viously unjust  to  expert    of  any  statesman  of  the  era 


430  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

under  consideration  an  approximate  conception  of  the 
present  propinquity  of  the  region  of  the  Columbia  to 
the  east,  a  provision  of  those  incomparable  though  yet 
imperfect  triumphs  of  science  by  which  the  conditions 
of  time  and  space  have  been  dominated.  As  a  vague 
problem,  an  untried  experiment,  this  new  territory 
had  terrors  for  a  government  which  did  not  exist  for 
individuals,  and  it  was  individual  action  which  event- 
ually forced  the  hands  of  congress.  Within  the  bound 
of  modern  history  seldom  has  a  government  shown 
hesitation  to  acquire  territory.  The  deliberation  of 
the  republic  is  conspicuous. 

True  descendants  of  the  horse-leech,  the  kingdoms 
of  the  earth  are  but  too  prone  to  the  lust  of  annex- 
ation. It  matters  little  whether  the  coveted  spot  is 
a  terrestrial  Eden,  or  an  arid  desert,  a  Goshen  of 
flocks  and  herds,  or  a  polar  waste. 

Where  legislators  may,  perhaps,  be  most  justly 
blamed  is  in  underestimating  the  importance  of  the 
then  existing  and  rapidly  increasing  interests  on  the 
Pacific,  where  the  China  trade  and  the  fur-trade 
demanded  the  establishment  of  a  naval  station  in  the 
vicinity  of  their  great  ocean  highway. 

Again,  they  failed  to  realize  the  energy  and  perse- 
verance of  their  own  countrymen,  who,  without  the 
allurement  of  the  precious  metals  which  lends  a  fever- 
ish lustre  to  subsequent  emigration  westward,  dared 
with  their  wives  and  little  ones  to  confront  the  terrors 
of  the  desert  journey  to  the  western  shore,  where 
they  made  good  their  settlement  in  spite  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  foreign  trade  monopoly  and  autochthonous 
savage. 

All  honor,  then,  to  the  hardy  emigrants  who  won 
for  their  hesitating  country  a  dominion  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  imperial  in  its  extent,  and  price- 
less in  its  intrinsic  wealth  and  its  influence  upon 
oriental  commerce. 

Meanwhile,  the  Oregon  trade  was  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  British  subjects,  but  simply  from  the 


FOUNDING  OF  FORT  VANCOUVER.  431 

fact   that  Americans   had  not   elected    to   emigrate 
thither.16 

While  time  was  being  wasted  in  discussion,  the 
great  fur  monopoly  was  quietly  gathering  in  its  annual 
harvest  in  the  distant  north-west,  reaping  where  it 
had  not  sown,  and  regarding  with  a  jealous  eye  any 
interference  with  its  traffic.  If  the  country  was  not 
under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  fur  gatherers,  the 
trade  should  be  so  as  far  as  they  could  command 
events.  I  will  now  proceed  to  sketch  their  position 
and  influence  subsequent  to  1821,  that  which  I  have 
hitherto  said  being  descriptive  of  their  inner  workings 
rather  than  a  history  of  their  external  relations.  And 
to  this  end  we  must  return  and  continue  that  side  of 
our  stor}^  from  the  time  of  the  union  of  the  two  great 
associations,  the  Northwest  and  the  Hudson's  Bay 
companies. 

Among  the  first  things  to  be  considered  subsequent 
to  the  harmonizing  of  ancient  antagonisms,  was  a 
new  organization,  and  a  new  metropolitan  post.  The 
former  was  achieved  b}7  George  Simpson,  and  the  lat- 
ter by  John  McLoughlin.  As  I  have  before  observed, 
the  most  desirable  elements  from  both  companies  were 
united  in  their  common  successor,  and  those  who  went 
their  way  disaffected  and  engaged  in  rival  enterprise, 
either  as  free  trappers  or  as  associations  like  the 
Columbia  Fur  Company,  the  North  American  Com- 
pany, the  Missouri  Company,  and  the  Kocky  Moun- 
tain Company,  were  not  strong  enough  ever  greatly 

16  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  was  present 
on  the  Pacific  coast  by  a  license  to  trade,  and  not  by  virtue  of  conquest, 
purchase,  or  ownership.  Their  charter  gave  them  legal  existence  in  perpetuity, 
and  clothed  them  with  corporate  powers,  but  it  was  only  on  the  east  side  of  the 
mountains  and  round  Hudson's  Bay  that  any  absolute  grant  or  title  to  land 
was  ever  pretended  to  have  been  made.  Under  the  treaty  of  ISIS,  however, 
being  incorporated,  they  might  as  British  subjects  enter  the  Oregon  Territory, 
ami  secure  a  license  of  trade  which  should  exclude  all  other  British  subjects. 
Their  foothold  once  secured,  their  policy  thenceforth  Mas  first  to  hold  in 
intellectual  and  moral  subjection  the  native  nations,  that  they  might  minister 
as  long  as  possible  to  their  cupidity;  and  secondly,  when  settlemenl  became 
evident,  to  bring  into  the  country  as  many  as  possible  of  their  countrymen, 
so  that  the  territory  might  eventually  he  .British. 


432  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

to  interfere  with  the  plans  of  the  formidable  Hudson's 
Bav  Company. 

James  Keith17  was  succeeded  at  Fort  George  by 
John  McLoughlin,  who  had  entered  the  service  of 
the  Northwest  Company  early  in  the  century,  and 
after  having  spent  some  years  at  various  eastern  posts 
was  appointed  in  1823  from  Fort  Frances  at  Rainy 
Lake  to  take  charge  of  the  Columbia  District.18 

It  was  not,  however,  until  the  spring  of  1824  that 
McLoughlin  reached  his  destination,  having  waited 
for  Governor  Simpson,  who  had  determined  to  accom- 
pany him  for  the  purpose  of  newly  organizing  the 
Pacific  department.19 

At  an  early  day  in  McLoughlin' s  career  a  natural  apti- 
tude for  business  was  manifest,  which  gradually  threw 
into  the  shade  his  professional  pretensions.  While 
doctoring  for  the  Northwest  Company  at  Fort  Will- 
iam he  was  frequently  given,  during  winter,  little  com- 
missions to  different  trading-posts,  which  were  so  well 
executed  as  to  gain  the  confidence  of  McGillivray  and 
Kenneth,  and  when  Mackenzie  was  lost  in  Lake  Su- 
perior, McLoughlin  ruled  at  Fort  William,  the  duties 

17  While  partner  in  the  Northwest  Company  James  Keith  was  at  one  time 
stationed  at  Athabasca,  and  afterward  appointed  to  Fort  George.  After  the 
coalition  he  was  given  the  superintendence  of  the  Montreal  department  with 
his  head-quarters" at  Lactone  House.  Returning  to  Scotland  with  a  large  for- 
tune he  married,  and  after  all  his  perilous  wanderings  by  sea  and  land,  linally 
died  in  his  native  town  of  Aberdeen,  from  so  trivial  an  accident  as  slipping 
upon  an  orange  peel  thrown  upon  the  pavement.  George  Keith,  his  brother, 
likewise  partner  in  the  Northwest  Company  and  chief  factor  in  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  was  in  1S32  stationed  at  Lake  Superior  in  charge  of  the  dis- 
trict. Anderson's  Northvest  Coast,  MS.,  55. 

18 '  He  was  probably  about  forty- five  at  that  time. .  .He  Mas  to  the  last  an 
active  man.'  Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  16.  See  Hist.  Or.,  i.  chap,  n., 
this  series.  ,. ,  .        .    .  . , 

19  There  has  been  no  place  in  this  history  where  I  have  found  the  evidence 
so  obscure  as  in  this  first  journey  of  George  Simpson  and  John  McLoughlin 
to  Astoria,  and  the  subsequent  founding  of  Fort  Vancouver.  Nothing  could 
be  made  of  it  from  the  matter  in  print.  A  comparison  of  authorities  tended 
only  to  greater  confusion.  They  were  vague,  contradictory,  and  wholly  erro- 
neous. Nor  was  the  evidence  of  those  now  living  in  various  parts  of  the 
country,  and  with  whom  I  placed  myself  in  active  correspondence,  at  the  first 
much  more  satisfactory.  Memories  were  treacherous.  There  were  none  now 
living  who  knew  the  facts  from  observation,  or  if  there  were  any  they  were  then 
children.  There  is  great  satisfaction,  however,  in  being  able  to  assure  the 
reader  that  the  facts  and  dates  finally  arrived  at  are  correct  and  reliable 
beyond  a  peradventure. 


JOHN  McLOUGITLIX.  433 

of  trader  thus  for  the  most  part  absorbing  those  of 
physician.20 

I  shall  speak  but  little  hero  of  his  personal  qualities, 
as  these  will  be  portrayed  as  the  history  progresses. 
The  man  is  known  by  his  works.  Suffice  it  to  say, 
that  he  was  of  an  altogether  different  order  of  hu- 
manity from  any  who  had  hitherto  appeared  upon 
these  shores.  Once  seen,  he  was  never  forgotten. 
Before  or  after  him,  his  like  was  unknown;  lor  he  was 
far  above  the  mercenary  fur-trader,  or  the  coarse,  illit- 
erate immigrant.  As  he  appeared  among  his  pygmy 
associates,  white  or  red,  there  was  an  almost  unearthly 
grandeur  in  his  presence.  Body,  mind,  and  heart 
wTere  all  carved  in  gigantic  proportions.  His  tall, 
powerful  figure,  over  six  feet  in  height,  and  broad  in 
proportion,  was  usually  arrayed  in  black,  and  crowned 
with  long  snow-white  locks,  falling  over  his  shoulders 
after  the  fashion  of  the  day,  which  made  the  name 
White  Eagle  the  natives  gave  him  singularly  appro- 
priate. Likewise  he  wTas  their  King  George,  while 
his  tramontane  associates  styled  him  the  Emperor  of 
the  West.  His  eye  was  indeed  that  of  an  eagle,  save 
that  there  was  no  murder  in  it.  He  was  hasty  in 
temper,  and  yet  he  seldom  forgot  himself;  on  some 
occasions  he  would  burst  into  a  passion  which  was 
harmless  and  quickly  over,  then  again  he  was  often 
calm  under  the  most  provoking  circumstances;  nor 
would  he  permit  profane  or  ribald  language  in  his 
presence.21 

20  Harvey's  Lift  of  McLovghUn,  MS.,  28-9.  Mrs  Harvey's  dictation  make-; 
a  manuscript  of  thirty-nine  pages,  composed  chiefly  of  notes  and  incidents 
regarding  her  father,  and  life  at  Fort  Vancouver.  Though  sometimes  a  little 
uncertain  about  her  dates,  a  common  fault  even  of  the  most  practical  minds, 
her  statements  are  generally  clear  and  decided.  The  daughter  of  such  a 
father  could  not  but  kindle  into  enthusiasm  in  calling  t<>  mind  pasl 
and  reciting  noble  deeds.  Besides  delivering  to  me  her  dictation,  Mrs  Harvey 
placed  in  my  hands  a  bundle  of  her  father's  private  papers,  containing,  among 
other  things,  full  accounts  of  the  founding  of  Oregon  City,  ami  Mclaughlin  S 
troubles  with  the  missionaries.  These  documents  are  quoted  as  McLottglum  8 
Private  Papers,  1st,  2d,  3d,  and  4th  series.  See  Ui*t.  Or.,  chap,  ii.,  this 
series. 

-'Applegate in Saxton's Or.  Ter.,~MS.,  131-41;  Allan's  Rem.,M8.,4;  Town- 
send,  Noli:,  169,  writing  in  1834,  calls  him  'a  large,  dignified,  and  very  noble- 
looking  man,  with  a  line  expressive  countenance,  and  remarkably  bland  and 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    28 


434  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

A  strict  disciplinarian,  whose  authority  was  absolute, 
his  subordinates  knew  what  to  expect.  In  the  manage- 
ment of  forts  and  the  business  of  the  department,  not 
the  slightest  deviation  from  fixed  rules  was  allowed.'22 
Indeed  so  determined  was  he  in  character,  so  bent 
upon  having  his  own  way,  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
the  directory  in  London  could  control  him.23  Origi- 
nally a  member  of  the  church  of  England,  Father 
Blanchet  professes  to  have  converted  him  to  Jesuit- 
ism in  1841.24 

His  influence  over  the  savage  mind  was  most  re- 
markable. Before  his  coming  to  the  Northwest  Coast, 
as  we  have  observed,  it  was  not  safe  for  white  men  to 
travel  far  except  in  armed  bands.  We  shall  soon  see 
a  different  state  of  affairs  in  this  respect  under  his 
benignant  rule.  We  shall  see  achieved  by  his  wise 
and  humane  policy  a  bloodless  revolution,  savage 
foes  metamorphosed  into  steadfast  friends,  a  wilder- 
ness teeming  with  treachery  into  a  garden  of  safe 
repose. 

His  success  in  this  regard  was  due  to  a  just  appre- 
ciation of  Indian  character.  In  his  eyes  a  savage  was 
not  a  monster  but  a  man,  the  offspring  of  our  common 
mother  nature,  possessed  of  all  the  conflicting  attri- 
butes of  humanity,  with  an  intelligence  undisciplined 
by  civilized  training,  and  manners  untrammelled  by 
European  conventionalities.     Being   in  reality  their 

pleasing  manners. '  His  outbursts  of  passion  were  so  harmless  as  to  be  no  more 
than  half  play,  and  yet  they  so  frightened  the  natives  as  to  render  them  abso- 
lute in  their  obedience.  For  example — savages,  speaking  generally,  value  only 
what  they  can  eat  or  wear,  or  whatever  tends  directly  toward  securing  these 
comforts,  yet  they  can  learn  to  estimate  gold  or  anything  they  see  their  civil- 
ized preceptors  covet.  It  happened  on  one  occasion  in  the  early  history  of 
Fort  Vancouver  that  a  ship  required  ballasting  before  sailing,  and  stones  were 
gathered  for  that  purpose;  the  natives  stood  by  watching  for  a  time  this 
process,  which  was  utterly  beyond  their  comprehension,  when  suddenly  the 
scattered  rocks  upon  their  domain  assumed  great  value,  and  they  demanded  pay 
for  them.  This  McLoughlin  regarded  as  the  most  unjustifiable  impudence  he 
ever  encountered,  and  he  was  mildly  furious.  Seizing  a  stone  and  thrusting 
it  into  the  mouth  of  the  chief,  he  shouted,  '  Pay  ?  pay  ?  eat  that,  you  rascal, 
and  then  I  will  pay  you  for  what  the  ship  eats  ! ' 

22  <My  father  was  very  particular  about  ploughing  straight.'  Harvey's  Life 
of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  16. 

^Finlayson'sHist.  V.  I.,  MS.,  28,  70. 

2iCath.  Ch.  in  Or.,  9, 


CHIEF  FACTOR  AND  RULER.  435 

superior,  McLoughlin  conducted  himself  as  such, 
treating  them  as  children,  kindly,  firmly,  and  dealing 
with  them  honestly  as  became  a  father.  When  they 
did  wrong  he  punished  them,  if  not  severely,  none  the 
less  surely;  when  they  did  well  he  praised  and  re- 
warded them.26  On  one  occasion  he  bought  the  entire 
cargo  of  a  Yankee  skipper,  in  order  that  tire  liquor 
portion  of  it  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
natives.26  , 

His  humaneness  was  in  no  way  more  manifest  than 
in  the  certain  punishment  of  crime,  whether  perpe- 
trated by  white  man  or  red.  One  of  tin-  first  casi  - 
which  came  under  his  jurisdiction  was  that  of  Mc- 
Kay, a  trader,  killed  by  a  native  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia.  The  fact  being  reported  at  Fort  Van- 
couver  by  a  friendly  Indian,  an  expedition  was  de- 
spatched to  the  camp  of  the  murderer,  whose  person 
was  demanded.  A  shower  of  arrows  was  the  reply, 
which  was  answered  by  shots  from  the  attacking  party, 
killing  one  and  wounding  several  of  the  natives.  The 
culprit  was  then  surrendered  and  taken  to  Fort  Van- 
couver, tried,  and  hanged.  The  murderers  of  Young, 
who  lost  his  life  in  the  Rogue  River  country,  were 
likewise  speedily  captured  and  executed.27 

When  McLoughlin  first  arrived  at  Astoria-8  it  was 
in  the  capacity  of  chief  trader,29  but  when  fairly  in 
charge,  the  title  of  chief  factor  soon  followed.     Nor 

-■"'  'I  always  heard  that  my  father  had  a  good  head.  He  wasquick  in  trad- 
ing with  the  Indians,  and  could  get  on  well  with  them.  afraid  of 
him.'  Harvey's  Lift  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  30. 

26Applegate  in  Saxton's  Or.  Ter.,  MS.,  139.     The  ship  was  tin-  Thomas 
Perkins,  Captain  Vanity,  which  entered  the  Columbia  in  1841.     'I' 
spring  184G  in  store  at  Vancouver.'   McLaughlin's  Private    Papers,  MS.,  2d 
ser.   I<>. 

-:  //  vy  ■'  '■  I.  Indians,  v.  203. 

'-'•  Mr.-  ll.uv.  y.  Lift  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  1,  2,  states  that  when  Ml. 
lin  first  came,  'Sir  George  Simpson,  accompanied  bj    Dr  McLoughlin,  left 
York  Factory,  crossed  the  R,ocky  Mountains,  and  wenl  dov.  athi  «  olumbia  to 
A  ten  this statement  was  first  made  to  me  1  found  twenty  per- 
mtradictit.  I  continued  diligently,  however,  to  search  ou1  I 
until  I  found  it,  and  found  Mrs  Eai  \<-\  to  be  right,  although  she  might  easily 
lea  mistake  about  it.  as  she  was  then  but  a  child, and  her  father  was 
not  in  the  habit  of  discussing  business  affairs  with  the  family. 

28  Following  his  daughter  Mrs  Harvey,  Life  of  McLo  igh  'in,  MS.,  5.    IV 
gerald,    I  /.,  13,  states  that  he  was  made  factor  in  1821. 


436  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

was  it  long  before  the  position  of  governor  of  all  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company's  affairs  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  was  accorded  him,  with  power  and  impor- 
tance constantly  increasing,  until  finally  his  dealings 
direct  with  London  overshadowed  his  accountability 
to  the  magnates  of  the  Eastern  American  slope.30 

Among  the  first  necessities  of  this  department,  in 
the  opinion  of  both  Simpson  and  McLoughlin,  was  a 
new  post  to  supersede  Fort  George.  Several  reasons 
existed  for  a  removal.  In  the  first  place,  as  inter- 
national affairs  then  stood,  Astoria  did  not  belong  to 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Though  their  predeces- 
sors had  bought  and  paid  for  it,  yet  the  United  States 
had  compelled  them  formally  to  relinquish  any  exclu- 
sive right  to  it  to  which  they  might  pretend.  Better 
for  them  to  choose  some  spot  less  open  to  dispute. 
Should  the  Columbia  be  finally  fixed  as  the  dividing 
line  between  the  possessions  of  Great  Britain  and  those 
of  the  United  States,  of  which  event  there  was  then  in 
the  minds  of  the  fur  company  no  small  probability, 
the  northern  bank  rather  than  the  southern  would 
be  the  proper  side  upon  which  to  plant  improvements 
and  means  of  defence. 

Again,  both  from  commercial  and  agricultural  points 
of  view,  some  locality  other  than  Astoria  would  he 
preferable  for  the  metropolitan  post.  Some  point 
higher  on  the  river  would  be  more  accessible  from 
the  interior;  and  it  made  little  difference  to  sea-going 
vessels  if  once  obliged  to  cross  the  bar,  whether  their 
anchorage  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  or  at  the  head 
of  ocean  navigation.  As  to  agriculture,  although  there 
had  been  some  small  farming. at  Astoria,  there  were 
places  where  both  soil  and  climate  were  better  adapted 
to  this  purpose.31 

30 Mrs  Harvey  asserts,  Life  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  5,  that  while  Simpson 
remained  governor  on  the  other  side,  McLoughlin  was  independent  of  every- 
body, and  responsible  only  to  London ;  but  in  this  she  errs.  The  title  of  gov- 
ernor never  was  properly  applied  to  McLoughlin.  He  was  chief  factor  in 
charge  of  a  department. 

31  See  Cushing's  Eept.,  House  Sept.  101,  25th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  Feb.  1839, 
14-17. 


SELECTION  OF  A  SITE.  437 

Entertaining  such  views  McLoughlin  immediately 
set  about  their  execution.  He  carefully  surveyed  the 
Columbia  in  small  boats,  particularly  the  northern 
bank,  from  its  mouth  to  the  bluffs  of  the  Cascade 
foot-hills.32  He  then  explored  the  interior,  and  made 
himself  familiar  with  the  configuration  of  the  country 
for  one  hundred  miles  and  more  northward:  after  which 
he  drew  a  map  of  the  entire  region,  and  placed  the 
result  of  his  investigations  before  the  governor.  The 
place,  which  united  to  the  fullest  degree  the  thr<  e 
chief  requisites  of  being  at  once  central,  agricultural, 
and  approachable  by  sea-going  vessels,  was  the  depres- 
sion on  the  north  side  of  the  Columbia  corresponding 
to  that  on  the  south  side,  through  which  flows  the 
Willamette  River.  This,  therefore,  was  McLough- 
lin's  selection,  and  as  such  placed  before  Simpson 
with  the  map  that  had  been  drawn.  After  full  and 
frequent  discussion,  it  was  finally  decided  that  a  fort 
should  be  built  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Columbia, 
some  six  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Willamette."5 

The  spot  chosen  was  some  distance  from  the  river, 
on  the  bench  about  a  mile  easterly  from  the  present 
site.     In  the  spring  of  1825,S1  all  these  preliminaries 

33  If  our  latter-day  scientists  are  willing  to  accept  Indian  tradition,  they 
must  know  that  once  navigation  at  the  Cascades  was  uninterrupted,  a 
river  flowed   peacefully  under  the  mountain  through  a  tunnel  which  was 
1  by  an  earthemake,  and  the  debris  form  the  present  obstruction. 

33  The  Columbia  at  that  time  was  navigated  v\  ith  ease  by  sea-going  vessels, 
though  its  character  in  this  respect  has  since  somewhat  changed.  Simpson 
and  .McLoughlin  may  or  may  not  have  been  aware  of  the  navigability  of  the 
Willamette  for  some  distance.  A  knowledge  of  that  fact  would  have  made 
no  difference  to  them  in  determining  the  site. 

"Mrs  Harvey,  Life  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  2,  3,  places  the  time  of  moving 
into  the  old  fort  in  March  1826.  in  his  Private  Papers,  3d  ser.,  1 L,  McLough- 
lin himself  says,  speaking  of  matters  pertaining  to  Oregon  City,  '  To  me,  who 
have  been  in  the  country  since  1824,' etc.,  from  which  expression  we  maj  i 
clearly  infer  the  correct  date.  The  statements  of  tourists  and  those  w  bo  dic- 
tate from  memory  are  somewhat  wavering.  Tims  Pai  wing  Tour, 
184,  says:  'This  establishment  was  commenced  in  the  year  L824.'  Dunn, 
The  Or.  Ter.,  I  M.  Btates:  'It  was  founded  in  1824  by  Governor  Simpson.' 
On  page  5  of  I  i  //■'  '  ry  of  th  Northwest  Coast,  Mr  !  ■  lessly 
places  the  date  of  removal  1823,  and  on  page  88  says  thai  Fori  Vancouver  was 
founded  in  l  \rch  in  Or.,  8,  places  the  d 
the  establishing  of  Fori  Vancouver  1824,  while  De  Smet,  Or.  Miss.,  17,  says 
that  McLoughlin  '  went  to  Oregon  in  1824.'    We  are  very  sure  he  did  not 


43S  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

being  fully  determined,  men  were  put  to  work,  timber 
cut,  and  before  the  year  expired  a  portion  of  the  build- 
ings and  palisades  were  erected,  constituting  what 
was  later  known  as  the  old  fort.  The  post  was  aptly 
named  after  the  famous  English  navigator,  Vancou- 
ver. Thither  during  the  year  1825  were  removed 
from  Astoria  the  stock  and  effects  of  the  company, 
the  work  of  building  going  on  all  this  time,  and 
indeed,  at  intervals,  to  a  much  later  period.  Fort 
George  was  not  altogether  abandoned;  the  houses 
and  fortifications  were  preserved,  but  the  place  was 
reduced  to  a  lookout  station.  Three  or  four  men 
in  charge  of  a  clerk  were  usually  living  there,  who 
held  in  subjection  the  neighboring  tribes,  gave  notice 
to  the  interior  of  the  arrival  of  ships,  and  assisted  in 
piloting  vessels  over  the  bar.  But  little  attention 
was  paid  to  defence,  and  trade  was  insignificant. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  portions  of  the  tract 
of  low  ground  between  the  river  and  the  upland  were 
subject  to  overflow,  so  inconvenient  was  the  situation 
of  the  old  fort  at  such  a  distance  from  the  landing35 

build  the  new  fort  and  move  Astoria  into  it  the  year  of  his  arrival.  From  all 
this  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  1S26  before  the  removal  of  the  entire 
effects  from  Astoria  was  consummated.  In  Work's  Journal,  MS.,  1-48,  we 
find  a  party  of  forty  men  in  three  provisioned  boats  embarking  from  Fort 
George  on  an  exploring  journey  to  Fraser  River,  and  returning  the  30th  of 
December  1824  to  the  same  place;  which  would  hardly  be  the  case  if  every- 
thing had  been  then  removed  to  Fort  Vancouver.  But  what  settles  the  mat- 
ter conclusively  in  my  mind  are  two  statements  from  two  reliable  sources,  one 
by  David  Douglas,  the  botanist,  who  writes  in  1825:  '  I  arrived  at  Fort  Van- 
couver on  August  5th,  and  employed  myself  until  the  18th,  in  drying  the 
specimens  I  had  collected,  and  making  short  journeys  in  quest  of  seeds  and 
plants;  my  labors  being  materially  retarded  by  the  rainy  weather.  As  there 
were  no  houses  yet  built  on  this  new  station,  I  first  occupied  a  tent,  which  was 
kindly  offered  me,  and  then  removed  to  a  larger  deerskin  tent,  which  soon, 
however,  became  too  small  for  me  in  consecpience  of  the  augmentation  of  my 
collections.    A  hut  constructed  of  the  bark  of  Thuj"  <  «ak)  was  my 

next  habitation,  and  there  I  shall  probably  take  up  my  winter-cuiarters.'  See 
Orn-ht.nd  Monthly,  Aug.  1871,  109.  This  proves  beyond  a  doubt  that  at  the 
time  named  the  place  was  occupied,  but  that  there  were  no  buildings  yet 
erected.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr  Roderick  Finlayson  of  Victoria,  whose 
evidence  is  second  to  none,  writes  me  under  date  18th  Oct.  1879,  '  Sir  George 
Simpson  visited  the  coast  in  1824.'  The  contrary  having  been  told  me  at 
least  twenty  times.  Also,  '  Fort  Vancouver  was  built  by  Dr  McLoughlm  in 
1825,'  and  'The  property  at  Astoria  was  removed  to  Fort  \  ancouver  in  1825. 
S5  Besides  being  so  far  for  the  transportation  of  goods,  it  being  a  mile  from 
the  river,  '  there  was  a  great  difficulty  about  water.'  Harvey's  Life  of  Mc- 
Loughlin,  MS.,  2,  3. 


REMOVAL  FROM  FORT  GEORGE. 


439 


that  after  a  residence  there  of  three  or  four  years36  a 
new  fort  was  erected  about  a  mile  westerly  from  the 
old  fort.  The  new  establishment,  which  remained  as 
tin-  head-quarters  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  dur- 
ing their  occupation  of  the  ( Oregon  Territory,  and  was 
finally  established  as  a  United  States  military  posi  in 
1849,  was  situated  five  or  six  miles  cast  of  the  conftu- 


The  Lower  Columbia. 


ence  of  the  Willamette,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.31 


'  of  McLovgMin,  MS.,  2,  3,  m   I  cupation  of  the 

old  fort  four  years  from  1826,  which  places  the  building  of  the  new  fort  1830. 
In  this  statem*  nt  -he  is  alone,  bui  she  cannot  be  far  from  i 

Rept.  Hygiene  U.  S.  Army,  An.  No.  8,  War  Dept.,  188.     ;  I 
couver  stands  on  a  point  near  which  Lieutenant  Broughton,  oneoJ  \  ancouver  s 
officers,  turned  back  from  his  boat  exploration  in  1792,  and  from  ti 
of  its  position,  with  Mount  Hood  in  full  view  in  the  distance,  named  it 
Bellevue  Point.'  Anderson'i  Noi  '  {,  -MS.,  90. 


440  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

The  new  post  is  fully  described  elsewhere.355  It 
was  well  planned  and  solidly  built,  and  fulfilled  its 
purpose  in  every  particular.  Within  the  picket-wall, 
which  was  twenty  feet  in  height,  and  composed  of 
large  and  closely  fitting  beams  placed  upright,  was  an 
enclosure  450  by  750  feet,  containing  dwellings,  halls, 
machine-shops,  and  stores  with  all  the  requisite  supplies 
for  comfort,  and  implements  of  defence.  Orchard  and 
garden  were  in  the  rear,  and  grain  and  pasture-fields 
beyond.  In  due  time  a  little  village  populated  by 
natives,  half-breeds,  emigrants,  and  the  servants  of  the 
fur  company  and  their  descendants,  sprang  up,  which 
increased  with  the  settlement  of  the  country,  and 
finally  developed  into  the  beautiful  and  thriving  town 
of  to-day.39 

Among  other  improvements,  McLoughlin,  more 
than  any  one  before  him,  turned  his  attention  to  agri- 
culture. With  an  abundance  of  good  land  and  idle 
men  enough  to  cultivate  it,  he  wondered  why  Euro- 
peans should  content  themselves  on  wild  meat  and 
fish.  It  would  seem  a  small  matter  for  so  powerful  a 
company  to  scatter  seeds  among  its  servants,  to  send 
them  breeding  animals,  and  so  have  horses,  and  cattle, 
and  grain,  and  vegetables,  in  abundance.  But  so  ab- 
sorbed were  they  all  in  gathering  furs,  so  migratory 
had  they  become  in  their  business,  that  little  attention 
had  thus  far  been  paid  to  cultivating  the  soil  on  the 
Pacific  slope. 

Hitherto  the  impression  had  been  prevalent  on  the 
Xorthwest  Coast,  as  it  was  at  a  much  later  period  in 
California,  that  to  attempt  agriculture  on  the  Pacific 
coast  would  be  folly.  Some  land  was  woody,  some 
sterile.    All  was  wild.    It  was  well  enough  for  savages, 

38  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  vol.  i.  chap,  xv.,  on  Forts  and  Fort  Life. 

39 See  Kane's  Wander!)/;/?.  171;  Whites  Or.,  65-6;  Townsend's  Act/-.,  171; 
Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  185-6;  Iline's  Ex.  Or.,  chap,  vii.;  Dunn's  Or.,  chap. 
xL;  Farnham's  Trav.,  449;  Finlayson's  V.  I.,  MS.,  65-6;  Anderson's  North- 
west Coast,  MS.,  88;  SUliman's  Journal,  Jan.  7,  1834:  Martin's  H.  B.,  64-8; 
Parker's  Journal,  148;  Douglas'  Private  Papers,  MS.,  1st  ser.,  7;  Allan's 
Bern.,  MS.,  2;  History  of  Oregon,  i.  7,  this  series. 


FRUITS  AXD  FARMING.  441 

and  fur-bearing  beasts,  but  it  was  unfit  for  civilized 
cultivation. 

Keith,  McLoughlin's  predecessor,  when  asked  by 
the  London  directory  if  bread-stuff  could  not  be  raised 
there,  answered  "  No;  if  you  stop  supplies  from  beyond 
the  mountains,  you  will  have  to  ship  provisions  round 
Cape  Horn.  There  is  no  alternative.  This  is  no  agri- 
cultural country."40  But  McLoughlin's  was  a  mind 
above  the  trammels  of  fixed  impressions.  He  thought 
for  himself,  and  then  acted  upon  his  judgment. 

The  first  fruit-tree  grown  on  the  Columbia  sprang 
from  the  seed  of  an  apple  eaten  at  a  dinner-party  in 
London.  The  dinner  had  been  given  to  Captain 
Simpson,  of  the  company's  coast  service.  One  of  the 
ladies  present,  more  in  jest  than  in  earnest,  took  from 
the  apples  brought  on  with  the  dessert,  the  seeds ;  an<  I 
dropping  them  into  Simpson's  pocket,  told  him  to  plant 
them  when  he  should  reach  his  Northwest  wilderness. 
The  captain  had  forgotten  the  circumstance  until 
reminded  of  it  while  dining  at  Fort  Vancouver  in  1827, 
by  finding  in  the  pocket  of  the  waistcoat  which  lie  laid 
worn  last  in  London,  the  seeds  playfully  put  there  by 
his  lady  friend.  Taking  them  out  he  gave  them  to 
Bruce,  the  gardener,  who  carefully  planted  them;  and 
thence  within  the  territory  of  Oregon  began  the  growth 
of  apple-trees.41 

40  'I  had  heard  myself,' writes  Finlayson  of  a  much  later  period,  V.  I., 
MS.,  72-3,  'that  the  Columbia  region  wasa  bad,  barren  country;  and  that  the 
port  of  San  Francisco  was  possessed  with  a  bad  entrance  for  vessels.' 

"Sec  Hist.  Or.,  i.  9,  this  series;  Kept.  Committee,  27th  Cong.,  3d  - 
Rept.  31,  56;  Parker's  Ex.  Jour.,  lS4-^5;  Allan's  Rem.,  MS.,  I-.-!.'  'My  father 
andMr  Pambrun  and  Simpson  were  together,  and  theythree  planted  them  in 
little  boxes.  They  kept  little  boxes  in  the  store  somewhere  whi  re  they  could 
touched,  and  put  glass  over  them.  I  do  not  know  how  long  the  j 
By  and  by  my  father  came  to  me  and  said,  "  Now,  come  and  see;  we 
are  going  to  have  some  apples."  They  were  all  green,  and  by  and  by  we  got 
apples.  Mr  Pambrun  was  Mrs  McCracken's  father.  My  father  used  to 
watch  the  garden  so  that  no  one  should  touch  them.  A1  Qrst  there  was 
only  one  apple  on  it,  and  that  every  one  must  taste.  Lady  Douglas  will 
remember  that.  The  second  year  we  had  plenty.  They  had  no  apples  at 
Fort  William  that  I  can  remember.  The  nrst  one  was  not  a  red  apple,  but 
the  second  year  we  had  red  apples.  It  was  ripe;  the  only  apple  on  the  littlfl 
tree.     It  wa  I .  for  everybody  had  just  a  little  slice.     There  wer« 

a  good  many  it  had  to  go  round  among.'  Harvey's  Life  of  McLoughlin,  MS., 
8,  9. 


442  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

Astoria  stood  in  the  midst  of  thick  woods,  while 
round  Fort  Vancouver  there  was  good  arable  open 
land.  After  McLoughlin's  wise  improvements,  in- 
stead of  the  heavy  expenses  attending  the  shipment 
of  provisions  from  England  round  Cape  Horn,  laborers 
were  brought  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  from  Great 
Britain,  and  from  Canada,  the  axe  and  plough  were 
put  to  work,  corn  and  cattle  were  cultivated,  and  soon 
enough  was  produced  not  only  to  increase  the  com- 
forts of  the  British  fur -traders,  but  to  supply  the 
Russian  posts  also.  Soon  a  flour -mill  propelled  by 
oxen  was  set  up  behind  the  fort,  and  later  grist  and 
saw  mills  were  erected  and  put  in  operation  on  Mill 
Creek  five  miles  above.42  In  1835  twelve  saws  were 
running  and  producing  3,500  feet  of  inch  boards  every 
twenty-four  hours.  There  was  likewise  raised  this 
year  5,000  bushels  of  wheat,  1,300  bushels  of  corn, 
1,000  bushels  each  of  barley  and  oats,  and  2,000 
bushels  of  peas,  besides  a  large  variety  of  garden 
vegetables.  There  were  also  in  1835  at  this  post  450 
neat  cattle,  100  horses,  200  sheep,  40  goats,  and  300 
hogs. 

In  February  1829,  the  brig  Owyhee,  Captain  Domi- 
nis,  entered  the  Columbia,  and  opened  trade  with  the 
natives.  A  month  later  the  Con  voy,  Captain  Thomp- 
son, appeared  in  the  river.  Both  of  these  vessels 
were  from  Boston.  During  the  summer  they  made 
a  voyage  up  the  coast.  In  the  autumn  the  Owyhee. 
returned  and  wintered  in  the  Columbia,  while  the 
Convoy  proceeded  to  Oahu,  wintered  there,  and  joined 
the  Owyhee  the  following  spring.43     Both  ships  then 

** Douglas'  Private  P>>p><rs,  MS.,  1st  ser.,  7;  Mnlayson's  Hist.  V.  I.,  MS., 
28.  In  1S33  Mr  Allan  was  in  charge  of  the  farms  at  Fort  Vancouver.  There 
were  then  700  acres  under  cultivation,  including  apple  and  peach  orchards. 
'My  duty  as  superintendent  of  the  farms,'  he  -writes,  'consists  mainly  in 
seeing  the  orders  of  the  gentlemen  in  charge  of  the  establishment  carried  into 
effect,  and  I  am  therefore  almost  constantly  on  foot  or  horseback  during  the 
day.'  Allan's  Rem.,  MS.,  3,  4. 

43 McLougMin's  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.,  2;  House  Kept.  101,  25th 
Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  34;  Thornton's  Or.  and  Gal.,  ii.  15;  Applegate  in  Saxton's 
Or.  Ter.,  MS.,  98. 


CATTLE  AND  HOGS.  443 

took  their  departure,  and  were  seen  in  these  waters 
no  more. 

On  his  voyage  out  Captain  Dominis  touched  at 
the  island  of  Juan  Fernandez  and  brought  thence 
peach-trees  which  were  planted  in  Oregon.  Like- 
wise his  vessel  was  the  first  that  took  salmon  from 
the  Columbia  River  to  Boston.  During  a  coast  and 
river  traffic  of  nine  months,  Dominis  secured  a  cargo 
valued  at  $96,000.  The  fever  which  this  year,  1829, 
broke  out  and  which  subsequently  desolated  the  banks 
of  the  lower  Columbia,  was  thought  by  the  natives  to 
have  been  brought  by  the  Owyhee. 

When  cattle  were  wanted  that  their  increase  might 
overspread  the  rich  pastures  which  lay  illimitable  on 
every  side,  for  a  beginning  Captain  Dominis  was  re- 
quested to  bring  some  sheep  from  California.  The 
captain  was  a  better  sailor  than  stock-raiser.  True, 
he  brought  the  sheep  according  to  orders,  a  fine  large 
lot  of  them,  and  in  good  condition,  but  when  they . 
were  turned  ashore  and  told  to  multiply,  it  was  dis- 
covered they  were  all  wethers. 

It  was  coarse-wool  sheep  that  were  first  brought 
up  from  California,  afterward  finer  breeds  were  im- 
ported from  Australia.  China  and  the  Hawaiian  Isl- 
ands furnished  hogs,  and  the  Russian  settlement  at 
Fort  Ross  the  first  cattle.  These  were  driven  up  along 
the  shore,  and  considering  the  inlets,  bays,  rivers,  and 
mountains,  to  say  nothing  of  the  natives,  it  was  an 
extremely  hazardous  undertaking. 

The  trade  of  the  Columbia  during  this  period  of 
its  incipiency,  besides  peltries  consisted  offish,  lumber, 
and  agricultural  products.  Salmon  sent  to  London 
did  not  at  first  prove  profitable,  but  part  of  a  cargo 
collected  by  the  brig  May  Dacre,  in  1835,  brought  at 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  twelve  dollars,  and  at  Boston 
seventeen  dollars,  a  barrel.  A  few  hundred  barrels  of 
flour  were  sent  to  the  Islands  and  to  San  Francisco, 
the  price  received  being  from  ten  to  twelve  dollars. 
Besides  spars  and  other  timber  for  ships  the  Hudson's 


444  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  COLUMBIA. 

Bay  Company  sent  several  cargoes  of  sawn  lumber  to 
the  Islands,  which  brought  about  fifty-five  dollars  a 
thousand  feet.44 

The  vessels  employed  by  the  company  were  from 
two  to  three  hundred  tons  burden,  and  armed  with 
from  six  to  ten  nine-pound  carronades  in  the  waist, 
and  a  few  swivels  and  musketoons.  Coasters  were 
provided  with  a  ten-foot  ratline  net  and  chain,  en- 
closing the  deck.  A  few  boxes  of  hand-grenades  were 
always  within  convenient  reach.  As  a  rule  native 
women  were  freely  admitted  on  board,  the  canoes 
which  brought  them  returning  for  them  after  their 
errand  had  been  consummated.45 

Failing  to  convince  the  United  States  government 
that  its  interests  lay  in  assisting  his  speculations, 
after  the  downfall  of  the  Pacific  Fur  Company  Astor 
abandoned  his  efforts  on  the  Pacific,  but  continued 
operations  about  the  head-waters  of  the  Missouri 
under  the  name  of  the  North  American  Fur  Com- 
pany. In  1822  the  discarded  and  disaffected  members 
of  the  late  Northwest  Company  and  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  united  and  formed  the  Columbia  Fur 
Company.  This  association  was  finally  absorbed  into 
the  North  American  Company. 

It  was  a  perilous  occupation,  this  constant  contest 
with  wild  men  and  beasts,  and  made  doubly  so  by  the 
recklessness  of  the  hunters.  In  1820  Henry  lost  six 
men  and  fifty  horses  on  the  Missouri;  in  1823  the 
Missouri  Fur  Company  lost  seven  men  and  $15,000 
in  merchandise  on  the  Yellowstone.  Between  1825 
and  1830  two  fifths  of  all  the  men  hunting  and  trading 
in  these  parts  were  killed  by   Indians  or  accident. 

44  In  1833  besides  oats,  barley,  peas,  and  potatoes  in  large  quantities,  there 
was  raised  at  Fort  Vancouver  4,000  bushels  of  wheat.  The  several  plantations 
of  the  retired  servants  of  the  company  on  the  Willamette  and  elsewhere  raised 
but  little  in  excess  of  their  immediate  wants.  See  Gushing' s  Sept.,  No.  101, 
25th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  Feb.  1839,  17. 

ia  Roberts'  Eec.,  MS.,  14;  Burnett's  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  291;  'Salem  Unionist, 
April  1869. 


COMMERCE  AND  AGRICULTURE.  445 

Owing  to  rivalry,  lack  of  system,  impositions,  and 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks,  the  loss  of  life  on  the 
United  States  frontier  was  fourfold  greater  than 
within  the  territories  of  the  English  and  Scotch  com- 
panies north  of  the  49th  parallel. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

EXPLORATIONS  OF  UXITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 
1821-1830. 

Ruddock's  Journey — Ashley's  Operations — Green*  on*  the  Colorado- 
Great  Salt  Lake — Utah  Lake — Beckworth's  Adventures — Jede- 
diah  Smith  Enters  California  and  Journeys  thence  to  the  Colum- 
bia River — His  Discomfiture  at  the  Umpqua— How  Black  and  Tur- 
ner Escaped  the  Massacre — Jedediah  Smith  at  Fort  Vancouver — 
McLoughlin's  Treatment  of  Distressed  Strangers — Return  of  Smith 
to  the  Shoshone  Country — Peg-leg  Smith — Tarascon's  Trip- 
Joseph  L.  Meek's  Adventures — Pilcher's  Expedition — Jackson,  Sub- 
lette, and  Smith  Send  the  First  Train  of  Wagons  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains— Rendezvous. 

Samuel  Adams  Ruddock  claims  to  have  made  the 
circuit  from  Council  Bluffs,  by  way  of  Santa  Fe,  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River  in  1821.  He  was 
one  of  a  trading  party  which  set  out  the  middle  of 
May,  forded  the  Platte  just  below  its  fork,  and 
turning  southward  reached  Santa  Fe  the  8th  of  June. 
Crossing  the  Rio  del  Norte,  they  took  "a  north-west 
direction  on  the  north  bank  of  the  river  Chamas,  and 
over  the  mountains  reached  Lake  Trinidad ;  and  then 
pursuing  the  same  direction  across  the  upper  branches 
of  the  Rio  Colorado  of  California,  reached  Lake  Tim- 
panagos,  which  is  intersected  by  the  42d  parallel  of 
latitude,  the  boundary  between  the  United  States 
of  America  and  the  United  States  of  Mexico.  This 
lake  is  the  principal  source  of  the  River  Timpanagos, 
the  Multnomah  of  Lewis  and  Clarke."1  Notwith- 
standing their  route  and  their  geography  were  both 

1  House  Kept.  213,  1st  Sess.,  19th  Cong.,  May  15,  1S26. 

(446) 


ROCKY  MOUNTAIN  COMPANY.  447 

so  crooked,  following  their  River  Timpanagos,  which 
to-day  we  call  Willamette,  they  reached  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  the  first  of  August,  thus  completing  the 
journey  from  Council  Bluffs  in  seventy-nine  clays. 

The  chief  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Fur  Company2 
was  William  PL  Ashley  of  St  Louis,  who  for  many 
years  had  been  engaged  in  gathering  peltries  upon  the 
eastern  slope.  He  was  one  of  the  few  border  men 
who  united  bold  energy  with  shrewd  caution,  and  was 
eminently  successful.  Assisted  by  Mr  Henry  in  1822 
he  built  a  fort  on  the  Yellowstone,  and  sent  out  his 
trappers  in  every  direction.  In  1823  he  determined 
to  push  his  fortunes  across  the  mountains.  With 
twenty-eight  men  he  set  out  upon  his  journey,  but 
before  reaching  his  destination  he  was  attacked  by  the 
Ricaras  who  killed  fourteen  of  the  party  and  wounded 
ten. 

Nothing  daunted,  the  following  year,3  accompanied 
by  Mr  Green,  who  gave  his  name  to  a  branch  of  the 
Colorado,  he  ascended  the  Platte  to  its  source,  ex- 
plored and  named  its  northern  branch,  the  Sweet- 
water, found  the  South  Pass,  afterwards  famous  as 
the  great  national  highway,  and  continued  his  course 
through  it  until  he  came  to  Green  River.  Here  was 
the  rendezvous  of  1824,  where  were  gathered  300 
pack-mules  well  laden  with  mountain  merchandise. 
A  call  for  assistance  by  the  Shoshones  being  made 
upon  the  company,  300  mounted  trappers,  it'  we  may 
believe  Beckwourth,  were  led  by  Sublette  against  the 
Blackfeet.  After  six  hours  fighting,  the  Shoshones 
with  their  white  allies  returned  victorious,  with  L70 
scalps,  having  sustained  a  loss  of  but  eleven  Shoshones 
killed,  and  eight  white  men  wounded. 

2  Irving,  Bonneville's  Adv.,  23,  dates  the  beginning  of  this  compan 
which  is  quite  wide  of  the  mark. 

3  The  date  of  Mr  Ashley's  journey  is  usually  given  as  1823,  but  by  careful 
comparison  of  all  the  original  authorities  it  is  clear  to  my  mind  that  he  <  10 1 
not  cross  the  mountains  until  1824.     It  was  autumn  when  he  started  on  his 
first  journey,  and,  following  Mr  Allen's  statement,  with  his  p; 
annihilated,  he  could  not  possibly  have  made  the  passage  that  m  inter. 


448  EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

In  1825,  with  120  well  mounted  men,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  merchandise  packed  on  horses,  Mr  Ashley 
pursued  the  same  route,  and  reached  Great  Salt  Lake. 
South  of  this  brackish  sheet  he  discovered  a  smaller 
lake,4  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name.  There  he  built 
a  fort,  and  leaving  100  men,  returned  to  St  Louis. 
Two  years  later  a  six-pounder  was  drawn  from  St 
Louis  to  Fort  Ashley,  a  distance  of  1,200  miles,  which 
demonstrated  the  practicability  of  a  wagon-road  across 
the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Ashley  was  a  thoroughly  honest  and  good-natured 
man,  and  to  his  Yankee  shrewdness,  with  one  eye  ever 
on  the  main  chance,  he  united  thoughtful  intelligence 
engendering  independent  action.  But  never  yet  was 
heaven  or  earth  correctly  mapped  by  meditation  alone. 
In  the  trackless  wilderness  of  this  or  other  worlds,  too 
much  theory  may  be  worse  than  none.  Ashley,  for 
instance,  on  his  return  from  Utah  Lake  attempted  a 
somewhat  strange  feat,  which  was  nothing  less  than 
to  reach  St  Louis  in  boats,  by  descending  the  Col- 
orado. I  have  no  doubt  he,  if  any  one,  could  have 
accomplished  it,  but  unfortunately  those  waters  flowed 
into  the  Pacific  instead  of  the  Atlantic.  Happily  he 
was  obliged  to  relinquish  the  undertaking  at  Ashley 
River,  else  he  might  have  come  upon  worse  grief.5 
At  the  head  of  a  strong  party  Green  explored  the 
country  west  of  Salt  Lake,  trading  and  trapping  in 
that  vicinity  until  1829.  So  rich  in  furs  was  the 
Snake  River  region,  which  afterwards  became  the 
favorite  rendezvous  of  the  United  States  trappers,  that 
Ashley  in  three  years  secured  $180,000  worth  of 
peltries. 

In  1827  Ashley  retired  from  the  Rocky  Mountain 
Fur  Company,  leaving  at  its  head  William  L.  Sub- 
lette, with  Jedediah  Smith  and  David  E.  Jackson 
as  lieutenants.     Ashley  died  at  his  residence  on  the 

4 Now  called  Utah  Lake;  or  by  a  writer  in  Hunt's  Mer.  Mag.,  vi.  316, 
Lake  Youta.     It  was  discovered  by  Spaniards  in  1776. 
&RocJcy  Mountain  Scenes,  202. 


james  r.  BECKwourrnr.  uo 

La  Mine  eight  miles  from  Boonville,  the   2Gth  of 
March,  1838> 

With  Ashley  in  several  of  his  expeditions  was 
James  P.  I  >eckwourth,  a  mulatto,  whose  moi  her  was  a 
slave.  Early  in  his  career  Beckwourth  became  famous 
for  his  reckless  courage  and  skill  in  hunting  and  Indian 
fighting.  The  sight  of  some  murdered  playfellows 
while  yet  a  child,  made  Indians  'pizen'  to  him;  and  if 
compunctions  ever  troubled  his  soul,  the  awful  horror 
that  froze  him  then,  arose  again  before  him,  and  ad- 
ministered its  ghastly  absolution.  Subsequently  he 
was  with  Sublette  and  Vasquez,  Bent  and  Saverine, 
and  others.  He  played  the  part  of  Crow  chieftain  or 
white  marauder  at  pleasure,  married  freely  wherever 
he  went,  and  was  not  always  strict  in  respecting  the 
rights  of  property.  He  played  a  somewhat  conspicu- 
ous part  in  New  Mexico  and  in  southern  California 
during  the  war.  Settling  in  1852  as  hotehkeeper 
in  a  valley  of  the  Sierra  Foothills  to  which  he  gave 
his  name,  he  was  soon  obliged  to  leave  the  country  on 
account  of  undue  intimacy  with  horse-thieves.  The 
year  1859  saw  him  keeping  store  at  Denver,  but  he 
soon  sickened  of  such  a  life,  and  finally  in  18G8,  at  the 
advanced  age  of  threescore  and  ten  years  retired  to 


In  the  summer  of  1824  Jedediah  S.  Smith  with  a  party 
of  five  trappers  crossed  the  mountains  from  the  east, 
and  came  upon  the  head- waters  of  the  Snake  River. 
The  following  winter  was  passed  at  the  Hudson's  I  lay 
Company's  post  among  the  Flatheads.     In  1825  he 

ipper's  Life,  }1S.,   2-7;   NUes'  Register,   xxxi.  229,  liv.  81 
HurU's M er. Mag. ,vi. 316;  Evans'  Or.,  .MS.,  197  201;  I 
33-8;    Hines'  Or.  Hist.,  408 ;    Allen,  in  De  Bow's  In-'.   Resources,  Hi.  .">I7 
Gray's  Hist.  Or.,  :;s:  Irving's  Bonneville's  Adv.,  2]  :    I  of  Beck 

wourth,  23-87,  107-  II  ;  North  Am.  Review,  Jan.  1st);   Tuck  r's  H    '..Or., 52 
i's  Or.  and  Cal.,  .'!.".,  ;  Am.  State  Papers,  For.  Rel., 
TBeckwourth  was  by  no  means  a  bad  man,  fch 
greatest  of  which  was  being  born  too  late.    He  should  have  swam  the  Sca- 
mander  after  Grecian  horses,  captured  Ajax  when  calling  for  light,  o 
Achilles  in  his  tent.    Then  had  not  been  denied  him  tin-  honor  of  dying  like  a 
Roman  on  his  shield,  in  a  lightning  of  lances,  or  a  storm  <>f  Blackfoot  braves. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    29 


450  EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

retired  eastward,  and  the  following  year  appeared  on 
Snake  River  at  the  head  of  a  still  more  formidable 
band  of  trappers. 

Pushing  his  way  westward,  trapping  as  he  went, 
he  entered  California  with  his  party  in  1826.8  In  1827 
Smith  found  himself  on  the  shore  of  San  Francisco 
Bay.  Thence  in  1828  he  started  northward  for  the 
Oregon  county.  The  party  consisted  of  nineteen 
men.  The  journey  is  remarkable  as  having  been 
made  along  the  coast,  instead  of  by  the  more  open 
route  by  the  Sacramento  and  Willamette  valleys. 
Reaching  the  Umpqua  one  night  they  encamped  on  a 
small  island  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  opposite  a 
branch  flowing  in  from  the  north-east.  Both  island 
and  branch  were  named  after  Smith. 

Thus  far  they  had  met  with  remarkable  success  and 
carried  on  their  pack-horses  not  less  than  $20,000 
worth  of  furs.  The  natives  they  now  met  seemed 
friendly,  and  the  night  was  passed  in  refreshing  sleep. 
Immediately  after  breakfast  next  morning,  while  the 
party  was  making  ready  to  move  forward,  Smith,  ac- 
companied by  one  of  the  men,  left  camp  in  search 
of  a  ford.  Scarcely  were  they  out  of  sight  when  the 
camp  was  attacked  and  fifteen  men  killed.  Hearing 
the  commotion,  Smith  turned,  only  to  see  the  party 
annihilated  and  his  property  seized.  His  safety  being 
in  flight  alone,  he  hurried  across  the  river  with  his 
companion,  and  after  severe  suffering  found  his  way 
to  Fort  Vancouver.  Two  others  of  the  party,  Arthur 
Black  and  one  Turner,  who  had  acted  as  cook  on  the 
fatal  morning,  saved  themselves  as  by  miracle.  Black 
was  a  powerful  fellow,  as  well  as  active  and  light  of 
foot.  Hand  to  hand  he  fought  the  foe,  until  he  man- 
aged finally  to  elude  his  grasp  and  hide  himself  in  the 
forest.  Turner  slew  four  savages  with  a  firebrand, 
a  half-burned  poplar  stick,  and  so  effected  his  escape. 

8 '  Captain  Smith  was  a  native  of  King's  County.  Ireland,  according  to 
Quigley's  Irish  Race  in  Cat.,  156.  Ebberts,  Trapper's  Life,  MS.,  1-3,  is  of  the 
opinion  that  Smith  was  never  in  California.  See,  however,  Hist.  Gal.,  this 
series. 


JEDEDIAH  SMITH  AT  FORT  VANCOUVER.  451 

These  two  men  likewise  reached  Fort  Vancouver  in 
safety,  though  in  a  pitiable  plight,  having  on  only 
shirt  and  pants;  and  having  subsisted  while  on  the 
way  on  snails,  toads,  bugs,  and  fern-roots.9 

It  was  at  a  time  like  this  when  there  came  to  his 
fortress  an  unfortunate  stranger,  a  man  of  rival  nation- 
ality, and  a  hot  business  competitor,  that  the  inbred 
nobility  of  McLoughlin's  nature  blazed  out  in  its  most 
sublime  proportions.  More  dead  than  alive,  bare- 
headed, and  foot-sore,  Jedediah  S,  Smith  crept  into  the 
dining-hall  at  Fort  Vancouver.  McLoughlin  listened 
attentively  to  his  story. 

''Take  men  and  return  immediately  to  the  place 
of  massacre,"  he  said  to  Smith,  "perhaps  some  of  your 
party  are  alive;  at  all  events  you  can  recover  the 
property." 

"It  is  of  no  use,"  replied  Smith,  disheartened  by 
misfortune  and  fatigue. 

"Stay  with  me  then,"  exclaimed  McLoughlin,  "I 
will  manage  it."  Taking  off  his  spectacles,  he  threw 
them  on  the  table,  and  snatching  his  cane,  hurried 
to  the  porch  and  shouted:  "Mr  McKay!  Thomas 
McKay!  Tom!  where  the  devil  is  McKay?"  Presently 
McKay  made  his  appearance,  coming  out  of  the  store. 
"Here,  Tom,  this  American  has  been  robbed,  his  party 
massacred.  Take  fifty  men.  Have  the  horses  driven  in. 
Where  is  La  Framboise,  Michel,  Baptlste,  Jacques; 

9  The  widely  various  versions  of  this  affair  aptly  illustrate  the  uncertainties 
of  historical  data.     Robert  Xc well,  writing  in  the  /  h  aid  under 

date  of  October  3,  1SGG,  says,  that  in  leaving  camp  'Smith  got  upon  his  horse 
to  go  and  hunt  a  place  to  cross  a  slough,  and  to  ascend  a  bluff.'  Hines, 
Expedition,  110,  asserts  that  'Smith  took  one  of  his  men  and  pro© 
the  river  on  foot.'  Sir  George  Simpson,  Journey,  i.  24S.  affirms  that  Smith 
'ascended  the  stream  in  a  canoe  with  two  companions  of  his  own  party,  and 
a  native  of  the  neighborhood.'  Presently  from  the  shore,  in  a  strange 
I  ,  an  Indian  hailed  the  savage  in  the  canoe,  wh  i 

two  of  the  white  men  escaped  under  :>  •  ■ 
the  third  being  shot.      Mrs  Victor,  River  of  tin    II  .     .  : 

was  on  a  raft,  and  had  with  him  'a  little  Englishm  Lndian.    When 

they  were  in  th  I   the  river  the  Indian  Bnal 

jumped  i  p.     At  the  same  instant  a  yell  fie in  the  camp  proclaimed 

that  it  was  attacked.     •  Smiti  lishman's 

gun  and  shot  dead  the  Indian  in  the  river.'   See  J/*/.  Privc 

MS.,  2d  ser.,  1. 


452  EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

where  are  all  the  men?  Take  twenty  pack-horses; 
those  who  have  no  saddles  ride  on  blankets;  two 
blankets  to  each  man;  go  light,  take  some  salmon, 
pease,  grease,  potatoes — now  be  off,  cross  the  river  to- 
night, and  if  there  be  one  of  you  here  at  sunset  I  will 
tie  him  to  the  twelve-pounder  and  give  him  a  dozen." 
Instantly  all  is  bustle  and  hurry  as  the  men  run 
hither  and  thither  about  the  fort  making  _  ready,  and 
by  the  time  the  commander  has  his  instructions 
written,  McKay  is  at  the  door  ready  for  his  orders. 
"  Take  this  paper!"  exclaims McLoughlin,  "and  be  off; 
read  it  on  the  way;  you'll  observe  the  place  is  beyond 
the  Umpqua.  Good-by>  Thomas ;  God  bless  you.  Be 
off!  be  off!" 

Sooner  than  Smith  had  thought  possible,  an  Indian 
runner  reported  McKay  returning.  Boats  were  sent 
across  the  river  to  bring  over  the  tired  men  and 
horses.  Nearly  all  the  stolen  furs  had  been  recovered. 
For  this  important  service  rendered,  McLoughlin 
charged  Smith  four  dollars  each  for  such  of  the  horses 
as  were  lost  on  the  journey,  and  for  the  men's  time 
at  the  rate  of  sixty  dollars  per  annum,  and  for  the 
peltries,  at  Smith's  request,  he  paid  the  market  price, 
giving  for  them  a  draft  on  London.10 

Returning  to  the  Shoshone  country  the  following 
season,  Jedediah  Smith  descended  the  Colorado  trap- 
ping and  trading,  but  in  crossing  the  river  on  a 
certain  occasion  he  was  again  attacked  by  the  savages 
and  lost  all.     During  this  expedition,  after  leaving 

10 Robert  Newell  in  the  Democratic  Herald,  Oct.  I860;  McLoughlin's  Pri- 
vate Pap(  rs,  MS. ,  2d  ser. ;  Cox's  Adv.,  ii.  395,  app.  What  shall  we  say  of  a 
man  whose  piety  and  patriotism  carry  him  so  far  as  in  the  face  of  the  fairest 
and  most  convincing  evidence,  who  in  the  face  of  such  noble  deeds  as  this  of 
McLoughlin's,  wilfully  seeks  to  malign  the  good  name  of  one  of  the  best  of  men  ? 
Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  207-8,  mingling  his  venom  with  the  assertions  of  Hines,  the 
missionary,  unblushingly  charges  the  massacre  of  Smith's  party  to  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  and  indirectly  to  McLoughlin.  A  slave  of  the  Umpqua  wife 
of  one  Michel  was  taught  at  Fort  Vancouver,  so  says  this  fair  and  honest  his- 
torian, that  nothing  would  so  please  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  people  as  the 
killing  of  Bostons  or  white  men  from  the  United  States.  No  one  knew  better 
than  Gray  him  -elf  when  he  wrote  it  that  the  statement  was  basely  and  unquali- 
fiedly false.  Jesse  Apple-ale  in  making  for  me  some  marginal  notes  upon  this 
blackest  of  Gray's  black  "pages  says:  'I  was  living  in  St  Louis  at  the  time 


PEG  LEG  SMITH.  453 

the  CJmpqua  country,  he  fell  in  with  the  annual  rein- 
forcement party  under  Fitzpatrick,  numbering  fifty- 
four,  and  of  whom  ( reorge  W.  Ebberts  was  one.11  We 
shall  meet  Captain  Smith  yet  many  times  in  thread- 
ing the  historical  labyrinth*  of  western  fur-hunting 
explorations. 

A  i  the  San  Francisco  city  hospital  in  October  1866, 
died  Thomas  L.  Smith — sometimes  called  '  Peg-leg' 
Smith  because  he  carried  a  wooden  leg — at  the  age  of 
sixty-nine  years.  His  life  was  the  type  of  a  class. 
Born  in  Kentucky,  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he  ran  away 
from  a  child-beating  father,  served  a  term  as  flatboat- 
man,  made  his  way  into  the  nearest  Indian  country  as 
trapper,  attended  St  Vrain  on  a  trip  for  Laclede  and 
Chotcau  to  Santa  1\',  trapped  in  the  Green  River 
country  when  he  discovered  and  named  the  Smith 
branch  of  Bear  River, visited  the  Navajos  and  Moquis, 
trapped  in  Arizona, trapped  again  in  1828  with  Bridger 
and  Sublette  in  the  Utah  country,  then  worked  over 
on  to  the  Platte  River  where  he  lost  his  leg,  in  1829 
was  again  in  Utah,  after  which  he  came  to  California, 
and  when  towns  were  built  he  drank  his  rum  in  peace, 
sunned  himself  on  curb-stones,  where  occasionally  would 
break  from  his  lips  one  of  those  wild  war-cries  to  which 
he  had  so  long  been  familiar,  to  the  utter  confounding 
of  staid  passers-by.12 

Ashley  soil  his  fur  interest  to  Smith,  Jackson,  and  Sublette.  The  winter 
Smith  was  missing,  hi  nee  was  attributed  fco  the  Eudson's  Bay 

Company;  and  his  partners,  Jackson  and  Subletto     I  :tra  number  of 

ake  war  on  the  Hudson's  Bay  <  lompany,  fco  a  h  of  their 

partner,  and  to  make  reprisals  upon  them  for  the  p  op  mpposed 

to  have  taken  from  him;  but  after  learning  the  faci  .  I  mm  Smith 

himself,  they  v,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  acted 

only  justly  but  | 

rival  American  and  English  companies.'    See  Hist.  Oregon,  fchi 
the  character  of  <  > ray  i>  more  fully  Bel  forth. 

llEbbi  rts'  Trapper's  Life,  MS.,  1  3. 

1JX.  /'.                 0  '.  26,  L866;  in  Hayes' Col,  u.  311 
good  stories  about   the  two  Smiths,  Jedediah  and   I'  diah  and 

Arthur  Black  were  trapping  one  day  when  the  I  •  :ed  bj   a 

Black  raised  his  gun  and  killed  the  brute.     The  deed  i 
irds  quoting  Ebberts:    'Arthur  Black  told  m  Squire,   T 

saved  old  Smi1  .                       [  "did you    etanythir 
'•"Well,"  f  nun."    1  belii  ve  uow  that  Mr. 


454  EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

L.  A.  Tarascon,  who  in  December  1824  asked  con- 
gress to  open  a  wagon -road  to  the  Pacific,  in  the 
spring  of  1826  ascended  the  Mississippi  to  the  head 
of  steam-boat  navigation.13 

Of  the  same  age  as  Eb'berts  was  Joseph  L.  Meek, 
who  enlisted  with  Sublette  at  the  same  time  and  place. 
Meek  was  from  Virginia,  and  in  the  same  party  was 
Robert  Newell  from  Ohio,  also  about  eighteen  years 
of  age. 

Up  to  this  time  the  Rocky  Mountain  Company 
had  avoided  direct  collision  with  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  on  the  western  side  of  the  mountains.  But 
before  Smith  had  set  out  on  his  California  journey,  it 
had  been  determined  by  him  and  Sublette  that  the 
British  company  had  held  sole  sway  in  territory 
claimed  by  the  United  States  long  enough,  and  they 
now  felt  strong  enough  to  cope  with  them.  The 
result  was  profitable,  as  we  have  seen,  except  when 
the  rich  prizes  were  captured  by  the  savages.  But 
such  was  the  gratitude  of  Smith,  who  was  no  less 
conscientious  as  a  Christian,  than  shrewd  as  a  trader, 
for  the  kind  services  rendered  him  while  in  a  desti- 
tute and  forlorn  condition,  that  on  his  return  to  the 

Smith  willed  Arthur  Black  one  thousand  dollars  when  he  got  home.  But 
Black  never  got  home.'  Jedediah  Smith  was  a  wealthy  trader;  Peg-leg 
Smith  was  a  poor  trapper.  The  latter  was  once  left  with  the  Blackfeet  near 
Brown  Hole  in  the  Uintah  Mountains,  left,  by  his  comrades  who  were 
starving,  with  a  broken  leg  to  die.  'He  amputated  his  leg  himself,'  says 
Ebberts,  'and  stayed  and  cured  it  up.'  Trapper's  Life,  MS.,  3-7.  Turner 
met  with  an  adventure  similar  to  that  upon  the  Umpqua,  subsequently  at 
Rogue  River.  Trapping  becoming  unprofitable,  he  finally  settled  upon  a 
farm  in  the  Willamette  Valley.  Quigley,  Irish  Face  in  Cat,  156,  erroneously 
states  that  Smith  lost  his  life  in  California.  Peg-leg  Smith  'was  a  stout-built 
man,  with  black  eyes  and  gray  hair.  He  was  a  hard  drinker,  and  when 
under  the  influence  of  liquor  veiy  liable  to  get  into  a  fight.  When  he  found 
himself  in  a  tight  place  his  wooden  leg  proved  very  serviceable  to  him,  as  he 
had  a  way  of  unstrapping  it  very  quickly,  and  when  wielded  by  his  muscular 
arms  it  proved  a  weapon  not  to  be  despised.'  Hobbs'  Wild  Life,  46. 

13  On  the  13th  of  June  he  writes:  '  I  do  not  think  I  am  mistaken,  and  my 
opinion  is  that  the  way  is  marked  by  nature ...  By  the  St  Peters  you  reach 
Lake  Travers;  from  thence,  now  in  carriage  or  wagon,  but  in  time  all  the  way 
by  water,  you  cross  to  the  mouth  of  the  Chayenne;  you  ascend  said  river; 
you  take  the  Big  Horn;  you  are  at  the  southern  gap  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
in  42°,  you  descend  either  Lewis  River  or  the  Multnomah,  or  cross  the 
country;  you  are  in  the  bay '-^meaning  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  Niks' 
Register,  xxx.  331. 


JOSEPH  L.  MEEK.  455 

Shoshone  country  he  insisted  that  his  company 
should  for  a  time  retire  from  the  fur-fields  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  Sublette  and  the  rest  re- 
luctantly consented. 

Meek,  as  one  of  a  party  of  hired  trappers,  spent  the 
autumn  of  1820  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Henry  and  Lewis 
branches  of  Snake  River.  In  October  1830  Sublette 
began  moving  his  camp  to  the  east  of  the  mountains. 
The  furs  collected  by  Jackson's  company  this  year 
were  cached  on  Wind  River,  while  an  expedition 
was  made  to  Powder  River.  The  following  year  at 
the  Wind  River  rendezvous ,  Smith,  Sublette,  and 
Jackson  sold  their  interests  in  the  Rocky  Mountain 
Company  to  Milton  Sublette,  James  Bridger,  Frapp, 
Fitzpatrick,  and  Jervais. 

There  was  a  small  valley  in  the  Bear  River  Moun- 
tains called  Ogden  Hole,  so  named  from  Peter  Skeen 
Ogden,  who  was  there  trading  for  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  in  1830.  A  bitter  rivalry  had  finally  arisen 
between  the  British  and  United  States  hunting  parties 
in  this  vicinity;  so  that  when  Fitzpatrick  encamped 
near  Ogden  Hole  and  tapped  his  whiskey-kegs,  the 
scenes  which  followed  were  like  a  revival  of  the  old 
times  of  the  Northwest  Company. 

Exorbitant  prices  were  charged  by  the  traders  for 
goods  thus  brought  over  roadless  prairies,  and  sold 
to  reckless  and  improvident  trappers,  among  whom  it 
was  not  uncommon  to  see  spent  at  the  rendezvous,  on 
women,  alcohol,  and  savage  finery,  a  thousand  dollars 
a  day,  as  long  as  their  peltries  lasted. 

In  the  Shoshone  country  at  this  time,  in  return  for 
beaver-skins  at  $5  a  pound,  the  traders  gave  tobacco 
at  $2  a  pound,  alcohol  at  $2  a  pint,  three  awls  for 
50  cents,  $25  for  a  capote,  or  a  blanket,  $5  for  a 
shirt. 

On  reaching  the  borders  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany's hunting-grounds,  the  free  trappers,  those  who 
were  not  employed  by  the  United  States  companies, 
and   who    did   not   owe    for   outfits,    patronized   the 


456    EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

British  traders,  from  whom  better  goods  at  less  prices 
could  be  obtained.14 

Competition  between  the  Rocky  Mountain  Com- 
pany and  the  American  Company  was  likewise  strong, 
and  it  was  proposed  at  one  time  to  divide  the  country 
between  them.  Later  there  were  still  further  rival- 
ries among  smaller  partnerships  and  associations,  each 
straining  every  nerve  to  be  first  at  the  rendezvous,  and 
to  circumvent  the  others.  After  eleven  years  of  trap- 
ping in  the  Rocky  Mountain  region,  in  1840  Newell 
and  Meek  dropped  down  into  the  Willamette  Valley 
and  became  staid  members  of  the  new  commonwealth. 

Dissolved  in  1812,  the  Missouri  Fur  Company  was 
revived  several  years  later  in  the  persons  of  Joshua 
Pilcher,  M.  Lisa,  Thomas  Hempstead,  and  Mr  Per- 
kins. On  the  Yellowstone,  in  1823,  a  party  of  this 
company  under  Jones  and  Immuel  were  attacked  by 
the  Blackfeet,  and  several  persons  including  the  lead- 
ers were  killed. 

With  forty-five  men  and  one  hundred  horses  Pilcher 
left  Council  Bluffs  in  1827,  and  crossing  the  moun- 
tains by  the  South  Pass,  wintered  on  Green  River. 
Upon  the  opening  of  spring  he  crossed  to  Snake  River 
and  followed  the  western  base  of  the  mountains  north- 
ward to  Flathead  Lake,  where  he  wintered  in  1828-9. 
Next  year  he  descended  Clarke  River  to  Fort  Col- 
ville,  and  returned  to  the  United  States  by  way  of 
the  northern  Columbia,  Athabasca,  Red  River,  and 
the  Missouri.15 

It  was  under  the  auspices  of  Jackson,  Sublette, 
and  Smith,  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Fur  Company, 

14 '  The  Hudson's  Bay  blanket  was  a  heap  better  article,  twice  as  good. 
They  charged  us  over  there  ten  dollars  a  yard  for  scarlet  to  make  leggins, 
what  we  call  leggins,  and  here  we  would  give  them  thirty-two  shillings  for 
them.  Well,  this  scarlet  would  last  ten  or  twelve  years,  and  the  other  would 
just  go  to  pieces.'  Ebberts'  Trapper's -Life,  MS.,  10. 

15  To  Eaton,  secretary  of  war,  Pilcher  made  a  report  praising  the  climate 
and  soil  of  the  Oregon  country.  See  Kelley's  Manual,  3,  4;  Evans'  Or.,  MS., 
201;  Fry's  Travellers'  Guide,  112;  Gray's  Or.,  39,  which  says  that  the  party 
were  all  cut  off  but  two  men  besides  himself,  and  Pilcher's  furs  found  their 
way  to  the  warerooms  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  Greenhow's  Or.  and 
Cal.,  358;  Be  Bow's  Bid.  Res.,  iii.  517;  North  Am.  Rev.,  Jan.  1840,  118. 


WAGONS  UPON  THE  PLAINS.  457 

that  the  first  train  of  wagons  made  its  way  to  the 
eastern  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  an  accomplish- 
ment pregnant  with  important  results  to  the  North- 
west Coast. 

Setting  out  from  St  Louis  on  the  10th  of  April  1829, 
with  eighty-one  men  mounted  on  mules,  ten  wagons, 
each  drawn  by  five  mules,  and  two  light  mule-carts, 
the  party  proceeded  due  west  to  the  Missouri  bound- 
ary, followed  the  Santa  Fe  trail  forty  miles,  and 
thence  deviaf  ing  t  o  the  north  of  west,  traced  the  Platte 
River  to  near  its  source,  and  on  the  lGth  of  July 
reached  the  spot  where  Wind  River  issues  from  the 
mountains. 

When  between  the  Arkansas  and  Platte  rivers,  a 
band  of  one  thousand  warriors  on  the  war-path  came 
in  full  charge  upon  them.  The  white  men  thought 
their  time  had  come,  and  prepared  to  sell  their  lives 
at  as  high  a  cost  to  the  savages  as  possible.  What 
was  their  delight  when  the  warriors  suddenly  drew  up 
and  graciously  deigned  to  receive  presents  instead  of 
bullets. 

For  food,  before  reaching  the  buffalo  country,  they 
drove  twelve  head  of  cattle,  eight  of  which  only  they 
found  it  necessary  to  butcher,  and  one  milch  cow.  The 
natives  troubled  them  but  little,  stealing  two  horses ; 
and  accidents  were  few,  one  man  being  killed  and 
another  wounded  by  the  falling  in  of  a  bank  of  earth. 
The  health  of  the  men  was  perfect;  and  the  grass 
along  the  route  afforded  abundant  sustenance  for  the 
animals.  Each  wagon  carried  eighteen  hundred 
pounds  of  freight,  and  the  distance  made  was  from 
fifteen  to  twenty-five  miles  a  day.  Their  trackless 
way  was  for  the  most  part  over  open  prairie,  the 
el  lief  obstructions  to  their  progress  being  ravines  and 
the  steep  bank  of  streams,  which  they  were  obliged  to 
cut  down  before  crossing. 

The  mountains  in  their  vicinity  were  covered  with 
snow,  but  the  lowlands  and  passes  were  green  with 
grass.     Returning  in  high  spirits  by  the  same  route 


453  EXPLORATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES  TRAPPERS. 

with  their  wagons  loaded  with  furs,  the  party  reached 
St  Louis  on  the  10th  of  October.  Reporting  this 
achievement  to  the  secretary  of  war,  the  traders  as- 
serted that  they  could  easily  have  crossed  the  moun- 
tains with  their  wagons  by  the  South  Pass  had  such 
been  their  wish.16  In  1830  Sublette  brought  out  four- 
teen wagons. 

There  were  three  rendezvouses  this  year,  1829, 
namely,  at  Pierre  Hole  in  the  Teton  Mountains, 
Brown  Hole,  and  on  Green  River.  About  this  time 
George  W.  Ebberts  enlisted  with  the  Rocky  Mountain 
Company.  He  was  a  character  in  his  way;  indeed,  all 
border  men  were  characters  in  those  days.17  Ken- 
tucky was  his  native  state,  and  1828  saw  him  in  St 
Louis,  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  in  love  with  a  pretty 
French  girl.  His  affections  were  returned,  and  they 
had  engaged  to  marry,  when  his  mother  wrote  him 
that  the  proposed  alliance  would  kill  her.  He  felt 
that  not  to  marry  her  would  kill  him;  yet,  to  satisfy 
his  mother,  he  joined  Smith,  Jackson,  and  Sublette, 
and  rushed  off  to  the  Rocky  Mountains.  After  trap- 
ping on  the  streams  and  carousing  at  the  rendezvous 
for  about  eight  years,  Ebberts  joined  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  and  went  to  Oregon. 

The  rendezvous  in  1830  was  at  a  place  called  the 
Blackfoot.  There  as  usual  the  men  divided,  some 
going  one  way  and  some  another.  Jedediah  Smith, 
with  a  party  of  trappers,  struck  out  north-west ;  Jack- 
son directed  his  course  toward  California,  while  Sub- 
lette went  east  for  supplies.  Before  breaking  camp 
the  rendezvous  for  the  following  year  was  alwa}^s 
named.     Between  the  years   1826   and    1829   there 

16  See  President  Jackson's  Message  to  the  house  of  representatives  the 
25th  of  January  1831. 

17  When  I  took  his  narrative  at  Salem  in  1878,  he  presented  a  slender,  wiry 
form,  about  five  and  a  half  feet  in  height,  with  bushy  hair,  a  wrinkled  face 
cleanly  shaven,  and  full  manly  voice.  His  eyes  and  teeth  were  bad.  Every 
motion  and  expression  appeared  to  spring  immediately  from  a  warm,  artless, 
and  happy  heart.  By  his  brother  trappers  he  was  called  the  Black  Squire. 
His  dictation,  called  A  Trapper's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  in  Oregon 
from  1829  to  1S39,  consists  of  forty-five  manuscript  pages,  and  is  full  of  border 
life  and  stirring  incidents. 


DEATH  OF  JEDEDIAH  SMITH.  459 

were  about  six  hundred  American  trappers  in  these 
parts,  and  also  many  belonging  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company.  So  bitter  was  competition  that  it  was  don  1 1 1 
for  the  trappers  of  one  company  to  sell  furs  to  another 
company,  or  to  any  one  other  than  the  person  who 
furnished  him  with  supplies.  After  some  six  years  of 
exploration  of  the  country  between  the  Colorado  and 
the  Columbia,  in  1831  Jedediah  Smith  fitted  out  an 
expedition  at  St  Louis  for  Santa  ¥6,  during  which  lie 
was  slain  by  the  Comanches  on  the  Cimarron.18 

18  See  St  Louis  Beacon,  Oct.  7,  1830;  Niks'  Register,  xxxix.  173;  De  Boiu's 
Ind.  Res.,  iii.  517;  Warner,  in  Hayes'  Coll.,  iii.  19-20;  Hist.  Or.,  and  Hist. 
( 'al.,  tins  series.  Mr  Craig  who  died  in  November  1SG9,  was  trapper  for  the 
American  Fur  Company  for  fifteen  years.  He  came  to  the  Oregon  country  in 
1S30,  settled  at  Lapwai,  and  rendered  good  service  hi  treating  with  the  Ind- 
ians— to  Governor  Stevens,  on  whose  staff  he  was  placed  with  the  rank  of 
colonel.    Walla  Walla  Union  and  Salem  Statesman,  Nov.  1809. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

DOMINATION  OF  THE  NORTHWEST  COAST  BY  THE 
HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

1821-1826. 

Forts  Established —  Alexandria  —  Thompson  —  Chllkotin  —  Babine — 
Wife-lifting  and  Revenge — John  Tod  Appointed  to  New  Cale- 
donia— James  McMillan  Journeys  to  Fraser  River — Joiin  Mc- 
Leod  at  Thompson  River — Establishing  of  Colville^James  Con- 
nolly— First  Eastern  Brigade  from  Fort  Vancouver — James  Doug- 
las Destroys  a  Murderer. 

We  have  seen  that  notwithstanding  the  restoration 
of  Astoria  to  the  United  States  authorities  in  1818, 
the  subsequent  claims  of  congress,  and  the  pretensions 
of  United  States  trappers  and  traders,  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  as  successors  to  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany since  1821  are  absolute  masters  of  the  situation. 
That  the  vital  issues  of  occupation  were  not  sooner 
precipitated,  was  owing  no  less  to  the  wise  and  benig- 
nant rule  of  John  McLoughlin  than  to  the  strength 
of  the  adventurers  trading  into  Hudson's  Bay,  and 
the  weakness  of  their  opposing  fur-traffickers. 

We  have  noticed  the  founding  of  the  establishment 
on  McLeod  Lake  in  1805,  those  on  Stuart  and  Fraser 
lakes  in  1806,  that  of  Fort  George  at  the  junction  of 
Stuart  and  Fraser  rivers  in  1807,  besides  others  at 
different  times  in  various  localities ;  and  we  have  fol- 
lowed Fraser  and  his  hardy  crew  clown  the  Tacootehe 
Tesse  of  Mackenzie  to  its  mouth  in  1808. 

Communication  between  the  Columbia  and  Fraser 
rivers  was  not  opened  until  1813,  and  the  year  follow- 
ing saw  merchandise  from  the  lower  posts  on  the 
Columbia  ascending  the  upper  portion  of  the  Fraser. 


KAMLOOP,  ALEXANDRIA,  AND  CIIILKOTIN. 


4G1 


Fort  Thompson,  named  for  the  famous  Northwest 
Company's  astronomer,  and  later  called  Fort  Kam- 
loop,  was  then  built  at  the  fork  of  Thompson  River. 
It  was  a  return  party  with  their  outfit  brought  over 
from  the  Columbia  who  in  1821  established  Fort 
Alexandria,  so  called  in  honor  of  Sir  Alexander 
Mackenzie,  on  the  Fraser  at  the  precise  point  where 
that  explorer  turned  back  in  1793.1 


Northern  Inland  Posts. 

Chilkotin  as  an  outpost  of  Alexandria  was  occupied 
about  the  same  time  as  a  clerks'  station.2    Since  1810— 

Jexander  Mackenzie  'came  to  the  spot  on  which  the  fort  was  built, 
and  was  dissuaded  by  the  Indians  from  following  the  course  of  the  river  to  its 
mouth.'  Cox's  Adv.,  ii.  361.  Here  the  navigation  of  the  Fraser  is 
the  northward-bound  brigade.  Wilkes'  Nar.,U.  S.Explor.  Ex.,  Lv.  479.  [twaa 
the  residence  of  a  chief  trader.  Anderson's  Hist.  Northvu  '  '  ■  '■  MS.,  98. 
Dumber  of  hoi  I    pi   here.  Finla/yson's  Hist.  V.  /.,  MS.,  <>7. 

2  Wilkes' .War.  U.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,iv.  479,  places  thi  '  hilkotin 

branch  of  Fraser  River  in  latitude  52°  10',  while  on  Trutch's  map  it  is  located 
nearer  o-    -0'. 


462         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

1 1  winter  trading  excursions  had  been  made  to  Babine 
Lake,  and  in  18223  a  permanent  post  was  planted 
there  no  less  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  regular 
supply  of  superior  dried  salmon,  than  for  the  procur- 
ing of  furs.4 

The  Beaver  Indians  who  inhabited  the  Rocky 
Mountains  wdiere  Peace  River  flows  through  them, 
were  a  well  fed  race,  and  hence  bold  and  warlike.  In 
the  autumn  of  1823,  Guy  Hughes  and  four  men  were 
killed  at  Fort  St  John  for  wife-lifting,  as  stealing 
women  from  the  natives  was  technically  termed  by 
the  fur-traders.  Much  alarm  prevailed  at  all  the 
posts  within  a  radius  of  five  hundred  miles.  The 
establishment  was  soon  deserted.  Likewise  Fort 
Dunvegan  was  abandoned  the  following  year  in  con- 
sequence, but  was  reestablished  some  time  afterward 
by  Mr  Campbell.  It  was  never  known  positively  who 
did  the  killing,  although  a  chief  called  Sancho  had 
been  greatly  enraged  against  Mr  Black,  the  officer  in 
charge  of  the  fort,  for  taking  from  him  one  of  his  wives 
a  few  days  prior  to  the  revengeful  deed,  and  had  even 
fired  shots  at  the  canoes  of  Black  and  Henry  as  they 
took  their  departure  from  the  fort.  The  natives 
thereabouts  manifested  the  most  friendly  feeling 
at  the  time  and  subsequently,  although  three  or  four 
of  the  St  John  Indians  held  themselves  aloof  forever 
after.  When  Governor  Simpson  passed  St  John  in 
1828,  the  buildings  were  entire,  nothing  about  them 
having  been  molested.  But  we  may  be  sure  the  Sabine 
sport  was  never  again  attempted  in  that  region.5 

The  oldest  officer  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  was  John  Tod, 
born  at  Leven,  Scotland,  in  1793.  With  other  young 
recruits  he  enlisted  at  Glasgow  under  the  Red  River 

3  Following  Stuart,  Anderson,  Northxuest  Coast,  MS.,  99,  gives  the  date  of 
this  beginning  1823,  and  calls  the  post  Fort  Kilmaurs.  It  is  known  as  Fort 
Babine  to-day.     It  was  located  near  the  north-east  end  of  the  lake. 

4 Stuart's  Notes,  in  Anderson 's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  236. 

5  JfcLcod's  Peace  Biver,  10,  85. 


JOHN  TOD  IX  NEW  CALEDONIA.  463 

banner  of  Lord  Selkirk.  After  serving'  at  several 
east  tin  stations,  lie  was  appointed  to  New  Caledonia, 
whither  lie  proceeded  in  1823.  This  region  was  then 
regarded  as  the  Botany  Bay  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company's  territories  so  far  as  residence  was  con- 
cerned. Mr  Tod  attributes  his  appointment  to  that 
then  undesirable  region  to  one  Taylor,  a  servant  of 
Sir  George  Simpson's,  an  arrogant  fellow  whom  all 
the  officers  hated,  and  whom  Tod  had  mortally 
offended.  One  day  after  a  quarrel  with  the  menial, 
Simpson  sent  for  Tod.     Taylor  was  the  messenger. 

"  Sit  down,  Mr  Tod,"  smilingly  said  the  governor. 
"  I  have  to  inform  you,  my  dear  sir,  of  a  new  ap- 
pointment by  the  governor  in  council." 

"Ah,  indeed!"  returned  Tod,  "where  to,  may  I 
ask?" 

"  New  Caledonia,"  replied  the  governor. 

"  The  very  place  of  all  others  I  should  like  to  go 
to,"  exclaimed  Tod,  who  was  determined  that  no  sign 
of  disappointment  should  cloud  his  beaming  Scotch 
countenance  at  that  juncture. 

With  Tod  came  Stuart.  Peter  Warren  Dease  was 
then  in  charge  at  McLeod  Lake,  and  him  Tod  re- 
lieved. Filling  that  post  nine  years,  he  returned  east. 
Tod  related  many  adventures  to  me  which  I  have 
not  the  space  to  give.  He  once  set  London  agog  by 
parading  through  its  streets  a  shock-headed  American 
in  all  his  native  habiliments.  After  long  and  faithful 
service  in  the  compaii}^,  an  accusation  of  habitual 
drunkenness  was  reported  by  Governor  Simpson  to 
tin'  London  council,  but  the  charge  was  finally  dis- 
missed.0 

By  order  of  the  Rupert  governor,  Simpson,  an  expe- 
dition was  directed  northward  from  Astoria  in  1824, 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  by  sea  the  mouth  of 

6See  /'  uglae' Private  Papers,  1st  ser.,  MS.,  8G-2;  Tod's  New  Caledonia, 
MS.,  ]>-i  ini.  Before  the  occupation  of  New  Caledonia,  Norway  Souse  was 
the  Siberia  of  the  company,  where  refractory  men  and  headstrong  officers 
were  sen  I  ir  probationary  cooling.  Applegate's  Views,  MS.,  II;  Saxtoris  Or. 
Ter.,  .M.S.,  12. 


464         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

Fraser  River,  finding  a  situation  for  a  fort,  and  ascer- 
taining the  possibilities  of  navigation  upon  that  stream. 
The  country  along  their  route  between  the  Columbia 
and  Eraser  rivers  was  to  be  carefully  examined.  The 
expedition  consisted  of  James  McMillan,  commander ; 
Thomas  McKay,  F.  JST.  Annance,  and  John  Work,7 
clerks;  and  thirty-six  French  Canadians,  Kanakas, 
and  Iroquois. 

Instead  of  taking  the  Cowlitz  River  route  to  Puget 
Sound,  the  one  commonly  adopted  at  a  later  period, 
it  was  determined  to  enter  that  sheet  by  way  of  the 
Chehalis.  Embarking  on  the  18th  of  November  in 
three  boats  laden  with  arms  and  ammunition,  besides 
flour,  pork,  pease,  oatmeal,  grease,  rum,  butter,  sugar, 
biscuit,  and  peinican,  the  party  proceeded  to  Baker 
Bay,  where  they  landed,  and  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
doubling  Cape  Disappointment,  made  the  portage  by 
way  of  a  small  lake  and  creek  to  Shoalwater  Bay,8 
which  they  reached  on  the  20th. 

Carefully  noting  their  course,  and  bringing  within 
the  range  of  their  acute  observation  every  object  of 

7  To  none  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  officers  is  posterity  more 
indebted  than  to  John  Work,  whose  journals  of  various  expeditions,  nowhere 
else  mentioned,  fill  a  gap  in  history.  Irish  by  birth  he  entered  the  service  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Companyin  1S14,  served  for  eight  years  on  the  eastern  slope, 
crossed  the  mountains  to  Astoria,  where  we  find  him  embarking  in  the  preseut 
expedition  in  1824.  He  planted  at  Colville  the  first  farm  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  In  182S  he  journeys  from  Fort  Vancouver  to  Okanagan,  in  1831  he 
visits  the  Missouri  River,  and  in  1834  makes  a  trip  southward  from  Fort  Van- 
couver. For  fourteen  years  next  following,  he  is  in  charge  at  Fort  Simpson. 
From  clerk  he  rises  to  the  positions  of  chief  trader  and  chief  factor.  Li  1So7 
he  is  made  member  of  the  council  of  Vancouver,  which  position  he  fills  to 
the  day  of  his  death,  in  1S01,  at  which  time  he  was  also  member  of  the  board 
of  management  of  the  western  department  at  Victoria.  Mr  Work  was  a  man 
of  strong  rather  than  graceful  physique.  His  mind  like  his  frame  was  con- 
structed for  practical  use  and  endurance,  rather  than  for  beauty  or  brilliance. 
Yet  that  strict  integrity  which  commanded  respect  was  no  more  prominent  a 
characteristic  than  the  kindly  disposition  which  won  all  hearts.  Near  the 
residence  of  the  family  at  Hillside,  Victoria,  stands  to-day  a  spacious  log-house 
in  which  was  peacefully  and  pleasantly  spent  the  latter  part  of  a  useful  life, 
whose  earlier  portion  was  fraught  in  no  small  degree  with  privation  and 
peril.  It  was  Mr  WTork's  request  that  this  log-house  should  be  preserved.  Mr 
Work's  Journals,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  Mr  Finlayson,  comprise  240  pages 
of  most  interesting  detad  without  which  a  complete  history  of  the  Northwest 
Coast  could  not  be  written.  Allan,  Rem.,  MS.,  13,  calls  Work  a  kind-hearted 
and  generous  Irishman  who  often  amused  his  associates  by  his  murder  of  the 
French  tongue. 

c  Mr  Work  calls  it  Grey's  Bay. 


I'.xr  EDITION  TO  FRASER  RIVER. 


4G5 


interest  on  sea  and  shore,  the  explorers  continue  their 
way,  landing  at  intervals  and  dragging  their  boats 
across  points  deemed  unadvisable  to  pass  round. 

Arrived  at  the  northern  end  of  Shoalwater  Bay, 
they  enter  and  ascend  a  small  stream,  and  after  a 
ten-mile  portage,  meanwhile  drenched  by  a  drizzling 
rain,  on  the  25th  they  reach  Gray  Harbor,9 and  a 


The  Chehalis  Route. 

the  Chehalis  River  to  a  branch  which  from  the  color 
of  the  water  was  called  Black  River.  The  natives 
encountered,  though  they  had  before  met  white  nun, 
put  on  an  attitude  of  fear  and  defence;  because,  they 
said,  they  had  been  told  the  fur-hunters  had  conic  to 
attack  them.  One  of  the  men  becoming  seriously  ill, 
he  was  given  in  charge  of  a  Chehalis  chief. 

"Called  by  the  travellera  Chehalis  Bay. 
Hist.  X.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    30 


466         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

Up  Black  River  they  shove  their  boats  as  far  as 
they  will  go  to  Tumwater,  the  lake  which  is  the 
river's  source.  Here  they  find  an  Indian  portage 
leading  toward  the  north-west;  following  which  with 
their  effects,  they  launch  their  boats  the  5th  of  De- 
cember on  Eld  Inlet,  an  arm  of  Puget  Sound. 

Continuing  their  course,  they  land  from  time  to  time 
to  camp,  hunt,  and  consult  with  the  natives,  whose 
language  they  do  not  understand.  The  weather  is 
cold  and  wet,  the  sky  overcast;  indeed  it  is  a  most 
inclement  season  for  such  a  journey.  One  of  their 
interpreters  fearing  to  meet  the  terrible  people  at  what 
was  supposed  to  be  the  entrance  to  Fraser  River, 
refused  to  go  farther.  Another  is  picked  up,  however, 
as  the  party  proceeds  up  the  frigid  waters,  although 
he  can  make  himself  but  dimly  intelligible  to  any  of 
the  Indians  of  the  party. 

Hugging  closely  the  eastern  shore,  often  waiting 
for  the  sea  to  quiet  before  crossing  the  inlets,  they 
pass  the  great  islands  of  the  strait,  and  on  the  13th 
approach  the  mouth  of  the  great  river.  Coming  to  a 
small  stream,  by  way  of  which,  and  connecting  with 
another  stream  flowing  into  the  Fraser,  the  natives 
made  a  portage,  though  a  difficult  one,  McMillan  was 
induced  to  take  this  cut-off,  no  less  by  the  representa- 
tions of  his  guides  and  interpreters  of  the  ferocious 
character  of  the  Kwantlums,10  than  to  avoid  the  long 
and  somewhat  dangerous  circuit  for  small  boats  round 
Point  Roberts. 

Immense  flocks  of  plover  now  attracted  their  at- 
tention; elk  and  deer  were  plenty,  and  signs  of  beaver 
frequent. 

The  portage11  made,  the  party  entered  the  great 

10  Work  calls  the  people  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fraser  the  Coweechins,  and 
the  river  the  Coweechin.  In  this  he  was  wholly  in  error.  The  Oowichins 
lived  on  Vancouver  Island  opposite  the  entrance  to  Fraser  River,  which  stream 
was  never  known  aboriginally  or  otherwise  as  the  Cowichin  River.  See  J\  'ait  ue 
Races,  i.,  map  Columbian  Group,  297.  It  may  have  been  the  Cowichins  the 
party  were  afraid  of,  and  living  in  that  vicinity,  their  fears  may  have  placed 
them  like  so  many  ogres  on  the  delta  of  the  river  guarding  the  entrance. 

11  The  stream  by  which  the  cut-off  was  made  flowed  through  a  plain  whose 


AT  PRASEE  PJVER.  4G7 

river  "  as  wide  as  the  Columbia  at  Oak  Point,  one 
thousand  yards/'  they  said,  at  one  o'clock  on  the  lGth. 
Opposite  them  was  an  island.  They  did  not  know 
how  far  they  were  from  the  entrance,  hut  "from  the 
size  and  appearance  of  the  river,  there  is  no  doubt  in 
our  minds,"  Work  writes,  "but  that  it  is  Frazer's." 

Encamping  for  the  remainder  of  the  day,  hunters 
were  sent  out  for  elk;  and  embarking  next  morning 
rht,  the  party  passed  the  island  opposite  also 
other  islands,  and  after  proceeding  up  the  river  in  all 
eighteen  miles,  they  camped  at  the  entrance  of  a  small 
river.  But  few  natives  were  met;  the  Indian  villages 
consisted  of  from  two  to  six  houses,  and  though  the 
inmates  seemed  of  an  inferior  order,  some  of  the 
houses  were  large  and  well  made.  The  simple  people 
were  pleased  at  the  prospect  of  having  the  while  m<  n 
among  them;  and  the  latter  took  care  to  make  them  s<  >. 

The  next  day,  the  18th,  was  very  rainy.  About 
nine  o'clock  the  explorers  were  visited  lry  a  party  of 
fifty- one  Kwantlums12  who  came  from  their  village 
above  and  among  whom  were  three  women  and  a  boy. 
These  people  were  friendly;  presents  were  given  I  lien i. 
and  a  few  beaver-skins  purchased.  In  their  possession 
were  two  guns,  a  new  blanket,  a  pair  of  trousers,  .in! 
other  European  articles  brought  from  tribes  above 
who  obtained  them  from  white  people.  Much  infor- 
mation was  obtained  from  them  respecting  the  country 
and  its  inhabitants. 

Deeming  it  unnecessary  to  ascend  the  river  farther, 
the  party  dropped  clown  to  their  previous  camp, 
where  they  passed  the  night,  and  next  day,  the  I  9th, 
descended  the  river  twenty-seven  miles. 

That  night  they  camped  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  Here  they  found  the  native  villages  more 
frequent  and  larger,  one  consisting  of  over  a  hundred 
houses.    Next  (lay  the  party  discovered  the  several 

rich  black  mould  was  softened  to  the  consistency  of  mud  ' 
heavy  ra  rtage  from  stream  to  stream  distance  was  7,900  yards 

X.  X.'  I '.. .  2,97<  I  yards  of  ascent  and  3,030  of  descent. 
12  Work  says  of  the  Cahoulett  tribe. 


468         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

channels  through  which  the  mighty  waters  discharge, 
and  the  many  neighboring  isles.  Carefully  observing 
the  peculiarities  of  the  region,  the  low  swampy  shores, 
the  distant  ridges,  the  small  scattering  pines,  so  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  the  dense  forests  above,  and  taking 
soundings  on  their  way,  the  party  passed  out  through 
the  southernmost  channel  into  the  open  sea,  round 
Point  Roberts  and  encamped  in  Birch  Bay. 

Embarking  at  six  next  morning,  and  following  their 
former  track,  at  two  o'clock  on  the  24th  of  December 
they  arrived  at  Chelacom,13  the  village  of  one  of  their 
interpreters.  Continuing,  their  former  portage  lead- 
ing to  the  Chehalis  was  completed  the  26th.  One 
of  the  boats  was  left  at  the  village  of  their  guide, 
whose  name  was  Sinoughton,  the  crew  and  effects 
being  taken  by  the  other  boats.  Next  day  the  party 
divided.  McMillan,  Work,  an  interpreter,  and  six  men, 
procuring  horses  from  the  natives,  crossed  over  to  the 
Cowlitz,  where  they  hired  a  canoe  from  the  Indians 
and  proceeded  thence  to  Astoria  by  water,  which  they 
reached  the  30th  of  December;  while  McKay,  An- 
nance,  and  the  remainder  of  the  men  followed  back 
their  former  route  down  the  Chehalis,  and  through 
Shoalwater  to  Baker  Bay. 

Between  1822  and  1825  John  McLeod  was  in  charge 
of  the  Thompson  River  district,  during  most  of  which 
time  he  conducted  the  brigade  of  supplies  into  that 
region.14  In  1826  he  went  from  Kamloop  to  Fort 
Vancouver,  and  thence  across  the  mountains  to  Ed- 
monton. He  set  out  from  Fort  Vancouver  for  the 
eastward  the  20th  of  March,  left  Spokane  the  17th  of 
April,  and  arrived  at  Boat  Encampment  ten  days 
later.  There  he  found  the  snow  so  deep  that  he  was 
obliged  to  cut  up  his  leathern  trousers  to  make  snow- 
shoes.  He  reached  Fort  Edmonton  safely,  however, 
on  the  17th  of  May. 

13  Steilacoom. 

14  Those  supplies  were  '  for  the  whole  of  the  country  between  the  Rocky 


McLEOD'S  EXPEDITION.  400 

This  journey  is  memorable  as  being  the  first  in 
which  calves  were  taken  from  Fort  Vancouver  to  the 
country  of  the  upper  Columbia.  It  seems  that  the 
hungry  natives  at  the  portages  were  determined  in- 
continently to  make  meat  of  the  young  bovines.  What 
earthly  use  these  creatures  were  except  to  kill,  the 
unsophisticated  savage  could  not  imagine,  and  draw- 
ing his  bow  he  would  spoil  the  keepers  as  well  as  the 
calves  if  they  interfered  with  his  lordly  purpose.  On 
one  occcasion  the  life  of  McLeod  was  saved  only  i  >  v 
the  quickness  of  James  Douglas,  who  struck  from  his 
hand  the  weapon  of  an  Indian  in  the  act  of  shooting 
Mc Leod  in  the  back.  Through  all  these  dangers  the 
precious  calves  nevertheless  passed  in  safety  to  Fort 
Colville,  where  they  fulfilled  their  mission,  multiply- 
ing rapidly.  A  leave  of  absence  being  granted  him, 
McLeod  started  east,  but  finding  work  on  the  way 
needing  his  attention,  he  stopped  and  built  Norway 
House.15 

It  was  during  this  same  year  of  1826,16  or  1825, 
that  the  post  upon  the  Spokane  River  was  removed 
to  Kettle  Falls  on  the  Columbia  and  called  Fort  Col- 
ville, after  the  then  London  governor  of  the  Hudson  s 
Bay  Company.  Once  fairly  established,  the  accounts 
of  the  surrounding  posts  centered  here,  thus  saving 
a  trip  to  Fort  Vancouver  for  settlement.  Then  it 
was  that  the  days  of  the  New  Caledonia  brigade 
began,  and  the  current  of  supply  was  at  last  wholly 
changed"  from  the  Atlantic  westward,  to  the  Pacific 
ward,  entering  the  interior  from  Fort  Vancouver, 
even  such  goods  as  were  destined  for  the  upper  Fraser 
being  carried  up  the  Columbia  in  boats  to  Fort  ( !ol- 
ville,  and  conveyed  thence  on  horses  to  Fort  Alex- 
Mountains  and  the  Pacific,  from  the  Columbia  Eiver  to  the  Russii  a  boundary, 
and  far  beyond.'  McLeod' s Peact  River,  100. 

is M cLeod'8  Journal,  in  McLeod's  /'<»••<   River,  93-4. 

ival  ia  obscure,  but  in  July  1S26  we  find  :i  party 
embarking  i  iver  with  '72  pieces  for  I'  which  ahows 

that  this  establishment   was  then  in  operation.    Work's  ■'  I,   MS.,    19. 

Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  L86,  dates  the  founding  of  Colville  1825;  Anderson, 
Northwest  Coast,  MS., 6,  makesthe  time  1826;  Wilkes,  Nar.  U.S.Explor,  Ex., 
iv.  47::. 


470         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

andria,  the  Fraser  between  this  point  and  its  mouth 
running  through  too  rugged  a  country  for  easy  or  safe 
transportation.  Dog-sledges  as  well  as  horses  were 
used  between  the  posts  of  New  Caledonia  in  early 
days,  as  I  have  elsewhere  remarked.  The  round  trip 
from  Fort  Vancouver  and  return  of  the  New  Cale- 
donia brigade  usually  occupied  from  the  middle  of 
April  to  the  end  of  September.  The  navigation  of 
the  Columbia  was  difficult  and  dangerous;  and  yet, 
such  were  the  coolness  and  skill  of  the  voyageurs  and 
their  leaders,  comparatively  few  accidents  occurred. 
The  natives  had  now  learned  to  respect  and  regard  as 
friends  the  fur-traders,  who  took  care  to  hold  them  in 
wholesome  fear  of  white  men.17 

About  this  time18  a  post  was  established  at  Lake 
Connolly,  or  Bear  Lake,  by  James  Douglas,  and 
named  by  him  in  honor  of  his  father-in-law,  William 
Connolly.  This  gentleman  had  been  a  'grey'  of  the 
Northwest  Company,  and  was  in  charge  of  New  Cale- 
donia for  several  years  prior  to  1831,  when  he  went 
to  Canada  on  a  furlough. 1:) 

James  Connolly  was  a  chief  factor  in  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company.  His  residence  was  Montreal,  though 
much  of  his  time  was  spent  west  of  the  mountains. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and  bravery,  both 
these  qualities  being  employed  in  an  eminent  degree 
in  the  arduous  and  dangerous  task  of  conducting  the 
brigade  of  supplies  from  Fort  Vancouver  to  Fort  St 
James. 

Later  we  find  in  this  region  Fort  Stager20  on  the 

17 Anderson? 's  Northwest  Coast  MS.,  5-8.  'Next  in  importance  to  Fort 
Vancouver, '  says  Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  186.  '  Located  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Columbia,  south  of  Clark  Fork,  latitude  48°  39'.'"  See  Finlayson's  Hist.  V.  L, 
MS.,  65;  Wilkes'  Nar.,  U.  S.  Explor.  Ex.,  iv.  471-3.  Two  miles  above  the 
Kettle  Falls.  Gray's  Hist.  Or.,  43. 

lsMr  Anderson,  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  14,  thinks  it  was  in  1826-7. 
Stuart  places  the  time  earlier ;  but  both  are  uncertain  as  to  the  exact  date. 
Fleming  on  his  Maj)  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  places  it  at  the  head  of 
Bear  Lake,  one  of  the  sources  of  the  Skeena  River. 

19  For  several  years  he  wintered  at  Ladousac,  below  Quebec.  Upon  his 
final  retirement,  he  settled  at  Montreal,  of  which  city  he  was  afterward 
elected  mayor.  Anderson's  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  63. 

20  Also  called  Fort  Kispyox. 


EASTERN  BOUND  BRIGADE.  471 

left  bank  of  Kispyox,  or  Collins  river,  near  the  mouth 
of  Babine  River;  Bulkley  Eouse,  at  the  northern 
end  of  Lack  Lake;  Salmon  Eouse,  on  Salmon  River, 
which  flows  into  Dean  Channel,  and  other  minor  p< 

To  give  the  details  of  each  succeeding  brigade 
would  be  tiresome  and  profitless.  But  I  deem  it 
my  duty  to  chronicle  every  important  journey  made 
during  this  early  epoch,  as  thereby  alone  may  we 
learn  the  doings  of  the  Europeans,  and  the  progress 
of  exploration  and  discovery.  And  among  the  im- 
portant journeys  was  that  of  the  interior  brigade  of 
1826,  being  the  first  since  the  entire  removal  to  the 
new  head-quarters. 

Under  command  of  Connolly  this  brigade  consisting 
of  nine  boats,  each  manned  by  six  oars,  and  containing 
freight  for  Colville,  Thompson  River,  Nez  Perces,  and 
New  Caledonia,  besides  despatches  for  York  Factory, 
embarked  at  Fort  Vancouver  the  fifth  of  July.  As 
passengers  went  a  McDonald,  Douglas,  Annance, 
Cortin,  and  Work;  also  three  women  and  nine  chil- 
dren of  the  families  of  McLoughlin,  McDonald,  and 
McKay.21 

They  made  the  Cascade  portage  the  7th,  and  on  the 
1 1th  completed  the  Dalles  portage,  where  they  met 
F.  McDonald,  McKay,  and  Deans,  who  with  two 
boats  and  eighteen  men  were  on  their  way  from  the 
Shoshone  country  and  Walla  Walla  to  Fort  Van- 
couver. Ogdcn  with  part  of  the  men  were  en  route 
from  the  same  region  with  horses  by  way  of  the 
Willamette.  The  brigade  reached  Fort  Xez  Percys 
the  14th.  Horses  being  required  for  transportation 
in  New  Caledonia,  several  were  purchased  from  the 
natives,  but  not  as  many  could  be  obtained  as  were 
wanted,  so  a  horse  party  was  despatched  up  the  Nez 
Perces  River'"  while  the  boats  proceeded  to  Colville 

-n  The  details  of  this  journey,  which  I  shall  mention  very  briefly,  are  given 
by  Work  in  his  Journals,  MS.,  40-84. 

reader  will  remember  that  Fort  Walla  Walla  was  first  called  Fort 
Nez  Perces,  and  the  Snake,  or  Lewis,  branch  of  the  Columbia,  Nez  Perces  River. 


472         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

With  the  horse-trading  party  was  an  interpreter 
who  harangued  the  natives  at  their  several  villages, 
telling  them  to  bring  forth  their  horses  and  trade.  But 
the  lords  of  that  country  preferred  to  keep  their  ani- 
mals unless  they  could  get  for  them  exorbitant  prices. 
Nevertheless,  after  narrowly  escaping  a  general  fight, 
the  party  succeeded  in  purchasing  seventy-nine  horses, 
and  with  them  proceeded  to  Spokane,  where,  dividing 
the  band,  some  were  taken  to  Colville,  and  some  to 
Okanagan.  At  Colville,  the  5th  of  August,  Work 
examined  the  results  of  the  late  agricultural  efforts 
with  some  degree  of  interest.  On  the  whole,  expec- 
tations were  hardly  realized.23 

On  the  16th  of  August,  Work,  accompanied  by 
Kittson  and  twelve  men,  set  out  from  Fort  Colville, 
having  nine  loaded  horses,  to  make  the  summer  trade 
with  the  Flatheads,  while  one  man  was  to  cross  over 
to  the  Kootenais  and  tell  them  to  meet  the  traders, 
on  their  return,  at  the  lake. 

While  on  the  wTay  rumors  reached  them  of  the  inva- 
sion of  the  Flathead  and  ISTez  Perce  countries  by  trap- 
pers from  the  United  States.24  They  had  been  joined, 
it  was  said, by  deserters  from  British  fur-hunting  ranks. 
Although  the  Hudson's 'Bay  Company  had  not  been 
troubled  by  any  opposition  throughout  the  vast  North- 
west except  along  the  sea-shore,  the  possibility  of 
unwelcome  interference  was  ever  present  in  their  minds. 
After  buying  what  furs  the  natives  had,  these  money 
missionaries  exhorted  the  savages  to  greater  diligence 
in  hunting  furs  for  them,  and  returned  to  Colville, 
where  they  arrived  the  5th  of  September.25     McDon- 

23 'The  potatoes  appear  pretty  well,'  Work  writes,  Journal,  MS.,  67; 
'barley  middling.  No  wheat  at  all  came  up,  and  only  a  few  stalks  of 
Indian  corn.  Green  peas  but  indifferent.  The  kitchen  garden  stuff,  turnips, 
cabbages  were  so  and  so.  The  soil  appears  to  be  too  dry.'  It  will  be 
remembered  that  this  was  the  first  attempt  at  what  might  be  called  fanning  in 
all  that  vast  region  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay  and  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains. 

24  It  was  Ashley  and  his  party  who  were  thus  filling  the  forest  with  their 
obnoxious  scent. 

25  The  result  of  this  trip  was  the  following  articles  secured  to  the  company: 
510  large  beaver,  149  small  beaver,  505  musk-rat,  12  buffalo,  115  deer,  7  otter, 


DOUGLAS  AXD  THE  SAVAGES.  473 

aid  and  Dease  with  their  families,  and  the  families  of 
McLoughlin  and  McKay,  proceeded  eastward. 

When  Yale  was  in  charge  of  Fort  George,  New 
Caledonia,  two  natives,  who  had  been  employed  at  the 
fort,  by  their  diligence  and  good  behavior  gained  the 
implicit  confidence  of  the  white  men.  While  on  a  long 
journey  in  company  with  two  Canadians,  who  consti- 
tuted besides  Yale  almost  the  entire  force  then  at 
Fort  George,  the  natives  rose  one  night,  slew  their 
companions,  and  fled.  It  was  impossible  at  that  time 
to  pursue  the  murderers,  as  there  were  none  who  could 
be  spared  from  the  fort. 

A  year  or  two  passed,  when  it  became  known  that 
one  of  them  had  been  killed  by  the  Blackfeet.  Douglas 
was  then  in  charge  at  Fort  St  James,  where  were 
gathered  a  concourse  of  natives  to  celebrate  a  feast. 
One  night  a  woman  approached  the  pickets  and  whis- 
pered to  the  guard, 

"I  want  to  see  Mr  Douglas." 

"What  for?" 

"I  will  not  tell  you." 

"Then  you  cannot  see  Mr  Douglas,"  replied  the 
guard. 

"Promise  not  to  betray  me  and  I  will  tell  you,"  the 
woman  said.  "  One  of  the  murderers  of  Mr  Yale's  men 
is  at  the  lodge." 

Douglas  was  called.  Taking  with  him  young  Con- 
nolly, and  another  man  who  affirmed  that  he  could 
identify  the  offender,  Douglas  proceeded  to  the  Indian 
encampment  near  by.  Save  a  few  old  women  the 
lodges  were  vacant;  but  in  one  of  them  was  a  large  pile 
of  camp  equipage,  in  turning  over  which  Douglas 
found  his  eye  in  close  proximity  to  an  arrow-point. 
Quick  as  a  flash  he  drew  his  pistol  and  fired.  One  of 
his  companions  rushed  up  and  fired.  Connolly  then 
seized  the  object  underneath  the  baggage  by  the  hair, 

and  about  200  other  .-kins,  besides  some  4,500  lbs.  of  meat,  21  pack-saddles, 

4  pairs  leggings,  and  other  small  articles. 


474         DOMINATION  BY  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

and  dragging  him  forth  despatched  him  with  the  butt 
end  of  his  musket.  Returning  to  the  fort,  the  gates 
were  left  open  as  usual,  and  each  went  about  his  busi- 
ness. 

When  the  Indians  returned  and  found  the  body 
of  the  slaughtered  man,  they  raised  a  fearful  howl. 
It  was  not  the  killing  that  troubled  them  so  much  as 
the  place  in  which  it  was  done.  The  man  deserved 
death,  and  was  not  of  their  tribe;  but  their  law  was 
such  that  for  the  safety  of  a  stranger  in  their  tent 
they  were  responsible.  For  the  life  thus  taken  the 
relatives  of  this  unhallowed  carcass  must  be  paid. 
Hence  the  howling.  Reason  in  clue  time  returning, 
they  resolved  that  as  they  had  not  killed  him  they 
would  not  pay  for  him.     Then  the  howling  ceased. 

At  the  fort  it  was  thought  the  matter  was  over; 
when  suddenly  there  entered  at  the  open  gate  two  hun- 
dred savages  with  blackened  faces  presaging  mischief. 
While  some  stood  with  uplifted  weapons  over  the  heads 
of  Connolly  and  the  rest,  others  seized  Douglas,  and 
amidst  much  struggling  and  swearing,  bound  him 
hand  and  foot,  and  carrying  him  away  to  the  mess 
room  laid  him  at  full  length  upon  the  table. 

Although  a  pretty  morsel  for  the  gocls,  the  young 
commander  of  the  fortress  did  not  fancy  his  situation ; 
so  he  roared  most  lustily,  and  struggled  most  stren- 
uously, and  swore  most  vehemently  that  if  he  was 
not  immediately  released  he  would  blast  to  ashes  all 
New  Caledonia. 

"  Calm  yourself,"  said  the  ruler  of  the  redskins. 

"  I  tell  you,"  spluttered  Douglas,  "  I  will  cut  your 
whole  nation  into  mince-meat  if  you  do  not  instantly 
release  me." 

"  How  if  we  mince- meat  you?"  asked  the  chief. 
"  Nay,  if  you  will  not  lie  quietly  we  must  await  your 
pleasure." 

Finally  Douglas  saw  the  folly  of  his  fury,  and 
expressed  his  willingness  to  parley. 

"  What  do  you  want?"  he  demanded. 


RELEASE.  475 

''Pay  for  the  man  you  have  slain,"  was  the  reply. 

"  I  will  give  you  nothing,"  returned  Douglas  strug- 
gling to  rise  and  free  himself. 

••  Lie  down,"  cried  the  chief,  shoving  him  back. 
••  We  want  clothing,  axes,  tobacco,  and  guns  for  the 
father,  mother,  brothers,  and  sisters  of  the  deceased, 
tlic  payment  of  which  we  are  responsible  for,  though 
we  know  the  man  was  a  murderer,  and  deserved  death 
at  your  hands." 

Seeing  the  savages  in  so  earnest  a  mood,  and  sensi- 
ble withal,  the  wrath  of  Douglas  left  him,  so  that  he 
finally  came  to  terms  with  them,  pledged  his  word, 
the  word  of  a  Hudson's  Bay  officer,  which  all  sav- 
agedom  had  learned  implicitly  to  trust,  and  was  re- 
leased.26 

's  New  Caledonia,  MS. ,  25-34.  This  story  has  been  harped  in  varia- 
tions by  almost  as  many  authors  as  have  given  us  gunpowder  plots.  It  -was 
a  brave,  resolute  act,  and  under  the  then  existing  state  of  things  it  seemed 
necessary ;  but  in  hunting  and  killing  their  savage,  I  see  nothing  to  call  forth 
special  admiration.  There  was  no  more  noble  daring  about  it  than  in  the 
slaughter  of  a  bear  or  a  rattlesnake.  Most  writers  throw  round  the  murdered 
man  armed  warriors,  glaring  deadly  revenge,  and  through  whose  midst  the 
hero  stalks  unscathed;  when  the  fact  is  there  were  only  a  few  old  women 
present  when  the  deed  was  done;  and  in  the  final  settlement  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  childlike  savages  had  rather  the  better  of  it.  Any  one  who  wishes 
to  take  the  trouble,  may  compare  such  writers  as  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  44;  Hines, 
Oregon  Hist.,  392,  et  seq. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLET. 

1827. 

Advent  of  the  Schooner  'Cadboro' — Her  History  and  her  Captain- 
Occupation  of  the  Northern  Shore— McMillan  Proceeds  to  the 
Mouth  of  the  Fraser — Enters  the  Stream — And  there  Establishes 
a  Fort — The  Fort  Routine — A  Notable  Call — The  Salmon  Trade — 
James  Douglas  Explores  Connolly  River. 

At  Vancouver  in  the  spring  of  1827  appeared  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company's  schooner  Cadboro,  seventy- 
two  tons  burden,1  John  Pearson  Sawn,  master,  which 
sailed  from  London  the  autumn  previous. 

The  Cadboro  is  as  much  an  historical  character  in 
the  early  days  of  Oregon  and  British  Columbia,  as 
McTavish,  McLoughlin,  or  any  other  man,  for  in  the 
progress  of  civilization  she  did  the  work  of  many  men. 
Stanchly  built  at  Bye  in  1824,  before  sinking  to  her 
final  rest  in  1862  she  saw  buried  every  human  body 
brought  by  her  from  England,  save  one,  John  Spence, 
ship-carpenter,  who  was  seventy  when  the  good  old 
ship  yielded  up  the  ghost.  In  round  figures  she  was 
fifty-six  feet  long,  seventeen  feet  in  her  broadest 
part,  depth  of  hold  eight  feet,  had  two  masts,  one 
deck,  a  standing  bowsprit,  no  galleries,  and  was  what 
was  then  technically  called  square  and  curve  built. 
Thirty  men,  including  the  crew,  servants  of  the  com- 
pany, came  out  in  her,  and  as  she  took  her  place  in 
the  coast  trade,  with  six  guns  and  a  picked  crew  of 
thirty-five  men,  she  was  the  pride  of  the  Pacific. 

On  reaching  Fort  Vancouver   Sawn  relinquished 

1  Or,  to  be  exact,  7 IS  tons. 

(476) 


AX  HISTORICAL  SHIP.  477 

command,  and  was  succeeded  by  Emilius  Simpson,2  a 
naval  lieutenant,  who  was  captain  until  June  1831, 
when  Sinclair  took  his  place.  Two  years  after,  Will- 
iam Ryan  was  installed  captain,  and  in  1835  Brotchie, 
who  held  rule  until  1838,  when  James  Scarborough 
took  command  for  the  next  ten  years,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded  for  six  years,  after  1848,  by  James  Sangstcr. 
In  18.14  J.  L.  Sinclair  succeeded  Sangstcr.  The  ship 
gave  her  name  to  the  beautiful  Cadboro  Bay,  the  placid 
waters  of  which  hers  was  the  first  keel  to  ruffle.  She 
was  the  first  vessel  to  enter  Fraser  River.  Then  she 
plunged  headlong  in  the  scramble  for  gold.  Her  use- 
fulness and  beauty  fading,  she  was  sold  in  18G0  to 
Howard  for  $2,450,  and  made  to  do  duty  carrying 
coal  and  lumber  from  the  mines  and  mills  to  Victoria. 
Old  age  creeping  on  apace,  in  1862,  to  escape  a  gale, 
she  ran  ashore  at  Port  Angeles,  and  there  rested  from 
her  labors.3 

In  the  progress  of  business  it  became  necessary  to 
establish  a  post  which  should  command  the  lands  and 
waters  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lower  Fraser.  To  this 
end,  as  we  have  seen,  one  excursion  had  been  made 
thither,  and  now  another  was  planned,  and  the  scheme 
carried  into  execution.  Twenty-five  men  were  de- 
tailed for  this  work,  and  the  mission  placed  in  charge 
of  James  McMillan,  the  commander  of  the  original 
exploration.4 

2  For  a  British  tar,  and  a  brave  man  on  duty,  dealing  rum,  molasses,  beads, 
and  blankets  to  savages  in  the  dank,  dismal  shores  for  wild  beasts'  skins, 
Simpson  was  excessively  the  gentleman.  Though  an  efficient  officer  lie  was 
somewhat  eccentric.  For  example,  his  hands  must  be  incased  in  kid  before 
he  could  give  an  order  on  his  own  deck,  in  the  daylight,  and  if  the  occasion 
was  perilous  or  peculiar,  his  gloves  must  be  of  white  kid.  Form  was  nine 
tenths  of  the  law  with  him,  and  the  other  tenth  was  conformity. 

■  adboro,  MS.,  London,  Sept.  4,  1S2G;  Saxton's  Or.  Tcr., 
MS.,  8;   Victoria  Chronicle,  Oct.  30,  L862. 

4  With  McMillan  were  Donald  Manson,  Francois  Annance,  and  George 
Barnston,  clerks,  and  Arquoitte,  Baker,  Boisvert,  Bouchard,  Charles,  Como, 
Cornoyer,  Dubois,  Etten,  Faron,  Kennedy,  Anawiskum,  Peopeoh,  the  Pier- 
rault  brothers,  Piette,  Plomondean,  Satakarata,  Sauve",  Xavier,  and  Vin 
servants  of  the  company.  Fort  Langley  Journal,  .MS.,  1,  '2.  See  Anderson's 
Northwest  Coast,  Ms.,  L3,  83.  Most  of  the  information  concerning  this  expe- 
dition is  derived  from  the  books  of  the  establishment,  than  which  no  source 


47S  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLEY. 

Leaving  Fort  Vancouver  in  two  boats  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  27th  of  June  1827,  the  party  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Cowlitz  River,  arrived  next  day  at  the 
Cowlitz  Portage,  over  which  a  portion  of  their  effects 
were  transported  on  horses  obtained  from  the  natives 
to  Puget  Sound.  There  they  purchased  from  the 
natives  three  canoes,  having  left  those  with  which 
they  started  at  the  lower  end  of  the  long  portage. 

Embarking  the  3d  of  June,  they  next  day  entered 
Port  Orchard,  where  according  to  previous  arrange- 
ment they  were  to  meet  the  Cadboro,  having  on  board, 
besides  goods  and  provisions,  implements  for  the  erec- 
tion of  buildings,  also  horses  and  carts  to  assist  at  the 
labor;  but  the  schooner  had  not  yet  arrived.  Camping 
at  night  upon  the  shore,  and  supplying  their  table  by 
hunting  and  purchases  from  the  Indians,  they  con- 
tinued northward  until  the  10th,  when  as  they  came 
to  Whidbey  Island  they  heard  the  boom  of  a  great  gun 
reverberating  through  the  silent  wilderness.  Next 
day,  paddling  along  the  western  side  of  Whidbey  Island 
another  and  nearer  gun  was  heard,  and  soon  off  Pro- 
tection Island  the  Cadboro  came  in  view,  which  as  she 
dropped  anchor,  McMillan  and  Manson  boarded,  and 
grasped  the  gloved  hand  of  her  redoubtable  master, 
Simpson. 

All  the  men  and  effects  being  transferred  from  the 
canoes  to  the  schooner,  anchor  was  weighed  on  the 
1 2th  and  the  ship's  prow  pointed  to  the  gulf  of  Georgia, 
into  which  she  passed  through  Rosario  Strait,  and 
came  to  anchor5  in  Point  Roberts  Bay  late  in  the 
night  of  the  13th. 

of  knowledge  could  be  more  original  or  reliable.  It  was  the  custom  at  all  the 
forts,  beside  books  of  accounts,  to  keep  a  daily  record  of  events,  which  though 
filled  for  the  most  part  with  tiresome  detail,  constitutes,  nevertheless,  one  of 
the  purest  springs  of  history.  For  the  journals  of  Fort  Langley,  Fort  Simp- 
son, and  others  I  am  indebted  to  Chief  Factor  Charles,  the  present  head  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company's  affairs  at  Victoria.  The  Fort  Langley  register  com- 
prises loS  manuscript  pages,  which  cover  a  period  of  three  years. 

5  The  route  should  be  noticed  in  its  bearings  on  the  boundary  question 
subsequently  to  be  discussed.  The  Cadboro  on  this  her  first  voyage  into 
these  parts,  passed  Point  Partridge,  the  westernmost  extremity  of  Whidbey 
Island,  and  proceeded  uj)  past  Strawberry,  now  called  Cypress,  Island. 


SURVEY  OF  THE  RIVER.  479 

A  party  of  savages  were  congregated  on  the  shore 
next  morning,  when  McMillan,  with  twelve  men, 
landed  to  seek  a  site  for  a  fort;  the  natives  were 
friendly,  hut  the  locality  did  not  please  the  traders. 
Sunday,  the  15th,  an  effort  to  get  the  schooner  round 
Point  Roberts  into  Fraser  River  failed,  the  tide  being 
against  them.  Though  the  wind  was  unfavorable,  next 
morning  they  managed  with  the  flood  tide  to  work 
out  into  the  gulf,  and  at  change  of  tide  cast  anchor 
near  Sturgeon  shoal.  Another  attempt  in  the  after- 
noon, and  yet  another  next  morning,  to  beat  up  to  the 
entrance  of  the  channel,  failed,  and  again  anchor  was 
cast  on  the  edge  of  the  south  Sturgeon  shoal.  Twice 
that  day  Simpson  and  Annance  in  a  small  boat  in  vain 
sought  a  channel.  On  the  18th  Sinclair,  first  mate, 
was  sent  to  sound,  and  returning  reported  a  good 
channel,  the  lowest  depth  in  any  place  being  two 
fathoms.  Stood  across  the  mouth  of  the  channel  next 
morning,  and  came  to  anchor  on  the  edge  of  the  north 
shoal.  During  the  night  the  vessel  was  found  to  be 
drifting;  the  cable  was  let  out  to  its  full  length,  eighty 
fathoms  or  more,  and  the  ship  was  with  difficulty 
checked.  The  various  attempts  of  the  20th  failed. 
Making  across  to  the  southward  next  morning  until  she 
had  her  bearings,  the  ship  then  stood  in  for  the  en- 
trance, and  after  grounding  on  the  shoal  without  dam- 
age, a  light  breeze  from  the  north-cast  carried  her  a 
mile  within  the  river,  and  at  three  o'clock  she  came  to 
anchor  close  to  the  black  wooded  bluff  on  the  north  si<  1« •. 

Captain  Simpson  called  the  north  point  of  the 
entrance  Point  Garvy;  and  there  at  noon  on  Sunday 
the  22d  an  inaccurate  observation  was  made.  ^lean- 
while  Sinclair,  who  had  been  despatched  up  the  river 
to  sound,  returned  and  reported  deep  water  as  far  up 
as  lie  had  gone.  During  the  absence  of  the  sounding 
party  the  schooner  had  been  put  under  weigh,  had 
taken  the  wrong  side  of  the  river,  ran  into  shoal 
water,  and  had  been  obliged  to  return  to  her  anchor- 
asre  and  await  their  arrival. 


4S0 


FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLET. 


Next  clay  all  hands  were  put  to  work  towing  the 
vessel  to  the  other  side.  In  this  way  the  channel  was 
reached,  and  a  breeze  springing  up  from  the  south- 
west, sail  was  set,  and  a  distance  up  the  river  of  one 
mile  was  made.  Hereabout  were  several  Indian  vil- 
lages, aggregating,  perhaps,  fifteen  hundred  persons. 
Scawana,  chief  of  chiefs,  spent  much  of  his  time  on 


The  Lower  Fraser. 

board  the  schooner,  watching  her  progress  through 
the  untried  channels  with  intelligent  interest. 

Eight  days  had  thus  been  employed  in  effecting  an 
entrance  to  the  river;  henceforth  all  was  smooth 
sailing.  A  light  breeze  from  the  south-west,  on  the 
24th,  sent  the  schooner  quietly  up  the  stream.  Passed 
abreast  of  the  other  channel  at  half  past  one ;  at  two 
a  few  tents  were  seen  on  the  south  side  nearly  oppo- 
site where  now  stands  New  Westminster;  at  five 
o'clock  they  saw  the  mouth  of  the  Quoitle;6  passed 

6  That  is  to  say  Pitt  River. 


A  STOLEN  AXE.  481 

Pino  Island,  and  about,  seven  anchored  half  a  mile 
above  it.  Next  day  as  they  were  slowly  ascending 
the  current  they  saw  several  native  encampments, 
and  a  number  of  canoes  appeared  around  them  with 
the  occupants  of  which  they  traded  a  Pew  beaver. 
Some  of  them  attempting  to  board  the  vessel  \ 
ordered  away,  but  so  persistent  were  they  under  the 
agues  of  a  determined  old  man,  that  they  would 
not  cease  their  efforts  until  the  traders  took  up  their 
arms.     The  savages  then  abruptly  departed. 

On  the  26th  they  reached  a  point  where  on  the 
south  bank  was,  as  the  record  says,  "a  tolerably  good 
situation  for  a  fort."  They  hoped  for  a  better  how- 
ever; hence  the  two  days  following,  while  the  crew 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Canadians  were  warping 
the  schooner  up  the  stream,  McMillan  with  McLeod 
of  the  Cadboro,  Annance,  and  a  native  gentleman 
name  Shoshia,  explored  the  river  above  for  a  more 
ible  situation.  And  they  thought  they  had  found 
one;  and  warping  the  vessel  still  farther  up  stream, 
the  28th,  they  attempted  to  bring  her  to  land,  but 
found  the  water  so  shallow  that  she  could  not  come 
within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  shore.  This  would 
not  do.  Aside  from  the  obvious  inconvenience  of 
such  a  landing,  the  men  for  protection  while  building 
the  fort  must  be  within  range  of  the  ship's  guns. 
Therefore  dropping  down  on  the  29th  to  their  anchor- 
-I*  the  26th,  they  determined  tl  should 

be  planted  Fort  Langley.7 

A  theft  having  been  committed,  Shoshia  wa 
for  the  stolen   property.     He  returned  with  it  the 
following  day,  remarking  that  the  Indians  were 
bad  in  that  vicinit; 

7  Tin'  site  was  on  the  left  bank,  30  miles  from  the  strait,  and  I 

:  atly  Fori  B  ated. 

8  Upon  the  authority  of  Judge  Strong,  Ogden  relal 

building  the  post  at  Fort  Langley  one  of  his  men  r<  d  ly  that  the 
Indians  had  Btolen  his  axe.     The  work  was  immi 

Indians  called  to  a  council  upon  th    i           l:  i  ,  but 

i  find  it.     As  they  did  >  made 

.  pay  a  lot  of  furs  before  be  would  allow  the  work  on  ,     iceed. 
Hist.  N.W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    31 


4S2  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLEY. 

The  horses  were  first  to  be  landed,  which  was  done, 
after  the  schooner  was  brought  close  to  the  shore,  by 
slinging  them  off  upon  the  bank.  The  poor  brutes 
rejoiced  in  their  liberation.  The  men  began  opera- 
tions the  30th,  some  clearing  the  ground,  and  some 
preparing  timbers  for  a  bastion.  At  first  all  hands  went 
on  board  the  schooner  to  sleep  at  night.  Some  bark 
sheds  were  thrown  up  which  served  as  imperfect  shel- 
ter until  the  more  substantial  log-buildings  were  done. 

One  of  the  crew  was  put  in  irons  for  using  lano-ua^e 
tending  to  incite  discontent  and  disorder.  Work  pro- 
gressed slowly,  as  the  ground  was  covered  not  only 
with  large  trees,  but  with  a  thick  briery  undergrowth. 
The  fire  kindled  to  consume  the  branches  and  timber- 
cuttings,  communicating  with  the  woods  enveloped 
the  fort-builders  in  smoke,  and  it  was  with  difficulty 
the  conflagration  was  checked.  Saw-pits  were  erected; 
sturgeon,  salmon,  and  berries  were  procured  from  the 
natives;  and  day  by  day  the  work  went  bravely  on. 
The  clerks  kept  watch  at  night  so  that  the  rest  of  the 
laborers  might  not  be  broken.  A  few  beaver- skins 
were  bought.  Passing  and  repassing  on  the  river 
were  the  boats  of  the  natives,  sometimes  in  large  par- 
ties with  women  and  children  on  hunting  excursions, 
or  in  bands  of  staid  warriors  only,  with  red-painted 
visage  and  bloody  intent. 

Owing  to  exposure  to  a  wet  climate,  and  to  sub- 
sisting wholly  on  fish,  their  other  provisions  having 
become  exhausted,  several  of  the  men  fell  sick.  By 
the  8th  of  September,  a  rectangle  forty  by  forty-five 
yards  was  enclosed  in  pickets,  gates  were  hung,  two 
bastions  each  twelve  feet  square  built  of  eight -inch 

Next  day  the  workman  came  and  said,  "I  have  found  that  axe,  it  was  cov- 
ered up  m  the  hill."  "Well,"  said  Ogden,  "you  go  take  it  and  bury  it  where 
it  wdl  never  be  found  again."  "What  for?"  inquired  the  man.  "We  told 
them  they  had  stolen  it,"  said  Ogden,  "and  if  we  should  say  now  that  we 
were  mistaken  we  never  could  make  them  believe  anything  again."  Stron<i'* 
Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  65-6.  This  is  a  good  story;  nor  do  I  know  that  it  is  in  any 
wise  injured  by  the  facts  that  Ogden  did  not  build  Fort  Langley,  and  was  not 
in  the  party,  being  then  in  the  Snake  country,  that  the  article  stolen  was  not 
an  axe,  but  a  ci*ow-bar,  and  finally  that  the  incident  did  not  happen  at  Fort 
Langley  at  all. 


BUILDING  OF  THE  FORT.  483 

logs,  with  a  lower  and  an  upper  floor,  the  latter  occu- 
pied by  artillery,  were  completed;  and  by  the  15th  a 
substantial  storehouse  roofed  with  bark  was  finished. 
.Dwelling-houses  were  then  built,  and  among  them  a 
wintering-house  thirty  by  fifteen  feet,  and  divided  into 
two  apartments  each  having  a  fireplace  and  two  win- 
dows. The  Cadboro  then  discharged  her  cargo,  took  in 
ballast,  and  on  the  18th,  under  a  salute  of  three  guns, 
which  were  returned,  she  took  her  departure.  On  the 
23d  of  November  there  was  felt  a  slight  shock  of 
earthquake,  causing  not  much  more  commotion  than 
a  falling  tree  would  have  done.  The  26th  a  flag-staff 
was  raised,  work  was  stopped,  and  in  the  names  of 
piety  and  loyalty  the  establishment  was  baptized  into 
the  service  of  selfishness.  The  fort  completed,  the 
men  were  sent  trapping,  and  the  petty  details  of  fort 
life  fill  the  succeeding  pages  of  the  journal. 

By  the  middle  of  December  the  weather  became 
extremely  cold,  and  on  the  19th  the  river  was  covered 
with  ice  so  thick  that  the  tide  did  not  affect  it.  On 
the  24th  A.  McKenzie,  clerk,  with  four  men  from 
Fort  Vancouver  arrived,  bringing  the  first  news  from 
home  or  friends  received  within  six  months. 

New  Year's  day,  1828,  afforded  as  usual  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  men  to  submerge  their  intellect  in  the 
opaque  influence  of  drink.  McKenzie  with  four  men 
started  for  Fort  Vancouver  the  3d  of  January. 

While  encamped  on  Lumni  Island  they  were  attack<  I 
at  night  b}^  a  party  of  Clallams  from  Fuca  Strait,  and 
all  were  killed.  Intelligence  reaching  Fort  Vancouver, 
a  party  was  immediately  despatched  under  Alexander 
11.  McLeod,  chief  factor,  by  way  of  the  Cowlitz  an  ! 
Chehalis  rivers  and  Hood's  canal,  and  the  Cadboro 
was  sent  round  by  sea.  The  land  party  arrived  first, 
and  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Dungeness,  neat- 
Port  Townsend,  and  shortly  afterward  the  Cadboro 
arriving  anchored  off  the  Clallam  village  which  was  in 
that  vicinity.  A  demand  was  then  made  for  the  mur- 
derers, which  was  answered  by  shouts  of  defiance. 


4S4  FOUNDING  OF  FOET  LANGLEY. 

Thereupon  fire  was  opened  upon  the  village,  resulting 
in  indiscriminate  slaughter.  Whether  the  criminals 
were  killed  or  not  was  never  known.  It  was  a  neces- 
sary punishment;  but  it  is  always  severe  where  the 
innocent  are  made  to  suffer  for  the  sins  of  the  guilty. 
Thenceforth  the  fur-traders  journeved  through  that 
country  without  molestation.9 

During  the  winter  a  fair  quantity  of  beaver  had 
been  purchased  at  Fort  Langley,  and  a  liberal  supply 
of  deer  and  elk  meat  brought  in  by  the  hunters. 

The  middle  of  January  a  kiln  of  charcoal  was  burnt 
and  some  sledges  made.  Indian  stragglers  from  the 
Kamloop  and  the  Okanagan  regions  occasionally  ap- 
peared at  Langley,  by  whom  letters  were  carried 
between  posts.  In  February  a  gallery  was  constructed 
round  the  inside  of  the  pickets.  On  the  18th  an 
express  consisting  of  seven  men  under  Manson  was 
despatched  to  Fort  Vancouver,  returning  the  15th 
of  April.  In  March  an  attack  upon  the  fort  for  pur- 
poses of  plunder  was  threatened  by  the  natives, 
which,  however,  was  not  carried  into  effect. 

The  18th  of  April  the  Cadboro  again  arriving 
anchored  off  the  fort,  discharged  her  supplies,  and  on 
the  22d  took  her  departure.  Her  next  arrival  was  on 
the  17th  of  July.  Before  the  year  was  out  the  fort 
enclosure  was  increased  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
by  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet;  other  buildings  were 
erected,  and  potatoes  planted.  Notwithstanding  the 
utmost  efforts  of  the  fur-traders  to  maintain  friendly 
relations  with  all  the  natives,  some  of  the  uncouth 
savages  of  that  vicinity  were  so  insolent  that  blows 
and  refusals  to  trade  were  sometimes  found  necessary 
to  sustain  order.  Salmon  were  much  scarcer  this  year 
than  the  last. 

From  up  the  river  came  sounds  of  singing,  about 
seven  o'clock  on  the  night  of  October  10th,  ushering 
in  the  governor-in-chief  and  party.    To  these  watchers 

9 Fort  Langley  Journals,  MS.,  70,  76,  86;  Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS., 
260-1. 


SIMPSON'S  ARPJ  4S5 

for  beaver-selling  redskins  in  this  distant  and  too  <  I 
dismal  wilderness  this  appearing  was  not  less  than  that 
of  the  angel  to  Jacob.     Here  George  Simpson   • 
before  his  maker:  wicked  savages  would  say  thai 
one  dealt  care-killing  liquor,  the  other  cheerless  rain 
and  rheumatism. 

There  were  two  parties  in  fact:  twenty  men  with 
Archibald  Macdonald  and  Doctor  Hamlyn  comprising 
that  of  the  governor,  and  the  other  cons  i  -i  ing  of  seven 
men  under  James  Munax  Yale  from  New  Caledonia. 
Yale  had  lately  been  at  Kamloop  and  the  mouth  of 
Thompson  river,  and  had  accompanied  the  governor 
down  the  Fraser,  and  had  found  it  more  inaccessible 
than  had  been  anticipated;  so  rough,  indeed,  as  to 
ler,  in  the  opinion  of  the  party,  regular  com- 
munication with  interior  tribes  by  that  route  imprac- 
ticable. 

As  was  frequently  the  case  on  the  visit  of  an 
august  officer  of  the  company  to  a  station,  a  new  deal 
was  made  as  to  place'  and  privilege.  On  this  occasion, 
McMillan  availed  himself  of  his  rotation  of  furlough 
and  accompanied  Simpson  to  Fort  Vancouver,  while 
McDonald  assumed  command  at  Fort  Langley.  Yale 
to<  >k  Manson's  place ;  Annance  continued  India; 1 1 1 . 
and  the  number  of  men  at  Langley  was  reduced  from 
t  W(  nty  to  seventeen.  The  governor's  party,  now  num- 
bering thirty  men,  took  their  departure  for  the  ( lolum- 
bia  by  way  of  Puget  Sound  the  16th.  Consolation 
for  their  absence  was  then  administered  in  the  form 
of  a  pint  of  rum  to  each  man.  They  did  not  see  much 
fun,  these  poor  chattels  of  a  corporation;  jei 
savage  finds  as  many  merry-dancing  joys  in  his  \\  Mods, 
as  does  the  citizen  behind  his  walls  and  pavements; 
in  either  place  are  found  men  who  to  lift  themselves 
into  the  seventh  heaven  to-day,  will  to-morrow  take 
up  their  abode  in  as  low  a  hell,  thinking  they  do 
well  if  by  the  third  day  the  normal  equilibrium  is 
restored. 

Moved  by  the  persuasive  venom  of  1  meliness  and 


4S6  POUNDING  OF  FORT  LAXGLEY. 

propagation,  Yale  buys  himself  a  wife,  choosing  for 
his  bosom  companion  the  fragrant  daughter  of  a 
Haitlin  chief,  whose  virtue  sprang  from  the  superior 
packs  of  beaver  he  brought  in.  But  alas  for  forest 
morals!  It  soon  came  out  that  the  greasy  charmer 
had  living  another  husband,  and  would  willingly  marry 
a  white  man  every  day  in  the  year  for  the  price  Yale 
paid  for  her.  A  few  days  after,  Mrs  Yale  was  led  to 
the  fort  gate,  and  with  a  significant  motion  of  the 
hand  hence  ward,  divorced.  But  once  having  tasted 
the  soft  connubial  sweets  of  civilization,  Mrs  Yale 
could  not  stay  away.  Back  she  came;  whereupon 
she  was  informed  that  the  spotless  chastity  of  a  Brit- 
ish fur-trader  might  not  be  sullied  by  any  connection 
which  savored  of  a  rival  redskin,  and  was  again  sent 
away.  But  when  a  short  time  afterward  a  poor 
Canadian  sought  to  assuage  his  hot  unrest  in  native 
streams  by  hoisting  his  love  one  dark  drunken  night 
in  through  the  bastion  embrasure,  he  would  have  been 
ironed  had  such  ornaments  been  there;  as  it  was  he 
was  mulct  in  the  sum  of  eleven  pounds,  'being  six 
months'  pay.  Yet  again  Mrs  Yale  returned;  and 
one  day  as  her  father  was  passing  the  fort  he  begged 
a  blanket,  which  his  daughter  quickly  handed,  and 
which  was  as  quickly  snatched  from  him  by  the  post- 
trader,  and  after  her  venerable  father  was  driven 
naked  away,  Mrs  Yale  was  severely  reprimanded. 
In  due  time  she  bore  her  lord  a  daughter.  Under 
proper  tuition  it  does  not  take  long  for  a  white  man 
to  raise  himself  to  the  dignity  of  a  savage. 

Little  remarkable  is  found  in  the  Fort  Langley 
record  of  1829.  The  Cadboro  continued  her  trips 
there  and  to  the  northward  regularly.  Though  the 
natives  of  Vancouver  Island  and  the  neighboring 
shores  traded  liberally  at  the  post,  Fort  Langley  on 
the  whole  did  not  seem  to  meet  expectations.  This 
led  to  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  force,  which  as  the 
contiguous  tribes  were  dangerous,  was  regarded  as 
poor  policy.     The  post-trader  likewise  complained  that 


SALMON  PISHING.  187 

the  articles  kept  for  traffic  were  not  whai  they  should 
bo  either  in  quantity  or  quality.10 

In  August  1829,  the  salmon  tfade  on  the  Fraser 
was  quite  brisk.  Fort  Lang]  \y  toot  7,5  I  I  salmon  at 
a  cosl  of  £13  \7s.  2d.  in  goods.  More  were  offered 
by  the  natives  than  could  be  received.11 

Leavingthe  fort  in  charge  <>t*  Vale  with  .-even  men, 
on  the  24th  of  October  McDonald  with  eight  men  set 
out  on  a  visit  to  Fort  Vancouver,  returning  the  23d 
of  November.  The  object  of  the  journey  was  to  con- 
sult with  McLoughlin  as  to  the  company's  interests 
in  the  regions  round  Fort  Langley.  It  was  an  im- 
portant point,  and  yet  cut  off  as  it  was  from  the  in- 
terior, it  could  be  but  little  more  than  a  coast  station 
for  the  present.  Nevertheless,  even  upon  this  basis 
it  should  wield  no  small  influence  in  those  parts.  It 
was  now  proposed  for  the  gulf  and  sound  trade  to 
attach  the  schooner  Vancouver  to  this  establishment, 
and  thus  the  better  compete  with  American  traders, 
whose  inroads  were  becoming  alarming.  A  saw-mill 
at  Puget  Sound  falls12  was  likewise  talked  of,  which 
with  the  Cowlitz  portage  was  to  be  placed  under 
Fort  Langley  superintendence.  As  a  salmon-fishery, 
if  for  nothing  else,  it  was  thought  the  strength  of  the 
post  should  be  kept  up  to  fifteen  men.13 

In  May  1830,  the  river  rose  to  a  higher  point  than 
at  any  time  since  the  summer  freshet  of  1820.  The 
musquito  pest  came  on  the  month  following,  and  so 
troublesome  were  they  as  absolutely  to  drive  the 
natives  to  the  coast,  and  prevent  the  white  men  from 

"Sec  I  r.   /..  MS.,  7:    Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,   MS.,  13; 

Fort  Langley  Journal,  MS.,  passim;  Gray's  Or.,  43;  Martin's  II.  i:..-2i\.^  This 
.■..-is  burned  in  the  spring  of  1840,  aawe  shall  sec.  bul  was  immediately 
rebuilt. 

11 '  What  pity  that  mid  bewantii  register. 

MS.,  14  salmon  trade  with 

Fort  Vancouver  am  I  ian  Islands  sprang  up  a1  Fort  Langley,  whence 

three  or  four  thousand  barrels  were  shipped  annually. 

'-  Tun 

13  Inventory  taken  Kith  February,  1830,  showed  on  hand  1,700  skins,  for 
which  210  blankets,  13  guns,  16  shovels,  and  30  yards  ol  cloth  had  been  paid. 


488  FOUNDING  OF  FORT  LANGLEY. 

working  by  day,  or  sleeping  at  night.  In  July  the 
water  was  upon  them  again;  and  when  the  flood  sub- 
sided they  were  persecuted  by  caterpillars,  which 
destroyed  the  fields  of  corn  and  potatoes  that  had  been 
planted.  It  is  not  necessary,  at  this  juncture,  to  follow 
further  the  haps  and  mishaps  at  Fort  Langley. 

In  August  1827,  James  Douglas  made  a  voyage 
down  what  he  calls  Connolly  River,  the  details  of 
which  are  so  trifling  and  uninteresting  as  not  to  be 
worth  recording.14 

14 Douglas'  Private  Papers,  MS.,  1st  ser.,4-6. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

CONTINUED  DOMINATION  OF  THE   HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

1828-1829. 
i  [west  Dominions— Character  of 

\   rTECEDENTS  AND   PERSONNEL— Tj 

Norway  House— The  Transit  at  Peace  R  '  »  Entry 

James— Arrival  at  Fort  Langle-j 
1  wing  Yeae  to  Canada—John  Work  Joltm  Colville 

to  Okanagan— Wreck  of  the  'William  and  Ann'  and  Mi 
the  Crew— Punishment   of  the  Offenders— Incipient  Ideas  of 
Settlement— Era  of  Epidemic— John  McLoughlln  Occupies  Wil- 
lamette  falls. 

When   from  the    sombre  chambers  in  Fenchurch 

a  fur-traders'  peace  was  promulgated,  and  all 
along  the  American  lines  from  Hudson  Bay  to  the 

•  Ocean,  and  from  Fort  William  on  Lake  Supe- 
rior to  the  Pacific,  the  so  lately  fierce  contestant 
embracing  as  brothers,  young  George  Simpson  was 
making  rapid  strides  upward  from  an  humble  position 
in  the  service  to  the  highest  in  the  territory. 

illegitimate  son  of  the  eldest  brother  of  the 
mother  of  Thomas  Simpson,  the  Arctic  explorer, 
while    clerk    in    a   London    counting-house    George 

ion  had  attracted  the  attention  of  Andrew  Col- 
ville, brother-in-law  of  the  Earl  of  Selkirk,  who  sent 
him  to  Ami  rica  in  the  service  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
I  any.     With  a  bright,  clear  intellect,  redi 

I   spirits,  finely-chiselled  features  lighted  by  a 
blazing  blue  eye,  and  a  figure  though  uoi  tall,  say  five 
.  yet  well  knit,  broad-chested  and  im] 

•  i  eh  and  affable  in  i  .  he  quickly 

made  his  way  upward,  until  in  1820  he  found  himself 


490  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

governor  of  a  district,  and  shortly  after  the  coalition 
of  the  two  giant  companies,  he  was  made  governor- 
in-chief  of  all  the  Hudson's  Bay  territories  in  Amer- 
ica. It  was  a  high  position,  and  swiftly  attained,  but 
it  was  well  bestowed,  as  the  faithful  and  efficient  ser- 
vice of  some  forty  continuous  years  amply  testify. 

Entering  upon  the  work  when  the  association  was 
prostrated  by  long  and  ruinous  opposition,  by  his  keen 
penetration  and  active  energy  he  rapidly  brought  order 
out  of  confusion,  and  elevated  the  company  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  prosperity. 

During  his  term  of  office  his  rule  was  absolute,  he 
being  responsible  for  his  acts  only  to  the  council  in 
London.  Part  of  the  time  he  spent  at  Red  River, 
part  in  Oregon,  in  Athabasca,  and  at  Hudson  Bay. 
He  crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains  at  three  different 
points,  and  travelled  extensively  over  the  vast  territory 
of  which  he  was  the  commercial  sovereign.1 

In  1828  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  make  a  general 
survey  of  the  western  posts,  as  well  for  the  purpose  of 
impressing  peace  and  good-will  upon  the  natives,  as  to 
more  practically  learn  the  necessities  and  test  the 
efficiency  of  his  associates  and  servants. 

The  proposed  journey  of  Mr  Simpson2  was  from 

1See  Life  of  Thomas  Simpson,  46;  House  Commons  Rept.,  44,  75;  Mc- 
LeouVs  Peace,  River;  Simpson's  Voyage,  42.  Sir  John  Franklin's  Nar.,  ii. 
23,  speaks  of  him  in  1820  as  principal  agent  in  Athabasca  for  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company.  It  was  in  recognition  of  his  services  in  organizing  the  expedi- 
tion under  Dease  and  Simpson  for  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage,  that 
both  he  and  John  Henry  Pelly,  the  London  governor  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, received  baronetcies  in  1839.  If  we  may  believe  the  stories  told  of 
George  Simpson  by  his  delectable  cousin,  even  this  cheap  pay  was  scarcely 
earned.  Says  Mr  Anderson  of  him,  History  Northwest  Const,  MS.,  47-S:  '  Sir 
George  Simpson  died  at  his  residence  at  Lachine,  Canada,  about  1861.  As  I 
have  said,  the  character  of  Sir  George  was  very  energetic,  and  the  intelli- 
gence of  his  death  was  received  with  much  regret  by  all  the  senior  officers  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  for  it  had  been  in  his  power  during  his  long 
career  to  confer  many  private  benefits  upon  his  friends  throughout  the  country. 
On  retiring  from  active  service  he  purchased  the  Isle  Durnal  just  above 
Lachine,  and  there  built  a  splendid  residence.  In  1860  he  was  honored  with  a 
visit  from  the  Prince  of  Wales,  whom  he  received  with  all  the  honors  of  Hud- 
son Bay  courtesy.  Highly  ornamented  birch-bark  canoes  of  enormous  size, 
such  as  we  were  in  the  habit  of  travelling  with,  were  prepared  for  this  recep- 
tion of  the  prince  and  his  party,  who  were  conveyed  to  the  residence  of  Sir 
George  under  the  stirring  song  of  the  Canadian  voyageurs.' 

2  Simpson  was  not  yet  knighted.     His  title  of  governor  was  unhappily 


MACDOXALD'S  JOURNAL.  491 

York  Factory  to  the  Pacific.  He  travelled  in  some 
state,  having  with  him  a  chief  factor,  Archibald  Mac- 
donald,  whose  journal  kept  at  this  time  was  edited  by 
Malcolm  McLeod,  and  published  at  Ottawa  in  1872,3 
and  a  doctor,  Hamlyn  by  name,  the  simple  pr< 
of  a  medical  man  in  those  days  being-  proof  against 
many  evils. 

Fourteen  commissioned  gentlemen,  as  the  chief 
factors  and  chief  traders  were  called,  and  as  many 
clerks,  accompanied  them  to  their  boats,  which  were 
two  light  canoes  with  crews  of  nine  men  each.  On 
board  were  two  tents,  cooking  utensils,  arms  and  pro- 
visions, with  wine  for  the  officials  and  spirits  for  the 
men.  After  a  hearty  hand-shaking  the  travellers  took 
their  seats.  Cheers  were  given  as  the  boats  shoved 
off;  then  followed  a  salute  of  seven  guns  from  the  gar- 
rison, after  which  the  voyageurs  struck  up  an  inspirit- 
ing air  as  they  breasted  the  strong  tide,  and  the  start 
was  accomplished. 

This  was  Saturday,  the  12th  of  July.  Their  route 
was  up  Hayes  River  to  Norway  House  at  the  north- 
chosen.  It  would  seem  that  there  was  a  dearth  of  words  signifying  domi- 
nance in  those  days,  the  term  governor  being  applied  to  the  highest  in  authority 
re.  He  who  presided  at  the  London  board  was  governor  supreme; 
the  commanding  officer  in  America  was  governor-in-chief  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Territories;  then  there  were  governors  of  districts,  govern 
governor  of  Rupert  Land,  a  governor  of  Assiniboine,  and  sometimes  a  double 
governor,  as  in  the  case  of  Douglas  at  Vancouver  Island,  who  was  at  once 
!  I       son's  Bay  Company  governor  and  colonial  governor. 

3  Peace  Rivi  r.  .1  '  'ano<  Voyage  from  the  Hudson's  Bay  to  the  Pacific.  Con- 
sisting of  a  journal  written  by  Archibald  Macdonald  with  notes  by 

McL 1.  a  barrister  of  Aylmer,  Canada.    The  journal  bya  chief  factor  during 

a  Hying  trip  in  ls-js,  is  much  better  written  than  the  notes  which  an 
to  have  been  done  more  deliberately,  though  the  i 

enlywork,  of  lack  of  time.  The  writer  who  has  not  time  to  do 
his  best,  had  better  not  write.  While  there  is  much  that  we  enjoy  to  know 
in  Mr.  McLeod's  remarks,  there  is  an  unhappy  vein  .  running 

through  them  which  renders  them  unpleasant  reading.     I 
ary  taste  are  committed  on  almost  every  page,  which  to  ] 
school-master  or  a  d  swspaper  critic,  is  no  b 
us  be  thankful  to  Mr  McLeod  \<<r  the  absolutely  original  information  which 

iws  by  the  publication  of  Macdonald's  journal.     \> 
1822  and  maid  had  been  clerk  in  cha 

■    itrict.     In   182  i  le    took  the  place  - 
as  chief  trader  at  Kamlo  p.     I;i   1828  we  lind  him  a 

exp        on.    After  his  death  Macd  maid 

bo  M    '    od.     See  Eva  .  MS.,  222;  Franklin's 

Nap.,  i.  221 :  -.',  MS.,  7-1. 


492  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

ern  end  of  Winnipeg  Lake,  thence  to  Cumberland 
House,  La  Crosse  Lake,  and  Fort  Chipewyan  at  the 
western  end  of  Athabasca  Lake ;  then  up  Peace  River 
and  down  the  Fraser  to  Fort  Langley. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into  details  of  the  journey. 
There  were  rather  fewer  than  the  usual  mishaps,  and 
far  more  than  the  usual  comforts;  for  food  and  drink 
were  plenty,  and  when  men  and  cargo  got  wet  they 
could  stop  and  have  a  drying. 

At  Norway  House,  where  fresh  provisions  were 
obtained,  his  excellency,  as  the  chief  factor  calls  the 
governor,  was  preceded  by  a  piper  from  the  landing 
to  the  fort,  where  the  officers  and  a  bevy  of  dusky 
ladies  stood  ready  to  receive  him.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
narrator  the  reception  was  more  imposing  than  any- 
thing hitherto  seen  in  that  region.  Preparatory  to 
arrival  they  had  landed  and  made  their  toilets  ;  then 
their  approach  was  made  known  by  the  shrill  notes 
of  Highland  bagpipes  in  the  governor's  canoe,  and  a 
bugle  in  the  chief  factor's,  after  which,  as  they  neared 
the  landing,  was  heard  the  softer,  sweeter  chant  of  the 
boatmen.4 

4 The  editor  was  there  at  the  time.  '  In  the  crowd  on  the  bank,'  he  says, 
•  standing  beside  my  dear  old  father—  a  sturdy  Highlander,  snuffbox  in  hand, 
and  with  countenance  beaming  in  conscious  pride  of  his  work  well  done — I,  a 
little  fellow  yet  in  his  units,  was  a  gazing  spectator,  intensely  interested,  and 
to  this  day  I  remember  the  scene  as  if  it  now  flashed  before  my  eyes.  On  the 
signal  hill  of  rock,  from  a  tall  Norway-pine  shaft,  floated  the*  grand  old  flag. 
From  the  hollow  rocks,  the  world  of  rocks  all  around  us,  awoke  the  wild  echoes 
by  the  bugle  set  flying.  Then  the  grand  thunder-skirrl  of  the  bagpipes  with 
their  "Campbells  are  coming;  hourray!  hourray!"  or  some  such  music  of 
our  mountain  land,  long  droned  out  to  the  very  vault  of  heaven,  and  then — 
as  a  cadenza  of  soothing,  gladdening,  exquisite  charm— the  deep  and  soft  and 
so  joyously  toned  voices  of  those  full-throated  voyageurs,  timed  with  a  stroke 
so  quick,  of  glittering  paddle-blade,  singing  with  such  heart  their  La  Claire 
Fontaine  or  some  such  loved  air  of  their  native  land.  All  this  music,  in  the 
rapid,  in  the  deep  rocky  gorge,  mellowed  by  the  waters,  and  a  little  by  dis- 
tance, entranced  us  in  a  sense.  For  a  while  we  could  but  listen,  the  canoes 
from  our  position  in  the  bay  being  out  of  sight;  but  when  the  governor's 
canoe  with  its  grand  high  prow,  rounded  and  brightly  painted,  Hashed  out  of 
the  dark  rock  at  the  point  into  our  full  view,  and  gracefully  turned  into  the 
little  port  at  our  feet,  the  heart  seemed  to  swell  with  admiration  and  delight 
at  the  sight.  Never,  never  had  anything  so  grand,  and  splendid,  and 
delightful  withal,  been  seen  in  those  primitive  wilds.  And  the  little  world 
there,  especially  on  the  bank  that  day,  was  one  which  in  its  unsullied  purity 
of  natural  taste  for  the  beautiful  in  nature  and  in  simple  art,  could  appreciate 
and  enjoy  such  a  scene.'  McLeod's  Peace  River,  app.,  note  xiv. 


EX  ROUTE.  493 

The  entire  journey  was  made  without  loss  of  life  or 
property.  This  was  due  in  a  great  measure  to  the 
efficiency  of  the  guide  who,  en  route,  is  governor  even 
of  governors.  "He  was  generally,"  says  McLeod, 
"  some  steel-framed,  steady,  and  electric-eyed  Iroquois 
of  Caughnawaga,  or,  as  I  believe,  in  tins  case,  was 
some  old  French  Canadian  voyageur,  wise  exceedingly 
in  his  >>\vn  way,  and  endowed,  one  would  think,  with 
special  instincts  for  his  duty.  In  canoe  he  takes  the 
post  of  honor,  that  is,  of  danger  and  trust,  the  bow. 
Between  him  and  his  precious  charge  every  nasty, 
ripping  rock,  or  sunken  stick  in  the  way,  the  shallow 
way.  forgoing  up  stream  they  have  ever  to  hug  the 
shore,  there  is  naught  but  the  thin  birch  bark  and  its 
slender  lining." 

During  the  evenings  which  were  spent  at  the  posts 
along  the  route,  the  governor's  time  was  occupied  in 
writing.  It  was  an  intricate  and  widely  extended 
business  for  one  man  to  manage,  yet  the  length  of  time 
Mr  Simpson  was  governor  shows  the  opinion  of  his 
associates  of  his  ability.  His  correspondence  with 
the  officers  of  the  company  was  very  great.  Added 
to  his  administrative  capabilities  was  intense  applica- 
tion, which  enabled  him  to  perform  the  labor  of  three 
ordinary  men.  Twelve  years  later  he  had  so  over- 
taxed himself  as  to  be  partially  blind.  At  Isle  a  la 
Crosse,  Fort  Chipewyan,  and  other  stations,  supplies 
were  taken  on  board  as  required.  One  month  from 
the  time  of  starting  the  party  arrived  at  the  last- 
named  port,  then  in  charge  of  Willian  llivray. 
James  Heron  now  took  the  place  of  McGillivray,  who 
with  his  family  accompanied  the  governor  across  the 
mountains.  The  arrival  and  departure  of  the  family 
was  attended  by  the  same  ceremony  at  all  the  posts: 
music,  cheering,  the  waving  of  flags,  and  the  firing 
of  guns. 

They  entered  Peace  River  on  the  15th  of  Ac 
Fort  Vermilion,  three  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  was  then  in  charge  of  Paul 


494  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

Eraser.  Fort  Dunvegan  was  still  occupied  by  Camp- 
bell, who  on  this  occasion  was  taken  by  surprise, 
having  but  little  on  the  premises  to  eat.  The  gover- 
nor could  not  refrain  from  bestowing  upon  the  natives 
a  gentle  admonition,  after  the  manner  of  a  father- 
confessor,  with  regard  to  the  St  John  murder,  no  less 
than  the  ancient  bacchanals,  one  of  which  not  long 
since  resulted  in  the  death  of  an  Indian. 

Passing  St  John,  a  cross  was  seen  marking  the 
burial-place  of  the  unfortunate  wife-stealers,  whose 
passion  for  the  forest  belles  had  cost  them  their  lives ; 
for  in  these  wilds,  where  constant  peril  made  one 
brotherhood  of  all  creeds,  it  was  the  custom  to  desig- 
nate the  spot  where  dead  humanity  lay  buried,  pro- 
vided always  the  skin  had  been  white,  by  monuments, 
which  since  these  many  centuries  have  proclaimed  a 
common  origin  and  a  common  end. 

The  path  at  the  portages  was  in  a  miserable  condi- 
tion, no  white  people  having  passed  that  way  for 
three  years.  On  the  4th  of  September,  the  guide 
with  three  men  narrowly  escaped  perdition  at  the  foot 
of  a  formidable  cascade.  The  11th  brought  them 
to  McLeod  Fort,  where  they  found  wreathed  in  sad 
smiles  the  honest  face  of  Mr  Tod,  for  he,  alas !  was 
taken  by  surprise,  which  signified  in  the  diction  of  the 
day,  that  the  fort  contained  nothing  to  eat.  He  and 
his  two  men  were  on  short  allowance,  the  fish  having 
to  some  extent  failed  him  during  the  summer. 

Here  Simpson  was  called  upon  to  pla}^  the  judge  in 
a  case  of  assault,  the  person  attacked  being  suspected 
of  tampering  with  the  assailant's  wife.  The  governor 
returned  the  Scotch  verdict  of  not  proven.  The  wife- 
wooer,  however,  was  advised  not  to  interfere  with  the 
marital  relations  of  others  in  a  country  where  women 
were  so  plentiful,  and  as  an  earnest  for  his  future  good 
behavior,  he  was  fined  ten  shillings,  which  being 
offered  to  the  injured  husband  was  indignantly  re- 
fused, whereupon  it  was  handed  to  a  third  person  to 
buy  rum  for  the  men.     The  servants  must  be  well 


OX  THE  PACIFIC  SLOPE.  495 

trained  indeed  who  could  be  satisfied  with  this  quality 
of  justice  at  the  hand  of  their  highest  official.  Two 
thousand  beaver-skins  were  annually  traded  here  at 
this  time. 

From  McLeod  the  party  set  out  by  land  for  Port 
St  James,  the  men  with  heavy  loads  upon  their  backs, 
making  over  the  bad  roads  but  fifteen  or  eighteen 
milesa  day,  the  gentlemen  riding  on  horses;  although 
I  could  but  regard  it  as  more  gentlemanly  in  the  mas- 
ter to  have  walked,  and  let  his  horse  carry  the  burden 
of  a  faithful  servant.  But  it  was  inconsistent  with  the 
dignity  of  officers  to  treat  the  voyageurs  as  men. 

*To  "impress  the  tender  mind  of  the  savage  it  was 
thought  best  to  make  a  grand  entry  into  Fort  St 
James,  the  capital  of  western  Caledonia.  Hence, 
when  within  a  mile  of  the  fort,  the  party  halted, 
breakfasted,  and  changed,  that  is  to  say,  shaved  and 
decorated.  Unfurling  the  British  ensign,  it  was  given 
to  the  guide,  who  marched  first.  After  him  came  the 
band,  consisting  of  buglers  and  bagpipers.  Next  came 
the  governor,  mounted,  and  behind  him  Hamlyn  and 
Macdonald,  also  on  horses.  Twenty  loaded  men,  like 
beasts  of  burden,  formed  the  line;  after  them  a  loaded 
horse;  and  finally  McGillivray  with  his  wife  and 
family5  brought  up  the  rear. 

Thus  arranged,  the  imposing  body  was  put  in  motion. 
Passing  over  a  gentle  elevation  they  came  in  full  view 
of  the  "fort,  when  the  bugle  sounded,  a  gun  was  fired, 
and  the  bagpipes  struck  up  the  famous  inarch  of  the 
clans,  Si  coma  hum  cogadh  na  shea,  that  is  to  say. 
Peace;  or,  if  you  so  will  it,  war.  James  Douglas, 
who  was  then  in  charge  of  the  post,  replied  with  a 
brisk  discharge  of  wall-pieces  and  small  arms:  after 
which  he  advanced  a  short  distance  in  front  of*  the 
fort,  and  there  received  his  distinguished  guests. 

Fort  St  James  was  then  the  chief  depot  for  all  the 

u  Whether  mounted  or  on  foot  the  narrative  does  not  say.  but  probably 
the  latter,  as  otherwise  where  there  were  bo  few  horses  the  writer  would  have 

been  apt  to  mention  them. 


496  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

region  north  of  the  Eraser  Forks  to  the  Russian 
boundary,  including  the  Babine  country,  and  hence 
was  a  general  rendezvous  for  the  fur-traders  of  multi- 
tudinous degree.  Governor  Simpson  had  been  there 
but  two  hours  when  Chief  Factor  James  Connolly  of 
Montreal  arrived  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  which 
he  had  left  the  23d  of  June.  Yale  arrived  next  day. 
It  was  soon  decided  that  Pierre  La  Course,  one  of 
the  governor's  party,  with  three  men,  should  proceed 
immediately  to  Thompson  River,  and  build  a  boat  to 
take  the  travellers  to  Fort  Langley.  Yale  accom- 
panied them  to  Fort  Alexandria,  rendering  them  every 
assistance  in  his  power,  and  to  Chief  Factor  Francis 
Ermatinger  and  Mr  McDougall  were  sent  letters  con- 
taining instructions  of  like  import. 

To  the  great  white  chief  many  little  red  chiefs  were 
introduced,  and  the  white  chiefs  told  the  red  chiefs 
that  they  must  not  kill  white  men.  There  had  been 
one  or  two  murders  committed  by  the  Indians  lately, 
for  which  the  murderers  were  promptly  punished  as 
usual;  but  the  governor  greatly  deplored  such  pro- 
ceedings, and  warned  the  chiefs  that  war,  with  all  its 
horrors,  would  be  upon  them  if  they  did  not  curb  the 
temper  of  their  people.  His  imposing  mien,  his  earnest 
words,  and  the  dauntless  fire  of  his  eye  never  failed  to 
impress  the  savage  mind  with  awe  and  reverence. 

The  24th  of  September  the  party  moved  forward, 
and  reached  Fort  Alexandria  the  fourth  clay.  There 
they  found  the  two  McDougalls,  and  Yale  and  party, 
who  arrived  live  days  previous.  George  McDougall 
was  in  charge  of  the  post.  After  leaving  this  post 
the  governor  was  seized  with  illness,  which  lasted  for 
several  days,  and  though  quite  severe  it  did  not  pre- 
vent his  travelling. 

Calling  at  Kamloop,  the  governor  assembled  the  na- 
tives in  the  hall  of  the  post,  and  there  addressed  them 
according  to  his  custom,  exhorting  them  to  honesty, 
frugality,  and  temperance,  and  supplementing  his  ser- 
mon with  rolls  of  tobacco,  and  other  presents  far  more 


WORK'S  EXPEDITION.  497 

efficacious  in  promoting  good  behavior  than  words. 
Mr  Ermatinger  was  in  charge  of  this  posi  thai  season. 

Yak  had  been  sent  from  Fort  Alexandria, 
fourteen  oien  in  two  bark  canoes  to  the  fort  of  the 
Thompson  River,  where  the  governor  now  found  them, 
both  parties  having  on  their  way  run  rapids  never  run 
before.  Down  Thompson  River  to  the  Fra  r,  and 
thence  through  the  water-grooved  mountains  of  rock, 
over  rapidsand  whirlpools  they  go;  pastAllitza  River 
and  Yale  River,  past  dalles  and  portages,  dashing 
down  Simpson  falls,  a  fearful  plunge,6  then  past  Lilli- 
whit,  as  they  called  Harrison  River,  soon  after  moot- 
in-  the  i  ide  from  the  Pacific,  then  passing  Work  River 
and  reaching  Fort  Langley  on  the  evening  of  the  10th 
of  October.  McMillan,  Manson,  and  Annance  were 
there  with  twenty  men.  Here  Macdonald  remained 
to  take  the  place  of  McMillan,  who  accompanied  the 
governor  to  Fort  Vancouver,  as  we  have  before  found 
recorded  in  the  archives  of  the  fort.' 

The  following  year  Simpson  returned  east  byway 
the  Columbia,  his  party  consisting  of  McMillan,  Doc- 
tor Tod,  Tom  Taylor,  and  twenty-seven  men.  The 
only  incident  worthy  of  mention  on  the  trip  was  an 
affray  with  the  natives  at  one  of  the  portages,  from 
which  the  governor  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.8 

With   six  boats  and  twenty  men,  on  the  20th  of 
May    I    \    .   rohn  Work  left   Colville   for  Okana 
arriving  the  22d.     Among  the  car:  s  of 

three  ;  ; :  ■  I  r  New  Caledonia,  the  route  from  Colville 
1,,  that  district  then  being  down  the  Columbia  to 
Okanagan  and  up  the  Okanagan  River. 

■  to  the  head  of  Simpson  Falls  where  the  river  is  choked  op  by  a 
most  solid  ;  out  half  an 

shore-.  I  i  the  run  on  I 

all  over,  to  carry  was  impo 

',  his  bark  canoe,  an  ■  but 

.-  that 
■•/'>■  Journal,  in  McLt  od'i  I 
■'.  M  3.,  l '-'-'. 
Overland  Journey,  i.  165  J. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    32 


498  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

From  New  Caledonia  Ermatinger  arrived  at  Okan- 
agan  the  24th,  Connolly  and  his  people  the  2Gth,  and 
Dease  the  27th.  A  feast  was  held,  at  which  two 
horses  and  some  barley  were  served.  Nine  boats  in 
command  of  Connolly  then  embarked  for  Fort  Van- 
couver. In  running  Priest  Rapids,  in  the  lower  part 
one  of  the  boats  struck  a  rock  and  broke,  and  three  men 
were  drowned.  The  furs  were  recovered,  the  priest 
assisting;  some  of  them  were  dried  at  Walla  Walla 
and  the  rest  at  Fort  Vancouver. 

Returning  on  the  23d  of  July,  the  brigade  consisted 
of  nine  heavily  laden  boats  with  fifty-four  men,  among 
whom  were  Connolly,  Work,  Yale,  Dease,  and  Erma- 
tinger. At  the  Dalles  they  met  Morgan  and  his  party 
on  their  way  to  Fort  Vancouver,  and  also  Ogden. 
McKay  was  at  Walla  Walla  where  Black  was  in 
charge.  On  the  way  up,  the  body  of  one  of  the  men 
drowned  at  Priest  Rapids  was  found,  and  over  the 
remains,  before  interring  them,  Connolly  read  the 
funeral  service.  Arrived  at  Okanagan,  Work  shortly 
after  made  a  journey  into  New  Caledonia.9 

In  attempting  to  enter  the  Columbia  River,  in  1829, 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  ship  from  London, 
William  and  Ann,  was  wrecked  on  Sand  Island. 
Those  of  the  crew  who  escaped  landed  at  Clatsop 
Point,  and  were  immediately  murdered  by  the  natives, 
that  the  work  of  plunder  might  not  be  interrupted.10 
A  large  portion  of  the  cargo  was  then  secured  by 
the  savages.  Tidings  of  the  disaster  reaching  Van- 
couver, McLoughlin  sent  messengers  demanding  the 

9  WorFs  Journal,  MS.,  222-40;  Allan's  Rem.,  MS.,  19. 

10  Gray  affirms,  Hist.  Or.,  21,  that  'all  onboard  were  murdered;'  and  again, 
191,  that  in  1834  'there  was  also  in  the  country  a  man  by  the  name  of  Felix 
Hathaway,  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the  William  and  Ann.'  Roberts,  Recollec- 
tions, MS.,  15,  says  that  the  crew  landed  with  their  arms  wet,  and  hence 
were  wholly  defenceless,  and  that  all  were  murdered.  Anderson,  North- 
west Coast,  MS.,  25S,  states  that  the  'Clatsops  murdered,  or  were  asserted 
to  have  murdered,  the  survivors  of  the  crew.'  Dunn,  Or.  Ter.,  159,  'The 
whole  of  the  crew  perished.'  Thornton,  Or.  and  L'al.,  i.  304,  'All  on  board 
perished. ' 


THE  CLATSOPS  PUNISHED.  499 

restoration  of  the  goods.  An  old  broom11  was  there- 
upon sent  to  the  fori  with  the  derisive  reply  that  thai 
was  all  of  the  cargo  they  intended  to  deliver  up. 

There  were  then  hut  few  men  at  the  fort,  and  the 
Clatsops  who  had  not  forgotten  their  infamous  treat- 
ment by  Ogden  and  his  party,  were  as  strong  as  they 
were  blood-thirsty  and  treacherous;  so  that  some 
little  time  must  necessarily  elapse  before  action  could 
be  taken.  Immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  brig- 
ade from  the  interior  about  the  middle  of  June,  one 
hundred  voyageurs  under  Connolly  were  sent  to  chas- 
tise the  villains.  Firsl  the  schooner  Cadboro,  well 
armed  and  manned,  was  sent  down  the  river  and 
brought  to  anchor  before  the  Clatsop  village.  No 
demonstration  was  made  on  board;  on  shore  the  sav- 
ages were  defiant.  During  the  night  the  boat  party 
approached,  keeping  themselves  carefully  concealed 
behind  the  schooner.  At  early  dawn  the  signal  was 
given.  The  schooner  opened  fire  on  the  village  and 
striking  up  a  wild,  shrill  boat-song,  the  Canadians  shot 
their  barks  from  behind  the  vessel  and  landed  under 
cover  of  her  guns. 

Shots  were  exchanged  as  the  boats  approached  the 
bank,  and  a  brief  encounter  occurred  on  landing;  but 
the  enemy  were  soon  discomfited,  and  took  to  flight. 
Little  blood  was  shed;  after  the  first  charge  a  skulk- 
ing chief  was  shot;  and  considering  their  diabolical 
deed,  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  the  natives  was 
light.  But  the  effect  of  even  this  light  chastisemenl 
was  salutary,  and  the  subsequent  good  conduct  of  the 
Clatsops  was  secured.13 

A  schooner  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons 
was  this  year.  L  829,  built  at  Vancouver,  and  christened 
the  Vancouver.  Shewas  poorly  constructed, and  proved 
nol    very  profitable.     After  making  a  few  trips,  she 

"Following  Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  258,  Dunn  Bays,  'an  old 
brok<  ed  looking-glass' accompanied  their  impertinent  mi 

further,  Cox's  Adv.,  ii.  395  app.;    Victor's  River  oj 

Park'  100-1,  dates  the  disaster  1828. 


500  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

was  finally  wrecked  in  the  spring  of  1834,  on  Point 
Rose  Spit,  at  the  northern  end  of  Queen  Charlotte 
Islands.  Duncan  was  her  captain,  and  he  ran  her 
aground  in  open  daylight.13 

It  may  be  well  to  notice  here  the  incipient  ideas  as 
to  the  occupation  and  cultivation  of  the  soil  apart 
from  fur-trading  interests,  although  the  history  of 
permanent  settlement  will  form  the  opening  chapters 
of  another  volume. 

Among  the  mythologies  of  Oregon  occupation  I 
find  the  following.  Into  the  Willamette  Valley  about 
1812,  there  drifted  a  free  French  trapper,  who,  tired 
of  mountaineering  and  the  uncertainty  of  semi-sav- 
age rovings,  determined  to  seek  retirement  where 
skies  were  propitious  and  the  horizon  free  from  civil- 
ized obstructions,  where  food  might  easily  be  culti- 
vated, and  where  dusky  maids  were  plenty.  Montour 
was  his  name,  and  the  spot  he  chose  was  French 
Prairie.  Having  long  entertained  the  idea,  he  had 
carried  about  with  him  a  few  seeds,  which  he  now 
planted.  He  then  built  himself  a  commodious  hut. 
After  giving  a  few  rudimentary  lessons  in  agriculture 
to  his  faithful  wives,  he  was  a  lord  for  life.  Toils  and 
troubles  were  over,  and  the  fear  of  hunger  forever 
banished. 

For  fourteen  years  continued  this  lonely  elysium; 
and  though  mighty  changes  were  taking  place  beyond 
the  confines  of  his  kingdom,  Montour  remained  un- 
molested until  1826.  His  farming  amounted  to  but 
little,  yet  it  served  every  purpose,  and  might  be  in- 
creased at  pleasure.  The  man  and  his  surroundings 
were  known  to  the  fur-hunters  who  frequented  these 
parts,. but  they  paid  little  attention  to  him  except  to 
partake  of  his  hospitality  as  they  passed  by. 

Then  came  one  Peter  Depot,  and  Montour  was 
ready  to  depart.     There  was  scarcely  room  enough  in 

13 Roberts'  Ree.,  MS.,  43.  This  vessel  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
bark  Vancouver  lost  on  the  Columbia  bar  in  1848. 


TRADITIONAL  HISTORY.  501 

the  Willamette  Valley  for  two  farmers  of  the  fur- 
hunting  order.  So  Montour  transferred  his  interests 
to  Depot,  and  in  1850  Depot  sold  to  Samuel  Brown." 

The  Killamooks  have  a  tradition  surpassing  even 
this;  uamely,  that  a  Long  time  ago  five  white  men 
landed  at  Capo  Lookout  and  buried  some  treasure  in 
the  cliff,  which  has  since  fallen  down  and  covered  it. 
They  then  helped  themselves  to  as  many  women  as 
they  desired,  and  raised  a  nation  of  their  own,  which 
to-day  inhabits  the  region  to  the  south  of  them. 

However  true  or  false  these  and  other  similar  stories 
may  have  been,  there  were  of  a  truth  those  among 
the  half-breed  and  French  Canadian  servants  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  straggling  trappers  from 
the  United  States,  and  from  California,  who  now 
determined  to  abandon  their  wilderness  ways  and 
begin  for  themselves  and  their  children  a  fixed  resi- 
dence; and  from  this  time  the  principal  food,  which 
had  hitherto  been  fish  and  game,  began  now  at 
the  principal  posts  to  be  cattle  and  grain.  Round 
Fort  Vancouver,  as  I  have  said,  were  taken  up  by 
these  persons  the  first  patches  for  cultivation;  the 
next,  and  in  due  time  larger  farming  settlement  was 
on  French  Prairie  in  the  Willamette  Valley,1"' and  for 
nine  years  from  the  time  of  our  definite  knowledge 
of  this  settlement,  that  is  to  say,  1829,  this  cluster  of 
farms  stood  as  a  pot-flower  of  civilization  in  a  wilder- 
ness of  savagism,  the  sole  effort  of  independent  hus- 
bandry in  Oregon. 

And  strange  to  say,  with  these  incipient  idea-  of 
fixed  occupation  and  their  attendant  forest-clearings, 

"A  writer  in  the  Salem  Mercury  is  responsible  for  this,  and  tl 
a  valuation.    Roberts  writes  me  that  Montour,  i 
half-caste,  went  from  Colville  or  New  Caledonia  to  French  Prairie  i  I 

Hi  t.  Or.,  this  Beries;  also  Thorni  ■  •<'.,  ii.  1<'>;  / 

Hist.   I'.  /.,  MS.,  65.    Among  other  instances,  De  Smet  in  his  On 
sions,  17,  mentions  the  ease  of  a  <  !anadian  servant  of  the  Hud 
pany,  who,  tried  of  trapping,  in  1829  obtained  permission  I  • 
family  in  the  Willamette  Valley  and  follow  farming,  and  thai  othi  re  now  fol- 
lowed his  example.     For  early  affairs  at  French  Praii  Or.,  this 
series. 


502  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

house-buildings,  and  soil-stirrings  came  civilization's 
kindly  savage-destroyer,  disease.  Thus  mercilessly 
omnipotence  vetoes  its  earlier  work  for  a  later;  pro- 
nouncing its  creation  of  red  men  bad,  the  lighter  color 
coming  now  in  fashion,  all  which,  reading  the  future 
from  the  tablets  of  the  past,  tells  us  that  our  cruel 
superstitions  and  hypocritical  civilization,  our  religion 
if  you  will,  or  may  be  if  you  will  not,  must  in  due  time 
give  place  to  another  and  better  religion  and  civiliza- 
tion; for  under  the  present  regime  matters  are  not 
altogether  pure  and  perfect. 

That  the  ague  and  fever  which  in  this  year  of  1829 
first  awoke  the  savage  nations  of  the  lower  Columbia 
to  their  death,  which  became  epidemic,  and  raged 
with  such  virulence  as  with  the  thousands  of  red 
men  to  carry  off  scores  of  white  and  wholly  to  de- 
populate certain  sections,  is  to  be  attributed  entirely 
to  the  scratching  by  weak  husbandry  of  a  few  acres 
at  Fort  Vancouver  or  elsewhere  seems  to  me  absurd. 
And  yet  such  is  the  general  notion  entertained  of  it. 
Farming  is  not  so  unhealthy  an  occupation;  or  if  it 
were,  the  deleterious  effluvia  arising  from  a  newly 
upturned  garden-patch  could  not  equal  the  malaria 
engendered  for  ages  by  hundreds  of  square  miles,  in 
hundreds  of  different  localities,  foul  river-bottoms, 
swamps,  and  decaying  forests. 

But  this  is  a  different  sort  of  infection  you  may  say. 
Very  true.  The  infections  of  artifice  are  always  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  nature.  I  do  not  know  why 
throughout  this  wide,  airy,  and  heaven-lit  region  the 
moment  the  conception  even  of  fixed  residence  is  en- 
tertained by  civilization,  all  savagism  should  rise  up 
and  rush  to  their  destruction  like  so  many  devil- 
possessed  swine.  I  do  not  know  why  the  world 
was  originally  constructed  upon  so  cruel  and  unjust 
a  principle,  the  animal  kingdom  no  less  than  the 
man  kingdom,  the  life  and  progression  of  the  stronger 
being  sustained  and  made  yet  more  and  more  sovereign 
only  by  the  devouring  and  final  total  destruction  of 


EPIDEMIC.  503 

the  weaker.  Nor  have  I  beeo  able  to  find  any  oik-  to 
tell  me.  According  to  the  measures  of  right  given 
me,  according  to  any  other  measure  than  that  what- 
ever is  i>  right,  that  might  is  right,  I  see  no  right  or 
reason  in  it.  But  our  wise  teachers  tell  us  to  wait, 
and  perhaps  we  shall  know  more. 

But  whatever  the  cause,  certain  it  is  that  when  the 
soil  round  Port  Vancouver  was  first  upturned  to  any 
considerable  extent  for  cultivation,  the  fever  and  ague 
broke  out  among  the  natives  in  the  form  of  fearful 
epidemic.  White  men  as  well  as  Indians  were  seized 
by  it,  but  the  former  could  in  some  degree  ward  off 
its  dangers  while  the  latter  fell  by  thousands  before 
its  silent  and  mysterious  shafts.  The  poor  natives,  to 
whom  the  disease  wras  new,  no  wiser  in  this  respect 
than  the  white  men,  were  wholly  at  a  loss  to  account 
for  its  origin;  and  the  brig  Owyhee,  Captain  Dominis, 
arriving  about  this  time  they  charged  him  with  having 
brought  among  them  the  hateful  infection.16  The  fol- 
lowing years  there  came  typhoid  fever,  whooping- 
cough,  the  measles,  and  other  civilized  diseases  hith- 
erto unknown  in  these  parts,  so  that  soon  the 
bewildered  savage  every  autumn  would  wonder  what 
new  damnation  the  Christians  should  bring  him  this 
year. 

During  the  years  1830,  1831,  and  1832  the  epi- 
demic was  even  worse  than  in   1829,17  and,  indeed, 

^Roberts'  Rec,  MS.,  13.  Mrs  Harvey,  Life  of  McLougUm,  Ms.,  15, 
recollects  the  first  American  vessel  entering  the  Columbia  in  her  time  as 
'that  of  Captain  Thomas  in  1829.'  The  ship  was  anchored  at  Astoria  w  bile 
the  captain  traded  for  beaver  and  salmon. 

17  Dates  as  usual  disagree.  Gushing'a  Report,  No.  101,25th  Cong.,  .:■!  Sesa., 
Feb-  1839,  17,  speaks  of  an  intermittent  f over  in  1829,  which  nearly  depopu- 
lated the  hanks  of  the  Columbia,     in  1829  the  plough  v, 

Kane,   Wanderings,  171.  'and  the  locality  hitherto  considered  one  of  the 
depopulated  by  the  fever  and  ague.'  Doctor Tolmie, 
Hist.  ;  MS., 5, 6,  says  the  epidemic  first  broke  out  after  the  plough- 

ing of  .-"in'-  rich,  alluvial  land  near  the  river  bank,  where  the  Indians  lived; 
but  there  must  have  been  some  more  general  and  wide-spread  cause."  In  the 
/-    5.  Cat  olic  Almanac,  copied  by  De  Smet  in  his  M  egon,  19,  we 

find:  'Quoique  leclimat  <  Li  bre,  une fievre tremblante 

et  contagieuse  qui  Be  d&  '  '-•  oleva  pres  di  »d(  as  t  i «  rs 

puis  le  baa  de  la  riviere  Colombie  jusqu'  • 
his  Journal,  1840-1,  M.S.,  3,  4,  James  Douglas  writes:  '  Plomondo  says  that  in 


504  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

aside  from  the  extraordinary  ravages  of  disease, 
"affairs  seem  dreadfully  disordered  at  present  in  the 
Columbia,"  groans  the  mercenary  scribe  at  Fort 
Langley.  In  July  1829  there  were  "two  or  three 
American  vessels  in  opposition  there,  and  but  one 
beaver  obtained  for  a  blanket."  1S 

Simultaneously  with  the  rise  of  the  agricultural 
interest  was  felt  a  need  of  sawn  lumber.  One  of  the 
best  sites  for  a  mill  in  that  whole  region  was  at  the 
falls  of  the  Willamette,  where  Oregon  City  now  stands. 
This  spot  had  often  been  spoken  of  by  passing  fur- 


1830,  the  first  ague  summer,  the  living  sufficed  not  to  bury  their  dead,  but 
fled  in  terror  to  the  sea-coast,  abandoning  the  dead  and  dying  to  the  birds  and 
beasts  of  prey.  Every  village  presented  a  scene  harrowing  to  the  feelings;  the 
canoes  were  there  drawn  up  upon  the  beach,  the  nets  extended  on  the  willow- 
boughs  to  dry,  the  very  dogs  appeared,  as  ever,  watchful,  but  there  was  not 
heard  the  cheerful  sound  of  the  human  voice.  The  green  woods,  the  music 
of  the  birds,  the  busy  humming  of  the  insect  tribes,  the  bright  summer  sky, 
spoke  of  life  and  happiness,  while  the  abode  of  man  was  silent  as  the  grave, 
like  it  filled  with  putrid  festering  corpses.  O  God  !  wonderful  and  mys- 
terious are  thy  ways.  Plomondo's  account  is  perhaps  overcharged,  but  in  the 
main  I  firmly  believe  correct,  as  the  ague  has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  death  to 
every  Indian  tribe  exposed  to  its  attacks.'  'The  Chinook  tribe, 'says  Ander- 
son, Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  4,  'were  very  numerous,  and  continued  to  be 
so  until  about  1831 ,  when  the  fever  and  ague  broke  out  and  carried  a  large  pop- 
ulation off. '  And  again  referring  to  Allan's  Rem. ,  MS. ,  14-16,  as  good  author- 
ity as  the  best,  we  find,  '  the  fever  and  ague  first  broke  out  on  the  river  in 
1829.  In  the  autumn  of  1832  the  disease  was  very  prevalent  at  Fort  Van- 
couver, and  at  one  time  we  had  over  forty  men  laid  up  with  it,  and  a  great 
number  of  Indian  applicants  for  la  medecinc;  and  as  there  was  then  no  phy- 
sician at  the  fort,  Dr  McLoughlin  himself  had  to  officiate  in  that  capacity, 
although  he  disliked  it,  as  it  greatly  interferred  with  his  other  important 
duties,  until  he  was  himself  attacked  with  the  fever,  when  he  appointed  me 
his  deputy;  and  I  well  remember  my  tramps  through  the  men's  houses  with 
my  pockets  lined  with  vials  of  quinine,  and  making  my  reports  of  the  state  of 
the  patients  to  the  doctor.  It  proved,  therefore,  a  great  relief  both  to  him 
and  to  myself  when  the  annual  ship  arrived  from  London,  bringing  out  two 
young  medical  men,  doctors  Gairdner  and  Tolmie,  one  of  whom  was  immedi- 
ately installed  into  office  at  Fort  Vancouver,  and  the  other  despatched  to  the 
Northwest  Coast,  where  the  company  had  lately  established  several  forts. . . 
One  day  in  making  my  rounds  to  the  numerous  patients,  I  paid  a  visit  to  a 
half-breed  Kanaka  boy,  and  handing  him  a  vial  of  quinine  mixture,  pointed 
with  my  finger  to  how  much  he  was  to  take  at  one  dose;  but  the  fellow  mis- 
taking swallowed  the  whole  concern  at  once,  eight  or  ten  doses  in  one.  I  was 
awfully  alarmed  for  a  time,  but  I  need  not  have  been,  for  he  soon  got  well, 
and  never  had  the  ague  again  as  loner  as  I  was  at  Fort  Vancouver.' 

18 Fort  Langley  Journal,  MS.,  143;  McLaughlin's  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d 
ser.  2;  Thornton'*  Or.  and  Oal.,  ii.  15.  So  Cox  writes  in  July  1S29.  Adv.,  ii. 
305,  app.  '  The  intelligence  from  this  country  is  by  no  means  of  a  pleasant 
nature.     The  number  of  lives  lost  last  winter  is  incredible. ' 


IMPROVEMENTS.  505 

traders,  and  the  prophetic  eye  of  McLoughlin  had  not 
failed  to  aote  the  superior  advantages  of  the  place. 

A.s  early  as  December  L829,  McLoughlin  took  pos- 
session of  the  place  and  began  preparations  for  the 
erection  of  a  saw-mill  there.19  Setting  to  work  a  party 
of  his  men  during  the  wilder,  they  erected  at  the  falls 
three  log-houses,  and  made  ready  the  timber  tor  the 
mill,  which  they  purposed  to  erect  on  the  wesl  side  of 
the  river.  This  work  lasted  until  May  1830;  and  as 
it  was  not  McLoughlin's  intention  to  erect  the  mill  at 
once,  work  ceased  on  it  for  i\w  season.  Some  potatoes 
were  planted  there  that  spi  ing  for  the  use  of  the  work- 
men, which  was  the  beginning  of  agriculture  in  that 
vicinity.  In  1832  they  blasted  a  mill-race  from  the 
head  of  the  island.20  But  the  natives  not  liking  these 
demonstrations  of  permanent  residence,  incontinently 
biirne  1  the  log-houses,  and  the  timber  for  the  mill,  and 
only  regretted  they  could  not  burn  the  race  and  the 
men  who  had  digged  it.  Had  not  their  forefathers 
caught  salmon  here  ever  since  water  fell  over  these 
rocks?  Had  they  not  feasted  and  fasted  upon  these 
banks  before  ever  the  skin  of  these  thrice  damned 
Europeans  had  become  bleached  by  brain-work,  and 
was  not  the  country  theirs?  Burn!  butcher!  anni- 
hilate! my  gentle  redskin,  it  is  the  right  of  gods  and 
men  by  their  own  law  ordained  so  to  do;  then  butcher 
or  burn  as  thou  art  able,  or  be  butchered  and  burned 
as  thy  kind  heavenly  father  will  have  it! 

It  has  been  generally  believed  that  the  part  Mc- 
Loughlin took  in  the  settlement  of  Oregon,  brought 
upon  him  the  censure  of  the  company.  This  is  true 
only  as  1  jard  3  tip'  officer  in  his  relation  to  t  ho  corpo- 
ration, which  like  most  bodies  organized  lor  money- 
making  purposes  was  indifferent  to  any  other  than 
mercenary  influences.     Yet,  notwithstanding  serious 

190r,  asMrElwood  Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS..  202.  in  my  opinion  s what 

unfairly.  pu1  apany  'seized  I 

1        and  other  portions  of  the  valley,  their  establishmi  its  anterior  to  tins 

time  1  ■  li  of  the  Columbia.1 

20 McLoughlin's  Private  Papers,  MS.,  lstser.  1;  -Atli 


506  DOMINATION  OF  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

differences  as  to  the  policy  of  the  company  in  regard 
to  occupation  and  settlement,  never  a  word  was 
breathed  by  his  most  bitter  opponent  in  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  against  his  ability  or  integrity.21 

21  Hear  what  Ellice  says  before  the  house  of  commons  committee,  Rept. 
342:  'Dr  McLoughlin  was  rather  an  amphibious  and  independent  personage; 
he  was  a  very  able  man,  and,  I  believe,  a  very  good  man;  but  he  had  a  fancy 
that  he  would  like  to  have  interests  in  both  countries,  both  in  America  and 
in  the  English  territory. .  .While  he  remained  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany he  was  an  excellent  servant. ' 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

1830-1S32. 

David  Douglas,  Scientist — His  Adventtoes  in  the  Xortiiwest  Coast — 
Quarrel  with  Black — Challenge— Notice  of  Samuel  Black — His 
Assassination — John  Work's  Journey — Conspiracy  to  Murdeb  M<- 
LouGiiLiN— Wreck  of  the  'Isabel' — Walla  Walla  New  Cale- 
donia— Work's  Snake  River  Expedition— Raids  upon  them  by  the 
Blackfeet — They  Visit  the  Missouri  —  Results  —  Ermatinger — A 
Yankee  Britisher — William  McNeill  and  his  Brig  'Llama'  — 
Enters  the  Service  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company — Building  of 
Fort  Umpqua — Hawaiian  Island  Agency. 

There  are  other  things  in  heaven  and  earth  than 
furs — so  the  scientists,  who  now  and  then  found  their 
way  to  this  region,  seemed  to  say  to  the  august  ad- 
venturers of  England  and  their  servants.  Although 
it  was  not  so  easy  to  convert  into  money  the  knowl- 
edge of  new  flora  as  to  sell  the  skins  of  wild  beasts, 
yet  there  were  those  born  in  the  British  Isles  who 
preferred  analyzing  strange  plants  to  indulging  in  line 
raiment  or  sumptuous  repasts.  There  were  Coulter 
and  Xuttall  in  Mexico  and  California,  and  in  the 
mountains  round  the  head-waters  of  the  Athabasca 
and  the  Columbia,  Drummond,  once  with  Sir  John 
Franklin.  Princely  collections  were  made  by  these 
and  other  botanists. 

1  [erewe  may  more  specially  mention  David  Douglas, 
whose  peregrinations  in  the  north-west  covered  ;i  whole 
decade,  from  1824  to  1834.  He  loft  London  in  the 
year  firsl  named,  and  was  ;it  Fort  Vancouver  station 
before  the  buildings  were  erected.1 

1  He  was  the  subject  of  a  series  of  lectures  delivered  son* 
Portland  by  Mr  Somerville  <>t  Victoria,  under  the  title  of  '  Lectures  about  an 

l  OUT  ) 


508  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

A  fair,  florid,  partially  bald-headed  Scotchman  of 
medium  stature  and  gentlemanly  address,  he  was 
twenty-five  years  of  age  when  first  sent  out  by  the 
Royal  Horticultural  Society  of  London.  He  made 
two  visits,  during  the  first  of  which  he  explored  Alta 
California  by  permission  of  the  Mexican  government, 
but  under  promise  to  make  no  sketches  of  what  they 
called  their  military  defences.  He  was  assisted  while 
on  the  Northwest  Coast  by  George  B.  Roberts,  who 
with  a  dozen  other  boys  had  been  sent  from  the 
Greenwich  naval  school  to  be  reared  for  the  company's 
coast  service.  To  the  botanical  vocabulary  of  the  time 
David  Douglas  added  the  names  of  over  one  thousand 
plants. 

Thus  this  devotee  of  birds  and  plants  wandered 
among  the  forests  of  America,  his  pack  upon  his  back, 
a  gun  across  his  shoulder,  and  a  shaggy  terrier  at  his 
heels.  How  pure  must  have  been  the  pleasure;  how 
thrilling  even  the  pain  that  prompted  such  a  life!  The 
savages  let  him  pass  unmolested  as  a  very  big  medi- 
cine, and  the  trappers  and  ranchers  held  in  little  less 
awe  the  great  grass  man.  So  accustomed  did  he  be- 
come to  forest  life  that  he  preferred  at  night  the 
shelter  of  a  fallen  tree  to  the  warmest  lodge  or  the 
fort's  best  furnished  guest-chamber. 

His  origin  was  humble.  He  had  been  gardener  in 
his  }rounger  days  for  one  or  two  gentlemen,  and  finally 
in  the  botanic  garden  at  Glasgow,  where  the  delight 
of  living  with  exotic  plants  might  be  tempered  by  the 

Early  Scotch  Hero.'  In  the  Overland  Monthly,  Aug.  1871,  we  have  for  the 
first  article  'An  Early  Hero  of  the  Pacific,'  contributed  by  the  same  person. 
In  his  mission  there  was  an  undoubted  field  for  the  display  of  heroism,  but  no 
more  than  all  were  called  upon  to  exercise  in  these  parts  at  that  early  day. 
He  loved  botany,  and  the  traders  loved  furs;  while  he  would  risk  his  life  for 
his  science,  there  were  a  thousand  who  would  run  equally  great  risks  for 
money.  His  may  have  been  the  nobler  aspiration,  but  it  certainly  was  not 
more  heroic  than  the  enthusiasm  which  sent  to  his  death  many  a  poor  voy- 
ageur  and  lonely  trapper.  Nevertheless,  the  botanist,  Douglas,  shall  have  all 
honor.  He  gave  his  name  to  the  Abies  Donrjlasii,  or  Douglas-pine,  which  so 
thickly  feathers  the  western  slope  from  Mount  Shasta  to  far  beyond  St  Elias. 
Stillman  mentions  him  in  the  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  2G2.  The  best  source  of 
information  concerning  him  is  his  own  journal  published  some  time  after  his 
death  by  Dr  Hooker  in  the  Companion  to  the  Botanical  Jlayazine. 


DAVID  DOUGLAS.  509 

close  study  of  a  botanical  library.  Then  he  af  tended 
the  lectures  of  Sir  W.  J.  Hooker,  whose  name  is  made 
perpetual  on  our  coast  by  one  of  the  highest  mountains 
in  the  vicinity  of  Athabasca  Pass. 

Douglas  soon  became  the  favorite  companion  of 
Hooker's  rambles,  and  it  was  this  greai  master  who 
recommended  Douglas  to  the  London  Society  as  a 
qualified  collector.  He  was  much  interested  in  the 
indigenous  tobacco-plant  of  the  Columbia,  discovered 
by  him  in  182G,  and  in  its  cultivation  by  the  natives.2 

To  say  that  dangers  beset  him  during  his  solitary 
excursions  among  forest  wilds  is  superfluous.  He 
had  many  ways  of  charming  into  wholesome  fear  the 
simple  savage  mind.  To  show  them  his  skill  in  shoot- 
ing he  would  bring  down  a  bird  while  flying;  by 
throwing  into  water  an  effervescing  powder  and  coolly 
drinking  it  off,  he  told  them  they  had  better  beware 
how  they  angered  one  who  drank  boiling  water;  lie 
could  even  call  fire  from  heaven,  as  seen  in  his  light- 
ing a  pipe  with  a  lens.  He  made  them  afraid  of  his 
blue  spectacles  even;  and  when  they  saw  him  shoot- 
ing from  the  tall  pines  the  cones  he  could  not  other- 
wise obtain,  they  put  him  down  as  a  being  wholly 
above  orbelowT  them,  first  that  he  should  want  such 
things  and  then  as  to  the  manner  of  obtaining  them. 

At  last  he  fell,  however,  a  victim  to  his  curiosity. 
While  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  on  his  second  return 
to  England,  in  1834,  in  examining  the  traps  prepared 
for  catching  wild  cattle  he  lost  his  footing,  and  falling 
headlong  into  a  pit,  at  the  bottom  of  which  was  an 
enraged  bullock,  was  instantly  trampled  to  death.  If 
men  may  judge,  he  deserved  a  better  fatc:: 

2  'I  first  saw  a  single  plant  of  it,'  he  writes,  'in  the  band  <>f  an  Indian  at 
the  gi  the  Columbia,  but  though  1  offered  two  ounces  of  manu- 

factured tobacco,  an  enormous  remuneration,  he  would  on  no  account  part 
with  it.' 

Had  not  Douglas  been  recalled,  or  the  supplies  cut  off,  it  is  doubtful  if 
ever  he  would  have  left  his  fascinating  forests.  .\  letter  from  Alexander 
Seaton,  Esq.,  treasurer  of  the  Horticul  .  to  William  Smith,  Esq., 

s  us  that  'David  1'  bo  be  in  the  si  i  ;'  ty, 

and  that  the  Bocietywil]  i  .  further  advances  made  to  him.'  iJouj- 

las'  Private  Papers,  Ms.,  1st  Ber.  75. 


510  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

For  one  who  had  received  from  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  nothing  but  kindness,  David  Douglas  was 
somewhat  free  with  his  comments.  He  did  not  like 
to  see  that  powerful  organization  which  was  so  ready 
at  all  times  to  sacrifice  human  life  on  the  altar  of  their 
own  avarice,  so  cold  and  selfishly  indifferent  outside 
of  their  money-making  to  anything  affecting  the  weal 
or  woe  of  their  fellow-creatures.  And  the  shaggy 
Scotchman  was  not  afraid  to  tell  them  so. 

Samuel  Black  was  then  in  command  of  Fort  Kam- 
loop,  and  thither  David  Douglas  in  his  wanderings 
repaired.  While  enjoying  the  lonely  hospitality  of  his 
brother  Scot,  and  discussing  the  affairs  of  the  company, 
Douglas,  who  was  more  fiery  than  politic,  exclaimed : 
"  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company  is  simply  a  mercenary 
corporation ;  there  is  not  an  officer  in  it  with  a  soul 
above  a  beaver-skin." 

Black  was  up  in  arms  in  a  moment.  He  informed 
his  guest  that  he  was  a  sneaking  reprobate,  and  chal- 
lenged him  to  fight.  As  it  was  then  dark  the  duel 
was  postponed  until  next  day.  Bright  and  early  in 
the  morning  Black  tapped  at  the  pierced  parchment 
which  served  as  a  window  to  the  guest-chamber,  and 
cried  out,  "  Misther  Dooglas!  are  ye  ready?"  But  the 
man  of  flowers  declined  the  winning  invitation,  and 
saved  his  life  only  to  yield  it  not  long  after  in  that 
luckless  wild-cattle  pit.  Black  was  formerly  of  the 
Northwest  Company,  and  on  the  coalition  was  pre- 
sented a  ring:  on  which  was  engraved:  "  To  the  most 
worthy  of  the  worthy  Northwesters." 

Though  a  fur-trader  he  was  not  at  all  indifferent  to 
science,  being  therein  an  exception  to  the  fur-worship- 
pers so  scourged  by  Douglas.  Black  was  an  educated 
man  of  no  small  attainments,  geology  and  geography 
being  specially  interesting  to  him.  At  all  events  he 
managed  to  command  the  respect  of  his  associates,  if 
not  by  his  learning,  then  by  his  enormous  stature,  his 
powerful  swing  of  limbs,  and  his  slow,  sonorous,  and 
imposing  speech.     His   death  was  no  less  sad  than 


SAMUEL  BLACK.  511 

thai  of  David  Douglas;  indeed,  many  a  brave  man 
went  hence  from  this  quarter  for  whose  profitless  tak- 
ing off  the  angels  never  gave  adequate  excuse.  Samuel 
Black  was  killed  by  an  Indian  boy  for  having  charmed 
away  the  life  of  his  uncle.'1 

4  It  was  a  serious  affair,  the  killing  of  a  chief  trader  in  charge  of  an  es- 
tablishment: and  as  Black's  friends  mourned  for  him  they  could  bul  won- 
der when  their  turn  might  conic  The  autumn  of  184]  was  \\  lien  it  occurred; 
Black  was  at  his  post  at  Kamloop,  and  the  circumstances  were  thi 
miles  from  Kamloop  lived  the  Shushwaps  whose  chief  the  Canadians  called 
Tranquille,  for  the  mildness  of  his  disposition,  and  his  suaviter  in  modo. 
Cap61  Blanc,  another  chief,  among  other  articles  of  certain  purchase  at 
Kamloop  bought  a  trade  gun,  which  he  left  at  the  fort  to  be  exchang<  d  for  a 
horse  the  first  opportunity.  Nbl  long  after  Tranquille  came  and  said  that 
Cap6t  Blanc  had  authorized  him  to  take  away  the  gun.  Black  replied  that 
he  could  not  have  the  gun  unless  he  left  a  horse  for  it,  Buch  being  the  condi 
tions  upon  which  it  had  been  left  with  him.  Tranquille  went  homes  little 
chagrined,  but  by  no  means  angry.  Soon  afterward  Tranquille  sickened  and 
died. 

'I  have  a  good  heart,  I  am  a  great  chief,'  he  said  on  his  death-bed;  '  I  am 
ready  to  die.' 

■An  enemy  has  done  this,'  growled  Tranquillc's  wife. 

'No,  no,' replied  Tranquille,  well  knowing  to  what  she  referred.  'If  I 
have  a  som.w  it  is  that  1  may  not  take  by  the  hand  before  I  die  my  best 
friend,  Mr  Black,  and  ask  his  forgiveness  for  the  hasty  words  spoken  when 
last  we  met. ' 

'  Subtle  and  swift  is  the  evil  medicine  of  the  white  man.' 

'  Peace,  woman! '  Then  turning  to  his  friends  he  said :  '  Pay  no  heed  to 
what  she  says.  Mr  Black's  heart  is  good.  Go  to  him,  ask  him  to  send  his 
men  and  have  me  buried  according  to  the  white  man's  custom.' 

It  was  done.  The  request  reached  Kamloop  and  a  board  coffin  for  the 
departed  chief  was  immediately  made  and  sent  over  to  theShushwap  village. 

Living  in  Tranquillc's  lodge  was  a  nephew,  nineteen  years  of  age,  an  im- 
pulsive, warm-hearted  youth,  who  had  greatly  loved  his  uncle.  To  him,  after 
the  chief's  death,  Tranquillc's  widow  did  little  else  than  mourn. 

•  Ah  !  the  gentle  man,  the  great  chief,'  she  moaned,  while  nuking  herself 
b\  the  fire,  with  her  chin  resting  on  her  knees.  'And  must  thy  sweet  spirit 
go  to  the  happy  hunting-ground  alone?  Alas  !  that  he  who  sent  thee  thither 
may  yet  bathe  in  blessed  sunlight,  whilst  thy  resting-place  is  dark  and  cold.' 

'He  died  fairly,'  sobbed  the  youth.  '  With  his  last  breath  did  he  aot  tell 
us  so?' 

'So  noble,  so  kind  was  he,  not  even  his  murderer  would  he  harm.  Ah  ! 
that  there  should  be  none  to  avenge  him.' 

A  dayor  two  in  this  strain  well  nigh  maddened  the  young  man.  He  could 
not  rest.  Eating  or  sleeping,  a  steady  stream  of  woe  was  poured  into  his  un- 
willing ear  by  the  artful  avenger. 

'  Who  now  shall  be  our  chief?'  she  continued.  'All  our  young  men  are 
cowards—' 

I ,  iged  beyond  endurance,  the  youth  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  gave  the  old 
woman  a  Bmart  Blap  on  the  che<  k. 

'Indeed,  yes!'  Bhe  returned.     'Very brave  and  manly  no  doubl 
strike  an  old  woman,  but  to  revenge  an  uncle's  death,  thai  were  a  different 
matter.1 

burning  with  sorrow,  wrath,  and  desperation,  the  boy  arose,  threw  oil  his 
gon  him  onlj  a  piece  of  blank,  t,  and  black  uing  his  I 
nificant  of    bloody  intentions,  he  seized   bis  gun  and  hurried  to  Kamloop. 
There  he  received  every  kindness;  and   though  warned   by  the  interpreter, 


512  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

To  a  favorite  daughter  under  a  pet  name,  Black  had 
willed  £20,000,  but  being  generally  known  by  another 

who  feared  the  youth  with  the  blackened  face,  abroad  in  scanty  clothing 
in  an  unusually  cold  February  day,  meditated  mischief,  Mr  Black  directed 
him  to  the  fire  in  the  Indian  hall,  and  sent  him  food,  and  pipe  and  tobacco. 
Nearly  all  the  afternoon  the  nephew  of  the  departed  chief  sat  and  smoked 
in  moody  silence.  What  war  was  there  beneath  that  calm  exterior?  What 
love,  what  hate,  what  deadly  desperation!  And  now  in  that  youthful  breast 
of  high,  loyal,  and  affectionate  aspirations  was  the  fell  work  of  the  demon 
of  ignorance  and  superstition  at  length  accomplished.  Toward  evening,  as 
Black  was  passiug  through  the  room,  as  his  hand  was  on  the  door,  and  while 
his  back  was  toward  him,  the  young  savage  raised  his  gun  and  fired.  The 
chief  trader  staggered  into  the  adjoining  room,  and  fell  dead  amidst  his  wife 
and  children.  The  murderer  escaped.  The  news  spread  rapidly  to  the  neigh- 
boring posts.  The  natives  were  scarcely  less  disturbed  than  the  white  men.  The 
act  was  abhorred,  even  by  the  friends  and  relatives  of  Tranquille.  Anderson 
was  at  Fort  Nisqually  at  the  time.  Old  John  Tod  came  over  from  Fort  Alex- 
andria, McLean  from  Fort  Colville,  and  McKinlay  and  Ermatinger  from  Fort 
Okanagan.  From  Fort  Vancouver  McLoughlin  sent  men  to  hunt  to  the  death 
the  murderer,  ordering  John  Tod  to  see  to  it,  and  at  the  same  time  to  take 
charge  of  Fort  Kamloop.  Cameron  was  to  assist  him.  All  traffic  at  the  fort 
must  be  stopped  until  the  murderer  should  be  delivered  up  for  punishment. 
This  was  a  great  hardship  upon  the  Indians,  who  had  now  learned  to  depend 
.lpon  the  arms  and  ammunition  of  the  white  men  to  obtain  food  for  their 
amilies. 

Calling  the  Shushwaps  round  him  Mr  Tod  informed  them  that  not  a  hair 
pf  their  heads  should  be  hurt,  but  the  guilty  person  must  be  found.  Then 
arose  Nicola,  chief  of  the  Okanagans,  and  said: 

'The  winter  is  cold.  On  all  the  hills  around  the  deer  are  plenty;  and  yet 
I  hear  your  children  crying  for  food.  Why  is  this?  You  ask  fur  powder  and 
ball,  and  they  refuse  you  with  a  scowl.  Why  do  the  white  men  let  your 
children  starve?  Look  there  !  Beneath  yon  mound  of  earth  lies  him  who  was 
your  friend,  your  father.  The  powder  and  ball  he  gave  you  that  you  might 
get  food  for  your  famishing  wives  and  children.  You  turned  against  him. 
Great  heavens !  And  are  the  Shushwaps  such  cowards,  dastardly  to  shoot  their 
benefactor  in  the  back  while  his  face  was  turned  ?  Yes,  alas,  you  have  killed 
your  father !  A  mountain  has  fallen !  The  earth  is  shaken  !  The  sun  is  dark- 
ened !  My  heart  is  sad.  I  cannot  look  at  myself  in  the  glass.  I  cannot  look 
at  you,  my  neighbors  and  friends.  He  is  dead,  and  we  poor  Indians  shall  never 
see  his  like  again.  He  was  just  and  generous.  His  heart  was  larger  than 
yonder  mountain,  and  clearer  than  the  waters  of  the  lake.  Warriors  do  not 
weep,  but  sore  is  my  breast,  and  our  wives  shall  wail  for  him.  Wherefore  did 
you  kill  him?  But  you  did  not.  You  loved  him.  And  now  you  must  not 
rest  until  you  have  brought  to  justice  his  murderer.' 

Nicola  was  an  old  man,  and  as  he  thus  spoke  in  his  surpassing  native  elo- 
quence, so  horror-stricken  did  he  appear  at  this  dastardly  killing  of  his  old 
friend,  so  rigid  in  attitude  and  expression  was  he,  that  his  whole  frame  and 
features  seemed  turned  to  stone.  '  Never  shall  I  forget  it, '  said  Archibald 
McKinlay,   'It  was  the  grandest  speech  I  ever  heard.' 

Action  quickly  followed  words.  The  murderer  lay  hidden  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Cariboo.  Cameron  with  a  few  picked  men  started  in  pursuit.  After 
several  days'  search  they  found  the  poor  boy,  who  expressed  himself  glad  to 
be  taken,  as  life  had  become  unbearable.  Placing  him  in  heavy  irons  they 
threw  him  across  a  horse  and  started  back  to  Kamloop.  Arriving  at  the 
river  which  they  were  obliged  to  cross  in  a  canoe,  when  in  the  middle  of  the 
stream  with  a  sudden  jerk  the  prisoner  capsized  the  boat,  throwing  the  occu- 
pants into  the  water.  But  on  the  opposite  bank  was  old  Nicola,  who  waited 
the  party  there  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  seeing  whom  the  prisoner  knew 


CONSPIRACY.  613 

name  her  identity  was  questioned,  and  the  fortune  lost 
to  her.6 

In  the  spring  of  1830,  .lolin  Work  with  thirty-five 
horse-,  and  accompanied  by  five  men,  journeyed  from 
Colville  to  Walla  Walla  and  thence  to  Fort  Van- 
couver. Departing  the  30th  of  April,  liny  proceeded 
by  way  of  Spokane,  which  post  they  reached  the  2d 
of  May,  came  upon  Nez  Perce's,  or  Snake,  river  the 
Gth,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Nez  Purees  the  9th,  having 
lost  two  horses  in  crossing  the  river. 

From  Black  at  this  posl  Work  received  sixteen 
additional  horses.  After  a  delay  of  two  days  wait- 
ing for  the  wind  to  cease  so  that  they  might  safely 
swim  the  horses  across  the  river,  on  the  13th  of  May, 
attended  by  heavy  showers,  the  party  were  fairly  en 
route.  It  was  a  somewhat  difficult  feat  safely  to  con- 
duct a  band  of  half-wild  horses  down  the  Columbia 
at  this  time.  But  by  giving  the  toll-gatherers  of  the 
Dalles  and  the  Cascades  a  wide  ran^e,  and  exercising 
the  utmost  care  in  swimming  streams,  wading  bogs, 
and  crossing  snowy  mountains,  the  thing  was  dene, 
with  a  loss  of  only  two  animals,  and  the  party  reached 
Fort  Vancouver,  men  and  beasts  pretty  well  worn  out, 
the  31st  of  May.6 

A  silly  conspiracy  against  McLonghlin's  life,  else- 
where alluded  to,  was  revealed  by  the  agent,  intended 
to  do  the  deed.  Crime  is  seldom  far  distant  from  folly. 
In  the  tields  adjacent  to  the  fort  were  employed  three 
bloody-minded  Englishmen  of  low  degree,  and  a  Rogue 

his  hum-  had  come.    Heavily  manacled  as  he  was,  with  difficulty  he  kept  him- 
self from  sinking,  and  as  he  floated  down  the  stream  he  raised  the  death 
which  was  Boon  bushed  by  the  crack  of  rifles,  and  the  lifeless  body  of  the  unfor- 
tunate youth  sank  beneath  the  crimsoned  wat< 

&  This  daughter  became  the  wife  of  Mr  Pambrun  of  Oregon  City,  who  was 
a  brother  of  Mrs  J.  McCracken  of  Portland.  Roberts'  Ri  :.,  MS.,  7,  9, 10.  My 
information  regarding  Black  was  obtained  from  Tod,  as  found  in  his 
Caledonia,  MS.,  1<>  L9j  Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  77  >2;  and  M -Kin- 
lay.  Narrative,  MS.,  13  17.  Allan  in  his  Reminiscences,  MS.,  18  ! 
incorrect  account  of  Black's  assassination.  Sir  John  Franklin  mentions  him, 
Narrative,  i.  218. 

8  frork's  Journal,  MS.,  85-97. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    33 


514  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

River  Indian  b(yy.  The  Englishmen  longed  for  greater 
license  than  they  found  under  McLoughlin's  rule, 
which  for  a  new  country  they  regarded  as  rather  strict. 

It- was  the  custom  of  McLoughlin  at  that  time  to 
cany  a  gun  whenever  he  went  into  the  fields  to  look 
after  the  laborers,  and  he  often  used  to  stand  his 
weapon  against  a  tree  while  talking  with  the  men. 
In  one  way  or  another  at  various  times  they  sought 
to  inflame  the  boy's  mind  against  his  master.  Natives 
are  by  nature  averse  to  labor.  Finding  the  boy  asleep 
over  his  work  one  clay,  the  governor  roused  him  with 
a  hearty  shaking.  The  conspirators  thought  this  too 
good  an  opportunity  to  be  lost. 

"Are  you  not  tired  of  work?"  they  asked  the  boy. 

"Yes,  why?" 

"  The  master  is  very  cross  to  us.  Suppose  when  he 
lays  down  his  gun,  }~ou  take  it  and  shoot  him." 

"  I  am  afraid,"  the  boy  said. 

"  You  can  easily  run  away  to  your  own  country,  we 
will  not  tell;  and  you  may  take  our  coats  and  the 
gun,  and  anything  else  you  can  carry." 

Thus  many  a  savage  deed  has  been  hatched  by 
white  villains,  the  penalty  for  which  has  fallen  wholly 
upon  the  less  culpable  instrument.  In  this  instance, 
however,  the  boy  was  not  bad  enough  for  the  occa- 
sion. Returning  to  the  fort  at  night  he  told  the 
cook,  who  revealed  the  matter  to  the  governor.  When 
the  Englishmen  were  brought  up,  they  of  course 
denied  the  charge.  Reing  ironed  and  confined  in 
separate  rooms,  they  finally  acknowledged  their  guilt, 
but  protested  they  were  not  in  earnest.  The  villains 
were  finally  shipped  to  England  for  trial,  and  the  boy 
was  sent  to  his  own  country.7 

Throughout  the  entire  pacification  of  the  North- 
west, but  one  wide  or  notable  attempt  was  made  by 
the  natives  to  rid  themselves  of  the  Europeans,  and 
that  proved  so  futile  as  to  have  passed  by  almost 
unheeded.     A  deputation  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 

7 Ilarvctfs  Life  of  McLougldhi,  MS.,  16-19. 


VARIOUS  MOVEMENTS.  515 

lower  Columbia  one  day  called  at  Fort  Vancouver 
and  told  chief  factor  thai  Nisqually  was  burned  and 
all  tlu>  inmates  killed.  McLoughlin  did  nol  credit 
them;  but  when  he  questioned  (hem  apart,  and  when 
on  sending  for  others  of  the  same  tribe  all  their  tes- 
timony harmonized,  each  corroborating  the  others, 
for  so  they  had  arranged  it,  he  wavered,  and  was 
about  sending  messengers  to  learn  the  truth,  when 
men  came  from  Nisqually  and  said  it  was  a  plol  to 
divide  the  forceal  Fori  Vancouver,  which  then  might 
be  captured;  and  if  the  first  and  finest  post,  then  all 
the  rest. 

Closely  connected  by  marriage  with  the  earl  of 
Selkirk,  as  I  have  said,  was  Andrew  Colville,  who 
now  succeeded  Sir  John  Henry  Pelly  as  governor  in 
London  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Compai 

A  greater  event  than  change  of  London  governors 
occurred  at  Fort  Vancouver  in  1830,  which  was  the 
«  rection  directly  back  of  the  fort  of  a  regular  mill- 
Lie  grist-mill  run  by  oxen.  It  was  in  1832  that  the 
mills  propelled  by  water  were  built  upon  the  stream 
five  miles  above.9 

The  ship  Isabel,  Captain  Evan,  was  wrecked   on 

Sand  Island  while  entering  the  Columbia  the  23d  of 

■   1830.     Immediately  she    struck,  the  crew  de- 

d  her.     Had  they  remained  at  their  post,  tl 

might  have  saved  the  ship,  as  there  was  little  diffi- 

.   in  saving  the  cargo.10 

Up  to  the    spring  of  1831,  for  some   time,    Fort 

llaWalla  had  been  in  charge  of  George  Barnston11 

B  Colville  was  once  called  Wedderburn,  but  changed  his  name  to  reap  the 
adva:  mercantil 

\ ,  i, v,  of  v. hich  he  was  head,  - 

I  I      le.     There  are  other  points  about  the  country  besides  the  om 

i ,  bear  this  man's  Dame. 

\fcLougJUin,  MS.,  9. 
i°Thornton,  I  !.  dates  this  disa  tei    1831.     Al] 

Parker,  Tour,  161,  Gray,/?***.  Or.,  39,  Roberts,  flee, MS.,  15,  writeif  1830. 
11  Edinl  1 1  place;  and   In  sides  p 

d  intellectual  attainments,  andwas  univei  alt 
ing  from  tin-  service,  he  settled  at  Montreal,  vri  ibseq  lently 


516  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

who  was  with  McMillan  in  founding  Fort  Langley. 
New  Caledonia  this  year  received  a  new  ruler,  Peter 
Warren  Dease12  succeeding  William  Connolly,  and  pre- 
ceding Peter  Skeen  Ogden  who  took  his  place  in  1835. 

An  expedition  to  the  Missouri  Piver  for  the  purpose 
of  trapping  beaver  and  killing  buffalo  was  planned  at 
Fort  Vancouver  in  1831,  and  the  command  given  to 
John  Work,  who  succeeded  Peter  Skeen  Ogden  in  the 
Blackfoot  and  Shoshone  countries.13 

There  were  four  boats  which  left  Fort  Vancouver 
the  18th  of  August,  part  of  which  carried  men  and 
effects  for  the  Shoshone  traffic.  With  them  was  a 
small  cannon,  taken  more  for  effect  than  for  execution. 
After  the  men  had  enjoyed  their  usual  drunken  indul- 
gence for  a  day  or  two  at  the  lower  mill,  on  the  20th 
the  party  proceeded  up  the  river,  and  in  ten  da}Ts 
reached  Fort  Walla  Walla.  Here  one  hundred  and 
twenty  horses  were  required  to  equip  the  party,  and 
there  were  but  eighty  at  the  fort.  The  immense 
bands  in  which  the  Walla  Wallas  formerly  gloried  had 
rapidly  diminished  of  late,  and  there  were  now  in  that 
vicinity  none  for  sale.  A  few  of  a  lean  and  uncertain 
order  were  obtained  from  Fort  Colville;  and  thus 
poorly  provided,  on  the  11th  of  September  the  party 
set  out,  taking  a  north-east  course  along  the  bank  of 
Snake  Piver.  Then  turning  to  the  southward,  trading;* 
for  horses  on  the  way,  they  crossed  Snake  Piver  at 
the  Salmon  branch  on  the  16th,  journeyed  up  the 
last  named  stream  ten  days,  then  crossed  through  a 
woody  country  to  a  camass  plain,  where  they  found 

elected  president  of  the  society  of  natural  history.  Anderson's  Northwest 
Coast,  MS.,  84. 

12  After  retiring  from  New  Caledonia,  Mr  Dease  was  appointed  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Thomas  Simpson  to  define  the  arctic  shore  to  Point  Barrow,  which 
was  done.  A  brother,  John  Warren  Dease,  an  officer  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  died  at  Colville  in  1830,  and  was  buried  in  Fort  Vancouver  ceme- 
tery, near  where  the  United  States  government  buildings  afterward  stood. 
Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  56,  "242;  Franklin's  Nar.,  i.  225. 

13  For  details  which  I  here  very  greatly  condense,  see  Work's  Journal,  MS., 
9S-182;  Tolmie's  Puget  Sound,  MS.,  6;  and  Allan's  Rem.,  MS.,  passim. 


OVER  THE  MOUNTAINS.  517 

some  natives,  though  no  great  bargains  in  the  line  of 
trade.  Continuing,  they  si  nick  Bitter  Root  River 
the  I  8th  of  October,  down  which  they  travelled  as  far 
as  Hellgate,  where  they  engaged  in  trapping.  In  that 
vicinity  they  found  "marks  of- Americans." 

The  Blackfeet  were  likewise  troublesome,  stealing 
traps  and  attacking  the  trappers;  indeed,  it  was  a 
dangerous  country,  and  the  position  of  the  party  was 
rendered  none  the  less  perilous  by  the  desertion  of 
three  men,  w  hom  Work  heartily  curses  as  hall*  Indian 
and  wholly  had.  The  30th  of  October,  two  of  the 
party  were  killed,  shot  by  the  Blackfeet  while  trap- 
ping. Beavers  were  plenty,  and  there  were  a  few 
buffaloes;  but  the  Yankees  and  Blackfeet  had  spoiled 
the  hunting-grounds. 

The  middle  of  November  the  party  moved  south- 
easterly to  the  Jefferson  branch  of  the  Missouri,  and 
camped  on  a  plain,  in  the  very  road  of  the  Blackfeet, 
al  >ove  Beaver  Head,14  where  they  slaughtered  buffaloes 
for  a  short  time  in  great  numbers.  On  the  24th  their 
camp  was  attacked,  and  one  of  the  guard  danger;  >usly 
wounded.  Bearing  the  invalid  on  men's  shoulders, 
two  days  afterward  the  party  moved  south-westward, 
continuing  their  march  in  that  direction  for  several 
days,  killing  buffaloes  as  they  went,  and  stopping  occa- 
sionally to  dry  the  meat,  and  rest  the  sick  man,  who 
finally  recovered. 

It  was  now  war  to  the  death  between  white  man 
and  Blackfoot;  each  shot  the  other  on  sight  if  within 
rifle-ball  range.  There  was  likewise  at  this  time,  as 
usual,  war  between  the  Flatheads  and  the  Blackfeet. 

On  Salmon  River  Work  thought  his  party  would 
be  somewhat  more  out  of  the  way  of  the  pestifer- 
ivages.  Arrived  there  the  16th  of  December 
they  found  a  camp  of  thirty-eight  lodges  of  Flatheads, 
who  informed  them  thai  a  large  party  of  Americans 
were  encamped  at  the  fork  below,  and  that  the  Nez 
IVrces  with  another  party  of  Americans  had  gone  up 

"Near  where  now  Btanda  Virginia  City,  Montana. 


518  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

one  of  the  other  branches  of  Salmon  River.  Elks  were 
plentiful  hereabouts,  but  buffaloes  were  scarce.  It 
was  intensely  cold,  and  altogether  an  uncomfortable 
and  hazardous  adventure.  On  the  21st  the  Hudson's 
Bay  people  were  visited  by  a  party  of  United  States 
trappers  from  the  camp  below.  Work  bought  a  few 
beaver  skins  of  them,  and  they  took  their  departure 
next  day.  Another  party  of  Americans  passed  their 
camp  on  the  morning  of  the  30th.  They  seemed  very 
hungry,  and  continued  their  way  eagerly  bent  upon 
buffaloes.  The  humane  men  who  hunted  under  Mc- 
Loughlin's  banner  would  have  been  only  too  glad  to 
relieve  their  wants.15 

Again  working  eastward,  the  5th  of  January  1832 
saw  the  party  on  a  small  branch  of  the  Missouri.  A 
skirmish  on  the  10th  resulted  in  the  supposed  killing 
of  two  Blackfeet.  The  firing  raised  the  buffaloes,  so 
that  the  slaughter  was  stayed  for  a  day  or  two.  But 
moving  down  the  river  they  came  upon  immense  herds, 
killing  on  one  occasion  thirty-three  in  a  single  clay. 
The  20th  two  men  arrived  from  the  Pencl  d'Oreille  camp 
bringing  letters  from  Fort  Vancouver.  Five  Amer- 
icans from  Salmon  River  called  next  day.  The  Black- 
feet  continued  troublesome,  stealing  their  horses  and 
firing  upon  them  from  the  bushes.  At  break  of  day 
on  the  30th  the  camp  was  attacked  by  a  party  of 
three  hundred  Blackfeet,  who  were  checked  after 
killing  one  and  wounding  two.  The  cannon  burst  at 
the  third  discharge.  The  loss  of  the  Blackfeet,  who 
were  finally  repulsed,  was  considerable. 

By  the  middle  of  February  the  horses  became  so 
thin  from  scarcity  of  grass  that  they  were  unable  to 
follow  the  buffalo,  and  several  of  them  died  from  cold 
and  starvation.  Returning  westward,  April  and  May 
were  spent  in  trapping  beavers  and  fighting  Blackfeet. 
Crossing  the  mountains  they  continued  their  occu- 

15 -'They  did  not  stop,'  writes  the  simple  and  kind-hearted  Work,  'or  they 
would  have  been  asked  to  eat  by  our  people.  Indeed,  it  was  not  known  that 
they  were  so  short  of  food  until  they  were  gone.'  Journal,  MS.,  130. 


WILLIAM  McNEILL.  519 

pation,  gradually  working  westward  until  July,  on 
the  L9th  of  which  month  Work  with  part  of  his  men 
reached  Fort  Walla  Walla.  Two  of  the  party  with  a 
boat  and  valuable  cargo  were  lost  while  descending 
Salem  Riyer.  The  remainder  of  the  expedition  com- 
ing in,  all  embarked  early  on  the  morning  of  the  25th 
for  Fort  Vancouver,  where  they  arrived  after  travel- 
ling day  and  night,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  27th.1G 

Another  capital  trader  and  general  good-fellow  some- 
times despatched  to  the  Snake  and  Flathead  countries, 
or  sent  to  oppose  American  traders,  was  Francis  Erma- 
a  clerk  in  the  service,  mentioned  elsewhere.17 

During  the  first  decade  of  their  occupation  of  the 
Columbia,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  were  troubled 
by  the  United  States,  government  or  people,  on  land 
or  from  the  sea,  scarcely  at  all.  There  were  a  few 
restless  rovers  from  the  east,  and  along  the  seaboard 
n«»w  and  then  a  sail,  to  the  thirsty  savages  significant 
of  whiskey-trading  and  thrice  glorious  intoxication. 
But  by  treating  all  in  a  fair  and  friendly  manner, 
McLoughlin  had  succeeded  so  far  in  making  for  his 
company  as  much  out  of  these  visitors  as  it  lost  by 
them. 

Now,  however,  from  both  directions  interlopers  are 
becoming  somewhat  more  troublesome.  The  thought 
of  agricultural  settlers  in  the  Willamette  Valley  did  not 
at  all  trouble  McLoughlin,  however  it  might  worry 
Ids  more  avaricious  London  associates.  He  knew  it 
must  soon  come  to  that,  and  if  settlers  would  keep 
south  of  the  Columbia  it  was  all  he  expected  or  asked. 
But  direct  traffic  for  furs,  demoralized  by  reduced 
prices  and  rum,  touched  to  the  quick  every  officer  and 
servant  of  the  great  monopoly.  If  McLoughlin  h 
any  human  being  it  was  a  Yankee  skipper. 

1GThc  party  b  Walla  Walla  215  oul  of  ■ 

which  they  started,  and  subsequently  bought,  114  1  ared,  lost,  or 

etarvi  alo  were  killed  during  the  trip,  an  I  a   large  quantity  of 

taken.  . 

rd  retired  from  the  service,  and  j  ■"  her  in  Canada. 

where  ho  died.  m.,  Ms.,  20.     See  Hist.  Or.,  thi 


520  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

About  this  time  came  creeping  up  the  Columbia 
the  brig  Llama  from  Boston,  commanded  by  William 
McNeill,  a  native  of  Boston,  laden  with  all  sorts  of 
inventions  and  cunning  contrivances  made  in  Boston 
for  the  special  purpose  of  winning  the  native's  eye, 
and  rum  to  warm  his  heart.  There  were  wooden  sol- 
diers and  jumping-jacks,  little  wagons,  whistles,  and, 
funniest  of  all,  squeaking  cats  and  dogs. 

This  McNeill  was  a  sharp  one,  and  so  was  the 
house  of  Sturgis  and  Company,  under  whose  orders 
the  Llama  sailed.  The  trinkets  took  amazingly;  the 
mind  of  the  intellectual  aboriginal  being  wholly  ade- 
quate to  grasp  these  great  ideas.  The  consequence 
of  the  worthless  toys  thus  offered  was  to  render  insig- 
nificant in  their  discriminating  eyes  the  company's 
staple  goods. 

After  looking  in  on  Fort  Vancouver,  and  adding  an 
idea  or  two  to  his  already  very  fair  stock,  McNeill 
proceeded  to  open  out  and  begin  his  'dicker.'  The 
King  George  men  employed  every  means  in  their 
power  to  render  null  the  noble  efforts  of  the  Bostons. 
But  all  was  of  no  avail.  Strange  to  say,  even  in 
the  social  barterings  of  European  circles  we  some- 
times see  shadow  preferred  before  substance.  Finally, 
in  1832,  seeing  no  other  way  to  rid  himself  of  this 
nuisance,  McLoughlin  bought  ship,  cargo,  and  all,  and 
enticed  the  astute  captain  into  the  service  of  the  honor- 
able adventurers  trading  into  Hudson  Bay.18 

18  Besides  being  an  able  seaman  and  a  sharp  trader,  McNeill  "vras  a 
thoroughly  honest  man,  and  he  served  the  company  well  and  faithfully.  For 
1  years  he  had  been  engaged  for  Sturgis  and  Company  in  the  Northwest 
Coast  trade,  resorting  annually  to  Honolulu  for  supplies.  He  was  in  Pacific 
waters— one  writing  from  Victoria  to  the  San  Francisco  Alta  California,  the 
7th  September  1875,  says  he  was  on  the  Pacific  coast  in  1816,  but  that  is  not 
the  best  authority.  He  was  in  Oregon  in  1S26.  It  was  Duncan  Finlayson 
who  first  proposed  the  purchase  of  the  Llama,  the  captain's  ultimate  knowl- 
edge of  the  coast  rendering  his  services  doubly  advantageous.  '  It  was  at  Fort 
Vancouver,  in  the  winter  of  1S32,'  writes  Anderson  in  1877,  Hist.  Northwest 
Coast,  MS.,  70,  'that  I  first  fell  in  with  Captain  McNeill.  He  continued  for 
some  years  in  command  of  the  Llama,  then  took  a  ran  to  London  ha  com- 
mand of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  ship  Nereid,  and  afterward  commanded 
for  some  years  the  steamer  Beaver,  at  that  time  employed  in  the  fur-trade  of 
the  coast.  Afterward  he  was  appointed  to  the  charge  of  Fort  Simpson,  and 
finally  retired  in  1SG1,  and  settled  upon  property  which  he  had  previously 


McLEOD  BUILDS  FORT  UMPQUA.  521 

Game  in  the  Willamette  Valley  was  now  becoming 
not  quite  so  plentiful  as  formerly,  and  trappers  were 
forced  to  resort  to  more  inhospitable  regions.  A 
good  business  might  be  driven  in  the  country  round 
the  Umpqua  and  Rogue  rivers,  but  that  the  natives 
were  so  wild  and  treacherous.  Many  trappers  and 
travellers  between  Oregon  and  California  had  been 
sacrificed  to  the  blood-thirstiness  of  these  savages,  and 
it  was  now  determined  to  build  a  fort  somewhere  in 
thai  legion,  on  the  spot  best  for  trade,  and  for  hold- 
ing in  some  degree  of  awe  the  bold  rascals,  as  they 
were  called,  of  tbese  rivers  and  coast. 

Hence  in  1832  Chief  Trader  John  McLcod,  in 
company  with  Michel  La  Framboise,  famous  in  those 
clays  anywhere  on  the  route  between  Fort  Vancouver 
and  San  Francisco  Bay,  was  sent  to  the  River  Ump- 
qua to  plant  a  post.  It  was  the  chief,  and,  in  fact, 
almost  the  only  post  attempted  by  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  south  of  the  Columbia.  The  spot  chosen 
was  a  small  plain  of  about  two  hundred  acres  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Umpqua,  three  miles  below  the 
mouth  of  Elk  Creek,  and  forty  miles,  following  the 
rough  trail,  from  the  ocean.  In  fact  it  was  trade 
with  the  coast  tribes,  for  beaver  and  sea  furs,  that 
was  now  more  specially  sought,  and  which  this  post 
was  to  protect.18 

The  savages  in  those  parts  did  not  relish  the  idea  of 

purchased  in  the  vicinity  of  Victoria,  where  he  died  a  few  years  ago,'  that  is 
to  say,  in  1875.  He  was  also  at  one  time  captain  of  a  steam-boat  plying  be- 
tween Victoria  and  New  Westminster.  Before  his  death  he  became  a  Briti  b 
subject.  What  a  change  was  here  from  that  of  a  dyed-in-the-wool  Yankee 
fcoa  bluff,  queen- worshipping  Britisher!  Furthermore,  from  among  the  adipose 
daughters  of  the  Kaiganies  he  took  a  bride  and  began  rearing  a  dusky  race. 
John  Dunn,  Hist.  Or.  Ter.,  ~2'2U,  coolly  affirms  that  McNeill  ?-<  -1< I  himself  and 
vessel  to  tin'  Hudson's  Bay  Company  because  he  could  not  make  trade  pay 
upon  his  "Vi  q account,  which  statenu  nt  is  v,  holly  untrue.  See  further,  Martina 
II.  />'..  '.!.•',:  11,7/..  *'  Nar.,  I'.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,  i\\,  passim. 

19  The  buildings  consisted  of  Eour  bark-covered  logrkul  .  enclosed  in  pickets 
twelve  feet  high,  wii  ..t  (woof  the  angles.     Fortj  acres  were  soon 

under  cultivation.     Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  189  onlyknowl- 

i  ort    Umpqua.     Jlinos.   Or.  Ex.,   !>!)-.  Farnham,    Travels,  436; 
ami  Cray,  Hist.  Or.,  42,  have  a  smattering  of  information  about  it.     Jesse 
.  Cray's  Or.,  places  the  fort  45  miles  from  the  ocean, 
which  it  collect  makes  the  maps  wrong. 


522  NOTABLE  AFFAIRS. 

fixed  domination,  and  used  their  best  endeavors  to 
drive  out  the  unwelcome  traders.  Straggling  trappers 
they  had  for  many  years  cut  off  with  impunity,  and 
now  they  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the  fort.  Several 
times  they  made  desperate  efforts  to  dislodge  the 
traders,  and  in  1839  they  regularly  besieged  the  for- 
tress. In  the  fight  which  ensued  several  of  the  besieged 
were  wounded,  but  the  savages  were  at  length  com- 
pelled to  fly.  Transportation  between  Fort  Vancouver 
and  the  Umpqua  was  by  pack-animals. 

It  was  now  deemed  advisable  to  establish  an  agency 
at  Honolulu.  So  many  whalers  and  fur-traders  touched 
there,  that  besides  European  goods  and  Columbia 
River  salmon,  the  surplus  produce  of  Fort  Vancouver 
and  its  dependencies  found  a  ready  market.  Besides 
flour  and  fish,  sawn  lumber  now  became  an  important 
article  of  export  from  the  Columbia  mills  to  the  Islands, 
the  shippers  receiving  in  return  coffee,  sugar,  molasses, 
rice,  and  salt  which  was  made  by  evaporating  sea- 
water.  Later  the  company  procured  salt  from  Carmen 
Island,  Lower  California. 

From  this  time  Fort  Vancouver  flourished  yet  more 
largely.  The  saw-mills  and  grist-mills,  the  stock-rais- 
ing and  farming  employed  a  large  number  of  men;  and 
the  arrival  of  produce  from  other  establishments  and 
the  shipment  of  goods  to  other  posts  threw  around  the 
place  an  air  of  busy  commerce,  such  as  a  fur-trading 
post  had  hitherto  seldom  witnessed. 

The  Hawaiian  Island  agency,  like  that  at  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay  established  nine  years  later,  was  not  a  regu- 
lar fur-trading  establishment  under  a  chief  factor,  but 
rather  a  commercial  post.  George  Pellyin  charge  of 
whom  it  was  first  placed,  was  a  relative  of  the  London 
governor,  Sir  Henry  Pelly;  he  was  succeeded  in  1839 
by  Alexander  Simpson,  cousin  of  Sir  George  Simpson.20 

Besides  superintending  the  affairs  of  the  Hudson's 

20  Dates  by  Finlayson,  Hi*t.,  MS.,  65-6.  Anderson,  Northwest  Coast,  MS., 
6,  is  more  general  in  his  statements. 


THE  HAWAIIAN  [SLANT)  AGENCY.  523 

Bay  Company,  Simpson  acted  for  a  time  as  consul 
for  the  British  government  at  the  [slands.  On  the 
visit  of  Sir  George  Simpson  to  the  Islands  in  IS  I  \, 
some  differences  arising  between  them,  Alexander 
Simpson  threw  up  his  commission,  and  retiring  from 
the  service  shortly  after,  settled  in  Scotland.-1 

Simpson  was  succeeded  at  the  Islands  in  L842  by 
Dugald  McTavish,  a  factor,  and  long  connected  with 
the  Columbia  department  both  in  Oregon  and  Vic- 
toria." It  was  by  way  of  the  Islands  that  the  tra  ' 
of  the  Northwest  Coast  at  this  time  held  most  fre- 
quent intercourse  with  the  world,  and  found  a  market 
for  their  superfluous  produce. 

21  The  Simpsons,  though  bright  in  intellect,  and  by  no  means  lacking 
in  energy,  were  not  upon  the  whole  worshipful  men.  Sir  George  appears  too 
much  the  cold,  calculating  machine  of  a  bloodless  corporation  to  inspire 
admiration;  a  must  effective  machine,  but  not  a  truly  noble  man  Like  Mc- 
Loughlin.  Thomas  Simpson,  the  Arctic  explorer,  either  killed  himself  or  was 
killed,  and  Alexander  Simpson  received  from  the  British  government  the  pen- 
sion which  would  have  been  his.    Alexander  Simpson  was  at  Lachine  I 

in  1S31,  and  was  transferred  to  the  Columbia  department  in  1838. 

22  He  was  a  nephew  of  John  George  McTavish,  and  brother  of  William 
McTavish,  Hudson's  Hay  Company's  governor  at  Red  River.  He  succeeded 
Anderson  at  Lachine  House,  where  he  arrived  in  1833.  Arriving  at  the 
Columbia  in  1840,  he  was  stationed  for  a  time  at  Fort  Vancouver,  then  at 
the  Islands,  and  finally  at  Victoria,  where,  with  Finlayson  and  Tolmie,  he 
was  of  the  board  of  management.  While  on  the  way  to  England  on  a  fur- 
lough he  died  in  his  bath-room  at  a  hotel  in  Montreal.  Though  reserved  to 
strangers,  he  was  highly  esteemed  by  those  who  knew  him. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

MISCELLANEOUS    MOVEMENTS. 
1833-1841. 

Founding  of  Fort  Nisqually — The  Coming  of  Gairdner  and  Tolmie — 
Intermittent  Fever  Rampant — Work  Explores  the  Umpqua 
Region — The  Spring  and  Autumn  Brigades  of  1835 — Journeys  of 
Douglas  and  Ogden — Anderson's  Expedition — Asiatic  and  Island 
Junks  Wrecked  on  the  West  Coast— Advent  of  the  Missionaries— 
The  Methodists — The  Presbyterians— The  Jesuits — The  Episco- 
palians— John  Tod — Voyage  of  Douglas  to  California. 

Thus  were  these  British  men,  Scotch,  Irish,  and 
English,  long-headed  and  deep,  with  callous  courage 
and  steel-tempered  limbs,  always  on  the  move,  most 
of  them  at  least,  from  post  to  post,  from  one  locality 
to  another,  and  from  one  duty  to  another,  any  attempt 
entirely  to  follow  them  in  which  would  be  as  futile  as 
foolish.  Nevertheless,  by  giving  something  of  their 
shiftings  may  we  alone  tell  their  story.  For  such  was 
their  life,  and  such  the  history  of  this  vast  domain 
during  this  epoch. 

On  the  south  side  near  the  mouth  of  a  creek  which 
flows  into  Puget  Sound,  four  or  live  miles  north-east 
of  the  Nisqually  River,  upon  a  piece  of  table-land  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  sound,  in  1833  was  estab- 
lished a  post  by  Archibald  McDonald,1  and  called 
Fort  Nisqually.  Being  on  the  direct  line  of  overland 
travel  between  forts  Vancouver  and  Langley,  and  at 

1  Following Finlayson,  Hist.  V.  I.,  MS.,  6;  Evans,  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  191,  says 
this  post  was  established  by  Lieutenant  Kittson  of  the  volt'ujeurs,  then  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company's  clerk.  Kittson  assisted,  but  he  could  scarcely  be  called 
the  founder. 

(524) 


MoDOXALD  BUILDS  FOET  NISQUALLT.  525 

the  points  where  boats  and  horses  were  exchanged, 
the  necessity  of  an  establishment  here  had  long  boon 
felt. 

It  may  or  may  not  be  that  the  contemplated  agri- 
cultural occupation  of  the  Cowlitz  River  region  had 
something  to  do  with  the  building  of  this  fort;  cer- 
tain it  is  that  Fort  Nisqually  did  good  service  in  its 
day.  in  more  ways  than  one.  An  extensive  sheep  and 
cattle  farm  was  soon  in  operation,  which  assisted  the 
company  materially  in  fulfilling  its  Russian  American 
obligations. 

Besides  the  usual  bastioned  stockade  and  fort-build- 
ings proper,  there  were  out-buildings,  barn,  blacksmith 
shop,  and  cabins.  On  the  bank  of  the  sound  near 
the  mouth  of  the  creek,  in  1840,  almost  immediately 
after  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company  had 
begun  operations,  was  erected  a  large  warehouse. 
As  soon  as  occasion  required  the  creek  was  dammed, 
and  admirable  arrangements  made  for  washing  sheep. 

For,  unlike  forts  McLoughlin,  Simpson,  Stikeen, 
and  those  in  New  Caledonia  and  the  Shoshone  region, 
excepting  perhaps  one,  Colville,  Nisqually  was  not 
built  exclusively  for  the  fur  business.  From  the  first 
its  commercial  advantages  were  apparent;  and  as 
Langley  became  early  identified  with  salmon-fishing, 
so  Nisqually  made  available  the  extensive  grazing 
tracts  adjacent,  inviting  sheep  and  cattle,  until  fur- 
trading  at  this  point  was  wholly  eclipsed. 

In  the  bark  Ganymede,  in  1833,  under  patronage 
of  Sir  William  Hooker,  there  came  to  this  coast  as 
surgeons  in  the  service,  Gairdner  and  Tolmie.  Gaird- 
ner,  who  gave  his  name  to  one  of  our  salmon,  bad 
studied  under  Ehrenberg,  and  the  science  of  infusoria 
was  quite  popular  at  that  time.2 

All  through  the  year  of  1833  intermittent  fever  was 

2He  died  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  !!■■/>■  ,-/<'  Rec.,  MS.,  12.  Tolmie  will  be 
noticed  later  in  connection  with  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  ( ompany,  with 
which  he  became  identified.     See  note  17,  chap,  xxii.,  this  volume. 


526  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

very  prevalent.  A  hospital  was  erected  for  Gairdner, 
in  which  there  were  usually  from  two  to  three  hun- 
dred cases.  All  through  the  Shoshone  country  and 
thence  throughout  the  region  of  the  hypothetical  river 
Buenaventura,  round  Klamath  and  Pyramid  lakes  and 
along  the  Willamette  and  Columbia  rivers  the  disease 
raged.3 


o 


John  Work  left  Fort  Vancouver  with  twelve  men, 
the  2 2d  of  May  1834,  on  a  trading  and  trapping  trip 
to  the  southward.4 

Crossing  in  boats  to  the  Willamette,  amidst  a  drench- 
ing rain,  they  proceeded  thence  on  horses.  McLoughlin 
and  his  suite  would  sometimes  accompany  these  south- 
ward-bound expeditions,  in  regal  state,  as  I  notice 
elsewhere,  for  fifty  or  one  hundred  miles  up  the  Willa- 
mette, when  he  would  dismiss  them  with  his  blessing 
and  return  to  the  fort.  He  did  not  often  travel,  and 
seldom  went  far;  but  on  these  occasions  he  indulged 
his  men  rather  than  himself  in  some  little  variety. 
The  savages  and  their  near  neighbors  the  Canadians 
are  greatly  impressed  with  glittering  show.  Hence 
in  order  to  encourage  them,  or  in  order  the  easier  to 
manage  them,  he  was  wont  sometimes  to  indulge  in 
this  innocent  display. 

It  pleased  Mrs  McLoughlin  thus  to  break  the 
monotony  of  her  fort  life.  Upon  a  gayly  capari- 
soned steed,  with  silver  trappings,  and  strings  of  bells 
on  bridle-reins  and  saddle-skirts,  sat  the  lady  of  Fort 
Vancouver,  herself  arrayed  in  brilliant  colors,  and 
wearing  a  smile  which  might  cause  to  blush  and  hang 

3  '  The  Snake  party  have  lost  two  men  by  the  malady,  and  have  all  severely 
suffered.'  Tolmie's  Journal,  MS.,  84.  It  were  a  pity' the  disease  could  not 
have  been  confined  exclusively  to  the  white  men,  who  brought  it  into  the 
country.  '  The  influenza  was  raging  at  the  time  I  passed  through;  the  people 
were  dying  by  hundreds .  . .  When  I  arrived  at  the  fort,  as  the  great  medicine- 
man, the  amount  of  labor  which  I  had  to  devote  to  the  subject  was  something 
beyond  all  conception . .  .  There  was  not  the  slightest  vaccination  in  my  time, 
1833-G.'  King,  hi  House  Commons  Rept.,  II.  B.  Co.,  1S57,  316-37. 

4  This  is  the  last  in  point  of  time  of  Work's  journalized  expeditions,  occu- 
pying pages  183  to  221  of  his  manuscript.  After  this  in  the  journal  comes 
the  expedition  to  Okanagan,  but  it  is  out  of  place  as  regards  date. 


WORK  IN  THE  WILLAMETTE.  527 

its  head  the  broadest,  warmest,  and  most  fragrant 
sunflower.  By  her  side,  also  gorgeously  attired,  rode 
her  lord,  king  of  the  Columbia,  and  every  inch  a  king, 
attended  by  a  train  of  trappers,  under  a  chief  tra  '<  r, 
each  upon  his  besi  behavior.  At  this  time  McKay 
was  living  near  Scappoose  1  Jay;  and  across  the  moun- 
tains in  Tualatin  plain  was  what  they  called  the 
beaver  ground;  after  sending  some  surplus  horses  to 
McKay,  the  party  made  their  way  to  the  latter  [dace. 
All  along  the  journey  Work  fills  his  journal  with 
glowing  panegyrics  upon  the  country  and  its  agri- 
cultural possibilities. 

There  was  already  a  camp  of  Fort  Vancouver  trap- 
pers in  the  Tualatin  plain;  and  to  it  went  Work  to 
learn,  if  possible,  something  of  the  Umpqua  trade. 
Although  two  of  the  men  at  that  camp  had  visited  the 
Umpquas  two  years  before,  they  could  tell  little  of 
them.  Some  people  cannot  see;  some  who  sc^  cannot 
tell  what  they  have  seen. 

They  crossed  the  Yamhill  River  the  30th  of  May, 

and  continuing  southerly,  crossed  the  Willamette  the 

3d  of  June,  and  continued  up  the  east  bank.     They 

had  expected  ere  this  to  have  fallen  in   with   other 

parties   of  trappers,  but  in  this  were   disappointed. 

They  were  now  near  where  Maurio  embarked  on  the 

i  the  Kanaka,  his  companion,  informed  them, 

and  was  drowned,  while  on  his  way  from  La  Fram- 

with  letters.     Some  natives  told  them  that  all 

Mitchell's  party  except   himself  and    one  other  had 

Lassacred;  others  that  nearly  all  of  La  Fram- 

party  had  been  cut  off;  but  of  the  truth  of 

I  ;  ements  they  entertained  doubl  -. 

Oregon  is  still  virgin.  Small  bands  of  half-clad  red 
men  v  pon  its  rich  soil,  while  h<  re  and  i!i<-rc 

mted  wanderer  from  civilized  parts  snuffs 
from  afar  the  dawn  of  a  new  era.  Nature  provides, 
and  man  and  beasl  feed;  beasts  upon  the  long  grass 
and  luxuriant  herbage,  and  men  upon  the  beasts. 
Never  poets  sang  of  a  more  gorgeous  or  happy  valley 


528  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

than  the  Willamette,  bright  with  dancing  waters  and 
carpeted  with  clover. 

The  7th  of  June  the  party  crossed  Elk  Mountain5 
to  Elk  Creek,  and  proceeded  down  the  north  side. 
Next  day  they  went  down  to  the  Umpqua,  the  north 
bank  of  which  they  descended,  and  thence  to  the  house 
of  Indian  Joe,  a  noted  character,  a  savage  much 
feared  in  those  parts,  holding  human  life  in  slight 
esteem.  Joe  had  already  seven  wives,  and  threat- 
ening to  take  seven  more.  With  so  many  helpmeets 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  cultivating  a  small  patch  of 
potatoes.  There  they  found  five  packs  of  beaver 
which  had  been  left  by  Mitchell,  and  treated  with  Joe 
for  one  pack  more.  A  letter  from  La  Framboise  to 
McLoughlin,  dated  17th  of  April  1834,  informed  him 
of  a  battle  fought  a  short  time  previous  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Umpqua  Mountains,  by  the  party  under 
La  Framboise  and  the  savages,  in  which  eleven  of  the 
latter  were  slain  and  several  wounded.  The  white 
men  received  no  damage. 

Leaving  Joe's  house  Work  turned  up  the  Umpqua, 
and  on  the  way  traded  some  beaver  with  old  Grey- 
head's  sons.6  These  natives  were  very  shrewd  at  a 
bargain,  complaining  that  the  buyers  did  not  give  as 
much  as  formerly,  and  holding  back  their  skins  for 
higher  prices.  The  articles  most  in  demand  were 
ammunition  and  strings  of  hiaqua  made  of  green 
beads.7  Other  kinds  of  beads  or  other  goods  they  did 
not  much  esteem. 

Proceeding  south-easterly  on  the  14th,  Work  soon 
reached  what  he  calls  the  second  fork  of  the  Umpqua,8 

5  In  the  Calapooya  range. 

6 This  purchase  with  what  they  had  brought  before  made  72  beaver  and 
25  otter  which  they  had  secured  thus  far. 

7  See  Native  Races,  i.  239. 

b  '  Had  arranged,'  he  writes,  'to  proceed  to  the  Umpquah  old  fort  where 
I  understood  the  natives  have  a  few  beaver,  but  was  deterred  on  account  of  a 
child  of  Champaign's  which  has  been  sick  some  time.'  Journals,  MS.  206. 
From  which  expression  one  would  infer  that  the  place  was  not  then  occupied 
by  white  men,  and  did  not  amount  to  much.  On  the  most  essential  points 
of  history  the  journals  of  fur-traders  were  often  exceedingly  dim,  they  taking 
for  granted  that  the  reader  was  familiar  with  all  that  was  known  prior  to  their 
particular  achievements. 


EXPEDITION  FROM  UMPQUA.  529 

and  camped  on  the  !7th  at  the  junction.  There  he 
was  informed  by  a  party  of  natives,  whoso  chief  was 
called  Charles,  that  the  region  round  the  head-waters 

of  the  Willamette  was  so  rugged  that  it  could  be 
hunted  only  in  canoes,  and  that  no  white  man  had 
yet  visited  its  source.  Beavers  were  there  the  natives 
said,  and  as  Work  was  accomplishing  little  elsewhere, 
ho  determined  to  undertake  the  ascent.  So  engaging 
Charles  to  guide  them,  they  recrossed  Elk  Mountain 
to  the  middle  or  main  branch  of  the  Willamette. 
The  stream  was  there  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  yards 
wide.  The  country  was  mountainous  and  thickly 
wooded,  and  there  was  scarcely  any  grass,  which  ren- 
dered the  journey  impracticable  for  horses.  Cedar- 
trees  were  thereupon  selected,  and  the  men  set  to 
work  making  three  canoes.  While  thus  engaged  they 
were  visited  by  Louis,  a  Willamette  freeman,  who 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  river  could  be  ascended 
in  boats. 

All  being  in  readiness,  on  the  29th  Work  despatched 
up  the  river  six  Canadians,  three  Indians,  and  an  in- 
terpreter, with  two  months'  supplies,  to  trap  beavers. 
Next  day  Work  went  with  the  remainder  of  his  men, 
all  of  whom  were  to  share  in  the  results  of  the  canoe 
expedition  the  same  as  if  they  had  accompanied  it,  to 
an  old  house  two  miles  distant,  formerly  occupied  by 
McKay;  and  leaving  there  three  men  in  charge  of  the 
men's  families  and  the  horses  he  returned  to  Fort  Van- 
couver, arriving  the  10th  of  July.0 

9The  men  in  the  three  canoes  are  left  unceremoniously  paddling  tin  ir  way 
up  the  Willamette;  and  this,  by  far  the  most  important  partof  the  expedition, 
is  nowhere  further  mentioned.  Tolmic.  Puget  Sound,  .MS.,  6,  7.  givi  -  rather 
an  unfavorable  account  of  "Work's  people  in  their  return.  First,  he  states  that 
they  "went  smith  through  Oregon  and  northern  California  to  certain  parts  of 
San  Francisco  Hay.  wh<  re  beaver,  then  wry  high-priced,  greatly  abounded;' 
and  secondly,  in  returning  home  in  1834,  passing  certain  native  vi 
where  the  inhabitants  had  been  carried  off  in  great  numbers  I  y  i 
of  the  young  men  of  the  party  foolishly  pillaged  a  deserb  rticles 

that  took  their  fancy.     A  fever  broke  out  in  the  camp:  several  of  the  ablest 
men  died,  and  the  mortality  was  great.'  Harassed  by  thi  '• ,  'in 

great  distress  they  managed   to  reach  the  settlement  at  Champoeg  on  the 
Willamette  River  where  their  wants  were  kindly  attended  to  by  Jervai 
ciere,and  Deslard,  old  company's  trappers  who  had  settled  on  these  beautiful 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    34 


530  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

With  three  boats  manned  by  twenty-nine  Canadi- 
ans and  Iroquois,  on  the  3d  of  March  1835,  Douglas, 
Ogden,  and  others  left  Fort  Vancouver  for  Canada. 
Part  of  the  men  were  for  Fort  Colville,  and  part  were 
retiring  from  the  service,  and  destined  for  their  early 
homes. 

There  is  but  little  of  special  interest  in  this  journey. 
At  Fort  Walla  Walla  where  they  arrived  the  10th, 
they  found  the  neighboring  tribes  convened  according 
to  their  custom  for  purposes  of  pleasure  and  business. 
From  this  point,  Douglas  with  a  small  mounted  party 
proceeded  across  the  country  by  way  of  Spokane 
House  to  Fort  Colville,  while  the  remainder  in  boats 
continued  up  the  river. 

The  eastern-bound  party  left  Fort  Colville  the  4th 
of  April,  proceeded  to  Boat  Encampment,  crossed 
through  Athabasca  Pass  to  Fort  Edmonton  the  30th, 
and  thence  to  York  Factory,  where  they  arrived  the 
24th  of  June.  The  1 6th  of  July,  the  brigade  left  York 
Factory  for  Fort  Vancouver,  the  party  increasing  en 
route  until  it  numbered  with  women  and  children  about 
thirty-five  persons.  They  reached  Edmonton  the  17th 
of  September,  Boat  Encampment  the  IGth  of  October, 
and  Walla  Walla  the  27th.10 

From  Fort  George  on  the  Fraser  this  same  autumn 
A.  C.  Anderson,  lately  in  charge  of  New  Caledonia, 
with  eight  men  was  sent  by  way  of  the  Tete  Jaune 
Pass11  to  Jasper  House  to  meet  the  westward-bound 
brigade,  and  bring  back  the  leather  and  recruits  which 
usually  came  by  this  express.  Crossing  the  moun- 
tains on  foot,  the  party  reached  Jasper  House  early  in 
October.     The  brigade  arrived  shortly  after,  and  the 

plains.'  Luciere  was  one  of  the  Canadian  voyageurs  who  came  with  the  first 
Astor  party.  In  1829  he  took  a  claim  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Willamette, 
opposite  where  Portland  was  since  laid  out,  but  abandoned  it  the  next  year. 
In  1S31  he  settled  at  Champoeg  and  there  remained  until  his  death,  which 
occurred  in  1852 at  the  age  of  sixty-five.     Alta  Gal,  April  22,  1853. 

10 Sixty-six  manuscript  pages,  namely,  Dotu/las'  Private  Papers,  MS.,  1st 
ser.  7-73,  are  filled  with  intelligent  details  of  this  journey. 

11  It  was  customary  every  year  to  bring  from  the  east  into  New  Caledonia 
by  this  route  some  40  packs' of  dressed  moose-skins  for  shoe-leather;  from 
which  circumstance  the  Yellow  Head  Pass  was  often  called  Leather  l'ass. 


ANNUAL  BRIGADES.  531 

men  and  merchandise  destined  for  New  Caledonia 
were  given  in  charge  to  Anderson,  while  the  others, 
among  whom  were  Duncan  Finlayson,  Douglas,  Mc- 
Donald, McKinlay,  and  John  Mcintosh,  took  the 
route  by  Boat  Encampment  down  the  Columbia. 

Winter  ram.'  on  early  this  year;  so  that  when 
Anderson  on  his  return  had  reached  T6te  Jaune 
cache,  he  found  the  river  frozen.  And  though  there 
was  ice  enough  to  render  the  stream  unnavigable,  il 
was  not  so  frozen  as  to  hear  the  travellers  and  their 
burdens.  There  were  now  in  the  party  twenty-two 
persons,  and  soon  provisions  became  short;  moreover 
there  was  present  a  lady,  Mrs  Mcintosh,  and  several 
small  children. 

Back  to  Jasper  House,  therefore,  they  all  wer  • 
forced  to  go,  a  stray  horse  from  the  other  party,  and 
a  single  reindeer  coming  between  them  and  >t;n\  al 
on  the  way.  This  post  being  emptied  of  its  supplies, 
they  continued  to  Edmonton,  four  hundred  miles 
farther,  the  thermometer  at  times  being  40°  below 
zero,  and  the  people  poorly  clad.  Six  red  deer,  how- 
ever, furnished  them  food,  and  on  arriving  at  the  fort 
their  sufferings  were  soon  allayed.  Anderson,  Mc- 
Kinlay, and  a  portion  of  the  men  immediately  loade  I 
some  dog-sledges  and  returned,  reaching  Stuart  Lake 
in  forty-six  days.12 

Many  islanders  and  Asiatics  since  the  world  b< 
more  than  we   know  of,  have  been  thrown  on 
shores,  I  i  be  enslaved,  to  be  released,  to  be  butchered, 
or  allowed  to  blend  in  human  propagations  the  light 
coppery  hue  of  the  oldest  cast  with  the  dark  cop; 
hue  of  the  newest  west. 

We  remember  what  the  philosophic  AI 

cacht  Ape  affirmed  he  saw  on  the  coast  nol  far  from 

"Anderson  has  given  me  this  and  much  more  in  pages  24   1 
thick  folio  manuscript  entitled,  History  of  tin  \  rolume  filled 

with  material  nowhere  else  existing,  and  of  primary  impo 
the  country  and  times  of  which  it  treats,    i  speak  more  fullj 
and  his  work  elsewhere. 


532  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

the  Columbia  in  1747  or  thereabouts,  and  what  his 
friend  told  him  of  the  annual  visits  of  the  women- 
stealers,  that  was  given  by  the  author  as  history;  but 
we  know  of  a  certainty  of  many  traditions  entertained 
by  the  natives  up  to  a  late  day,  or  as  long  as  they 
entertained  in  their  minds  anything — instance  the 
tale  by  Mrs  Victor13  obtained  from  the  Nehalems, 
below  the  Columbia,  of  a  wrecked  vessel  where  the 
crew  saved  their  effects  and  buried  them,  boxed,  near 
Mt  Neahcarny,  that  is  to  say  Saddle  Mountain.  Nor 
does  credulity  very  deeply  blush  in  confessing  the  box 
to  have  been  sought  for.  Then  long  ago  the  natives 
of  the  upper  Columbia  had  their  Spanish  guest,  who 
came  they  knew  not  whence,  and  went  the}'  knew  not 
whither.  Japanese  wrecks  on  the  shores  of  Kam- 
chatka and  America  are  reported  from  an  early  day.u 

13  Or.  and  Wash.,  53-4. 

14  One  at  Acapulco  in  1617;  Bantam  Islands,  1613;  adrift,  1685;  Kam- 
chatka, 1694,  1710,  1729,  and  1812,  where  several  other  wrecks  are  alluded  to 
by  Muller;  Aleutian  Isles,  1782;  stranded  junk  crew  of  fifteen  rescued  by 
Krusenstem,  1804;  near  Sitka,  1805;  adrift,  1813;  adrift  off  Santa  Barbara, 
1815;  a  junk  laden  with  wax  was  thrown  upon  Point  Adams  in  1820;  one 
wrecked  on  Queen  Charlotte  Island  in  1831;  Hawaiian  Islands,  1832;  near 
Cape  Flattery,  1833;  adrift  west  of  the  Hawaiian  Isles,  1839;  South  Sea  Isle, 
1841;  Mexico,  1845;  St  Peter  Isle,  1S45;  Stapleton  Island,  1S47;  adrift, 
1847,  1848,  and  1850;  Atka  Island,  1851;  adrift,  1852  and  1853;  near  Cedros 
Island,  Lower  California,  1853;  adrift  near  Hawaiian  Isles,  1854;  adrift,  1S55; 
Ladrone  Islands  and  Cedros,  1856;  two  adrift  in  185S;  one  at  Ocean  Island, 
and  one  at  Brook  Island  in  1859;  adrift,  1862,  two;  Baker  Island,  1863; 
Providence  Island,  1864;  Aleutian  Isles,  1869;  adrift,  1870,  and  in  1871  two; 
Atka,  1871;  adrift,  1873;  at  Alaska,  Hawaii,  Petropaulski,  adrift  below  San 
Diego,  Nootka  Sound,  were  Japanese  wrecks  at  various  dates;  adrift,  1S75 
and  1876.  Charles  Wolcott  Brooks  in  an  able  and  comprehensive  brochure  on 
the  Japanese  Wrecks,  Stranded  and  Picked  up  Adrift  in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean, 
prepared  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  early  migrations,  made  out  a  list,  and 
at  various  times  I  have  learned  of  a  few  additional.  Horace  Davis  in  his 
ethnological  speculations,  Record  of  Japanese  Vessels  driven  upon  the  North- 
west Coast  of  America,  gives  a  list  of  such  wrecks  as  came  to  his  knowledge, 
which  was  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  Mr  Brooks'  information.  In  the  Poly- 
iiesian  are  mentioned  three  Japanese  picked  up  near  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia in  1829,  and  a  junk  adrift  in  1846,  not  catalogued  by  Brooks.  _  Victor, 
Or.  and  Wash.,  51,  says  in  the  sands  round  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  pieces 
of  wax,  washed  up  during  violent  storms,  were  found  for  years.  As  for  Euro- 
pean and  American  wrecks  on  the  Northwest  Coast  we  have  what  was 
supposed  to  be  a  Spanish  vessel  from  Manila  in  Y~tT2—Kelley,  in  Thornton's 
Or.  Hist.,  MS.,  87;  Oregon  Spectator,  Jan.  21,  1847— with  a  cargo  of  beeswax 
cast  ashore  on  the  northern  side  of  the  entrance  to  the  Columbia;  in  1828,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  Columbia,  the  William  and  Ann;  in  1830,  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Columbia,  the  Isabel;  in  1841,  at  the  entrance  to  the  Columbia,  the 
U.  S.  ship  Peacock;  in  Sept.  1S46,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Columbia,  the  U.  S. 


JAPANESE  JUNKS.  C33 

One  day  in  the  spring  of  L83  I  notice  reached  Fort 
Vancouver  of  the  wreck  of  a  junk  off  ( Jape  Flattery. 
Thirty  men  under  Thomas  McKay  were  senl  overland 
by  way  of  the  Chehalis  to  the  rescue  of  the  crew. 
But  <ui  reaching  the  precipitous  region  round  Point 
Grenville  they  became  disheartened,  threw  up  the 
business,  and  retraced  their  stops.  Captain  .McNeill 
then  undertook  the  mission  in  the  brig  Llama.  Ar- 
riving at  the  wreck,  the  Llama  was  boarded  by  some 
natives,  whom  the  captain  held  as  hostages  until  the 
survivors,  three  in  number,  were  delivered  to  him. 
Brought  to  Fort  Vancouver,  the  three  men  were  sent 
home  by  way  of  England.  The  junk  was  laden  with 
crockery  of  the  flower-pot  or  willow-ware  fashion.15 
Likewise  many  ships  have  been  wrecked  in  attempting 
to  enter  the  Columbia,  and  elsewhere  on  the  North- 
west Coast. 

Indeed,  so  thoroughly  disheartened  was  the  com- 
pany over  their  repeated  losses,  that  on  the  loss  of 
the  ship  Vancouver,  in  1848,  with  a  cargo  valued  at 
£30,000,  wrecked  after  the  pilot  was  on  board,  they 
determined  to  make  their  next  shipment  to  London 
in  the  autumn  of  that  year  from  Nisqually,  whither 
the  furs  were  sent  from  Fort  Vancouver  by  way  of 
the  Cowlitz. 

schooner  Shark;  in  1848,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Columbia,  the  hark  Vancou- 
ver; in  1849,  at  month  of  the  Columbia,  the  brig 

where  and  at  another  tin  Grace,  and  Janus  Warren,  the  latter 

fifty  miles  south  of  Killamook;  in  1851  rath  of  the  I  h 

■■'/ ;  in  ls.'ii',  near  Killamook,  si 
.-   in   In:.::,  barks  Oriole,    T.   .'.'■  \  and 

■  -a,  and  brig  I  the  Columbia  bar;  in  1854,  at  i 

lumbia,  steam-tug  I  '■  r  exploded;  in  1855 

mouth  of  Umpqua,  schooner  Loo  (  hoo;  in  1856,  al  I  i  I' 

I  River,  went  ashore  i 

I '■  ft  ( Word  I  -  in  1857,  brig 

hark  N<  "•  World  ground <  •'.  .  ;  hark  Desdt  »  Imii- 

I 

..  MS.,  13;  1  .,  i.  304;  Lee  obtai 

and  tea-cup  saved  from  the  wreck.  Le* 

..  40;  Parker's  Tour,  L62.  •  I  the 

Hud.-  of  this  disaster  in  a  singular  mi 

r,  in  which  w  i 
the  shipwrecked  persons,  with  the  junk  on  the  rocks,  and  thelndii 
[ering.    Wilke. Nar.,  U.S.  1.  i  I  r.  Ex.,  iv.  315-10. 


oU  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

There  was  a  little  blood-letting  in  these  parts  from 
time  to  time,  but  on  the  whole  remarkably  little.  Two 
of  five  sailors,16  who  deserted  from  a  whaler  in  1832  off 
the  coast  of  California,  while  on  the  way  overland  to 
Oregon  in  1835,  were  murdered  by  the  natives.  The 
land  survives  their  loss.  Six  natives  were  killed  in 
1836  by  certain  sailors  and  trappers  on  the  southern 
Oregon  coast.  Thus  there  were  six  less  victims  left 
for  influenza,  whooping-cough,  small-pox, measles,  fever 
and  ague,  and  syphilis,  those  happy  accompaniments 
of  European  culture. 

Uplifted  on  the  wings  of  faith,  beyond  the  eastern 
hills  now  glistened  the  first  flush  of  that  spirit  of 
proselyting  which  was  destined  so  quickly  to  burn  to 
cinders  the  souls  it  wrestled  to  save.  With  the 
trappers  and  stragglers  who  percolated  the  mountains 
from  the  United  States  border  came  missionaries  of 
divers  tenets,  whose  angular  intellects  polished  with 
opaque  doctrines,  plotted  good-will  to  man,  confusion 
to  Satan.  With  their  coining  begins  the  history 
proper  of  Oregon,  elsewhere  told.  I  mention  them 
here  merely  to  fix  their  place  in  the  chain  of  fur- 
trading  events  which  closes  this  volume. 

The  Methodist  missionaries  which  in  1834  were 
sent  to  Oregon  by  the  board  of  foreign  missions,  were 
followed  by  Presbyterian  ministers  in  1836,  and  these 
by  Methodists  again  in  1837,  followed  by  more  Pres- 
byterians in  1838,  and  by  Catholics  in  1839.  The 
Methodists  settled  in  the  Willamette  Valley,  and  at 
the  Dalles ;  the  Presbyterians  among  the  Cayuses,  and 
on  the  Walla  Walla  and  Lapwai  rivers.  There  were 
Catholics  among  the  early  settlers  who  needed  only 
priests;  and  the  English  church  was  represented  by 
Mr  Beaver  at  Port  Vancouver. 

To  them  the  fortress  of  Vancouver  was  as  Mecca 

10  George  Gray  who  settled  in  Polk  County,  and  became  respectable,  -was 
one,  if  the  San  Jose  Pioneer  of  23d  June  1877  speaks  truly.  McLoughlin, 
J  'rivate  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.  5,  was  not  specially  delighted  to  see  them  at  Fort 
Vancouver. 


COMING  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 

to  fainting  pilgrims,  and  its  benignant  sovereign  as 
the  prophet  of  Allah;  though  there  were  those  among 
the  succored  who  afterwards  cursed  him  as  a  priest 
of  Baal.  Why,  no  one  knows;  but  some  "I*  God's 
men  arc  ordained  to  curse,  others  to  be  cursed.11 

Jason  and  Daniel  Loe  wore  the  pioneer  missionaries 
of  the  Northwesi  ('cast.  Three  lay  members  of  their 
church  accompanied  and  assisted  them.  Arriving  in 
September  1834,  they  began  operations  by  planting  a 
mission  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Willamette  twelve 
miles  below  where  Salem  now  stands.1" 

The  Presbyterians  began  operations  by  sending 
over  the  mountains  in  1835  Samuel  Parker  and  Mar- 
cus Whitman.  Parker  journeyed  extensively  through 
(  Oregon,  visited  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  and  return- 
ing by  way  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  reached  home  in 
May  1837.  Whitman  returned  to  the  United  States 
from  Green  River,  and  again  came  west  the  following 
spring  with  Mrs  Whitman,  Henry  J.  Spalding  and 
wife,  and  William  H.  Gray,  under  escort  to  Green 
River  of  the  caravan  of  the  American  Pur  Company. 
By  December  1836,  Whitman  had  established  a 
mission  among  the  Cayuses,  twenty-five  miles  < 
of  Fort  Walla  Walla,  and  Spalding  among  the  Nez 
Perce's,  on  the  Clearwater,  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
miles  north-east  of  Fort  Walla  Walla.  Gray, 
who  was  a  mechanic,  assisted  in  erecting  the  buildings 
i  >th  stations.13 

"  Finlayson  calls  McLoughlin  the  founder  of  Oregon;  and  this  by  reason 
of  his  kind  treatment  to  emigrants,  furnishing  them  when  homeless,  stai 
;  nd  without  a  dollar,  with  cows,  horsey,  and  implements  with  which  to 
.:_'.     And  to  his  surprise,  in  years  afterward  he  saw  the  new  ; 
abuse  him,  not  knowing  what  he  had  done  to  merit  abuse.  Hist.  V.  /..  MS.,  75. 
I  until  their  place  was  ready.  Harvi  y's  /.  f/i  ofM 
MS.,  11:  built  several  comfortable  log-houses  during  the  winter  1834  5, 
Afar.,  219.     McLoughlin,  Private  Papers,  MS..  2d  ser.  3-9,  had 
much  trouble  with  them  finally."   Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  .MS.,  210-34,  and  A  ndi  r- 
!,  MS. ,  262  <  ■ . .     Lv< 

■    .   ■  ■ 
tendent  of  Wesleyan  Missions  in  the  Hudson's  Bay  territories  at  Norway 
.  had  as  yet  paid  but  little  attention  to  the  conversion  of  souls  west  of 
I    ■   Rocky  Mountains.  See  Martin's  Hudson's  Bay,  L26,  130;  Holman's  Peoria 
MS.,  I. 

I     .      dCal.,  ii.  23,  makesit  1837 before Whiti 
atWaiilatpu.    1  follow  Evans.    Townsend,  .Afar.,  233  of  the 


536  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

Among  the  several  English  ladies  who  were  each 
the  first  to  appear  upon  the  coast,20  was  the  wife  of 
the  Rev.  Mr  Beaver,  noticed  elsewhere.  Clergymen's 
wives  and  settlers'  helpmeets  were  now  becoming  quite 
common  in  these  western  wilds.  Beaver  tires  of  his 
post  and  quits  the  country,  leaving  the  church  of 
England  quite  shorn  of  its  glories  hereabout.21 

And  now  the  free  Canadian  families  of  the  Valley 
Willamette  desire  pastoral  care,  and  two  Jesuits,  Blan- 
chet  and  Demers,  are  sent  them  in  1838  from  Canada, 
who,  while  on  their  way,  baptize  many  and  consecrate 
the  Rocky  Mountains  to  God.  Mass  is  now  first 
celebrated  in  Oregon;  then  follow  Jesuit  missionary 

West,  233-4;  McLoughlin,  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.  5,  and  Tolmie,  Pur/ft 
Sound,  MS.,  5,  mention  Parker  and  Whitman.  It  would  require  a  volume 
as  large  as  Gray's  to  correct  Gray's  mistakes.  I  cannot  notice  them  all. 
The  Whitman  family  were  massacred  in  1847.  On  his  return  to  the  east 
Parker  published  a  book,  Journal  of  an  Exploring  Tour  beyond  the  -Rocky 
Mountains,  Ithaca,  1842.  The  work,  which  passed  through  several  editions, 
is  accompanied  by  a  large  map,  and  contains  much  valuable  information. 
It  was  altogether  the  most  important  hitherto  published  on  this  territory. 
Parker  was  an  intelligent  observer,  and  a  clear,  forcible  writer.  Though 
a  Christian,  bound  for  heaven,  he  did  not  forget  that  he  was  a  man  living 
in  this  world.  '  Had  he  confined  himself  to  the  results  of  his  own  experi- 
ence,' says  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Col.,  361,  note,  'and  not  wandered  into  the 
region  of  history,  diplomacy,  and  cosmogony,  in  all  of  which  he  is  evidently 
a  stranger,'  his  work  would  have  been  better.  Greenhow  having  entered 
that  domain  himself  might  perhaps  praise  Parker's  book  more  were  its 
merits  less.  De  Smet,  Letters  and  Sketches,  212,  scourges  Parker  for  breaking 
down  the  cross  erected  over  a  child's  grave.  McLoughlin,  Private  Pap<  rs, 
MS.,  2d  ser.  6,  says:  'Parker  appears  to  me  to  be  a  man  of  piety  and  zeal, 
but  is  very  unpopular  with  the  other  Protestant  missionaries  in  this  country, 
for  which  I  see  no  cause,  except  that  acting  differently  from  them  he  has 
published  to  the  world  the  manner  some  of  his  countrymen  act  toward  Indians, 
and  the  very  different  manner  we  treat  them.' 

20This  is  Anderson's  first,  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  102.  Almost  every 
sect  and  society  has  the  first  upon  the  coast  of  everything. 

21  Harvey's  Life  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  11.  Gr&y, Hist.  Or.,  162-3,  who  hates 
Beaver  and  all  Episcopal  clergymen,  and  all  Englishmen,  and  all  Catholics,  and 
almost  everybody  but  Gray,  gives  the  first  chaplain  of  Fort  Vancouver  a  light 
complexion,  feminine  voice  with  large  pretensions  to  oratory,  poor  delivery, 
and  no  energy.  Contact  with  savages  to  him  was  pollution;  the  servants  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  were  boors,  and  the  officers  lived  in  open  adultery. 
Peter's  early  occupation  in  such  a  community  he  thought  preferable  to  his  later 
one  ;  hence  his  enthusiasm  ran  to  fishing  instead  of  to  preaching.  McLough- 
lin should  give  up  his  Catholic  notions  and  conform  to  established  church 
rules.  He  should  remarry  and  stop  bastardizing;  for  which  advice  the  rev- 
erend gentleman  received  corporal  chastisement,  it  is  said,  McLoughlin  telling 
him  he  would  marry  whom,  how,  and  as  much  as  he  pleased.  Mrs  Beaver  of 
course  sympathized  with  her  husband,  and  they  got  back  to  London  as  fast  as 
they  could.  Doubtless  they  were  very  nice  people,  but  with  rather  too  refined 
sensibilities  for  savage  soul-saving.     See,  further,  Hist.  Or.,  this  series. 


THE  JESUITS.  537 

labors  in  Corville,  Okanagan,  Walla  Walla,  Fort  Van- 
couver, and  Nisqually.  McLoughlin  is  quickly  con- 
verted by  Blanchet,  and  the  Jesuits  obtain  the  ear  of 
the  governor.2'2  Afterward  Blanchet  took  his  stand 
in  the  Willamette  Valley,  and  Demers,  after  spending 
some  time  on  the  Cowlitz,  departed  in  the  spring  of 
1842  for  New  Caledonia.  There  the  savages  received 
him  with  open  arms,  as  if  informed  by  heaven  of  the 
benefits  he  should  bestow;  and  when  he  left  they  si  Led 
tears. 

Meanwhile  Whitman  and  Spalding  arc  reenforced. 
In  1838  come  Cushing,  Eels,  and  Walker,  the  last 
two  with  their  wives,  and  after  wintering  at  Waiilatpu 
establish  a  station  among  the  Flatheads  on  the  Chem- 
akane  branch  of  the  Spokane  Kiver,  forty  miles  south 
of  Fort  Colville. 

The  Presbyterians  were  never  very  expert  in  im- 
provising providences;  therefore  when  Gray,  the 
Great  Untruthful  and  whilom  Christian  mission- 
builder,  undertakes  to  appropriate  to  the  unseen 
powers  of  his  sect  the  sending  of  four  native  dele- 
gates to  St  Louis  in  1832,  begging  saviors  for  tra- 
montane castaways,  it  is,  as  most  of  Gray's  affairs 
are,  a  failure.  The  Catholics  manage  those  things 
better. 

The  Jesuit  Rosati  tells  how  two  pious  Iroquois  in 
181G23  quarter  among  the  Flatheads,  convert  them, 
and  live  there.  Shortly  afterward  certain  Flatheads 
go  to  St  Louis  to  see  if  white  men  really  believed 
the  things  the  Iroquois  had  said.  They  there  die 
redeemed.  One  of  the  Christian  Iroquois  with  two 
children,  then,  say  in  1832,  visits  St  Louis  and  asks 
missionaries  for  his  adopted  people.  On  his  way  back 
he  is  killed  by  wicked  Sioux.  Finally  in  1839  conies 
another  deputation,  begging  priests — so  writes  Rosati 

-- 1>.  Smet,  Or.  Miss.,  1S-20;  Blanches  Cath.  Ch.  in  Or.,  9  11,  19 
/v  Sim  >,'s  i  •  passim;  Pictures  of  Missionary  Life,  passim; 

Ca(J).  Almanac,  in  De  Smet's  Miss.,  32,  34. 

»Blanchet  says  1812.  Cath.  Ch.  in  Or.,  IS. 


538  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

to  Rome — in  answer  to  which  Peter  John  De  Sinet  is 
sent  in  1840  to  carry  the  cross  to  the  Flathead  nation, 
and  is  so  fortunate  as  to  convert  six  hundred  in  two 
months,  an  average  of  ten  a  day.24  The  Protestant 
version  is  printed  in  the  History  of  Oregon. 

It  was  under  the  banner  of  old  John  Tod  that  the 
priests  Demers  and  Blanchet  came.  Tod  had  been 
on  a  visit  to  the  east,  and  was  returning  from  Nor- 
way House  to  Colville  by  way  of  Edmonton,  Jasper 
House,  and  Boat  Encampment  at  the  head  of  sixty 
men,  among  whom  were  two  botanists,  Wallace  and 
Banks,  sent  from  London  by  Sir  Joseph  Paxton,  and 
the  two  missionaries.  At  the  Little  Dalles,  the  men 
preferring  to  take  their  chances  in  the  boats,  instead 
of  making  the  portage  as  was  the  custom,  one  of  the 
boats  upset,  and  six  persons,  including  the  two  bota- 
nists, and  the  wife  of  Mr  Banks,  Sir  George  Simp- 
son's daughter,  were  drowned.  The  ways  of  science 
were  dangerous  in  those  days. 

In  1839  Tod  was  sent  to  the  Cowlitz  plains  to 
assist  in  the  farming  operations  there.  The  following 
summer  he  was  appointed  to  New  Caledonia,  and 
stationed  at  Fort  Alexandria.  The  fort,  which  orig- 
inally had  been  situated  on  a  hill,  was  removed  for 
convenience  to  the  river  bank,  where  the  miasma 
speedily  engendered  fever  and  ague,  attacking  white 
men  first  and  then  the  natives,  until  many  of  the  lat- 
ter were  swept  away.  From  1842  to  1849  Tocl  was 
in  command  of  Shushwap. 

2i  Anderson,  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  264,  gives  for  the  situation  in 
1842:  In  the  Willamette,  a  Wesleyan  and  a  Catholic  station;  on  the  Cowlitz, 
a  Catholic  mission;  at  Clatsop,  Nisqually,  and  the  Dalles,  Wesleyan  missions; 
in  the  Nez  Perce\  Cayuse,  and  Spokane  countries,  Presbyterian  missions;  at 
Fort  Vancouver  and  among  the  Flatkeads,  Jesuit  missions.  De  Smet,  Letters 
am/  Sketches,  229-33,  places  the  rival  establishments  of  the  Willamette  8 
miles  apart,  and  gives  the  Catholic  station,  in  1841,  80  families;  the  Cow- 
litz Catholics,  5  families;  Nisqually,  22  families.  There  appeared  as  hot 
a  rivalry  in  soul-saving  as  in  fur-trading.  The  pious  De  Smet  prays  for 
strength  'in  the  midst  of  so  many  adversaries,' meaning,  not  devils,  but  Pres- 
byterians; and  in  another  place  he  thanks  God  that  'the  meeting-houses  were 
almost  abandoned.'  How  important  must  be  the  work  when  missionaries 
regard  as  of  small  moment  the  conversion  of  heathens  as  compared  with  put- 
ting down  each  other. 


DOUGLAS  IX  CALIFORNIA.  539 

During  the  winter  of  1840-1,  James  Douglas  made 
a  voyage  to  California  in  the  ship  Columbia  with  an 
adventure  of  goods.  Besides  what  hecalls  objects  of 
a  political  nature,  the  intention  was  with  the  mer- 
chandise to  purchase  certain  products  of  the  country, 
and  to  drive  up  a  large  herd  of  live-stock,  for  which 
purpose  thirty  men  or  more  accompanied  him. 

Leaving  Fort  Vancouver  on  the  morning  of  Decem- 
ber 3,  1850,  he  boarded  the  vessel  at  Fort  George, 
but  owing  to  bad  weather  was  not  able  to  cross  the 
bar  before  the  21st.  Narrowly  escaping  shipwreck  on 
Point  Pinos,  the  ship  came  to  anchor  in  the  afternoon 
of  January  1,  1S41,  in  the  bay  of  Monterey.  Two 
days  after,  Douglas,  accompanied  by  David  Spencc  as 
interpreter,  held  an  interview  with  Governor  Alva- 
rado,  who  received  them  with  considerable  stiffness, 
which,  under  the  influence  of  Douglas'  conciliatory 
manner,  soon  wore  off,  when  the  governor  entered 
with  much  spirit  into  the  matters  under  discussion. 
The  first  topic  introduced  was  concerning  the  party 
under  La  Framboise,  who  had  for  several  years  past 
trapped  in  the  Tulare  Valley  by  permission  of  Alva- 
rado,  granted  under  the  treaty  of  1837-8.  La  Fram- 
boise had  continued  to  visit  the  place  every  season 
without  interference,  until  the  last  summer,  when 
Captain  Sutter  wrote  to  the  people  of  Fort  Vancou- 
ver forbidding  their  return.  As  it  was  not  known 
whether  Sutter  was  an  accredited  agent  of  the  govern- 
ment, no  notice  had  been  taken  of  his  interference. 
The  governor  now  said  that  Sutter  had  been  author- 
ized to  act  for  the  government,  not  in  a  hostile  man- 
ner, but  merely  to  request  the  withdrawal  of  the 
party;  and  that  though  he  had  no  complaints  to  make 
of  tlie  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  servants,  yet  as  the 
settlements  were  extending  their  presence  could  no 
longer  be  tolerated.  To  this  Douglas  replied  that 
rver  the  wishes  of  government  should  be  offi- 
cially communicated,  they  would  be  followed  in  every 
particular. 


540  MISCELLANEOUS  MOVEMENTS. 

The  second  matter  seemed  likely  to  destroy  all 
prospects  of  trade  in  California.  For  a  long  time  the 
laws  of  Mexico  permitted  only  foreign  vessels  to  enter 
certain  ports  of  the  republic,  where  all  merchandise 
from  abroad  must  be  landed,  thus  confining  the  coast 
trade  to  home  vessels.  This  law,  however,  had  never 
been  respected  in  consequence  of  there  being  no  home 
vessels.  Just  now,  the  governor  informed  Douglas, 
orders  had  been  received  to  enforce  the  law  at  any 
inconvenience,  and  he  declared  his  intention  to  do  so. 
To  this  Douglas  strongly  protested,  declaring  that 
as  they  had  entered  under  the  old  state  of  affairs 
time  should  be  given  them  before  the  new  law  was 
enforced.  Finally  the  governor  was  brought  to  see 
the  justice  of  this,  and  not  only  promised  them  aid  in 
their  undertaking,  as  far  as  lay  in  his  power,  but  gave 
them  permission  to  trade  "with  the  express  sanction 
of  the  government."  This  permit  did  not,  however, 
relieve  them  from  further  difficulties  with  respect  to 
the  purchase  of  stock,  to  be  driven  out  of  the  country, 
and  he  finally  made  it  known  that  the  government 
would  furnish  as  many  as  were  required,  at  a  high 
price,  which  offer  Douglas  had  no  alternative  but  to 
accept.25 

Thus  the  interview  terminated  with  mutual  pro- 
testations of  esteem. 

It  was  something  Douglas  was  little  accustomed  to, 
bowing  the  knee  before  an  arrogant  ruler  for  whom 
he  entertained  not  the  highest  respect.  Douglas  him- 
self was  proud  and  pompous  enough,  and  on  the  whole 
he  played  his  part  well,  though  it  did  not  always  give 
him  pleasure.26 

The  following  day  the  ship  was  cleared  by  the  cus- 
toms officers,  who  won  much  praise  by  their  gentle- 

25 '  Six  dollars  for  choice  cows,  and  two  dollars  for  ewes. '  Douglas'  Journal, 
MS.,  75. 

26  Speaking  of  it  he  says,  '  To  resent  such  conduct  would  have  been  more 
manly,  and  was  the  first  impulse  of  my  own  feelings;  but  second  thoughts  are 
best,  and  in  this  instance  I  found  the  truth  of  the  old  adage,'  etc.  Douglas' 
Journal,  MS.,  71.     See  Hist.  Gal.,  this  series. 


RETURN  OF  DOUGLAS.  541 


manly  behavior,  especially  their  leader,  Osio,  who  was 
thereupon  invited  to  dinner  and  entertained  while  the 
sales  of  merchandise  were  being  made. 

Leaving  th<  ire  sufficient  men  t<  >  drive  the  cattle  to  the 
Columbia  Biver  and  having  banqueted  the  governor 
and  a  party  of  friends  on  board,  on  the  afternoon  of 
llu>  19th  of  January,  Douglas  left  Monterey  for  San 
Francisco,  taking  with  him  eleven  of  the  company's 
servants,  with  McKay  and  Steel,  while  an  Englishman 
named  Duckworth  and  a  Californian  boy  acted  as 
guides.  They  proceeded  overland  by  way  of  Santa 
Clara,  and  reached  San  Francisco  without  further 
adventure,  remaining  there  till  the  end  of  February, 
and  arriving  in  Oregon  at  the  latter  part  of  May.27 

27  This  part  of  Douglas'  narrative  ends  abruptly  with  his  arrival  at  Santa 
Clara ;  but  it  includes  a  long  description  of  California,  its  political  and  social 
condition,  its  scenery,  climate,  and  advantages  for  settlers,  all  of  which  has 
been  fully  noticed  in  Hist.  California  of  this  series. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

HALL  J.    KELLEY,    NATHANIEL  J.    WYETH,    AND 
B.  L.  E.  BONNEVILLE. 

1828-1834. 

The  Hazards  of  Security — The  Boston  School-master — Incorporation 
of  a  Society  for  the  Settlement  of  Oregon — The  School-master 
Writes,  Lectures,  and  Buttonholes— And  Finally  Goes  to  Oregon 
by  way  of  Mexico  and  California — Ewing  Young  Joins  Kelley — 
His  Tribulations  at  Vancouver  —  The  Cambridge  Ice  Man  — A 
Boston  Astor  Adventure — The  Ship  'Sultana' to  Meet  an  Over- 
land Party  on  the  Columbia — Wyeth's  First  Expedition — Failure 
and  Return — Wreck  of  the  'Sultana' — The  French  Captain — 
What  He  did  not  Do. 

In  the  pacification  of  a  country  where  the  natives 
are  already  peaceful,  and  in  the  occupation  of  a  country 
already  occupied,  it  would  seem  unnecessary  to  em- 
ploy extra-hazardous  means,  or  to  prepare  for  over- 
coming superhuman  obstacles.  It  is  not  the  way, 
however,  of  ignorance  or  inexperience  to  treat  too 
seriously  the  invisible  impediments  that  strew  the 
pathway  to  their  desires.  For  oftener  do  men,  even 
leaders  of  men,  unfit  leaders,  having  themselves  more 
need  of  a  master,  rush  headlong  unprepared  into  adven- 
tures about  which  their  knowledge  and  calculations 
would  disgrace  a  school-girl. 

In  the  settlement  of  the  Orgeon  Territory,  as  all 
the  region  between  the  head-waters  of  the  Missouri 
and  Pacific  Ocean  was  for  yet  some  time  called,  there 
seemed  no  special  call  for  a  display  of  quixotism. 
There  were  no  giants  there,  except  one  most  benig- 
nant giant,  who  was  always  kind  to  worthy  strangers, 
even  to  those  he  did  not  desire  to   see,   whom  he 

1542) 


THE  BOSTON  SCHOOL-MASTER.  543 

heartily  would  wish  had  never  entered  that  country 
to  disturb  the  game,  and  demoralize  the  hunters,  and 
seize  on  lands  already  occupied  and  under  cultivation. 
There  was  no  all-devouring  Cyclops  standing  ready 
at  the  South  Pass  to  swallow  oxen,  wagons,  and  way- 
worn emigrants  as  they  toiled  through;  nor  was  there 
dwelling  at  Walla  Walla  any  Circe  to  transform  them 
into  swine,  that  is  to  say,  to  make  the  in  more  piggish 
than  they  were  before.  There  were  not  even  wind- 
mills in  the  warm  and  fragrant  Valley  Willamette  to 
frighten  the  cattle  withal,  or  set  buzzing  crazed  brains. 
Here  as  everywhere,  the  requisites  to  success  weir 
simply  common  intelligence,  common-sense,  the  neces- 
sary amount  of  means  with  application,  patience,  and 
temperance.  These  simple  requisites,  I  say,  within 
the  reach  of  all,  how  few  possessed  them!  How  few 
possess  them  to-day!  No  need  for  such  an  one  to 
emigrate  to  distant  Oregon  to  seek  his  fortune;  he 
has  it  about  him. 

Aiid  yet  the  occupation  of  Oregon  was  not  without 
its  knights  of  La  Mancha,  whose  brains  became  some- 
what turned,  and  that  by  difficulties  more  imaginary 
than  real.  I  have  mentioned  elsewhere  that  in  1827  8 
one  Hall  J.  Kelley,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  certain 
members  of  the  commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  peti- 
tioned congress  for  a  grant  of  land  in  the  Oregon 
Territory,  and  protection  in  its  settlement.  Kelley 
was  a  Boston  school-teacher,  and  while  yet  a  young 
man  became  deeply  interested  in  the  extension  of  the 
United  States  domain  beyond  the  great  continental 
chain.  A  fanatic  in  religion,  he  became  fanatic  in 
his  scheme  of  settlement.  All  the  powers  of  piety 
and  avarice  were  employed  by  him  in  the  attempted 
execution  of  plans  which  grew  more  wildly  dear  1<> 
him  as  the  years  went  by  and  failure  became  more 
apparent. 

Born  at  Gilmantown,  New  Hampshire,  in  1789,  he 
graduated  at  Middlebury,  Conn.,  and  was  afterward 


544  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

made  master  of  arts  at  Harvard  University.  He  was 
early  employed  as  a  teacher  in  the  public  schools  of 
Boston,  and  published  in  1820  an  elementary  work 
entitled  the  American  Instructor,  at  that  time  regarded 
as  a  valuable  contribution  to  educational  literature. 
He  organized,  by  his  own  efforts  principally,  the  first 
Sunday-school  in  New  England,  besides  writing  the 
first  Sunday-school  book.  The  Boston  Young  Men's 
Education  Society  was  formed  by  his  aid,  and  he  was 
its  first  secretary,  and  made  the  first  public  address 
in  its  support.  He  also,  in  great  part,  originated  the 
Penitent  Female  Refuge  Society;  from  all  of  which 
it  would  appear  that  he  was  a  man  of  religious  and 
humane  impulses,  concerning  himself  about  the  public 
good.  At  the  same  time  he  was  occupied  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  higher  branches  of  mathematical 
science,  having  made  what  he  deemed  a  discovery  in 
the  system  of  geographical  surveying,  of  which  he 
submitted  a  memoir  to  the  government  in  1829.  He 
also  distinguished  himself  as  an  engineer. 

As  early  as  1815,  being  then  twenty-six  years  of 
age,  Kelley  began  his  agitation  of  the  Oregon  Ques- 
tion, which  he  claims  led  to  the  restoration  of  Astoria, 
and  to  the  saving  of  the  country  to  the  United 
States.1  In  1824  he  gave  himself  wholly  up  to  the 
Avork.  Nor  did  he  cease  writing  and  raving,  until  at 
the  ripe  age  of  eighty-five  he  was  transferred  from 
his  New  England  hermitage,  where  after  his  fruitless 
excursions  he  had  retired  to  brood  in  poverty  over 
the  wrongs  inflicted  by  a  soulless  corporation  and  an 
ungrateful  republic. 

The  Boston  school-master  is  a  character  the  historian 
is  not  particularly  proud  of.  He  is  neither  a  great 
hero  nor  a  great  rascal.  He  is  great  at  nothing, 
and  is  remarkable  rather  for  his  lack  of  strength,  and 


1  If  we  measure  his  merits  by  his  claims  we  must  make  him  at  once  owner 
and  king  of  Oregon.  Nevertheless  his  writings  did  exercise  influence,  not 
as  great  as  if  they  had  been  moderate,  yet  exceedingly  weighty  in  these 
momentous  questions  so  shortly  to  arise. 


EFFORTS  AT  COLONIZATION.  545 

in  staggering  for  fifty  years  under  an  idea  too  big  for 
his  brain.  II*'  was  a  born  enthusiast  and  partisan, 
one  of  a  class  of  projectors  more  capable  of  forming 
grand  schemes  than  of  carrying  them  to  a  successful 
issue.  He  gathered  with  avidity  all  the  information 
that  could  be  obtained  concerning  ( Iregon.  In  these 
researches  he  became  deeply  impressed  with  two 
ideas  the  value  of  the  country  on  account  of  its  I'nrs, 
fisheries,  soil,  and  climate,  and  the  importance  of 
christianizing  the  Indians.  Making  diligent  inquiry 
of  masters  of  vessels  and  leaders  of  fur  companies,  he 
obtained  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  geographical  and 
commercial  points  feo  be  able  to  publish  articles  about 
them,  with  the  intent  to  create  an  interest  concerning 
them  in  the  public  mind.  From  1827  to  1831  he  was 
busy  making  maps,  forming  plans,  and  petitioning 
congress,  with  the  view  to  the  formation  of  an  emi- 
gration society,  which  in  1828  was  instituted,  and  in 
1831  was  incorporated  in  Boston  as  the  American 
Society  for  Encouraging  a  Settlement  of  the  Oregon 
Territory.  This  society  was  Hall  J.  Kelley.  lie 
Mas  the  body  and  brains,  the  fingers  and  tongue  of  it. 
And  thereupon  he  trumpeted  everywhere  the  benefits 
therefrom  accruing,  temporal  and  spiritual,  national 
and  individual.  It  is  God's  will,  proclaims  the  prophet  ; 
the  right  of  sovereignty  is  vested  in  us;  shall  we 
remain  idle  while  another  enters  in  and  takes  posses- 
sion of  our  rights?  In  all  this  there  was  some  truth, 
and  the  men  of  New  England  were  made  to  feel  it. 

He  was  able  by  his  industry  and  enthusiasm  to 
interest  many  persons  of  consequence  in  the  considera- 
tion of  his  plans;  but  though  he  sent  his  publications 
to  the  heads  of  all  the  departments  at  Washington 
and  memorialized  congress  more  than  once  concerning 
the  value  of  the  Oregon  country  he  failed  to  secure 
that  support  from  the  government  which  was  neces- 
sary to  his  undertaking.  The  only  pledge  he  was 
able,  according  to  his  own  statement,  to  obtain  at 
Washington  was,  that  protection  would  be  given  t<> 

Hist.  >'.  \Y.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    35 


546  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONXEVILLE. 

any  settlement  lie  might  make  in  the  Oregon  Terri- 
tory. 

One  of  Kelley's  propositions  to  congress  in  1829  was 
that  twenty-five  square  miles  of  the  Columbia  Valley 
should  be  granted  to  him  for  purposes  of  colonization. 
His  land  expedition,  which  was  to  have  set  out  in 
1828,  having  fallen  through,  he  next  attempted  to 
engage  a  party  to  go  with  him  by  sea  in  1 832 ;  and  drew 
up  a  bill  of  rights  and  a  covenant,  with  a  plan  for  a 
temporary  commonwealth.  This  expedition  was  at- 
tempted and  failed,  Puget  Sound  being  the  objective 
point. 

Kelley  says  that  several  hundred  persons  enlisted  in 
the  attempted  expedition  of  1828,  which  was  to  have 
started  from  St  Louis,  and  that  it  failed  through  the 
opposition  of  British  and  American  fur-traders.  It 
would  seem  that  he  met  with  considerable  opposition 
from  the  press,  his  undertakings  being  considered 
rash  and  not  sufficiently  secured  from  failure;  an 
opinion  that  might  well  prevail  after  the  disasters 
that  had  befallen  all  the  expeditions  of  American 
parties  to  the  Columbia  River  since  that  of  Lewis 
and  Clarke.  This  unfriendliness,  based  doubtless  upon 
a  wise  caution,  appeared  to  Kelley  to  be  an  under- 
hand movement  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  and  American 
Fur  companies  to  defeat  an  attempt  at  an  American 
settlement  which  might,  nay,  which  must,  injure  their 
■trade. 

Goaded  by  this  suspicion,  he  assailed  those  com- 
panies in  strong  terms,  continuing  to  print  statements 
to  their  discredit  for  several  years,  and  at  the  same 
time  publicly  to  urge  the  United  States  government 
to  take  measures  to  establish  its  rights  to  the  Oregon 
Territory  as  against  those  of  Great  Britain.  The 
inflammatory  nature  of  such  writings,  supposing  them 
to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company's  officers  in  Oregon,  under  the  then  existing 
condition  of  the  Oregon  title,  can  be  readily  under- 
stood.    Whether  they  were  ever  read  by  those  offi- 


KELLEY  EN  ROUTE.  547 

cers  is  nowhere  recorded.3  It  is  probable  that  the 
London  company  were  kepi  informed  by  the  British 
minister  at  Washington  of  whatever  was  said  by  the 
public  prints  upon  the  subject;  and  it  followed,  of 
course,  that  the  governor  "I"  the  Oregon  Territory 
received  his  instructions  in  accordance  with  the  effect 
they  produced.  Whether  they  influenced  in  any 
degree  the  reception  &elley  met  in  Oregon  there  is 
no  means  of  determining;  though  that  In'  believed 
they  did  is  repeatedly  affirmed  in  a  subsequenl  peti- 
tion to  congress,  and  in  oilier  published  documents.3 

All  this  time  the  school-master  was  gathering  • 
possible  scrap  of  information  relative  to  the  North- 
west Coast,  to  that  end  holding  long  and  frequent 
conferences  with  fur-t  rad<  irs,  explorers,  and  navigal  i  >rs. 
This  information  he  laid  before  statesmen,  and  dis- 
seminated among  the  people  by  tongue  and  pen;  he 
claims  in  fact  that  for  a  period  of  several  years  not 
one  lecture  was  delivered,  nor  a  word  printed  on  the 
Oregon  Question  of  which  he  was  not  the  author.  The 
winters  of  1830-33  he  spent  in  Washington  wrestling 
with  legislators. 

In  the  autumn  of  1832  Kelley  left  Boston,  deter- 
mined before  returning  to  see  Oregon.  In  the  spring 
of  1833  he  set  out  with  a  small  party  for  the  Colum- 
bia River.  He  chose,  for  good  reasons,  as  he  says,  a 
circuitous  route  by  the  way  of  Mexico  and  California. 
A  passport  was  furnished  him  through  the  Mexican 
and  a  free  passage  to  New  Orleans,  where  his 
companions   forsook  him.     In  his  voyage  thence  to 

'Kelley  BayB  that  Captnin  Dominis  of  tin'  brig  Owyhee,  who  was  in  the 
Columbia  River  in  1829,  informed  McLoughlin  of  his  plans,  and  showed  him 
a  copy  of  the  General  Circular  published  in  that  year;  a  stalx  mi  at  that  is 
disproved  by  the  fact  that  the  Owyhee  was  there  in  the  month  of  Febru- 
ary— consequently  nm.-i  have  hit  Uoston  the  previous  year. 

his  petition,  that  he  'arrived  ai  Van  av 
Columbia  River,  in  October  1834,  much  depressed  in  spirits,  and  un 
bodily  weakness,  then  recovering  from  a  violent  attack  of  the  fever  and  au'n.-. 
He  found  himself  an  unwelcome  guest  at  that  place;  calumnii  i  ad  Blander 
1  about  him:  and  the  persons  whom  he  had  induced  to  come 
and  sett!.-  tin  re.  were  turned  against  him;  and  bloody  men  more  than  oni  e 
threatened  his  life.' 


548  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

Vera  Cruz  lie  states  that  he  experienced  incredible 
hardships.  When  he  arrived  in  Mexico  the  goods  he 
was  taking  with  him  to  the  Columbia  River  were 
seized  for  duties,  and  confiscated.  Notwithstanding 
this  treatment  he  lingered  some  months  in  Mexico 
endeavoring  to  interest  the  teachers  of  that  country 
in  the  best  methods  of  instruction,  and  proposed  to 
furnish  a  plan  to  the  principal  of  the  state  institute 
at  Guadalajara. 

When  he  reached  California  he  offered  his  services 
to  General  Figueroa,  governor  of  California,  to  sur- 
vey the  Sacramento  Valley,  which  being  declined,  he 
undertook  a  slight  survey  of  it  for  himself,  and  made 
a  map  of  the  country.  While  in  California,  in  the 
summer  of  1834,  he  fell  in  with  one  Ewing  Young,  an 
American  trader,  from  Taos  in  New  Mexico,  and  per- 
suaded him  to  join  in  an  expedition  to  the  Columbia 
River,  together  with  a  party  of  adventurers,  deserted 
seamen,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  about  a  dozen.4 

Kelley  now  proceeded  toward  that  country  he  had 
so  long  desired  to  reach,  and  had  advanced  as  far 
as  the  mountains  of  southern  Oregon  when  he  was 

4  The  number  who  came  to  Oregon  is  variously  given  even  by  Kelley  him- 
self. McLoughlin  in  a  communication  to  the  home  board  says  that  Kelley 
and  Young  were  accompanied  by  '  eight  English  an<  I  American  sailors, '  and 
Daniel  Lee  says:  '  Before  our  house  was  done,  a  party,  headed  by  Mr  Ewing 
Young,  an  American  from  one  of  the  western  United  States,  arrived  in  the 
Walamet  from  California,  embracing  about  a  dozen  persons,  most  of  them 
from  the  United  States.  Some  of  them  had  been  sailors,  some  hunters  in 
the  mountains  and  in  the  regions  bordering  on  California  to  the  south,  and 
one,  Mr  Kelley,  was  a  traveller,  a  New  England  man,  who  entertained  some 
very  extravagant  notions  in  regard  to  Oregon,  which  he  published  on  his 
return.'  The  names  of  the  party  who  accompanied  Kelly  and  Young  are 
given  only  in  Gray's  History  of  Oregon,  and  although  they  remained  in  Oregon 
and  became  incorporated  with  the  American  settlement,  they  cannot  be  cer- 
tainly separated  from  the  list  of  known  settlers  of  that  date,  many  of  whom 
came  with  Wyeth.  Young's  account  is  as  follows:  'I  was  in  California 
where  I  met  with  Mr  Hall  J.  Kelley,  on  his  way  to  the  Columbia  River,  who 
represented  himself  to  be  the  agent  of  a  colonizing  company.  He  wished  my 
company,  holding  out  many  inducements. .  .When  we  set  out  from  the  last 
settlement  I  had  seventy -seven  horses  and  mules.  Kelley  and  the  other  five 
men  had  twenty-one. .  .The  last  nine  men  that  joined  the  party  had  fifty-six.' 
Probably  some  of  these  adventurers  dropped  off  before  reaching  the  Colum- 
bia River.  I  find  that  Mr  Evans,  in  his  Hid.  Or.,  MS.,  205-6,  states  that 
Kelley  arrived  in  Oregon  by  sea  from  Monterey  accompanied  by  Young  and 
fourteen  others;  also  that  he  remained  two  years  in  Oregon;  all  of  which 
statements  are  errors,  as  the  authorities  I  have  quoted  show.     Mr  Evans' 


KELLEY  AT  FORT  VANCOUVER.  549 

attacked  with  violent  intermittenl  fever,  having  lin- 
gered too  long  in  the  malarious  regions  of  the  Sacra- 
mento. He  experienced  greal  difficulty  and  suffering 
in  travelling.  At  a  camp  on  the  (Jmpqua  River,  and 
while  Young,  who  was  acting  as  Leader  "I"  the  party, 
was  absenl  to  recover  some  straying  horses,  there 
arrived  at  the  same  place  a  party  of  hunters  and  trap- 
pers in  the  service  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  on 
their  way  from  San  Francisco,  headed  by  Michel  La 
Framboise,  who,  seeing  the  unfortunate  condition  of 
the  sick  man,  just  then  in  the  -rasp  of  a  racking  ague 
fit,  at  once  proceeded  to  alleviate  his  distress  with 
hot  venison  broth  and  quinine. 

For  two  days  La  Framboise  continued  his  ministra- 
tions, when  finding  his  patient  rapidly  convalescing, 
he  sent  him  by  canoe  a  considerable  distance  down  the 
river.  The  voyage  proved  a  pleasant  one,5  and  Kel- 
ley  was  received  at  the  place  fixed  upon  for  a  rendez- 
vous by  one  of  La  Framboise's  men,  Rondeau,  who 
had  been  sent  to  meet  and  conduct  him  to  cam}),  a 
few  miles  distant.  KeUey  continued  to  travel  with 
La  Framboise's  party,  and  was  overtaken  in  a  few 
days  by  Young,  the  two  companies  arriving  at  the 
Columbia  River  together.  Such  was  his  first  recep- 
tion by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  through  its  em- 
ployes.0 

And  now,  at  last,  weary  and  ill  from  a  relapse,  he 
reaches  Fort  Vancouver  in  October.  How  greal  is 
his  disappointment  and  surprise,  to  find  the  gates  of 
that  hospitable  place  closed  to  him  and  his  associates. 

mistake  comes  from  the  fact  that  Kelley  in  liis  Narrative  oj 

i    ■  thai  In'  had  made  arrangements  a1  !  - 

Thorn  for  them  to  proceed  t  i  Ore;  i  n,  i  □ 

L  loaded  with  supplies  for  the  settlement,  and  to  i  trade 

and  i  the  country.    This  vessel  never  came,  it  i 

proceeded  overland,  -een. 

he  paid  his  Indian  boatman  for  his  services  for  a  day  and  a 
half,  a  'fine  horse,  s  iddle  and  bridle,  and  a  Bcarlet  velvel  Bash,'  «  hi  sh 
that  he  did  not  know  how  to  trade  with  Indians. 

e  to  their  conduct  toward  him,  Kelley  Bpeab    in  om 
La  ]',  i,'  and  of  Rond< 

ordinate,  who  bore  me  for  miles  upon  l>i<  shoulders  when  unable  to  walk,  or 
at  times,  to  pass  rough  places,  evi  u  to  ri 


550  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BOXNEVILLE. 

He  is  informed  that  word  has  been  sent  by  Governor 
Figueroa  to  Dr  McLoughlin  informing  him  that 
Kelley,  Young,  and  company  are  a  gang  of  horse- 
thieves,  and  cautioning  him  against  them.7 

A  cruel  predicament,  surely,  for  a  sick  man,  and, 
as  he  protested,  innocent  of  the  charges  preferred! 
And  throughout  the  winter  of  1834  he  remained  at 
Vancouver,  not  as  an  honored  guest  enjoying  its  social 
privileges,  but  rather  as  a  mendicant,  debarred  the 
recognition  of  a  gentleman.8 

McLoughlin  who  met  at  Fort  Vancouver  all  sorts  of 
people,  Americans,  Scotch,  Irish,  English,  Indians, 
Canadians,  and  Kanakas,  and  yet  whose  visitors  were 
not  so  numerous  as  not  to  enable  him  to  know  and 
judge  each  perfectly,  says  of  Kelley,  that  when  he  ar- 
rived there  he  "was  very  ill,  and  out  of  humanity  I 
placed  him  in  a  house,  put  a  man  to  nurse  him,  the  sur- 
geon of  the  establishment  attended  on  him,  and  had  his 
victuals  sent  him  every  meal  until  he  left  in  1836,  when 
I  gave  him  a  passage  to  Oahu.  On  his  return  to  the 
states,  he  published  a  narrative  of  his  voyage,  in  which, 
instead  of  being  grateful  for  the  kindness  shown  him, 
he  abused  me,  and  falsely  stated  I  had  been  so  alarmed 
with  the  dread  that  he  would  destroy  the  Hudson's 

7  Doctor  McLoughlin  in  liis  report  to  the  home  board  says:  'As  Governor 
Figueroa  of  California  had  written  to  me  that  Ewing  Young  and  Kelley  had 
stolen  horses  from  the  settlers  of  that  place,  I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
them,  and  told  them  my  reasons.  Young  maintained  he  stole  no  horses,  but 
admitted  the  others  had.  I  told  him  that  might  be  the  case,  but  as  the  charge 
was  made,  I  could  have  no  dealings  with  him  till  he  cleared  it  up.'  It  would 
appear  from  what  Young  told  T.  J.  Farnham  in  1839,  that  he  had  been 
involved  in  some  trouble  with  the  authorities  in  California,  as  he  alleged  that 
they  plundered  him  of  $1S,000  or  §20,000  worth  of  furs.  The  Mexicans  in 
California  were  in  the  habit  of  confiscating  the  goods  of  strangers,  and  even  of 
their  own  people  who  attempted  to  trade  in  defiance  of  the  law.  See  Farn- 
ham's  Travels  to  the  Rochj  Mountains,  17G-7. 

8  Says  Roberts  in  his  Recollections,  11:  'I  remember  the  visit  of  Hall  J. 
Kelley.  He  was  penniless,  and  ill-clad,  and  considered  rather  too  rough  for 
close  companionship,  and  was  not  invited  to  the  mess.  He  may  have  thought 
this  harsh.  Our  people  did  not  know,  or  care  for,  the  equality  he  had  perhaps 
been  accustomed  to.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  discipline  in  those  days 
was  rather  severe,  and  a  general  commingling  would  not  do.'  In  another 
place,  Mr  Roberts  says:  'Kelly  was  five  feet  nine  inches  high,  wore  a  white 
slouched  hat,  blanket  capote,  leather  pants,  with  a  red  stripe  down  the  seam, 
rather  outre  even  for  Vancouver.' 


UNDER  A  CLOUD.  551 

Bay  Company's  trade,  thai  I  had  kepi  a  constant 
watch  over  him."9 

Another  bitter  complaint,  incoherently  penned  after 
his  return  to  Massachusetts,  is  of  the  negled  he 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  his  countrymen.  He  accuses 
them  of  jealousy  of  himself,  and  censures  Wyeth 
severely  for  ignoring  him.  I  hit  for  him  Wyeth  never 
would  have  become  interested  in  the  subject  of  <  )regon 
settlement,  he  says,  nor  would  his  name  have  appeared 
on  one  of  Kelley's  emigrant  rolls;  and  now  he  finds 
Wyeth  embracing  the  policy  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  anxious  to  keep  all  settlers  out  of  the  coun- 
try. In  truth,  Wyeth  might  readily  be  suspected  of 
this,  for  he  was  on  most  intimate  terms  with  the  offi- 
cers at  Fort  Vancouver,  and  took  no  measures  to  res- 
cue from  the  scornful  charity  of  a  foreign  company  an 
educated  countryman,  whose  character  he  knew  was 
above  that  of  a  horse-thief. 

Surely  to  the  missionaries,  the  Lees,  his  brother 
Christians,  whom  he  had  influenced  to  attempt  their 
noble  work,  he  could  look  for  recognition  and  fellow- 
ship. But  even  them  he  chargeswith  having  become 
so  infected  with  the  spirit  of  trade  that  they  did  not 
wish  other  settlers  to  come;10  and  that  they  chose  to 
remain  oblivious  to  the  fact  that  the  originator  of  the 
Oregon  movement  lay  sick  in  the  hospital  at  Van- 
couver. Particularly  does  he  resent,  and  not  without 
some  show  of  justice,  the  very  brief  notice  of  himself, 
amounting  to  a  dozen  lines,  in  Lee  and  Frost's  Oregon, 
published  after  the  authors  had  left  the  country. 

The  charge  of  Governor  FigueK  .a  against  Kelley 
and  Young  not  being  promptly  cleared  up,  they  re- 
mained under  the  ban  of  a  suspicion  there  was  no 

'•'  McL  <  rs,  )'t.  ii.  4  :  Evan  '  //'  '.  I 

'..  ii.  13-19j 
Feb.  28,  1874;  J5  Hist.,  MS.,  Ii 

1  875,  •_>-_,-4. 
"J  'When  I  Mas  at  Vancouver,  on  the  Columbia,  he  (Lee)  often  clandestinely 
left  the  fort,  and  came  into  my  cabin  ami  convei  •  bout  his  plana 

and  intentions.     Ho  once  said  he  was  preparing  I 
ment,  where  to  produce  supplies  fur  other  stations;   and  also  said  lie  was 


552  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AXD  BOXNEVILLE. 

means  at  hand  of  removing,  McLoughlin  having  had 
Figueroa's  letter  posted  up  in  the  Willamette  Valley 
to  warn  the  settlers  there  against  the  California  party. 
Horse-stealing  was  a  vice  very  often  practised  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  one  which  the  fur  magnate  was  desirous 
of  discouraging  in  his  territory,  especially  when  asked 
to  do  so  by  Governor  Figueroa,  and  therefore  we  are 
not  bound  to  agree  with  Kelley  that  McLoughlin's 
conduct  was  maliciously  arbitrary,  and  that  because  he 
thought  of  becoming  an  American  settler.11 

The  native  Californians,  who  owned  large  herds  of 
horses  and  cattle,  were  accustomed  to  brand  them  with 
a  mark  by  which  alone  the  herds  of  one  owner  could  be 
distinguished  from  those  of  another.  It  sometimes 
happened  that  strangers  purchasing  horses  in  one  part 
of  the  country  and  travelling  to  another,  were  arrested 
a  hundred  miles  from  the  starting-point  by  a  third 
party,  who  claimed  the  animals  because  they  were 
branded  with  a  certain  mark.  Witnesses  were  not 
wanting  to  prove  the  mark,  and  there  was  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  fight  or  yield.  Often  the  persons  in  pos- 
session of  the  property  were  accused  of  having  stolen 
it,  when  the  design  wras  to  return  the  stock  to  the  very 
parties  from  whom  it  had  been  bought,  and  at  whose 
instance  the  charge  had  been  made. 

It  would  not  have  been  impossible  for  one  of  the 
native  dealers  to  accuse  Kelley  to  the  governor,  had 
there  been  any  hope  of  recovering  the  animals  sold  to 
him.  But  in  the  case  of  Kelley  and  Young,  I  think 
the  nine  men  accompanying  them  were  really  persons 
of  disreputable  character,  and  horse-thieves,  because, 
in  the  first  place,  Kelley  in  his  account  of  the  expedi- 

opposed  to  persons  coming  to  settle  in  that  territory,  excepting  such  as  would 
belong  to  the  missionary  family,  and  aid  in  missionary  enterprise;  and  he 
should  do  nothing  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Dr  McLoughlin,  who  had  agreed 
to  loan  him  81,500.  About  the  time  of  his  making  these  remarks,  he  received, 
in  my  presence,  a  part  of  the  loan  from  the  company's  storehouses.'  Hist. 
Or.,  59-60.     See  Hist.  Or.,  i.  G7-9,  this  series. 

11  Dunn,  in  his  Or.  Ter.,  200,  insists  that  Farnham,  who  saw  Young  when 
he  was  in  Oregon,  misrepresents  the  company's  actions  and  motives,  and  says 
that  they  'judged  of  him  as  they  had  experience  of  him.' 


KELLF.YS  FAILUEES.  553 

1  ion  calls  them  the  'nine  marauders'  whom  he  said 
lie  could  not  prevent  travelling  with  him,  and  in  the 
second  place,  according  to  McLoughlin,  Young  ad- 
mitted to  him  that  there  were  those  in  the  party  who 
had  stolen  horses. 

Kelley  seems  to  have  entertained  a  very  good 
opinion  of  Young  throughout,  though  he  was  much 
grieved  at  sonic  differences  that  occurred  between 
them  before  leaving  Port  Vancouver,  and  which  he 
attributed  to  a  si  udied  effort  on  the  pari  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  to  produce  dissensions  between 
the  American  settlers,  and  so  to  defeat  any  permanent 
organization  among  t  hem. 

However  all  this  may  have  been,  there  remains 
nothing  of  Kelley's  Oregon  expedition  to  record  ex- 
cept failure.  He  had  probably  but  little  means  at 
the  outset,  when  to  have  carried  his  plans  into  effect 
would  have  required  an  immense  expenditure.  His 
health  was  shattered  by  hardships  he  had  never 
expected  to  encounter,  and  in  his  very  worst  condition 
he  found  himself  dependent  upon  those  he  considered 
his  persona]  enemies,  as  well  as  the  enemies  of  his  great 
designs.12  In  March  1835  he  left  Oregon  on  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company's  vessel,  the  Dryad,  having 
been  given  a  free  passage  to  the  Sandwich  Islands. 
whence  he  made  his  way  to  the  United  States  on  a 
whaling  vessel.  The  rude  manners  of  the  sailors  with 
whom  he  was  forced  to  associate,  in  his  feeble  stale 
of  health  were  a  sore  annoyance  to  him,  operating 
yet  more  to  prejudice  his  diseased  imagination  against 
the  company  to  whom  he  was  indebted  for  this  means 
ting  out  of  the  country  of  his  misfortunes.  A 
year  and  a  hall*  of  1  ravel,  much  of  it  through  count  pies 
little  better  than  a  wilderness,  the  loss  of  his  property, 

'-''When  about  to  leave  Oregon,  the  chief  factor  of  the  company  pre- 
sented me  with  a  draft  of  Beven  pounds  sterling  the  Sandwich 
Islands.     A  part,  however,  was   pai  1  a1    \  lea  of  comfort. 

This  was  kind,  and  I  felt  grateful  for  it.'  fi  •        and  Ore- 
.  March  29,  1873. 


554  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

sickness,  and  disappointment,  had  heaped  their  sepa- 
rate burdens  into  one  overwhelming  whole,  until  the 
sensitive  nature  of  the  man  sank  under  it,  and  he 
was  not  in  a  condition  either  physical  or  mental 
to  inspire  that  respect  to  which,  from  other  circum- 
stances, and  from  his  own  printed  statements,  he  seems 
to  have  been  entitled. 

On  his  return  from  Oregon  in  1836  Kelley  engaged 
with  others  in  erecting  a  cotton-mill  at  Three  Rivers, 
Massachusetts,  in  which  enterprise  he  lost  what  re- 
mained of  his  fortune.  This  calamity,  in  addition  to 
what  had  gone  before,  permanently  unsettled  his  mind. 
For  a  period  of  fifteen  years  he  thought,  talked,  and 
wTrote  of  nothing  but  his  Oregon  expedition  and  the 
oppression  and  inhumanity  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, imagining  that  every  annoyance  of  whatever 
kind  he  suffered  was  procured  for  him  by  the  'hire- 
lings' of  that  company.  So  great  was  his  suspicion 
of  every  one,  and  so  irritable  had  he  become,  that 
he  drove  his  wife  and  children  from  him,  and  after- 
wards resided  alone  on  a  small  piece  of  land  heavily 
mortgaged,  at  Three  Rivers  (Palmer),  Massachu- 
setts, where  he  was  designated  as  The  Hermit,  and 
from  which  the  entreaties  of  his  friends  were  unable 
to  draw  him.  As  he  had  lived,  alone,  so  he  died  in 
1874,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-five,  of  paralysis. 
Throughout  his  life  he  vainly  endeavored  to  win  from 
the  world  that  recognition  of  his  intended  services 
that  he  longed  for  and  felt  that  he  deserved.  To  the 
very  last  he  remained  the  warm  friend  of  Oregon, 
indignantly  denying  that  he  had  ever  entertained 
'extravagant  notions'  of  that  country,  which  he  still 
contended  was  "the  finest  on  which  the  sun  shines, 
and  possessing  natural  advantages  for  agriculture  and 
commerce,  unsurpassed  in  any  other  part  of  the 
earth." 

With  regard  to  the  services  which  Kelley  rendered 
the  United  States,  or  Oregon,  it  would  be  difficult  to 


OREGON'S  OBLIGATIONS.  555 

estimate  the  value.  That  his  published  articles  and 
public  lectures  wore  the  first  to  call  attention  to  the 
feasibility  of  settling  the  Pacific  coast  by  an  overland 
emigration  there  can  be  no  dispute,  unless  we  contend 
that  the  expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  settled  the 
practicability  of  such  an  enterprise.  But  Lewis  and 
Clarke  were  intent  only  on  establishing  the  existence 
of  a  more  or  less  continuous  line  of  water  communica- 
tion across  the  continent,  and  made,  besides,  a  very 
imperfect  survey  of  the  country  after  they  arrived  in 
it,  from  the  absence  of  any  supply-post,  or  means  of 
existence  for  their  party  in  Oregon. 

Twenty  years  later  the  different  American  fur 
companies  began  their  explorations  among  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  on  the  Snake  River  plains,  and  had 
become  familiar  with  the  existence  of  several  passes 
through  that  range,  by  one  or  more  of  which  wagons 
could  be  brought  to  their  rendezvous  on  the  west  side. 
Kelley's  acquaintance  with  these  facts,  set  forth  in 
his  circular,  made  his  plan  an  original  one.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  involved  much  hardship,  and  was  likely 
to  meet  with  opposition  from  all  the  fur  companies, 
the  American  as  well  as  the  British ;  having  so  many 
impracticable  points  about  it  that  it  required  another 
decade,  and  considerable  legislative  action,  to  set  the 
scheme  really  on  foot. 

It  is  possible,  however,  that  through  his  constant 
agitation  of  the  subject,  Floyd  of  Virginia,  and  Benton 
of  Missouri,  the  well  known  ardent  advocates,  became 
interested.  Floyd  was  the  author  of  the  first  propo- 
11  made  in  congress,  in  the  session  of  1820-2.  for 
pation  and  settlement  of  the  Columbia  River 
as  elsewhere  stated.  In  the  course  of  the  debates 
which  followed  the  introduction  of  this  proposition, 
]  Jenton  uttered  these  words:  "  Mere  adventurers  may 
enter  upon  it,  as  /Rneas  entered  upon  the  Tiber,  and  a  - 
our  .  rs  entered  upon  the  Potomac,  the  J  >*  l.-i- 

ware,  and  the  Hudson,  and  renew  the  phenomenon  of 
individuals  laying  the  foundation  of  a  future  empire.'' 


556  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

Whether  the  importunities  of  Kelley  suggested  the 
thought  to  Benton,  or  whether  such  language  in  the 
senate  inspired  the  imagination  of  the  Boston  school- 
teacher, I  am  not  able  to  decide,  though  if  it  could 
be  known  it  would  add  to  or  detract  from  the  brill- 
iancy of  the  undertaking  in  a  considerable  degree.  He 
says  of  himself  that  he  made  a  complete  survey  of 
the  Columbia  Biver  from  Fort  Vancouver  to  its  mouth, 
and  he  certainly  gives  in  his  memoir  to  congress  in  1839 
a  very  correct  account  of  the  topography,  soil,  and 
climate  of  both  California  and  Oregon,  with  many  facts 
concerning  the  mountains,13  timber,  harbors,  the  Co- 
lumbia Biver  bar  and  entrance,  and  possibility  of  im- 
provements in  the  latter.  He  claimed  also  to  have 
discovered  gold,  silver,  copper,  and  coal;  gave  an  idea 
of  the  ship-building  capacities  of  Buget  Sound,  and  in 
many  things  furnished  information  to  the  government 
that  should  have  been  of  value ;  and  which  would  have 
been  more  properly  appreciated,  had  it  been  presented 
disconnected  from  the  recital  of  his  personal  sufferings 
and  wrongs,  with  which  all  his  writings  after  his  visit 
to  Oregon  were  rendered  turgid.14 

13  Kelley  called  the  range  of  mountains  dividing  eastern  from  western 
Oregon,  President's  Range,  naming  St  Helen,  Hood,  Jefferson,  Three  Sisters, 
McLovighlin,  and  Shasta,  after  the  ex-prcsidents  in  the  following  order:  Wash- 
ington, Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  J.  Q.  Adams,  and  Jackson. 
U.  S.  II.  Rep.  101,  25th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  53-4. 

11  Hall  J.  Kelley's  writings  are  no  less  voluminous  than  peculiar.  Being 
an  educated  man  and  an  enthusiast,  writing  was  easy.  He  poured  himself 
out  on  paper,  his  hopes,  his  high  achievements,  and  his  woes.  He  planned 
and  prayed,  and  blessed  his  friends,  and  cursed  his  enemies  by  the  hundred 
pages.  Besides  pamphlets  and  newspapers,  he  wrote  letters  literally  by  the 
bushel.  Compute  the  measure  at  so  many  a  day  for  fifty -nine  years  of  lively 
letter- writing.  In  print  we  have  first  A  Geographical  Sketch  of  that  Part  of 
North  America  Called  Oregon,  Containing  an  Account  of  the  Indian  Title,  etc. 
The  discovery  of  the  country,  its  climate,  mountains,  rivers,  soil,  and  annuals 
are  here  given  in  an  octavo  of  80  pages,  with  a  map.  Boston,  1830.  This 
work  reached  a  second  edition  that  same  year.  Next  is  a  brochure  of  '27  pages 
entitled  Maimed  of  the  Oregon  Expedition,  pi-ice  \2h  cents,  on  the  second  page 
of  which  is  found  a  list  of  37  agents  residing  in  various  parts  of  the  United 
States,  H.  J.  Kelley,  Boston,  Massachusetts,  being  general  agent.  On  the 
third  page  is  the  general  title,  A  General  Circular  to  all  Persons  of  Good 
Character  who  Wish  to  Emigrate  to  the  Oregon  Territory;  Embracing  some 
Account  of  the  Character  and  Advantages  of  the  Country,  the  Bight  and  the 
Means  and  the  Operations  by  which  it  is  tobe  Settled;  and  all  Necessary  Direc- 
tions for  Becoming  an  Emigrant,  etc.  Charlestown,  1831.  After  announcing 
that  an  Oregon  settlement  was  '  to  be  commenced  in  the  sirring  of  1S32,  on  the 


KELLEY'S  W 'IMTINcs.  557 

Among  others  in  whom  the  writings  of  Kelley 
awakened  interest,  as  we  have  Been,  was  Nathaniel 
J.  Wyeth  of  Cambridge,  Massachusetts.  An  enter- 
prising young  man  of  ardenl  temperament,  he  saw 
from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  fortune  beckoning  him ; 
and  although  surrounded  by  every  comfort,  although 

delightful  and  fertile  banks  of  the  <  Jolumbia  River,1  the  wril 

plain  under  their  several  headings,  Physical  Featuresof  thai  R n,  the  Right 

ofSettling,  the  Resources  of  the  Country,  the  National  Advanta  ■  loi  n  jsettie- 
ment,  the  Surveyand  Division  of  Lands,  and  what  the  civil  government,  relig- 
ion, and  education  of  the  emigrant  should  be,  and  on  what  their  success  should 
depend.  Then  he  talks  about  the  natives,  the  route  thither,  when  the  expe- 
i  would  sei  out,  and  the  money  required  toembark  in  it.  Opening  with 
the  assertion,  ever  the  argumenl  of  the  madman,  that  those  who  advocate  the 
immediate  occupation  of  Oregon  are  no1  mad,  he  goes  on  to  state  thai  the  title 
to  the  land  is  vested  in  the  aborigines;  he  explains  the  intentions  of  the 
Almightyin  the  matter,  provided  they  are  not  interfered  with;  and  ends  in 
a  general  appeal  for  assistance.     For  the  stock  book,  a  title   was  printed, 

reading,  This  Book  of  Stock,  Subscript etc.,  in  which  shallbe  Enrolledthe 

of  all  Persons  Contributing  to  the  Success  of  Founding  a  Settlement  in 
Oregon,  either  by  Subscriptions,  Donations,  or  Investments  in  the  Society's  Stock, 
shall  bi  Preservedin  Perpetuation  bythe  Settlement;  and  <>  True  Copyofthe 
shall  be  Deposited  in  the  Archives  of  the  Government  of  th  Unit*  d  States 
of  America,  .1.  D.  1881.  On  the  second  page  is  an  extract  of  a  committee 
report. 

Here  we  may  place  Discoveries,  Purchase*  of  Lands,  etc.,  on  the  Northm  it 
Coast,  being  apart  of  an  Znv<  stigation  of  the  - 1  nu  rican  77  \  t  i  '  ( >n  gon  F<  r- 
ritory.  This,  in  sixteen  octavo  pages,  is  called  the  third  and  last  di\  ision  of 
abject.  It  is  without  date,  but  was  printed  after  L835.  Ml  morial,  ask- 
ing a  donation  of  land  for  purposes  of  colonization  in  the  Oregon  territory;  no 
dale.  History  of  the  Colonization  of  the  Oregon  Territory,  Worcester,  1850,  is 
another  of  his  -works.  A  Narrative  of  Events  and  Difficulty  s  in  the  <  'oloniza- 
tumof  Oregon,  and  the  Settlement  of  California;  and  also  a  History  of  the  ( 'Mm 
of  American  Citizens  to  Lands  on  Quadra's  Island;  together  vrith  an  Account  of 
the  Troubles  and  Tribulations  Endured  between  the  Years  1824  and  1852  by  the 

;  HaUJ.  Kettey.  Boston,  1852.  In  the  92  pages  which  follow  v,  i 
not  accuse  the  writer  ( »f  any  excess  of  modesty.  He  opens  boldly:  '  The  colo- 
nization of  Oregon  was  both  conceived  and  achieved  by  me,  and  all  for  the 
hope  of  laying  a  foundation  for  the  advancement  of  religion  and  the  king- 
dom of  Christ.'  It  was  exceedingly  difficult,  and  performed  alone;  uo1 
the  Almighty  would  assist  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  own  work.  Ameri- 
cans and  British  were  alike  against  him,  and  so  on.  Then  he  catalogues  his 
sacrifices;  throws  in  remarkable  providences;  broods  over  u 
comes  round  to  the  hackneyed  role  of  superficial  smatterings  of  historj  ;  dis- 
cusses the  United  States  claim  to  Oregon;  treats  of  the  Noo  ■■  :iUi[ 
the  attempts  of  Spain  to  colonize  northern  Oregon;  and  then  breaks  forth 
against  the  Hudson's  Bay  <  lompany,  and  all  who  have  op]  o  d  bim,  or  whom 
he  considers  should  have  assisted  him.  In  a  series  of  letters,  adi 
'Beloved  Brethren,' and  written  in  L868and  1869,  he  reaches  the  outer  con- 
fines of  reason,  it.  indeed,  he  does  not  pass  the  bounds.  Ee  Bhouts  Ids 
calamities,  his  '  forty  yearsof  persecution,  'more  loudly  than  ever;  sees  visions 
and  interprets  them.  Jlis  Discoveries,  Purchases  of  Lands,  etc.,  on  the 
Northwesl  Coast  by  the  Traders  of  the  Boston  Company,  which  SI  ed  out 
the  ships  <'■  lumbia  and  Washington  in  1787,  is  very  inter  Bting  and  rue,  con- 
taining copies  of  title-deeds  from  several  Indian  chi  in  BLendrick, 
and  other  singular  documents,     la.  House  Rept.  No.  10                       Cong., 


558  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

certain  wealth  awaited  him  by  farming  during  sum- 
mer and  a  profitable  putting-down  of  ice  in  winter, 
though  beloved  by  family  and  friends  of  the  highest 
respectability,  and  having  seemingly  already  all  this 
world  can  give  worth  having,  yet  the  flaming  words 
of  the    Boston  school-master  so  fired   the  mind  of 

3d  Ses8.,  47,  is  a  Memoir  of  15  pages,  by  Mr  Kelley,  dated  Boston,  January 
31,  1839,  and  addressed  to  Caleb  Cushing.  It  seems  the  most  sober  and 
intelligent  of  all  his  writings.  Had  the  school-master  possessed  an  evenly 
balanced,  practical  mind,  or  had  his  early  training  been  more  of  the  counting- 
room,  and  less  of  the  school-room,  he  might  have  made  his  mark,  high  and 
ineffaceable.  To  one  who  had  the  means,  and  knew  how  to  employ  them,  it 
was  then  no  difficult  task  to  colonize  Oregon,  lay  the  foundation  of  a  prosperous 
commonwealth,  amass  wealth,  and  convert  the  savages  swiftly  to  heaven,  all 
at  once.  But  there  must  be  means  and  skill  to  handle  them.  This  present 
paper  is  a  temperate  description  of  the  country  and  what  the  writer  saw  and 
did  there.  Though  not  without  its  author's  constitutional  wail  and  his  usual  fling 
at  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  it  is  a  well  written  document.  Indeed,  all  of 
Kelley's  works  are  well  written.  His  command  of  language  was  far  above  the 
average. 

J.  Quinn  Thornton  in  his  Oregon  History,  MS.,  98,  and  elsewhere  has  much 
to  say  of  Kelley;  and  among  the  very  valuable  material  presented  me  by  Mi- 
Thornton  when  in  Salem,  in  the  spring  of  1S7S,  was  a  package  of  Kelley's 
autograph  letters,  written  at  Three  Bivers  during  the  years  1869-71,  in  which 
he  throws  light  upon  many  hitherto  indistinct  episodes  of  Oregon  history. 
In  his  old  age,  poor  and  friendless,  he  seems  to  have  felt  called  upon  to  defend 
himself  from  the  imputation  of  foolish  writing.  We  may  safely  bear  witness 
that  his  writings  are  not  all  foolish .  When  Senator  Linn  arose  upon  the  floor  of 
congress  the  champion  of  the  United  States  for  Oregon,  the  school-master  placed 
in  his  hands  more  information  from  his  own  writings  than  the  statesman  could 
obtain  from  all  other  sources  put  together.  Besides  Ills  more  prominent  printed 
works  he  gave  him  a  collection  of  circulars  and  advertisements  published 
between  1829  and  1832;  various  memorials  between  1827  and  1848  begging 
congress  to  take  possession  of  the  country;  a  series  of  papers  on  the  American 
claim  to  Oregon  published  in  the  Bunker  Hill  Aurora  in  1837,  and  a  collection 
of  documents  and  newspaper  articles  in  the  form  of  scraps  concerning  his 
patriotic  enterprise.  Into  the  hands  of  Caleb  Cushing  he  put  a  Map  of  Cali- 
fornia and  Oregon,  drawn  by  himself  from  his  own  explorations  in  1834.  He 
gave  Abbott  Lawrence  a  manuscript  copy  of  a  History  of  the  Purchase  of  the 
Indian  Lands  by  American  Citizens,  afterwards  published  by  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives; also  a  pile  of  documents  showing  the  school-master's  own  services, 
sacrifices,  and  sufferings  in  bringing  about  the  settlement  of  Oregon,  for  these 
remembrances  were  ever  heaped  high  upon  his  heart;  two  volumes  of  pam- 
phlets and  original  papers,  including  a  series  of  letters  to  a  member  of  congress, 
published  in  the  American  Traveller  in  1839,  and  articles  giving  plans  for  a  joint 
missionary  and  colonization  movement,  published  in  the  Boston  Zion's  Herald. 
Further  than  this,  does  not  Waterhouse  in  his  Wycth's  Oregon  Expedition ,  and 
John  B.  Wyeth  likewise,  say  that  but  for  Kelley's  writings  that  expedition 
had  not  been?  Do  these  things  look  like  foolish  writing?  Thus  the  old  man 
used  to  console  himself,  still  going  on  to  recite  how  Daniel  Webster,  on 
receiving  a  copy  of  his  Geographical  Sketch  of  Oregon,  replied:  'I  think  much 
of  your  project;  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  sustain  it.'  And  not  only  by  these 
writings  does  Kelley  claim  the  settlement  of  Oregon,  but  of  California  like- 
wise, giving  himself  the  credit  of  saving  or  securing  to  the  United  States  the 
whole  of  the  Pacific  domain.  But  for  him  Sutter  would  never  have  settled 
in  the  Sacramento  Valley,  nor  would  Wilkes  or  Fremont  ever  have  been 


NATHANIEL  J.  WYETH.  539 

Wyeth  as  to  inspire  high  hopes  n«»<  only  in  him,  but 
through  him  in  twenty-one  others  whom  he  persuaded 
to  accompany  him  in  a  western  pilgrimage.  Two 
relatives,  Doctor  Jacob  Wyeth,  brother,  and  John  B. 
Wyeth,  cousin,  who  returned  on  reaching  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  wrote  a  book,15  were  of  the  company, 
the  remainder  of  which  was  composed  of  a  gunsmith, 
a  blacksmith,  two  carpenters,  two  fishermen,  and  thir- 
teen farmers  and  labor*  rs.  For  some  time  before 
starting,  every  Saturday  night  the  company  met*at 

appointed  to  explore  the  western  slope.  As  earlyas  1831,  in  connection  with 
his  western  visit,  he  began  the  agitation  of  the  Pacific  Railway  question.  All 
his  influence  to  every  fair  (  disposed  freely  to  accord  him.     Bad  1 

been  ,  |  old  school-maste]      mething  to  sw( 

his  second  childhood's  cup  withal,  and  I  would  have  praised  and  petted  him 
what  in  an  official  way,  for  he  Jul  more  than  many  a  well  paid  officer 
of  the  government.     But  when  a  human  being  breaks  forth  in 
tw;u;,i  1,\  the  work  divinely  appoint!  d 

unto  me  to  do,  ■  l-,,>'1  ■]r',:  ■ '''  v  ;1,  ''  ",:1"  ' 

visions  in  my  youth,  uy  the  eventful,  extraordinary,  and  useful  life,  which 
, ;,„l   accord  Ige,  did  predestinate,'  J  do  not  much  blame 

the  r<  public  for  giving  the  poor  fellow  the  cold  sh  raider. 

Lis  a  book  before  me  of  128]  a.A  HtstoryoJ 

theSt '  ■  ■•   '  '•' '""'  "■'''' 

turns  and  Afflictions  <  f Forty  Years' Continuance,  Enduredbt  Ha  I 

./.A"        ,A.M.,  ield,  Mass.,  1868,  including  his  memorials  to  cod 

prayii  >;  for  a  gi  int  of  Land  or  money  to  reimburse  him  for  losses  austained  Ln 
his 'diorts  to  colonize  that  country.     The  appendix  bis  troubles 

and    persecutions.     History,    statistics,    adventure,   ami   religion    arc 
flung  into  the  caldron  of  tribulation  which  simmers  and  Bplutters  as  young 
Oregon  comes  on  apace  and  the  old  man  Kelley  steps  oil'  the  stage.     'I  here 

ore  than  one  in  California  like  Vallejo  and  Alvarado,  prominent  in  the 
a  Hairs  of  the  nation,  who  have  seen  cities  rise  from  under  the  chaparral  oi 
sand-hills,  and  a  palpitating  civilization  fill  the  valleys  where  once  the, 
lassoed  grizzly  bears  and  chased  wild  men  and  women  into  the  mission 
conversion  pens;  there  are  among  the  furdmnters  those  who  have  seen  the 

aders  of  progress  in  the  Northwesl 
has  been  none  like  poor  Kelley  who  laid   upon  the  altar  of  his  i 
more  than  half  a  century  of  life,  who  among  the  first  to  start  the  cry.  i 
ceased  hallooing  until  his  wilderness  was  a  state.     In  announcing  the  death 
of  the  Three  Rivers,  the  Springfield,    Massachusetl 

January  23,   1874,  reviewed  his  long  life  of  disappointn*  article 

ins  journals  throughout  the  contin 
;  \ofa  Long  Journey  from  th    Atla 

,,,,/„  j  I    i        Draum  upfront  th    !  ■'  In- 

.  ,..  i  of  the  Party  who  left  Mr  I 
July  '  March  bey  Rocky  Mow 

„„,/  |  Returned  to  New  England.  Cambridge,  1833.    Thus 

overland  travellers  began  to  write,  which  practice  has  continued  to  this 

dav',  and  probably  will  continue  throughout  all  time.    'I  hi-  1 b  ia  evidently 

dinary  mind,  not  bavin-  had  more  than  a  common- 
achool  edu  I       .inceptions  are  crude,  and  there  is  little  method  in 

the  telling  of  his  story.  It  is  only  by  the  help  of  other  authorities  that  1  am 
able  to  rrative  of  this  first  Wyeth  expedition. 


560  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

the  house  of  the  captain,  as  the  organizer  of  this  band 
of  Oregon  adventurers  was  now  called,  and  soon  every 
doubt  and  fear  was  banished.  Each  believed  what- 
ever the  leader  believed.  It  was  a  joint-stock  asso- 
ciation, to  continue  five  years,  each  member  at  the 
outset  depositing  forty  dollars  with  the  leader,  who 
thereupon  was  to  pay  all  expenses,  and  to  whom  im- 
plicit obedience  was  promised. 

For  the  journey  overland  three  vehicles  were  con- 
structed, one  an  amphibious  contrivance,  dubbed  by 
the  wags  of  Cambridge  the  Natwyethmm,  being  a 
boat  thirteen  feet  long  and  four  feet  wide,  made  of 
narrow  jointed  boards  and  placed  on  wheels  in  such  a 
manner  that  while  on  land  the  wheels  should  carry  the 
boat,  on  reaching  a  stream  the  boat  should  carry  the 
wheels.  Into  these  three  vehicles  were  placed,  beside 
the  accoutrements  of  the  company,  articles  for  the 
Indian  market,  axes,  beads,  paint,  knives,  buttons, 
nails,  looking-glasses,  and  the  like,  giving  the  Oregon 
company  at  the  start  the  appearance  of  a  Yankee  ped- 
dling caravan.  Those  articles  were  to  be  exchanged 
on  the  way  for  furs,  which,  shipped  to  China  after 
their  arrival,  were  alone  to  make  every  man's  fortune. 

During  the  course  of  his  preparations  Wyeth  had 
revealed  his  plans  to  certain  Boston  merchants  inter- 
ested in  the  Northwest  Coast,  Hawaiian  Islands,  and 
China  trade,  and  had  obtained  consignments  of  goods 
suited  to  the  Indian  traffic  to  be  shipped  round  Cape 
Horn  and  disposed  of  to  his  best  ability  for  the 
mutual  benefit  of  the  consignors  and  himself.  The 
ship  sent  was  the  Sultana,  Captain  Lambert,  chief 
mate  F.  A.  Lemont,16  which  sailed  from  Boston  early 
in  1832. 

There  was  everything  inspiring  in  the  aspect. 
Wyeth  was  a  thoroughly  good  man,  with  a  bright, 
open  countenance,  strong  limbs,  warm  of  heart,  and 

16  Lemont  first  came  to  the  Columbia  with  Captain  Dominis  in  the  Owyhee 
in  1830.  Next  was  this  attempt;  after  which  he  came  again  in  the  MayDaere 
in  1834.  The  later  years  of  his  active  and  useful  life  were  spent  at  St  Helen, 
Oregon. 


WYETH'S  JOURNEY.  561 

open  of  Land,  thoughtful  and  determined.  There 
were  abundant  means  and  evident  good  plannic 
uniform  dress  was  adopted,  heavy  (hah  pantaloons, 
striped  cotton  shirt,  coarse  woollen  jacket,  and  cow- 
hide boots.  In  his  broad  bell  each  carried  a  small  axe 
and  bayonet ;  on  every  shoulder  was  a  muskel  ;  all  had 
clasp-knives;  some  carried  a  rifle  and  pistols.  Tents 
were  provided,  and  cooking  utensils.  What  hardy, 
ambitious  New  Englander  would  not  like  to  join  such 
an  adventure!  The  wonder  is  a  thousand  did  not  wish 
to  go. 

After  encamping  ten  days  on  an  island  in  Boston 
harbor,  on  the  11th  of  March  1832  the  party  took 
ship  for  Baltimore,  where  arriving,  they  pitched  their 
tents  two  miles  outside  the  city. 

"Yankee  all  over!"  exclaimed  the  southerners,  as 
they  surveyed  the  neat  contrivances  significant  of  hold 
adventure. 

Thence  to  the  foot  of  the  Alleghanies,  sixty  miles, 
their  equipage  was  carried  by  rail.  Here  was  over- 
land railway  travel  with  a  vengeance! 

By  helping  to  wood  and  water  the  Yankees  got 
themselves  carried  to  St  Louis  by  steam-boats  at  a 
reduced  rate;  some  of  them  demurred,  this  drudgery 
not  being  nominated  in  the  bond,  but  Wyeth  was 
firm.  Nor  were  the  sharp  and  captious  Cambridge 
boys  all  of  them  disposed  to  make  due  allowance  for 
the  ignorance  and  inexperience  of  their  leader,  when 
after  bringing  their  prairie  fleet  so  far,  they  were 
informed  by  the  sage  fur-traders  of  St  Louis  that 
such  contrivances  were  wholly  inadequate  in  travers- 
ing hostile  mountains,  and  were  forced  to  sell  their 
wagons  at  half  their  cost.  "This  was  not  making  a 
fortune,"  they  growled. 

By  the  steam-boat  Otter  they  proceed-  d  to  [^depen- 
dence. Luckily  they  there  found  A\'  ill  inn i  Sublette, 
ready  to  start  for  the  mountains  with  sixty-two  men, 
and  upon  his  advice  Wyeth  besides  horses,  brought 
two  yoke  of  oxen  and  fifteen  sheep,  being  res<  rve  pro- 

IIist.  N.W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    JO 


562  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

Tender  in  case  game  failed  them.  Two  of  the  men 
here  turned  back,  willing  to  let  the  others  have  the 
whole  of  Oregon. 

Plunging  into  the  prairie  and  travelling  in  company 
with  Sublette,  at  the  rate  of  twenty -five  miles  a  day, 
at  the  expiration  of  a  week  three  more  of  the  stanch 
Cambridge  boys  seceded.  Hunger  sharpened  brains, 
which  thereupon  began  to  think  for  themselves. 
Along  the  Platte  and  Sweetwater  by  Independence 
Rock  they  came,  passing  Bonneville's  wagons  on  the 
wTay,  until  they  found  themselves  in  a  new  nest  of  ills. 
But  for  Sublette  the  party  never  would  have  reached 
the  mountains.  At  the  crossing  of  the  Platte,  while 
the  fur-traders  were  making  a  bull-boat  of  sewed  buf- 
falo-skins stretched  over  a  willow  frame,  the  seams 
paid  with  elk-tallow  and  ashes,  Wyeth  constructed  a 
raft,  and  placing  on  it  his  effects  had  the  mortification 
of  seeing  part  swept  off  and  part  damaged.  Poor  food, 
bad  water,  fatigue,  and  sickness  now  set  swearing 
those  young  men  so  lately  from  the  Cambridge  Sun- 
day-school. With  gnats,  mosquitoes,  snakes,  wolves, 
bears,  and  savages  the  Boston  school-master  was 
brought  under  the  ban  of  wild  blasphemy. 

Scarcely  had  they  entered  the  mountains  when  they 
were  attacked  by  the  Blackfeet,  and  five  of  their  horses 
captured.  Proceeding,  the  4th  of  July  saw  them  at  a 
branch  of  the  Snake  Biver,  from  whose  limpid  current, 
with  melancholy  mien  they  drank  the  nation's  health. 
At  Pierre  Hole17  rendezvous  they  fell  in  with  a  trap- 
ping party  under  Milton  Sublette,  who  more  than  once 
afterward  saved  them  from  perdition,  for  the  Cam- 
bridge party  were  becoming  sadly  demoralized.  Three 
were  so  sick  that  they  could  scarcely  ride,  the  rest  were 
peevish,  and  some  of  them  mutinous.  Wyeth  bore  up 
under  the  accumulating  burdens  like  a  man.  When 
asked  to  call  what  would  be  at  home  a  town-meeting 
in  which  to  discuss  their  position  he  at  first  refused, 

17  A  valley  between  Lewis  and  Henry  forks.  Nidever's  Life  and  Adv., 
MS.,  46.     See  also  John  Ball  in  Con.  Hist.  Soc.  Montana,  i.  111-12. 


DISSENSION  IX  CAMP. 

but  finally  consented  to  call  the  roll  and  let  cadi  man 
speak  for  himself.      His  own  name  was  called  first. 

"  I  shall  go  on,"  he  answered  with  emphasis. 

"Shall  von  trap  for  beaver  or  proceed  a1  once  to 
found  a  colony  i"  asked  he  whose  name  was  next  called, 
before  answering. 

■•  Yon  know  the  original  plan."  said  Wyeth.  "  The 
detail  mnst  he  left  {..  me.    1  will  brook  no  interference." 

"Then  I  will  not  go  on,"  was  the  reply.  And  so 
said  six  others,  among  whom  Mas  Wyeth's  brother, 
now  dangerously  enfeebled.  Two  newmen joined  the 
expedition  at  Pierre  Hole.  It  is  an  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult task,  that  of  commanding  a  hand  of  associated 
adventurers  during  a  period  of  distress.  Often  the 
very  lives  of  the  party  depend  on  union  which  only 
army  or  ship  discipline  can  secure.  Fortunately  for 
Wyeth.  trappers  were  near,  and  the  most  dangerous 
part  of  the  mountains  was  past. 

(living  the  deserters18  one  of  the  tents,  and  such 
arms  and  implements  for  catching  beaver  as  he  could 
spare.  Wyeth  with  eleven19  remaining  men  joined 
Milton  Sublette,  and  on  the  17th  of  July  started 
toward  Salmon  River. 

Before  they  were  fairly  out  of  Pierre  Hole,  how- 
ever, Wyeth  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  hot 
Indian  light,  arising  from  the  treachery  of  a  half- 
breed  belonging  to  Sublette's  party,  in  ordering  shot, 
a  Blackfoot  chief  while  engaged  in  friendly  parley 
before  the  pipeof  truce.  Wyeth  could  scarcely  believe 
his  eyes  thai  saw  such  damning  wickedness.  When 
the  savages  saw  their  chief  fall,  instantly  the  valley 
was  alive  with  warriors.    Besides  Sublette,  Campbell, 

';^se  three  engaged  with  Sublette  to  trap  for  a  year,  two  of  \\  1 
soon  killed  by  th<  at  started  back  for  SI    I  ■   ■      with  William 

Sublette,  with  only  wisdom  am!  Borrow  for  their  Oregon  u 

I90ur  astute  author  start-  his  expedition  with  'Jl  men  i»  rides  Wyeth, 
back  12,  adds  none,  and  has  11  left.    In  i  names  of  those  who 

thaniel,  John  B.  Wyeth  makes  10,  nami     . 
Abbott,    Breck,    Burditt,   Ball,   St  Clair,  Tibbits,  Trumbull,  and    Whittier. 
McLougblin,  Prix  -  -.  says  Wyeth  reached  Fori  Van- 

couver with  11  men. 


564  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

the  Sinclair  brothers,  and  several  free  trappers  were 
then  at  Pierre  Hole,  who,  when  the  cries  of  war  were 
sounded,  rushed  to  the  rescue  of  their  partisans. 

Securing  his  horses,  Wyeth  raised  a  breastwork 
with  his  effects,  and  after  ordering  all  his  men  behind 
it,  went  forth  if  necessary  to  mingle  in  the  fight. 
The  savages  had  taken  to  the  bush,  and  there  in- 
trenched themselves.  An  attempt  was  made  to  dis- 
lodge them,  in  which,  among  others,  one  of  the  Sinclairs 
was  shot,  Sublette  was  struck,  and  Wyeth  narrowly 
escaped.  Six  white  men  and  seven  Nez  Perces  fell 
on  one  side,  and  twenty-six  Blackfeet  on  the  other; 
thirty-two  horses  were  slain;  and  this  was  but  the 
beginning  of  the  evils  flowing  from  this  one  infamous 
act  of  this  infamous  man.  Five  days  afterward  as  a 
party  of  six  white  men  for  the  east  were  passing  out 
of  Jackson  Hole  they  were  attacked  by  the  Black- 
feet,  and  three  of  the  number,  one  being  formerly  of 
Wyeth's  party,  were  killed. 

Soon  after  the  affray,  Sublette  and  Wyeth  passed 
out  of  Pierre  Hole  with  their  respective  parties,  and 
continued  in  company  about  a  hundred  miles  south- 
west to  the  vicinity  of  the  head-waters  of  the  Hum- 
boldt, when  they  separated,  Wyeth  pushing  on  for  the 
Columbia,  exchanging  horses  for  boats  at  Fort  Walla 
Walla,  and  arriving  at  Fort  Vancouver  the  29th  of 
October,  1832. 

Wyeth  now  finds  himself  in  a  most  peculiar  position. 
Every  dollar  of  the  original  investment  and  more  is 
gone.  Having  narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives  the 
dragons  of  the  wilderness,  this  remnant  of  his  party 
are  in  an  utterly  destitute  condition,  dependent  for 
shelter,  food,  and  clothes  on  the  man  whom  they  have 
come  so  far  permanently  to  oppose. 

And  what  does  McLoughlin?  The  Yankee  advent- 
urer carries  in  his  face  testimonials  of  integrity;  his 
manners  are  those  of  an  honest  man  and  a  gentleman. 
The  noble  master  of  Fort  Vancouver  needs  no  inter- 
preter to  translate  to  him  the  character  of  strangers. 


WYKTII  AT  PORT  VANCOUVER. 

Emaciated  through  hunger  and  I  at  igue,  moneyless  and 
yed,  Wyeth  knocks  at  the  gate,  tie  tells  bis  story. 
McLoughhn  bids  him  enter,  supplies  bis  necessities, 
gives  hi  in  a  seal  at  his  own  table,  and  his  followers  their 
rations  with  the  company's  servants,  h  reads  like 
romance,  and  seems  more  in  keeping  with  the  days  of 
Scottish  chivalry  than  with  those  of  Anglo- American 
scramblings  for  territory.  For  this  is  done  in  the  \  ery 
tare  of  a  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  Fori  Vancouver 
people  thai  this  expedition  mighl  be  the  first  wave  of 
a  sea  of  settlers  that  should  roll  in  from  the  United 
S  tes  and  submerge  the  whole  Columbia  fur  interest. 
The  half,  however,  is  not  yet  told.  Comfort  and 
credil  arc  not  enough.  The  adventurers  want  work; 
their  leader  desires  a  foothold  on  the  Columbia,  nol 
in  the  way  of  ruinous  competition,  or  spoliation,  but 
as  a  benefactor  and  a  civilizer.  Hearing  their  words 
McLouffhlin  recognizes  the  ring  of  true  metal.  What 
can  they  do?  Anything  that  any  men  can  do;  clear- 
ing, cultivating,  peddling,  preaching.  Those  little 
demi-savages,  running  wild  about  the  fort,  would  their 
parents  not  like  them  to  be  taught  how  to  read  and 
write?  There  is  John  Ball,  a  first-rate  hand  at  that. 
But  then,  what  young  Massachusetts  man  cannot  teach 
school  if  so  disposed?  Thus  amidst  the  wilds  of  the 
broad  Northwest,  the  Yankee  school-master  is  planted, 
and   John  Ball  on  the  1st  day  of  January    L833  is 

lie!   by   John   McLoughlin    ped; 
Vane  aver.  Successor  to  Ball  was  Solomon  II.  Smith. 
who  conducted  a  school  at    Fort  Vane  >uver  for  more 
than  eighteen  months  from  the   1st  of  .March  I 
and  subsequently  became  a  prosperous  farmer  at  Clat- 
sop, v.  bere  he  died.     Of  him  more  h< 

notwithstanding  all  this,  notwitb  tanding  the 
hospitality  of  Fort  Vancouver,  and  the  broad  human- 
itarianism  of  its  rulerin  the  treatment  of 
interlopers,  lei  as  nol  imagine  thai  the  keen  andcold- 

hl led   corporation   was    hoodwinked    into  a   policy 

detrim<  ntal  to  its  inter*  3ts,  or  thai  their  chief  factor 


566  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

in  charge  of  the  department  of  the  Pacific  was  a  brain- 
less old  fogy,  or  a  philanthropic  fool.  McLoughlin 
was  well  enough  aware  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  were  moving  in  their  Pacific  coast  affairs.  He 
had  heard  of  Kelley's  writings,  and  despised  the  man ; 
and  when  later  the  fanatical  school-master  arrived  at 
Fort  Vancouver  with  the  odor  of  horse-thief  about 
his  tattered  garments,  for  Governor  Figueroa  of  Cal- 
ifornia kindly  warned  McLoughlin  of  this  man,  as  we 
have  seen,  he  found  the  gate  closed  against  him.  But 
Wyeth  was  not  that  sort  of  man;  besides,  Kelley  had 
not  yet  arrived. 

McLoughlin  with  all  his  goodness  was  a  shrewd 
enough  diplomatist;  let  alone  a  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany Scotchman  for  that.  The  Wyeth  movement  he 
saw  was  an  important  one;  more  important  if  any- 
thing although  of  less  magnitude,  than  Astor's.  The 
time  was  at  hand  for  an  open  declaration  of  rights; 
the  agricultural  occupation  of  Oregon  was  ordained. 
The  adventurers  of  England  could  not  arrest  it,  and 
their  director  at  Fort  Vancouver  knew  that  they 
could  not.  To  meet  it,  therefore,  in  a  spirit  of  fair- 
ness and  liberality  was  clearly  the  wisest  policy.  And 
yet  the  keen  old  kind-hearted  man  was  determined 
that  not  one  iota  of  the  company's  trade  should  be 
sacrificed  or  relinquished  sooner  than  necessary.  In 
a  word,  McLoughlin  determined  that  Wyeth's  advent- 
ure should  not  succeed,  though  he  would  be  kind  to 
Wyeth,  and  employ  none  but  legitimate  and  honorable 
means  in  defeating  him. 

Of  a  truth  in  this  first  expedition  there  was  little 
to  defeat.  Unfortunately  for  Wyeth  and  his  Boston 
associates,  the  Sultana  failed  to  put  in  an  appearance 
at  the  time  and  place  appointed.  All  this  winter  of 
1832-3  Wyeth  watched  her  coming,  looking  eagerly 
every  day  westward  into  the  opaque  mists  of  the 
Columbia  for  tidings  of  her  approach,  and  it  was  not 
until  after  he  had  given  her  up  and  returned  to  Bos- 
ton that  he  learned  her  fate. 


WYETH'S  RETURN  TO  BOSTON.  567 

Before  leaving  the  Columbia  Wyeth  made  careful 
observations,  and  now  for  the  first  time  learned  some- 
thing practical  regarding  the  necessities  and  possibili- 
ties of  Oregon  occupation.  Trapping  for  peltries  in 
that  vicinity  was  forever  over,  though  a  little  might 
vet  he  done  trading  for  furs.  In  agriculture,  in  con- 
junction with  the  Fori  Vancouver  people,  something 
might  be  done,  but  salmon-fishing  seemed  to  offer  the 
t  and  most  immediate  returns  for  the  outlay. 

Spring  saw  Wyeth  hastening  back  t<>  Boston  full 
of  new  projects  arising  from  enlarged  experiences. 
Two  men  only  accompanied  him  on  his  return,  and 
their  route  was  overland  by  way  of  the  Bighorn,  and 
by  bull-boat  down  the  Yellowstone,  arriving  at  Can- 
tonment Leavenworth  the  27th  of  September.  By 
on  the  way,  Wyeth  accumulated  several  bundles 
o\'  fur,  which  he  .sold  at  Fort  Cass,  a  trading-p 
the  American  Fur  Company.  Down  the  Yellowstone 
1  the  pleasure  of  conveying  as  passenger  Milton 
Sublette,  who  was  busy  thai  year  establishing  for  the 
Rocky  Mountain  Company  rival  establishments  near 
those  of  the  American  Company.20 

One  of  the  first  persons  to  greet  Wyeth  on  his 
return  was  Captain  Lambert,  who  informed  him  of 
the  wreck  of  the  Sultana  on  an  unknown  reef  four 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  east  of  Tahiti.  While  there 
they  lived  on  yams,  arrow-root,  and  wild  hogs.  A  fter 
remaining  on  the  reef  three  or  four  months  the  cap- 
tain and  part  of  the  crew  shoved  off  in  the  launch  and 
a  small  boat  for  Valparaiso.  The  launch  made  a  fair 
passage.  The  boat,  however,  was  sixty-eight  days  at 
sea,  the  crew  sustaining  life  during  the  latt<  r  part  of 

>".,-..  Ms.,  iii.  99;  Ebberts'  Trapper's  Life,  MS.,   17: 
.      ',.  I    .,  MS.,  11;  A  '■'■   ■  r'    i 

.,  MS..  203;  './•"/   '  ...  3! 
River  of  !!•■■    I. 

's  party  to  tin-  head-waters  of  the  Humboldt,  whence  he 
north;'/",  75,24;  McLoughlin's  Priv 

ser.  ii.  2,  which  mixes  the  im  on  with  th 

Becond ;  Abbott's  Kit  Carson,   121;  Peters'  i  in  Con. 

/      .    Or.,    I  I  :  : 

G'J-71,  20]  .  .  ornton's  Or.  and  Col.,  ii.  17;  J 


568  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

their  perilous  passage  by  eating  porpoise-meat  and 
drinking  rain-  water  wrung  from  their  garments.  Those 
left  on  the  reef  who  would  not  venture  so  long  a  dis- 
tance in  open  boats  were  finally  taken  off  and  carried 
to  Tahiti  by  a  passing  schooner.  From  Valparaiso  the 
captain  and  crew  took  the  first  ship  for  the  United 
States. 

B.  L.  E.  Bonneville  visited  the  Columbia  in  1834. 
A  Frenchman  by  birth,  and  a  captain  in  the  United 
States  army,  being  in  his  coarse  way  bon-vivant  and 
voluptuary,  he  preferred  lording  it  in  the  forest  with  a 
troop  of  white  and  red  savages  at  his  heels,  and  every 
fortnight  a  new  unmarried  wife  flaunting  her  brave 
finery,  to  sitting  in  the  satin  sackcloth  of  conventional 
parlors  and  simpering  silly  nothings.  In  August  1831 
he  asked  and  obtained  a  two  years'  leave  of  absence, 
for  the  purpose  of  engaging  in  an  Indian  shooting 
and  fur-hunting  expedition  in  the  far  wTest.  With  the 
assistance  of  several  associates  who  were  led  to  expect 
large  returns  from  their  outlay,  an  expedition  was 
fitted  out  for  the  captain.21 

21  This  veiy  commonplace  excursion  under  the  title  of  Adventures  of  Cap- 
tain Bonneville  has  been  done  into  elegant  romance  by  Washington  Irving, 
who  enlarges  the  captain's  misstatements  ad  libitum.  After  the  appearance 
of  Irving's  book,  Bonneville  absolutely  began  to  regard  himself  as  a  great  man 
filled  with  heroic  purposes,  and  his  trapping  failures  as  grand  achievements. 
'One  of  my  parties,'  he  wrote,  in  Con.  Hist.  Soc.  Montana,  1876,  105-10, 
'  was  sent  through  the  Crow  country . . .  another  party  was  sent  south,  and 
wintered  on  the  shores  of  Salt  Lake  [they  trapped  along  the  northern 
shore  of  the  lake];  another  journeyed  into  the  Ute's  country,  further  south, 
until  it  met  the  traders  and  trappers  from  New  Mexico  ;  another  went  down 
Salmon  River  to  Walla  Walla,  on  the  Columbia ;  another  to  coast  around 
the  Salt  Lake  ;  [this  was  never  done]. .  .another  party  going  west,  down  the 
waters  of  Snake  River  to  the  base  of  the  California  range  [to  midway  between 
the  Blue  mountains  and  the  Cascade  range]  turned  south-east  and  on  the  way 
home  kept  the  divide,  as  near  as  practicable,  between  Maria  and  Snake 
rivers.'  Then  he  goes  on,  'I  was  the  first  to  take  wagons  through  the  South 
Pass,  and  first  to  recognize  Green  River  as  the  Colorado  of  the  west, '  both  of 
which  statements  are  untrue.  Irving  met  Bonneville  at  the  house  of  Astor, 
under  whose  table  the  genial  writer  loved  to  stretch  his  legs,  and  gather  inci- 
dents for  well  paid  panegyrics.  Bonneville  was  born  in  France  in  1795, 
graduated  at  West  Point  in  1S15,  fought  through  the  Mexican  war,  was  made 
colonel  of  infantry  in  1S55,  retired  from  active  service  in  1861,  and  died  a 
general  at  Fort  Smith,  Arkansas,  in  1878,  the  oldest  officer  in  the  United 
Statesarmy.  Exceedingly  lucky  was  Bonneville  in  finding  so  eloquent  and 
amiable  a  biographer  as  Irving. 


BONNEVILLE'S  ADVENTURES. 


569 


FroinForl  Osage  tin  the  Missouri  River  on  the  Lsl 
of  May  I-'.-,  with  one  hundred  and  ten  men  and 
twenty  wagons,  Bonneville  set  oul  on  his  adventures, 
in  which  he  hoped  to  unite  pleasure  with  profit.  To 
shout  buffalo  was  rare  fun;  bui  men  were  the  nobler 
game,  whom  to  search  oui  in  their  retreal  and  slaughter 
and  scalp  was  glorious.    Whai  were  the  far-off  natives 


Tin:  Gbi  i  N   Rj\  bb  Countoy. 

of  the  Rocky  Mountains  doing  that  this  restless, 
reckless,  blood-thirsty,  and  cruel  Frenchman  should 
be  permitted  to  kill  them?  This,  however,  was  bui 
parallel  with  the  general  conduct  of  the  government 
thr.ai-l.uiii  the  entire  epoch  of  aboriginal  extermina- 
tions, and  which  future  ages  will  look  back  upon  as 


570  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

the  foulest  blot  in  the  annals  of  the  nation.  The  vilest 
agents  were  permitted  to  employ  the  vilest  means;  and 
this  French  butcher  finds  among  our  first  writers  a 
man  to  heroify  him  and  to  set  up  his  dastardly  deeds 
as  models  for  the  young. 

Proceeding  up  the  Missouri  the  party  crossed  the 
Kansas,  and  over  what  subsequently  became  the  regu- 
lar road,  continued  to  the  Platte  River,  and  after  two 
days'  journey  above  the  fork,  crossed  from  the  south 
to  the  north  branch,  thence  up  the  Sweetwater,  through 
the  South  Pass  to  Green  Piver,  on  the  Horse  Creek 
branch  of  which  he  planted  his  wagons  and  made  his 
grand  depot.  Then  he  threw  up  a  breastwork  of  logs, 
and  pieced  out  with  pickets  the  enclosure  which  was 
dignified  with  the  name  of  Fort  Ponneville. 

It  was  now  the  first  of  August.  Ponneville  had 
been  passed  while  en  route  by  Fontenelle  of  the 
American  Fur  Company,  at  the  head  of  fifty  men  on 
their  way  from  their  Yellowstone  fort  to  the  Green 
River  rendezvous.  William  Sublette  and  Robert 
Campbell  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Fur  Company, 
who  had  fallen  in  with  Wyeth's  party  at  Independence, 
and  had  brought  them  thus  far  on  their  journey  in 
safety,  though  not  altogether  unmolested  by  the 
savages,  now  made  their  appearance  at  the  rendezvous 
at  Pierre  Hole,22  where  were  also  Sinclair  and  a  band 
of  fifteen  free  trappers.  The  trapping  party  of  the 
American  Fur  Company  was  this  year  to  be  conducted 
by  Vanderburgh  and  Dripps,  while  Fitzpatrick  and 
Pridger  were  to  conduct  the  hunting  expedition  on 
behalf  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  Company.  Ponneville 
and  Sinclair  were  each  at  the  head  of  their  own  inde- 
pendent parties.  Ponneville,  caching  his  wagons  and 
superfluous  effects,  raised  camp  the  22d  of  August, 
and  proceeded  northward  to  winter,  the  weather  then 
being  milder,  and  the  game  more  plentiful  than  on 
Green  River.  Passing  Jackson  Hole  and  Pierre  Hole 
the  party  came  upon  the   upper  waters  of  Salmon 

22  A  valley  some  thirty  miles  long  and  fifteen  wide. 


SEVERE  OPPOSITION.  571 

River,  down  which  they  continued  till  five  miles  be- 
low the  principal  fork,  where  they  went  into  winter- 
quarters. 

Meanwile  rivalry  between  the  representatives  of 
the  two  great  companies  waxed  warm.  As  we  have 
seen  in  the  competitions  of  British  companies  within 
British  territory  a  fiercer  opposition  existing  than  that 
between  rival  companies  of  the  two  different  nation- 
alities, so  in  the  competing  efforts  of  these  twoTJnit<  1 
Stales  companies  there  was  now  a  greater  animosity 
than  was  ever  engendered  between  American  and 
English  traders. 

Vandeburgh  and  Dripps,  whose  offer  to  divide  the 
country  had  been  rejected,  now  closely  followed  Fitz- 
patrick  and  Bridger  from  the  rendezvous  northward, 
determined  upon  their  share  of  the  best  hunting- 
grounds.  After  every  effort  in  vain  to  elude  and 
shake  them  off,  Fitzpatrick  and  Bridger  resolved  to 
sacrifice  the  hunt  for  that  season,  and  teach  their 
rivals  a  lesson.  Turning  southward,  therefore,  into 
the  \^vy  heart  of  the  Blackfoot  country,  where  game 
was  scarce  and  savages  hostile,  they  reached  a  branch 
of  the  Missouri,  which  they  followed  downward.  1  lard 
after  them  came  the  less  experienced  Dripps  and  Van- 
derburgh, falling  easy  victims  into  the  fated  trap  so 
cunningly  laid.  For  they  had  not  proceeded  far  in 
this  direction,  when  they  were  set  upon  by  the  i  erril  >1<  i 
]  Jlackfeet,  and  a  number  of  the  party,  ami  »ng  wh<  >m  was 
Vanderburgh,  slain,  while  the  remainder  took  to  flight. 
Bridger  and  Fitzpatrick  were  likewise  attacked,  but 
.  not,  however,  until  the  former  had  been 
knocked  down  and  nearly  killed  by  a  chief  on  whom 
he  was  raising  his  gun  in  friendly  parley. 

kfeet  were  called  blood-thirsty  and  tres 
:   but  during  this  one  hunting'  i  ,  in  two 

friendly  confen  aci  -  the  white  men  ha  I  the 

foe,  murdering  one  chief  before  all  his  pe  pie  while 
holding  his  hand  in  amity,  and  preparing  to  attack 
another  under  like  circumstances.      But  what  can  be 


572       %  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BOXXEVILLE. 

expected  of  men  who  will  ruthlessly  lead  their  own 
kindred  in  country  and  color  to  their  death,  in  order 
to  secure  a  winter's  traffic  to  themselves  !  And  yet 
for  half  a  century  among  the  Christian,  the  cultivated, 
the  brave  of  our  land,  the  cry  rings  from  east  to  west : 
Down  with  the  red  men!  exterminate  the  reptiles! 
There  is  no  safety  for  our  high  and  holy  civilization 
but  by  sweeping  from  the  earth  the  people  we  have 
robbed,  betrayed,  and  outraged. 

Breaking  his  company,  Bonneville  sent  out  detached 
parties  in  various  directions  to  trap,  and  returning 
southward  himself  with  a  portion  of  the  men,  they 
prepared  for  a  spring  hunt  in  the  vicinity  of  Malade 
and  Boise  rivers,  and  were  present  at  the  Green  River 
rendezvous  in  July  1833.  One  of  his  men,  Walker, 
was  sent  with  forty  trappers  to  hunt  upon  the  streams 
emptying  into  Great  Salt  Lake.  Bonneville  then 
went  with  nft}^-six  men  to  the  Bighorn  River  region, 
falling  in  with  Wyeth  on  the  way,  and  making  part 
of  the  journey  with  Campbell's  company.  After  a 
somewhat  unsuccessful  jaunt  Bonneville  returned  to 
his  Green  River  caches.  Indeed,  when  sifted  of  the 
romance  certain  writers  have  chosen  to  throw  around 
them,  his  adventures  are  singularly  devoid  of  incidents 
and  fruits.23 

After  going  into  winter-quarters  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Portneuf  River,  near  Fort  Hall,  Bonneville  de- 
termined to  visit  Fort  Walla  Walla.  Indeed,  the 
captain  had  some  idea  of  planting  a  post  himself 
somewhere  on  the  lower  Columbia,  and  entering  the 
field  against  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

Taking  with  him  only  three  companions  he  passed 
down  Snake  River,  through  the  Grand  Ronde,  and 
over  the  Blue  Mountains,  reaching  Fort  Walla  Walla 
the  4th  of  March,  1834.  Though  kindly  received  by 
Mr  Pambrun,  and  entertained  in  the  most  hospitable 
manner,  when  Bonneville  expressed  a  wish  to  purchase 

23  Probably  there  is  no  greater  triumph  of  a  writer  than  in  making  a  thrill- 
ing narrative  of  nothing.     In  this  Irving  has  admirably  succeeded. 


DASTARDLY  HU  K'KI'.DIXCS.  573 

some  articles  for  his  camp  he  was  politely  informed 
by  Pambrun  that  it-  was  not  the  custom  of  his 
company  to  furnish  supplies  to  rival  traders.  There- 
upon Bonneville  returned  in  a  p<i  to  Portneuf.  His 
nexi  move  was  to  look  after  the  party  sen!  to  Salt 
Lake.24  After  some  search  he  found  them  on  Bear 
River,  and  was  informed  that  they  had  passed  by  the 
northern  end  of  Salt  Lake  to  the  Humboldt  River25 
where  they  set  their  traps.  A  trap  was  missed  one 
morning,  whereupon  they  swore  a  big  round  oath  that 
they  would  shoot  the  firsl  red  man  they  met.  Presently 
theydisrovcred  two  poor  Shoshoncs  basking  in  the  sun. 
Immediately  a  rifle  was  raised,  crack!  and  one  of  the 
natives  rolled  over  dead.  Tumbling  the  body  into 
the  river,  they  permitted  the  other  to  escape.  Not 
long  after,  coming  upon  a  band  of  these  peaceful  and 
in.  >ii'<  snsive  people,  an  onslaught  was  made,  and  twenty- 
live  of  them  butchered.  No  attempt  at  defence  was 
made  by  the  natives,  who  sought  the  nearest  cover 
amidst  pitiful  wailings.  Following  the  Humboldt  to 
its  sink,  they  then  crossed  the  Sierra  Nevada  to 
Monterey.20  Then  the  brave  band  went  back  to  their 
captain. 

Again  on  the  3d  of  July^  with  twenty-three  well 
mounted  men,  Bonneville  sets  out  for  the  Columbia. 

24  Bonneville's  biographer  here  fills  his  hero  with  a  lofty  enthusiasm  for 
scientific  expli  ration,  and   makes  this  journey  the  result  of  a  disin 

i  knowledge  in  this  direction,  on  reading  which  tin'  captain 
is  so  thought  of  it  for  the  first  time.     Had    Bo  illy   been 

anxious  to  explore  Salt  Lake  he  would  scarcely  have  senl  on  such  an  errand 
a  band  of  base  murderers,  but  would  have  gone  himself.     Surelj 
nothing  to  prevent  his  going.     He  had  nothing  to  do,  and  did  notbin         I 

would  seem  that  one  possessed  of  conn l  curiosity 

lied  to  see  it.     But  the  fact  is  tin  ot  seem  to  have 

occurred  to  Bonneville  until  put  into  bis  head  bylrvingwhen  writing  his 
narrative.     Irving  goes  so  far  in  Lis  duplicity  as  almost  to  mi 
discoverer  of  thelake,  calling  it  Lake  Bonneville,  etc.,  when  fifty  white  nun 
had  Been  it  before  the  Frenchman  was  there,  and  when  Bonneville  o 
plored  the  lake  at  all.  See  /'<«•.  A'.  Rept.,  xi.  34    Even  Townsend,  Nor.,  79, 
condemns  this  barefaced  proceeding. 

Ogden  River,  Peter  Bkeen  Ogden  having  been  its  first 
discoverer.     It  was  also  called  the  Marie  or  Mary  River. 
and  Hist.  y<  vada,  this  Beri<  a. 

M:  Irving  enlightens  us  in  Ins  usual  happy  and  authentic  vein, 
geography  and  history  of  what  1m-  '-alls  New  California,  whi  h  a  counl  i-  i  •  r- 
tainly  more  eloquent  than  instructive.  Bonn*  villi  '■■  Adv.,  330-0. 


574  KELLEY,  WYETH,  AND  BONNEVILLE. 

A  week  after,  hearing  that  Wyeth  is  in  his  rear,  and 
anxious  to  be  first  in  all  grassy  bottoms  and  beaver 
grounds,  he  caches  a  portion  of  his  effects,  and  hastens 
forward.27  Wyeth,  however,  overtakes  him,  and  after 
a  friendly  bout  at  the  bottle  drops  again  in  the  rear. 
The  French  captain  thinks  he  will  go  down  into  the 
Willamette  Valley  and  do  something  great,  like  a 
French  captain !  He  will  trap  by  the  way  and  become 
rich.  Then  he  will  build  a  fortress  whose  palisades 
shall  enclose  all  Oregon,  and  the  British  shall  not 
enter  into  it. 

But  midst  these  dreams  his  men  hunger,  and  he  has 
nothing  to  feed  them  withal;  so  about  the  first  of 
September,  as  he  passes  by  Walla  Walla,  some  thirty 
miles  to  the  southward,  he  sends  to  the  fort,  asking 
food,  messengers  who  are  hospitably  fed  and  lodged, 
but  return  empty-handed.  Neither  will  the  natives 
on  the  river  below  trade  him  fish,  so  that  presently 
he  is  obliged  to  kill  two  of  his  horses  to  save  his  party 
from  starvation.  Poor  captain !  Brags  your  egotism 
never  so  loudly,  there  are  some  things  you  cannot  do. 
You  may  buckle  your  belt,  and  drill  your  hundred 
men,  and  shoot  off  your  carbines,  and  shout,  and  ges- 
ticulate ;  that  is  glory.  But  these  hard-headed,  keen- 
witted, bony-featured  Scotchmen  of  sharp  eyes,  steel 
sinews,  oily  tongues,  and  kind  hearts,  have  been  half 
a  century  cultivating  this  trade,  have  dealt  with  the 
simple-minded  natives  fairly,  never  cheating,  or  kill- 
ing, or  violating  homes,  never  slaughtering  twenty-six 
innocent  and  inoffensive  human  beings,  as  did  your 
men  on  Humboldt  River,  because  some  one  stole  a 
beaver -trap — these  men,  it  would  seem,  have  this 
trade  so  secure  that  fifty-six  whiskey-selling  woman- 
scalpers  cannot  step  in  and  at  a  moment's  notice  take 
it  away  from  them. 

27  Here  Bonneville  is  made  to  meet  and  make  drunk  the  leader  of  a 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  post.  It  is  noticeable  that  whenever  Irving  sets 
two  men  drinking  his  hero  always  acts  the  gentleman,  while  the  other, 
especially  if  a  foreigner,  gets  beastly  drunk  and  disgraces  himself.  Instance 
likewise  Hunt's  interview  with  the  governor  of  Sitka,  where  the  Astor  party 


THE  CAPTAIN  RETIRES.  575 

So  the  gallant  Bonneville,  for  self  and  associates, 
continues  down  the  bank  of  the  Columbia  in  a  very 
ill  humor.  He  curses  the  Scotchmen,  the  natives, 
the  country.  And  yet  the  sky  is  bright,  the  forest 
green,  and  waters  flow.  Curse  yourself,  Day  little  man; 
you  will  scarcelyfind  hereabout  a  more  fitting  object. 

And  now,  the  farther  be  penetrates  this  country 
the  Less  is  he  pleased  with  it.  The  people,  red  and 
white,  everywhere  reciprocate  his  feelings.  He  con- 
cludes he  will  not  lake  the  Willamette  Valley  now, 
for  if  he  does  lie  will  starve.  So  he  turns  up  John 
Day  River,  and  goes  back  to  his  Shoshones,  for  these 
are' easy  to  kill  and  plunder;  and  what  is  the  need  of 
violence  when  women  sell  their  favors  for  a  song? 
Their  hunger,  however,  is  not  fully  satisfied  until  tow- 
ard the  first  of  November  when  they  reach  Portneuf 
and  buffaloes.  By  way  of  the  Platte  River  the  cap- 
tain, all  that  is  left  of  him,  in  soiled  and  crumpled 
feathers  reaches  civilization  in  August  1835,  return- 
in--  as  rich  as  he  went,  though  his  associates  who  had 
paid  the  expenses  of  the  adventure  are  several  degrees 
poorer.28 

repays  the  most  lavish  entertainment  by  maligning  the  entertainers.  I  deem 
it  no  praiseworthy  part  for  any  writer  to  ]  '  ce  truth  in  order  to 

gain  popularity  by  fostering  the  prejudices  of  his  countrymen. 

I  si  eakingof  this  trip,  Mines,  Or.  Hist.,  170-1,  mixes  his  Methodism 
with  Irving's  fiction  at  a  sad  rate.  Townsend,  Nar.,  1  17.  mentions  his 
meeting  Wy  ,  Hist.  Or.,  39,  of  course  condoles  with  him  because 

the  Eudson's  Bay  Company  did  not  immediately  divide  their  territory  with 
him  and  set  him  up  in  business.  Mrs  Victor,  River  of  the  West,  158  9,  L63, 
thinks  Bonneville's  failures  the  result  of  his  own  inexperience,  rather  than 
of  the  failure  of  others  to  assist  him.  She  thinks  Pambrun  quite  right  in 
his  conduct,  and  the  Eudson's  Bay  Company's  policy  the  usual  course 

by  mercenary  monopolies,  and  deserving  i  I  blame.     Does  the 

reader  desire  more  he  may  consult  Silliman's  Journal,  Jan.  1834,  where  the 

r  thinks  Bonneville  pushed  enterprise  to  1  absurdity.  Evans' 

Hist.  Or.,   MS.,  2  3;    Warren's  Mem.,  in  Pac.  R.   Sept.,  si.  33  6;  I 
Trapper's  Life,  MS.,  8,  9;  U.  8.  ffousi  Rept.  101,  85th  Cong.,  ■ 

'  the  sharp  dealing  employed  to  drive  away  compe- 
tition; uist.  u,:,  53;   Whit*  's  Travels  in 

1 75. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

WYETH'S    SECOND    ADVENTURE. 

1834-1S37. 

The  Columbia  River  Fishing  and  Trading  Company — The  '  May  Dacre  ' 
Chartered  and  Freighted  for  the  Columbia — Wyeth  with  an 
Overland  Party  Starts  from  Independence— Science  and  Religion 
en  route  for  oregon — townsend — nuttall — jason  lee  and  his 
Brother  Missionaries— The  Journey — Building  of  Fort  Hall — 
Arrival  at  Fort  Vancouver — The  '  May  Dacre  '  Enters  the  Colum- 
bia—  Establishment  of  Fort  William  on  Wapato  Island — Fort 
Boise  Built  to  Oppose  Fort  Hall — Failure  of  Wyeth's  Enter- 
prise— Sale  of  Effects  to  the  All-powerful  Monopoly. 

The  failure  of  the  first  of  the  two  adventures  which, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  solid  men  of  Boston,  were 
destined  to  prove  the  forerunner  of  Christian  civiliza- 
tion on  the  Pacific  seaboard,  was  in  no  wise  charge- 
able upon  the  agent.  Wyeth  did  his  duty  well ;  did  all 
that  a  man  could  do.  Not  having  power  over  the  ele- 
ments he  could  not  bring  the  Sultana  safely  to  port, 
and  when  she  failed  to  appear  lie  had  only  to  return. 
The  time  of  ultimate  success  or  failure,  however,  had 
not  yet  come. 

Arrived  at  Boston  from  his  long  and  perilous  pil- 
grimage, the  winter  of  1833-4  passed  quickly  away. 
With  what  keen  zest  come  to  the  returned  forest- 
rover  the  proud  pleasures  of  home!  During  the 
journey  between  oceans  Wyeth  had  pretty  well  de- 
termined what  he  should  attempt  to  do.  In  brighter 
hues  than  ever  arose  within  his  mind  the  old  As- 
toria imagery;  with  this  difference,  however:  while 
Astor  would  supply  interior  trappers  from  the  east, 

(576) 


THE  COLUMBIA  RIVEB  COMPANY.  577 

Wyeth  would  supply  them  from  the  west.  The  land 
carriage  would  be  shorter,  cheaper,  and  safer  in  the 
case  than  in  the  other.  With  this  fur-trade 
he  might  profitably  combine  salmon-fishing,  and  to 
these  ends  fortifications  would  be  essential,  two  ai 
least,  and  those  at  the  outset,  one  somewhere  on  the 
lower  ( Jolumbia,  and  one  in  the  central  interior.  Tw  ice 
round  Cape  1  Corn  each  year  his  ship  would  go,  bring- 
ing from  Boston  the  products  and  goods  of  civilized 
industry,  and  carrying  hack  furs  and  fish. 

jure  it  up,"  he  argued,  while  enlisting  the 
cooperation  of  the  solid  men  of  Boston,  "the  profit 
on  the  salmon  alone  will  pay  the  expensesof  the  ship, 
leaving  the  cosi  of  carrying  out  the  merchandise  noth- 
ing." 

Not  the  slightest  difficulty  had  Wyeth  in  again 
enlisting  capital,  New  York  being  glad  to  join  Boston 
in  a  new  adventure;  or  in  organizing  the  Columbia 
River  Pishing  and  Trading  Company;  or  in  charter- 
ing the  ship  May  Dacre,  with  Lambert  again  for 
captain,  and  loading  her  with  articles  suitable  to  the 
new  enterprise;  or  in  raising  a  second  company  to 
follow  him  overland.  Had  he  not  bought  experience 
in  the  mountains,  and  should  he  not  sell  it  to  the  tat 
speculators  of  the  city?  Besides,  Wyeth  was  an  able 
man,  and  whether  in  this  enterprise  he  failed  or  not, 
t  he  elements  of  success  wore  bred  in  him.  They  liked 
him  at  Boston,  and  they  liked  him  at  Fort  Vancouver; 
they  believed  in  him  everywhere. 

By  the  middle  of  March  L834,  Wyeth  was  at  In- 
dependence with  fifty  men  ready  for  a  start.  With 
him  were  two  scientists,  Nuttall,  an  eminent  botanist, 
and  John  K.  Townsend,  to  whom  we  arc  indebted  for 
a  narrative  of  this  expedition.1     Like  hoys  just  out 

Rocky  Mount*  I  blumbia 

River,  etc,  Philadelphia,  L839.  The  author  ia  a  newly  fledged  collegian 
and  member  of  the  Philadelphia  Academy  of  Bcieno  .  Ee  wraa  a  good 
enough    fellow,    meaning    well,    but    exceedingly    Bii  '  y    at 

M,,n  :  idelphia  again,    heat  and   cold,   banger  and 

thirst,  I  danger,  by  sea  and  land,  bad  Berved  to  hammer  into  Lis 

now  vapid  brain  -  I  discrimination.     He  tolls  his  story  in  a  clear, 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    J7 


o78  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

of  school  these  learned  men  essayed  things  strange, 
things  mighty,  and  then  rested.  Their  first  freak 
was  to  walk  from  St  Louis  to  Independence,  three 
hundred  miles;  their  second  was  not  long  after  start- 
ing, to  give  it  up. 

Besides  our  plant-chief  and  our  bird-chief,  as  the 
Chinooks  subsequently  called  them,  who,  though  some- 
what old-maidish  and  mouldy  for  such  young  savants — 
as  if  their  eyes  had  been  nowhere  but  between  covers, 
and  as  if  they  had  eaten  nothing  but  books  for  break- 
fast since  infancy — seemed  built  upon  an  underlying 
stratum  of  sense,  there  was  a  fair  sprinkling  of  divinity 
under  titles  of  Jason  Lee,  his  nephew  Daniel  Lee,  and 
three  lay  brethren,  P.  L.  Edwards,  Cyrus  Shepard,2 
and  C.  M.  Walker,  whose  religious  zeal,  if  we  may 
believe  their  fellow-travellers,  was  in  no  wise  abated 
because  united  with  exciting  adventure.  Let  us  place 
the  five  missionaries  beside  the  two  scientists,  and 
call  them  all  good  fellows. 

Wyeth  was  now  peculiarly  fitted  to  lead  an  expedi- 
tion of  this  kind.  In  backwoods  operations  some- 
thing more  and  less  than  common  military  discipline 
is  requisite ;  something  stronger  than  the  fear  of  de^th 
must  be  employed  to  govern  men.  Here  the  leader 
must  have  the  confidence,  which  implies  the  respect 
of  his  followers.  He  must  have  their  affection,  which 
if  seasoned  with  fear  is  doubly  efficacious.  True 
frontiersmen  may  be  led  anywhere  by  a  man  willing 
to  receive  in  some  degree  their  suggestions  and  share 
their  dangers;  but  they  will  not  be  driven  one  inch. 
They  all  have  judgment  of  their  own  on  which  they 

straightforward  way  which  engages  attention  and  commands  respect,  but  his 
science  wrought  no  visible  change  in  the  mountains,  forests,  rivers,  or  seas 
of  the  Northwest.  If  he  was  innocent  of  much  good,  he  was  likewise  inno- 
cent of  evil;  may  our  tombstone  tell  truthfully  the  same  tale.  Birds  were 
the  gentle  Townsend's  pleasing  study. 

2  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  107,  says  that  Shepard  was  a  devout  man,  seeking  the 
advancement  of  the  missions,  as  well  as  the  general  good,  and  that  he  never 
had  an  enemy  in  Oregon,  which  latter  is  a  questionable  qualification.  For  a 
time  after  his  arrival  at  Fort  Vancouver  he  taught  school,  which  was  attended 
by  the  juvenile  mongrels  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  servants.  See  Hist. 
(Jr.,  this  series. 


OVERLAND  ROUTINE.  57  I 

are  accustomed  to  act,  and  have  acted  individually  in 
many  life  and  death  emergencies, and  they  will  uoi  in 
time  of  trial  trust  themselves  alone  to  commissioned 
pasteboard.  It  is  enough  to  say  here  of  Nathaniel 
.1.  Wyeth  thai  he  knew  how  to  manage  such  men. 

I  [<  re  also  was  Wjei  h's  old  friend  M  ilton  Sublette, 
for  twelve  years  trapper  and  trader  in  western  parts, 
now  on  an  expedition  to  the  mountains  with  twenty 
of  his  own  well  tried  mountaineers,  any  one  of  whom 
would  not  Tear  fifty  redskins  in  open  fight.  And 
Sublette  was  his  men's  delight.  Cool, courteous,  si  rong 
in  muscle  as  in  mind,  considerate,  kind,  as  tender  as 
a  woman,  fierce  as  a  blood-eating  catamount,  true  to 
his  men  as  the  magnet  to  the  polo,  ready  to  share 
hardships  and  dangers  equally  with  them,  there  was 
not  one  but  would  die  twenty  limes,  were  that  pos- 
sible, rather  than  be  seen  by  him  to  flinch  before 
danger.  He  need  not  trouble  himself  about  their  fail- 
ing him  under  trials;  they  worshipped  him.  And  more 
than  once  they  had  been  in  a  body  over  the  present 
proposed  track,  so  that  they  were  a  most  desirable 
accession  to  any  party  journeying  in  that  direction. 
In  the  vicinity  at  this  time  was  William  Sublette, 
with  a  party  of  light-footed  traffickers,  thirty-live  in 
all:  but  belonging  to  a  rival  company,  he  held  him- 
self aloof  and  communicated  his  intended  movements 
to  no  one.  A  fortnight  out,  he  passed  Captain  Wy- 
eth's  company  in  the  night,  thus  hastening  on  before 
him  in  order  first  to  secure  furs  brought  to  the  sum- 
mer rendezvous. 

At  10  o'clock  on  the  28th  of  April  183  1  the  party 
in  the  gayest  of  moods  began  its  long  march.  There 
were  in  the  caravan  seventy  men  and  two  hundred 
and  fifty  horses.  It  had  been  an  impossibility  to 
obtain  mules  here  at  this  time,  the  Santa  F6  traders 
having  secured  them  all.  Wyeth  and  Sublette  rode 
first,  each  with  a  mounted  collegian  at  his  side,  thus 
tempering  adventure  with  learning.  Then  the  men 
followed  in  double  file,  each  leading  two  horses  laden 


580  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

each  with  two  eighty-pound  packages  of  stores,  Thing, 
Wyeth's  assistant,  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  mission- 
aries with  a  band  of  horned  cattle  hovered  about  the 
flank. 

Men  and  beasts  were  flushed  with  enthusiasm.  Our 
staid  professor  hardly  knew  whether  he  was  in  the 
flesh  or  out  of  it,  but  left  his  important  post  and 
dashed  his  charger  up  and  down  the  line,  joining  in 
the  uproarious  mirth  and  the  snatches  of  gay  song 
which  greeted  his  ear  on  every  side  with  the  most  un- 
scholarly  abandon.3 

It  being  a  large  body,  only  twenty  miles  a  day  were 
made.  The  camp  was  divided  into  nine  messes,  each 
mess  having  one  tent;  also  a  captain,  usually  an  ex- 
perienced frontiersman,  and  a  cook.  Rations  were 
given  out  to  mess-captains  every  morning.  The  cap- 
tain of  the  company  selected  spots  for  encampments, 
and  designated  where  each  mess  should  place  its  tent. 
He  also  directed  the  packers  where  to  unload,  so  that, 
if  need  be,  fortifications  could  be  quickly  improvised 
from  the  bales  of  goods.  In  times  of  danger  the  camp 
was  formed  into  a  hollow  square  with  the  horses 
staked  inside;  a  guard  of  seven  men  was  then  formed, 
which  was  posted  by  the  mess-captain,  and  relieved 
three  times  during  the  night.  The  hour  was  regularly 
called,  and  'All's  well!'  went  the  rounds  of  the  guard 
every  fifteen  minutes.  The  penalty  for  sleeping  on 
guard  was  three  days'  foot  travel.4 

3  '  As  we  rode  out  from  the  encampment,  our  horses  prancing  and  neighing, 
and  pawing  the  ground,  it  was  altogether  so  exciting  that  I  could  scarcely 
contain  myself.'   Townsend's  Nar.,  27. 

i  The  second  day  a  hail-storm  stampeded  their  stock,  and  after  it  was 
brought  up  the  horses  were  staked.  In  discussing  this  operation  the  pro- 
fessor gravely  remarks  that  the  horse  must  have  a  strong  leathern  halter,  to 
the  chin-strap  of  which  is  attached  an  iron  ring,  to  which  is  tied  a  hemp  or 
leathern  rope  just  twenty-two  feet  long,  the  other  end  of  which  is  fastened  to 
an  iron-tipped  wooden  stake  two  and  a  half  feet  long,  driven  full  length  into 
the  ground.  If  the  horse  is  hoppled  he  is  staked  all  the  better.  It  was 
regarded  as  very  necessary  at  the  same  time  to  observe  that  a  horse  should  be 
assigned  a  spot  where  it  might  obtain  grass  to  eat,  and  that  they  should  not  be 
staked  so  near  together  as  to  interfere  with  each  other.  Another  fact  it 
would  be  well  to  note.  A  blanket  placed  upon  ground  so  wet  as  to  thoroughly 
saturate  it  with  water  before  one  could  fairly  stretch  one's  self  on  it  is  not  so 
comfortable  as  a  spring-bed  in  a  first-class  Philadelphia  hotel. 


PRAIRIE  AXP  MOUNTAIN.  581 

At  the  principal  rivers  the  horses  were  stripped  of 
their  cargoes  and  saddles,  and  seni  Bwimming  over, 
being  caught  and  corralled  as  they  arrived  at  the 
opposite  bank.  The  goods  and  men  were  then  taken 
over  on  a  flatboat.  Aboul  a  fortnight  out  a  gloom 
was  cast  on  the  party  by  the  illness  of  Sublette,  who 
for  a  longtime  had  been  suffering  from  a  fungus  in 
his  Lea:,  now  grown  so  much  worse  from  riding  that  he 
found  himself  obliged  to  return  to  the  settlement. 
Subsequently  his  leg  was  twice  amputated,  but  the 
disease  lingered,  and  a  few  years  afterward  he  died. 

Their  route  was  from  Independence  west  over 
rolling  prairie  dotted  with  groves  of  timber  to  the 
Kansas  River,  which  was  crossed  the  sixth  day;  then 
through  tall  luxuriant  grass  to  reach  the  fork  of  Platte 
River,  where  they  arrived  the  twentieth  day ;  continu- 
ing for  six  days  along  the  south  branch  over  the  level 
prairie  swarming  with  buffalo,  with  a  range  of  sand- 
bluffs  to  the  east;  wdien,  fording  the  stream,  which  is 
here  as  elsewhere  broad  and  shallow,  they  cross 
through  a  salty,  sandy  waste  to  the  northern  branch; 
up  the  right  bank  of  which  oxer  rugged  hills  past  the 
( Jhimney  obelisk  and  the  castellated  Scott  Bluffs,6  ami 
through  umbrageous  forests  they  proceed  to  the 
Laramie  Fork,  where  later  was  placed.  Fort  Laramie. 
Here  two  free  trappers  cut  loose  from  the  train,  and 
set  themselves  adrift  in  the  wilderness.  ( Irossing  the 
Laramie  branch  the  1st  of  June,  next  day  they  outer 
the  frowning  Black  Hills,  ascend  to  cooler  latitudes, 
then  pass  down  on  the  side  to  the  barren  prairie  beyond, 
where  the  arid  soil  is  sapped  by  the  twist  oil  and  aro- 
matic wormwood.  On  the  7th  the  Red  Buttes,  con- 
sisting of  two  or  three  cliffs  of  brownish  rod  rising 
from  the  ferruginous  soil  some  two  thousand  feet,  are 
passed;  after  which  leaving  the  Platte,  they  | 
desolate  deserl   and  encamp  on  the  9th   at    noon  at 

5 '  These  are  called  Scott  Bluffs;  bo  named  from  an  unfortunate  trader  who 
perished  here  from  disease  and  hunger  many  years  ago.     Ee  was  d<  jerted  by 
anions;  and  I  were  found  in 

this  Bp  -  Nar.}  <>_',   n 


582  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

Independence  Rock  on  the  bank  of  the  Sweetwater. 
Cut  into  this  mass  of  rounded  granite  some  fifty  feet 
in  height,  they  find  the  names  of  the  two  Sublettes,also 
those  of  Fontenelle,  Bonneville,  and  Serre;  and  to 
these  they  add  their  own,  for  of  such  is  glory,  and 
these  mountain  bourgeois  of  a  truth  possess  the  same 
right  to  distinguishment  as  Napoleon  whose  monu- 
ments must  be  made  by  hands,  while  nature  here 
prepares  one  for  the  children  of  the  wilderness. 

Fifteen  feet  is  now  the  width  of  the  stream,  which 
when  they  first  encountered  it  was  two  miles  wide,  and 
shallow,  and  twisting  everywhere.  Looking  away 
ninety  miles  to  the  north-west,  they  see  the  Wind 
River  Mountains  with  their  lofty  peaks  of  dazzling 
whiteness. 

Sweet  indeed  is  the  stream  to  the  poor  starving 
brutes,  for  on  its  banks  they  find  luxuriant  pasture. 
Behind  were  left  wolves,  wild  horses,  buffaloes,  and 
antelopes;  now  we  have  the  mountain-goat  and  griz- 
zly bear.  Alkaline  efflorescences  increase  to  a  snowy 
whiteness  and  incrust  the  edges  of  the  little  salt-pools 
which  cover  these  plains,  while  the  strata  of  the  fine- 
grained sandstone  are  nearly  horizontal,  and  standing 
scattered  here  and  there  are  those  rhomboidal  rock 
masses,  out  of  which  imagination  may  carve  castles 
with  moat  and  drawbridge,  turrets,  embrasures,  and 
loop-holes,  to  say  nothing  of  the  sky,  the  cliff,  the 
stream,  and  the  humble  village  beside  it,  or  of  the 
giant  owner  about  to  enter,  and  carrying  in  his  hand 
mountain-mutton,  the  animal  having  been  just  caught 
and  strangled  for  his  supper. 

From  the  Sweetwater  on  the  14th,  they  crossed 
south-westerly  to  Sandy  River,  where  they  arrived 
at  nine  o'clock  at  night,  after  a  toilsome  march  over  a 
country  where  there  was  neither  water  nor  grass. 
Here  the  train  became  broken.  Some  of  the  animals 
became  exhausted;  others  following  their  instincts  left 
the  trail  in  spite  of  their  drivers,  and  sought  and  found 
water.     Lee  and  his  brother  missionaries  with  their 


AT  Till'. 'RENDEZVOUS. 

cattle  were  obliged  to  hall  before  reaching  camp,  l>ut 
came  up  without  serious  loss  uext  morning. 

Down  this  stream  they  went  with  nothing  for  their 
stock  but  short  dry  grass,  which  however  poor  for 
civilized  animals  sustained  large  herds  of  buffaloi  -. 
which  were  here  seen.  They  reached  Green  River, 
sometimes  called  the  Siskadee,  and  again  the  Seeds- 
der,  clear,  deep,  rapid,  and  beautiful,  on  the  L9th. 
Here,  roaming  the  thoughtful  solitude,  gun  in  hand, 
our  professor  spent  the  day,  while  the  company  unex- 
pectedly moved  on  to  better  pastures.  In  following 
them  the  unfortunate  ornithologist  was  obliged  to 
swim  his  horse  across  the  stream,  in  which  perform- 
ance his  coat,  containing  his  notes,  was  lost,  and  a 
fever  contracted  which  resulted  in  several  days  of 
severe  suffering.  Wyeth's  party  had  now  reached  the 
rendezvous,  which  was  in  a  small  rich  valley  or  basin 
sunk  into  the  plain  and  surrounded  by  low.  yellow, 
clay  bluffs,  in  the  vicinity  of  Green  River  and  I  lam 
Branch.  Beyond  the  little  bluffs  on  every  side 
stretched  out  the  broad  prairie  broken  only  by  seal  I 
ing  buttes  and  distant  mountain  peaks.  The  river  was 
full  offish,  and  the  plains  of  buffalo,  antelope,  and  elk. 

At  the  rendezvous  there  were  the  usual  feasting, 
fighting,  and  trafficking.  The  Shoshones,  Nez  Pen  - . 
and  Bannacks,  besides  half-breeds,  voyageurs,  and  free 
trappers  were  there,  with  the  results  of  their  year's 
hunting,  hungry  for  the  intoxication  of  rum  and  other 
excitement.  Besides  Wyeth,  many  other  leaders  were 
then.  Fitzpatrick,  Serre,  and  William  Sublette,  the 
last-arrived  company  encamping  about  a  mile  distant 
from  the  others.  Two  English  pleasure-seekers  joined 
Captain  Wyeth's  party  at  the  rendezvous,  Stewart. 
nobleman  and  gentleman,  and  one  Ashworth. 

There  was  the  usual  mixture  of  mirth  and  murder 
brooding,  of  obstreperous  jollity,  whooping,  roaring, 
and  wolfish  snarling.  The  cataracts  of  hybrid  oaths 
in  the  hiccoughed  jargon  of  Indian,  French,  and 
English,  were  enough  to  puzzle  Satan. 


5S4  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

Prices  of  goods  packed  so  far  to  this  point,  attended 
by  all  the  risks  and  discomforts  of  a  two  months' 
journey,  were  enormous.  Upon  a  beaver-skin  stand- 
ard, which  naturally  placed  the  price  of  peltries  far 
below  their  cash  value  in  the  eastern  market,  alcohol 
diluted  with  water,  which  was  the  current  intoxicat- 
ing liquid,  sold  at  three  dollars  a  pint,  and  tobacco 
worth  ten  cents  a  pound  in  Philadelphia  here  brought 
two  dollars.  Other  things  were  in  proportion,  though 
these  were  staples;  it  would  be  indeed  tame  trading 
without  liquor  and  tobacco,  something  which  for  a 
moment  would  demonize  the  man  and  make  him 
lunatic.  Reason  they  regarded  ordinarily  a  good 
thing,  but  on  occasions  it  was  grand  to  lay  it  aside. 

Striking  tents  the  2d  of  July,  with  refreshed  horses 
though  without  the  letters  it  was  hoped  subsequent 
arrivals  would  bring  from  home,  Wyeth  and  party 
took  u'p  their  journey  westward  along  Ham-  Branch 
through  an  open  hilly  plain  relieved  by  clumps  of  Cot- 
tonwood and  poplar,  and  willow  water  fringes. 

They  cross  the  hills  to  the  north-west  on  the  4th 
and  strike  Muddy  Creek,6  an  humble  tributary  of 
Bear  Piver,  which  flows  into  the  sombre  Great  Salt 
Lake;  then  on  until  they  enter  a  cooing  meadow 
of  tall  waving  grass,  under  cover  of  which  gently 
throbs  one  of  nature's  tiny  pellucid  veins,  a  purling 
brook,  where  camping  and  knocking  the  heads  out  of 
the  liquor-kegs  the  bacchanals  of  the  rendezvous  are 
reenacted  in  honor  of  the  day.  Strange  that  our 
mind-awakening  and  soul-elevating  institutions  cannot 
be  adequately  remembered  even  in  forest  festivities 
without  liquid  brain-besotting  poison,  packed  on  horses 
a  thousand  miles  and  more  through  a  savage  wilder- 
ness! Look  where  we  will  throughout  the  realm  of 
nature,  only  in  mind-developing  man  do  we  find  the 
ripest  fools. 

To  avoid  the  great  bend  in  Bear  River  they  here,  on 

0  This  name  has  since  been  thrown  westward  about  ten  leagues  across  the 
great  bend,  where  it  alighted  on  another  stream  south  of  Logan. 


SITE  OF  FORT  HALL. 

the  5th,  cross  through  lofty  hills,  round  basall  cliffs 
and  columns,  and  between  rugged  valleys  and  dusty 
alluvial  plains  covered  with  a  shorl  dry  grass  so  poor 
that  a  ton  of  it  would  scarcely  bring  back  to  the  bare 
ribs  of  the  poor  animals  a  pound  of  the  flesh  which 
they  had  lost,  and  encamp  the  8th  near  the  white 
clay  pits  on  Bear  River,  where  little  mounds  of  cal- 
careous sinter  mingled  with  eruptive  thermal  springs 
and  waterless  gas-jets  cover  the  sickly  plain. 

Nexl  day  there  came  into  camp  Thomas  McKay, 
whose  party  of  Indians  and  Canadians  were  hunting 
in  the  vicinity.  These  wilds  at  present  were  almosl 
as  full  of  business  as  an  exchange.  On  the  LOth  was 
encountered  Bonneville's  party  resting  in  a  sunken 
spol  on  the  lava  plain,  which  was  here  surrounded  by 
high  basaltic  dikes  full  of  large  caves.  These  men  had 
been  upon  a  long  march,  and  they  were  now  lolling 
with  tethered  horses,  napping,  playing  cards,  or  other- 
wise passing  the  time. 

Wyeth  and  Stewart  called  upon  the  Bald  Chief 
in  his  lodge.  A  keg  of  metheglin,  a  choice  drink  in 
these  thirsty  parts,  was  placed  before  the  visitors,  who 
never  rose  to  go  until  a  hollow  sound  from  the  keg 
and  the  host's  lugubrious  smile  warned  them  of  the 
approaching  end  of  the  precious  beverage. 

ddie  party  encamped  the  11th  on  a  branch  of  the 
Blackfoot,  near  the  Portneuf,  with  the  three  Buttes, 
or  Tetons,  in  sight,  the  12th  on  Koss  River,  and.  the 
14th  on  Snake  River.  Here  they  rested,  for  Wyeth 
had  now  reached  the  country  where  he  thought  his 
interior  post  should  be  located.  A  charming  spol  for 
the  purpose  was  found  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  gra 
plain  on  the  south  hank  of  the  Portneuf  River,  the 
opposite  side  of  which  was  covered  with  large  cotton- 
wood  and  willow  trees  rising  from  a  thick  undergrowth 
of  the  same,  mixed  with  currant  and  service-berry 
bushes.7 

<m  the  east  bank  of  Snato    I 
little  distance  north  >>i  the  rortnouf. 


586  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

All  was  now  activity.  Part  were  put  to  work  fell- 
ing trees,  squaring  logs,  making  corrals  for  the  horses 
and  houses  for  the  men.  A  party  of  twelve,  composed 
of  those  less  averse  to  the  gentlemanly  avocation  of 
lighting  and  hunting  than  to  log  hewing  and  rolling, 
were  sent  out  to  bring  in  food  for  the  camp.  The 
Blackfeet  were  here  hostile.  Seldom  United  States 
trappers  were  without  a  savage  enemy ;  the  Canadians 
and  English  managed  things  differently. 

While  the  hunting  party  were  eating  a  buffalo 
which  they  had  killed  at  their  first  halting-place  on 
Ross  River,  one  of  their  number,  a  little  Welshman, 
who  had  been  sent  to  watch  the  horses,  came  rushing 
back  crying  in  affrighted  falsetto,  "  Indians !  Indians ! " 
Instantly  every  man  was  on  his  feet  with  gun  in  hand 
ready  to  repel  attack.  Presently  a  loud  laugh  and 
muttered  curse  simultaneously  broke  from  Richardson, 
the  leader  of  the  party,  as  the  main  body  of  McKay's 
retainers  hobbled  warily  in  view. 

Falstaff  's  recruits  were  a  handsome  set  beside  them. 
On  Richardson's  shouting  a  jargon  greeting,  the  leader 
of  McKay's  band,  a  Canadian  of  tamed  coyote  phys- 
iognomy, gaudily  arrayed  in  scarlet  sash  and  ribboned 
hat,  and  two  Indian  aids  likewise  decked  in  rainbow 
hues,  dashed  into  camp,  threw  themselves  from  their 
horses,  and  attacked  the  remaining  viands  with  hearty 
cordiality.  Soon  the  rest  of  the  party,  consisting  of 
some  thirty  half-blanketed  natives  and  mongrel  }7oung 
men,  came  up  flaunting  their  tawdry  apparel,  which 
in  some  instances  was  so  torn  as  scarcely  to  cover  the 
wearers.  And  rapidly  down  their  throats  disappeared 
huge  masses  of  savory  hump-rib,  side-rib,  and  fleece 
meat,  the  Canadians  eating  voraciously  like  wolves, 
the  savages  with  a  sedate  dignity  filling  themselves 
more  slowly  but  none  the  less  thoroughly. 

Ten  days  sufficed  the  hunters  to  kill  and  dry  all  the 
buffalo-meat  their  animals  could  carry  to  the  newly 
erected  fort.  When  a  buffalo  was  killed,  the  best  parts 
were  cut  into  strips  and  placed  on  scaffolds  to  dry, 


FOUNDING  OF  FORT  HALL.  5S7 

after  which  the  meat  was  tied  up  in  hundred-pound 
bales  ready  for  use  or  transportation.  The  food  of  the 
hunters  consisted  of  nothing'  but  fresh  buffalo-meal 
and  water,  and  this  our  scientists  and  pleasure-loving 
gentlemen  now  pronounced  the  best  food  in  the  world. 
Possibly  in  that  rough  life  of  exciting  exercise  in 
mountain  air  their  stomachs  might  even  have  digested 
good  roast  beef  and  plum-pudding.  Tin*  evenings  they 
spent  in  telling  stories,  rack  striving  to  be  best  by 
tellingthe  biggest;  though  now  and  then  the  speaker's 
tremulous  voice  and  dimmed  eve  as  lie  spoke  of  distant 
wife  or  mother,  or  of  a  friend  brutishly  slaughtered 
for  his  furs  by  some  lurking  foe  or  trusted  companion, 
denoted  more  feeling  than  the  speaker  cared  to  show. 

A  mountain  salute,  that  is,  all  the  guns  fired  one 
after  the  other  in  quick  succession  as  they  approached 
the  fort,  brought  every  man  to  his  feet,  for  they  had 
been  fasting  and  were  then  on  short  allowance.  Mc- 
Kay's party  was  camped  a  short  distance  from  the 
fort.  Although  the  fort-builders  had  few  tools,  they 
did  remarkably  good  work  as  the  new  finished  stockade 
and  two  bastions  testified. ,  It  was  named  Fort  Hall, 
and  became  famous  in  overland  emigrant  travel. 

Cantonment  Leavenworth  on  the  Missouri  was 
prior  to  this  the  frontier  post  of  the  United  States. 
The  building,  at  this  time,  of  a  substantial  fort  mid- 
way between  Leavenworth  and  the  mouth  of  the 
( lolumbia  by  Americans,  though  the  establishment 
afterward  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
( Jompany,  for  a  time  was  a  very  important  affair.  It 
was  more  than  a  mere  half-way  house  for  trappers;  it 
signified  occupation,  domination.  All  this  region  was 
still  debatable  ground,  and  every  move  of  this  kind 
had  its  influence  in  subsequently  fixing  the  dividing 
line  between  British  and  United  States  domain.8 

8  The  post  became  famous,  and  performed  good  service  during  the  several 
The  emigrant  trail  wat   d  ade  to  pass  by  it ;  it 
was  near  to  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  was  central,  and  valuable  in  Bcor<  - 
From  this  point  in  time  radiated  roads  in  every  direction  :  to  Missouri,  to  Cal- 
ifornia, to  Utah,  to  Oregon,  aud  to  British  Columbia.     In  hi.s  testimony,  11. 


588  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

The  admirable  training  of  McKay's  men  was  sub- 
ject of  remark,  being  different  as  regarded  subor- 
dination and  decorum  from  Wyeth's,  and  indeed  any 
United  States  company.  It  was  composed  nearly 
half  of  Indians,  and  so  religious  were  they  that  from 
one  to  two  hours  were  often  spent  at  their  devotions, 
which  were  conducted  earnestly,  soberly,  and  wholly 
after  their  own  fashion. 

Sunday,  the  27th  of  July  1834,  Jason ^  Lee,9  by 
request,  preached  before  the  two  companies  in  the 
forest  adjacent,  being  the  first  Christian  religious  ser- 
vices performed  at  Fort  Hall. 

Lee  and  his  brother  missionaries,  in  order  that  his 
horned  cattle  might  have  more  time  for  their  weary 
journey,  left  Fort  Hall  for  Fort  Vancouver  on  the  30th 
of  July  in  company  with  Stewart  and  McKay's  party. 
Cheers  and  three  volleys  of  fire-arms,  expressive  of 
hearty  good  wishes,  followed  them  as  they  rode  off. 

The  fort  was  completed.  The  5th  of  August  at  sun- 
rise the  United  States  flag  floated  from  the  flag-staff, 
round  which  the  entire  company  collected  while  a 
salute  was  fired.  One  more  mammon  temple  had  been 
reared  in  the  wilderness.  In  the  region  round,  about 
as  much  of  man  and  as  little  of  God  as  possible  here- 
after should  follow.  In  the  dedication  of  the  temple 
the  day  was  given  up  to  debauchery.  Vilely  immoral 
men  were  given  as  much  vile  drink  as  they  could 
stagger  under;  and  when  the  sun  set  on  a  day  of 
besotted  indulgence  with  its  pistollings,  fisticufnngs, 
head-mashings,  and  eye-gougings,  commerce  was  satis- 

B.  Co.  Ev.,H.  B.  Co.  Claims,  153,  in  1S65,  Angus  McDonald  valued  the  fort  and 
lands  belonging  to  it  at  $1,000,000.  It  was  near  the  old  war  ground  of  the 
Blackfeet,  Snake,  and  Crows,  and  prevented  many  a  massacre.  It  was  sev- 
eral times  attacked  and  nearly  burned,  but  stood  to  its  duty  nobly. 

9  '  Mr  Lee  is  a  great  favorite  with  the  men,  deservedly  so,  and  there  are 
probably  few  persons  to  whose  preaching  they  would  have  listened  with  so 
much  complaisance.  I  have  often  been  amused  and  pleased  by  Mr  Lee's  man- 
ner of  reproving  them  for  the  coarseness  and  profanity  of  expression  which  is 
so  universal  amongst  them.  The  reproof,  although  decided,  clear,  and  strong, 
is  always  characterized  by  the  mildness  and  affectionate  manner  peculiar  to 
the  man,  and-  although  the  good  effect  of  the  advice  may  not  be  discernible, 
yet  it  is  always  treated  with  respect,  and  its  utility  acknowledged. '  See  Hist. 
Or.,  this  ! 


IX  THE  MOUNTAINS.  589 

fied.  It  seems  that  the  devil  does  not  reserve  all 
wickedness  for  religion. 

Leaving  a  few  men  in  charge,  Wyeth  and  his  com- 
pany, consisting  now  of  thirty  men,  some  Indian 
women,  and  one  hundred  and  sixteen  horses,  set  out 
from  Fort  Hall  at  11  o'clock  the  6th  of  August. 
Crossing  Snake  River,  which  is  here  as  wide  as  the 
Missouri  at  Independence,  and  proceeding  westward 
through  a  sandy  plain,  jagged  with  lava  masses  and 
covered  with  womnwood,  they  enter  the  heart  of  the 
Blackfoot  country,  the  most 'dangerous  wild  west,  of 
Rocky  Mountains.  Nor  is  it  less  scourging  than 
dangerous.  There  are  days  when  not  a  shrub  is  seen 
to  break  the  rays  of  the  merciless  sun,  nor  yet  a  blade 
of  grass  or  a  drop  of  water.  Men  chew  bullets  and 
pebbles  to  keep  their  tongues  from  cracking,  and  1 1n- 
poor  brutes  stagger  from  faintness. 

On  Goddin  Creek,  so  called  from  a  Canadian  killed 
there  by  the  Blackfeet,  they  find  some  good  pasture; 
then  over  a  lava  and  wormwood  plain  again,  and 
through  an  exceedingly  rugged  mountain  defile  into  a 
well  watered  grassy  plain  filled  with  currant  and  berry 
bushes,  and  bordered  by  snow-topped  ridges  yielding 
greenstone,  chalcedony,  and  agate.  They  now  enter 
the  plains  of  endless  sage  with  here  willow-fringed 
nil. -t>  and  little  oases  of  vegetation,  and  there  a 
surface  absolutely  denuded;  and  after  a  gap  between 
high  mountains  thickly  covered  with  pines,a  rest  in  a 
3tem  Edeo  is  attained,  while  Wyeth  and  Richard- 
son explore  the  inexorable  mountains  in  which  they 
new  find  themselves  locked,  but  failing  to  discover  an 
outlet  they  return  to  camp.  Turning  back  the  L3th 
they  follow  their  track  of  yesterday  until  out  of 
the  mountains,  when  they  try  another  passage  of  the 
ridge  with  better  success,  and  camp  thai  nighl  en  fche 
Malade  River  in  a  willow-covered  valley  tilled  with 
frolicsome  beavers.  Some  friendly  Shoshones  en  their 
way  to  the  buffalo  country  vi>ii  Wyeth's  camp,  and 
smoke,  receive  presents,  and  direct  him  en  his  way. 


590  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

Caruass  Prairie  abounding  in  the  esculent  root10 
which  gives  it  the  name,  is  reached  the  17th,  where 
camping  on  the  bank  of  the  Malade  the  company  is 
quickly  scattered  over  the  patch,  digging  with  their 
fingers  and  filling  their  kettles  with  this  palatable  and 
wholesome  vegetable. 

On  the  19th,  Boise  River,  crammed  with  salmon,  is 
reached,  along  the  high  rocky  bank  of  which  they 
travel  next  day,  meeting  several  bands  of  Shoshones, 
who  seem  delighted  at  the  coming  of  the  white  man 
to  give  them  beads,  blankets,  and  rum. 

They  cross  Snake  River  near  old  Fort  Boise,  on 
the  23d,  and  the  next  day  camp  on  the  rich  plains  of 
Malheur  River.  Thence  Richardson  with  eight  men 
is  despatched  on  a  trapping  expedition  up  the  river 
and  across  the  country,  with  orders  to  join  Wyeth-at 
the  fort  on  the  Columbia  early  the  following  winter. 

They  reached  Powder  River  the  28th,  and  on  the 
31st  arrived  at  Grande  Ronde,  where  they  found 
Bonneville  and  his  company.  This  amateur  forester, 
with  a  troop  of  Nez  Perces  and  Cayuses  at  his  heels, 
visited  Wyeth's  camp,  and  by  his  broad  genial  good- 
humor,  which  then  happily  possessed  him,  and  his 
French  manners,  created  a  favorable  impression. 
Meanwhile  flitting  in  the  distance  astride  a  sleek  bay 
horse  gayly  caparisoned,  the  mane  and  tail  tied  full 
of  scarlet  and  blue  ribbons,  was  a  beautiful  damsel- 
glittering  in  finery,  loaded  with  bells,  beads,  and  rings 
fastened  to  broad  bands  of  scarlet  cloth,  and  who 
managed  her  horse  as  being  part  of  it,  but  held  aloof 
as  the  property  of  one  who  brooked  no  familiarity  in 
the  matter  of  mistresses. 

Midst  much  suffering  from  thirst  the  zigzag  pas- 
sage of  the  Blue  Mountains,  an  extensive  and  densely 
pine-covered  chain,  difficult  in  overcoming,  and  thrown 
across  the  trail  between  the  great  dividing  ridge  and 
the  Cascades  for  the  further  perfection  of  emigrant 

10  Somewhat  resembles  the  taste  of  the  common  potato.  This  as  well  as 
another  root  when  fermented  and  baked  is  much  esteemed  by  the  Indians. 
Townsend's  Nar.,  126. 


arrival  at  FORT  VANCOUVER.  591 

patience,  is  made  by  the  Lst  of  September.  Next  day 
they  reach  the  Umatilla  River,  where,  preparatory  to 
meeting  Pacific  slope  nabobs,  they  shave,  leavingthe 
lower  part  of  the  face  white  as  a  woman's  while  the 
upper  pari  is  as  swarthy  as  that  of  an  [ndian. 

Away  from  rugged  mountains,  over  a  broad  undu- 
lating country,  under  a  bright  sun,  and  under  dry, 
bracing,  elastic  air,  on  the  3d  they  reach  the  Walla 
Walla  River, between  whoso  willow-shade,!  banks  the 
happy  salmon  leap  in  delight.  Resting  the  horses 
for  an  hour  in  a  delightful  pasture,  they  continue 
along  the  stream,  and  shortly  after,  on  ascending  a 
sandy  eminence, the  generous  Columbia  reveals  itself. 

Lewis  and  Clarke  and  their  wintering  of  1805-G 
was  the  first  thought,  for  their  Travels  was  the  Ore- 
gon adventurer's  text-book  then.  It  was,  indeed,  a 
pleasant  sight  this  princely  stream,  after  four  months 
of  desert  and  wilderness  wanderings.  Befor< :  them  on 
its  bank  stood  the  fort,  while  the  cattle  of  good  Par- 
son Lee  luxuriated  under  the  grassy  shade  of  little 
Walla  Walla's  willows.  Stewed  hare  was  set  before 
the  newcomers  by  the  hospitable  missionary,  whose 
journey  from  Fort  Hall  had  been  without  startling 
incident. 

The  missionaries  had  already  engaged  a  barge  to 
take  them  and  their  baggage  down  the  river;  Wyeth, 
Stewart,  and  Ashworth  accompanied  them,  but  the 
two  scientists  were  obliged  to  make  the  journey  to  the 
Dalles  on  horseback,  there  being  no  room  for  them  in 
the  boat.  Indian  life,  a  somewhat  monotonous  trail, 
a  few  wild  horses,  and  a  little  trading  occupied  the 
observation  of  travellers  at  this  time.  At  the  Dalles 
the  people  left  their  horses  in  charge  of  an  Indian 
chief,  pronounced  trustworthy  by  Wyeth  who  knew 
him. 

Below  the  Dalles  canoes  were  provided,  mosi  of 
which  were  dashed  in  pieces  in  the  Cascades,  Wyeth 
and  his  crew  having  to  bailie  for  their  lives.  Jus1 
below  the  Cascades,  the  missionaries,  in  a  bedra 


592  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

condition,were  overtaken  by  the  rear  party.  Finally 
canoes  were  procured  from  the  natives  and  they  were 
taken  to  Fort  Vancouver,  where  they  arrived  the  16th 
of  September  1834.  Lee  had  preceded  the  scien- 
tists and  was  on  the  bank  in  front  of  the  fort  with 
McLoughlin,  to  receive  and  introduce  them. 

The  Lees  proceeded  at  once  in  search  of  a  place  for 
a  station,  and  found  what  seemed  suitable  above  the 
falls  of  the  Willamette,  about  sixty  miles  south  of 
Fort  Vancouver.  Then  they  returned  and  held  divine 
service  at  the  fort  the  25th  of  September. 

Wyeth  did  not  tarry  long  at  Fort  Vancouver,  but 
hastened  down  the  river  to  meet  Captain  Lambert 
and  the  May  Dacre;  for  luckily  the  overland  party 
and  the  brig  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
almost  simultaneously.  Besides  the  freight  for  the 
Columbia  Kiver  Fishing  and  Trading  Company^  on 
board  this  ship  were  the  goods  of  the  missionaries, 
and  all  were  in  great  glee  over  the  opportune  arrival. 
Mooring  his  vessel  fore  and  aft  to  a  large  rock  near 
the  lower  entrance  to  the  Willamette,  Wyeth  was 
soon  after  seen  rowing  up  the  river  in  fine  style  in 
one  of  the  ship's  boats  manned  by  eight  oarsmen,  five 
of  whom  were  Kanakas. 

Wyeth's  first  duty  now  was  to  determine  upon  the 
location  of  his  establishment.  He  had  made  some 
observations  to  that  end,  but  he  was  not  yet^  wholly 
satisfied.  Taking  with  him  the  two  scientists,  he 
embarked  in  his  boat  the  29th,  passed  round  Wapa- 
to  Island,  and  began  the  ascent  of  the  Willamette, 
carefully  examining  the  banks  on  either  side.  He 
would  prefer  for  his  station  the  head  of  ocean  naviga- 
tion on  the  Willamette,  as  better  commanding  the 
vallev  and  being  more  beyond  the  immediate  influence 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  The  falls  of  the 
Willamette,  where  now  stands  Oregon  City,  would 
have  suited  him  in  many  respects,  but  he  did  not 
wish  directlyto  interfere  with  the  plans  of  McLoughlin. 
All  things  considered,  he  finally  fixed  upon  the  lower 


FORT  WILLIAM.  593 

end  of  Wapato,  now  called  Sauve",  Island,  near  where 
his  vessel  was  moored,  as  the  place  for  the  future 
American  metropolis  on  the  Columbia. 

Returning  to  the  vessel  he  made  immediate  prepara- 
tions for  occupying  that  point.  Erecting  a  temporary 
storehouse  of  fcwigs  thatched  with  grass,  the  live- 
stock was  firsl  landed,  then  the  goods;  and  soon  the 
place  presented  an  unique  appearance.  More  ground 
was  cleared  and  other  huts  thrown  up  on  either  side 
of  what  some  day  should  be  a  street,  through  which 
now  roamed  at  large  pigs  and  poultry,  sheep  and  goats. 
The  carpenter,  the  cooper,  the  blacksmith,  and  other 
artisans  were  soon  at  work.  Logs  and  boards  for 
more  solid  structures  were  gotten  out,  and  the  wild- 
tangled  river  bank  was  being  rapidly  transformed  into 
a  place  habitable  for  civilized  man.  The  scientists 
domiciled  themselves  with  Wycth  on  the  brig,  and 
thence  pursued  their  researches,  pressing  plants,  and 
shooting  birds  and  quadrupeds  and  preparing  their 
skins  for  preservation;  the  natives  at  first  refused  to 
visit  the  vessel  lest  they  should  catch  a  disease11  then 
prevalent,  but  in  time  their  fears  were  dissipated, 
and  their  presence  became  more  troublesome  than  had 
been  their  absence. 

Meanwhile  it  was  arranged  that  while  Wyeth 
returned  to  Fort  Hall  to  look  after  matters  there,  the 
brig  should  make  a  voyage  to  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
and  the  scientists  resolved  to  acconipairy  it.  Think- 
ing to  try  Kanakas  with  forest  life,  Wyeth  took  w  ith 
him  twelve,  but  they  deserted  him  at  Walla  Walla, 
each  taking  a  horse  to  ride.  Wyeth  immediately 
wrote  McLoughlin  of  the  circumstance. 

The  3d  of  December,  as  the  May  Dacre  dropped 
down  the  river,  a  one-e}red  Cowlitz  named  George 
boarded  the  vessel,  and  presented  credentials  signed 
by  ( 'aptain  McXeill  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company, 

11  A  species  of  the  ague  and  fever  then  raping.    '  The  symptoms  are  :i  gen- 
eral coldness,  soreness,  and  stiffness  of  the  limbs  and  the  body,  with  violent 
tertian  ague.'   Townsend's  Nar.t  17s. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    38 


594  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

recommending  the  bearer  as  a  pilot.  An  engagement 
was  quickly  made,  in  effect  that  for  four  bottles  of 
rum  George  was  safely  to  guide  the  vessel  to  the 
ocean,  and  for  every  time  she  struck  one  bottle  was 
to  be  deducted.  Taking  his  position  upon  the  bow, 
he  proved  fully  as  efficient  as  those  who  now,  for 
form's  sake,  and  to  secure  an  unearned  fee,  pilot  ves- 
sels into  and  out  of  well  known  and  safe  harbors. 
One  single  word  was  sufficient,  oohooh,  here;  his 
finger  did  the  rest,  and  told  where  '  here'  was. 

Anchoring  off  Astoria  on  the  8th,  a  visit  was  made 
to  Fort  George,  already  well  nigh  lost  under  the 
foliage  of  the  encroaching  forest.12  A  little  trading 
was  still  carried  on  with  the  natives  by  the  solitary 
white  man  who  occupied  the  old  hewn  board  house, 
but  most  of  the  traffic  went  to  Fort  Vancouver.  As 
they  were  passing  out  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  they 
met  a  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  coaster,  having  on 
board  Chief  Factor  Ogclen,  two  months  from  Nass, 
usually  an  eight  days'  voyage. 

On  the  16th  of  April  1835,  the  May  Dacre  en- 
tered the  Columbia,  just  returned  from  the  Hawaiian 
Islands.  Townsencl  made  many  excursions  for  birds, 
beasts,  and  fishes  in  various  directions.  Finally  set- 
ting sail  in  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  bark  Colum- 
bia, Captain  Koyal,  the  21st  of  November  1836,  he 
again  visited  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  Valparaiso,  where  on  the  2  2d  of  August 
1837  he  reembarked  on  board  the  brig  B.  MezicJc, 
Captain  Martin,  for  Philadelphia,  where  he  landed 
the  17th  of  November. 

Work  continued  on  Wapato  Island  during  the  win- 
ter of  1834-5;  a  salmon  fishery  was  started,  and  sev- 
eral substantial  log-houses  were  erected,  over  which 
Wyeth,  on  his  return,  raised  the  United  States  flag, 
and  christened  the  place  Fort  William.     In  Wyeth's 

12 '  The  spot  where  once  the  fine  parterre  overlooked  the  river,  and  the 
hold  stockade  enclosed  the  neat  and  substantial  fort,  is  now  overgrown  with 
weeds  and  bushes,  and  can  scarce  he  distinguished  from  the  primeval  forest 
which  surrounds  it  on  every  side.'  Townsend's  Nar.,  182. 


WESTERN  DIPLOMA.  Y. 

absence  Walker,  the  quasi  missionary,  acted  as  super- 
intendent, turning  as  many  men  as  possible  into  coop- 
ers, and  keeping  them  closely  .-it  work  making  barr<  Is 
for  tin'  anticipated  greal  catch. 

Bui  the  business  was  nol  profitable.  While  the 
al  Fori  Vancouver  extended  to  him  every  cour- 
tesy, they  could  not  Look  with  favor  upon  a  large  com- 
peting establishment  so  nearly  opposite  them  on  the 
river.  Salmon-catching  they  did  nol  so  much  object 
to,  but  they  would  not  sec  their  fur-trade  ruined  if 
they  could  prevent  it.  Though  they  liked  Wyeth 
well  enough, he  should  not  undersell  them;  heshould 
not  draw  the  natives  from  them.  Hence,  against  this 
powerful  organization,  with  a  score  or  so  of  posts, 
with  hundreds  of  experienced  servants,  and  a  thor- 
oughly systematized  business,  it  was  plain  to  perceive 
that  buying  peltries  could  not  be  made  profitable. 

How  was  it  with  regard  to  single  individuals?  The 
condition  of  a  man  cut  loose  from  the  protection 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  Oregon,  ;:1  this 
period,  unless  employed  and  furnished  by  one  of  the 
American  companies,  of  whom  there  were  none  ex- 
cept Wyeth's  on  the  lower  Columbia,  was  worse  than 
that  of  the  savage.  For  the  savage  having  grown 
up  in  the  endurance  of  privations  is  better  able  to 
submit  to  them,  and  when  compelled  to  live  upon  the 
scant  bounty  of  uncivilized  nature,  or  to  clothe  himself 
with  skins  of  animals  and  bark  of  trees,  accepts  the 
necessity  with  resignation,  and  suffers  but  little  in 
comparison  with  the  miseries  of  his  white  brother 
under  the  same  circumstances. 

From  the  veiyfirat,McLoughlinwassa1  isfied  thai  the 
Columbia  1  liver  Fishing  and  Trading  ( lompany  would 
prove  a  failure;  nay,  he  was  determined  it  should  be  so. 
I  g  discouraging  the  natives  of  the  lower  ( lolum- 

bia  from  trading  at  Fort  William  or  assisting  in 
catching  salmon  for  the  Americans,  immi  diat<  ly  after 
the  erection  of  Fort  Hall  the  Hudson's  liny  (  om- 
pany  planted  a  rival  establishment  in   that   vicinity. 


596  WYETH'S  SECOND  ADVENTURE. 

They  did  not  build  immediately  contiguous,  as  was 
often  the  case  elsewhere,  but  placed  Fort  Boise,13 
as  they  called  the  post,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Snake 
River,  midway  between  Boise  and  Payette  rivers, 
thinking  that  by  taking  a  position  somewhat  to  the 
westward  of  the  American  post,  they  might  the  better 
cut  off  and  oppose  the  Pacific  trade. 

The  missionaries  blamed  McLoughlin  for  this,  but 
Wyeth  did  not.  His  business  instincts  and  native 
manliness  told  him  that  his  Fort  Vancouver  friend 
could  not  do  otherwise;  that  the  manager  of  Hudson's 
Bay  affairs  must  act  with  all  honorable  aggression  for 
his  company.  To  certain  practices  growing  out  of 
the  strong  competition  on  Snake  River,  Wyeth  in  a 
memorial  to  congress  took  exceptions.  He  did  not 
hesitate  freely  to  condemn  purchasing  furs  from  hired 
men.  Here  the  Americans  did  the  same,  he  said, 
but  the  English  began  it.  As  for  McLoughlin  sanc- 
tioning such  a  practice,  Wyeth  well  knew  that  the 
old  gentleman  would  as  soon  have  thought  of  setting 
up  a  shop  for  the  purchase  of  stolen  goods. 

Salmon-fishing  alone  of  all  their  brilliant  schemes 
was  then  left  to  the  Columbia  River  Fishing  and 
Trading  Company;  and  this  industry  in  order  to  be 
profitaljle  on  a  large  scale  required  experience  and 
proper  appliances.  The  Chinook  could  take  three  fish 
out  of  the  Columbia  while  the  New  Englander  took 
out  one;  but  instead  of  assisting  the  Bostons  of  Wapato 
Island,  the  Chinooks  opposed  them.  Then  the  nets 
of  the  New  Englanders  were  not  of  the  right  kind; 
other  of  their  appliances  would  not  work;  some  quar- 
relled,14 some  were  murdered,  eight  were  drowned  at 

13 A  parallelogram  100  feet  on  one  side,  adobe  walls.  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  140, 
•who  was  there  in  1S36,  calls  it  a  miserable  pen  of  a  place,  consisting  of  cotton- 
wood  poles  and  crooked  sticks  set  in  a  trench.  It  certainly  possessed  no 
importance,  except  in  the  way  of  opposition,  and  fell  into  decay  soon  after  the 
purchase  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  of  Fort  Hall.  See  further,  Lee  and 
Frost's  Or.,  210;  Evans' Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  189. 

14  Here  is  one  incident  illustrative  of  the  insane  way  men  will  sometimes 
behave  in  such  an  emergency.  Thornburg,  the  tailor  at  Fort  William,  was  a 
vindictive  man  and  general  bad  character.  So  strong  were  his  cravings  for 
the  sweets  of  intoxication,  that  in  the  absence  of  the  owner  he  drank  the 


FAILURES.  597 

one  time;  and  before  half  a  cargo  for  the  May  Dm- re 
had  been  secured,  Wyeth  feared  for  the  pockets  of 

his  Boston  associates. 

Trapping  in  the  region  round  Fori  I  hill  me1  with 
no  better  success.  A  band  <>f  Blackfeet  fell  upon  a 
party  under  Thing,  and  after  killing  several  of  the 
men,  secured  a  large  booty.  Emaciated,  pale,  and 
apparently  seven  years  older  than  the  season  before, 
Thine-  came  down  to  Fort  William  in. Inly  L835,  only 
to  add  his  dismal  story  to  the  oilier  misadventures. 
About  the  same  time  there  arrived  from  the  south  Mr 
Bailey,  wrecked  in  mind  and  body,  having  been  fear- 
fully bruised  and  gashed  by  the  natives  of  the  Rogue 
River  region  while  en  route  from  California  to  join 
Young,  every  one  of  his  seven  companions  having 
been  massacred. 

Wyeth  put  forth  all  his  powers  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  high  anticipations,  but  though  he  battled 
bravely  ill-luck  everywhere  attended  his  efforts.  The 
May  Dacre  sailed  away  with  her  half  cargo  of  fish 
and  a  fewT  furs,  all  the  returns  from  money,  goods,  and 
incessant  toil  the  first  year  could  show,  but  not  until 
after  experiencing  two  successive  years  of  dearth  of 
salmon  would  Wyeth  recognize  the  blank  ruin  that 
stared  him  in  the  face. 

Finally  breaking  up  his  establishment  on  Wapato 
Island  in  1836  he  returned  to  Boston.  After  consult- 
ing his  associates,  he  wrote  the  directors  of  the  Hud- 
son'.-. Bay  Company  in  London  offering  for  sale  the 
property  and  establishments  of  Fort  Hall  and  Fort 
William.  The  matter  was  referred  from  London  to 
Fort  Vancouver,  and  Wyeth  was  again  obliged  to  visit 

alcohol  from  the  naturalist's  jar  of  preserved  lizards  and  snakes,  ami  was 
happ3  rer  it.     Between  this  man  ami  Eubbard,  the  gunsmith, 

there  had  been  for  -  i  i  pute,  and  more  thai ■  ■  I 

y  In;  would  kill  Hubbard     Early  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July 
1  835,  Thornburg,  armed  with  a  gun  and  knife,  ibara, 

cocked  prepared  to  level  il  upon  his  intended  victim.    But  Hub- 

bard awakening,  drew  his  pistol  and  area  on  Thornburg,  \\  1 1< >  died  in  a  fuw 
minute-.  The  matter  was  rally  examined  by  the  offio  rs  of  the  company,  and 
a  written  certificate  given  Hubbard  exonerating  himwholl  -  Or., 

this  series. 


59S  WYETH'S  SECOKD  ADVEXTUKE. 

the  coast.  At  last  in  1837  the  sale  was  consummated, 
and  Wyeth  and  his  agent  left  the  Columbia  in  one 
of  the  company's  vessels  for  Honolulu.  Most  of 
Wyeth's  men  remained  in  Oregon.  On  this  third  and 
final  return  of  Wyeth  from  Oregon  to  Boston  the 
Columbia  River  Fishing  and  Trading  Company  was 
dissolved,  and  the  late  manager  embarked  in  other  and 
more  lucrative  business. 

Though  to  himself,  and  pecuniarily,  Wyeth's  Oregon 
adventures  were  a  failure,  his  influence  on  Oregon 
occupation  and  settlement  was  second  to  none.  The 
flag  of  the  United  States  was  planted  by  him  simul- 
taneously in  the  heart  of  the  continent  and  on  the 
seaboard  of  the  Pacific.  He  it  was  who,  more  directly 
than  any  other  man,  marked  the  way  for  the  ox- teams 
which  were  so  shortly  to  bring  the  Americanized  civ- 
ilization of  Europe  across  the  roadless  continent. 
Thus  may  we  easily  trace  the  direct  influence  of 
Boston,  far  greater  than  that  of  New  York  with  its 
Astor,  upon  American  Pacific  possession,  first  in  the 
coast  fur-traders,  then  in  the  agitations  of  Kelley,  the 
school-master,  and  finally  in  the  enterprise  of  Wyeth, 
the  Cambridge  ice-dealer.  And  most  happy  are  we 
to  know  that  after  his  hardships  and  losses  in  Oregon 
enterprise  Wyeth  established  a  large  business  for  the 
exportation  of  ice  from  Boston  to  Calcutta  which  was 
in  every  way  successful.15 

After  the  abandonment  by  Wyeth  of  Fort  William 
a  dairy  was  established  on  Wapato  Island,  which  soon 
became  quite  extensive.     It  was  given  in  charge  to  a 

^Strong's  Hist.  Or.. MS.,  11;  Evans' Hist.  Or., MS., 204;  Anderson 's North- 
vest  Coast,  MS.,  121;  Trans.  Or.  Pioneer  Assoc,  187 5,  24;  Toivnsend'*  X<<,-., 
passim;  Parker's  Tour.,  139,  149,  180;  Victor's  River  of  the  West,  36-8; 
Hines'  Ex.  Or.,  411-12.  John  Dunn,  Or.  Ter.,  140,  states  that  the  '  company 
offered  him  every  facility,'  which  is  not  true.  McLoughlin,  Privcute  Papt  rs, 
MS.,  2d  ser.,  2,  speaks  of  a  vessel  which  was  wrecked,  having  been  sent  out 
to  meet  the  fust  expedition,  which  is  a  mistake.  Gray,  Hist.  Or.,  G'22,  falsely 
charges  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  with  having  driven  Wyeth  hence  by  dis- 
honorable means.  Wilkes,  Nar.  U.  S.  Explor.  Ex.,  v.  128,  mentions  Warrior's 
Point  as  'the  locality  where  "Wyeth  proposed  to  erect  his  great  city  of  the 
vest.'  See  also  Tucker's  Hist.  Or.,  53;  Hunt's  Mer.  Mag.,  vi.  318;  Greenhow's 
Or.  and  Cat. ,  359.  Religion  not  being  an  exact  science  the  missionaries  acquire 
such  a  habit  of  looseness  in  their  statements  as  to  render  them  very  unreliable 


6UAVE  ISLAND.  599 

faithful  French  Canadian  named  Jean  I  laptiste  S.-mw. 
from  which  circumstance  the  island  became  known 
as  Sauve"  Island,  which  name  it  bears  to  this  day. 
Between  the  island  and  Port  Vancouver  a  little 
schooner  made  regular  trips  twice  a  week.10 

i  to  historical  facts.     Thus  Hincs,  Ex.  Or.,  412,  say.-  that  'scores  of 
.    losl  in  Wyeth'a  expeditions.1     Now  a  Bcore  is  20,  scores  must, 
mean  at  least  40.    On  his  lirst  expedition  Wyeth  brought  but  16  men  into  the 
mountains,  and  of  these  4  returned  east  immediately,  and  '■*  were  bn 
Fort  Vancouver,  leaving  .'>  in  the  mountains.    Of  the  50  comprising  fch 
expedition  33  were  left  in  the  mountains,  so  that  if  every  one  of  them  was 
killed,  the  number  would  not  amount  to  scores.    A  still  more  ex1 
statement  made  by  the  same   writer  is,  'of  200  men  whom  he  had  led  into 
I  Iregon,  hut  4;>  were  know  o  to  he  alive.'    In  Saxton'a  < >r.  /'.  /-.,  MS.,  100,  it  is 
stated  that  Wyeth  left  aally  in  1838. 

16 In  the  report  to  congress  of  Mr  ( lushing,  from  the  committee  on  foreign 
affairs,  printed  as  U.  S.  Home  Rept.  ATo.  /"/.  S5th  Cong.,  Sd  Sees.,  6  22,  is  an 
interesting  memoir  of  Mr  Wyeth's,  dated  Cambridge,  Feb.  4,  1839,  giving 
clear  and  correct  descriptions  of  the  climate,  soil,  geography,  trade,  and  agri- 
culture of  the  Columbia.  The  capabilities  of  the  conn  power  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  are  both  pronounced  extensive.  Rob 
Ms.,  12,  says  that  Townsend  was  given  the  berth  of  surgeon  at  Fort  Van- 
couver one  winter,  'to  make  him  more  at  ease,  at  the  establishment,'  the 
refinement  of  hospitality,  truly.  Speaking  generally  of  the  Boston  advent 
ure  the  same  shrewd  observer  says:  '  McLoughlin  was  required  by  the  com- 
pany to  put  down  poor  Wyeth,  that  is,  in  a  fair,  honorable,  legitimate  way. 
aha  that  did  his  business  was  something  like  this:  He  was  not  to 
i  the  lower  country,  and  we  were  not  to  oppose  in  the  interior.  But 
where  he  had  one  party  we  had  two,  and  then  much  better  goods.  Think  of 
the  Cascades,  the  Dalles,  and  the  almost  impassable  difficulties,  want 
mand  over  people,  and  who  can  be  astonished  at  his  failure.'  See  Hist  (Jr., 
.i.'s,  passim. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

FURTHER   AFFAIRS    IN    GENERAL. 

1836-1839. 

The  Steamer  'Beaver'— Small-pox— United  States  Secret  Service— 
William  A.  Slacum,  Agent— Captain  Bancroft— His  Hunting  Voy- 
age upon  the  Coast  of  California — Killed  by  the  Kaiganies — 
Building  in  the  Valley  Willamette— The  Oregon  Provisional 
Emigration  Society— Farnham,  and  the  Columbia  River  City- 
builders— Sir  Edward  Belcher's  Visit— Cowlitz  Plains  and  Nis- 
qually  Settlements— The  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company— 
William  Fkaser  Tolmie— Roderick  Finlayson  Arrives. 

Behold  now  the  advent  of  a  new  power  in  North- 
western waters ;  that  giant  servant  and  civilizer,  steam, 
screeching  heavenward  its  portentous  hallelujahs,  while 
the  forest  reverberates  the  cry,  and  the  denizens  of  the 
sea  lift  to  the  surface  their  heads  in  stolid  astonish- 
ment ! 

The  first  steam-vessel  upon  the  north  Pacific1  was 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  steamer  Beaver  built  at 
Blackwall  in  1835,  sailing  round  Cape  Horn  from 
England,  carrying  in  her  hold  her  own  machinery,  and 
arriving  at  Fort  Vancouver  in  the  spring  of  1836. 
There  her  steam  machinery  was  set  up  in  her.  Though 
clumsy,  she  was  most  substantially  put  together,  her 
oak  timbers  being  unusually  heavy.  Her  small  wheels 
were  placed  far  forward  like  the  fins  of  a  seal;  her 
square  poop  stood  high  out  of  the  water,  slanting 
toward  the  rudder. 

It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  shortly  after  her 
arrival  the  Beaver  should  turn   her  back   upon   the 

1  She  has  been  called  the  first  steamer  to  come  round  Cape  Horn,  but  when 
coming  out  she  was  not  a  steamer. 

°  ( COO ) 


HISTORICAL  SHIPS.  G01 

glories  of  head-quarters  for  the  inhospitable  wilderness 
of  northern  waters,  should  deliberately  steam  down 
the  Columbia  never  to  enter  thai  stream  again. 

Long  before  Victoria  was  dreamed  of,  this  little 
black  Beaver  was  plyingher  paddles  through  the  glis- 
tening waters  of  cold,  placid  sounds  and  bays  round 
Vancouver  Island  and  far  to  the  northward.  She  was 
early  to  enter  the  harbors  of  Victoria  and  Esquimalt, 
the  schooner  Cadboro  being  after  her. 

Every  year,  with  the  utmost  regularity,  the  Beaver 
made  her  rounds  among  the  northern  stations,  leaving 
Victoria,  after  the  establishment  was  there,  in  April 
and  returning  in  November.  The  natives  of  the  va- 
rious localities  knew  almost  to  a  day  where  to  expect 
her.  and  so  were  always  on  hand  with  their  skins  to 
trade  for  clothing,  blankets,  arms,  and  tobacco,  a  full 
supply  of  which  the  little  steamer  always  carried. 
The  goods  were  in  charge  of  a  chief  trader,  whose 
office  was  distinct  from  that  of  navigator.  Thirty 
men  was  her  complement,  and  she  was  armed  with 
four  six -pounders  and  plenty  of  small  weapons.  A 
rope  netting  round  her  deck  prevented  invasion  by 
the  natives,  not  over  thirty  of  whom  were  allowed  to 
come  on  board  at  one  time  unless  accompanied  by  their 
families.  No  man-of-war  ever  maintained  s<  ricter  dis- 
cipline, and  hence  she  was  never  taken  by  surprise. 

Thus,  from  point  to  point  she  went,  watching,  dis- 
tributing, gathering.  Her  northern  depot  was  Fort 
Simpson,  to  which  port  she  carried  six  cargoes  gath- 
ered from  different  localities  during  ea<  h  voyage.  The 
steamer  Beaver  was  followed  by  the  steamer  Otter, 
which  sailed  from  England  in  1852,  the  trade  having 
meanwhile  grown  beyond  the  dimensions  of  the  for- 
mer vessel.  The  Otter  usually  assisted  the  Beaver  in 
bringing  down  the  harvest.  A  cabinet  of  curiosities 
was  kept  on  the  Beaver,  curious  to  strangers,  but  of 
little  interest  to  the  savages  who  made  th 

20lym  d Democrat,  Jan.  7,  1859;   !  Ter.,  MS.,  80; 

>,  1862;  Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  L85  6;  Lewis,  in  B.  C. 

SUetcfies,  MS.,  4;  Finlayaon's  Hist.  V.  /.,  MS.,  97;  Hay<  '■  i  U  t,  iii.  18. 


G02  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  FX  GEXERAL. 

The  summer  brigade  which  left  Fort  Vancouver 
the  25th  of  June  1836  consisted  of  sixty  men  in  nine 
boats,  under  Peter  Skeen  Ogden,  chief  factor,  New 
Caledonia;  Samuel  Black,  Kamloop;  and  Archibald 
McDonald,  ColviUe. 

This  year  the  small-pox  made  its  appearance,  and 
attacking  the  natives  with  all  its  early  virulence, 
endeavored  as  far  as  possible  to  complete  the  work  so 
promisingly  begun  by  fever  and  ague,  and  measles. 
With  the  advent  of  the  more  dire  disease,  however, 
it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  lesser  ones  retired. 
As  long  as  there  remained  native  communities  in  any 
considerable  numbers  the  poisons  of  civilization  were 
never  for  a  moment  absent.3 

William  A.  Slacum,  who  the  11th  of  November 
1835  was  instructed  by  John  Forsyth,  secretary  of 
state,  to  drop  in  upon  the  people  of  the^  Oregon  Eiver 
region  unofficially,  in  the  guise  of  a  private  observer, 
being  then  about  to  visit  the  Pacific,  and  who,  that 
he  might  while  there  be  independent  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  chartered  at  Oahu  the  brig  Loriot, 
Captain  Bancroft,  reported  to  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment the  26th  of  March  1837  the  appearance  on 
board  his  vessel  immediately  it  entered  the  Columbia, 
of  Chenamus,  chief  of  the  Chinooks,  with  a  present  of 
wild-fowl.  The  savage  then  demanded  if  that  was  a 
King  George  or  a  Boston  ship.  This  was  in  Decem- 
ber 1836.  From  Fort  George  Mr  Birnie  despatched 
a  canoe  to  Fort  Vancouver,  notifying  McLoughlin  of 
the  arrival  of  the  vessel.4  By  the  messenger  Slacum 
wrote  to  Duncan  Finlayson,  whom  he  had  met  at  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  asking  a  pilot  and  a  stove,  which 
were  sent  him  with  a  polite  invitation  to  visit  the 

3  Beckwourth,the  negro,  was  accused,  I  do  not  know  how  justly,  of  wilfully 
sowing  small-pox  among  the  pestiferous  Blackfeet,  by  disposing  to  them  of 
certain  infected  articles  brought  from  St  Louis. 

i '  Onarriving,hepretended,'saysMcLoughlin,  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser., 
(i.  'he  was  a  private  gentleman,  and  that  he  came  to  meet  Murray  and  com- 
panions who  had  left  the  states  to  visit  this  country.  But  this  did  not  deceive 
me.'    See  Hist.  Or.,  this  series. 


WILLIAM  A.  SLACUM.  C03 

fort.  Shortly  afterward,  Douglas  came  down  in  a  boat 
manned  by  nine  voyageurs,  and  took  Slacum  1"  Fort 
Vancouver,  where  he  was  hospitably  greeted  by  Mc- 
Loughlin  and  Finlayson.  Mr  Slacum  further  reports 
thousand  acres  fenced  and  under  cultivation  at 
Fori  Vancouver,  where  there  were  employed  cue  hun- 
dred men,  under  as  strict  regulations  as  in  the  besl 
appointed  military  garrison. 

Expressing  a  desire  to  sec  the  Willamette  Valley, 
McLoughlin  sent  him  up  the  river  in  a  boat  to  ( !amp 
Maud  du  Sable,  as  he  terms  the  Encampment  du 
Sable,  the  landing-place  of  the  French  settlement, 
where  he  found  McKay,5  and  was  visited  by  Jason 
Lee,  who  came  from  his  station  eighteen  miles  distant 
for  that  purpose.  Lee,  as  well  in  felling  timber,  fenc- 
ing, and  planting,  as  in  establishing  schools  and 
churches,  was  doing  much  for  Christ  and  for  the 
United  States.  He  found  Ewing  Young,  in  excuse 
for  starting  a  distillery,  raving  against  McLoughlin. 
He  encouraged  the  organization  of  the  Willamette 
Cattle  Company,  offering  such  as  chose  to  go  free 
passage  on  the  Loriot  to  California,  and  did  carry  ten 
settlers  to  Bodega  after  loaning  Lee  $500  wherewith 
to  buy  cattle.  The  worst  charge  he  seemed  able  to 
bring  against  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  was  their 


5  Jean  Baptistc  Desportez  McKoy,  as  Slacum  calls  him,  who  came  with  the 
mpany  and  pitched  his  tent  permanently  at  this  place  six  years  prior 
it.    Thomas  McKay,  son  of  Alexander  McKay,  who  crossed  the 
continent  'with  McKenzie  and  perished  in  the  i  assacre,  likev<  ise  set- 

tled in  the  Willamette  Valley,  where,  according  to  Anderson,  Northwest 
Coast,  MS.,  74,  he  died  in  1845.  Thomas  McKay  was  a  character  whose 
adventures  would  till  a  volume.  He-?  d  asa  rifle  shot,  and  like  many 

half-breeds,  though  naturally  gentle  and  courteous,  he  was  exceedingly  vin- 
dictive.   '1  haveoften  heard  McKay  speak  of  the  tragical  fate  of  his  | 
Says  Townseud,  A'ar.,  82,  uote,  'ami  with  the  bitter  animositj  and  love  of 

inherited  from  his  Indian  mother  I  have  heard  him  declan 
will  yet  1  i  lie  avenger  of  blood.'    This  was  very  fine, 

and  no  doubt  occasional  shots  in  thi    -  the  bur- 

den placed  upon  his  heart  l>y  the  savages  of  the  v  ouver  [sl- 

and.   As  McLoughlin  did  not  sanction  tiie  indiscrim  '  innocent 

persons  for  the  deeds  of  the  guilty,  our  brave  and  boastful   half-breed  was 
to  go  all  his  life  blood-thirsty,  for  of  such  mi  n  McLoughlin  was  the 
natural  master.     Of  McKay  1  speak  elsewhere.   See  III  '.  Not 


604  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN-  GENERAL. 

forbidding  their  people  or  dependents  to  dispose  of  furs 
to  strangers.6 

Captain  Bancroft  was  an  Englishman,  and  the 
owner  and  commander  of  his  vessel.7  He  was  in  no 
way  connected  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  but 
conducted  business  on  his  own  account.  Though  sea- 
otter  were  now  scarce  everywhere,  they  appeared  to 
be  more  plentiful  south  than  north  of  the  Columbia. 
Old  traders  have  assured  me  that  owing  to  the  more 
diligent  use  of  fire-arms  on  the  Northwest  Coast  these 
water  beasts  had  in  no  inconsiderable  numbers  mi- 
grated to  the  shores  of  California.  The  earlier  custom 
became  to  some  extent  revived,  of  sailing  to  Sitka  or 
the  coast  thereabouts,  and  taking  thence  natives  to 
hunt  on  the  shores  of  southern  Oregon  and  northern 
California,  carrying  the  catch  to  the  Islands,  where  the 
proceeds  would  be  divided,  or  returning  the  hunters 
to  their  own  country  after  having  purchased  from 
them  their  share  of  skins.  While  prosecuting  this 
trade  in  1837,  Captain  Bancroft  came  to  grief.  Sail- 
ing from  Honolulu  to  Prince  of  Wales  Island,  he  took 
on  board  some  Kaiganie  hunters  with  their  implements, 
canoes,  and  provisions,  the  last  consisting  chiefly  of 
dried  fish  and  fish-oil  not  particularly  agreeable  to 
refined  olfactory  nerves,  and  such  were  undoubtedly 
those  of  the  Kanaka  lady,  or  by  courtesy  in  fur-trad- 
ing parlance  wife,  of  Captain  Bancroft,  who  one  would 
think  had  never  smelled  fish  in  her  favored  isle,  and  who 
unfortunately  was  a  passenger  on  this  occasion.     For 

6  A  party  from  the  Lorlot  boarded  the  Llama  in  Baker  Bay,  where  they 
found  Chief  Trader  McLeod.  'It  was  mentioned  in  the  course  of  conversa- 
tion that  a  Madame  Perand,  wife  of  one  of  the  Canadian  settlers  on  the  Wil- 
lamette, had  just  come  in  with  20  to  30  fine  beaver-skins.  Some  one  of  the 
party  remarked,  turning  toward  Captain  Bancroft  of  the  Loriot,  '  There  is  a 
fine  chance  for  a  bargain.'  McLeod  quickly  replied,  'Damn  the  skin  shall 
Madame  Perand  sell  to  cross  the  bar  of  the  Columbia.'  U.  S.  House  Rept. 
101,  25th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  35.  Though  full  of  errors  and  somewhat  warped  by 
patriotism,  Slacum's  report  on  the  whole  was  intelligent  and  fairly  rendered. 
It  should  be  compared  with  McLoughlin's  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.,  7. 

'This  is  Anderson's  statement.  Lee  says  Captain  Bancroft  was  an  Ameri- 
can, and  Slacum  calls  his  ship  an  American  vessel. 


CAPTAIN  BANCROFT.  005 

as  they  sailed  south,  hunting  as  they  went  Bhe  pelted 
the  captain  with  her  complaints  until  he  became  exas- 
peratedandventedhis  spleen  mosi  imprudently  on  those 
northern  lords  aboriginal.  Driven  on  by  the  sickly 
smiles  of  the  dark  thick-lipped  and  suffocating  beauty, 
Captain  Bancroft  did  no1  hesitate  sometimes  even  to 
seize  the  obnoxious  food  and  throw  it  into  the  sea,  and 
otherwise  to  insult  them.  Though  the  rank  of  the 
Kaiganies  might  be  offensive, it  was  none  the  less  high, 
and  they  determined  to  put  down  Anglo-Kanaka  impu- 
dence. Having  well  laid  their  plans,  the  hyperboreans 
rose  suddenly  upon  the  signal,  knocked  senseless  the 
seamen,  and  stabbed  the  captain  on  the  quarter-deck. 
(  me  other  man  besides  the  captain  was  killed.  Even 
the  frail  dark  one  did  not  escape  punishment  in  the  way 
of  bruises. 

Having  thus  obtained  possession  of  the  ship,  the 
Kaiganies  ordered  the  mate  to  take  them  home,  as- 
suring him  if  in  the  least  he  valued  his  life  not  to 
trifle  with  them,  or  attempt  to  pursue  other  than  the 
most  direct  course.  The  mate  obeyed.  Indeed,  he 
thought  it  best;  for  these  people  were  both  intelli- 
gent and  cunning.  They  knew  the  north  star  and  the 
significance  of  the  mariner's  compass,  and  they  watched 
the  steersman  night  and  day.  Arrived  at  their  isle, 
they  took  from  the  vessel  their  effects,  with  their  shar<  i 
of  the  skins  only,  and  after  a  present  to  the  mate  for 
courteous  conduct  under  trying  circumstances,  they 
sent  the  vessel  on  its  way. 

But,  lest  the  murderous  Kaiganies  should  rise  too 
high  in  reputation  for  honesty,  it  may  be  well  to  say 
that  in  February  1842  tidings  reached  Fori  Simpson 
that  an  American  schooner,  visiting  their  place  for 
hunters  for  a  California  expedition,  and  being  forced 
by  stress  of  weather  to  return  to  her  anchorage  after 
having  once  departed,  was  pillaged,  and  the  crew  left 
with  little  more  than  the  bare  ship  to  pursue  fortune 
as  best  they  might. 

Turning  to  the  Fort  Simpson  journals,  I  find  re- 


606  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IX  GENERAL. 

corded  by  Chief  Factor  Work,  under  date  21st  Sep- 
tember 1837,  the  information  that  he  had  received 
"  letters  from  Captain  Bancroft  dated  9th  instant,  and 
a  letter  from  Mr  Pelly  dated  August  3d,  stating  that 
the  accompanying  accounts  between  Captain  Bancroft 
and  the  company  were  forwarded.  Captain  Bancroft 
states  that  he  does  not  think  he  will  return  here,  but 
go  direct  to  the  Islands  from  California."  Two  years 
pass,  a  long  interval  in  the  recording  of  a  brief  tragedy; 
but  these  slow,  steady  traders  were  accustomed  to  wide 
intervals  of  time  and  to  far-reaching  distances.  The 
15th  of  September  1839  Work  writes:  "Captain 
McNeill's  sister-in-law  is  among  the  Kaigany  people 
who  arrived  yesterday.  She  confirms  the  report  we 
have  heard  at  different  times,  for  some  time  past, 
relative  to  Captain  Bancroft  being  killed  by  some  of 
his  hunters.  By  her  account  the  Indians  say  that  the 
captain  had  become  much  addicted  to  drinking,  that 
he  had  only  five  white  men  on  board,  the  rest  of  his 
crew  being  all  Sandwich  Islanders;  that  he  had  his 
wife,  a  Sandwich  Island  woman,  on  board,  that  lat- 
terly he  tyrannized  greatly  and  was  very  harsh,  not 
only  to  his  officers  and  men,  but  also  to  the  Indians, 
whom  he  not  only  scrimped  in  provisions  when  they 
were  unsuccessful  in  hunting,  but  gave  them  bad 
powder  with  which  they  could  not  kill  the  otters." 

The  following  April  there  came  to  Fort  Simpson 
the  treacherous  Kaiganies  with  their  California  skins 
for  sale.  Then  the  cunningly  conscientious  British 
men  began  to  reason  with  themselves,  wishing  as  usual 
to  reconcile  with  their  pecuniary  interests  what  they 
thought  to  be  wrong.  The  question  was,  Should  the 
honorable  adventurers  from  England,  with  a  baronet 
for  a  London  governor,  and  another  baronet  for  an 
American  governor,  with  prayer  and  statute  books, 
with  courts  and  clergy,  and  all  the  paraphernalia  of 
redemption,  buy  from  the  savages  furs  obtained  by 
means  of  mutiny  and  murder?  Let  us  hear  what  the 
ingenious  chief  factor  says  of  it,  writing  in  his  ever 


INCONVENIENT  CONSCIENCE.  007 

faithful  journal,  of  the  grammar  of  which  we  will  say 
nothing:  "  From  the  way  these  skins  were  come  by, 
1  regrei  seeing  them  come  here,  and  traded  them  wil  Ii 
reluctance.  Bui  what  can  we  do  if  we  don'i  take 
ilicin;  not  only  them  bul  all  the  other  furs  the  whole 
tribe  miglrl  have  would  be  taken  to  our  opponents,  the 
Russians,  nol  only  this  year,  but  probably  years  to 
come."  Done  into  intelligible  speech  Work's  prayer 
that  nighl  would  be,  We  know,  ( )  <  rod,  that  it  is  sin; 
but  really  we  cannot  afford  not  to  doit. 

In  the  spring  of  1838  another  small  house  was 
built  at  the  falls  of  the  Willamette,  where  in  L827  Mc- 
Loughlinhadbegun  preparationsforerectinga  saw-mill. 
Again  timber  was  squared  and  hauled  to  the  place, 
and  again  the  building  of  the  mill  for  various  reasons 
was  deferred.  Then  in  1840  came  Jason  Lee,  super- 
intendent of  the  Methodist  Mission  in  Oregon,  and 
asked  a  loan  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  mission 
house  ;it  the  tails,  of  the  timber  McLoughlin  had  cut, 
which  request  was  granted;  and  after  him  other  mis- 
sionaries came  and  attempted  to  drive  away  McLough- 
lin. all  of  which  will  bo  fully  narrated  in  my  history 
of  Oregon,  to  which  all  doings  of  the  permanent  set- 
tlers properly  belong.8 

"  Only  to  glorify  God,  and  to  promote  on  earth  the 
interests  of  piety,"  if  we  may  believe  their  constitu- 
tion, was  formed  at  Lynn,  Massachusetts,  in  A.ugus1 
1838,  the  Oregon  Provisional  Emigration  Society. 
For  the  \<vy  small  sum  of  three  dollars  a  year, 
this  being  the  full  sum  any  one  member  was  to  pay, 
much  credit  was  to  be  purchased  in  the  after-life  by 
sending  men  and  women  to  Oregon  to  convert  the 
natives  and  subdue  the  land.  ( Jonsidering  how  quickly 
the  country  was  swept  of  its  happy  aborigines,  and 
how  the  messengers  of  glad  tidings  f<  II  to  fighting 

'1  account  of  these  troubles  may  be  found  in  McLougldW 
Papers,  Ms.,  1st  and  4th  scries. 


608  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN  GENERAL. 

each  other  for  precedence,  and  the  property  raised  by 
old  women's  sewing-societies,  and  at  the  monthly  con- 
ference meetings,  it  would  seem  that  these  good 
people  might  almost  as  well  have  kept  their  annual 
three  dollars. 

Not  every  one  who  travels  and  writes  a  book  belongs 
to  history.  Thomas  J.  Farnham  wrote  two  books,  one 
of  travels  and  the  other  of  unseasoned  gushings,9  and 
yet  Farnham  merits  but  little  of  our  attention.  His 
chief  virtue  lies  in  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Ten 
years  later,  had  he  travelled  thrice  round  the  world, 
seeing  all  that  Bayard  Taylor  failed  to  see,  and  had 
written  twenty  books,  I  should  be  obliged  to  pass 
him  by. 

The  eighteen  armed  and  mounted  Illinoisans,  who, 
following  a  flag  on  which  was  emblazoned  "Oregon  or 
the  Grave!"10  and  followed  by  a  covered  baggage- 
wagon,  rode  up  before  the  Peoria  court-house  the  1st 
of  May  1839,  and  after  bowing  their  heads  a  moment 
passed  on  toward  the  western  frontier,  were  neither 
fur-traders,  missionaries,  nor  professional  Indian-fight- 
ers.    They  were  about  to  embark  in  a  line  of  business 

9 The  first  is  entitled  Travels  in  the  Great  Western  Prairies,  the  Anahvac 
and  Rocky  Mountains,  and  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  published  at  Poughkeepsie 
in  1841 ;  the  second  work  appears  in  two  editions,  one,  Life  and  Adventures 
in  California,  an  octavo,  New  York,  1846,  the  other  printed  in  Philadelphia  in 
12mo,  1800,  a  bookseller's  trick,  to  meet  the  demand  for  new  accounts  of  the 
western  coast,  under  the  title  of  The  Early  Days  of  California.  Besides  these 
a  pictorial  edition  Svo  was  issued  in  New  York  in  1S57,  and  a  pamphlet  of  80 
pages  entitled  History  of  Oregon  Territory.  It  being  a  Demonstration  of  the 
Title  of  the  United  Stectes  of  North  America  to  the  Same,  accompanied  by  a  Map. 
New  York,  1844.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  from  Mexico  is  brought  the  time- 
honored  name  of  Anahuac,  which  is  here  given  to  the  mountains  between  the 
Arkansas  and  Colorado  rivers  northward.  One  thing  shall  be  said  of  Farn- 
ham in  his  first  book,  he  speaks  well  of  everybody,  missionaries  and  settlers, 
fur-hunters  and  sailors,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  English  and  American,  an 
exceedingly  rare  accomplishment  in  those  disputatious  days  of  early  Oregon. 
I  will  forgive  him  a  day  lost  in  the  study  of  his  worthless  narrative  for  his 
delightful  parade  of  the  good  cpialities  alone  of  mixed  men.  Descending  to 
the  California  volume  the  scene  changes.  All  his  wrath  while  north  seems  to 
have  been  reserved  that  he  might  have  the  more  to  vent  on  the  unhappy  Cali- 
fornians.  McLoughlin,  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.,  8,  says  that  behind 
Farnham  were  others  waiting  to  come  to  Oregon  if  his  report  should  prove 
favorable. 

10  The  gift  of  Mrs  Farnham,  who  accompanied  them  three  days'  journey  '  to 
give  them  encouragement.'  Holmaii' s Peoria  Party,  MS.,  4. 


THOMAS  J.  PARNHAM.  GOO 

11  v.  on  the  Northwest  Coast,  that  of  city-building. 
Others  had  dreamed  of  a  city  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia,  but  here  were  the  men  to  make  one. 
Whence  was  to  come  the  money  for  erecting  houses, 
and  paving  streets:  whence  the  people  to  fill  the  new 
city;  how  should  prospers  town  planted  in  a  wilder- 
with  forests  for  plantations  and  savag<  -  for 
money-changers,  were  matters  for  the  future.  First 
build  the  city.  And  it  should  be  built.  Withhe 
blessing  all  things  were  possible;  and  heaven's  bless- 
ing on  a  city  to  he  reared  immediately  on  the  pine- 
clad  hank  of  the  lower  Columbia  was  asked  beforehand 
by  the  good  man  of  the  town;  and  now  all  to  be  dime 
was  to  wait  and  see  what  heaven  should  do  for  these 
fourteen  armed  and  mounted  city-builders.  Should 
heaven  deign  to  hear  their  prayer,  assuredly  it  would 
be  a  cheap  way  of  building  a  city,  for  this  prayer  and 
that  wagon-load  of  clothing  and  food  was  their  entire 
capital. 

Well,  to  make  the  story  short,  after  calling  on 
Joseph  Smith  at  Quincy,  and  making  an  excursion 
over  the  Santa  Fe  road  from  Independence  to  Bent 
Fort,  the  Peoria  company  disbanded,  whereat  some 
ten  of  them  affirmed  that  they  never  intended  to  go  to 
Oregon  at  all,  while  the  others,  now  only  four  in  num- 
ber, after  wintering  in  the  vicinity  of  Bear  River  went 
northward  the  following  spring,  and  by  way  of  forts 
Hall  and  Boise  passed  on  to  Wafla  Walla.  Aftervisiting 
the  missionaries  thereabout,  and  the  people  of  Willa- 
mette Valley,  early  in  December  Farnham  sailed  in 
the  ship  Vancouver,  Captain  Duncan,  to  Honolulu, 
and  thence  proceeded  by  way  of  California  and  through 
Mexico  to  tlie  United  States.  Farnham's  three  com- 
panions take  up  their  abode  in  Oregon,  but  their  me- 
tropolis remains  unbuilt  to  this  day.11 

"Farnham  'carried  a  huge  blank-book  buckled  and    b    pped  to  bis  back, 
night  lie  wrote  up  his  travels.  ..His  duties  as  captain  wen 

Party,  Ms..  I.    Joseph  Eohnan,  a  member  of  the 
party,  1"  employed   lii-  time  during  the  winter  in  making 

saddle-trees  ami  new  gunstocks  for  the  Shoshones,  recen  ing  bis  pay  in  beaver- 
IIist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    O'J 


610  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN  GENERAL. 

Among  the  few  exceptions  to  that  great  army  of 
trappers  and  traders  who  roamed  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains and  died  leaving  no  sign,  was  James  Bridger, 
christened  by  the  savages — if  savages  can  christen — 
the  Blanket  Chief.  If  it  be  of  advantage  to  a  dead 
man  having  his  name  in  living  men's  mouths,  then 
Bridger  was  more  fortunate  than  his  fellows,  for  one 
of  his  paths  across  the  mountains  became  known  as 
Bridger  Pass,  and  one  of  his  trading-posts  was  famous 
in  the  days  of  the  great  emigrations  as  Bridger  Fort. 

We  encounter  Bridger  several  times  in  our  re- 
spective mountaineerings,  first  as  trapper,  guide,  and 
trader,  then  as  discoverer  of  Great  Salt  Lake,  and 
then  at  the  rendezvous  in  1830,  with  Milton  Sublette, 
Fitzpatrick,  Frapp,  and  Jervais,  buying  from  Smith, 
Sublette,  and  Jackson  their  interest  in  the  Rocky 
Mountain  Fur  Company.  Trapping  hither  and  thither 
through  forests  and  over  mountains,  among  the  head- 
waters and  affluents  of  the  Yellowstone,  Snake,  Bear, 
and  Green  rivers,  now  with  a  party  of  the  North 
American  Company  at  their  heels,  spying  their  move- 
ments and  anticipating  their  plans,  and  now  brought 
face  to  face  with  a  Hudson's  Bay  party,  whereupon 
each  immediately  begins  to  tamper  with  the  hunters 
of  the  other;  then  we  find  Bridger  and  his  Rocky 
Mountain  party  in  1836  attacked  by  eleven  hundred 
Blackfeet  on  the  Yellowstone,  where  he  had  a  tempo- 
rary fort.    After  this  he  went  to  Green  River  again. 

In  1836  he  was  at  the  Pierre  Hole  rendezvous,  but 
times  were  now  so  hard  that  an  infatuated  trapper 
could  not  spend  a  thousand  dollars  a  day  on  his  women, 
horses,  and  alcohol,  chiefly  for  the  reason  that  he  did 
not  have  it.  Wintering  on  the  Missouri  in  1837,  Bridger 
was  at  the  Wind  River  rendezvous.  In  1837-8  he  win- 
tered on  Powder  River,  and  in  the  spring  of  the  next 
year  led  his  men  through  the  Yellowstone  country 

skins.  He  tells  his  story  in  a  clear  concise  narrative,  taken  for  me  by  S.  A. 
Clarke  of  Salem,  for  which,  together  with  many  other  favors,  I  still  remain 
his  debtor. 


SIR  EDWARD  BELCHER.  Oil 

to  the  rendezvous  near  the  Yellowstone  Lake.  This 
summer  the  American  company  held  its  last  rendez- 
vous in  tlic  Rocky  Mountains  ;it  Bonneville's  old  Port 
on  Green  River.  There  were  too  few  beavers  for  so 
stroii--  competition. 

Bridger  now  began  to  think  of  locating  himself 
more  permanently  ;it  some  one  of  his  many  tempo- 
rary forts  or  camping-grounds.  Now  that  game  was 
so  scarce  he  could  do  better  by  thus  establishing  him- 
self and  let  the  trappers  come  to  him,  thai]  by  lead- 
in--  parties  from  place  to  place  and  supplying  their 
necessities  at  their  several  hunting-camps.  The  spot 
finally  chosen  was  on  the  Black  branch  of  ( rreen  I  liver, 
one  hundred  miles  directly  south  of  Fort  Bonneville. 
There  Bryant  found  him  in  company  with  Vasquez,  in 
July  1846.12 

During  his  voyage  of  maritime  discovery  in  the 
ship  Sulphur,  1836-42,  Edward  Belcher  explored  the 
Pacific,  visited  the  Russian  American  establishments 
in  1837,  touched  at  Nootka,  and  then  set  sail  for  San 
Francisco  Bay.  In  1839  he  was  again  at  Sitka,  and 
thence  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  where 
he  found  Lieutenant  Kellett,  with  the  Starling  of  the 
same  expedition,  who  was  then  surveying  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  and  who  having  descried  Belcher's  ap- 
proach had  stood  out  to  meet  him.  In  entering  the  river 
the  Starling  lost  her  rudder,  and  was  obliged  to  pro- 
ceed to  Fort  Vancouver  for  repairs.     At  the  dilapi- 

'-'  Fort  Bridger,  as  it  is  called,  is  a  small  trading-fort,  established,  and  now 
occupied  by  Bridger  and  Vasquez.  The  buildings  are  two  or  three  miserable 
Log-cabins,  rudely  constructed,  and  bearing  but  a  fainl  res<  mblance  to  babita- 

Bryant's  What  I  Saw  in  California,  142;  Pet     '  R  !  (     r    .  .  127 
31;  Victor's  Riverofthe  11                      R  hiti  's  Or.,  1  13;  /           h    '.  Or.,  MS., 
342  3.     Colonel   Dodge  with  117  men  madi    an                 m  during  the 
mer  of  1835  from  Fori  Leavenworth  up  the  South  Platte  to  Pi   i      Peak,  and 
on  the  Arkansas.    U.  S.  &                     .  -,''//  Cong.,  1st  S<    .;    I 
Papers,  Military  Affairs,  newed.,  vi  130  J'i.     V    X.  M  ittl ,  Ln  Ins  Refu- 
gee,  Trapper,  and  Settler,  a  manuscript  dictated  before  to  me  my  stem 
raphei .                                         u1   narrative  of  y  ha1  I  thai 

its  occurring  in  the  Rockj  Mountain  region  in  1820-40,  events 
as  mazy  as  the  mountain!  I  and  utterly  imj 

continuous  thi 


612  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN  GENERAL. 

dated  port  of  Astoria  they  had  found  Mr  Birnie  ready 
to  render  them  every  assistance. 

Sir  Edward  speaks  in  condescending  terms  of  the 
establishment  on  the  Columbia,  and  compares  it  flat- 
teringly with  Russian  American  head-quarters ;  but  he 
expresses  his  surprise  that  pilots  are  not  kept  in  wait- 
ing to  guide  vessels  in,  and  breaks  forth  into  disgust 
when  informed  that  the  fort  had  not  cattle  for  his 
crew,  although  plenty  of  good  beef  was  placed  before 
the  commander.  This  he  was  sorry  he  had  eaten 
when  afterward  he  was  shown  over  the  premises,  and 
saw  plenty  for  his  men  which  had  been  denied  him.13 

As  usual  Gray  is  hard  to  please.  If  Americans 
were  snubbed  at  Fort  Vancouver,  it  was  because  they 
were  Americans;  if  an  Englishman  received  cool  treat- 
ment, it  was  part  of  the  duplicity  of  that  company  in 
their  effort  to  deceive  their  own  countrymen  as  to 
the  value  of  the  country  over  which  they  had  ruled 
so  long.  Such  inferences  are  no  less  childish  than 
false. 

All  things  being  equal,  British  subjects  prefer  that 
their  farming  interests  should  be  within  British  ter- 
ritory. Hence  after  the  opinion  became  current  that 
the  Columbia  River  would  eventually  be  the  dividing 
line  between  the  lands  of  the  two  nations,  though  the 
attractions  were  in  some  respects  inferior  to  those 
offered  by  the  Willamette  plains,  attention  was  di- 
rected to  the  lands  lying  between  the  Columbia  and 
Puget  Sound. 

Simon  Plomondeau14  had  been  sixteen  years  in  the 
service  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  He  was  then 
advised  by  McLoughlin  to  go  to  the  lower  end  of 
Cowlitz  prairie  and  become  a  farmer.     McLoughlin 

13  Belcher's  Voy.,  i.  92-114,  276-311.  '  The  advent  of  Sir  E.  Belcher  and 
Kellett  with  the  surveying  ships,  the  Sulphur  and  Starling,  ostensibly  to  sur- 
vey the  river  and  cross  the  sound,  that  is  Sitka,  was  probably  to  protect  the 
company  and  to  overawe  the  Russians.  Belcher  thought  he  was  slighted,  but 
I  think  Douglas  was  only  carrying  out  his  orders.'  Roberts'1  Rec,  MS.,  8. 

14 Plomondeau  could  neither  read  nor  write;  he  did  not  even  keep  the  run 
of  time,  and  could  not  tell  the  j^ear  in  which  he  made  his  most  important 
movement.  P.  S.  Co,  Ev.,  H.  B.  Co.  Claims,  11-15. 


THE  COWLITZ  FAEM.  813 

loaned  him  animals,  gave  him  permission  to  take  up 
land,  and  ordered  the  natives  nottomolesl  him.  This 
was  in  L837.  Plomondeau  went,  and  with  him  Fain- 
cant,  who  planted  himself  there  at  the  same  time.  Two 
years  afterward,  Douglas,  Work,  and  Ross  proceeded 
to  the  prairies,  measured  off  about  lour  thousand acn 
beginning  at  the  river  bank,  and  made  a  map  of  the 
tra.-t.  Hah*  was  wooded,  and  half  open.  This  map 
ited  the  company  greatly  in  establishing  its  claims 
before  the  joint  commission.  The  year  following, 
the  Jesuits,  Blanchet  and  Demers,  settled  on  the  1 
between  Plomondeau  and  the  Puget^  Sound  Com- 
pany's claim.  Large  portions  of  this  plain  were 
gravelly;  some  were  sandy;  these  were  pronounced 
tit  only  for  grazing.  About  one  fourth  of  the  land 
was  suitable  for  cultivation. 

The  company's  farm  was  opened  immediately  after 
the  survey;  many  people  were  employed  there,  and  the 
quantity  of  land  under  cultivation  was  increased  from 
year  to  year, until  in  1846  there  were  1,500  acres  fenced 
and  under  cultivation,  11  barns,  and  in  the  vicii 
1,000  cattle,  200  horses,  100  swine,  and  2,000  sheep.15 
A  saw-mill  was  erected,  which  was  burned  before  it  was 
finished.  The  English  continued  to  occupy  these  lands 
until  1853-4,  at  which  time  there  was  quite  a  rush  of 
American  settlers,  and  the  English  were  so  encroached 
upon  that  they  made  no  further  attempts  at  farming. 
For  not  only  did  the  settlers  take  the  ground,  bui 
fence-rails  and  improvements  as  well;  and  acting  in 
imi-  -  understood  among  them  that  any  inter- 

ference on  the  part  of  the  British  company  should 
be  resisted  by  force;  for  which  purpose  th, 
guns  and  pistols  when  ploughing,  planting,  and  fenc 

In  charge  of  the  Cowlitz  farm  for  the  British  com- 
pany, in  1845,  was  Charles  Forrest,  who  was   suc- 
ded  in  L8  17  by  Ge  »rge  B.  Roberts,  and  he  by  II. 
X.  P  4  William  Sinclair.     Soon  after  185  L  the 

15  The  horses  were  Indian  and  half-breeds  woi  I 
tolerably  good,  and  worth  four  dollars  each. 


614  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IX  GENERAL. 

settlers  before  mentioned  appeared,  claiming  under  the 
donation  law.  E.  L.  Finch  and  J.  H.  Pierson  came 
first,  and  after  them  William  Lemon,  George  Hol- 
sapple,  and  Jackson  Barton.  Those  were  the  first16 
to  settle  upon  the  British  company's  lands,  and  when 
ordered  off  by  Peers,  then  the  British  agent  in  charge, 
they  refused  to  go. 

But  little  farming  was  done  on  Puget  Sound  prior 
to  1839,  after  which  time  Fort  Nisqually  became  the 
principal  depot  for  curing  meat  and  loading  vessels  for 
the  Russian  American  posts.  The  lands  of  the  Cow- 
litz farm  and  round  Fort  Nisqually  being  better  suited 
to  pastoral  purposes  than  to  cultivation,  comparatively 
little  grain  was  raised  there.17 

As  the  commercial  and  agricultural  interests  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  developed,  there  were  those 
among  the  old  fur-trading  members  who  thought  that 
at  the  least  farming,  which  was  so  diametrically  opposed 
to  fur-cultivating,  should  be  abolished.  At  all  events 
they  said  the  two  adventures  need  not  be  united; 
segregate  them,  and  let  those  engage  in  either  who 
would. 

This  advice  was  duly  acted  upon,  and  led  in  1838  to 
the  organization  of  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural 
Company,  which  in  the  settling  of  the  northern  bank 
of  the  lower  Columbia,  was  second  only  in  historical 
importance  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

Indeed  the  latter  association,  though  totally  distinct 
from  the  former,  was  but  an  offshoot  from  it.  The 
shares  were  held  almost  exclusively  by  stockholders 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company ;  its  officers  were  chosen 

16  About  the  same  time  came  James  Galloway*  Lemuel  Whittaker,  and 
James  Morgan,  each  claiming  160  acres,  and  J.  B.  Brouchard  640  acres.  P. 
S.  Co.  Ev.,  H.  B.  Co.  Claims,  32. 

17  Still  the  amount  was  not  inconsiderable,  if  we  may  believe  Wilkes,  who 
writing  in  1841  says,  Nar.  U.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,  iv.  328:  'In  connection  with  the 
company's  establishment  at  Nisqually  they  have  a  large  dairy,  several  hun- 
dred head  of  cattle,  and  among  them  seventy  milch  cows,  which  yield  a  large 
supply  of  butter  and  cheese;  they  have  also  large  crops  of  wheat,  pease,  and 
oats,  and  were  preparing  the  ground  for  potatoes. ' 


WILLIAM  FRASEB  TOLMIE.  615 

from  the  officers  of  thai  corporation;  and  its  rights  were 
recognized  by  the  boundary  treaty  of  I 

It  was  in  1837  that  the  subjecl  seriously  presented 
itself  al  Fori  Vancouver.  The  formation  of  I 
Willamette  Cattle  Company  by  United  States 
tiers,  and  the  encouragemenl  afforded  thai  association 
by  Slacum,  the  secrel  agenl  of  the  United  States, 
stimulated  this  movement.  Surely  the  British  had 
need  of  cattle  as  much  as  the  Americans;  they  could 
handle  them  better,  and  more  readily  find  a  market 
for  them.  Further  than  this,  if  not,  indeed,  firsl  of 
all,  by  laying  claim  to  and  stocking  large  tracts  of 
land,  by  extensive  building,  fencing,  and  planting, 
they  might  show  a  footing  in  the  country  which  would 
iallv  assist  England  in  the  coming  partition. 

Two  purposes  were  served  in  making  this  company 
distinct  from  that  of  the  old  adventurers  of  Eng- 
land trading  into  Hudson's  Bay.  First,  the  prol 
if  any,  would  not  be  subject  to  such  small  subdivi- 
sions; and  secondly,  there  might  be  some  in  the 
company  who  thought  that  the  original  fur  business 
should  "be  more  strictly  adhered  to,  and  who  did  not 
eare  to  engage  in  stock-raising  and  agriculture. 

Therefore  a  prospectus  was   issued,  signed  by  ^  . 
F.  Tolmie,18  Forbes  Barclay,  and  George  B.  Roberts, 

15  William  Fraser  Tolmie  was  born  at  Inverness,  Scotland,  educated  at 
Glasgow,  botany  being  his  special  predilection.    He  entered  the  Eudson's  Bay 
bysician  in  1832,  and  arriv  i 
Eorn  from  London  in  the  spring  of  I 

McLoughlin  at  Milbank  Sound  the  following  sumn 
nt  to  one  cf  tlie  party  Tolmie  was  detained  al 
cjually  until  November,  when  with  the  partj  I  to  Milbank  Sound. 

The  year  following  lie  was  appointed  surgeon  to  the  expedition  Bent  under 
■    tablish  a  post  on  the  Stikeen  River,  which  expedition  failing  he 
the  removal  of  Fort  Simpson.    During  the  summer  of  1834  he  acted 
as  Indian  trader,  and  in  the  autumn  took  his  place  as  Burgeon  at  Milbank 
emained  until  February  1836.     Hark  al    Fort   Vai 
■   for  medical  a  U  Lee  as  well  as  for  suppl 
both  doctor  and  trader.    Obtaining  in  1840  a  year's  r<   piti    from  medic, 1 
•  time  travelling  over  the  Willamette  plains  and  else< 

•  and  dairy  farms,  and  procuring  wheat  for  I 

•  natives  to  engage  in  useful  pursuits,    >thatm  ayofthem 
me  good  boatmen,  ploughmen,  and  herdsmen.     A  \  md  in 

I>11  involved  a  journey  up  the  Columbia,  the  accountant  in  charge  of  the 

|    year    bein  .Mian   who   afterward    B< -tiled   at 

-  ich  traveller  being 


GIG  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN  GENERAL. 

setting  forth  the  plan.  The  country  between  the 
head- waters  of  the  Cowlitz  and  Puget  Sound,  it  said, 
was  specially  adapted  for  producing  wool,  hides,  and 
tallow.  It  then  proposed  organization  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  the  capital 
stock  to  be  £200,000  in  £100  shares.  Until  the 
Oregon  title  should  be  denned,  directors  resident  in 
London  should  have  primary  control,  and  such  direc- 
tors should  be  John  Henry  Pelly,  Andrew  Colville, 
and  George  Simpson.  Stockholders'  meetings  should 
be  held  in  London  every  December,  beginning  in  1840. 
The  Puget  Sound  Company  should  purchase  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  all  their  sheep,  horses,  cat- 
tle, and  implements  of  husbandry  in  the  districts  of 
their  future  operations,  thus  separating  in  a  great 
measure  fur-trading  and  farming  in  these  parts.  The 
three  London  directors  were  to  appoint  local  managers 
and  agents,  but  always  so  that  the  Puget  Sound  Com- 
pany should  invariably  be  under  officers  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company;  nor  should  the  Puget  Sound 

loaded  with  a  pack.  After  his  return  from  Europe  by  way  of  Cape  Horn 
in  1843,  Tolmie  continued  attending  to  the  wheat  business  for  the  company. 
During  his  absence  abroad  he  had  studied  Spanish  with  the  view  of  taking 
charge^  of  the  post  at  Yerba  Buena;  in  place  of  which,  however,^  he  was 
now  given  the  superintendency  of  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company 
at  Nisqually.  There  he  remained  until  1S59,  when  he  moved  to  Victoria, 
and  was  placed  upon  the  board  of  management  of  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
affairs,  still  retaining  the  superintendency  of  the  Puget  Sound  Company.  At 
the  request  of  his  associates  in  1860  Tolmie  became  a  member  of  the  house 
of  legislative  assembly,  which  position  he  occupied  for  five  years.  His 
most  important  work  during  that  term  was  the  abolition  of  the  free-port 
system.  In  person  Tolmie  was  rather  below  medium  height,  broad-shoul- 
dered and  stout,  with  a  large  round  head  partially  bald,  high  forehead,  coarse 
features,  round  deep-set  eyes  glittering  from  under  shaggy  brows,  large  round 
ruby  nose;  in  intellect  shrewd  rather  than  lofty;  in  temper  hot  and  unfor- 
giving; and  yet  a  man  warm  in  his  friendships,  devoted  to  his  family,  honest 
in  his  dealings,  a  good  Christian  barring  occasional  oaths,  and  a  patriotic 
citizen,  especially  where  patriotism  was  profitable.  To  the  literature  of  the 
coast,  and  to  my  library,  Tolmie  has  contributed  two  manuscript  volumes;  one 
a  copy  of  the  journal  kept  at  Nisqually  House,  Fort  McLoughlin,  and  Fort 
Vancouver  in  1833-6,  and  the  other  a  History  of  Puget  Sound  and  the  North- 
west Coast.  The  first  contains  comparatively  little  valuable  information, 
though  composed  of  many  words;  the  other  is  in  answer  to  direct  questions, 
written  for  the  most  part  by  Mrs  Bancroft  and  myself  during  our  visit  to 
Victoria  in  1S7S.  We  found  Tolmie  rather  a  difficult  subject.  He  could 
have  told  more  than  he  did,  and  would  have  done  so  but  for  his  diplomatic 
instincts,  and  dislike  to  full,  free,  straightforward  statements.  Nevertheless, 
for  what  he  did  give  us,  which  is  most  valuable,  let  us  be  duly  thankful. 


THE  PUGET  SOUND  COMPANY.  617 

Company  be  allowed  to  deal  in  furs.  As  regarded 
the  engaging  and  restriction  of  agents  and  servants, 
and  all  unspecified  conditions,  the  regulations  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  were  to  1"'  taken  as  a  model. 
Should  Greal  Britain  finally  become  possessed  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  lands  occupied  by  the  Pugel  Sound 
Company,  application  should  then  be  made  for  an  ad 
of  incorporation.  Meanwhile  a  deed  of  settlement 
w;ls  to  b  d  by  the  London  agency,  defining 

the  duties  of  officers  and  rules  of  management. 

The  originators  presented  their  scheme,  the  condi- 
tions of  which  were  in  the  main  adopted,  though  the 
members  of  the  company  were  destined  to  remain  only 
copartners  on  the  joint-stock  principle,  and  ne, 
the  dignity  of  an  incorporated  body. 
By  virtue  of  their  position  as  chief  factors  directing 
the  affairs  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  on  the 
Northwest  Coast,  John  McLoughlin  was  first  manager 
of  the  Puget  Sound  Company,  and  James  Douglas 
the  s<  scon<  L, receiving  therefor  in  addition  to  their  salary 
and  interest  in  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  a  i'urth.  r 
consideration  of  $2,500  per  annum. 

John  McLoughlin  was  in  London  in  1838-0,  and  ho 
Brought  the  matter  before  the  Hudson's  Bay  direct.  >rs, 
and  a  general  plan  was  determined  upon,  and  thus 
it  was  That  the  Cowlitz  farm  and  all  the  agricultural 
and  grazing  lands  together  with  the  live-stock  and 
implements  at  first  the  property  of  the  Hudson's  I 
Company,  were  about  1840  transferred  to  the  Pu 
Sound  Company,  which  later  secured  for  themselves 
an  establishment  at  Esquimalt,  on  Vancouver  Esland. 
In  1841  Tolmie  went  to  England,  and  mad.'  further 
arrangements  for  the  fuller  carrying  out  of  the  pin- 
poses"  of  the  Puget  Sound  Company  on  the  North- 
west Coast.  1a- permission  of  the  Mexican  goverment 
sheep  \  shased   in  California,  some  of  which 

were  brought  up  by  land  and  some  I  I  Corned- 

5,000  in  all;  3.000  of  which  were  driven  upoverland  through 
I  -cut  by  Baiting-vessel,     lint  from  what  Tolmie  told 
think  the  number  exagg< 


G1S  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IN  GENERAL. 

cattle  were  likewise  obtained  in  California;  and  pigs, 
and  improved  breeds  of  sheep,  Leicester,  Southdown, 
and  Cheviot,  from  England,  to  cross  with  the  coarser 
breeds  from  California.  Old  servants  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  were  encouraged  to  take  shares  and 
assist  the  new  company,  and  skilled  farmers  and 
shepherds  were  brought  from  England  and  Canada. 

In  July  1859  Tolmie  removed  to  Victoria,  leaving 
in  charge  of  affairs  at  Nisqually  Edward  Huggings, 
who  thereafter  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  Puget 
Sound  Company  until  its  abandonment  of  Nisqually, 
when  he  became  an  American  citizen,  recorded  the 
land  on  which  Fort  Nisqually  stood  as  a  donation 
claim,  and  purchased  from  the  company  such  of  its 
trading  goods  and  live-stock  as  he  required.  During 
this  same  year,  James  Douglas  severed  his  connection 
with  the  Hudson's  Bay  and  Puget  Sound  companies, 
when  the  remnant  of  the  affairs  of  the  Puget  Sound 
Company  were  removed  to  Victoria  and  placed  in 
charge  of  Tolmie,  who  acted  in  this  instance  without 
salary. 

The  Puget  Sound  Company  did  not  prove  profitable 
to  its  shareholders.  Of  the  two  thousand  shares  com- 
posing its  stock,  six  hundred  and  forty  were  never 
sold,  and  on  the  other  shares  not  more  than  ten  per 
cent  was  ever  paid  in.20  Yet  the  little  that  was  paid 
proved  almost  a  total  loss  to  the  holders.21    From  their 

211  When  Wilkes,  Nar.  U.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,  iv.,  329,  says  that '  the  capital  of 
the  Puget  Sound  Company  is  £500,000,  divided  into  shares  of  £100  each;  only 
£200,000  of  this  has  been  paid,'  either  he  or  the  officers  of  the  company  are 
greatly  in  error. 

21 '  Two  shares  according  to  my  status  in  the  service  were  allotted  to  me, 
which  I  disposed  of  six  years  ago,  realizing  little  more  than  the  capital  with- 
out interest.  There  were,  I  think,  only  three  small  dividends  paid.  I  have 
no  doubt  theirs  was  a  political  object  in  starting  the  company,  with  an  eye 
to  the  future;  that  is  they  could  urge  they  had  farms,  fisheries,  etc.,  all  over 
the  country,  and  the  virtual  possession.  Had  the  company  taken  Whidbey 
Island  instead  of  Cowlitz  farm  it  would  have  been  much  more  to  their  inter- 
est, and  at  the  treaty  carried  over  that  island.  Douglas  himself  remarked 
this  to  me.'  Roberts'  Bee,  MS.,  9.  My  chief  authorities  on  the  affairs  of  the 
Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company  are:  Tolmie's  Puget  Sound,  MS.,  pas- 
sim; Finlayson's  V.  I.,  MS.,  passim;  Evidence  before  the  /Iritis//  ami  American 
Joint  Commission,  passim;  House.  Commons  Sept.,  1857,  294-G;  Oregon  Argus, 
March  8,  1862;  McLeod's  Peace  River,  109;  Fitzgerald's  V.  I.,  259;  Martin's 


RODERICK  ETNLAYSON.  019 

i  xperience  and  greai  advantages  one  would  think 
should  have  made  money.  Bui  they  did  Dot. 
true  that  several  annual  dividends  of  from  five 
to  ten  per  cenl  on  the  amount  paid  in  were  made,  but 
there  was  little  profit  in  this.  The  time  was  unpro- 
pitious.  They  had  no  title  to  their  lands,  and  soon  in- 
dividuals began  to  appropriate  them.  Their  men,  hired 
ai  from  one  to  three  hundred  a,  year,  could  do  much 
better  in  Oregon,  where  liner  lands  which  they  could 
]  I  I  lor  their  wives  and  children  were  giveu  them 
upon  the  simple  condition  that  they  should  live  on 
and  improve  them.  The  natives  broke  out  in  open 
war,  alter  which,  between  them  and  the  settler.-,  six 
thousand  head  of  the  company's  stock  were  found  to 
have  been  destroyed.  In  order  the  better  to  sustain 
their  claim  against  the  United  States  they  contin- 
ued their  business  at  an  actual  loss  for  several  years. 
Finally,  when  in  18G7,  after  losses  and  long  delay.-,  the 
claims  of  the  Puget  Sound  and  Hudson's  Bay 
panies  were  determined  and  paid  by  the  United  States, 
the  shareholders  were  scattered,  some  of  them  dead, 
and  the  little  dividend  was  not  of  much  benefit  to  anv 


When  Roderick  Finlayson   arrived  at  Fort  Van- 
couver in  the  autumn  of  1839  as  clerk  in  the  com- 
-    service,   lie   was    an   ardent,   aspiring   youth, 
brimful  of  energy  and  honesty,  but  with  more  enthusi- 
than  experience. 
Shortly  alter  his  arrival  he  was  placed  in  charge  of 
the   new  grist-mill   five  miles   above  the    fort,   with 
thirty-two  men  under  him.     It  was  part  of  his  duty 
to  render  at   the  fort  a  weekly  account  of  operations 
irday  night.    On  one  occasion,  when  things 
had  gone  wrong  at  the  mill,  and  ho  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  clear  up  satisfactorily  the  week's  work  be- 

H.  B.,  147-8;   II  C.  Colonist,  Dec.  26,  1868;   March  29,   1871;    R 
Sept.  18, 1879;  < 

Nar.  U.S.  J...  '  r.  E.  ..  Lv.  :>J7-30. 


620  FURTHER  AFFAIRS  IX  GENERAL. 

fore  handing  in  his  report,  he  arrived  at  the  fort  in  a 
heavy  winter's  rain,  and  greatly  fatigued,  for  he  had 
walked  all  the  way,  and  was  so  late  that  he  was  obliged 
to  hail  the  watchman  to  let  him  in  at  the  gate.  This 
was  wholly  contrary  to  rule.  The  sharp  ear  of  Mc- 
Loughlin  caught  the  summons,  and  ordering  the  de- 
linquent into  his  august  presence,  he  rated  him  soundly 
for  his  tardiness.  "We  shall  have  to  teach  you  young 
gentlemen  from  the  east  discipline,"  he  continued. 
Finlayson  then  explained  to  him  the  combination  of 
circumstances  which  had  detained  him.  "And  after 
my  work  was  done,  I  had  to  walk  five  miles  sir,"  stam- 
mered the  clerk.  "Yes,  yes,  I  know  all  about  that," 
replied  the  governor.  But  when  the  sovereign  saw 
the  shivering  youth,  cold,  wet,  and  hungry,  and  whose 
greatest  crime  was  zeal  in  the  performance  of  duty,  the 
old  man's  heart  relented ;  he  spoke  kindly  to  the  zeal- 
ous clerk,  and  turning  to  Douglas  remarked:  "You 
had  better  let  him  have  a  horse."  Finlayson  bowed 
his  thanks  and  walked  away.  "A  horse,"  cried  out 
the  doctor  after  him,  "a  horse,  but  mind  you,  no  sad- 
dle;  you  must  furnish  your  own  saddle." 

The  next  Monday  Finlayson  selected  a  spirited 
horse,  and  bought  himself  a  good  saddle  and  bridle, 
with  Mexican  spurs  and  gay  trappings.  Thus  sud- 
denly transformed  to  a  dashing  cavalier,  the  young 
man's  head  became  a  little  flighty;  and  when  return- 
ing early  the  following  Saturday  in  high  spirits  and 
with  his  accounts  all  in  perfect  order,  so  great  was 
his  good  opinion  of  himself  that  on  arriving  at  the 
fort,  and  seeing  the  gate  open,  he  reined  his  prancing 
steed  within  the  palisade  that  others  might  behold 
and  admire  his  horsemanship. 

While  thus  engaged,  suddenly  there  fell  upon  his 
ear  stentorian  sounds : 

"Who  the  devil  is  that  daring  to  break  the  rules 
of  the  establishment  by  coming  into  the  square  in 
that  fashion?" 

Radiant  in  his  achievement,  and  cap  in  hand,  the 


FINLAYSON  ON  McLOUGHLIN.  621 

young  man  pulled  up  before  the  governor  and  an- 
nounced himself.  He  was  immediately  ordered  to 
dismount.  Then  after  a  severe  lecture  his  horse  was 
taken  from  him,  and  throughout  the  remainder  of  that 
winter  he  was  obliged  to  wade  through  the  mud 
between  the  mill  and  the  fort  as  a  warning  to  others. 
After  telling  me  this  story  of  himself,  his  fine  face 
the  meanwhile  overflowing  with  good-humor,  Fin- 
layson  exclaims:  "I  cannot  but  express  my  utmost 
admiration  of  his  character." 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

FOUNDING-  OF  THE  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

1S31-1835. 

Treaty  of  St  Petersburg — Building  of  the  first  Fort  Simpson — 
North  Coast  Commerce — Policy  of  the  Company  in  regard  to  Oppo- 
sition— Foundingof  Fort  McLoughlin — Indian  Disturbances— Fort 
McLoughlin  Removed  to  Fort  Rupert — Expedition  to  Stikeen — 
The  Russians  Interpose  Forcible  Objections — Abandonment  of  the 
first  Fort  Simpson — Founding  of  the  second  Fort  Simpson— Port 
Essington — Fort  Mumford — Fort  Glenora. 

By  convention  between  Russia  and  Great  Britain, 
signed  at  St  Petersburg  the  28th  of  February  1825, 
it  was  agreed  that  the  subjects  of  both  governments 
might  navigate  the  Pacific  at  pleasure,  and  trade  with 
the  natives  of  any  shore  not  already  occupied  by 
Europeans.  Wherever  there  was  a  Russian  post 
Englishmen  should  not  land  except  for  shelter  or 
repairs,  without  permission  of  the  governor,  and  vice 
versa.  The  southern  end  of  Prince  of  Wales  Island 
in  latitude  54°  40'  should  be  the  southern  limit  of 
Russian  American  seaboard;  and  the  boundary  line 
should  run  thence  easterly  to  Portland  Canal,  along 
whose  channel  it  should  proceed  northerly  until  it 
struck  the  continent,1  when  it  should  ascend  to  the 
summit  of  the  Coast  Range,  and  should  follow  said 
summit  parallel  to  the  coast  as  far  as  longitude  141°, 
which  line  it  should  follow  to  the  Arctic  Ocean.  It 
was  further  stipulated  that  Prince  of  Wales  Island 
should  belong  wholly  to  Russia,  and  that  wherever 
the  summit  of  the  mountains  from  the  56th  parallel 

1  The  treaty  says  in  latitude  56°,  but  the  channel  does  not  extend  so  far. 

(622) 


NORTHERN  POSTS.  623 

to  longitude  141°  should  be  distant  from  the  ocean 
more  than  ten  marine  leagues,  the  dividing  line  should 
curve  with  the  curvature  of  the  shore,  so  that  the  shore- 
strip  should  nowhere  be  more  than  ten  leagues  wide. 
British  vessels  might  frequent  for  purposes  of  trade, 
except  in  spirituous  liquors  and  arms  and  ammunition, 
all  the  inland  seas,  gulfs,  and  creeks  of  this  shore- 
strip,  including  the  port  of  Sitka,  for  ten  years,  and 
all  streams  running  through  this  strip  should  be  open 
to  British  navigation  forever. 

Feit  Langley  had  been  planted  at  Fraser  River,  as 
we  have  seen;  but  along  the  seaboard  beyond,  up  to 
this  time,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  not  carried 
their  trading  operations,  but  had  left  that  traffic  to  cer- 
tain Indian" merchants  who  made  a  business  of  going 
from  place  to  place  in  boats  gathering  the  periodical 
harvests. 

McLoughlin  now  determined  to  enter  and  occupy 
that  field,  which  policy  was  begun  by  sending  Peter 
Skeen  Ogden  and  Donald  Manson  with  a  party  of 
men  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Nass,  where  in  1831 
was  built  the  first  Fort  Simpson,  another  establish- 
ment of  that  name  being  founded  later,  as  we  shall 
see.2 

For  successfully  to  compete  along  the  coast  with 
Boston  traders,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  required 
permanent  posts,  with  fast  sailing  schooners  to  ply 
between  them.  Then,  whenever  information  of  the 
presence  of  an  American  trader  in  its  vicinity  reached 
any  one  of  these  posts,  there  might  be  despatched  to 
the  place  a  loaded  vessel,  and  arms,  liquors,  and  other 
articles  offered  the  natives  at  lower  prices,  less,  in- 
deed, than  cost  in  London  or  Boston  if  by  that  means 
opposition  might  be  crushed  out.  We  have  seen  one 
of  these  vessels,  the  Vaaconrcr,  already  built  at  Fort 
Vancouver  in  1829.  Lieutenant  Simpson  of  the  B< >ya  1 
Navy  was  superintending  the  1  aiilding  of  another  when 
he  died  at  the  first  Fort  Simpson  in  1831.     Ship- 

2  Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  9,  10,  70-7. 


624  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

building,  however,  was  not  the  fur-hunter's  forte.  As 
a  rule,  the  company  found  that  they  could  buy  better 
and  cheaper  vessels  than  they  could  build.3 

A  small  force  sufficed  to  begin  the  great  work  of 
occupying  this  new  six  hundred  miles  of  shore  limit, 
six  hundred  miles  as  the  ship  sails,  but  as  the  sea 
beats  upon  it,  with  all  the  straits,  inlets,  and  bays  of 
mainland  and  islands,  six  thousand  miles  or  more. 

Early  in  the  season  the  party  sailed  along  up  the 
coast,  passed  through  Portland  Inlet,  and  entered 
Nass  Harbor.  After  an  examination  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  the  vessel  proceeded  up  the  Nass 
River  some  six  miles,  and  there  upon  the  northern 
bank  landed  her  supplies.  A  stockade  and  buildings 
were  begun,  and  indeed  carried  forward  so  far  as  to 
leave  a  mark  for  many  years  thereafter;  but  the  spot 

3  Roberts'  Sec.,  MS.,  7.  This  policy,  which  continued  for  many  years,  in 
fact  up  to  the  time  of  the  gold-discovery  and  settlement  of  the  country,  was 
even  more  firmly  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  managers,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  instructions  from  the  London  office  to  the  officer  in  charge  of  the 
Northwest  Coast:  '  We  have  given  an  attentive  consideration  to  your  obser- 
vations upon  the  affairs  of  the  country  to  the  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
generally,  and  have  had  several  conversations  with  Mr  Ch.  F.  Finlayson  who 
seems  to  take  a  comprehensive  and  sound  view  of  the  trade  of  that  country. 
We  think  by  proper  arrangements  it  may  be  made  to  produce  very  considerable 
profits,  and  we  think  it  good  policy  not  to  exercise  too  close  economy  in 
guarding  both  the  coast  and  interior  trade  from  opposition.  '  With  this  view 
we  send  out  the  steam-vessel,  and  we  think  that  she  and  two  sailing-vessels 
should  be  kept  employed  upon  the  coast  (unless  experience  should  prove  that 
one  sailing-vessel  with  the  steam-boat  is  sufficient),  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing on  the  trade  and  watching  any  opposition  which  may  arrive  on  the 
coast.  We  do  not  think  under  present  circumstances,  that  any  new  access 
from  the  sea-coast  to  New  Caledonia  would  be  of  any  material  advantage  to 
our  trade,  which  is  supplied  by  the  present  route  at  a  moderate  cost,  and  it 
would  be  safer  from  opposition,  and  be  less  likely  to  excite  any  feeling  on  the 
part  of  the  Russian  company,  than  if  you  endeavored  to  intercept  the  trade 
of  furs  from  the  interior  to  their  ten  leagues  of  country  on  the  coast,  by 
extending  your  posts  from  the  interior  rather  than  by  establishments  supplied 
from  the  coast.  The  steam-vessel  may  enable  the  gentleman  who  may  be  in 
charge  of  the  district  to  examine  accurately  the  different  inlets  on  the  coast, 
and  we  trust  will  also  enable  him  to  obtain  a  trade  along  the  coast  to  the 
northward,  and  in  time  they  may  be  able  to  connect  the  two  points  of  the 
coast  reached  by  captains  Beechy  and  Sir  John  Franklin.  It  appears  that  Mi- 
French,  an  American  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  carries  on  intercourse  with  the 
Russian  Company,  and  has  a  contract  with  them  for  the  supply  of  certain 
articles;  and  that  he  combines  with  this  a  fur-trade  along  the  coast,  on  the 
return  of  the  ship  to  the  Sandwich  Islands.  It  would  be  of  importance,  if  it 
can  be  accomplished,  without  loss,  to  interrupt  this  intercourse  by  offering  to 
supply  the  Russians  on  better  terms.  And  an  extension  of  your  cultivation 
might  enable  you  to  do  this. ' 


FOir.  \  AND  McLOUGHLEST.  623 

was  not  well  chosen.     It  was  not  ac  Tl  wa  i 

too  far  north,  and  too  far  inland.  Some  other  point 
nearer  the  open  ocean  would  be  better,  would  com- 
mand a  much  wider  area  of  both  sea  and  land.  J  [ence 
before  the  post  was  fairly  finished  it  was  determined 
to  move  it. 

The  next  post  north  of  Langley  established  by  the 
Hudson's    Bay   Company  on    the   Northwest   ('oast 
after  the  beginning  of  the  first  Fort  Simpson  at 
Harborwas  placed  on  Milbank  Sound  and  called  I 
McLoughlin. 

Under  Duncan  Finlayson,4  assisted  by  Daniel 
son5  and  A.  C.  Anderson,  in  the  brig  Dryad,  Captain 
Kipling,  in  the  spring  of  1833  the  expedition,  consist- 
ing of  forty  landsmen,  set  sail  from  Fort  Vancouver.6 
Of  the  party  was  John  Dunn,7  who  acted  as  interpreter 
and  Indian  manager. 

After  some  delay  in  crossing  the  bar  of  the  Colum- 
bia, the  Dryad  proceeded  to  the  river  Nass,  and  after 
taking  from  the  first  Fort  Simpson  certain  supplies 
dropped  down  to  Milbank  Sound,  where  the  party 
was  joined  by  Captain  McNeill  in  his  ship  Llama. 
Reconnoitring  finished,  under  protection  of  the  s1 
guns,  and  assisted  by  the  crews  of  both  vessels,  the 

4  Chief  factor  and  uncle  of  Roderick  Finlayson;  came  to  Fort  Vancouver 
in  1831,  bad  no  special  post  assigned  him,  but  by  his  experience  and 
judgment  he  contributed  greatly  to  thesucci 
west  Coast,  where  he  remained  until  1837.    in  1840b 
B  :      Anderson's  \  t,  17.  22;  Martin's  II.  B.,  125. 

5Manson  entered  the  service  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  C  impany  in  181 
several  years  on  the  Saskatchewan;  in  1827  was  wit li  ( !hi<  E  factor  Blai  '. 
River;  after  w]  time  on  the  <  lolnmbia  b< 

Still  later  he 'was  ]  laced  in  charg   of  th 
Caled  i  from  the  service  he  settled  at  I  a: 

Anderson's  Northwest  Coast,  MS 

6  Finlayson,  Hist.    V.  /.,  MS.,  8, 

Qg  of  Fort  McLoughlin  1  or  is  much  mi 

that  Martin,   //.  /.'.,  -Js.  shoul  1 

found  it  in  1837.     P  Eorgive  him  the  <     orofdate,i 

it  from  Sir  <  re 

7  Authorof  //;>■/,  try  ofth  Oregon  Territory,  a  book  not  remarkable  I 
sense  or  truthfulness. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    40 


626  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

work  of  fort-building  began  in  June,  and  was  com- 
pleted for  safe  occupation  by  October.8 

The  square  enclosed  in  pickets  eighteen  feet  long 
and  two  feet  in  circumference,  mortised  into  a  square 
log  sunk  into  the  earth,  was  one  hundred  and  twenty 
feet  on  each  side.  Inside  the  pickets  ran  a  gallery, 
and  in  each  of  the  two  bastions  were  mounted  four 
nine-pounders,  with  small-arms  and  ammunition.  The 
usual  buildings  were  erected  within.  Watch  was  kept 
night  and  day,  for  the  savages  here  were  dangerous. 
"Several  years  previous  an  American  vessel  visiting 
Milbank  Sound  was  attacked  by  the  Bellacoolas,  and 
the  captain  and  part  of  the  crew  were  killed.  The  deed 
was  done  about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning,  while  most 
of  the  crew  were  aloft  airing  the  wet  sails.  Round 
the  ship  a  fleet  of  canoes  displayed  quantities  of  tempt- 
ing furs.  With  culpable  carelessness  the  savages 
were  admitted  on  deck  armed.  Having  stationed 
themselves  to  suit  their  purpose,  the  chief,  Tyeet, 
calling  the  captain  to  the  gangway  to  look  at  the  furs, 
drew  his  knife,  plunged  it  into  his  side,  and  pitched 
the  body  overboard,  where  it  was  cut  in  pieces  with 
paddles.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  general  attack. 
The  crew  fought  for  their  lives,  and  at  last  cleared 
the  deck  and  slipped  out  to  sea.9 

The  Llama  was  the  first  to  sail,  and  afterward  the 
Dryad,  Finlayson  returning  to  Fort  Vancouver  in  the 
latter  vessel,  leaving  Manson  in  charge. 

Up  to  this  time,  inspired  by  wholesome  fear,  the 
natives  had  behaved  well  enough,  and  seemed  to  en- 
tertain no  thought  of  treachery.  It  happened  one 
day,  however,  not  long  after  the  departure  of  the 
Dryad,  that  a  man  was  missing,  Richard  by  name, 

8  Sir  George  Simpson  says  the  site  must  originally  have  been  uneven  and 
rugged  rock,  which  by  blasting,  levelling,  and  gravelling  was  made  suitable 

fortress,  and,  when  garrisoned  by  twenty  men,  might  safely  defy  all 
the  natives  on  the  coast. 

9  Dunn.  Or.  Ter.,  259-61,  with  exceeding  bad  taste  seems  partly  to  accept 
the  excuse  of  Tyeet,  who  said  it  was  not  so  much  pillage  that  prompted  the 
massacre,  as  that  the  Americans  were  mean,  unprincipled  men,  so  different 
from  the  English,  etc.,  ad  nauseam. 


INDIAN  ATTACK.  G27 

fterward  ascertained  had  deserted  the 
fori  for  the  superior  allurements  of  savagism.  A 
chief,  Tyeet  himself,  was  seized  and  held  as  hostage 
until  the  backslider  should  be  returned  to  them. 

The  days  passed  by.  It  was  deemed  imprudenl  to 
stir  far  from  the  fort;  but  on  a  Sunday,  when  primeval 
stillness  pervaded  the  forest,  and  not  a  human  being 
was  in  sight  save  a  solitary  Indian  seated  by  a  fire  on 
tin-  opposite  bank  of  the  bay,  evening  came  quietly 
on,  and  the  men  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  go 
for  water.  Anderson  did  not  approve  of  the  meas- 
ure; to  one  acquainted  with  the  Indian  character  such 
tranquillity  was  in  itself  suspicious;  but  instead  of  ex- 
postulating with  Manson  ho  belted  on  his  pistols  and 
accompanied  the  men.  thinking  to  assist  them  if  at- 
tacked. He  had  not  long  to  wait,  for  just  as  the  men 
had  reached  the  water,  and  were  stooping  down  to  till 
their  vessels,  suddenlyfrom  behind  every  bush  sprang 
a  black-painted  warrior,and  all  with  simultaneous  yells 
rushed  for  the  open  gate.  Close  behind  and  mingling 
with  them  were  Anderson  and  his  men.  Tyeet,  seeing 
it  all,  was  wild  with  excitement. 

"  Bind  your  prisoner!"  shouted  Anderson  to  T 
guard.     And  to  the  men  in  the  bastion,  "Fire  your 
guns!" 

Both  orders  were  obeyed.  The  savages  were  thrown 
into  confusion,  and  after  several  of  them  were  killed, 
the  fort  was  cleared  of  the  assailants.  When  An- 
,i  and  his  companions  had  regained  entrance 
they  found  one  of  their  number  wounded,  while  one 
was  missing.  The  watch  was  doubled,  and  ;ill  put  in 
order  for  the  besl  defence.  About  ten  o'clock  from 
out  the  darkness  came  a  voice.  "Mr  Manson!  Mr 
sonl" 

It  was  the  voice  of  the  missing  man. 
Iio  are  you  I"  was  the  reply. 

"I'm  Gre'goire,"  he  cried,  "bound  in  a  cano  ! 

unless  Tyeet  is  safe  these  devils  say  1  am  to  be  sacri- 
ficed." 


G2S  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

Tyeet  was  summoned  to  a  bastion  and  made  to  tell 
this  people  that  he  was  well,  and  that  they  should 
come  the  following  morning  and  bring  their  prisoner. 
It  was  done,  and  the  exchange  made.  It  was  subse- 
quently ascertained  that  Richard  was  stoned  to  death 
1  >y  some  Indian  boys,  which  operation  was  more  de- 
lightful to  the  savage  urchins  than  to  the  new  con- 
vert to  sylvan  seductions. 

It  was  the  custom  of  the  company,  as  I  have  before 
remarked,  when  one  of  its  officers  had  experienced 
trouble  with  the  natives  of  one  locality,  to  remove 
him  to  another  post,  that  he  might  not  remain  a  mark 
of  offence  to  the  much-tempted  children  of  the  forest ; 
hence  shortly  after  the  Indian  disturbance  in  which 
he  had  slain  at  least  one  savage,  Anderson  was  sent 
back  to  the  Columbia. 

In  November  1833  W.  F.  Tolmie  left  Nisqually 
for  Fort  McLoughlin,  where  he  took  the  place  of 
Anderson,  remaining  until  May  183-4.10 

Manson  remained  in  charge  of  this  post  until  the 
autumn  of  1839,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Charles 
Ross.11  Milbank  Sound  was  not  long  afterward  aban- 
doned, Fort  McLouo-hlm  being  removed  to  the  north- 

10  It  is  well  nigh  heart-rending  to  see  the  firesof  struggling  genius  smothered 
by  the  very  vastness  of  the  surrounding  vacuum ;  to  see  ideas  dissipated, 
melting  into  nothingness  by  reason  of  the  rarity  and  illimitableness  of  their 
mental  atmosphere.  Tolmie's  Journal,  kept  at  Nisqually  House  in  1833,  at 
Fort  McLoughlin  in  1S34-5,  and  at  Fort  Vancouver  in  1836,  is  an  exampl  ■. 
Educated  only  through  the  medium  of  books,  the  mind  cut  and  trimmed  by 
the  conventionalities  of  old  societies,  when  thrown  upon  its  own  resources 
and  left  alone  with  nature  it  had  nothing  to  think  of,  nothing  to  say.  Hence 
this  shrewd  young  Scotch  medical  man,  instead  of  telling  us  something  of 
himself,  the  strange  new  country  he  is  in,  the  peojxle,  white  and  copper 
skinned,  their  aims,  failures,  and  destinies,  sighs  over  what  he  did  this  day  a 
year  ago  in  Scotland.  Then  he  goes  on  with  scores  of  pages  of  nothings, 
covering  months  of  non-existence,  until  the  reader  wonders  afresh  how  it  were 
possible  for  so  wise  a  man  to  write  so  much  and  say  so  little.  No  small  por- 
tion of  the  writer's  time  was  now  spent  in  reading  such  books  as  Paley,  Dwight, 
and  Guthrie,  upon  which  he  piously  discourses,  and  with  much  learning  for 
so  young  a  man.  What  a  pity  that  as  we  grow  old  we  must  know  less  and 
do  worse.  A  good  young  man  is  the  most  beautiful  sight  in  nature — except 
two  good  young  men.  But  none  like  Tolmie  at  Nisqually  can  be  found  in  all 
the  noble  army  of  north-west  traffickers.  Then,  too,  how  interesting  disserta- 
tions on  theology  and  history  make  the  otherwise  insipid  journal  of  the  young 
and  ardent  fur-trading  doctor. 

11  Appointed  to  superintend  Fort  Victoria  in  1843,  Charles  Ross  died 
shortly  afterward,  and  was  succeeded  at  Victoria  by  Roderick  Finlayson. 


RUSSIAN  AMERICA.  0:29 

em  end  of  Vancouver  Island  and  rechristened  Fort 
Rupert." 

Notwithstanding  by  the  treaty  of  L825  il  had  been 
agreed  between  the  Russian  and  British  governmi 
thai    British  traders  should  have  the  righi  forever  to 
freerj  navigate  all  rivers  crossing  the  Russian  shore- 
strip;  yet  when  in  L834  an  expedition  was  fitted  out 
at  Fort  Vancouver  to  establish  a  trading-posl  on  the 
Stikeen    River,  above    Russian   territory,   and   s< 
forty  or  fiftymiles  from  any  Russian  post,  the  British 
found  a  Russian  block-house  erected  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  and  a  Russian  corvette13  the  Tally-ho  and 
two    fourteen-oared   gun-boats    stationed    there    for- 
bidding entrance.    The  Russian  American  governor, 
Baron  Wrangel,  had  heard  of  it,  and  was  read\ 
them. 

The  mission  was  important.     Hence  the  expedition 
comprised  all  the  men  and  machinery   necessary 
building  and  equipping  a  station  of  sufficienl  strei  ; 
to  protect   itself  nearly  a  thousand   miles  from  the 
source    of  supply,  not  only  from   savages  but  from 
rivals.      Many  of  our  old  friends  we  find  comp< 
the  company,  which  had  for  their  conveyance  the  bark 
Dryad.     Peter  Skeen  Ogden  was  in  command,  and 
was   ably  assisted    by  A.  C.   Anderson,  George    B. 
Roberts,  and  W.  F.  Tolmie,  the  latter  acting  as  i  ur- 
geon  as  well  as  trader. 

If  tlic  armed  vessel  which  opposed  their  entrance 
to  the  river  was  not  enough,  other  obstacles  would 
have  prevented  the  accomplishment  of  their  des 
It  is  extremely  doubtful  if  they  could  have  passed  the 
ten-league  Russian  shore-strip  on  the  Stikeen   Ri 
!   themselves  and  their  supplies  thro 
sian  and  into  British  territory.    Then  the  natives, 

-  could   scarcely  have  remained  there  through  the  winter,  for  we 
findFinlays  a,   V.  I.,  MS.,  G  8,  touching  there  in  the  steamer  Beaver  in  the 
rids  'marks  of  that  fort  still  rema 
IS.,  11,  Bays  • 
;thorities  limit  themselves  to  oue. 


G30  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

the  Stikeens  proper,  inhabiting  the  coast,  were  ex- 
tremely  jealous  of  their  trade  with  the  interior  tribes, 
and  would  not  tamely  see  the  white  men  spoil  their 
commerce. 

However  stood  the  right  of  the  matter,  the  facts 
are  these.  Passing  up  Clarence  Strait  the  Dryad 
turned  into  the  channel  between  Zarembo  and  Etho- 
line  islands,  and  on  the  18th  of  June  1834  came  to 
anchor  seven  miles  off  Point  Highfield,  near  the 
northern  end  of  Wrangel  Island,  and  a  little  south 
of  the  entrance  to  the  Stikeen  River.  From  the 
ship's  deck  was  plainly  visible  the  Redoubt  St  Dio- 
nysius,  begun  by  the  Russians  in  1832,  a  few  hundred 
yards  from  the  spot  where  later  Fort  Wrangel  was 
erected  by  the  United  States  government.  To  the 
eyes  of  the  English  this  fortress  presented  itself  a 
shapeless  mass  of  logs  and  planks.14  The  truth  is, 
that  there  was  then  on  the  grassy  point  a  large  block- 
house in  course  of  construction,  and  a  saw-pit  where 
eight  or  ten  men  were  at  work. 

Scarcely  was  the  anchor  cast  when  was  seen  ap- 
proaching from  the  shore  a  long  whale-boat,  with  four 
oars,  and  a  swivel  in  the  bow.  The  officer  in  charge, 
who  was  little  more  than  a  boy  in  y ears,  soon  reached 
the  deck  of  the  Dryad,  and  presented  Ogden  a  large 
paper,  which  proved  to  be  a  proclamation  issued  by 
Governor  Wrangel  prohibiting  English  and  American 
vessels  from  trading  in  Clarence  Strait. 

'•We  have  no  intention  of  trading  in  Clarence 
Strait,"  said  Ogden. 

The  young  man  who  was  unable  to  understand  or 
speak  a  word  of  English,  French,  or  Spanish  modestly 
retired.     But  as  he  was  leaving  the  vessel  Ogden  mo- 

14  The  Redoubt  St  Dionysius  was  built  upon  some  rocks  which  formed  a 
small  peninsula,  and  which  at  high-tide  was  an  island.  The  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  subsequently  occupied  the  Russian  post.  Fort  Wrangel  of  the 
United  States  was  placed  on  the  island.  Simpson,  Journey,  i.  209,  says  the 
site  was  badly  chosen;  that  the  peninsula  was  'barely  large  enough  for  the 
necessary  buildings,  while  the  tide,  by  overflowing  the  isthmus  at  high 
water,  rendered  any  artificial  extension  of  the  premises  almost  impi-actica- 
ble;  and  the  slime  that  was  periodically  deposited  by  the  receding  sea  was 


REDOUBT  ST  DIONYSIUS.  631 

tioned  him  to  wait,  and  addressing  to  Baron  Wrangel 
a  formal  protest  to  Lis  proclamation,  and  more  particu- 
larly againsi  armed  obstruction  at  the  entrance  of  the 
river,  he  handed  it  to  the  young  man,  who  signified 
his  entire  comprehension  of  whal  was  to  be  don  I 

rapidly  rowed  away.  Next  cam"  out  in  a  bidarka, 
paddled  by  two  men,  a  Russian  officer  and  an  Indian 
interpreter.  The  former  was  a  thin,  dark-complex- 
ioned, elderly  man,  in  a  blue  surtout  and  white  vest, 
who,  with  his  companion,  on  reaching  the  ship,  was 
ushered  into  the  cabin,  and  brandy  was  placed  before 
them,  of  which  during  the  interview  that  followed,  if 
Tolmie  speaks  truly,  the  officer  alone  drank  i 
pint.  He  was  wholly  able,  however,  notwithstanding 
his  potations,1,  to  transact  his  business,  and  was  ex- 
ceedingly polite  in  doing  so. 

"You  read  the  proclamation,  I  presume?  "  he  asked 
blandly. 

"It  does  not  affect  us,"  replied  Ogden,  "We  are 
simply  using  the  river  by  which  to  enter  our  own  ter- 
ritory according  to  treaty,"  replied  Ogden. 

"A  fort  here  or  thirty  miles  from  here  is  all  the 
same:  it  carries  the  trade  with  it/'  smiled  the  Russian 
between  glasses. 

"That  I  cannot  help,"  blustered  Ogden;  "I  shall 
use  the  river,  as  I  have  a  right  to  it." 


:  ided  by  the  putridity  and  filth  of  the  native  villages  in  thi 
in  oppressing  the  atmosphere  with  a  most  nauseous  perfume.     The  harbor, 
moreover,  was  so  nan  el  of  one  hundred  tons  in  tead  of  .swing- 

ing at  anchor  was  under  the  necessity  of  mooring  Btem  and  stern,  and  the 
Bupply  of  fresh  water  was  brought  by  a  wooden  aqueduct,  wl 
might  at  any  time  des  i  about  two  hundred  yards  distant.' 

Il.\>  1  have  i  d,  it  is  a  little  singular  how  the  hardest 

drinkers  in  the  English  fur-hunting  ranks,  whenever  they  come  in  contact 
withtheB  ccused  them  of  deep  drinking.     \<>\    I 

old  Hudson's  Bay  officers  so  drunk  '  so  drunk  as  to 

fall  from  the  chair  while  trying  to  tell  me  of  t: 

and  yel  [neverwenl  |  their  drunkenness  upon  an  un- 

orld.  Asa  rule  the  Hudson's  Bay  men  did  not  drink  to  intoxi- 
cation; but  when  seated  in  a  ship's  cabin  round  a  table  on  which  was  standing 
a  brandy-bottle  and  glasses,  1  have  i  did  their 

1  sure  Tolmie  did  not 
take  son  ■ 
himself'  quite  liberally  upon  occa 


032  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

"Very  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  fire  upon  you  in  case 
you  attempt  to  enter  it,"  answered  the  affable  officer 
as  he  drank  a  final  good-health  and  good-night,  and 
danced  down  the  ladder  to  his  bidarka. 

Early  in  the  morning  another  appeared;  this  time  a 
tall,  thin,  fierce-looking  fellow,  in  a  threadbare  surtout 
buttoned  close  under  his  chin,  most  of  all  remarkable 
for  declining  to  drink.  He  came  in  the  whale-boat  and 
mounted  the  deck  with  one  attendant  to  deliver  Ogden 
an  invitation  to  visit  his  commander,  Lieutenant  Zar- 
embo,  ashore.  Ogden  thanked  the  officer,  and  said 
Tolmie  should  go  after  breakfast. 

Armed  to  the  teeth  with  pistols,  knives,  and  blun- 
derbuss, and  accompanied  by  Captain  Duncan,  Tolmie 
sallied  forth.  After  rounding  the  point  five  miles  dis- 
tant, which  partially  concealed  the  fort  from  view, 
Tolmie  in  the  ship's  gig  was  directed  by  signs  to  the 
brig  moored  near  the  fort;  boarding  which,  he  was 
ushered  into  the  cabin  by  Zarembo,  arrayed  in  full  uni- 
form, who  informed  him  that  Ogden's  protest  had  been 
forwarded  by  bidarka  to  Sitka  the  evening  previous, 
that  a  reply  could  not  be  expected  within  eight  or  ten 
days,  and  that  in  the  mean  time  the  English  vessel 
could  not  be  allowed  to  enter  the  river. 

Tolmie  was  not  long  returned  to  his  own  vessel  when 
a  message  reached  him  from  Zarembo,  informing  him 
that  another  boat  was  about  to  start  for  Sitka,  and 
would  take  any  message  if  desired.  By  this  conveyance 
Ogden  wrote  more  at  length  to  Governor  Wrangel. 

"Meanwhile  interviews  were  held  witli  Seix,  the 
Stikeen  chief,  a  tall,  fat  potentate,  of  dignified  de- 
meanor, with  Grecian  features,  fringed  with  locks  of 
flowing  jet,  and  surmounted  by  bushy,  black  whiskers, 
very  grand  as  he  sat  arrayed  in  fox-skin  robes.  His 
village  was  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  river;  and 
although  he  was  perfectly  willing  Odgen,  Zarembo, 
or  any  one  else  should  settle  on  the  sea-shore,  they 
must  not  enter  his  domain,  or  spoil  his  commerce  with 
interior  tribes.     Zarembo  also  gave  Ogden  further  a 


EVACUATION  OF  OLD  FORT  SBC  C33 

written  prohibition  from  trading  or  ascending  the 
river.  Thus  matters  stood  until  the  29th  of  June, 
when  word  came  from  Zarembo  that  Wrangel  was 
absenl  from  Sitka  at  Cook  River,  and  thai  Lieuten- 
ant Etholin,  deputy-governor  at  Sitka,  in  reply  to 
Ogden,  stated  that  Zarembo  musi  ad  in  accordance 
with  the  articles  of  the  convention,  which  in  his, 
Etholin's,  opinion  forbade  Britons  from  navigating 
waters  where  Russian  posts  were  planted.  At  all 
events  they  should  noi  enter  the  river,  so  said  the 
Russians,  and  so  said  the  savages. 

AlS   the  treaty  stipulations  referred  all  differ* 
arising  from  the  infraction  of  any  article  of  the  con- 
vention to  higher  powers,  Ogden  and  his  men  could 
not  legally  fight  the  matter  out  on  the  spot,  oven  had 
they  been  so   disposed,  and  physically  able.      Hei 
nothing  remained  lor  them  but  to  retire. 

Subsequently,  armed  with  copies  of  the  letter-  and 
protests,  and  a  long  bill  of  losses,  the  British  pre- 
sented themselves  before  their  government  with  loud 
complaints  begging  redress.16  Nesselrode  and  Palm- 
erston  urged  the  disputants  to  amicable  adjustment. 
The  result  was  damages  to  the  amount  of  £20,000, 
the  cession  of  Fort  Wrangel,  and  the  leasing  by  the 
Russians  to  the  British  of  the  shore-strip  before  de- 
scribed, with  the  Stikeen  post,  and  permission  to  build 
an  establishment  still  further  to  the  north  on  the  Tako 
River.     Of  this  I  shall  speak  in  another  place. 

Meanwhile  that  the  expedition  might  not  prove 
wholly  fruitless  Ogden  determined  to  change  the  posi- 
tion of  Fort  Simpson.  Therefore,  dropping  down  the 
coast  to  Nass  I  [arbor,  the  Dryad  entered  the  river 
and  moored  before  the  old  fort.  All  that  was  there 
of  any  value  was  then  placed  on  board  the  Dryad, 
and  the  post  abandoned. 

It  was  done;  but  it  proved  not  so  easy  a  task  as 

I  in  the  public 

1  '".'■• 


634  NORTHERN  COAST  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

one  might  think.  The  savages  did  not  like  to  see 
their  rum-sellers  retiring;  for  in  competition  with  the 
Russians  the  English  then  sold  fire-water  to  these 
natives.  Excuse  enough  to  do  wrong  is  that  our 
neighbor  does  wrong, 

It  was  Saturday,  the  30th  of  August,  that  old  Fort 
Simpson  was  evacuated.  Early  in  the  morning  the 
sale  of  rum  began.  The  savages  realized  that  it  was 
their  last  chance,  and  they  determined  to  make  the 
most  of  it.  Drunkenness  without  bloodshed  among 
forest  gentlemen  is  a  tame  affair.  A  quarrel  is  as 
easily  found  by  them,  as  by  white  people,  inter  pocula. 
Kennedy  acted  as  master  of  ceremonies.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  fort  had  been  taken  with  such  judgment 
that  the  savages  had  only  to  stand  upon  a  hill  over- 
looking it,  and  shoot  down  upon  the  occupants.  As 
they  warmed  with  drink,  they  longed  for  a  little  fight. 
A  scalp  or  two  would  be  better  than  nothing.  A 
party  took  possession  of  the  hill,  and  pointing  their 
guns  over  the  palisades  they  did  not  shoot.  Outside 
the  pickets  the  Indians  armed  with  guns,  boarding- 
pikes,  and  knives  crowded  round  the  men  as  they 
rolled  the  barrels  of  celestial  drink  down  to  the  land- 
ing, and  with  wild  intimidating  yells  threatened  to  cut 
each  one  of  them  into  a  million  pieces.  But  they  did 
not;  that  is,  if  we  may  believe  Tolmie,  who  was  there, 
and  who  says  they  did  not,  and  displays  a  whole  human 
body  in  proof  of  it ;  and  who  further  states  that  with 
his  own  right  hand  holding  a  cutlass  he  drove  away 
forty,  or  four  hundred  of  them,  he  forgets  which. 
Finally,  as  balls  began  to  whiz  freely  and  as  there 
remained  nothing  within  the  fortress  but  one  barrel 
more  of  liquor,  the  white  men  gave  it  to  the  savages, 
who,  intoxicated  as  they  were,  were  still  too  shrewd 
to  try  to  divide  it  among  themselves,  knowing  that 
bloodshed  would  be  the  consequence.  And  alter  all 
their  bluster  about  butchery  they  actually  took  the 
cask  to  the  ship  to  be  divided  for  them.  All  night, 
as  the  white  men  lay  on  board  the  ship,  they  heard 


FORTS  MUMFORD  AND  GLENORA.  63S 

the  sound  of  hammer  and  axe  as  the  Datives  were 
knocking  down  the  pickets  to  secure  the  iron  spikes. 

The  Dryad  finally  cleared  herself  of  the  place,  when 
she  proceeded  some  forty  miles  south-west  to  a  small 
bay,  since  called  Port  Simpson,17  al  the  northern  end  of 
the  Chimsyan  Peninsula,  where  the  permanent  Fori 
Simpson  was  to  be  planted.  Before  the  ship  was  fairly 
at  anchor  on  the  12th  of  July,  Birnie  and  Anderson 
were  oil*  in  one  boat,  and  Duncan  and  Tolmie  in  an- 
other, seeking  a  site,  which  was  soon  found;  and  before 
two  days  had  passed  the  fort-builders  were  all  ashore, 
the  men  in  brush-huts  and  the  officers  in  tents,  mid 
round  them  all  a  barricade  of  felled  trees.18 

In  April  1835  a  party  set  out  from  Fort  Simpson, 
and  proceeding  to  the  mouth  of  Skeena  River  tiny 
there  erected  an  establishment  which  they  called  Port 
Essington. 

Two  posts  were  established  up  the  Stikeen  River  by 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  British  territory  after 
their  repulsion  at  Redoubt  St  Dionysius — one,  Fort 
Mumford,  sixty  miles  from  the  mouth,  and  the  other, 
Fort  Glenora,  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  from  the 
ocean.  When  the  gold-hunters  came  and  frightened 
away  the  game  these  posts  were  abandoned. 

"Known  at  first  as  McLoughlin  Harbor,  under  which  name  the  earlier 
Fort  Simpson  journals  are  dated. 

l8Speaking  in  his  Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.,  59,  Sir  Jam.-    I 
gives  tli.'  following  interesting  information  respecting  aboriginal  commi 
this  point:    'The  Chimsyans  on  their  route  from  Pearl  Harbor,  Skeena,  and 
ether  places  south  of  there  to  Xass  River  reach  the  fort  early  in  February, 

generally  stay  there  until  the  beginning  of  March,  when  th« laghans 

the  river.    After  the  fishing  is  over,  they  return  with  the  fish  and  oil 
have  procured,  which  forms  partof  the  ensuing  winter's  provisions, 
the  latter  part  of  May,  and  make  another  sojourn  at  the  fort  until  .lu_!y. 

...  some  for  the  Ske<  na,  others  go  as  far  south  as  Gardiner's  ( !anal, 
where  they  an-  constantly  employ*  d  about  their  salmon-fisheries  durinj 
summer.    They  likew  is.-  hunt  ami  trade  with  the  natives  in  tin  int.  ii.  >r  canals, 
procure  quantities  of  herring  spawn  from  the  people  of  Milbank  Soun  I, 
.  not  visit  thefort  in  a  body  until  the  following  February; 
and  February  are  the  only  months  when  there  are  larg<  i  isembl 

fort.     Theyseta  great  value  on  oolaghan  oil,  as  Li  forms  thecondiment 
0f  a]  !  with  their  dried  fish  and  Bpawn,  with  roots 

es  of  this  oil,  containing  fourti 
are  valued  at  a  beaver.' 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN"  INCIDENTS  AND  ROUTINE. 

1834^1844. 

Captain  Dominis —  The  'Llama'  —  The  'Joseph  Peabody' —  Steamer 
'Beaver'— Indian  Battle— Mutiny— War— The  'Thomas  Perkins' — 
Ingenuousness  of  the  Aboriginal  Skin-seller  and  the  European 
Rum-seller — First  Trip  Northward  of  the  Steamer  'Beaver' — 
Lease  of  a  Ten-league  Shore-strip  from  the  Russians— Expe- 
dition to  Take  Possession  —  Founding  of  Fort  Durham,  or  Fort 
Tako— Finlayson's  Encounter  with  the  Takos — Abandonment  of 
the  Tako  Post — Comparative  Savagism  of  White  Men  and  Red — 
Murder  of  John  McLoughlin  junior  by  his  Men. 

Turn  now  to  the  record  of  their  doings  from  day  to 
day,  kept  by  the  fur-traders  themselves.1 

Routine  in  these  parts  differed  but  little  from  fort 
life  elsewhere  on  the  Northwest  Coast.  Breaking  the 
dead  monotony  were  occasional  incidents  worth  men- 
tioning. 

The  8th  of  August  1834,  Captain  Dominis,  now  of 
the  Hawaiian  bark  Bolivar  Liberator,  by  agreement 
with  the  Russian  American  Company  sails  with 
twenty  Tungass  to  hunt  sea-otter  on  the  cousts  of 

1ln  the  summer  of  1S7S  I  sent  Ivan  Petroff  to  Alaska  for  materials  for 
history.  On  his  return  he  reported  a  number  of  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
journals  yet  remaining  at  Fort  Simpson.  I  immediately  applied  to  Chief 
Factor  Charles  of  Victoria,  who  very  kindly  shipped  them  all  down  to  me.  I 
found  them  to  consist  of  two  volumes  dated  McLoughlin  Harbor,  covering  a 
period  from  the  founding  of  the  fort  in  July  1834  to  the  10th  of  June  1840. 
Of  the  later  journals,  portions  of  which  are  used  in  the  history  of  British 
Columbia,  there  were  five  volumes,  beginning  in  March  1840  and  ending 
December  1SGG.  Though  the  information  abstracted  from  this  large  mass  of 
manuscript  is  meagre,  it  is  of  some  importance,  being  nowhere  else  found. 
Nearly  the  entire  details  of  these  voluminous  records  consist  of  descriptions  of 
the  weather,  movements  of  the  white  men  and  savages,  and  the  numbers  of 
skins  secured,  matters  of  paramount  importance  to  those  whose  dreary  life  it 
was,  but  wholly  devoid  of  general  interest. 

( C3G  i 


FOITi'  rOUENALS.  637 

southern  Oregon  and  northern  California.  Ten  days 
later  John  Kennedy  arrives  al  Fort  Simpson  with  his 
family,  his  wife  being  the  first  white  woman — that  is 
to  say  if  she  was  white — in  these  parts.2  The  follow- 
ing summer  Dominis  and  his  Bolivar  return,  and 
placing  at  defiance  both  English  and  Russians  lie 
opens  trade  along  the  coast,  exchanging  rum  for  furs. 

The  3d  of  February  1835  the  natives  threaten  1  > 
burn  Fort  Simpson.  Four  days  later  they  throw 
stones  at  the  sentries,  and  on  the  4th  of  March  those 
who  enter  to  trade  become  so  insolent  that  the  fur- 
buyers  are  obliged  to  use  force  to  clear  their  store 
of  them.  The  1st  of  April  the  assembled  tribes  en- 
gage in  a  little  fight,  in  which  nine  are  killed  and 
many  wounded.  In  May  of  the  following  year  they 
congregate  around  the  fort  in  large  numbers  and 
are  prevented  from  an  attack  only  by  the  opportune 
arrival  of  the  Llama.  Meanwhile  affairs  are  not 
altogether  harmonious  among  the  white  men.  A 
party  of  English  sent  to  Tungass  for  spars  in  July 
1834  are  driven  away  by  the  Russians.  Captain 
McNeill  is  ordered  by  the  Russians  to  keep  the 
Llama  clear  of  their  coast;  and  in  their  turn  the  Fort 
Simpson  people,  seeing  the  American  brig  Lewis  off 
Point  Wales,  send  out  the  bark  to  drive  her  away. 
In  February  1836  the  Llama  arrives  at  Fort  Simpson 
with  a  large  number  of  skins  purchased  on  Russian 
territory,  and  in  June  a  Russian  vessel  is  stationed  at 
Tungass  to  prevent  such  traffic.  Thus  like  vultures 
these  representatives  of  Christian  civilization  wrangle 
over  their  prey. 

The  winter  passes  quietly.  Trade  is  lair.  A  few 
articles  are  stolen:  and  one  day  in  May  the  chief  in 
attempting  to  rec  >ver  an  axe  taken  by  one  of  his  tribe 
is  killed,  and  for  a  short  time  the  trader-  think  it  not 
best  to  leave  their  intrenchment.    Contrary  to  their 

2  The  fact  is,  some  of  these  northern  tribes  arc  full  as  white  as  I 

:  Canada  and  the  Columbia;  and,  as  a  rule,  poeseBBed  of  far  more 

uieutal  force. 


638  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

usual  policy,  they  do  not  deem  it  advisable  to  compel 
the  return  of  the  stolen  articles,  as  such  a  course 
would  lead  to  bloodshed,  which  sadly  interferes  with 
trade. 

The  20th  of  February  1836  the  Llama  drops  in 
on  them  with  Work,  Tolmie,  and  McNeill  on  board. 
In  April  the  American  brig  Joseph  Peabody  comes  to 
Fort  Simpson  from  Sitka  to  hunt  sea -otter  with  the 
Kaiganies.  Later  a  native  dying  of  small-pox,  and 
wishing  to  take  with  him  to  the  next  world  for  a 
servant  his  brother's  two-year  old  child,  entices  it  to 
his  side  and  strangles  it,  whereupon  the  people  at  the 
fort  seeing  that  life  is  not  wholly  extinct,  apply  rem- 
edies and  finally  restore  it  to  its  mother's  arms.  For 
thus  saving  the  child's  life  they  have  to  pay  a  coat, 
pants,  and  shirt. 

The  Beaver  is  now  upon  her  regular  trips.  A  battle 
ensues  the  27th  of  January  1837.  The  Nass  Indians 
would  waylay  and  kill  the  traders,  and  as  overtures 
fail,  both  fort  and  steamer  open  their  big  guns  upon 
the  savages,  who  reply  with  a  volley  of  musketry. 
No  damage  is  done.  Pages  of  aboriginal  infelicities 
fill  the  fort  journals,  and  by  simply  stating  that  such 
are  the  normal  conditions  of  northern  coast  fur-trading 
I  dispose  of  volumes  of  detail.3 

McNeill,  now  captain  of  the  Beaver,  is  in  January 
1838  at  McLoughlin  Harbor,  ill.  Rising  from  his 
sick-bed  he  flogs  two  seamen  for  disobedience,  where- 
upon the  crew  mutiny  and  refuse  to  sail  under  a 
foreign  captain.  Factor  Work  in  charge  of  the 
fort  is  obliged  to  go  on  board  and  play  the  role  of 
commander  in  order  to  get  the  steamer  back  to  Nis- 
qually.     Work  is  absent  from  his  post  two  months, 

3 1  will  give  the  results  of  one  month's  trade  at  Fort  Simpson,  the  month 
of  August  1S37,  which  was  much  larger  than  the  average:  7  large  black  bear, 

9  small  black  bear,  2  small  brown  bear,  5S1  large  beaver,  234  small  beaver, 
23  pup  and  cutting  beaver,  6  fishers,  1  cross-fox,  16  lynx,  1  lynx-robe  (8  skins), 
736  martens,  9  marten-robes,  96  mink,  70  musquash,  39  large  land-otter,  5 
small  land-otter,  1  small  sea-otter,  1  pup  sea-otter,  2  wolverines,  2  meat  of 
beaver,  85  pounds  deer's  tallow,  2SA  bushels  of  potatoes,  154  halibut,  58  deer, 

10  geese,  1,033  fresh  and  half  dry  salmon,  395  dry  salmon,  23  seal-skins. 


ABSTRACT  FROM  THE  RECORDS.  G39 

greatly  to  his  disgust,  having  («»  humor  the  mutineers. 
The  crew,  however,  do  no1  gel  rid  of  their  captain; 
though  not  being  himself  a  British  subject,  he  places 
Stoddard's  name  on  the  ship's  papers  as  master.  A 
lull  in  opposition  in  May  of  this  year  enables  the  com- 
pany to  advance  their  prices.  Hitherto  a  gallon  of 
powder  was  given  for  a  beaver,  bui  now  only  a  quart. 
Indeed  Chief  Factor  McLoughlin  orders  stopped  the 
sale  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  natives  of  the  north 
coast,  but  Work  remonstrating,  on  the  ground  both  of 
extreme  cruelty  and  injury  to  trade,  the  sale  is  con- 
tinued, but  at  quadruple  rates. 

War  among  the  neighboring  tribes  was  continued 
through  1839.  The  16th  of  June  tidings  reaching 
Fort  Simpson  that  white  men,  probably  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  from  the  Mackenzie  River,  having 
established  themselves  in  the  interior  of  Stikeen,  are, 
together  with  the  natives,  in  a  starving  condition, 
they  are  relieved  by  a  boat-load  of  provisions  sent 
them  by  the  Russians.  Thereupon  the  wild  men 
express  surprise  that  opponents  should  assist  oppo- 
nents :  and  are  told  that  the  white  men*.-  opposition  is 
not  like  that  of  the  red  men's,  but  extends  only  to 
trade.  Putting  which  charity  beside  certain  other 
unaccountable  doings  of  civilization,  savagism  won- 
ders. Off  Dundas  Island,  to  the  no  small  disturbance 
of  both  English  and  Russians,  in  August  appears  the 
brig  Thomas  Perkins,  Farnham  and  Fry,  New  York, 
owners,  with  Varney  as  captain,  and  Swan  as  super- 
cargo. Dominis  sailsfrom  Sitka  to  Kamchatka.  Up 
go  the  prices  of  fur,  to  the  supreme  satisfaction  of  the 
unsophisticated  savage,  who  the  momeni  he  sees  a 
strange  sail  approaching  immediately  stops  trading 
until  the  white  men  shall  have  ceased  bidding.  Cour- 
tesiea  are  interchanged;  the  English  visit  the  vessel 
and  the  Americans  the  fori.  Each  learns  as  much  as 
possible  of  the  other's  affairs,  and  communical 
little  as  possible  in  return. 

The  next  morning  the  ball  begin  -.     The  Americans 


640  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

offer  for  a  beaver  one  blanket  and  five  gallons  of  mixed 
rum.  The  English  name  two  blankets,  one  gallon  of 
mixed  rum,  and  three  fourths  of  a  pound  of  leaf- 
tobacco.  "  These  are  enormous  prices,"  writes  John 
Work  in  the  fort  journal,  "  and  would  never  do  to 
be  continued.  Yet,  making  these  sacrifices  will,  it 
is  confidently  expected,  be  ultimately  advantageous." 
Notwithstanding  the  fate  of  Captain  Bancroft,  Snow 
is  ready  to  embark  in  the  California  coast  trade,  and 
prefers  Kaiganie  hunters  to  any  others.  The  little 
Beaver  proves  so  serviceable  in  these  waters  that  the 
Russians  promise  themselves  a  steamer,  and  the  Sitka 
governor  sends  word  to  Work  that  he  may  expect  a 
visit  from  him  in  his  own  steam-vessel  the  following 
autumn;  in  which  he  is  disappointed,  as  the  first  Rus- 
sian steamer  which  appears  on  this  coast,  and  which 
is  built  at  Sitka,  is  not  finished  till  1853.4 

Practical  John  Work  meditates  upon  the  advisa- 
bility of  sending  the  Nereicl  with  trading  goods  after 
the  Thomas  Perkins,  but  as  Captain  Varney  bought 
some  potatoes  from  Work,  and  would  not,  therefore, 
be  obliged  to  stop  at  Skiddegate  or  Cumshewas,  where 
furs  would  also  be  sold,  the  chief  factor  concludes  he 
may  save  his  company  that  expense.  Honest  John 
Work  is  much  pleased  that  his  opponents  are  having 
trouble  with  their  Indian  hunters  shipped  for  the  Cali- 
fornia coast;  that  they  get  very  drunk  on  the  mixed 
rum  advanced,  and  that  the  rank-smelling  lords  de- 
cline the  attendance  of  their  ladies  in  their  hunting 
excursions  to  California.5 

4  That  is  to  say,  unless  we  class  as  a  steamer  the  little  tug  built  at  Sitka  in 
1840.  christened  the  J  ardnof,  sold  to  the  United  States,  rechris- 
tencd  the  Hose,  and  wrecked  in  1879. 

5  These  hunting  voyages  from  Russian  America  to  California  usually  occu- 
pied from  four  to  five  months,  seldom  more  than  GO  days  being  spent  upon 
the  Californian  coast.  '  They  engage  the  Indians  here  to  hunt,'  says  Work, 
Fort  Simpson  Journal,  MS.,  Aug.  ]'.).  1839,  'furnish  them  with  provisions, 
principally  such  as  dry  salmon,  small  fish,  grease,  etc.,  ammunition,  and 
canoes,  and  give  them  one  third  or  one  fourth  of  what  they  kill ;  the  other  two 
thirds  or  tin  i  e  fourths  belong  to  the  vessel.  The  hunter's  one  third  or  one 
fourth,  as  the  bargain  may  be,  is  also  to  be  given  to  the  vessel  at  a  stipulated 
price. '  Snow  told  Work  that  300  sea-otter  wou  d  pay  expenses,  and  that  400 
would  make  a  good  voyage  of  it. 


RUM  AND  THE  RUSSIANS.  641 

But  the  chief  factor  does  riot  like  so  well  to  be 
told  that  the  Russians  are  now  contracting  with  the 
Americans  for  supplies,  four  thousand  gallons  of  rum 
being  one  of  the  items  to  be  furnished  by  Snow.  I  [e 
is  gladj  however,  thai  the  Russians  and  the  Yankees 
quarrel  over  their  traffickings  jusl  like  other  people, 
and  that  Snow  puts  off  on  the  Silk;,  governor  a  large 
quantity  of  molasses,  being  part  of  a  contract  made 
with  one  Thompson  who  turned  it  over  to  Farnham 
and  EYy,  and  of  which  article  the  Russians  have  already 
an  oversupply.  Then  the  chief  factor  prays  to  his 
company's  god  Mammon,  and  reasons  with  him,  sav- 
in--: "Should  the  Americans  have  sufficient  succ 
in  the  sea-otter  hunting  to  induce  them  to  continue 
in  it,  it  will  be  of  immense  injury  to  us,  for  they  will 
still  be  here  once  or  twice  a  year  returning  their 
Indian  hunters  and  taking  others;  and  though  they 
may  make  trade  on  the  coast  only  a  secondary  con- 
sideration, they  will  still  have  goods  with  them,  and 
pick  iii'  some  furs;  and  we  will  have  to  continue  the 
high  prices,  or  the  savages  will  hold  their  furs  for  the 
arrival  of  our  opponents  and  give  them  a  greater 
chance  of  getting  them."  Then  he  asks  Mammon  if 
the  company  shall  not  send  out  from  divers  posts  well 
laden  canoes  and  give  the  Yankees  enough  of  com- 
pel':,' m.  But  Mammon  says  "No;  it  is  not  necessary. 
I  will  attend  to  it,  and  see  that  my  most  faithful 
vants  do  not  too  severely  suffer." 

Long  after  the  departure  of  the  Americans,  low- 
ever,  the  effects  of  their  evil  ways  remain;  for  the 
savages  once  tasting  high  prices  are  not  sweet-tem- 
pered or  graceful  in  accepting  lesser  rates.  After 
the  departure  of  Varney,  Captain  Dominis  is  i 
pected,  and  the  simple  s.- .  y,   "We  will  wait 

until  the  Americans  come,  when  we  will  get  more 
for  our  skins."    And  again  they  reason  in  their  inno- 
cenl   way:    "The    Thomas  Perkins  must  bring  I 
the    Kaiganies   she   carried   away,   so   we  shall   cer- 
tainly see   her  again;  wo  will  wait/'     Whereat   the 

Hist.  N.W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    41 


642  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

fortified  fur-buyers  groan  throughout  the  remainder 
of  the  year. 

To  go  back  a  little.  John  Dunn  left  Fort  Mc- 
Loughlin  in  the  brig  Dryad  in  1834  for  the  Columbia, 
where  he  remained  two  years,  part  of  the  time  at 
Fort  Vancouver  and  part  at  Fort  George,  acting  as 
superintendent.  In  the  summer  of  1836  he  returned 
to  Fort  McLoughlin  in  the  steamer  Bearer,  where 
he  was  again  trader  and  interpreter  under  Manson. 
Though  he  had  with  him  but  few  men,  Manson  had 
cleared  quite  a  space  round  the  fort,  which  he  had 
planted  in  vegetables.  Several  additional  buildings 
hud  been  erected  within  the  palisades;  the  natives 
were  quiet,  and  all  betokened  thrift  and  good  man- 
agement. 

This  was  the  first  northward  trip  of  the  Bearer, 
and  as  she  ploughed  those  waters,  blackening  the  air 
with  her  smoke  and  calling  upon  the  wilderness  with 
shrill  shrieks  to  awaken  from  primeval  lethargy,  the 
sight  was  scarcely  less  stirring  to  white  men  than  it 
was  novel  and  mysterious  to  the  red. 

On  board  was  Chief  Factor  Finlayson,  reconnoi- 
tring the  coast.  Home  commanded,  and  Dodd  was 
chief  mate.  The  traders  were  now  enabled  to  enter 
many  intricate  inlets  that  interlace  the  coast,  and 
which  had  baffled  the  efforts  of  sailors.  Thus  they 
were  able  to  penetrate  the  interior  and  visit  inland 
tribes  that  had  never  before  seen  white  men,  to  say 
nothing  of  their  wonderfully  strange  fire -vomiting 
vessel. 

John  Work,  commanding  Fort  Simpson,  assisted 
by  John  Kennedy,  had  also  his  potato -patch  and 
vegetable-garden  adjoining  the  establishment.  The 
Nass  Indians  had  been  subjected  to  the  dreadful 
ravages  of  small-pox  the  year  previous,  and  as  they 
suspiciously  eyed  the  Beaver  they  wondered  what 
this  new  infernal  medicine  was  that  the  white  men 
had  brought  upon  them. 


TOO  LITTLE  TERRITORY.  C43 

It  would  seem  that  his  company  of  British  traffick- 
ers might  have  been  satisfied  with  the  exteni  of  their 
unpaid-for  domain,  equivalenl  as  it  was  to  more  than 
all  Europe  in  extent.  But  such  was  nol  the  case. 
Nor  would  content  have  sat  amongst  their  councils 
had  their  lands  and  water.-  covered  the  globe,  or  ten 
o-lobes.  Men  are  not  so  made.  Each  wants  all;  and 
to  get  it.  following  human  instinct,  will,  if  necessary 
and  within  the  possibilities, kill  all  the  rest. 

Seeing  profit  in  the  fields  of  their  less  <  nterprising 
northern  neighbors,  in  Is:;1.)  tin-  adventurers  of  !. 
land  asked  and  obtained  of  the  Russian  Fur  Company 
a  ten  years'  lease  for  trading  purposes,  of  a  strip  of 
land  ton  leagues  wide,  extending  north  from  latitude 
LO',  and  lying  between  British  territory  and  the 
in,  paying  therefor  two  thousand  east-side  land- 
otter,  worth  thirty-two  shillings  and  sixpence  each. 
It  was  McLoughlin  who   suggested   it,  and  British 
tesmen  wondered  what  the  company  wanted  with 
Jon  leagues  of  Russian  seaboard.6 

Bui  theobject  of  the  companywas  not  alone  traffic 

the  natives.    They  thought  to  make  a  customer 

of  the    I.  as  well  for   European  goods,  which 

:',  •  rent  was  paid  in  wheat,  butter, 
e  terms  of  this  stipulation  wen 

in  the  articles  mentioned  according  to  c 
m,  before  the  house  of  commons  commission,  Rept.  //.  B. 
1857,  59,  states  that  a  misunderstanding  about  the  establishing  of  a 
i.f  therivers  as  difficulties  ensued,  and  a  Ion 

ce  on  the  Bubject  ended  in  tl  the  territory.     Finl; 

/,      .    ,  .  ;..  MS.,  35,  ...  otter-skins  as  the  annual  price 

paid.     In  Anden  .  Ms.,   103   I.  we  find  that    '  in 

ion  a  large  quantity  of  furs  ><(  various  descriptions,  which  v. 

□  American  Company,  were  sold  to  them  annually, 
portion  of  which  were  transported  from  York  factorj  and 
in  that  vicinity  overland  by  the  route  of  the  annual  express  to  Fort 
3itka.     'I    •    relatioi 
the  la. -Man-,  indeed,  with  tin-  solitary  exception  referred  to,  were  ah 

applied  them  annually  with   large  quan- 
dotherprodi  which  was  raised  on  the  farm  at 

aver,  and  the  remaindi  r  ]  '  rs  who  then 

inhabited  tl  j .  or  purchasi  di     l 

inhabitants  there.     Ev  i 
any  -  I  Company  offio 

when  Sir  George  Simpson  passed  there  in  1n4  1-2,  on  hi-  way  to  St  P 


GU  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

they  could  bring  in  any  quantities  from  England,  as 
for  the  products  of  the  soil,  which  the  inclemency  of 
the  northern  regions  prevented  the  Russians  from 
raising,  and  which  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  now 
determined  to  cultivate. 

The  Russians  on  the  whole  were  not  the  best  of 
business  men.  Their  ethics  and  energ}r  were  much 
below  the  Scotch  standard.  Their  establishments 
were  more  military  and  naval  than  those  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  an  admiral  being  usually  in  com- 
mand. Even  with  their  magnificent  seal  monopoly 
they  could  not  make  their  business  profitable,  so  the 
Sitka  governor  himself  asserted,  but  for  their  trade 
with  China,  which  in  exchange  for  furs  gave  them  tea 
to  pay  their  men  with  at  an  enormous  profit.  A  small 
sum  in  the  shape  of  wages  must  needs  content  their 
serfs,  who  lived  on  rye-bread,  train-oil,  and  fish  ;  and 
who  for  the  love  of  liquor  were  ready  at  any  time 
almost  to  lay  down  their  lives  or  take  those  of  their 
neighbor. 

In  pursuance  of  this  arrangement  a  party7  was 
organized  at  Montreal  in  1839  to  take  possession  of 
the  land  thus  leased.  Setting  out  from  York  Factory 
in  July  they  proceeded  to  Edmonton,  then  the  head- 
quarters of  the  district,  and  thence  by  way  of  Jasper 
House,  Boat  Encampment,  Colville,  and  Walla  Walla 
came  to  Fort  Vancouver,  where  their  arrival  on  the 
7th  was  followed  by  a  grand  feast.  After  spending 
the  winter  at  this  post,  in  the  spring  of  1840  the  party 
was  reorganized  with  Douglas s  in  command,  assisted 

burg  by  way  of  Okhotsk  overland,  a  ship  was  placed  at  his  disposal  which 
conveyed  him  to  the  last-named  place,  and  the  most  cordial  attentions  were 
shown  to  him.  Being  aided  by  the  authority  of  an  imperial  ukaze,  the  sub- 
sequent journey  of  Sir  George  across  the  Asiatic  continent  to  St  Petersburg 
was  greatly  expedited.'  See  also  Tolmic'sPityet  Sound,  MS.,  20.  In  U.  S.  11. 
Rept.  31,  %7th  Cong.,  3d  Scss.,  60,  it  is  stated  that  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany's contract  with  the  Russians  in  regard  to  London  goods  was  to  supply 
them  at  25  per  cent  advance  on  London  cost,  adding  nothing  for  freight. 

7  Of  this  party  was  Roderick  Finlayson,  then  a  clerk  in  the  service  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  the  narrative  of  this 
expedition. 

8  It  is  a  little  interesting  to  note  how  the  methodical  Douglas  went  about  a 
piece  of  work  of  this  kind.   Carefully  written  out  in  his  Private  Papers,  MS., 


LEASE  FROM  THE  RUSSIANS.  C45 

byW.  Gr.  Rae,  Jolm  Kennedy,  John  Mc]  joughlin  junior, 
Roderick  Finlayson,  and  fifty  men. 

Embarking,  the  party  proceeded  by  way  of  the  ( low- 
litz  River  to  Fori  Nisqually  on  Puget  Sound,  where 
the  Beaver  awaited  them.  Thence  down  the  pine- 
enveloped  sound,  and  through  the  gulf  of  Georgia 
they  steamed,  little  dreaming  that  the  great  island  of 
Vancouver  on  their  left  was  the  destined  future  home 
of  so  many  of  them. 

Entering  Fraser  River  they  ascended  t<>  Fort  Lang- 
ley,  only  to  find  that  post  in  ruins,  it  having  1 
burned  several  days  previous.  Mr  Yale,  then  in  com- 
mand, was  living  with  his  men  in  tents,  and  sur- 
rounded by  savages  whoso  plans  for  an  attack  were 
frustrated  by  the  opportune  arrival  of  the  steamer. 
All  hands  disembarked  and  set  to  work  with  a  will  to 
rebuild  the  fort;  nor  did  they  leave  their  fellow- 
traders  until  they  saw  them  all  safely  housed  and 
fortified  again.  Then  dropping  down  the  river  they 
steamed  up  the  gulf,  and  passing  through  Queen 
Charlotte  Sound  came  to  Milbank  Sound,  where 
they  found  remaining  marks  of  Fort  McLoughlin. 
Then  they  went  to  Fort  Simpson  at  the  northern  end 
of  the  Chimsyan  Peninsula,  just  within  the  British 
54  40'  boundary  line,  where  they  remained  several 
days,  taking  in  wood  and  provisions;  after  which  they 
proceeded  to  the  Redoubt  St  Dionysius,  or,  as  it  was 
thereafter  called,  Fort  Stikeen — the  Russian  post  on 

2d  ser..  58,  we  find  first:  'Sundries  required  for  my  use  in  establishing  a  new 
he  ;ni icles  are  enumerated:  1  stove  with  pipe,  5  cwt.  fine  bn    d, 
2  cwt.  flour,  •_'  kegs  wine,  1  do.  brandy,  1  tent  with  poles,  2  oil  clo      .   2 
decanto  furnished,  a  table,  2  chairs,  2  Is 

buildh  surely,  to  say  nothing  of  tools,  ammunition,  and  i 

..... 

i  5-inch  spike-nails 
building,  and  -2  wrenches  for  bolt  nuts;'  and  remarks  that  'the  breadth  and 
thickness  of  the  fort  gal  a  to  be  ascertained  before  the  irons  are  m 
that  the  bolts  and  I  he  proper  length.'    The  b  isiness  must 

andd        w  t.     '  I  ...    i  audi 

clioua  berth  in  the  cabin  tube  at  my  rutin-  dispc  i  ight 

to  invite  company,  • 

I  lyattended  to,  ami  not  pleasure;  the  mi  him- 

self  as  seldom  as  possible. ' 


G46  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

Point  Highfield  at  the  mouth  of  the  Stikeen  River.9 
The  place  where  the  fort  was  built  was  an  island  at 
high-tide,  and  communication  was  had  with  the  main- 
land by  means  of  a  small  bridge,  over  which  water  as 
well  as  provisions  had  to  be  transported. 

Here  was  to  be  the  British  head-quarters  of  the 
leased  territory.  In  charge  of  the  fort  the  new- 
comers found  a  Russian  officer  with  fifty  men,  guarded 
by  a  brig  carrying  thirty -two  guns.  When  John 
McLoughlin  junior  and  W.  G.  Rae,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  the  new  charge,  signified  their  intention 
of  remaining  with  only  eighteen  men,  the  Russian 
officer  demurred,  saying  that  the  savages  were  troub- 
lesome, and  that  the  chief  had  many  slaves  skilled  in 
assassination,  and  forced  to  do  his  bidding  under  pain 
of  death.  But  the  brave  British  men  made  light  of 
the  Russian's  fears,  and  said,  "Other  forts  we  rule 
with  twenty  men,  and  we  will  hold  Stikeen." 

So  the  Russian  turned  the  place  over  to  them,  and 
with  his  men  departed  in  his  brig  to  Sitka,  whither 
he  was  soon  followed  by  the  Beaver  carrying  Douglas, 
Kennedy,  and  Finlayson  with  the  remainder  of  their 
party.  Arriving  at  the  Russian  head -quarters,10  a 
salute  of  nine  guns  was  given  and  returned,  and  they 
were  received  in  royal  style  by  the  governor  and  his 
officers.  An  entertainment  and  week's  stay  followed, 
during  which  the  Hudson's  Bay  Coumany  was  formally 
placed  in  possession  of  the  leased  territor}?-  according 
to  terms  stipulated.  Then  sailed  the  Beaver  south- 
ward, her  mission  accomplished. 

The  destruction  of  Fort  Langley  by  fire  in  April 
1840,  in  which  not  only  the  houses,  utensils,  and  fur- 
niture were  destroyed,  but  also  a  large  stock  of  salt 
provisions  and  the  seasoned  barrel-staves  for  the 
salmon-fishing  of  the  approaching  season,  was  severely 

9  On  AiTowsmith's  map  this  post  is  called  Highfield  Fort. 

111 '  The  fort  at  Sitka  was  then  manned  by  over  500  men  with  two  or  more 
gnardships. .  .  We  found  about  eight  ships  in  the  harbor  at  the  time.  Coast- 
ing-vessels were  stationed  up  Bering  Strait  and  among  the  Aleutian  Isles. ' 
Firdayson's  V.  I.,  MS.,  10,  11. 


FOUNDING  OF  FORT  TAKO.  G;7 

felt  by  the  north-coast  establishments.  The  actual 
loss,  besides  the  buildings,  was  £1,800,  and  the  pros- 
pective loss  was  still  greater.  It  became  a  serious 
question  whether  the  occupation  of  the  Stikeen  post 
and  the  erection  of  an  establishment  at  Take  were 
practicable,  in  view  of  the  dependence  el"  these  posts 
on  Langley  lor  salt  provisions.  The  coasting-vessels 
likewise  must  suffer;  new  arrangements  musi  be  made 
with  the  Russians,  and  permission  obtained  to  pur- 
chase venison  at  Tungass  and  Port  Stewart.11 

The  steamer  Bearer  sailed  from  Sitka  May  29, 1840, 
falling  in  with  and  taking  in  tow  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company's  bark  Vancouver,  laden  with  trading  goods 
and  a  year's  supply  of  provisions.  On  board  the 
steamer  were  Douglas,  director;  Kennedy,  doctor; 
and  Finlayson,  secretary.1'2  Their  destination  was  the 
Tako  River,  and  their  object  was  to  plant  a  post  there. 

Arrived  at  the  entrance  to  the  river  the  steamer 
came  to  anchor.  Small  boats  were  launched  and  a 
pari  \  ascended  the  stream  for  a  distance  of  fifty  miles, 
but  so  rough  and  mountainous  was  the  region  that 
there  could  not  be  found,  if  we  may  believe  Finlayson, 
a  level  spot  sufficiently  large  for  the  requirements  of 
a  fort.  Moreover,  the  ice  which  floated  about  the 
river  warned  them  that  the  summer  was  short,  and 
that  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  year  the  river  was 
not  navigable. 

While  thus  engaged  in  their  profitless  search,  they 
encountered  an  Indian  slave,  whose  master  with  others 
was  inland,  hunting,  and  whom  they  pleased  to  call 
Locality.  This  poor  chattel  of  a  savage  on  learning 
their  wants  took  them  down  the  coast  to  a  small  bay 
about  ten  miles  south  of  the  entrance  to  the  river.  It 
was  a  good  harbor,  with  tolerable  surroundings,  and 
there  the  traffic-monarchs  determined  to  erect  a  cita- 


rourned,  1840-1,  MS.,  1,  2. 
layson  possessed  qualities  far  superior  I  judging 

from  his  manuscript,  which  I  .sometimes  iind  it  most  diliicult  to  deci] 


648  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

del.  So  the  bark  and  steamer  were  brought  to  anchor 
in  the  bay,  and  the  workmen  landed.  Log -houses 
were  put  up,  and  an  eighteen-foot  stockade  with  two 
bastions  was  thrown  round  a  space  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  square.  The  supplies  were  then  taken 
from  the  bark  and  placed  in  the  storehouse,  and  the 
carronades  and  small -arms  taken  to  the  bastions. 
Finally  Douglas  pronounced  the  place  defensible, 
named  it  Fort  Durham,  after  the  earl  of  Durham, 
then  governor-general  of  Canada,  though  it  was  oftener 
called  Tako;  and  placing  Kennedy  in  charge,  with  Fin- 
layson as  his  assistant,  and  eighteen  men,  he  sailed 
with  his  bark  and  the  Beaver  southward. 

They  were  a  brave,  sullen  race  these  Takos.  A 
Boston  trader  quarrelled  with  them  in  1838,  and 
sailed  away  after  firing  several  destructive  shots  into 
their  canoes.  Finlayson  came  very  near  losing  his 
life  there.  On  account  of  opposition  the  Hudson's 
Bay  people  were  at  this  time  dispensing  ardent  spirits 
to  the  natives.  So  numerous  and  strong  were  they, 
and  the  drink  made  them  so  wild,  that  but  two  or 
three  were  allowed  within  the  fort  to  trade  at  one 
time.  One  day  the  savages  congregated  round  the 
gate,  and  as  one  was  passing  out  the  crowd  pushed 
aside  the  gate-keeper,  overpowering  him ;  seeing  which 
Finlayson  ran  to  his  assistance  and  was  greeted  by  a 
stunning  blow  from  the  foremost  savage.  This  so  en- 
raged the  Scotchman  that  on  recovering  himself  he 
imprudently  followed  the  savage  out  of  the  gate  alone, 
into  the  midst  of  the  angry  crowd,  and  began  ham- 
mering his  head  with  his  pistol.  Instantly  Finlayson 
was  seized  by  the  hair,  stripped  of  half  his  clothes, 
and  was  rapidly  being  dragged  toward  the  water,  when 
he  cried  to  Kennedy  to  fire  blank-cartridges  from  the 
big  guns,  which  was  done,  and  this  so  frightened  the 
savages  that  they  dropped  their  prey  and  fled.  Fin- 
layson returned  to  the  fort;  the  gates  were  closed  and 
all  trade  stopped  until  the  natives  had  paid  in  furs  the 
penalty  for  their  outrage. 


TAKO  ABANDONED.  049 

In  those  days  every  chief  worthy  the  naim 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  slaves,  worth  thirty  blankets 
each,  g  snerally  purchased  from  the  natives  of  I 
Charlotte  Island,  the  great  slave-mart  of  the  North- 
west Coast.    The  chiefs  took  do  smal]  in  kill- 
fir  slaves  at  their  feasts,  which  was  a  mark  of 
greatness.     While  Finlayson  was  at   I  i  the 
assembled  at  Take.  Gulf  one  day  in  the  summer 
of  1840,  and  having  finished  their  trading  they  held  a 
grand  least.     Warmed  to  a  proper  pitch  of  egotisi  i  1  >y 
the  white  man's  rum,  one  of  the  chiefs  arose  and  made 
■h :  "  I  am  a  mighty  man,  a  most  valiant  chief, 
and  wealthy  withal,  having  so  much  property  I  know 
scarcely  what  to  do  with  it.     So  rich  am  I  that  often 
I  amuse  myself  thus" — with  which  words  he  drew 
a  pist  >]  and  shot  dead  one  of  his  slaves.     Another  chief 
not  to  be  outdone  made  a  longer,  braver  speech,  and 
shot  two  slaves.     Catching  the  cruel   mania  others 
followed,  until  ten  poor  wretches  lay  dead.     Next  day 
Finlayson  with  a  well  armed  posse  went  out  and  buried 
them,  for  the  lordly  savage  would  not  touch  a  dead 
slave,   but   would    leave    him   to    rot   where  he  fell. 
Then  he  told  them  that  those  who  indulged  in  such 
dastardly  acts  in  the  future  should  not  be  allowed  to 
■  at  the  fort. 
In  the  summer  of  1841,  W.  G.  Eae  having  been 
removed  from  the  Stikeen  post  to  Yerba  Buena,  Fin- 
was  sent  from  Tako  to  take  his  place.     During 
I            rule  at  Stikeen  an  attempt  had  been  made  by 
the  savages  to  scale  the  stockade  and  take  the  fort. 
The  assailants  were  fired  upon ;  some  fewwere  wounded, 
but  none  killed.    During  Finlayson' s  time  the  natives 
destroy    I  the  bridge,  thus  cutting  off  the  water.     A 
captured  chief  was  held  as  hostage  until  the  damage 
1  and  peace  made.     Again  the  plac 
and  although  the  fortr<                ed,  a  little 
water  to  drink  was  obtained  by  digging. 
On  the  whole  the  occupation  of  the  Tako  post  proved 
unsatisfactory.     Hence  in  the  opening  of  1843  orders 


030  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

were  given  for  the  abandonment  of  that  establishment, 
and  the  distribution  of  its  men  and  officers  to  other 
places.  Thereafter  traffic  at  Tako  and  the  neighbor- 
ing isles  was  conducted  by  the  steamer  Beaver,  as  a 
trading- vessel.  Douglas  made  a  voyage  of  surveillance 
up  the  coast  and  put  the  new  regulation  into  effect, 
and  Finlayson  was  transferred  from  Fort  Simpson  to 
the  Beaver. 

With  the  instructions  from  Governor  Simpson  for 
the  abandonment  of  Fort  Tako,  came  orders  likewise 
for  the  abandonment  of  Fort  McLoughlin  on  Milbank 
Sound. 

The  Hudson's  Bay  Company  found  the  tribes  sur- 
rounding these  northern  posts  to  be  more  dangerous 
than  any  others  encountered  by  them  throughout  the 
Northwest  Coast.  In  the  first  place  the  northern 
nations  were  by  nature  fierce  and  independent,  and 
secondly  their  warlike  mood  had  by  no  means  been 
quieted  by  intercourse  with  the  Europeans.  Brute 
force  had  been  the  policy  of  the  Russians,  many  of 
whom  were  scarcely  more  Christian  or  humane  than 
the  savages,  and  the  intoxicating  draught  now  freely 
offered  alike  by  English,  American,  and  Russian 
traders,  frequently  maddened  them,  and  made  them 
too  often  turn  the  white  man's  firelock  against  him- 
self. And  white  men  can  be  as  insanely  savage  upon 
emergency  as  red  men.  The  cruelties  of  civilization 
may  be  a  little  more  direct,  may  be  somewhat  less 
simple,  more  refined,  but  they  are  none  the  less 
devilish.  The  follies  of  civilization  are  absolutely 
unmatched  by  savagism,  the  reason  being  chiefly  that 
the  former  has  more  inventions  for  originating  and 
propagating  evil  than  the  latter. 

It  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  the  heaviest  pen- 
alty the  servants  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  were 
obliged  to  pay  for  the  wealth  and  authority  advance- 
ment gave  them,  was  the  wives  they  were  expected 
to  marry  and  the  progeny  they  should  rear.     What 


THE  FUR-TRADERS'  CURSE.  651 

greater  happiness  to  the  father,  what  greater  benefit 
to  mankind  than  noble  children!  I  never  could  under- 
stand how  such  men  as  John  McLoughlin,  James 
Douglas,  Ogden,  Finlayson,  Work,  Tolmie,  and  the 
rest  could  endure  the  thought  of  having  their  name 
and  honors  descend  to  a  degenerate  posterity.  Surely 
they  were  possessed  of  sufficient  intelligence  to  know 
that  by  giving  their  children  Indian  or  half-breed 
mothers,  their  own  old  Scotch,  Irish,  or  English  blood 
would  in  them  be  greatly  debased,  and  hence  that  they 
wore  doing  all  concerned  a  great  wrong.  Perish  all 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  thrice  over,  I  would  say, 
sooner  than  bring  upon  my  own  offspring  such  foul 
corruption,  sooner  than  bring  into  being  offspring  sub- 
ject to  such  a  curse. 

Place  John  McLoughlin  father  beside  John  Mc- 
Loughlin  son,  and  tell  me  what  there  is  in  all  the  wide 
universe  that  would  pay  this  strong,  high-souled  gen- 
tleman for  having  taken  so  vile  a  copy  of  himself. 
Not  that  the  son  was  so  very  bad,  or  any  worse  than 
the  average  in  such  cases,  or  than  the  father  might 
expect.  The  superior  intellectuality  of  the  father 
developed  in  the  son  as  superior  brutality.  Instead 
of  benevolence  and  justice  as  the  dominant  motives, 
wo  have  selfishness  and  passion.  Nor  is  the  son  so 
much  to  blame  that  the  miscegenation  of  white  and 
red  should  result  in  black  rather  than  golden,  as  the 
father  who  thus  reduces  to  ashes  a  beautiful  structure. 

When  Rae  was  called  from  Stikeen  to  Yerba  Buena, 
of  which  event  I  elsewhere  speak  fully,  John  Mc- 
Loughlin junior  was  left  in  full  command  of  the  post. 
Of  an  arbitrary,  sombre,  and  morose  disposition,  with 
vindictiveness  the  foundation  of  his  ethics,  the  strong 
love  of  spirituous  liquors  a  passion,  and  varied  concu- 
piscence a  chief  delight,  superstitious  and  low-minded; 
he  was  ueverthele  i  $t,  courageous,  and  not  al- 

ways intemperate.  With  his  antecedents  and  envi- 
ronment it  was  impossible  he  should  be  wholly  bestial. 
He  would  like  to  do  his  best,  but  he  was  not  made 


652  A  DECADE  OF  NORTHERN  INCIDENTS. 

for  much  well  doing.  Simpson  saw  this,  and  did  not 
like  it  because  McLoughlin  had  given  him  an  estab- 
lishment. 

Probably  no  post  in  the  service  needed  abler  man- 
agement than  Stikeen,  and  young  McLoughlin  was 
not  the  ablest  manager  in  the  service.  The  savages, 
who  thereabouts  were  both  treacherous  and  ferocious, 
made  their  abode  in  the  vicinity  in  large  numbers, 
having  not  the  slighest  hesitation  in  openly  proclaim- 
ing their  intention  to  take  the  fort,  or  anything  in- it, 
as  the  opportunity  offered.  Hence,  McLoughlin  was 
obliged  to  hold  his  men  in  close  restraint,  so  close  that 
they  often  broke  the  rules,  and  were  severely  punished. 
This  exasperated  them,  and  made  them  ripe  for  any 
crime,  for  they  were  a  villainous  crew.  There  were 
twenty-two  in  all,  part  Canadians  and  part  Kanakas. 
Contrary  to  the  rules,  some  of  them  held  nightly  inter- 
course with  the  women  of  the  neighboring  lodges; 
some  made  themselves  drunk  on  liquor  obtained  from 
the  natives,  which  was  the  irony  of  intoxication,  buy- 
ing spirits  from  savages  who  first  bought  it  from  them- 
selves. McLoughlin  drank  freely,  and  sometimes 
when  the  fit  was  on  him  would  not  only  give  the  men 
liquor,  but  force  them  to  drink  themselves  insensible. 
Thus  as  time  went  on  McLoughlin  became  more  cruel 
and  tyrannical,  and  the  men  more  mutinous,  until  they 
threatened  to  take  his  life. 

Finally,  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  April  1842, 
John  McLoughlin  junior  was  shot  dead  by  a  Cana- 
dian, L^rbaine  Heroux.  The  fort  was  in  a  general 
state  of  misrule  at  the  time;  most  of  the  men  were 
drunk,  McLoughlin  with  his  own  hand  having  dealt  out 
liquor  freely,  and  being  not  altogether  sober  himself. 
Several  had  openly  sworn  to  do  the  deed;  others 
had  fired  their  guns  at  the  master  or  at  each  other, 
and  the  murderer  was  not  more  criminal  than  some 
of  the  others.  Throughout  the  afternoon  and  evening 
McLoughlin  had  been  bellowing  about  the  establish- 
ment that  he  was  to  be  killed  that  night,  and  that  he 


McLOUGHLIN  JUNIOR'S  DEATH.  653 

should  die  like  a  man.  Altogether  it  was  no  less 
silly  than  sickening;  and  it  was  no  wonder  that  when 
Governor  Simpson  arrived  at  the  fort  five  days  later 
he  was  disgusted,  or  that  the  dead  man's  father  was 
angry  when  the  governor  blamed  the  master  almost 
as  much  as  the  men.     Such  disgraceful  occurrences 


At  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years'  lease  the  con- 
trad  with  the  Russian  American  Company  was  re- 
newed,14 and  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  continued 
to  hold  the  country  up  to  a  few  years  prior  to  the  pur- 
chase of  Alaska  by  the  United  States.15 

13  '  The  chary  way  in  which  Sir  George  behaved  about  this  death  envenomed 
the  doctor  against  him.'  Roberts'  Rec,  .MS.,  8.  '  Hines'  account,'  says  Jesse 
Applegate  in  Saxton's  Or.  Ter.,  MS.,  138,  'is  calculated  to  create  a  wrong 
on  of  the  discipline  and  conduct  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.' 
Simpson  was  certainly  much  more  slack  in  bringing  the  offenders  to  justice 
than  he  would  have  been  had  they  been  natives  and  the  murdered  man  one 
of  his  own  numerous  illegitimate  progeny.  '  In  my  opinion,'  he  says,  Over- 
land Journey,  i.  182,  'the  jurisdiction  of  Canada,  as  established  by  43  Geo. 
III.,  c.  138,  and  1  and  2  Geo.  IV.,  c.  G(i,  did  not  extend  to  Russian  America  ; 
and  on  the  other  hand,  I  knew  that  the  Russians  had  no  court  of  criminal 
jurisdiction  in  America;  while  at  the  same  time,  1  was  by  no  means  certain 
that  even  if  they  had  such  a  tribunal,  they  would  take  any  cognizance  of  a 

<\  did  not  concern  them.  So  giving  charge  of  the  establishment  to 
Mr  Dodd,  chief  mate  of  the  ship  Cowlitz,  which  brought  him  there,  with  a 
sailor,  Blenkinsop,  for  an  assistant,  he  carried  Heroux  to  Sitka  and  there 
tinned  him  over  to  the  Russians,  though  lie  had  just  admitted  that  he  did 

■i  them  to  punish  him. 

ice  Roberts,  ll<  c,  MS.,  9,  is  mistaken  when  he  says  the  arrangement 
i    [profitable  to  his  company,  and  that  the  country  was  abandoned  upon 

ination  of  the  lease. 

re  was  another  Fori  Simpson  on  the  Mackenzie  River,  at  the  junction 
of  the  Riviere  aux  Liards.    £  >urnal,  i.  163-7.    Mymaterial 

for  this  and  the  foregoing  chapter  is  derived  from  Tolmie's  Journal,  MS.,  89, 
where  it  is  stated  that  Manson  beat  the  man  Richard  at  Fort  Mel 
until  he  \\  i  bed  himself  a  free  savage.     See  also  Tolmu  's  Journal,  1 1 

Volmie's  Puget  Sound,  MS..  3-5,  59;  Anderson's  .'.  oast, MS., 

11-23,  103  5;  Mnlayson's  Hist.  V.  J..  MS.,  9;  Douglas' Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d 

assim;  Dunn's  Or.  1 
Or.  Hist.,  394-406;  Gray's  Or.,  46-54;  Martin's  If.  B.,  28-30,  whose  errors 

to  notice:  Roberts' Rec,  MS.,  7, 
Ter.,  MS.,  L38;  Harvey'sLifi  of  McLoughlin, MS. ,20;  Townsend'sls 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

TWO     NOTABLE    VISITORS. 

1841-1842. 

TheMonarch  Moves— Sir Geokge  Simpson  Circumnavigates  the  World— 
The  Journey  across  the  Continent — Surveys  the  Northern  Posts 
— Drops  down  to  San  Francisco  Bay — Monterey — Honolulu — Sitka 
and  Fort  Simpson  again — Then  Asia  is  Honored— An  Irascible 
Gaul— French  Curiosity — Eugene  Duflot  de  Mofras— Himself  and 
his  Book— From  Mexico  and  California  He  Proceeds  to  Honolulu 
and  Fort  Vancouver— Simpson  does  not  like  his  Looks  and  Snubs 
Him — Whereat  He  is  Irate,  though  in  his  Book  Charitable— After 
Calling  again  upon  the  Californians,  whom  He  Scourges  to  his  Com- 
plete Satisfaction,  He  Returns  to  France. 

In  a  journey  round  the  world,  made  in  1841-2,  Sir 
George  Simpson,  governor-in-chief  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  territories  in  North  America,  paid  the  Pacific 
coast  a  second  visit  worthy  of  brief  mention.1 

Outlined,  the  journey  was  from  London  to  Boston, 
thence  to  Montreal,  and  by  way  of  Lake  Superior  and 
the  Assiniboine  and  Saskatchewan  rivers  to  Edmon- 
ton House,  and  from  there  to  forts  Kootenai,  Col- 
ville,  Okanagan,  and  Vancouver.  After  visiting  Sitka 
he  took  ship  to  San  Francisco,  Santa  Barbara,  and 
across  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  from  there  to 
Sitka  again.  Thence  he  sailed  to  Okhotsk  on  the 
coast  of  Siberia,  crossed  Asia  by  way  of  Yakutsk, 
Irkutsk,  and  Tobolsk,  to  Moscow  and  St  Petersburg, 
and  through  the  Baltic  by  way  of  Hamburg  back  to 
London. 

1  His  Narrative  of  a  Journey  round  the  World  during  the  Ymr&18%l  and  284%, 
2  vols.,  Svo,  London,  1S47,  was  not  printed  until  five  years  after  his  return, 
owing  to  absorbing  duties  connected  with  the  affairs  of  the  company. 


SIMPSON'S  JOURNEY.  055 

The  date  of  his  departure  from  London  was  the  3d 
of  March  L  841,  and  he  reached  Edmonton  House  in 
the  latter  part  of  July.  Simpson's  journey  through 
the  continent  of  America  at  this  time  was  not  unlike 
march  of  a  monarch.  He  was  virtually  king  of 
this  rude  region,  the  chief  of  a  commercial  despotism. 
Forty-five  horses  was  his  mount  Prom  Edmonton 
the  28th  of  July,  and  eight  o'clock  at  night  saw  him 
sixty  miles  from  his  starting-point.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Mr  Rowand,  for  many  years  in  charge  of 
the  Saskatchewan  district,  and  eighteen  selectedmen. 
1  sh  animals  were  furnished  at  intervals  along  the 
route. 

At  Fort  Colville,  then  in  charge  of  Mr  Mc- 
Donald, the  horses  were  abandoned  for  a  six-oared 
canoe  besides  bowman  and  steersman,  in  which  one 
hundred  miles  were  made  the  first  day  and  one  hun- 
!  and  twenty  the  second.  This  boat  becoming 
leaky  was  exchanged  at  Walla  Walla  for  another. 
Mr  McKinlay,  then  in  charge,  also  furnished  an  inter- 
preter  for  the  tribes  below. 

The  party  now  consisted  of  McMillan,  Todd, 
lor,  and  twenty-seven  men,  part  of  whom  were  Ha- 
waiian Islanders.      On  the  way  down  the  Columbia 
Simpson  was  informed  by  a  friendly  native  that  the 
savages  were  preparing  to  attack  him  at  the  portage 
of  Les  Chutes,  which  however  were  passed  without 
accident,  though  not  without  hostile  demonstrations. 
(     [ling  at  Wascopam2  where  was  the  Methodist  mis- 
d  was  politely  met  by  Lee,  who  honored 
travellers  by  eating  with  them.     After  ;i  moon- 
•   bath  the  governor  wrapped  himself  in  his  cloak, 
and  stretching  himself  on  the  bottom  of  his  boat  com- 
l  himself  to  sleep  while  being  rapidly  propelled 
down  tin;  picturesque  Columbia. 

ikfasting  at  the  Cascades  the  pai  eeded, 

_  a  boat  with  letters  en  f<>i>tr  from   Fort  Van- 
couver to  Walla  Walla  at  two  o'clock,  and  calling  at 

2 Called  Whaspicum  by  si 


656  TWO  NOTABLE  VISITORS. 

sunset  at  the  company's  saw  and  grist  mills,  five  miles 
above  the  fort,  where  they  were  honored  by  a  salute 
from  the  company's  schooner  Cadboro,  which  was  also 
a  signal  of  their  arrival  to  their  expectant  friends  at 
the  fort.  "  Being  anxious  to  approach  head-quarters 
in  proper  style,"  writes  the  governor,  "  our  men  here 
exchanged  the  oar  for  the  paddle,  which,  besides  being 
more  orthodox  in  itself,  was  better  adapted  to  the 
quick  notes  of  the  voyageur  songs.  In  less  than  an 
hour  afterwards  we  landed  on  the  beach,  having  thus 
crossed  the  continent  of  North  America  at  its  widest 
part,  by  a  route  of  about  five  thousand  miles,  in  the 
space  of  twelve  weeks  of  actual  travelling."  Mc- 
Loughlin  being  absent  at  Puget  Sound  the  party  was 
here  received  by  Douglas. 

Simpson  found  at  Fort  Vancouver  two  vessels  of 
the  United  States  exploring  squadron,  which  made  a 
week's  stay  all  the  more  pleasant.  Taking  cordial 
leave  of  Wilkes  and  his  officers,  and  accompanied  by 
Douglas,  on  the  1st  of  September  Simpson  and  party 
embarked  in  a  bateau  with  a  crew  of  ten  men,  passed 
swiftly  over  to  the  upper  mouth  of  the  Willamette, 
and  rounding  Sauve  Island3  landed  on  the  west  side 
five  miles  from  its  southern  end,  where  was  the  com- 
pany's dairy.  Three  or  four  families  resided  there  at 
the  time,  having  in  charge  about  one  hundred  milch 
cows  and  three  hundred  breeding  cattle.  Passing 
down  the  lower  channel  of  the  Willamette,  sunset  saw 
them  again  on  the  Columbia,  and  in  the  morning  they 
were  slowly  ascending  the  Cowlitz.  Since  Simpson's 
visit  in  1828  fever  had  swept  the  banks  of  this  stream 
of  a  large  population,  and  there  were  few  now  left  to 
mourn  the  departed. 

Taking  with  him  some  Chinooks,on  the  morning  of 
the  3d  Douglas  went  forward  to  Cowlitz  farm,  ten 
miles  from  the  landing,  and  when  the  party  reached 
the  spot  they  found  him  there  ready  with  the  animals. 

3  Called  by  Simpson  Multonomah,  and  again  'Meltonomah,  orWappatoo, 
Island.' 


OX  THE  SOUND.  057 

Horses  were  a  delightful  relief  after  forty-eight  hours 
in  a  canoe,and  the  parly  were  soon  at  the  farm, which 
was  well  stocked,  and  had  a  thousand  acres  under  cul- 
tivation. Besides  this  establishment  there  was  another 
farm  on  Puget  Sound,  and  a  Catholic  mission  with 
one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  under  cultivation. 

Spending  Sunday  at  Fort  Nisqually  inspecting  the 
farm  and  dairy  and  visiting  the  Methodist  missionary 
Richmond,  next  day  the  (5th  of  September  the  party 
embarked  on  board  the  company's  steamer  Beaver, 
Captain  McNeill,  Hopkins  and  Heath  being  in  tem- 
porary charge  of  Nisqually,  and  under  a  salute  of 
seven  guns  started  down  the  sound.  Xext  morn- 
ing they  were  off  the  southern  end  of  Vancouver 
Island,  which  did  not  fail  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  keen-sighted  Simpson,  who  remarked  upon  its 
advantages  for  commerce  and  cultivation.  Up  the 
inner  passage  through  the  strait  of  Georgia  the  little 
steamer  ploughed  her  way,  occupying  nearly  as  much 
time  taking  in  wood  as  in  burning  it.  Stopping  at 
McNeill  harbor  to  trade, thirty  or  forty  canoes  crowded 
round  the  steamer,  and  by  noon  next  day  heaver,  mar- 
ten, raccoon,  hear,  lynx,  and  otter  skins,  to  the  value 
of  IT) 00,  were  taken  on  board  in  exchange  for  tobacco, 
blankets,  cloth,  vermilion,  knives,  files,  guns,  and  am- 
munition. 

Passing  through  Queen  Charlotte  Sound,  the  Bea- 
ver again  stopped  to  trade  at  the  upper  end  of  Van- 
couver Island,  where  furs  to  the  value  of  £200  were 
secured.     Port  McLoughlin,  when  Charles  1 
in  command,  and   Fort   Simpson,  then  in    charge   of 
Work,  were    next   visited.      Continuing  their  voy; 
the  afternoon  of  the  18th,  the  little  steamer  anchored 
for  the    night   at    the    Canal   de    Revilla.     Passing 
through  Clarence  Strait  on  the  morning  of  the  20th, 
the  party  wore  welcomed  by  young  McLoughlin  at 
Fort  Stikeen.     Here  Rowand,who  had  ! 
by    fever,   was    left.     Through   Wn  and 

Frederick  Sound  the  vessel  plied  next  day,  anchoring 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    42 


G5S  TWO  NOTABLE  VISITORS. 

for  the  night  at  the  entrance  of  Stephen  passage.  In 
the  afternoon  of  the  2  2d  they  came  to  Fort  Tako, 
governed  by  Kennedy,  with  one  assistant  and  twenty- 
two  men.  Passing  round  the  northern  end  of  Ad- 
miralty Island  they  entered  Chatham  Strait,  sailed 
down  to  Peril  Strait,  and  thence  to  the  Russian 
American  Company's  establishment  of  New  Arch- 
angel at  Sitka. 

While  salutes  were  being  exchanged  Captain  Lin- 
denberg  presented  himself  on  board  with  Governor 
Etholin's  compliments,  soon  after  which  Simpson  and 
Douglas  landed  and  called  upon  the  governor.  Next 
morning,  in  full  uniform,  his  excellency  visited  the 
Beaver  in  his  six-oared  gig,  and  was  received  with 
a  salute.  During  their  four  days'  stay  at  Sitka  the 
visitors  spent  the  day  ashore  and  slept  on  board. 
Simpson,  always  sensitive  to  the  charms  of  woman, 
seemed  struck  by  the  beauty  of  Madame  Etholin,  the 
governor's  wife,  Kathrine,  the  tailor's  daughter,  and 
others.  Weighing  anchor  the  30th  of  September,  he 
returned  through  the  labyrinth  of  waters  by  the  way 
he  came  to  Nisqually  and  Vancouver. 

After  visiting  the  settlement  on  the  Willamette, 
Simpson  embarked  on  the  Cowlitz  for  California,  with 
M.  de  Mofras,  Hale  of  the  United  States  exploring 
squadron,  and  Mrs  Pae  and  family  as  compagnons 
de  voyage,  going  on  board  at  Fort  George  the  3d  of 
December.  Among  his  own  part}^  were  McLoughlin, 
Hopkins,  and  Powand,  who  had  been  brought  back 
from  Stikeen  by  the  Bearer  on  her  return.  Sailing 
down  the  coast  the  fur  governor  dwells  lovingly  on 
whatever  here  has  been  English.  Entering  the  strait 
which  we  now  call  the  Golden  Gate  on  the  30th,  the 
Cowlitz  passes  the  dismantled  fort  on  her  right,  and 
the  presidio,4  then  in  command  of  Prado  Mesa,  a 
short  distance  beyond^ 

Lying  in  Whalers'  Harbor,  as  Simpson  calls  Sau- 

4  'A  square  of  huts  distinguished  by  the  lofty  title  of  the  Presidio  of  San 
Francisco.'  Simpson's  Nar.,  i.  1277-8. 


SIMPSON  IX  CALIFORNIA.  050 

zalito,  were  two  vessels,  the  schooner  California  and 
the  Russian  brig  Constantine,  the  latter  jusi  ready  to 
sai]  for  Sitka  with  the  remnant  of  the  Ross  colony, 
consisting  of  about  one  hundred  men,  women,  and 
children.  Hopkins  was  despatched  by  Simpson  to 
the  Russians  with  his  compliments.  It  was  here  first 
ascertained  at  San  Francisco  Hay  bythe  Englishmen 
coming  from  the  east  and  the  Russians  from  the  west 
that  there  was  a  day's  difference  between  them;  for 
while  it  was  Thursday  with  the  former,  it  was  Friday 
with  the  latter.  Rounding  Clark  Point,  the  Cowlitz 
dropped  anchor  before  Yerba  Buena5  where  were  Lying 
the  United  States  bark  Alert  and  brig  Bolivar,  the 
British  bark  Index,  and  the  Mexican  brig  Catalina, 
and  alter  firing  a  salute  Simpson  hastened  ashore  to 
Mr  Rae,  then  in  charge  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company's  interests  at  this  place. 

Next  day  the  Bolivar  sailed  for  Monterey,  having 
on  board  Mr  Hale  and  M.  de  Mofras  en  route  for 
Mexico.  After  despatching  a  courier  overland  to 
Monterey  for  the  purpose  of  asking  Governor  Alva- 
rado's  permission  to  laud  certain  articles  without  first 
visiting  the  seat  of  government,  and  after  duly  cele- 
brating New  Year's  day.  on  the'  3d  of  January  l 
Simpson  accompanied  by  Rae  and  Forbes  proceeded 
in  tlie  long  and  jolly  boats  by  way  of  San  Rafael  to 
visit  >  reneral  Vallejoat  Sonoma.  There  they  found  de- 
lightful entertainment.  A  ride  round  the  valley  under 
I  of  Salvador Vallejo  and  several  vaqueros  who 
admiration  of  the  strangers  by  their  feats  of 
1  orsemanship  was  followed  by  dinner,  after  which  was 
dancing  to  the  music  of  the  guitar  played  by  Salvador 
and  one  of  his  m<  n. 

irning  to  Yerba  1  Juena  on  the  6th,fourdays  after- 
n  \  isited  the  mission  of  San    Franci 
of  late  under  the  stewardship  of  Francisco  Guerrero. 

"'•A  prettly  little  bay,'  saya  the  Narrative,  283   l.    'Wl 
doub  better  auspices  to  be  the  site  of  ;i  flourishing  town, 

ontain  only  eight  or  nine  houses  in  addition  to  tho 
■  ■  I  ■  ,  '  estal 


660  TWO  NOTABLE  VISITORS. 

Meanwhile  the  messenger  returned  from  Monterey 
with  Alvarado's  refusal  to  permit  the  landing  of  any 
goods  until  the  duties  had  first  been  paid  at  Monterey. 
To  this  port  the  Cowlitz  therefore  proceeded,  leaving 
Yerba  Buena  on  the  12th,  and  coming  to  anchor  before 
the  capital  on  the  evening  of  the  15th.  A  salute  of 
seven  guns  was  next  evening  exchanged  with  the  castle, 
which,  says  Simpson,  "was  at  present  so  flush  of  gun- 
powder as  to  return  our  compliment  without  borrow- 
ing from  us."  Then  boarded  the  ship  six  customs 
officers  with  countenances  of  radiant  expectation  untd 
informed  that  tonnage  had  been  paid  at  San  Francisco, 
and  that  there  was  no  cargo  to  land  at  Monterey, 
whereat  their  faces  fell. 

The  sights  were  the  church  where  mass  was  being 
said  when  the  strangers  landed,  and  the  christening 
of  a  newly  erected  bridge  now  gayly  decorated  for  that 
purpose.  At  the  church  door  Simpson  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Spence,  who  conducted  him  to  the 
unpretentious  house  of  the  governor,  and  introduced 
him  to  the  other  notables  of  the  town.  While  return- 
ing to  his  boat  Simpson  was  saluted  by  a  horseman  in 
Californian  costume  whom,  after  penetrating  the  dis- 
guise, he  found  to  be  Ermatinger,  who  at  his  request 
had  come  from  the  Sacramento  Valley  to  give  such 
information  as  he  possessed  relative  to  the  company's 
interests  in  southern  Oregon  and  northern  California. 

During  the  night  the  Coivlitz  was  closely  watched 
by  two  customs  officers,  and  in  the  morning  arrange- 
ments were  consummated  for  sending  by  the  Llama, 
then  in  that  port,  such  portion  of  the  Cowlitz  cargo  as 
was  destined  for  Yerba  Buena.  On  the  17th  the  Cat- 
alina  arrived  from  San  Francisco,  making  six  vessels 
then  in  Monterey  Harbor. 

Setting  sail  the  19th  the  Cowlitz  continued  down 
the  coast  to  Santa  Barbara,  where  the  fur  governor 
landed  and  paid  his  respects  to  the  inhabitants,  after 
which  his  vessol  crossed  over  to  Honolulu,  where  it 
came  to  anchor  the  12th  of  February.    A  house  had 


THE  STIKEEN  TRAGEDY.  CGI 

been  prepared  for  the  distinguished  visitorby  Sir  John 
Pelly,  the  representative  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany .1'  this  port,  which  indeed  was  nothing  less  than 
•d  palace,  the  residence  of  royalty  prior  to  the 
retiremenl  of  the  courl  from  Honolulu  to  Lahaina. 
PeJly's  residence  was  a  cottage  four  miles  up  a  gentle 
ascenl  in  the  valley  of  Nuannau  where  the  air  was 
pure  and  the  temperature  cooler  than  at  Honolulu. 

Next  day  the  company's  ship  Vancouver  came  into 
port,  bound  for  the  Columbia,  and  on  her  McLou^h- 
lin,  Rowand,  and  Hopkins  embarked.    Afl  ting 

■  stir  among  the  white  and  dusky  society  of 
Islands,  on  the  24th  of  March  Simpson  embarked  for 
Sitka,  where  he  arrived  the  16th  of  April. 

the  vessel  destined  to  carry  him  to  Okhotsk  was 
not  ready  to  sail,  Simpson  determined  to  make  another 
a  isit  to  his  company's  forts  in  that  vicinity.  (  bartering 
the  Russian  steam-tug  to  tow  the  Cowlitz  through  the 
channels,  the  fur  governor  sailed  from  Sitka  through 
Peril  Strait  and  Chatham  Sound  to  Fort  Tako,  where 
the  vessel  took  on  furs  and  fuel,  and  then  proceeded 
through  Wrangel  Strait  to  Fort  Stikeen,  where  she 
arrived  the  25th  of  April.  < 

Two  flags,  the  Russian  and  the  English,  at  half- 
mast  as  they  came  in  sight,  of  the  fori  awakened 
in  the  minds  of  the  travellers  serious  apprehensions, 
which  were  more  than  realized  on  landing.  Five  « 
had  elapsed  since  the  killing  of  McLoughlin  junior. 
Twenty-two  white  men  were  left  within  the  fort,  and 
outside  the  palisades  were  congregated  two  thousand 
savages  waiting,  as  Simpson  claims,  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity to  seize  the  establishment  and  massacre  the 
men.  At  which  critical  juncture  the  two  vessels  ar- 
!.  thus  saving  atrocities.  But  of  this  there  is  no 
proof.8 

BSimpson  Bays  that  four  of  the  principal  chiefs  'while  r< 
kind 
been  ,  d  bad  bei  d  opposed  by  the  wiser 

and  >:.,'<  r  heads.'    The  for  governor  wishing  to  make  his  arrival 

tune  w  ould  hu\  e  it  inferred  that  his  coming  saved  the  garrison  and 


GC2  TWO  NOTABLE  VISITORS. 

Placing  the  post  in  charge  of  Dodd,  chief  mate  of 
the  Cowlitz,  with  a  sailor,  Blenkinsop,  as  an  assist- 
ant, and  taking  with  him  the  murderer,  Simpson  left 
Stikeen  the  28th,  and  after  towing  the  Cowlitz  from 
her  anchorage,  cast  her  off  and  proceeded  to  Sitka  in 
the  steamer.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  there  a  drunken 
quarrel  occurred  among  the  natives,  resulting  in  the 
loss  of  three  lives  and  nearly  approaching  to  an  out- 
break. The  evils  of  intoxication  being  thus  almost 
simultaneously  brought  home  to  the  fur  governors, 
after  due  consideration  they  entered  into  a  compact, 
to  take  effect  at  Sitka  immediately,  and  at  the  other 
posts  as  soon  as  notice  could  be  conveyed  to  them, 
discontinuing  the  traffic  in  spirituous  liquors  with  the 
natives  of  the  American  coast. 

Having  changed  his  calendar  from  the  English  to 
the  Russian  by  subtracting  twelve  days,  on  the  9th 
of  Ma}^  Simpson  embarked  on  board  the  Russian  ship 
Alexander  Bardnof  for  Okhotsk,  where  he  arrived 
the  24th  of  June.  Proceeding  thence  across  Asia  he 
reached  London  after  an  absence  of  nineteen  months 
and  twenty-six  days,  which  at  that  time  was  as  great 
a  feat  as  is  a  voyage  round  the  world  in  eighty  days 
at  present.7 

The  voyages  and  explorations  of  La  Perouse,  La- 
place, and  others,  indicate  that  the  French  have  more 
than  once  had  a  desire  to  establish  intercourse  with 
the  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  and  it  is  even  sup- 
but  the  savage  words  of  rash  youths  was  something  far  from  an  attack  on  the 
fort.  In  the  Fort  Simpson  journal  under  the  date  of  Sunday,  May  1,  1842, 
I  find  entered:  '  Sir  George  came  direct  from  the  Islands  to  Sitka  in  the  C  'owlitz, 
and  got  the  Russian  steamer  [meaning  the  steam-tug  Alexander  Bardnof]  to 
take  her  to  Stikeen  round  by  Tako.  He  is  to  return  in  the  Russian  steamer 
to  Sitka,  and  send  the  Cowlitz  on  here,  where  he  desires  her  not  to  be  detained 
more  than  a  day,  and  directs  our  furs  to  be  packed,  and  50  or  60  tons  of  ballast 
collected  ready  for  shipment.'    They  must  be  awake,  for  his  eyes  are  on  them. 

7  The  two  octavo  volumes,  Narrative  of  a  Journey  round  the  World,  in 
which  Simpson  narrates  the  incidents  of  his  journey,  are  a  model  record  of 
travels.  The  author  was  an  exceedingly  able  man,  a  keen  observer,  quick  in 
thought  and  action,  with  a  mind  overflowing  with  general  intelligence,  and 
possessed  of  every  means  that  earthly  power  could  give  to  facilitate  his  move- 
ments. His  command  of  words  is  excellent,  and  his  style  is  no  less  terse 
than  graceful. 


EUGENE  DUFLOT  DE  MOFRAS. 

posed  that  they  have  looked  with  a  longing  eye  on 
California.  The  visil  in  L841  2  of  Eugene  Dufloi  de 
Mofras  gave  decided  strength  to  these  views,  and  so 
did  thf  annual  cruise  of  French  men-of-war  along 
the  coast,  about  the  same  period.8  Mofras,  who  lia<l 
for  three  years  been  attached  to  the  French  legation 
at  .Madrid,  and  there  acquired  a  knowledge  of  Spanish 
language  and  customs, and  was  accordingly" well  fitted 
for  a  mission  to  the  Spanish  Americans,  was  trans- 
ferred at  the  close  of  1839  to  the  legation  of  A! 
with  instructions  to  visit  the  west  coasts  of  M 
the  Californias,  and  Oregon,  and  report  upon  their 
civil  and  political  condition  and  resources,  with  a  view 
to  commercial  relations.1'  lie  was  provided  with  let- 
ters <>f  recommendation  to  officials  and  leading  men, 
and  received  from  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  at 
Mexico  a  passport  for  a  scientific  tour,  instructions 
being  issued  to  provincial  governors  to  render  him 
every  aid. 

Mofras'  own  hook  is  devoted  entirely  to  the  re- 
sults of  the  mission,  with  scarcely  a  referen  :e  to 
the  incidents  of  his  voyage;  hut  so  notable  an  event 
as  the  visit  of  a  French  official  has  not  been  over- 
looked by  the  isolated  settler  in  California,  and  his 
character,  at  least,  is  fully  discussed  in  more  than  one 
memoir  on  my  shelves.  After  a  tour  through  the 
north-western  states  of  the  present  Mexican  republic, 
he  embarked  at  Mazatlan  for  California,  arriving  at 
San    Diego   April  13,   1841. 10     He  hurried  to  Mon- 

8  In  a  letter  addressed  in  1S41  to  the  father-president  of  <  lalifornia,  Mofras 
states  that  for  the  future  he  expects  that  one  or  two  Frencb  war-vi 
visit  this  coast  every  year.  Pio  Pico,  Doc,  MS.,  torn.  ii.  L3.    Mofras  admits 
in  the  preface  to  his  work  that  the  great   | 

the  whale-fishery,  and  other  interests  had  long  attracted  the  attention  of  his 
Mofras,  Exploration  du  Territoirt  di  VOrigon, 
mer  VermeUle,  torn.  i.  vii.-viii.    A  few  years  after  this  a  reg- 
ular party  appeared  in  California,  which  advocated  a  French  | 
the  country,  but  it  never  attained  to  any  strength. 

9 '  De  ■  :.i:u.  independamment  du  point  de  vue  politique,  'puis 

aient  offrir  a  notre  commerce  el  k  notre  na\  igation  des  expe- 
ditions raercantiles,  et  la  fondatiou  de  comptoirs  dan-  ifofras, 
.  torn.  i.  ix. 

instructions  of  the  minister  at  Mexico  to  the  governor  of  <  a 
to  give  Mofras  every  aid  that  he  might  require,  are  dated  May  21,   1840,  BO 


6G4  TWO  ROTABLE  VISITORS. 

terey  to  present  himself  to  the  governor,  and  there- 
upon set  out  on  a  journey  through  the  missions  and 
towns,  examining  archives,  making  inquiries,  and  ob- 
serving affairs  generally.  Aware  of  the  influence  of 
the  fathers,  and  the  need  for  their  assistance,  he  had 
brought  an  order  from  the  San  Fernando  college, 
at  Mexico,  requiring  the  friars  to  open  their  archives 
and  to  afford  him  every  aid.  He  also  took  care  to 
gain  their  good-will  by  means  of  presents  in  the  shape 
of  images  and  other  appropriate  articles,  and  by  show- 
ing them  a  respectful  attention.  The  copious  informa- 
tion be  obtained  proves  that  these  efforts  were  not  in 
vain.  From  Sonoma,  the  residence  of  General  Vallejo 
and  the  most  northern  settlement  of  the  Mexicans, 
he  crossed  to  Fort  Ross,  then  on  the  eve  of  being 
evacuated  by  the  Russians.  Deviating  from  the  usual 
silence  concerning  his  movements,  he  refers  to  two 
visits  made  to  this  place,  and  dwells  on  the  frank 
hospitality  with  which  he  was  received.  He  extols 
the  able  and  humane  policy  of  the  Russians,  and  the 
excellent  arrangements  of  the  forts ;  and  he  is  charmed 
with  the  beautiful  gardens  and  the  picturesque  sur- 
roundings. A  reason  for  this  special  eulogy  may  be 
found  in  the  presence  of  a  cultured  lady,  the  charming 
wife  of  Governor  Alexander  Rotchef,  nee  Princess 
Gagarin,  who  had  renounced  the  gayeties  of  the  court 
to  follow  her  husband  to  this  remote  corner  of  the 
world. 

Shortly  after  this,  Mofras  proceeded  to  Oregon  by 
way  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  would  no  doubt 
have  been  cordially  welcomed  at  Fort  Vancouver  by 
the  liberal-minded  McLoughlin,  to  whom  he  brought 
a  letter  of  introduction  from  the  agent,  Rae,  of  San 
Francisco.  Sir  George  Simpson,  who  had  arrived 
there  a  few  days  before  on  his  tour  round  the  world, 
did  not  appear  pleased  with  the  presence  of  a  French 

that  his  tour  in  lower  Mexican  provinces  must  have  been  quite  lengthy.  Arch. 
Col.  Dept.  State  Papers,  Aug.,  MS.,  torn.  xi.  118-19;  Id.,  torn.  iv.  83;  Val- 
lejo, JJoc,  MS.,  torn.  x.  loO.     See  further  lilst.  L'ul,  this  series. 


MOFRAS  AND  SIMPSON".  CG5 

agent,  and  the  result  was  a  coldness  in  intercourse 
which  Mofras  duos  not  fail  to  place  in  contrast  with 
the  hearty  reception  accorded  to  him  by  the  Russians. 
•i  of  the  governor's  animadversion  was 
Mr  Hale  of  the  United  States  exploring  expedition, 
who    had   remained  with  the   |  I    purpose   of 

studying  Indian  languages,  but  in  reality,  says  Mofras, 
to  .watch  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  on  behalf  of  his 
government.11 

Mofras  gives  a  concise  review  of  the  geography  of 
the  country,and  of  the  historic  data  which  bear  upon 
the  title  of  possession,  adding  his  own  observations 
on  the  settlements  and  social  institutions.  Astoria  is 
depicted  as  a  miserable  squatter's  place,  invested  by 
the  rival  English  and  American  factions  with  the  pom- 
pons name  of  Fort  George  and  town  of  Astoria,  the 
fort  being  represented  by  a  bald  spot  from  which  the 
vestige  of  buildings  had  long  since  disappeared,  an  1 
the  town  by  a  cabin  and  a  shed.  Occasionally  fringed 
with  a  few  Indian  lodges  somewhat  higher  up  the 
Columbia,  on  Oak  Point  he  notices  a  small  salmon- 
curing  establishment,  belonging  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  and  then  comes  Fort  Vancouver,  to  which 
he  refers  with  complimentary  minuteness.  He  en- 
[j  into  the  history  and  trade  system  of  the 
company,  but  refrains  from  comments  on  its  monopo- 
lizing policy.  Despite  the  rebuff  from  Sir  G< 
Sim;  on,  he  refers  To  him  as  an  intelligent  chief;  of 
McLoughlin,  however,  whose  French  mother  had 
imbued"  him  with  sympathies  for  la  gr 
he  speaks  more  fully  and  in  the  highesl  terms, 
dwi  lis  on  the  zeal  and  ability  of  the  French  mission- 
aries and  on  their  influence  over  the  French  Canadian 
employes  and  settlers.      The  latter  received  him  with 

..  torn.  ii.  L95-6.     Si  lows  his  dislii 

declaring  t'.  i  1  talking  of  hi  trian  exploits  rather  than 

listening  to  information,  and  to  finger  byth 

eviden  i    the  California  archi  at  least  that  Mofras 

was  well  provided  with  ofiicial  recommendations  and  passport. 


666  TWO  NOTABLE  VISITORS. 

delight  at  their  prosperous  farms  on  the  Cowlitz  and 
Willamette,  and  were  quite  demonstrative  in  expres- 
sions of  love  for  the  mother  country,  declaring  that 
nothing  could  equal  that  which  pertains  to  France. 

Such  ideas  fostered  by  the  almost  general  use  of  the 
French  language,  were  not  apt  to  create  a  leaning 
toward  their  exclusive  English  masters,  and  Mofras 
expresses  a  hope  that  the  race  may  combine  some 
day  and  shake  off  the  hated  yoke,  in  Canada  as  well 
as  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  become  at  least  semi- 
independent  under  the  American  flag.  Despite  his 
sympathy  with  Americans,  he  expresses  a  conviction 
that  the  English  hold  the  best  title  to  Oregon. 

Mofras  returned  to  California  by  the  Cowlitz  in 
company  with  Simpson,  and  arrived  December  30, 
1841,  at  San  Francisco,  whence  he  hastened  to  Mon- 
terey to  prepare  for  a  second  tour  through  the  prov- 
ince. California  pleased  him  best,  for  in  the  character 
of  a  French  nobleman,  recommended  by  the  Mexican 
government,  he  became  the  lion  wherever  he  appeared. 
There  was  a  round  of  feasting  and  amusements,  less 
refined  no  doubt  than  those  of  the  European  capitals, 
but  nevertheless  a  source  of  pleasure  from  their  very 
novelty;  and  then  to  be  the  centre  of  the  ladies' 
admiration  and  of  the  men's  envy,  this  sufficed  for  a 
Frenchman  to  cover  a  multitude  of  discrepancies.  He 
shone  at  bull-baits  and  horse-races,  balls  and  parties, 
and  had  every  prospect  of  leaving  a  brilliant  record. 
But  faults  arose  to  dim  his  fame,  and  charges  were 
made  of  the  most  reprehensible  conduct.  He  is  said 
to  have  been  arrogant  toward  the  Californians,  and 
openly  expressed  his  contempt  for  them;  but  this 
must  have  taken  place  when  he  succumbed  to  his 
partiality  for  strong  drink.  Some  of  his  prominent 
accusers' concentrated  their  feeling  against  him  in  the 
word  '  crazy,'  while  the  more  charitable  suppose  that 
a  hasty  temper  and  pride  at  times  overcame  his 
naturally  generous  impulses,  and  that  he  had  been 
imbued  with  the  false  idea  of  regarding  Californians 


MOFRAS  IX  CALIFORNIA.  GG7 

as  little  better  than  Indians.  At  San  Antonio  Mis- 
sion it  is  said,  and  probably  falsely,  the  administrator 
placed  him  under  arrest  for  rude  language  and  per- 
sonal violence,  and  was  upheld  by  the  government  in 
this  course.12 

Dutiut  de  Mofras  is  not  less  complimentary  in 
stamping  the  Californians  as  an  indolent,  lounging, 
smoking,  and  hard-drinking  race,  caring  for  do  other 
exercise  than  riding  and  dancing,  and  leaving  all  hard 
work  to  the  long-suffering  women.  He  gives  <\\\<' 
credit  to  their  hospitable  and  social  character,  how- 
ever, and  predicts  a  glorious  future  for  a  country  so 
richly  endowed  by  nature.13 

]-'  VaUejo,  in  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  torn.  iv.  24.");  LI.  Doc,  MS.,  torn,  xxxvi. 
204,  285;  A  varado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  torn.  iv.  175-9,  208;  HartnelVs  Nor., 
Ms..  L4-20;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  Ms.,  s7:  Gal.  Pioneers,  No.  2,  MS.; 
Pio  Pico,  Doc,  Ms.,  fcom.  ii.  13-15;  8.  VaUejo,  Notas  Hist.,  MS.,  129  ::'»; 
res.,  Ms.,  28;  Cerruti's  Ramblings,  Ms.,  195-6;  Misc.  Hist. 
Papers,  MS.,  doc.  36;  Arch.  Cal.  Dept.  State  Papers,  Pre/,  y  Juzg.,  Ms.,  v. 
13;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  Ms.,  261. 

l8Mofras  returned  to  Paris  in  1842,  where  his  collection  of  well  written 
facts  was  published  two  years  later  in  two  volumes,  by  order  of  the  kin,.:. 
They  are  dedicated  to  Marshal  Soult,  president  of  the  council  of  ministers, 
by  whom  he  had  been  charged  with  the  mission,  and  presumed  to  be  a  continu- 
ation of  Humboldt's  description  of  the  same  region.     Iu  the  Bulletin  de  I". 

,  torn.    ax.  5  37,  is  printed  Fragment  d'un  voyagi  ■ 
ifornie  hi  a  la  seance  gencrak  du  3U  Dccembre  1842. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

UNITED    STATES    EXPLORING    EXPEDITION. 

1841-1842. 

Object  op  the  Movement  —  Ships  Employed  —  Officers  —  Commander 
Wilkes— Bibliography  of  the  Voyage — Round  Cape  Horn — Ha- 
waiian Islands— Cross  to  Admiralty  Inlet— Case  Surveys  Hood 
Canal — Ringgold  Examines  Admiralty  Inlet— Excursion  of  John- 
son and  Party  to  Colville  and  Walla  Walla— Wilkes  Calls  on 
McLoughlin — And  Visits  the  Valley  Willamette — Wreck  of  the 
'Peacock'  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Columbia — Emmons'  Overland  En- 
pedition  from  Oregon  to  California — The  'Vincennes'  Proceeds 
to  Verba  Buena. 

Under  the  command  of  Charles  Wilkes,  of  the 
United  States  navy,  was  sent  by  congress  in  1838  to 
the  South  Sea  and  round  the  world  an  exploring  ex- 
pedition, whose  operations  terminated  in  1842. 

The  object  of  this  movement  was  the  examination 
of  islands,  reefs,  and  harbors,  and  the  protection  of 
commerce,  particularly  of  the  whale-fishing  interests 
in  the  Pacific.  Instructions  dated  the  1  lth  of  August 
1838,  and  signed  by  J.  K.  Paulding,  secretary  of  the 
navy,  directed  the  expedition  to  sail  from  Norfolk  to 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  Tierra  del  Fuego,  and  Valparaiso; 
thence  proceed  to  examine  the  Navigator  group  and 
the  Fiji  Islands;  achieve,  if  possible,  the  Antarctic 
legion,  after  which  visit  the  Hawaiian  Islands;  then 
survey  the  Northwest  Coast,  examine  the  Columbia 
River,  and  note  specially  the  bay  of  San  Francisco; 
alter  which  the  coast  of  Japan  was  to  be  visited,  then 
the  port  of  Singapore;  when  this  was  accomplished 
the  expedition  was  to  return  to  the  United  States  by 
way  of  Cape  Good  Hope.     No  traffic  was  permitted 

(608) 


PERSONNEL  OF  THE  EXPEDITION.  CG9 

with  either  civilized   or  savage  peoples,  excepi 
necessaries  or  curiosities. 

The  squadron  consisted  of  the  sloops  of  war  Vin- 
es and  Peacock,  the  brig  Porpoise,  the  ship  /.'• 
and  tenders  Sea  Chill  and  Flying  Fish.     Store-ships 
with  fresh  supplies  were  to  be  senl  to  Valparaiso,  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and  Singapore.    Although  bei 
to  commerce  was  the  primary  object,  the  interesl  -  of 
science  were  not  to  be  neglected.     Attached  to  the 
expedition  was  a  corps  of  learned  gentlemen,  wl 
duty  it  was  to  gather  knowledge,  each  in  his  special 
field.1 

The  first  attempt  to  organize  a  national  expedition 
had  failed,  and  the  movement    now  was  not  a  very 
popular  one.2    Nor  did  the  commander  then  or  sul 
quently  wholly  escape   reproach.8     For   himself   lie 

1  Their  names  were  as  follows:  In  the  ship  Vincenn  -.  Charles  Pickering 
and  Joseph  P.  Couthouy,  naturalists;  Joseph  Drayton,  artist;  J.  1).  Bracken- 
bant  botanist;  John  6.  Brown,  mathematical  instrument  maker; 
John  W.  W.   Dyes,  assistant  taxidermist.     In  the  ',  James  1  >. 

Dana,  mineralogist;  T.  R.  Peale,  naturalist;  Horatio  Hale,  philologist;  F.  L. 
Davenport,  into    preter.    In  the  Relief,  William  Rich,  botanist,  and  Alfred  S. 

it  1st. 

-•I.  X.  Reynolds  of  NewYorkwas  the  originatorof  the  expedition,  and 
the  act  of  congri  ss  authorizing  it  Mas  under  I 

Jackson,  and  passed  the  14th  of  May  1836.    Of  Reynolds,  Car;-. 11  says,  St  \r 

West,  16:   'He  received  from  thi  fessions  and  the  country, 

the  highest  evidences  of  honor  it  was  in  their  power  1  [n  return  for 

ly  and  travel  in  connection  with  the  subject,  v,  ben  thi 
which  he  had  called  into  b< 

or  even  passage  in  it.    The  failure  of  its  first  organization  bad  i 
whole  affair  to  ridicule,  and  had  seriously  impaired  the  confidi  nee  and  ardor 
of  its  officers  and  friends.'   North  Am.  J'<  ■•"-  w,  July  1845,  55. 

is  horn  in  New  York  in  1801,  served  in  the  M< 
i  1819,  in  the  Pacific  in  1821,  and  in  18! 

I  instruments.    On  his  return  from  dition 

chargi  -red  against  him  by  his  officers,  of  all  which  a  court-mar- 

I  the  illegal  punish]  .  for  which  he  was 

reprimanded.    While  commandh  ?ow  Jacinto  in  1861  in  the  West 

.  Looking  for  the  confederate  Bteamer  Sumter,  he  I  rciblytook  the  con- 
federate commissioners  Mason  and  Slidell  from  the  British  mail  steamer  i 
forwhich  he  received  the  thanks  of  a  agh  the  president  finally 

disapproved  the  course  and  surrendered  i  I  (England.  Among 

Qcipal  office]  -  of  the  exploring  expedition  wei  Fho        T. 

I        en,  Overton  Carr,  Robert  JE.  Jom  William  L.  Maury, 

and  acting  master  of  the  I  ina  EI.  North;  William  L.  Hudson, 

.'■,■  hi.  atenant  .\.  h    L  mder  of  the  /,'•  lief; 

Lieutenant  <  ladwalader   i 

W.   E.    Reid  and  Samuel  11.    Knox,  in  charge  of  the  ten  11  and 

Flying  i 


670  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORIXG  EXPEDITION. 

claimed  that  many  impediments  were  thrown  in  his 
way,  while  his  officers  accused  him  of  arbitrary  and 
illegal  rule.4  Be  this  as  it  may  the  objects  of  the 
expedition  were  accomplished  to  the  high  honor  of  the 
nation,  and  the  results  given  in  several  editions  of 
printed  reports  both  public  and  private.5 

Sailing  from  Norfolk  the  18th  of  August  1838,  the 
squadron  touched  at  Madeira,  stopped  a  month  and 
more  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  visited  Tierra  del  Fuego,  and 
thence  after  a  southern  cruise  proceeded  to  Valparaiso, 
where  it  arrived  the  middle  of  May  1839.  The  Sea 
Gull  was  lost  off  Cape  Horn.     Callao  was  the  next 

i  Wilkes  was  even  accused  of  purchasing  his  command.  Though  this  was 
never  proven,  there  were  hot  political  proceedings  with  some  sprinkle  of 
infamy  in  appointing  a  commander  for  the  expedition.  Wilkes  was  ridiculed 
as  a  lieutenant-commodore,  because  being  a  subordinate  he  was  promoted  to 
this  important  command  over  the  heads  of  his  superiors.  His  impudence  was 
greater  than  his  talents.  It  is  said  that  he  was  chosen  for  the  command  more 
on  account  of  his  scientific  pretensions  than  his  ability  as  a  naval  officer.  Says 
the  North  Am.  Review,  July  1845,  55,  while  looking  Avith  national  pride  upon 
the  results  '  we  have  no  intention  of  expressing  an  opinion  either  as  to  the 
manner  of  his  appointment  or  as  to  the  conduct  of  other  officers.' 

5  First  there  was  the  illustrated  official  edition  in  IS  vols.  4to  and  8  vols, 
folio,  printed  for  presentation  by  government  to  piiblic  institutions.  Of  some 
of  these  volumes  but  100  copies  were  printed,  and  there  are  few  if  any 
complete  sets  in  existence  to-day.  The  titles  are  as  follows:  Vols.  i.  to  v. 
Narrative  of  the  United  Sfnt<  s  Exploring  E.rjxdi/imi  during  the  years  1838-42, 
by  Charles  Wilkes,  Philadelphia,  1S44;  vol.  vi.  Ethnography  and  Philology  by 
Horatio  Hale,  Philadelphia,  1846;  vol.  vii.  Zoophytes,  by  James  I).  Dana, 
Philadelphia,  1S46;  vol.  viii.  Mammalia  and  Ornithology,  by  Titian R.  Peale, 
Philadelphia,  1848;  vol.  viii.  bis,  Mammalogy  and  Ornithology,  by  John  Cassin, 
Philadelphia,  1858,  with  folio  atlas  of  53  plates;  vol.  ix.  The  Races  of  Man, 
and  their  Geographical  Distribution,  by  Charles  Pickering,  Philadelphia,  184S: 
vol.  x.  Geology,  by  James  D.  Dana,  with  atlas  of  21  plates,  Philadelphia,  1S49; 
vol.  xi.  Meteorology,  by  Charks  Wilkes,  Philadelphia,  1851;  vol.  xii.  Mollusca 
and  Shells,  by  Augustus  A.  Gould,  Philadelphia,  1852,  an  atlas  of  plates  an- 
nounced but  never  published;  vol.  xiii.  Crustacea,  by  James  D.  Dana,  Phila- 
delphia, 1S52;  with  folio  atlas  of  96  plates,  Philadelphia,  1855;  vol.  xv. 
Botany,  Phanerogamia,  by  Asa  Gray,  with  a  folio  atlas  of  100  plates,  Phila- 
delphia, 1854;  vol.  xvi.  Botany,  Cryptogamia,  Filiees,  including  Lycopodiacece 
and,  Ilydrojiti'ridfs,  by  William  D.  Brackenridge,  Philadelphia,  1S54,  with  a 
folio  atlas  of  46  plates,  Philadelphia,  1855;  vols,  xvii.,  xviii.,  and  xix.,  never 
published;  vol.  xx.  Herpetology,  by  S.  F.  Baird,  with  folio  atlas  of  32  plates, 
Philadelphia,  1S58.  Burnet  numbers  the  volumes  quite  differently,  and  gives 
the  place  of  publication  of  some  of  them  Xew  York,  and  some  Boston.  For 
example,  vol.  xiv.  is  Phanerogamia,  by  Asa  Gray,  Xew  York,  1854;  vol.  xv. 
The  Geographical  Distribution  of  Animals  and  Man,  by  Charles  Pickering, 
Boston,  1854,  etc.  '  Une  partie  des  exemplaires  des  16  volumes  de  cette  pre- 
cieuse  collection  ont  6t<§  envoyes  en  cadeau  aux  principaux  gouvemements  et 
aux  grands  establissements  scientifiques  des  deux  mondes.'  An  illustrated 
Svo  edition  of  the  Narrative  in  5  volumes  appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1S45, 
another  in  1849,  another  in  Xew  York  in  1852.      A  condensed  edition  in  one 


MOVEMENTS  OE  THE  VESSELS.  071 

port  made.  From  this  point  the  Relief  was  seni  home 
by  way  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  Sydney.  A 
cruise  in  the  South  Pacific  and  the  Antarctic  then 
followed  with  the  Elawaiian  [slands  as  a  rendezvous. 
II  was  the  24th  of  September  L840  that  the  Vin- 
cennes  reached  Honolulu,  after  which  the  other  ves- 
rels  caiac  straggling  in,  lmt  too  late  for  operations  on 
the  Northwest  Coast  thai  winter.  To  fill  upthetime 
excursions  about  the  Hawaiian  group  were  mad.',  the 
Porpoise  meanwhile  cruising  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Society  Islands,  while  to  the  Peacock  and  Flying  Fish 
were  given  other  south  sea  missions. 

volume  octavo  appeared  in  London  in  1845,  and  one  in  1856.  En  L850  there 
was  printed  at  Auburn,  New  York,  in  one  octavo  volume,  Voyagi  of  the 
United  States  Exploring  Squadron,  commanded  by  Captain  Charles  Wilkes; 
and  in  1851,  a  ton  in  on<  volume  octavo  was  printed  in  Nev.  York, 

entitled  Voyage  round  the  World,  Embracing  the  Principal  Events  of  th  Nar- 
of  the  Untied  States  Exploring  Expedition,  with  170  illustrations.     Afti  r 
the  discovery  of  gold  in  Calif  ornia,  selections  were  made  from  the  Nai 
and  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1849,  under  the  title  of   Western  America, 
u  fornia  and  Oregon,  with  Maps  qfthost  Regions  and  . 
|  alley. 
Before  any  of  the  regular  editions  of  the  Narrative  and  its  collateral 
scientific  volumes  appeared,  however,   there  was  printed  a  Syr, 
I  U.S.  i-  i   i  r.  Ex.  during  the  Years  1838   )L  Delivered befo 

al  Institute  by  its  Commander,  Charles  Wilkes,  on  ///<  20th  of  Jm 

this  expedition,'  says  the  North  Am.  Review,  April   1843, 
'will  I  ontribution  to  science  offered  to  the  world  by  tin-  go1 

ment  of  the  United  States:'  ami  yet  it  ne  much  public  atten- 

tion, and  no  public  enthusia  im.    There  was  too  much  political  jobberj  a 
self-aggrandizement  for  the  men  or  th 
t  glorious.     On  his  return,  in  answer  to  the  i  ha 
Just  him,  with  unblushing  effrontery  b<  i 
:  thai  the  command  was  conferred  upon  him  without  solicitation  on  Ins 
part.     But  howevi  I   some  of  the  attendant  circum 

d  its  resull    »  i   I  on  all  sides  as  mi      impi 

and  as  highly  honorable  to  the  nation.     Says  the  Bulletin  d> 

rix.  1843,37:     'Cevoyageesl  an  di  -  plus  im]       ants  qui 
trepris.'     Wilkes"  style  as  a  writer  is  far  from  good;    b 
1  ivenly,  he  is  often  ungrammatical.    As  one  of  a  hundred  illusti 
which  might  be  brought  forward,  1  will  quote  a  line  from  the  Nor 
Revieio,  July  1845,  57,  where  that  journal  is  speaking  of  the  commander's 

Bra    ! :    '(  aptain  Wilkes  has  devoted,  verj  a 
conceive,  two  chapters  of  his  work  to  a  description  of  Ri  i  de  Ja 

the  political  condition  of  the  Brazilians.    Seeingthal  he  has  mad.: 
of  the  facts  i 

me  of  that  w  riter's  libei  ■  :   strict 

embodied  in  the  instructions  to  the  effeel   tl 
K  1  by  the  expedition  was  the  property  of  the  Unit 
not  be  given  in  any  form  to  any  not  belonging  to  the  party.     At  the  termi- 
nation lition,  each  person  ■  to  surrender  all  journals, 
memoranda,  and  drawings  in  his  posa 


672  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

Proceeding  from  the  Islands  the  5th  of  April  1841, 
the  Vincennes  and  Porpoise  arrived  off  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  on  the  28th;  but  owing  to  the  rough- 
ness of  the  water  on  the  bar6  the  commander  turned 
his  vessels  northward,  and  entering  the  strait  of  Juan 
de  Fuca  with  a  view  of  beginning  his  survey  of  the 
coast  in  that  quarter  came  to  anchor  in  Port  Discov- 
ery the  2d  of  May. 

The  chief  of  a  Clallum  canoe  party,  who  boarded 
the  vessels  next  morning,  demanded  if  those  were 
Boston  or  King  George  ships,  and  thought  it  exceed- 
ingly strange  that  these  white  men  would  not  buy 
furs.  Fish  and  game  were  plentifully  supplied  by  the 
natives  in  exchange  for  tobacco  and  trinkets. 

A  native  was  immediately  despatched  to  Fort  Nis- 
qually  at  the  head  of  Puget  Sound  with  a  letter  to 
the  officer  in  charge  requesting  a  pilot.  Four  days 
were  occupied  in  examining  the  harbor,  during  which 
time  the  botanists  found  a  new  and  attractive  field 
ashore.  Receiving  no  reply  to  his  letter,  Lieutenant 
Wilkes  weighed  anchor  on  the  6th,  and  proceeded  to 
Port  Townsend,  which  he  examined  next  day,  and  on 
the  8th  moved  his  ships  up  eight  miles  to  an  anchor- 
age at  the  entrance  to  Hood  Canal,  which  place  he 
called  Port  Lawrence.  On  the  following  day  Wilkes 
brought  his  ships  to  a  cove  on  the  west  side  of  Admi- 
ralty Inlet  opposite  the  south  end  of  Whidbey  Island, 
and  being  there  met  by  the  mate  of  the  Beaver,  sent 
to  his  assistance  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  he 
called  the  place  Pilot  Cove. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  under  direction 
of  the  pilot,  the  two  vessels  continue  their  way  up 
the  inlet,  passing  a  place  named  by  the  commander 
Appletree  Cove  from  the  number  of  those  trees  blos- 
soming there,  and  at  night  anchoring  near  a  fine  bay 

0 '  Mere  description  can  give  little  idea  of  the  terrors  of  the  bar  of  the 
Columbia;  all  who  have  seen  it  have  spoken  of  the  wildness  of  the  scene, 
and  the  incessant  roar  of  the  waters,  representing  it  as  one  of  the  most  fear- 
ful sights  that  can  possibly  meet  the  eye  of  the  sailor.'    Wilkes*  Xar.,  iv.  313. 


SURVEYING   PARTIES,  673 

on  the  west  shore,  which  he  calls  Fori  Madison.7 
Continuing  nexi  day  under  the  shadow  of  Hudson 
River  scenery,  taking  the  passage  to  the  west  of 
Vashon  [sland,  the  vessels  pause  for  the  night  just 
below  the  narrows  leading  into  Puget  Sound,  which 
by  the  assistance  of  the  tide  they  shoot  on  the  11th, 
and  anchor  off  Nisqually  that  night. 

Mr  Anderson  was  in  charge  of  the  establishment 
at  the  time,  and  Captain  McNeill  was  also  there 
repairing  his  little  steamer;  and  it  is  needless  to  say 
that  the  strangers  were  welcomed,  meat  and  milk 
being  sent  them  from  the  fort.  Richmond  and  Wilson 
v  ere  at  the  Methodist  mission.  Officers  and  men  were 
enthusiastic  over  the  beauties  of  those  waters,  which 
they  pronounced  unqualifiedly  the  finest  in  the  world. 

A  scientific  campaign  was  now  planned  in  which  all 
were  to  take  a  part.  Lieutenant  Case  with  the 
boats  of  the  Vincen7ies  was  to  examine  Hood  Canal, 
and  Ringgold  with  the  Porpoise,  Admiralty  Inlet. 
Lieutenant  Johnson,  accompanied  by  Pickering,  T.  \Y. 
Waldron,  Brackenridge,  and  three  men,  was  to  make 
an  excursion  to  forts  Colville,  Lapwai,  and  Walla 
Walla,  returning  by  way  of  the  Yakima  River,  two 
m<  »nt  lis  1  >eing  allowed  for  the  trip.  Wilkes,  with  Dray- 
ton, R.  li.  Waldron,  and  two  men,  was  to  cross  to  the 
Columbia,  visit  Astoria,  Fort  Vancouver,  and  the  Wil- 
lamette settlement,  and  ascend  the  river  to  Walla 
Walla.  Should  the  Peacock  enter  the  Columbia  in 
fcy,  her  boats  were  to  survey  the  river.  The  instru- 
ments and  docks  wore  landed  from  the  Vincennes,  and 
an  observatory  planted  on  a  hill-top  within  hail  of 
the  ship. 

The  surveying  parties  under  Case  and  Ringgold 
were  first  despatched,  after  which  horses  were  bought 
and  the  land  expeditions  equipped.     After    Johnson 

7 All   those   places  Wilkes  says  lie  surveyed,  though  we  are  scarcely  to 
understand  by  that  term,  when  wo  consider  the  time  spent  mid  the  n 
what  would  be  called  surveying  beside  the  thorough  work  of  Davidson,  Law- 
sou,,  or  Ellicntt. 

LIist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    43 


C74  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

had  started,  the  Wilkes  party  was  sent  by  Anderson 
on  horses  with  a  Canadian  guide  through  a  park-like 
country  to  Cowlitz  Farm,  sixty  miles  south,  whence  , 
they  were  sent  by  the  superintendent,  Mr  Forrest,  in 
a  canoe  in  charge  of  Simon  Plomondeau  to  Astoria. 
On  their  way  down  the  Columbia  they  met  the  brig 
Wm  e,  which  had  brought  them  some  stores  from  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and  which  had  left  them  at  Astoria 
in  charge  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  agent, 
Birnie. 

Sunday  the  23d,  Birnie  proposed  a  trip  to  the  Clat- 
sop village  and  the  missionary  station  at  Point  Adams, 
which  invitation  Lieutenant  Wilkes  gladly  accepted. 
Besides  Mr  and  Mrs  Frost  in  charge  of  the  mission, 
there  were  two  settlers  from  the  United  States,  Tib- 
bits  and  Smith,  who  were  building  themselves  houses, 
and  a  farm  four  miles  distant  belonging  to  Mr  Frost 
and  a  brother  clergyman,  Mr  Koen. 

Leaving  Waldron  at  Astoria  to  await  the  arrival  of 
the  Peacoclc,tlie  party, still  guided  by  Plomondeau, pro- 
ceeded by  canoe  to  Fort  Vancouver  by  way  of  Lake 
River,  to  avoid  the  current  of  the  Columbia,  They 
were  captivated,  as  all  men  were,  by  Dr  McLough- 
lin's  courtesy  and  kindness.  Quite  a  company  of  mis- 
sionaries were  at  the  time  enjoying  the  fur-traders' 
hospitality;  there  were  the  Smiths,  the  Griffiths,  the 
Clarkes,  Mr  Waller,  and  others.  Excursions  were  made 
to  the  dairy  farm,  the  grist  and  saw  mills,  and  no 
pains  were  spared  to  show  the  exploring  party  every 
object  of  interest. 

Furnished  by  McLoughlin  with  a  large  boat  bounte- 
ously provisioned,  on  the  3d  of  June  Wilkes  and  his 
companions  left  Vancouver  for  the  Willamette  Valley. 
On  the  bank  of  the  Willamette  they  found  encamped 
under  two  small  tents  Jason  Lee,  accompanied  by 
Mrs  Lee  and  the  Whitcom  family  en  route  for  Clatsop. 
On  Oak  Island,  near  where  Portland  now  stands,  they 
found  busily  at  work  the  eight  young  boat-builders  of 
whom  I  make  mention  elsewhere. 


WILKES  IX  OREGON.  675 

At  the  falls,  now  Oregon  City,  they  found  Waller, 
the  missionary  in  charge,  quarrelling  with  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  who  had  a  post  there,  over  busi- 
ness matters.  Mrs  Waller  played  the  pari  of  cook 
and  hostess  to  perfection,  and  after  dinner  they  went 
out  to  see  the  natives  catch  salmon  at  the  Tails. 
Eighteen  miles  above  the  falls,  at  Champoeg,  they 
were  entertained  in  a  rude  way  by  Mr  Johnson,  a  re- 
tired Hudson's  Bay  Company  trapper,  who  had  a  farm 
there,  and  whose  Indian  woman  in  his  opinion  was 
worth  six  civilized  wives.  Johnson  had  been  in  the 
navy,  and  found  in  Wilkes  rare  companionship. 
three  or  four  neighbors  came  forward  and  paid  their 
respects  to  the  distinguished  strangers,  the  burden  of 
their  conversation  being  mostly  of  laws  and  gov 
merit  in  which  accursed  necessities  they  were  lack 

Even  yet  within  the  range  of  McLoughlin's 
pitable  influence,  next  morning  the  explorers  found 
ready  with  horses  at  their  door  Michel  la  Framboise, 
who  had  come  to  this  region  in  the  Tonquin,  and  who 
knew  the  country  thoroughly,  as  he  often  had  cha 
of  trapping  parties  to  California  and  back. 

Mounting,  they  proceeded  up  the  valley,  calling  on 
Blanchet8  at  the  Catholic  mission  twelve  miles  from 
Champoeg.  On  reaching  his  own  house  shortly  after- 
ward Michel  left  the  party,  Plomondeau,  Johnson,  and 
others  being  yet  with  them  as  guides. 

Entering  the  grounds  of  the  Methodist  mission, 
eight  miles  beyond  the  Catholic  mission  and  eighteen 
miles  from  Champoeg,  the  attention  of  the  travellers 

by  a  patent  threshing-machine  roi 
in  the  road,  which  did  not  speak  well  for  the  thrift 
of  the  missionaries.    There  they  were  entertained  by 
tin-  AJbernethys  and  visited  by  Doctor  Babcock. 

Declining  an  invitation  to  be  present  al  ;i  1th  of 
July  dinner  tendered  by  the  settlors,  the  party  rode 
over  to  the  mill  nine  miles  south-east  from  the  mission. 

BWilkes  calls  him  Bachelet,  .-in  1  lent  the  last  e. 

Like  most  early  government  work  his  Narrative  is  badly  printed. 


679  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

There  they  dined  with  Mr  Raymond;  before  which, 
however,  Mr  Hines  took  them  to  the  site  selected 
for  a  seminary,  two  miles  distant,  where  his  family 
was  encamped  under  some  oak-trees.  Wilkes  could 
not  understand  what  savages  wanted  with  semi- 
naries. 

After  a  visit  to  the  old  Mission  site  on  the  bank 
of  the  Willamette,  the  party  crossed  the  river  and 
encamped  near  O'Neill's  farm,  formerly  belonging  to 
Mr  Leslie,  and  the  best  in  the  country.  It  was  now 
the  8th  of  June  1841.  Next  day  the  party  started  for 
the  Yam  Hills  where  were  a  number  of  settlers,  the 
most  remote  of  whom  on  that  side  of  the  river  was 
George  Gay,  an  Indianized  white  man  and  a  most 
unsettled  settler.  Two  brick-kilns  were  passed  on  the 
way  thither.  The  farms  of  McLoughlin,  La  Bonte, 
Young,  and  Bailey  were  examined,  after  which  Wilkes 
returned  to  Vancouver,  leaving  Drayton  at  the  falls 
of  the  Willamette,  to  make  further  additions  to  his 
collections  in  natural  history. 

During  Wilkes'  absence,  Fort  Vancouver  had  been 
enlivened  by  the  presence  of  Peter  Skeen  Ogclen, 
chief  factor  of  the  northern  district,  and  his  brigade 
of  gay  voyageurs.  From  Ogden  Wilkes  learned  much 
of  the  upper  country,  which  he  did  not  fail  to  record. 
Meanwhile  the  Peacock  not  appearing,  Wilkes  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Nisqually,  Ogden  offering  him 
a  seat  in  his  boat,  manned  by  fourteen  ribboned 
and  plumed  voyageurs,  as  far  as  Cowlitz  farm,  and 
at  the  same  time  requesting  Drayton's  company  to 
Walla  Walla.  Both  of  these  invitations  were  gladly 
accepted.  The  party  from  the  Peacock  which  Lieu- 
tenant Wilkes  had  thought  of  sending  up  the  Colum- 
bia., would  have  visited  Walla  Walla,  and  thence 
have  crossed  the  mountains  to  the  Yellowstone ;  but 
fears  were  now  entertained  for  the  safety  of  that 
vessel,  and  it  was  deemed  best  not  to  postpone  fur- 
ther the  examination  of  so  important  a  part  of  the 
country. 


JOHNSON'S  EXCUKSION.  677 

Ogden's  brigade,  which  Drayton  had  been  invited 
to  accompany,  consisted  of  nine  boats  navigated  by 
sixty  voyageurs,  of  whom  eight  were  accompanied  by 
their  wives.  Of  the  party  were  Mr  and  Mrs  McKin- 
lay,  on  their  way  to  lake  charge  of  Fort  Walla.  Walla, 
and  Mr  Cameron,  en  route  for  Black's  station.  About 
one  quarter  of  the  boatmen  were  Iroquois,  the  re- 
mainder Canadians. 

Embarking  at  Fort  Vancouver  the  2Gth  of  June, 
they  camped  the  second  night  at  the  Cascades,  where 
the  ancient  aboriginal  called  Slyboots  came  forward 
and  received  his  annual  present  of  some  tobacco  and 
a  shirt  for  once  having  saved  Ogden  and  his  party 
from  attack  by  giving  timely  warning.  A  cheap 
reward.  At  the  Methodist  mission  near  the  Dalles 
Drayton  was  welcomed  by  Mr  Perkins  and  Daniel 
Lee.  Arrived  at  Walla  Walla,  Drayton  learned  that 
Lieutenant  Johnson's  party  had  passed  that  point  a 
week  before  on  their  way  to  Nisqually.  After  a  visit 
to  the  Waiilatpu  mission,  where  were  Dr  Whitman 
and  Mr  and  Mrs  Gray,  and  an  excursion  to  the  Bine 
Mountains,  Drayton  returned  by  horse  to  the  Dalles, 
and  thence  by  boat  to  Vancouver. 

The  4th  of  July  was  heartily  celebrated  at  Fort 
Nisqually  by  a  barbecue  on  shore.  Dr  McLoughlin 
Mas  expected  to  be  present,  but  did  not  arrive  until 
next  day;  when  lie  visited  the  Vincennes,  the  first 
man-of-war  on  which  he  had  ever  set  foot.  On  leav- 
ing he  was  heartily  cheered  by  the  crew. 

The  middle  of  July  Lieutenant  Johnson  returned 
from  his  Okanagan  excursion,  which  I  will  now  briefly 
notice.  With  riding  and  pack  horses,  and  Pierre 
Charles  and  Bercier  as  guides,  the  party  sel  oul  from 
Nisqually  the  L9th  of  May,  crossed  the  Puyallup, 
and  continued  easterly  through  Nahches  Pass  to  the 
Yakima  country,  whore  they  met  old  Tidias,  a  chief- 
tain running  in  horse-dealing.  Thence  taking  a  more 
northerly  direction,  on  the  2d  of  June  they  reached 


C7S 


UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 


the  Yakima  River,  which  being  too  deep  for  loaded 
horses  to  ford,  they  crossed  their  luggage  on  india- 
rubber  balsas.  Continuing  northward  they  struck  the 
Columbia  just  below  the  Menache,9  and  on  the  8th  of 
June  arrived  at  Okanagan.  In  charge  of  the  post  was 
Le  Pratt,  and  on  the  9th  Maxwell  arrived  from  Colville 
with  forty  laden  horses  for  Ogden's  brigade.  Both  of 
these  officers  cordially  extended  their  hospitality. 


PI^JVW  sAAsl 


Johnson's  Excursion. 

Leaving  Okanagan  the  10th,  the  party  crossed  the 
Columbia,10  and  taking  an  easterly  course  passed  over 
the  Grande  Coulee,  crossed  the  Spokane  at  its  junc- 
tion with  the  Columbia,  and  after  a  visit  to  the  Chimi- 

9  Called  by  Wilkes  the  Pischous. 

"Indulging  in  somewhat  too  liberal  potations  at  parting,  or  else  over- 
come by  his  private  bottle,  Johnson  became  separated  from  his  party,  and  lay 
the  first  night  out  upon  the  ground,  alone,  dead-drunk. 


DIVEBS  SURVEYS.  679 

kaine  mission,  arrived  at  Fort  Colville  on  the  16th. 
At  ChimikaiDe  they  found  the  native  chief,  pious 
Cornelius,  and  the  wives  of  Walker  and  Eels,  their 
husbands  being  absent  on  a  visit  to  Walla  Walla. 
McDonald  was  then  master  at  Colville. 

Throe  days  were  spent  at  this  post  refreshing  them- 
selves and  their  horses,  and  repairing  their  pack-sad- 
dles. The  fort  furnished  all  fcheir  requirements,  taking 
orders  on  the  ship  in  payment.  Departing  and  pur- 
suing a  southerly  course  they  came  again  to  Chimi- 
kaine,  where  they  found  the  missionaries  returned, 
from  whom,  as  well  as  from  the  fur-traders,  they 
learned  much  about  the  country  and  the  people. 
Thence  they  passed  through  the  Spokane  country  to 
Lapwai,  where  they  found  Spalding,  who  expounded 
to  his  people  the  doctrine  of  the  expedition.  Spald- 
ing gave  the  party  fresh  horses,  taking  their  tired-out 
animals  in  exchange. 

Leaving  Lapwai  the  26th,  the  party  proceeded  to 
Walla  Walla,  whence  after  remaining  a  few  days,  they 
returned  to  Nisqually  by  way  of  the  Yakima  River. 
Subsequently  Hale,  who  was  left  in  the  country  b}^ 
the  expedition,  went  from  Waiilatpu,  by  way  of  the 
Palouse  River,  to  Chimikaine  and  Colville,  thus  com- 
pleting a  pretty  thorough  survey  of  that  region. 

On  his  return  from  hisOkanagan  tour  Johnson  was 
ordered  to  cross  the  country  to  the  Chehalis  River, 
lend  that  stream  to  the  ocean,  and  make  a  survey 
of  Gray  Harbor.  But  refusing  to  take  passed  mid- 
shipman 3*Lld,  who  was  to  accompany  him,  into  his 
deliberations,  Johnson  was  placed  under  arrest,  and 
the  command  given  to  Eld,  who,  with  the  assistance 
of  Colvocoresis,  performed  the  service  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  his  commander. 

rl  n<-  Peacock  and  Flying  Fish,  not  yet  returned  from 
their  South  Sea  cruise,  were  nowihree  months  overdue, 
and  the  explorers  were  becoming  exceedingly  anxious 
for  their  safety.     To  complete  the  survey  of  thosi 


680  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

shores  and  hasten  the  squadron  to  other  posts  was  all 
that  could  be  done. 

The  Porpoise,  which  had  left  Nisqually  the  15th  of 
May,  began  her  survey  at  the  mouth  of  the  Puyallup 
River,  from  which  circumstances  the  place  was  called 
Commencement  Bay.11  Thence  the  work  was  carried 
northward. 

Communication  by  water  was  discovered  between 
Port  Orchard  and  Port  Madison,  and  Lieutenant 
Maury  sent  to  survey  it.  Near  this  place  was  a 
Catholic  mission.  Penn  Cove  was  next  examined; 
after  which  the  brig  moved  through  Deception  Pas- 
sage to  the  northern  outlet  of  Possession  Sound.  The 
4th  of  July  found  the  surveyors  near  Point  Roberts, 
and  next  day  they  were  at  the  mouth  of  the  Fraser. 
The  brig  joined  the  Vincennes  on  the  20th  at  New 
Dungeness. 

Soon  after  embarking  on  another  extensive  system 
of  survey,  including  Haro  Strait,  Fraser  River,  to  Fort 
Langley,  and  the  southern  end  of  Vancouver  Island, 
tidings  were  received  by  way  of  Nisqually  of  the 
loss  of  the  Peacock,  beaten  in  pieces  on  the  bar  of  the 
Columbia  on  the  18th  of  July,  but  without  loss  of 
life.  The  surveys  were  soon  cut  short,  as  the  ship- 
wrecked mariners  demanded  attention.  Mr  Waldron 
was  sent  with  letters  by  way  of  Nisqually  to  Astoria, 
where  Captain  Hudson  and  his  crew  had  taken  refuge, 
and  the  ships,  after  completing  certain  surveys,  got 
out  to  sea,  and  arrived  off  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
the  6th  of  August.  The  whale-ship  Orozimbo  was 
there;  likewise  the  Flying  Fish.  Hudson  reported 
on  board  the  Vincennes,  and  Wilkes  proceeded  at  once 
to  make  such  disposition  of  the  squadron  as  should 

"Professor  Davidson,  in  his  Pacific  Coast  Pilot  of  California,  Oregon,  and 
Washington.  Territory,  18G9,  240,  says:  'It  was  named  in  1792  by  Vancouver, 
who  thought  this  the  entrance  to  some  large  arm  of  the  inlet,  on  account  of 
the  low  country  beyond.'  I  fail  to  find  any  mention  by  name  of  this  bay  by- 
Vancouver,  although  a  full  description  of  it  is  given  on  pages  268-9,  Vancouver's 
Voy.,  i.,  with  a  full-page  steel  illustration.  What  Vancouver  says  is,  'We 
nattered  ourselves  we  should  find  the  inlet  take  an  extensive  easterly  course,' 
in  which  he  was  disappointed;  but  not  a  word  about  Commencement  Bay  by 
that  or  any  other  name. 


OVERLAND  TO  CALIFORNIA.  6S1 

meet  the  present  emergency.  He  would  despatch  a 
party  overland  by  way  of  the  Willamette  and  Sac- 
ramento valleys  to  San  Francisco.  Ee  would  survey 
the  Columbia  to  the  head  of  navigation,  but  lie  would 
not  jeopardize  the  Vincennes  in  crossing  the  bar.  He 
therefore  shifted  bis  pennant  to  the  Porpoise,  and  sent 
the  Vincennes  in  charge  of  Ringgold  to  San  Francisco. 
Then  with  the  Porpoise,  guided  by  Ramsey,  a  Chi- 
nook pilot,  he  crossed  the  bar  in  safety,  the  tender 
following,  and  anchored  before  Astoria.  Lying  there 
was  the  brig  ThomasH.  Perhins,Y arney, master,  which 
he  bought  for  $9,000,  put  her  in  thorough  repair,  an  I 
changed  the  name  to  Oregon.  The  trip  across  the 
Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Yellowstone,  which  was  to 
have  been  under  Mr  Dana,  was  abandoned. 

Ordering  the  boats  of  the  wrecked  PeacocJc  manned 
on  the  9th  of  August  1841,  the  survey  of  the  Colum- 
bia was  begun,  though  it  was  the  18th  before  the  Por- 
poise and  the  Oregon  left  Astoria  to  ascend  the  river. 
At  Fort  Vancouver  were  Sir  George  Simpson,  and 
Von  Freeman  of  the  Russian  company.  A  formal 
dinner  was  given,  which  the  explorers  pronounced  stiff; 
evidently  they  enjoyed  their  first  visit  better.  Simp- 
son was  more  suspicious  than  McLoughlin.  The  so- 
called  survey  of  the  Columbia  which  followed  amounted 
to  little.12  The  middle  of  October  the  squadron  left 
the  Columbia  and  joined  the  Vincennes  at  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay. 

Meanwhile   a   party  had   been   despatched   under 

Lieutenant  Emmons13  overland,  from  Oregon  to  Cali- 

12I  have  no  doubt  this  visit  of  these  sailors  to  the  Pacific  coasl 
juncture  was  worth  to  the  United  States  all  it  cost;  but  as  f 
venture  to  say  that  two  or  three  intelligent  private  I  average 

ability  would  have  accumulated  more  valuable  knowledge  than  all  these 
hundreds  with  their  line  ships  and  costly  outfit  and  public  parade.  The 
most  remarkable  feature  of  this  memorable  expedition  was  the  amount  of 
knowledge  which  it  everywhere  left  untouched.  Their  surveys  were  nothing 
h  as  Vancouver's  before  them,  or  of  those  of  the  United  States 
at  a  later  pi 

13  At  this  writing  Rear-admiral  Emmons.  In  a  letter  to  me  dated  Nov.  I, 
1879,  he  states  that  'the  land  expedition  grew  partly  out  of  the  loss  of  the 
Peacock.' 


682  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

fornia,  which  left  the  Columbia  the  latter  part  of 
August.  This  party  consisted  of  thirty-nine  persons 
with  seventy-six  horses.  Beside  seamen  and  guides 
there  were  of  the  votaries  of  science,  Peale,  Rich, 
Dana,  Agate,  and  Brackenridge,  and  several  families, 
by  name  Walker,  Burrows,  Nichols,  and  Warfielcls, 
who  joined  for  escort. 

Their  route  was  along  the  now  well  established 
trail  up  the  Willamette  and  across  the  rivers  and 
mountains  of  Umpqua,  Rogue,  and  Klamath,  to  the 
valley  of  the  Sacramento.  The  narrative  of  this  ex- 
pedition is  filled  with  trifling  detail  of  little  value  to 
history.  While  listening  at  the  mission  to  a  sermon 
from  Mr  Leslie,  one  of  the  men,  Tibbits,  in  nodding 
by  an  open  window,  knocked  out  the  support,  and  let 
the  sash  down  on  his  neck.  At  Champoeg,  they 
engaged  Thomas  McKay,  a  noted  character  in  those 
parts,  as  guide. 

Arrived  at  Elk  Creek  the  16th  of  September,  Em- 
mons visited  Fort  Umpqua,  fourteen  miles  distant, 
where  he  found  the  officer  in  charge,  Mr  Gangriere, 
in  great  fear  of  attack  by  the  natives  on  account  of 
their  losses  by  small-pox,  introduced  by  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  parties  under  La  Framboise  and  McKay. 
Elks  were  plentiful  everywhere;  the  first  grizzly 
bears  seen  were  on  the  Umpqua  River.  The  country 
through  which  they  were  now  passing  was  regarded 
as  hostile.  On  the  2 2d  they  were  on  the  Umpqua 
Mountains,  and  three  days  afterward  they  encamped 
on  Rogue  River.  Many  of  the  party  were  suffering 
with  ague.  The  Klamath  River  was  crossed  on  the 
1st  of  October;  and  thus  without  incident  worthy  of 
mention  they  passed  on  over  the  mountains  until  they 
came  to  the  Sacramento  River,  which  they  followed 
to  Sutter  Fort,  arriving  there  the  19th  of  October. 
There  they  found  the  Vincennes  launch,  in  which  part 
of  the  company  embarked,  the  remainder  proceeding 
by  way  of  San  Jose  to  San  Francisco  Bay.  Jose  An- 
tonio Estrada  at  San  Jose,  to  whom  they  took  a  letter 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  SQUADRON.  CS3 

from  Captain  Sutter,  did  not  seem  overpowered  with 
seeing  them.  Ephraim  Travel,  however,  a  little 
Yankee  tailor  belonging  to  the  mission,  showed  them 
the  sights.  Arrived  atYerba  Buena  their  horses  and 
accoutrements  were  sold  by  auction,  bringing  from  one 
and  a  half  to  five  dollars  each  for  the  animals,  fch 
agrsrresratingf  two  hundred  and  ten  dollars. 

Lieutenant  Ringgold  sailing  in  the  Vina  nnes  from 
the  Columbia  River  anchored  off  Yerba  Buena  the 
L4th  of  August.  By  the  advice  of  Richardson,  cap- 
tain of  the  port,  he  removed  the  ship  throe  days  after 
to  Whalers  Harbor,  or  Sauzalito,  water  being  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  at  Yerba  Buena.  Neither  the  country, 
the  towns,  nor  the  people  of  California  seem  to  have 
struck  Lieutenant  Wilkes  favorably,  nor  were  the 
Californians  overwhelmed  with  joy  on  beholding  Lieu- 
tenant Wilkes.14 

Id  six  boats  provisioned  for  thirty  days  Ringgold 
with  a  party  from  the  Vincennes  set  out  the  20th  of 
August  on  an  excursion  up  the  Sacramento,  and 
arrived  at  New  Helvetia,  or  Sutter  Fort,  the  third 
day.  Here  four  sailors,  attracted  by  the  charm-  of 
the  voluptuous  valley,  deserted,  a  common  occurrence 
on  these  shores,  even  at  that  early  day.  Ascending 
the  river  to  the  vicinity  of  Colusa,  they  found  them- 
selves in  a  country  swarming  with  game  and  full  of 
interesting  phenomena.  Thence  they  returned,  reach- 
ing the  Vincennes  the  9th  of  September. 

When  Lieutenant  Wilkes  arrived  from  the  Colum- 
bia he  attended  a  fete  and  bull-fight  given  the  24th  <>t' 
October  by  the  Irishman,  Murphy,  at  San  Rafael. 
He  likewise  visited  the  missions  at  San  Francisco  and 
Santa  Clara.  On  the  1st  of  November  1841  the 
squadron  weighed  anchor  for  Manila,  by  way  of  the 

"From  Forth  -'  California  and  other  sources  accessible  to  the  United  Stat*  a 
government  on  easier  terms  than  sending  t<>  the  Pacific  a  Bquadron  for  them, 

Wilkes  fills  .some  fift\  -   narrative  with  facts  su   mingled  with 

prejudices  as  to  contain  little  absolute  knowledge. 


664  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

Hawaiian  Islands.  At  Singapore  the  Flying  Fish  was 
sold.  The  Vincennes  after  stopping  at  Cape  Town 
and  St  Helena  reached  New  York  the  10th  of  June 
1842,  the  Porpoise  and  Oregon  arriving  shortly  after, 
having  crossed  the  south  Atlantic  to  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
Meagre  as  was  the  knowledge  gathered  by  this 
expedition,  its  influence  upon  the  affairs  of  the  Pacific 
territory  of  the  United  States  in  their  then  incipient 
state  was  important.  The  country  then  was  little 
known;  and  what  Wilkes  and  his  associates  said  of  it 
was  for  the  most  part  not  only  true  but  bore  a  great 
nation's  stamp  of  authenticity.  These  shores,  which 
hitherto  were  little  more  than  myths  in  the  world's 
mind,  were  now  clothed  in  reality.  The  selection  for 
the  honorable  part  of  commander  of  a  man  void  of  true 
nobility  of  feeling,  and  more  conspicuous  for  puerile 
petulance  than  manly  ability,  as  before  remarked, 
while  it  detracted  from  the  dignity  of  the  enterprise, 
did  not  wholly  hinder  its  usefulness.  The  benefits 
to  the  coast  were  most  important,  and  to  the  young 
government  for  its  lofty  endeavor  the  highest  praise 
was  due.  Though  exceedingly  imperfect15  in  their 
material  and  execution  the  published  reports  of  this 
expedition  formed  by  far  the  most  important  literary 
work  hitherto  issued  by  the  United  States  government. 

]5  '  The  injudicious  manner  in  which  the  volumes  have  been  crammed  with 
matters  having  no  relation  to  the  duties  or  events  of  the  expedition  is  a  proper 
subject  of  criticism.  A  work  of  oppressive  dimensions  has  been  constructed, 
and  the  real  narrative  of  the  cruise,  a  story  of  surpassing  interest,  is  crushed 
under  a  weight  of  irrelevant  matter,  enough  to  change  the  native  hue  of  reso- 
lution in  the  most  determined  reader.  We  are  aware  that  one  object  of  the 
expedition  was  to  promote  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  but  not  of  knowl- 
edge acquired  from  the  stores  of  libraries  ;  and  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  deny 
that  a  large  portion  of  this  work  was  prepared  by  Captain  Wilkes,  or  his 
friends,  in  the  closet  at  home.'  North  American  Review,  July  1845,  100. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

CURRENT  EVENTS. 

1S40-1844. 

London  and  Fort  Vancouver  Vessels— McLoughlin  in  England — Tol- 
mie's  Road — Couch's  Salmon-fishery — Murder  or  Kenneth  McKay— 
The  Ship  'Thomas  Perkins' — Spaulding— William  Glen  Rae — Post 
Established  at  Verba  Buena— Walla  Walla— The  Gunpowder 
Story — Ermatinger's  Expedition — Abolition  of  toe  Liquor  Traf- 
fic—The Umpqua  Country — Fremont's  Expedition. 

There  were  three  barks  at  this  time  regularly 
engaged  in  the  London  and  Pacific  coast  trade,  one 
outward  bound,  one  homeward  bound,  and  one  in 
reserve  at  Fort  Vancouver.  In  1837-8  McLough- 
lin was  absent  in  England,  explaining  his  industrial 
projects,  not  all  of  which  his  associates  seemed  heart- 
ily to  approve.  Nevertheless  he  was  far  too  valu- 
able a  man  for  the  company  to  dispense  with.  The 
fact  is,  McLoughlin's  judgment  in  Northwest  Coast 
matters  was  better,  and  safer  to  be  followed,  than 
would  be  that  of  the  directorship  of  London  and  Can- 
ada combined.1 

A  few  English  men  and  women  now  began  to  cross 
the  mountains  from  Canada,  and  settle  on  the  plains 
of  Oregon.  Four  families  came  in  1839.  It  was 
during  this  same  year  that  the  American  settlers  in 
Oregon  petitioned  congress  to  extend  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States  over  that  territory.2  In  1841-2 
there  was  <|tiite  an  emigration  of  half-breeds  from  the 

1  His  projected  operations  with  the  Russians  met  the  highest  eni 
ment  from  the  directors,  if  we  may  credit  Finlayson's  Hi  t.  I  .  /..  MS.,73   I. 
*Baxton'»  Or.  Tar.,  MS.,  7,  38;  Tolmie'a Pvgel Sound,  Ms.,  24. 

(cac.) 


686  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

Red  River  settlement,  their  destination  being  chiefly 
Nisqually. 

With  a  boat  party  of  Iroquois  and  Kliketats  in  1840 
Tolmie  cut  a  cart-road  round  the  falls  of  the  Willa- 
mette at  Oregon  City ;  that  is  to  say,  from  the  navi- 
gable waters  below  to  the  navigable  waters  above. 
The  year  previous  Tolmie  had  been  in  charge  of  Fort 
Walla  Walla. 

Another  Columbia  River  salmon-fishery  was  now 
attempted  by  Boston  people,  who  sent  out  the  ship 
Maryland,  Captain  Couch,  with  trading  goods  and 
the  necessary  implements.  It  was  during  the  year 
1840  that  Couch  arrived  and  made  his  observations, 
after  which  he  opened  a  small  store  at  Oregon  City ; 
then  he  sailed  away  for  Boston,  returning  to  Oregon 
in  the  CJienamas  in  the  spring  of  1842.3 

One  Sunday  morning,  while  Kenneth  McKay,  who 
was  this  year  curing  salmon  for  the  company  at  Pillar 
Rock,  was  sleeping  in  his  tent,  Whalaki,  a  slave  from 
the  west  coast  of  Vancouver  Island,  accompanied  by 
a  Cape  Flattery  savage,  entered,  and  after  slaying 
the  sleeper  pillaged  the  tent.4  Acting  under  Mc- 
Loughlin's  advice,  American  settlers  as  well  as  British 
fur-hunters  joined  the  experienced  Indian-fighters 
sent  under  Tolmie  for  the  capture  of  the  criminals. 
Whalaki  was  ambuscaded  and  shot.  His  accessary 
was  surrendered,  and  hanged  at  Astoria  with  a  lead 
line  from  an  American  brig  then  lying  in  the  stream, 
every  person  present,  white  or  copper-colored,  pulling 
at  the  rope. 

There  came  in  1 84 1  the  ship  Thomas  H.  Perkins,  Cap- 
tain Varney,  of  Boston,  the  second  American  vessel 

3  Tolmie's  Puget  Sound,  MS.,  15;  Mnlayson's  V.  L,  MS.,  69. 

1  Tolmie's  Puget  Sound,  MS.,  8.  This  is  the  last  Indian  outrage  com- 
mitted on  the  Columbia  I  am  called  upon  to  chronicle  in  this  volume;  and, 
considering  all  things  connected  with  the  fur-hunting  discipline  and  the 
occupation  of  the  country,  I  must  say  there  was  remarkably  little  violence  or 
bloodshed  on  either  side. 


VESSELS  IX  THE  COLUMBIA.  6S7 

entering  the  Columbia  specially  to  trade  since  the  sail- 
in--  hence  of  the  May  Dacre  in  L835,  the  Maryland^ 
CaptaiD  ('oiu-h,  being  the  first.5 

In  his  journal,  1841,  Captain  Spaulding  of  the  ship 
Lausanm  speaks  of  the  universal  courtesy  extended 
him  by  the  officers  and  servants  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  especially  Barrit,  in  charge  of  Astoria,  and 
McLoughlin  at  Fort  Vancouver.  Captain  Humphries 
of  the  Columbia  piloted  him  in.  McLoughlin,  as  ev<  r 
tireless  in  good  acts,  sent  on  board  a  bag  of  fresh 
bread  and  a  tub  of  fresh  butter,  and  afterward  invited 
the  whole  crew,  iifty-four  men,  to  dine  on  shore.6 

Clerk  at  Fort  Vancouver  in  1837  was  William  Glen 
Rae,  native  of  the  Orkney  Islands,  who  came  from 
York  Factory  in  1834,  and  after  serving  at  Colville, 
Okanagan,  and  Walla  Walla,  was  appointed  to  head- 
quarters, where  he  won  the  heart  of  the  fair  Eloise, 
daughter  of  McLoughlin,  and  married  her  in  1838.  In 
March  1841,  as  we  have  seen,  Rae  was  sent  to  the 
Stikeen  River.  After  an  absence  of  a  few  months  he 
returned,  made  preparations  for  establishing  a  post  at 

_  5The  reader  will  distinguish  between  vessels  which  came  to  to 
missionary  vessels,  or  those  which  entered  simply  to  land  passengers,  as  well 
as  between  English  and  American  ships.     The  Owyhee,  Captain    Dominis, 
which  entered  the  Columbia  in  1829,  was  the  first  American  fcra 
after  1814.     The  Convoy,  Captain  Thompson,  belonging  to  the  same  Boston 
linn,  arrived  a  month  later.    Both  vessels  coasted  during  summer  j  the" 

lumbia,  and  the  Convoy  at  Oahu.     In  the  Bpring  of  i   30 
the  Co't  I  ill.-  <  lolumbia,  and  in  the  summer  both  vessels  sailed 

away,  and  neither  of  them  ever  returned.     Then  the  Mc  iptain 

Lambert,  in  1  ->::i  made  a  voyage  to  the  Islands  during  winter,  returned  to 
the  Columbia   in  the  spring,  and  left  in   the  summer  with  hall 
salmon.     After  the  May  Dacre  was  the  Diana,  Captain  Binckley,  who  ■ 
ward  settled  in  (a  I  married  a  native  CaUfornian  lady.    Eearrived 

ing  besides  White  and  w  iiV,  one  bachelor  and  thr<  e  single 
women.  Tied  only  to  heaven,  hut  not  unwilling  to  entertain  an 

Id  "ne  suitable  offer.    The  Sumatra  from  ;  ed  in 

In  Spaulding,  was  chart*  red  and  lilh-d 

with  missionaries,  under  Jason  Lee.  u  ho  having  i  |  this 

•  iih  theirel  -  \Axoa 

under  Wilki  9,  and  the  Thomas  II.  Perkins,  Captain  Varney. 

8  Accompanying  I 
Rept.31,  27th  i    ■.,  56  61 .  Uv  vild  and  incoherent 

account  of  illicit  commerce  and  atrocities  wholly  inconsistent  with  I 


68S  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

Yerba  Buena  Cove  in  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  and 
proceeded  thence  by  way  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 
where  his  outfit  was  made. 

Bae  had  not  been  long  at  Yerba  Buena  when  the 
bark  Cowlitz  from  the  Columbia  River  dropped  in  upon 
him  bringing  the  magnates  of  his  company,  Simpson, 
McLoughlin,  and  Bowand,  and  best  of  all  Mrs  Bae. 
By  this  same  arrival  came  also  Mr  Hale  of  the  United 
States  exploring  squadron,  and  M.  Eugene  Duilot  cle 
Mofras.  His  visit  to  California  completed,  Simpson 
sailed  in  the  Cowlitz  for  Sitka,  touching  at  Honolulu, 
McLoughlin  and  Bo  wand  still  accompanying  him. 
It  happened  the  day  of  their  arrival  at  Honolulu,  that 
the  Vancouver  came  into  port  on  her  way  to  the 
Columbia,  and  on  her  McLoughlin  and  Bowand  took 
passage  for  their  respective  posts.7 

The  August  following  Bae's  arrival  his  company 
purchased  from  Jacob  P.  Lease  the  large  frame 
building  which  he  had  built  three  years  previous  on 
the  beach  of  Yerba  Buena  Cove,  where  is  now  the 
corner  of  Montgomery  and  Commercial  streets,  and 
established  there  an  agency  for  the  purchase  of  hides, 
tallow,  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep  with  European  com- 
modities. For  a  year  or  two  subsequent  to  the  date 
of  this  purchase  the  record  of  the  company's  trans- 
actions constitutes  the  history  of  San  Francisco.  The 
servants  of  the  company  then  composed  almost  the 
entire  population  of  the  place. 

During  the  existence  of  the  establishment  at  Yerba 
Buena  Cove,  both  free  trappers  and  the  company's 
traders  found  it  very  convenient  to  drop  down  from 
the  interior  for  their  supplies.     Indeed,  Englishmen 

7  Says  Roberts  in  a  letter  to  me:  '  On  dit  that  on  their  arrival  at  the  Islands 
Simpson  asked  Dr  McLoughlin  what  had  brought  him  there.  They  went  from 
here  in  the  bark  Columbia.  Mr  Allan  was  of  the  party;  also  Chief  Factor 
Rowand  and  son  from  Fort  Desprairie.  Sir  George  Simpson  and  the  doctor 
were  not  on  the  best  of  terms.'  This  is  all  wrong,  as  McLoughlin  accompanied 
Simpson  to  the  Islands,  and  the  Columbia  was  then  on  her  way  to  England. 
See  Simpson's  Journal,  i.  253;  ii.  143.  Roberts'  remembrance  is  worthy  of 
notice  only,  as  showing  the  state  of  feeling  between  the  governor  and  the 
Northwest  Coast  managers,  as  some  such  remark  was  probably  made  on  some 
occasion.     See  also  Harvey's  Life  McLoughlin,  MS.,  23. 


tiik  YERBA  r.r;:\A  I 

much  |  I  doing  business  with  their  owe  people, 

or  even  with  the  rough  swaggerer  from  the  United 
States  frontier,  rather  than  with  the  ( Jalifornians,  who 
were  denominated  a  wild,  lawless  lot,  with  an  alcalde 
;ts  irregular  and  unreliable  as  the  worsl  of  them. 

In  L845,  Governor  Simpson  sen!  word  to  Mc- 
Loughlin  to  abandon  Yerba  Buena,  the  post  being  n<»t 
profitable.  "No,"  said  McLoughlin,  "do  not  abandon 
ii :  though  a  loss  thus  far,  it  will  surely  prove  profitable 
in  time.  We  can  give  the  Californians  for  their  hides 
ami  tallow  our  London  goods  at  our  own  price 
is  an  important  post;  do  not  abandon  it." 

Had  the  wise  www  <>{'  the  east  and  Europe  listened 
to  this  far-seeing  sage  and  taken  advantage  of  their 
opportunity,  they  might  have  doubled  their  capital 
stock  twice  over  during  the  next  live  years.  In 
1846  the  company  sold  the  establishment,  and  retired 
forever  from  San  Francisco  Bay. 

Died  at  Fort  Walla  Walla  in  1841,  Pierre  S.  Pam- 
brun,8 there  commanding  for  several  years  past. 
Visitors  often  spoke  of  him  as  an  intelligent  and  able 
gentleman.  As  an  example  of  the  latter  quality  I  will 
quote  .-in  incident  :  Tawa'towe  on  reaching  the  grand 
chieftaincy  of  the  Cayuses  became  insolent,  and 
began  to  dictate  policy  and  prices  to  the  Hudson's 
Day  ( lompany.  Aided  by  his  brother  chiefs,  he  even 
went  so  far  as  to  seize  Pambrun  one  day.  bind  him, 
and  refuse  to  release  him,  until  he  had  promised  to 

■  ie  tariff,  thai  is  the  prices  in  goods  r 
would  pay  for  furs.  Pambrun  said  little,  bul  gradually 
he  drew  round  him  lesser  chiefs,  young  men  aspiring 
to  chieftaincies,  and  began  I  i  treat  them  with  formal 
courtesy,  and  to  show  the  people  that  these  were  the 
men  of  rising  power  whom  the  great  corporation  would 
near  future  recognize  as  their  rulers.     Mean- 

•    inadian  by  birth,  and  among  the  very  few  "t  tl 
to  command.     Pambrun  held 

waroi  1812,  and  was  an  officer  in  both  the  Northwe  tandB 
paniea.     His  deatb  was  caused  by  ;i  fall  from  a  vicious  horse. 
Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  n.    a 


COO  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

while  the  presents  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
distribute  to  Tawatowe  and  his  co-conspirators  he  gave 
to  the  new  favorites,  so  that  the  fangs  of  the  former 
were  soon  extracted  and  their  influence  in  their  nation 
destroyed.  It  was  a  familiar  practice  of  the  company 
everywhere  when  a  chief  became  obnoxious  to  break 
his  influence  by  raising  others,  and  to  put -clown  one 
tribe  by  elevating  another. 

Successor  to  Pambrun  was  Archibald  McKinlay. 
In  1842  Fort  Walla  Walla  was  burned  and  was  re- 
built with  adobe  in  1843. 

While  there  in  charge  McKinlay  had  occasion  one 
day  to  visit  the  saddler's  when  he  observed  that  the 
stock  of  seasoned  birch  used  by  that  functionary  was 
gradually  diminishing.  Being  informed  that  natives 
and  white  men  alike  were  in  the  habit  of  appropri- 
ating the  seasoned  wood  out  of  wdiich  to  make  whip- 
handles,  McKinlay  forbade  it.  Some  days  afcer  the 
saddler  informed  McKinlay  that  a  young  Indian  had 
just  taken  a  piece  of  wood  and  refused  to  yield  it  up. 
McKinlay  sent  a  clerk,  William  Tod,  to  settle  the 
matter.  Soon  he  heard  loud  voices,  and  running  to 
the  door  saw  the  clerk  and  the  native  struggling  over 
the  wood.  The  combatants  were  separated,  but  not 
until  the  native  had  been  badly  bruised. 

An  hour  after,  the  young  Indian's  father,  who  was 
a  chief,  came  with  fifty  warriors  to  take  Tod  and 
punish  him.  For  White  he  said,  the  great  Boston 
chief  from  Washington,  had  made  a  rule  that  if  an 
Indian  assaulted  a  "white  man  the  Indian  should  be 
flogged,  and  if  a  white  man  struck  an  Indian  the  white 
man  should  be  flogged.  McKinlay  refusing  to  give  up 
the  clerk  the  chief  endeavored  to  take  Tod's  life  upon 
the  spot.  Parrying  a  blow  aimed  at  Tod's  head  by  the 
enraged  chief  McKinlay  sprang  to  arms,  and  present- 
ing two  pistols  at  the  chief's  breast,  held  him  at  bay. 

Then  undertook  the  chief  the  difficult  task  of 
making  the  white  man  blush. 

"Oh!  you  magnanimous  man,"  he  cried,  "who  would 


THE  GUNPOWDl 

kill  a  chief  for  taking  a  little  piece  of  wood  which  you 
first  stole  from  his  forest.     Snoot  brave  chief!" 

■  not  want  to  kill  you."  McKinlay  said,  "but 
you  must  not  touch  my  clerk  who  was  only  obeying 
my  orders." 

'Just  then  the  chief's  son,  who  had  slipped  round 
behind  McKinlay,  struck  him  a  severe  Mow  upon  the 
McKinlay  whirled  and  seized  him  by  the  hair. 
The  enraged  savages  made  a  rush  at   McKinlay,  who 
saw  that  bloodshed  could  be  stayed  only  by  resorting 
ie  desperate  remedy. 
Hurling  the  young  man  against  the  advancing  foe 
he  shouted  " Stop  1"   Then  slipping  through  the  door 
into  the  adjoining  room,  quick  as  lightning  he  re- 
turned with  a  copper  keg  which  he  placed  upon  the 
table.     Opening  it  he  showed    them    the    contents, 
which  was  some  sixty  pounds  of  powder.    Then  tak- 
ing his  flint  and  steel  he  stood  over  it  ready  to  fire 
the  blast. 

••You  think  to  frighten  us  because  we  are  few  and 

you  are  many.'"  he  exclaimed.     "You  call  yourselves 

es,  but  you  ai  ad  I  defy  you.    Lift  but  a 

fine-.  man  and  we  will  all  p 

her.     See  now  who  is  afraid  to  die!" 

Instinctively  the  savages  felt  that  McKinlay  was 

rnest,  and  one  by  one  they  slunk  away. 
A  day  or  two  after  Tawatowe,  a  friendly  Cayuse, 
warned  McKinlay. 

hatafool  you  are,"  ho  said.  "Do  you  not  know 
that  unless  you  send  the  young  man  away  there  will 
surely  be  bloodsl 

ou  a  chief?"  asked  McKinlay. 
\  the  enemies  of  my  people/'  was  the  reply. 
••And  would  you,  contrary  to  your  conscience,  send 
.  »f  your  young  men  away  through  fear  of  one  who 

hated  hi: 

-  often  was  the  native  wrath  assuaged  by  the 

white  man's  cunning,  who  by  skillfully  playing  one 

ist  another,  brought  about  friendship  and 


692  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

gift-making  where  otherwise  were  butchery  and  scalp- 
taking.9 

In  the  autumn  of  1841,  Mr  Ermatinger,  an  officer 
of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  left  Fort  Vancouver 
for  California  in  command  of  the  annual  trapping  ex- 
pedition. Proceeding  up  the  Willamette  Valley  the 
party  crossed  over  to  the  waters  of  the  Sacramento 
by  way  of  Pit  Mountain/0  where  they  suffered  much 
from  the  cold,  as  did  a  party  of  trappers  ten  years 
previous,  who  lost  in  a  storm  all  their  furs  and  some 
three  hundred  horses.  While  on  the  bank  of  the 
Sacramento,  Ermatinger  received  a  letter  from  Sir 
George  Simpson,  written  while  on  a  visit  to  General 
Vallejo  at  Sonoma,  requesting  him  to  meet  him  at 
Yerba  Buena  or  Monterey,  in  order  to  confer  on 
business.  Simpson  having  left  San  Francisco  Say 
just  before  his  arrival,  Ermatinger  followed  him  to 
Monterey.11 

At  various  times  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had 
applied  to  the  British  government  for  protection  in 
their  coast  traffic,  to  which  applications  the  reply  had 

9  Archibald  McKinlay.  Narrative  of  a  Chief  Factor  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 

j.  MS.,  Victoria,  1878.  In  the  matter  of  dates  and  all  other  facts  not 
falling  within  the  immediate  cognizance  of  the  narrator  but  little  reliance 
should  be  placed  upon  what  is  given  under  his  name.  He  states  things  par- 
tially and  inaccurately,  from  lack  of  knowledge,  or  that  and  a  lack  of  con- 
science combined,  though  not  intentionally  misleading.  His  accounts  of 
Black's  death  and  of  the  rencounters  with  Piojjio  Mochmuch,  Tranquillc, 
and  Nicola  give  original  and  good  authority,  throwing  light  upon  the  character 
of  the  great  men  of  the  country  before  the  advent  of  the  whites.  McKinlay 
was  born  in  Perthshire,  Scotland,  in  1S11  and  entered  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany's service  in  1831  at  York  Factory.  Thence  he  went  to  Fort  Geary,  now 
Manitoba,  two  years  later  to  Fort  St  James  on  Stuart's  Lake  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  travelling  that  year  2,500  miles  on  snow-shoes,  in  company  with 
A.  C.  Anderson.  He  was  left  in  command  at  Fort  St  James  for  six  months, 
while  Peter  Skeen  Ogden  was  absent.  He  was  then  placed  in  charge  at  Fort 
George,  and  while  there  was  in  the  habit  of  travelling  600  miles  every  win- 
ter. He  was  next  transferred  to  Fort  Alexandria,  and  thence  to  Fort  Hall. 
In  1S40  he  married  Sarah  Julia,  daughter  of  Peter  S.  Ogden,  who  was  the 
first  white  woman  to  live  in  the  Salt  Lake  country.  From  1841  to  1846  he 
was  the  neighbor — "25  miles  distant— of  Dr  Whitman  at  Walla  Walla.  He 
was  at  Victoria  in  1878  during  my  visit  to  that  place. 

10  Often  erroneously  written  Pitt.  The  mountain  was  not  named  from  the 
English  statesman,  but  from  the  many  pitfalls  dug  by  the  natives  for  trapping 
animals. 

11  An  account  of  this  journey  is  embodied  in  Simpson's  Xar.,  i.  350-52. 


LIQUOR  TRAFFIC.  CO:; 

ever  been  thai  vess<  Is  of  war  could  doI  be  sent  so  far 
for  such  a  purpose,  and  that  the  fur-traders  must  pro- 
ted    themselves.     For  some   time    pasi    the    Boston 
traders  had  pressed  so  hard  their  traffic  on  the  North- 
wesi  Coasi  thai  the  English  and  Russians  determined 
finally  to  combine  and  gei    rid  of  them.     To  accom- 
plish this   purpose  they   felt  obliged  to  employ  the 
weapon  most  effectually  used   by  their  competitors, 
whiskey.     Whenever  a  Boston  trader  appeared  upon 
the  coast,  messengers  were  despatched  in  small  boats 
from  fort  to  fort,  notifying  the  several   posts  of  the 
presence  and  probable  destination  of  their  rival.     Trad- 
ed* with  plentiful  supplies  of  liquor  were  then 
sent  to  the  neighborhood  in  which  the  lor    2 
was  trafficking,  and  all  the  furs  bought  up  at  any 
price   the   purchasers   were   obliged    to    pay.     These 
>r  attractions  brought  from  afar  the  lords  of 
the  soil,  who  for  a  time  wallowed  in  debasing  bliss. 
Under  this  opposition  the  foreigners  finding  the  trade 
unprofitable  quitted  the  coast,  whereupon  the  p 
sors  of  the  field  returned  to  the  larger  gains  of  virtue 
and  temperance.     In  the  autumn  of  L842,  under  an 
lent    between  the  Russians   and   English  the 
liquor  trade  was  discontinued  lor  a  term  of  ten  years. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  liquor-loving  savages 
did   not   relish  this  arrangement.      But  for  their  own 
.  to  say  nothing  Rf  profits,  the  Europeans  were 
forced  to  this  course.    E  or  while  intoxicating  drink  was 
freely  sold  it   was  unsafe  for  white  men  to  appear  at 
any  distance  from  their  forts  except  in  armed  bands. 
So  reluctant  were  the  savages  to  conform  to  this 
regulation  thai  for  a  time  they  held  facie   their  fnrs, 
refusing  to  sell  them  at  any  price,  unless  they  could 
have  liquor.     Finlayson  states  that  while  a  trader  at 
Simpson,  in   order  to  induce  him   to  open  the 
liquor  trade,  on  one  occasion  the  natives  assembled  in 
numbers  and  spread  before  the  fori  a  tempting 
display  of  sea  otter,  beaver,  and  silver  fox,  carpeting 
a  large  space  with  these  rich  furs,  and  offering 


694  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

at  the  purchasers'  own  price,  if  only  the  pay  was  in 
rum.  Finding  the  white  men  firm  in  their  intentions, 
they  threatened  to  storm  the  fort.  Prayers  and  threats 
being  alike  unavailing  they  went  to  Sitka  and  made 
the  same  efforts  there  and  with  like  failure.  The 
poor  thirsty  savage  thus  forced  to  total  abstinence 
finally  began  to  trade  again,  first  for  ammunition  and 
then  for  blankets.  This  happy  state  of  things  con- 
tinued until  the  country  was  overrun  with  gold-seekers 
in  1848,  when  bedlam  broke  loose  again,  and  the  noble 
red  man  sank  forever  in  the  slough  of  civilized  enter- 
prise. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
station  established  below  the  old  fort  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Umpqua  by  Paul  Fraser.  Joseph  W.  McKay 
immediately  after  his  arrival  in  the  country  in  1844 
was  ordered  to  join  Fraser,  whom  he  found  in  a  state 
of  alarm  by  reason  of  the  influx  in  that  vicinity  of  so 
many  United  States  emigrants.  Several  trains  arrived 
during  the  winter  of  1844-5,  and  the  fur  business 
became  very  poor.  As  has  always  been  the  case,  many 
who  came  were  disgusted  with  the  country,  the  climate, 
and  society,  and  threatened  to  return,  and  indeed  some 
did  go  back.12 

In  order  to  connect  a  reconnoissance  made  by  him 
in  1842  along  Platte  River  to  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
with  the  surveys  of  Wilkes  on  the  Pacific  Coast  in 
the  spring  of  1843,  J.  C.  Fremont,  captain  of  topo- 
graphical engineers,  with  thirty-nine  men,  Creoles, 
French  Canadians,  and  Americans,  with  the  assistance 
of  Charles  Preuss,  two  or  three  scientists,  and  two 
Delawares  as  hunters,  guided  by  Thomas  Fitzpatrick, 
and  obsequiously  served  by  black  Jacob  Dobson, 
in  the  summer  of  1843  marched  up  the  Republican 
branch  of  the  Kansas,  crossed  the  Platte,  saw  Pike 
Peak,  came  upon  Laramie  plains,  and  following  the 

12 McKay's  Bee,  MS.,  3;  Mnlayson's  V.  /.,  MS.,  20. 


] '  I !  I :  MONT  IX  OREGON.  695 

rant  road  by  F<  rl  Bridger,  arrived  on  the  6th  of 
smber  at  Sail  Lake,  where  he  took  a  boat  ride. 
Nothing  occurred  to  mar  the  pleasure  of  the  journey. 
At  Fori  Si  Vrain,  Kit  Carson  had  joined  the  pa 
thus  relieving  any  anxiety  as  to  the  way  through  this 
now  well  known  region,  which  might  linger  in  the  mind 
of  th  pathfinder.     Pari  of  the  men  were  s 

back,  so  Large  a  party  being  found  unnecessary. 

By  way  of  Fort  Hall  the  expedition  continued  to 
the  mission  of  Whitman,  called  at  Fort  Walla  Walla 
where  they  came  upon  Applegate's  emigrants  who  had 
preceded  them,  and  reached  Fort  Vancouver  early  in 
November.13 

His  important  mission  accomplished,  Fremont  was 
ly  to  return.  Leaving'  Fort  Vancouver  the  10th 
i  f  Novemb  r.  the  party  reached  the  Dalles  the  L8th. 
From  this  point  they  struck  southward  to  Klamath 
Lake,  driving  with  them  a  supply  of  fat  cattle  for 
food.  The  party  now  consisted  of  twenty-live  men, 
over  a  hundred  horses  and  mules,  carrying  sup- 
plies and  dragging  a  heavy  gun,  and  their  intended 
route  was  to  the  mythical  Buenaventura  River,  and 
thence  through  the  Great  Basin  and  across  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  the  Arkansas  River. 

It  was  the  10th  of  December  when  they  reached 
Klamath  Lake,  having  accomplished  with  ease  and 
pleasure  the  journey  thus  far  in  fine  weather  and 
through  a  level  country  of  alternate  forest  and  open 
plain.  Then  proceeding  due  east  over  the  mountains, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Pit  River,  at  that  time  well  whi- 
tened with  snow,  they  next  turned  southward,  and 
continued  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Siena  Nevada 
to  Pyramid  Lake,  where  they  encamped  the  14th  of 
January  1844.     Searching  in  vain  for  the  far-famed 

oid  of  information  or  results  was  this  expedition  that  it  would  be 
unworthy  of  mention  in  this  connection,  wereil  uol  for  the  fact  thai  the  ex- 
[Jnited  '  eminent,  and  I  ilitical 

ij   u  by  Ignorant  or  d< 
fell  into  trouble,  which  adds  a  little  interest  to  the  ikut.t  i 
we  shall  see. 


G96  CURRENT  EVENTS. 

Buenaventura,  the  party  continued  their  way  along  a 
well  beaten  Indian  road  south-eastward,  until  they  im- 
agined themselves  seventy  miles  due  east  from  Sutter 
Fort,  and  near  where  the  parties  of  Chiles14  and 
Walker  had  two  years  before  passed  over  the  Sierra. 
Carson  was  sure  of  his  bearings,  as  he  had  visited  the 
valley  of  California  fifteen  years  ago.  The  tempta- 
tion to  see  California  was  too  strong  to  be  resisted; 
and  making  a  pretext  of  the  condition  of  his  horses' 
feet,  Fremont  determined  to  cross  the  Sierra.  Taking 
now  a  long  breath,  they  plunged  into  the  snow-em- 
bosomed mountains,  and  after  a  well  fought  battle 
with  environment,  came  down  on  Fort  Sutter,  where 
they  arrived  the  6th  of  March  in  a  somewhat  dilap- 
idated condition,  but  without  having  sustained  serious 
damage. 

After  rest  and  refreshment  at  New  Helvetia,  the 
arty  proceeded  southward  up  the  San  Joaquin  Val- 
ey,  passed  by  Tulare  Lake,  and  about  the  middle  of 
April  crossed  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Sierra  Nevada, 
and  from  San  Bernardino  proceeded  to  Salt  Lake, 
and  thence  returned  home.  In  1845,  Fremont  found 
himself  again  in  the  Klamath  region,  where  several 
of  his  men  were  killed  by  the  natives.15 

14  A  part  of  the  Chiles  company  had  descended  the  Sacramento  from  its 
head-waters,  which  would  have  been  the  better  way  for  Fremont  to  have 

a  ™  Fremont's  Explor.  Ex.,  105-290;  Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  271-2;  McLaugh- 
lin's Private  Papers,  MS.,  2d  ser.,  13. 


I 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

THE    END    AXD    THE    BEGINNING. 

1S42-1S46. 

Catalogueof  Passing  Events— Americanization  ofOregon     Attitude  of 
Opposing  Parties  at  Fort  Halj>-  Is  it  Right  to  Kill  Americans? 
Tolmie's  Report  on  the  Wiij  imette  Plains    American  Settlement 

I.         \    ON    POGET  SOUND   -IMMIGRATION    -SHIP    'MoDESTE'      BOARD   OF 
MANA(  iMMISSIONERS     WARRE     \\i>    VaVASOUB      RETIREMENT 

of  McLotjghlin     JamesDouglas  lnCommand     [NGRATITUDE  ( 
tain  American  Settlers  -TheSchooneb  'Sb  lbk'     Po  3i  ssori  Rige  i  i 
ofthe  Hudson's  BayCompani     What  Became  of  the  For-trading 
Establishments— Removal  to  Victor]  \. 

The  end  of  the  old  regime,  the  beginning  of  the  new. 
We  are  now  amidst  the  closing  scenes  of  pacifica- 
tion in  tlic  ( )regon  proper  part  of  the  Northwest  ( loast, 
and  at  the  threshold  of  an  era  of  quiet  occupation. 

There  is  yet  some  international  snarling  to  be  done 
in  the  partition  of  territory,  but  peoples  often  think 
themselves  derelict  in  duty,  as  well  as  cowardly  in 
appearance,  if  they  do  not  bluster.  The  reader,  how- 
ever, need  not  be  frightened.  The  mother  and  child 
who  this  century  or  two  have  been  so  busykilhng  and 
stealing  in  North  America,  will  not  fight  over  a  trifle 
of  the  spoil,  although  at  first  they  both  swear  they 
will.  One  says  "Fifty-four  forty  or  fighl ;"  there  are 
others  who  would  fight  any  way  now  the  western 
limit  of  rapine  is  reached.  And  yet  the  mother  and 
child  will  not  fight.  They  know  each  other  too  well, 
thev  are  too  nearly  like,  they  have  tried  it. 

!v,  then,  to  complete  our  catal  >gue,  the  lead- 
ing events  that  transpired  in  the  Or<  :  >n  Territory 

l  897  ) 


698  THE  END  AND  THE  BEGINNING. 

while  the  trappers  and  fur-traders  were  making  ready 
to  retire,  and  the  tradesman,  the  shopkeeper,  the 
ploughboy,  and  the  school-mistress  were  coming  in 
to  take  their  places;  briefly,  I  sa}T,  because  the  era  of 
savagism,  though  the  savages  are  yet  not  quite  all 
dead,  is  practically  closed,  and  the  things  relating  to 
permanent  occupation  will  be  repeated  at  length  in 
other  volumes. 

The  events  of  1842  and  1843  affecting  the  interests 
of  the  United  States  in  Oregon  were  the  sending  of 
Elijah  White  as  Indian  agent  to  the  Northwest  Coast, 
by  Senator  Linn  of  Missouri;  the  permission  given 
Fremont  to  make  a  tramontane  tour;  the  first  emi- 
gration proper  into  Oregon,  and  which  first  brought 
wagons  west  of  Fort  Hall;  the  crystallization  of  the 
American  sentiment  and  corresponding  decay  of  hith- 
erto omnipotent  corporation  influence,  as  manifest  in 
the  invitation  by  United  States  settlers  in  the  Wil- 
lamette Valley  to  the  Canadians  settled  there,  to  join 
them  in  organizing  a  temporary  government,  and  on 
their  refusal  the  resolution  to  organize  without  their 
aid;  the  hostile  combination  of  Walla  Wallas,  Cayuses, 
and  Nez  Perces  against  the  American  missions  and 
settlements  in  their  vicinity,  and  the  effectual  quieting 
of  the  same  by  Agent  White  and  others;  the  passage 
of  a  bill  in  the  United  States  senate,  granting  lands 
to  settlers;  the  attempts  of  the  Willamette  Cana- 
dians to  defeat  the  Americans  in  their  provisional 
government  efforts;  the  sitting  of  the  first  legisla- 
tive assembly  and  constitutional  convention ;  and  the 
founding  of  Victoria  on  Vancouver  Island,  all  stand- 
ing prominently  amidst  a  multitude  of  collateral  in- 
cidents. 

The  chief  happenings  from  1844  to  184G  hereafter 
to  be  properly  considered,  are  the  conduct  of  the  Ore- 
gonians  under  their  provisional  government;  Indian 
depredations  at  Willamette  Falls;  first  American  set- 
tlement north  of  the  Columbia;  the  organization  of  a 
municipality,  and  the  incorporation  of  an  institute;  the 


INCOMING  OF  SETTLERS.  099 

election  of  governor,  and  the  petitioning  of  the  united 
congress  by  the  provisional  governmeni ;  the  wreck  oi 
the  Shark,  whose  captain  gave  her  colors  to  the  as- 
pirants for  federal  forms.  Lasl  of  all  was  thai  eventful 
en  ( rreal  Britain  and  the  I  Fnit<  I  States, 
which  designated  the  dividing  line  in  North  America 
between  English  and  United  States  domain. 

Although  the  Americanization  of  Oregon  fell  more 
to  the  missionaries  and  agriculturists,  the  influence 
of  the  free  trappers  of  the  United  States  border 
should  not  be  overlooked.  Above  conventional  rules 
the  freedom  and  daring  of  their  hunting  life  excited 
their  minds  to  bold  measures,  and  fostered  in  them  a 
spirit  of  independence  and  a  love  of  self-government; 
and  the  nearer  akin  it  was  to  non-statutory  govern- 
ment or  no-law  rule,  the  better.  This  element  of 
tematized  lawlessness  proved  an  important  factor  in 
the  new  settlement.  Should  theunwelcome  necessity 
of  government  be  finally  forced  upon  them,  let  it  be 
under  the  lax  authority  of  the  distant  and  unproti 
ive  states'  confederacy, and  altogether  away  from  the 
strict  military  discipline  of  an  omnipotent  and  grind- 
ing corporation. 

Nor  was  the  organization  of  American  citizens  on 
the  northern  frontier  under  the  name  of  the  Hunters' 
Association,  growing  out  of  the  insurrectionary  move- 
ment in  Canada,  and  denounced  by  proclamation  of 
President  Tyler  in  1841, without  its  influence  in 
distant  north-west.  Multitudes  in  the  Unit 
were  in  sympathy  with  the  insurrection,  and  aft<  rthe 
failure  of   I  [ackenzie  at   Toronto  man;*  the 

border  from  Canada,  some  of  whom  found  their 
to  the  western  frontier  and  across  the  I  oun- 

tains.  Thus  the  Canadians  themselves,  with  the 
Americanization  of  Oregon,  were  to  some  small  ex- 
tent becoming  Americanized. 

Fort  Ball,  which  was  still  in  the  po 
the  Huds<  q's  Bay  Company,  there  were  some  high- 


700  THE  END  AND  THE  BEGINNING. 

handed  proceedings,  partly  in  fun,  but  yet  so  sober 
that  mischief  might  easily  have  come  of  it. 

A  party  of  trappers  arriving,  the  British  flag  was 
hoisted  as  usual.  The  Americans  there  present  took 
umbrage  and  demanded  that  the  United  States  flag 
should  be  allowed  to  wave  beside  the  British  colors. 
This  the  commandant  declined  to  do,  whereupon  a 
deputation  of  Americans  demanded  the  removal  of 
the  British  flag  and  the  hoisting  of  the  American, 
"else,"  said  they,  "we  will  make  the  substitute  our- 
selves." This  modest  request  being  likewise  denied,  a 
force  of  Americans  soon  appeared  before  the  fort  and 
demanded  its  surrender.  The  answer  came  from  the 
bastions  in  the  form  of  shots  fired  over  the  heads  of 
the  assailants.  The  attacking  party  returned  the  fire 
and  several  shots  were  exchanged,  but  with  careful  and 
intentional  aim  on  both  sides  to  do  the  enemy  no  dam- 
age. Finally  the  assailants  forced  open  the  gate.  The 
commander  barricaded  himself  in  his  room.  The  sur- 
render of  the  fort  was  then  ordered  on  the  following 
terms:  The  United  States  flag  should  be  hoisted,  and 
a  barrel  of  whiskey  should  be  rolled  into  the  yard 
and  tapped  for  the  free  use  of  the  people  present.  The 
terms  were  complied  with,  and  the  country  was  saved.1 

Though  not  particularly  pleased  with  the  original 
appearing  in  their  midst  of  the  fur-traders,  the  natives 
were  much  more  disgusted  when  they  saw  farmers 
driving  stakes  into  their  hunting-grounds. 

"  Is  it  right  for  us  to  kill  the  Americans?"  asked  a 
Cascade  chief  of  McLoughlin  one  day. 

"What!"  roared  the  Doctor. 

"  They  or  we  must  die,"  the  chief  calmly  continued. 
"  Not  only  do  they  spoil  our  forests  and  drive  away 
our  game,  thus  depriving  us  of  food  and  clothing,  but 
with  their  accursed  morals  and  religion  they  sow 
broadcast  the  seeds  of  disease  and  death.  Shall  we 
kill  them  or  let  them  kill  us?" 

'Scene*  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  228. 


ox  Tin:  sound.  Toi 

"  Only  a  dog  would  talk  so,"  replied  McLoughlin, 
ineffable  scorn  conspicuous  in  voice  and  features. 
'•  You  are  not  ;i  gentleman;  you  are  noi  ;i  chief;  you 
are  only  n  little  man;  never  speak  to  me  again;  I 
will  not  look  at  you." 

The  savage  slunk  abashed  away,  and  never  again 
was  seen  ad  Fori  Vancouver.  Notwithstanding  which, 
who  shall  say  that  tin-  poor  heathen  had  not  the  host 
<•{'  the  argument ;  who  shall  say  he  had  not  the  right 
of  the  matter,  as  right  goes,  if  hacked  by  sufficient 
strength  '.' 

Visiting  the  Willamette  Plains  in  1843  for  the  pur- 
pose  of  collecting  debts  due  the  company,  which  were 
usually  paid  in  wheat,  there  being  now  no  money,  and 
in  tanning  sections  wvy  few  furs,  Tolmie  saw  every- 
where signs  of  increasing  population  and  progress. 
And  not  only  were  the  settlers  here  and  elsewhere,  in 
many  instances,  slow  in  making  returns  for  the  seed- 
grain,  breeding-cattle,  and  farming  implements  given 
them  by  .McLoughlin  when  they  were  penniless  and 
oftentimes  starving,  but  they  caused  the  fur-traders 
much  annoyance  by  encroaching  on  the  company's 
cultivated  and  well  stocked  lands  at  and  around  Fort 
A'ancouver,  Cowlitz,  and  Ni squally.3 

Indications  were  apparent  of  American  settlements 
on  Puget  Sound.  To  the  better  behaved  of  United 
States  frontiersmen  it  had  keen  the  custom  of  Mc- 
Loughlin to  give  employment.  Among  other  in- 
dustries that  of  shingle-making  was  introduced. 
Shingles  were  wanted  for  the  old  buildings  as  well  ;is 
for  those  now  constantly  being  built;  they  were  like- 
wise wanted  for  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  The  Yankees 
were  experi  shingle-makers;  and  in  ism  several  of 
them.  KimhalL  Crockett,  Jones,  Gordon,  and  Bush, 
the  l.i-t  named  having  a  black  skin,  under  the  encour- 

•  Harvey's  Lift  of  McLoughlin,  -MS.,  30-1. 
3  T„  MS.,  It.  !.">. 


702  THE  END  AND  THE  BEGINNING. 

agement  of  McLouglilin  proceeded  to  Paget  Sound 
and  there  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  shingles. 
At  their  head  was  Michael  Simmons,  who  erected  the 
first  saw-mill  on  Puget  Sound;  since  which  time 
boards  enough  have  been  shipped  hence  to  house  a 
nation.4 

Emigrants  were  now  flocking  in  from  the  United 
States  in  such  numbers  as  greatly  to  overshadow  the 
English;  McLouglilin  became  somewhat  nervous  in 
view  of  the  invasion.  "  If  you  would  not  lose  the 
country,"  he  writes  to  England,  "you  must  protect 
your  rights  here."  Then  he  added  some  bastions  to 
the  fortress,  and  mounting  more  guns  awaited  the  reply. 
It  finally  came  in  the  form  of  her  majesty's  ship  Modeste, 
Captain  Baillie,  which  entered  the  Columbia  in  1845, 
and  anchoring  before  Fort  Vancouver  remained  there 
some  eighteen  months,  or  until  after  the  treaty  was 
made.  Baillie  was  the  first  English  naval  commander 
in  the  Columbia  after  Captain  Hickey.  Not  long 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Modeste  came  the  Belgian  ship 
Indefatigable,  the  first  vessel  of  that  nationality  ever 
in  the  Columbia,  bringing  some  Jesuits,  monks,  and 
nuns,  under  Father  De  Smet,  who  were  to  establish  a 
station  among  the  Flatheads,  and  build  a  convent  for 
the  half-breeds  of  the  Willamette. 

McLouglilin  had  now  reached  the  height  of  his 
power,  from  which  position  fate  ever  ordains  decline. 
Not  that  he  was  a  man  ambitious  of  authority;  pat- 
ronage fell  to  him  naturally,  and  by  force  of  circum- 
stances. He  was  a  born  sovereign;  and  his  rule, 
mingled  as  it  was  with  a  broad  humanity,  was  not 
such  as  in  all  cases  met  the  approval  of  his  more 
mercenary  London  associates.  Indeed  there  were 
now  those  who  wished  his  retirement,  who  would 
prefer  one  less  liberal,  less  philanthropic,  of  narrower 
views  favoring  a  more  selfish  policy.  This  man,  they 
said,  is  becoming  more  American  than  English,  more 
farmer  than  fur-trader.      Two  commissioners,  Warre 

4  Tolnue's  Pugel  Sound,  MS.,  21. 


M(  LOUGHLEN  AND  DOUGLAS.  703 

and  Vavasour,  were  sent  out  in  L845  to  examine  into 
McLoughlin's  policy  and  proceedings,  and  the  si 
of  tin-  country  generally.  They  despatched  their  re- 
port without  showing  it  to  McLoughlin,  which  hurt 
his  feelings  greatly,  implying  as  it  did  that  his  con- 
duct had  been  unfavorably  criticised  by  the  commis- 
sioners. 

Finally  in  order  to  curtail  his  power,  and  eventually 
to  drive  him  from  his  position,  a  board  of  manage- 
ment for  Pacific  coast  affairs  was  organized  l>\ 
London  directors.5  This  board  consisted  of  three 
members,  all  chief  factors,  one  of  whom  presided,  and 
who  among  other  duties  conducted  the  correspond- 
ence with  the  London  directors.0 

At  McLoughlin's  request  during  the  year  1845 
James  Douglas,  who  had  now  for  some  time  been 
chief  factor,  acted  as  his  colleague  at  Fort  Vancouver. 

As  Douo-las  had  long  before  his  elevation  to  the 
position  of  chief  factor  been  the  subordinate  and  associ- 
ate of  McLoughlin,  under  whose  immediate  eye  in  fact 
he  had  grown  from  youth  to  maturity,  and  as  he  had 
ably  seconded  him  in  his  schemes  of  fur- !  arm- 

ing, and  settlement,  the  same  practice  and  policy  \. 
continued,  and  with  similar  results.     Indee  !  the  com- 
mand  fell  upon   one  ripe   in   experience   and   full   of 
promise.     Nor  was  the  company   or  people,   in  the 
main,  doomed  to  disappointment. 

It  is  true  that  McLoughlin  was  often  pained  by  the 

ic  spirit  of  his  colleague,  which   led  Douglas  to 

complain  of  McLoughlin,  and  take  sides  againsl  him  in 

questions  of  policy  such  as  he  was  pretty  sure  would 

plea  adoD  directors.  Sir  George  Simpson  also 

McLoughlin    badly    during    his    late 

•..   17.  thinks  this  board  was  6r  I 
1842  or  1843.     Loi  .  21,  that  the 

rre(i  in  1845.     McLoughlin,  Ogden,  and   Douglas  com] 1  the 

Board.     On  McLoughlin's  retirement  Work  took  his  place  in  the  board, 
and  Douglas  in  the  management  i  mver. 

posed  by  the  juniors  that  this  was  done  to  curtail  the  power 
John  McLoughlin,  form<  . 
inducing  him  to  retire.'   /  ■'.  Ms.,  47. 


704  THE  END  AND  THE  BEGINNING. 

McLoughlin  finally  retired  in  the  spring  of  184G,  to 
Oregon  City,  where  he  died  in  1857.7 

It  is  not  so  easy  as  it  was  to  worship  men.  It  is 
not  so  easy  as  it  was  to  worship  anything— except 
money.  The  world  is  getting  old  and  rheumatic ;  and 
with  a  sense  of  its  own  infirmities  comes  a  sense  of 
infirmity  in  all  things.  We  used  to  adore  nature, 
bathing  in  sunshine,  revelling  in  woods,  and  floating 
down  calm  currents.  But  with  the  balmy  air  come 
now  flying  bugs ;  rattlesnakes  creep  through  the  wav- 
ing grass ;  and  beneath  the  placid  sun-silvered  waters 
the  big  fish  are  all  devouring  the  little  fish.  Why  are 
men  made  like  fishes?  Nature  is  no  longer  adorable. 
Nature  is  a  fascinating  fraud.     Nature  is  a  failure. 

NowT,  were  I  in  the  worshipful  mood,  before  this 
man  I  might  bend  my  stiff  knee,  nor  heed  its  crack- 
ing. Why?  What  is  there  of  great-man-ism  about 
him?  He  is  not  a  statesman,  for  his  hands  are  clean, 
his  tongue  is  single,  and  self  comes  not  always  before 
duty.  He  is  not  a  money  magnate,  for  looking  into 
his  breast  and  then  beyond  the  stars  he  sees  some 
things  more  brightly  fair,  more  worthy  the  attention 
of  immortal  mind  than  golden  calves.  He  is  not  a 
divinity  man,  nor  a  conventional  morality  man;  he 
teaches  and  preaches  only  as  does  a  shining  mark 
upon  a  hill-top  beckoning  pilgrims  onward  and  up- 
ward; furthermore,  he  walks  within  no  circle  of  tradi- 
tion, and  opens  not  his  mouth  with  musty  sayings  to 
cars  attuned  to  unreason  and  conventional  hypocrisy. 
He  is  not  a  subsidy-seeking  railway  incorporator,  nor 
a  mine  manipulator,  nor  an  agitator;  before  any  of 
these  the  unservile  knee  refuses  to  bend. 

I  think  of  him  as  if  present;  and  so  he  is,  though 
he  were  dead  this  quarter  century  and  more.  I  never 
saw  him,  and  yet  I  see  him;  I  never  heard  him,  and 
yet  he  speaks  to  me  now;  I  never  grasped  his  hand, 
but  I  feel  his  presence,  and  am  the  better  for  it.     The 

7  Anderson,  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  MS.,  1G,  erroneously  places  bis  retire- 
ment in  1645,  and  his  death  hi  1800. 


EULOGY  OX  McLOUGHLIN.  705 

1  that  a  man  does  lives  after  him,  saith  the  seer; 
and  in  writing  this  volume,  in  writing  any  volume  that 
I  ever  bave  written,  I  have  encountered  I'  ters 

which  stand  out  in  such  grand  and  majestic  propor- 
tions. Few  persons  have  done  him  justice.  His  life 
should  be  written  by  the  recor<  I  and  pillared 

at  the  crossing  of  the  two  chief  highways  of  the 
universe.  His  fiery  gentleness,  his  mild  energy,  his 
jlm:!:  .  nd  nobleness  of  heart,  his  magna- 

nimity, his  benevolence,  his  unfathomable  integrity, 
and  his  clearness  and  firmness  of  intellect  have  all  been 
told.  Search  these  shores  from  Darien  to  Alaska, 
and  you  find  none  such;  take  your  books  and  study 
them  from  the  coming  of  Europeans  to  your  last 
municipal  or  state  election,  and  you  will  discov< 
such  person  portrayed.  His  life  though  quiet  and 
untrumpeted  was  {'nil  of  glory-  yet,  like  many  another 
I  man  his  end  was  not  a  happy  one,  for  in  his  ol  I 
age  he  was  caught  in  a  web  of  legal  technical] 
which  proved  his  winding-sheet. 

It  v  I  ending  of  a  L  >ng  career  of  useful 

and  benevolence.  His  record  is  one  of  which  any  man, 
however  high  or  holy,  might  be  proud.  It  is  abso- 
lutely 'holly  noble;  of*  how  many  of  his 
judj  i;:u<-h  be  said?  Englishme  1  as 
Ami  iay  blush  for  their  treatment  of  him,  for 
ping  of  sorrow  upon  his  venerable  hea  ',  for 
their  Qg  of  his  pUre  and  sensitive  heart.  Said 
an  ui  l  arbitrati  torn  once:  "Both  sides 
were  I;  theref  re  I.  could  not  have  been  far 
from  right."  McLoughlin's  associates,  whom  he  bad 
for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  with  in- 
telli                I  and  strict  fidelity,  raising  his 

estate  to    wealth, 

ond  to  none,  disliked  him, 

reproached   him,  if  indeed  they  did  not   spurn  him 

out  of  the  purest   dictates  only  of  a  humane 

heart  he  hing  strangers,  the  1  uited 

States  settli  rs,  wh<  se  |  resi  nee  they  bated. 

Ilisr.  N.  W.  Coast.  Vol.  II.    45 


70G  THE  END  AND  THE  BEGINNING. 

Nor  was  this  always  a  pleasing  task,  even  for  the 
kind-hearted  Scotchman.  These  lean,  cadaverous, 
dirt-tanned  ox-drivers,  with  bushy  heads,  and  dull 
unintelligent  eyes  sunken  in  sorrow,  followed  by 
famine-visaged  women  and  children,  cold  and  ill,  bare- 
footed, and  with  only  rags  for  raiment,  arriving  in  the 
wet  autumn  absolutely  without  a  dollar  in  any  kind  of 
property,  having  lost  their  all  upon  the  way,  and  many 
of  their  former  companions  even  their  lives,  what  were 
they  going  to  do  in  this  cold  cheerless  wilderness, 
without  house  or  tent,  or  hut  even,  without  blankets, 
or  clothes,  or  meat,  or  bread  ?  Simply  starve.  And 
this  was  exactly  what  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
as  a  conscienceless  corporation  would  have  them  do. 
It  was  to  the  interest  of  the  company  to  have  these 
emigrants  die  as  fast  as  they  arrived.  As  a  corpora- 
tion, I  say,  they  would  assuredly  have  left  them  to 
die;  but  as  men,  and  eye-witnesses  of  those  sufferings, 
there  never  was  a  Scotchman  or  an  Englishman  that 
traded  furs  in  America  or  held  stock  in  any  British 
fur  company  who  would  have  turned  his  back  upon 
them.  McLoughlin  could  not  do  it,  not  for  all  Eng- 
land could  he,  and  yet  his  company  theoretically 
blamed  him  for  not  doing  what  not  one  of  them  indi- 
vidually could  have  been  brought  to  do  under  any 
circumstances.  How  sharp-edged  is  corporation  intel- 
lect on  the  side  of  interest  ;  how  slow  of  wit  and 
illogical,  not  to  say  stolidly  brutish  and  mercilessly 
cruel  when  Gocl  or  humanity  calls  for  sacrifice !  Happy 
money-makers  who  can  thus  sink  the  moral  responsi- 
bility of  the  individual  in  the  bloodless  body  of  a  cor- 
poration ! 

But  what  shall  I  say  of  the  poor  wretches  Mc- 
Loughlin saved  from  death?  Better  have  let  them 
die,  some  of  them.  Some  of  them  were  good  and  true, 
working  with  a  will,  they  and  their  wives  and  their 
children,  until  their  benefactor  was  every  dollar  paid, 
and  ever  after  holding  his  name  in  grateful  remem- 
brance.    These  were  the  salt  of  Oregon;  and  let  their 


INGRATITUDE. 

posterity  ever  call  them  blessed.  But  of  those  who 
in  their  dire  distress  received  the  old  man's  kind; 
and  never  after  repaid  it,  never  tried  to  repay  it, 
never  acknowledged  it;  of  those  who  received  kind- 
ness and  repaid  it  only  in  vilifying  their  benefactor, 
1  say,  better  tenfold  those  men  had  been  left  to  die, 
and  thai  no  offspring  upon  whom  the  disgrace  of  such 
parentage  had  fallen  should  ever  have  encumbi 
the  earth. 

And  after  all  their  wretched  robbery  of  goods  and 
good  name,  the  simple-hearted  old  man  seemed  still 
to  have  confidence  in  them,  to  trust  them.     "In  the 
slimmer  of  1843,"  he  writes,  "a  number  of  the  immi- 
grants of  last  year,  headed  by  Mr  Hastings,  not  being 
satisfied  with  this  country,  left  for  California.     As 
they  were  in  want  of  means,  1   made  them  some  ad- 
vances which  they  were  to  pay  to  the  late  Mr  Ra< 
San  Francisco;  but  few  did  so."     This  was  a  second 
advance,  it  must  be  remembered,  for  many  of  these 
men  lie  had  succored  once  on  their  arrival,  and  assis 
again  on  their  departure,  no  further  attention  being 
paid   to   either    obligation    in    many   instanc*    . 
leaving  the  country. 

While  the  boundary  question  remained  in  abeyance, 
no  great  predilection  was  shown  for  the  north  side 
of  the  Columbia  as  a  place  of  settlement  until  the 
arrival  of  the  United  States  schooner  Shark  in  L8  16, 
Captain  Howison,  whose  presence  caused  qui! 
flutter  among  them,  seemingly  indicating  American 
possession  to  the  49th  parallel,  although  the  conduct 
of  the  captain  in  no  wise  wan-anted  such  expectal 
Many  Americans  at  this  time  left  the  Willamette 
and  examined  the  lands  round  Fort  Vancouver  and 
ivhere,  ready  to  pounce  upon  a  farm  at  a  moment's 
notice,  hut  no  overt  acts  of  trespass  were  committed.8 

After  the  United  State,  had  conic  int..  possession 

0    '<  it  <nni  Douglas  '"  Captain  Duntsu  •>///,■  Flsguard,  Till  S<  pt. 
1846,  in  Martin's  11.  B.,  37. 


70S  THE  EXD  AXD  THE  BEGIXXIXG. 

of  tlie  country,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  still  held 
possessory  rights  which  were  respected  by  the  treaty 
of  1846.  They  had  claims  at  Walla  Walla,  Boise, 
Hall,  Vancouver,  and  Nisqually.  Pending  the  final 
adjustment  of  their  claims  the  company's  settlers 
could  not  obtain  titles  to  their  lands,  and  in  the  begin- 
ning of  towns,  a  good  location  was  sometimes  aban- 
doned for  a  poorer  one.  Thus  Fort  Vancouver, 
everything  considered,  would  have  been  a  better  situ- 
ation for  the  metropolitan  city  of  Oregon  than  the 
site  of  the  present  Portland.9 

What  ultimately  became  of  the  palisades  and  build- 
ings that  served  so  good  a  purpose  in  fur-hunting  and 
emigrating  times'?  Some  yet  stand;  some  have  fallen 
into  decay;  some  were  dismantled,  abandoned,  or  de- 
stroyed. 

At  Umpqua  in  1851  the  stockade  with  two  bastions' 
was  standing,  and  J.  B.  Gagnier  in  charge.  The  fort 
was  then  in  good  repair.  After  Gagnier,  King  was 
placed  in  charge.  Then  the  settlers  came  in  and  killed 
the  company's  cattle  and  squatted  on  the  land. 

Before  1854  the  stockade  wTas  taken  down,  leaving 
only  the  dwelling,  barns,  and  out-houses.  The  lands 
thereabout  were  then  in  a  fine  state  of  cultivation. 
The  company's  buildings  at  Champoeg  were  carried 
away  by  the  flood  the  3d  of  December  18G1.  Grad- 
ually after  184G  the  profits  of  forts  Hall  and  Boise 
fell  off,  owing  to  troubles  between  the  whites  and  Ind- 
ians, and  finally  they  were  abandoned  by  the  fur- 
traders.  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  effects  at 
Fort  Hall,  owing  to  Indian  hostilities,  were  in  1856 
removed  to  the  Flathead  post.  After  the  destruction 
of  Boise  by  the  remarkable  rise  of  Snake  River  in 
1853,  the  place  was  only  partially  repaired.  Owing  to 
the  Indian  massacre  in  that  vicinity  in  1854,  the  fort 
was  abandoned  in  1855. 

In  the  settlement  of  claims  it  was  shown  that  in 

9Finlayson's  V.  I.,  MS.,  81. 


FORT  PROPERTY.  709 

184  :\r  Island  and  its  dairies,  the  com- 

pany had  in  use  for  farming  and  pasturage  a  fronl 
on   I  h   bank  of  the  Columbia,  of  thirty-one 

miles  by  a  depth  i  three  to  fifteen  miles,  the 

tract,  consisting  of  open  plains  inl 
of  timber,  and  extending  from  two  miles  above  the 
saw-mill  to  the  small  stream  opposite  where  now  is  St 
Helen.      The  grist-mill   and  saw-mill  were   running 
finely,  and  two  thousand  barrels  of  salmon  were  c 
annually  Tor  use  and 

to  contain 
square  miles,  or  160,000  hich  he  thought  w< 

in  1846  at  least  I  a  half  dollars  .  and 

airies,  and  mills,  based   upon  tl 
value   to  a  business  like  that  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
00,000  more.     The  bal  et  of  the 

business  of  the  company  west  of  the  Rocky 
tains  showed  a  profit  then  of  from   £25,000  to  l 
000  per  annum.     The   profits  on  tlio   Indian   trade 
south  of  the  49th  parallel  was  £7,000  per  annum. 

Some  of  the  buildings  at   Fort  Vancouver  were 
burned;  others  were  turn  down,  and  before  the  com- 
pany abandoned   the   plare   (lie   mills   first  built    i 
fallen  inl  .  and  others  had  been  erected.     The 

lands  were  taken  possession  of  by  settlers  under  United 
States  donation,  laws.  The  quarters  occupied  by  the 
company  became  gradually  curtailed  as  the  land  and 
buildings  were  taken  by  the  settlers,  until  between 
military  and  civilians  but  little  was  left  them.  This 
being  regarded  by  many  as  the  best  site  for  a  city,  a 
town  '  !  out  and  tin-  lois  partially  sold 

benefit  of  the  county.     But  the  claims  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  ( Jompany  1).  ing  yel  unsettled,  a  sal  I 
title  could  not  he  given.    Meanwhile  Portland  sprang 
up,  took  the  lead,  and  maintained  if. 

Major  Hathaway  was    in   command   of  two   coiu- 

v  ben 
til  I860,  at  which 


710  THE  EXD  AXD  THE  BEGINNING. 

panies  of  United  States  artillery  at  Fort  Vancouver 
in  1841.  He  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  Loring.  The 
staff-officers  were  quartered  in  buildings  rented  from 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  while  the  other  officers 
and  men  occupied  tents.  In  1850  quarters  were  con- 
structed for  the  military  by  the  government. 

By  1860  the  company's  force  at  Fort  Vancouver 
was  reduced  to  fourteen,  officers  and  men.  While 
Chief  Trader  Work  was  in  charge,  Mr  Grahame  then 
being  absent,  the  fields  yet  remaining  in  possession  of 
the  company  on  the  west  side  of  the  fort  were  taken 
by  General  Harney  for  military  purposes.'  Work  was 
permitted  to  remove  from  the  ground  designated  what- 
ever he  pleased,  but  there  was  comparatively  little 
which  could  be  removed.  It  was  not  pleasant  to  the 
eyes  of  the  old  servants  to  see  the  place  razed,  the 
ancient  landmarks  .uprooted,  fences  torn  down,  and 
buildings,  even  those  dilapidated  and  wholly  worthless, 
fired.  Grahame  arriving  the  25th  protested  against 
what,  notwithstanding  treaties  and  reimbursements, 
he  could  but  feel  to  be  vandalic.  Finally,  about  the 
middle  of  June  1860  Grahame  and  his  subordinates 
withdrew  from  the  Vancouver  establishment,  leaving 
at  last  their  fair  Columbia  to  the  Yankees.  Thus 
departed  forever  the  glory  of  Fort  Vancouver;  thus 
terminated  the  magnificent  career  of  the  adventurers 
of  England  in  the  now  restricted  territory  of  the 
Oregon. 

All  the  wild  cattle  north  of  the  Columbia  were 
bought  by  W.  W.  Chapman,  but  as  it  was  very  difficult 
to  find  them,  or  to  catch  them  when  found,  he  made 
little  by  his  bargain.  The  tame  cattle  round  the 
several  stations  were  otherwise  disposed  of  by  the 
company.  Some  of  the  wild  cattle  were  shot  by 
hunters,  and  sold  in  the  markets  under  the  name  of 
elk;  but  not  so  many  were  thus  made  way  with  as 
was  claimed  by  the  company. 

The  company's  lands,  buildings,  and  river-landing  at 
Champoeg  Mr  Lowe  thought  worth  819,000.     Fort 


GOVERNMENT.  711 

Walla  Walla,  its  lands  and  buildings  based  upon  their 
cost,  he  thought  worth  $50,000;  Okanagan,  $25,000; 
Colville,  $120,000.u 

Part  of  the  company's  buildings  at  Colville  were 
torn  down  or  seized  by  the  settlers,  and  pari 
held  for  the  company  by  A.ngus  McDonald,  who  was 
stationed  there  from  L852  to  L 8 57,  and  after  I  59. 
This  post  became  the  centre  of  supply  for  the  ( !olum- 
bia  River  mines  above  Priest  Rapids,  as  well  as  those 
of  Pend  d'Oreille  River,  Salmon  Fork,  Koo1 
Rock  ( Ireek,  American  Creek,  Similkameen,  Northern 
Idaho.  Thompson  River,  and  Cariboo.  The  old  posts 
of  Kootenai  and  Okanagan  were  about  L859  removed 
north  of  the  line,  most  of  the  effects  of  the  latter 
going  to  Similkameen.  Angus  McDonald  partially 
occupied  the  Flathead  post  in  1847-9,  when  it  was 
finally  abandoned  by  the  company.  Walla  Walla  with 
all  its  goods  was  abandoned  in  1855  by  James  Sinclair, 
then  in  charge,  upon  an  order  from  Nathan  <  >lney, 
Indian  agent,  given  for  fear  the  place  would  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  savages.  Gradually  the  stockade 
and  buildings  comprising  Fort  George  were  torn  down 
and  removed  as  the  town  of  Astoria  advanced. 

Notwithstanding  the  proclamation  of  federal  pro- 
clivities, and  the  inauguration  of  self-government 
under  federal  forms  on  the  plains  of  the  Willamette, 
the  whole  country  continued  up  to  this  time,  virtually 
in  possession  of  the  English.  There  was  now  to  I  -  a 
vital  change,  so  far  as  the  Oregon  Territory  was  con- 
cerned, a  revolution  none  the  Less  real  and  thorough 

11  Mr  Anderson's  estimate  was  much  hi   I  $50,000; 

Colville,  $500,000;  Fort  Vancouver,  its  lands  an  I  1,000,000. 

McArthur  raised  Lowi  of  Walla  Wj    :  ued  Fort 

£150,000,  and  put  tl  150,000  besides  $20  an 

1  land  under  cultivation  and  si  an  acre  for  wild  lands,  the  whole 

Lined  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  being  9  by  20  i 

which  rate  fort-buildin 

valued  at  $8,000.    McKin  mver  to 

$1,600,000.     '1  :  ed  upon  these  and  other  pi 

for  the  United  States  was  much  less;  i<:  than  ouo 

tenth  of  the  estimatco  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  officers. 


712  THE  EXD  AXD  THE  BEGIXXTXG. 

because  peaceful.  How  can  it  be  of  different  con- 
sequence to  governments  and  peoples  whether  lands 
and  dominions  be  regulated  by  bloody  arbitrament  or 
solemn  conference?  Is  history  only  battles  and  butch- 
ery? And  is  the  record  of  Oregon's  beginning  less 
important  because  brute-passion  failed  to  crimson  the 
greensward  of  the  lovely  Valley  Willamette?  All 
honor  to  the  fair  honesty  and  Christian  intelligence 
of  the  two  nations  that  made  the  early  history  of 
Oregon  so  peaceful  and  pleasing! 

After  the  settlement  of  the  question  of  boundaiy 
most  of  the  Hudson's  H&y  Company's  stores  on  the 
Columbia  were  transferred  to  IJort  Victoria  on  Van- 
couver Island,  but  for  several  years  thereafter  a  sub- 
ordinate officer,  with  a  few  men,  remained  at  Fort 
Vancouver.  Upon  the  final  settlement  of  the  posses- 
sory rights  of  the  English  corporation  in  Oregon  and 
Washington,  their  farms  and  improvements  were  sold 
and  the  operations  of  the  company  thereafter  centred 
at  Victoria. 

And  now  the  spoliation  of  its  aboriginal  occupants 
being  practically  complete,  and  the  spoilers  having 
partitioned  the  prey,  the  Northwest  Coast,  or  any  part 
of  it,  ceases  for  whatsoever  time  it  may  to  be  Debatable 
Ground. 


INDEX. 


id  r,  map,  1707,  L.  1 15. 
I.,  ii.  5G3. 
..   Lord,  on  (»;•.  question,  ii. 
I. 
Aberncth  ;i.  675. 

.  i .  :  I . 

colonized 
:n,i.  400. 

\ 

J.  i.  283; 

iii  north-west,  18-2S-J0, 
i.  341. 

Lra,  i.  110. 
Lghts,  i    163. 

ii.  (il. 
Adams  Point,  see  Lewis  and  < 

ii.  57. 

d,  ii.  -J!»l : 

0;  on  title  X.  W.  i 
.  364. 

.  I  , .  2, 
i.  265;  at  Nootka,  1794,  i. 
Addingt  nertothe  X.  W. 

.  Li.  368,  370,  ;  : 
A' 1  mi  nil  i 

Admiralty  In] 

ii.  673. 
•Adventure, 'sloop,  cruise,  17!'-J,  i.  259, 

261,  - 
'Adventurer,'    on     northwest    coast, 

1788,  i.  192,  202. 

'..  S.,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii. 

ecu.  I 

■ 

and  Kino  h<  ar  of,  1699,  i.  1 13. 
Agriculture,  X.  W.  • 
ii.   440  2,   500   I;    H 
440-4,  i  F  >rf  Colville,  ii. 

472;  Will  imi  tte  Vallej  .  - 
ii.  500;   Fort  Vancouver,    1837,   ii. 


'    15,   ii. 
612  1  t. 
Aguilar, 

ap,  1768, 
i.   132. 
Aguilar  Rio  de,  A   nilar  nan 
mbia,  i.  611. 

md  fort 
19. 

'•.  i.    13. 

provi 
Aillon,  V.  de,  ■  -  i.  12. 

- 
Alabama,  Spani  .  1540,  i. 

123. 

1519,  i.  11. 
Alarcon,  explorations,    1540  '■'>.  i.   II, 
16,  17.  44,  16. 

i.  29  31; 
Spania i  1779,  i.  IT.'!:  La 

exped.    1  i    1786,    i.    177 ;    ' 
reaches,    17  6,  i.   178;  physical  fea- 
10. 
ommercial  Co.,  monopoly,  i. 
458. 

Alava,  ■!..  commi    i  »nt  r  N 
i,301. 
Albanj   I 
'Albany,'   frigate,    in 

1719,  ii    ■ 
'Albatross,'  L809,  ii.  130  5;  on  X.  \V. 
■ 

ii.   219,    221, 

1816,  i.  331;  i  LS16,  i. 

335. 

Albi Nova,  in  de  L 

i.  106. 
Alden,  Ja  L,  ii.  669. 

Alder,  Lieut.,  on  X.  W.  coi 
.  279. 

. 
i.  318. 

(713  J 


714 


IXDEX. 


'Alert,'  bark,  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1S41,  ii. 
G59. 

Aleutian  Islands,  Xevodchikof  at, 
171.-).  i.  30. 

Aleuts,  on  Cal.  coast,  1803,  i.  319; 
lso:>,  i.  323. 

'Alexander,"  cruise,  179S,  i.  306;  1800, 
i.  308;  1803,  i.  317. 

'Alexander  Baranof,'  tug,  ii.  640. 

; .  Sir  W.,  attacks  French,  i. 
390. 

Alexandria,  Fort,  post  H.  Bay  Co.,  i. 
448;  founded,  ii.  461;  removed  ii. 
538. 

Algonquins,  fur-trade  with,  i.  504. 

Allan,  at  Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  44:2;  re- 
marks, etc.,  ii.  504. 

Allen,  uii  Or.  question,  ii.  407. 

Alkn.  Paul,  edits  Lewis  and  Clark's 
work.  ii.  7. 

Alpowah  River,  see  Lewis  and  C. 
exped..  ii.  66. 

Alia  California,  Spaniards  settle,  1750- 
1800,  i.  -27;  explore,  1769,  i.  28. 

Alvarado,  Pedro,  licensed  to  explore, 
1538,  i.  46. 

Alvarado.  Gov.,  Fori '.das  interviews, 
ii.  .339;  Cal.,  1841,  ii.  659. 

Amacava  Indians,  see  Mojaves,  i.  90. 

Amazons,  fabled  island  of,  1522,  i.  39; 
story  of,  i.  41;  U.  of  Cal.  i.  42. 

America,  British,  fur-yield,  1835,  i. 
503-4. 

America,  North,  summary  of  explora- 
tion. 1.350-1800,  i.  1-31;  settled  by 
English,  i.  22;  geographical  knowl- 
edge of,  1550,  i.  33;  conjectures  re- 
garding, i.  34-69;  first  printed  map 
of,  i.  48-9;  an  island,  1655,  i.  110; 
system  of  fur-trade  in,  i.  362-3; 
changes  in  ownership,  i.  379,  400-3; 
hydrographical  basins,  i.  405-6;  con- 
juration, i.  406-11;  climate,  i.  408- 
11;  animals,  i.  411-13:  beginning_of 
present  century,  i.  613;  apex,  i.  679, 
ii.  26-7,  30. 

American  Fur  Co.,  Astor  forms,  i.  512, 
ii.  137;  competition  with  Rocky  Alt. 
Fur  Co.,  ii.  456,  567,  570-1. 

American  Soc.  for  encouraging  a  set- 
tlement in  Or.,  ii.  545. 

Americans,    early   explorations,   i.    3; 

explore  for  Straits  of  Ariian,  i.  9. 
'Amethyst,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1811,  i. 
326. 

Amherst,  opposes  French,  i.  400-1. 

Amoor,  mines  discovered.  1650,  i.  29. 

Amoretti,  on  term  Anian.  i.  56  :  on 
Anian  Strait,  i.  67;  works,  i.  94,136; 
on  Maldonado  memorial,  i.  94. 


Anawiskum,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477 
Anderson,  A.  C,  Black's  death,  ii. 
512;  in  New  Caledonia,  1834,  ii.  330  ; 
Hist.  X.  W.  coast,  ii.  531;  builds 
Fort  McLoughlin,  ii.  625-8;  fort- 
building  exped.,  1S34,  ii.  629,  835; 
among  Indians,  ii.  627:  at  Fort  Nis- 
qually,  ii.  673;  estimates  value  of 
H.  Bay  Co.  forts,  ii.  711. 
Anderson,  J.,  voyage  to  X.  W.  coast, 

1809,  ii.  144. 
Andrede,  John  de  Barros,  his  < 

1792.  i.  266. 
Ania,  province  of,  i.  55. 
Anian,  Ortelius'  map,  i.  53-4;  a  prov- 
ince of  Tartary,  1655,  i.  110. 

Anian  Strait,  see  early  maps,  i.;  loca- 
tion, i.  3;  exploration  for,  i.  5-10, 
ii.  2;  reported  discovery  by  Corte- 
real,  i.  30,  56,  81,  85-6;  in  course  of 
evolution,  i.  37-S,  41;  imposed  upon 
Menendcz,  i.  51;  origin  of  name,  i. 
53-6;  Ladrillero's  report  of,  i.  57; 
map  of  1590,  i.  67;  Fuca  hunts  for, 
i.  71;  reported  passage  of,  i.  87;  As- 
cension's location  of,  i.  89;  Torque- 
mada's  location,  i.  89;  Maldonado's 
description  of,  i.  96-7  ;  Cardona's 
opinion  of,  i.  102;  Salmeron  on.  j. 
105;  supposed  discoverers  of.  i.  108; 
in  1655,  i.  110;  1710,  i.  119;  1716, 
i.  1?0;  Peche's  story  of,  i.  Ill; 
Uhlefeld's  voyage  to,  1773,  i.  134. 

Animals,  of  the  Xorthern  Territory, 
i.  411-13;  dressing  skins  of,  i.  413- 
14:  Upper  Missouri,  ii.  15,  l(j;  Lewis 
and  C.  exped.,  ii.  16,  19,  20,  25. 

Annance,  F.  X.,  on  exploring  exped., 
ii.  464-8;  with  fur-brigade,  ii.  471; 
at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477,  485,  497. 

Annapolis,  see  Port  Royal,  i.  386. 

Anno  Xuevo,  Pro  de,  in  Jefferys'  map, 
1768,  i.  132. 

'Anson,'  privateer,  in  Pacific,  i.  25. 

Antelope,  habitat,  i.  412. 

Anza.  explorations,  1774,  i.  127;  ex- 
ped. of  1776,  i.  28,  656. 

Apache  Pass,  description,  i.  639. 

Apex,  continental,  X.  A.,  description, 
i.  404-5:  Mackenzie  at,  i.  679;  ii.  30. 

Apianus,  Peter,  map  of ,  1575,  i.  56. 

Applegate,  J.,  route  to  Or.,  i.  634; 
discovers  Modoc  lakes,  i.  642. 

Appletree  Cove  named,  ii.  672. 

'Arab,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1821,  i.  340. 

Arago  Cape,  see  Cape  Gregory,  i.  169. 

'Aranzazu, '  on  X.  W.  coast.  1791,  i. 
24S;  1792,  i.  267,  279,  283;  1794,  i. 
295-6. 

Arapahoes,  rob  Hunt's  exped.,  ii.  185. 


715 


iproached,  IT 
i.  27;  Macken;  ie  n 

i.  387. 
'Argonaut,'  i  a  X.  W.  coast,   1 789,  i. 
210  12,  -JIT  18,  226-7;  17  K),  i.  243. 
Jesuits  reach,  1600,  i.  '2\. 
Arizona,  Cardenas  reaches,  1540,  i.  16; 
explored,  1540  3,  i.   14;   LI 
in  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map,  i.  82;  fur 
trade,  i.  527  8. 

.  .  Spaniards  explore,  1543,  i. 
15. 

;  and  Marquette 
.  1673,  i.  •-':>. 

e,  al  Fori  Langli  y,  ii.  477. 
Arrowsmith's  map,  ii.  L20. 

irth-west, 
.  17.".. 
Ascension,  Padre,  on  Drab  ' 

i.  62;  "ii  Fuca's  voyage,  i.  77:  loca- 
tion ofCal.  and  Anian  strait,  i.  89, 
K>1 :  on  Vizcai]  ,  i.  147. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  commissioner  to  U. 
S..  ii.  391;  od  >  »r.  question,  ii. 
404. 

W.  II..  partner,  AmericanFur 

514;   character,    ii.   447-8; 

trapping  journey,  1882-7,  ii.  447-!); 

or,  ii.  472. 

Lake,  named,  ii.  448. 

!.    joins  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii. 

Astablan,  in  Purchas'  map,  1625;  see 

Ian,  i.  103. 
Astor,  J.  J.,  fur-trader,  i.  330;  projects, 
American  Fur 
I  512;  tonus  Pacific 

i.   513,  ii.  329;  South-w< 
513;    buys    British    posts,    i.    513; 
V  American  Fur  Co.,  i.  51  1: 
Bells  fur-trade,  i.  515;  result  of  pro- 
i.   520;  "i"  rations  on  N".  W. 
ii.    I  ID:  arri\  - 

ii.  137  9;  chi 
partnership  with  X. 
W.  Co.,  ii.    141;   on  tran 

.   ii.   223,    235-6;    abandons 

r         •     ■ 

ee    Hunt's 

i.  :'.-J7.  ii. 
/     153,    169  ". 
Id  to  X.  W.  I 
■ 
t,  1812   13,  ii. 
ted,    ii.   207;   remarks 
22 


X .  \Y . i 

'Astrolabe,1  on  N.  W.  coast,  1786,  i. 
1 7"». 

..    de    la,    named    by 
17.  i7:  '.  i 
'Atahualpa,'  on  N.  W.  <•  ast,  1  301,  i. 

310;   1802,  i.  312;   1805,  i.  ! 
(Atala,'i 
Atchison,  on  Or.  question,  ii 

i.  621   2. 
Atlantic,  in  Homem's  map,  l 
Atlantic-  coast,  explorations, 
Ki  12. 

Sir  11.  ( .illicit  upoi 
•Atlas.'  .  335. 

Atnah  nation,  I  .  ii.  1 10. 

'Atrevida,'  corvette,  on  X.  \ 

1791,  i.  249-50. 
Attimospiquai  .    La    France  story,  i. 

592. 
Aubert,  explores  northward,  i .  11;  fur- 
i.  395. 
[ndia  Co.,  X.  W.  fur- 

Aviles,  A.  P.  M.  de  (Menendez),  story 

of  Northwest,  i.  51. 
Ayers,  G.  W.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  180S- 

9,   i.  324;  1810  11,  i.  32 
Aztatlan,  discovery  of,  1532,  i.  41. 

ibes,  tradition  of  migration, 


i unary,  ii.  G7">. 
5! )  1 . 
Babine,  Fort,  founded,  ii.  462. 

post,  Hudson  Hay  Co.,  i.  1  tv;. 
odland, 
i.  11,  13;  Ruscelli's  map.  i.  47:  Mun- 
ster's  map, 
Baccalearean,  map  of  Apia 

i.  56. 
Badger,  habitat,  i.  412. 
i  r,  Mackenzie' 
82;   Frj 
Baffin,  i  '., 
], lines  Baffin  Bay  and  Smith  Sound, 
1616,  i.  23. 

Bailey,  escapi  -  tndi 
sett! 

Baja  <  lalifornia,  J 


■16 


INDEX. 


Baker,    James,    Capt.,    his   vovages, 

1702,  ii.  2(35. 
Baker   Bay,   named,    i.    281;    Clarke 

reaches,  ii.  53. 
Baker  Island,  named,  i.  2S1. 
Balboa,    Vasco   Nunez   de,    discovers 

Pacific  Ocean,  i.  3,  13,  663 
Ball,  J.,  with  Wyeth's  exped,  ii.  562; 

teacher,  Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  565. 
Baltimore,  Lord,  colonizes  Maryland, 

1(334.  i.  22. 
Bancroft,  Capt,.  on  X.  W.  coast,  1836, 

i.   341,   ii.    602;    1837-S,   i.    341-2; 

death,  ii.  004-0. 
Banderas  Bay,  Mazuela  returns  to,  i. 

14. 
Bank  of  France,  connection  with  Miss. 

Co.,  i 
Bank:;,  botanist,  drowned,  ii.  538. 
Bannock,  site,  ii.  24. 

ka,   ii.    140,  6G2; 

Gov.  New  Archangel,  ii.  210. 

.  mi  title  X.  \V.  coast,  ii.  360. 
Capt.,  leaves  Osten 

182;  voyage,  1702,  i.  265;  on  X.  W. 
J;    i.    353-4,    ii.    320; 

Indian;;  attack,  i.  304. 
Barclay,  F.,  prospectus  Puget  .Sound 

A.  Co.,  ii.  01.3. 
Barclay,  Mrs,  on  X.  W.  coast,   17S7: 

i.  lb':i. 
Barclay  Sound,  Heceta's  voyage,  1775, 

i.    102;    Barclay  discovers,    i.    1S2; 

Gra    approaches,  17S8,i.  100;Meares 

reaches,  178S,  i.  1  US. 
Baring  Island,  named,  i.  281. 

30,  i.  341; 

1837,  i.  342. 
Barlow,  seeks  Strait  of  Anian,  1719,  i. 

121. 

defends  Fort  Albany,  i.  443. 
Barlow,  J.  W.,  surveys  Yell 

ii.  31. 
Barnarda,  see  Bonarda,  i.  116. 
Barnes,  Miss  Jane,  at  Astoria,    181  1. 

i.  251,  333. 
Barnett,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1780,  i.  217; 

his  voyages,  1702,  i.  '_:i.~.. 
Barnston,  C,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477; 

fort  Walla  Walla,  ii.  .31.3. 
Barrel,  Jos.,  Boston  merchant,  i.  358. 
Barrit,  at  Astoria,  1841,  ii.  0:>7. 
Barton,  J.,  settler,  Cowlitz  valley,  ii. 

014. 
Bastidas,  voyage  in  1501,  i.  10. 
Bates,  on  title  X.  W.  coast,  i 
Ba'churst,  Lord,  Astoria  restored,  ii. 

21  I  2. 

au,  construction,  i.  424. 
!,iver,  named,  ii.  74. 


Baylies,  on  question  X.  W.  coast,  ii. 

346,  365. 
Beacon  Bock,  named,  ii.  47. 

lape,  Meares  names,  i.  19S. 
Beales,  Daniel,  agent,  i.  193. 

ke,   iron   and   coal  found,   i. 
ii.  95-6. 
Bear  Rapid,  named,  ii.  80. 
Bears,  habitat,  i.  412. 
Beauchamp,  J.,    Mackenzie's  exped., 

i.  073. 
Beaudieux,  F.,  Mackenzie's  exped.,  i. 

073. 
Beauharnais,    supports  Yerendrye,    i. 

596. 
Beaver,  habitat,  i.  411. 

...  i.  329; 
1813.    i.  I,  ii.  042; 

on  Columbia,     LI 
coast,  ii.  ;  ar- 

. 
tacked  by  Indians.  1837,  ii.  638;  on 
X.   W.   coast,    1841,   ii.    057-8;    at 
I 
LS40,  ii.  047. 
.  .cad,  Lewis  and  C.  < 
24,  30. 
Beaver   Head    River,    Lewis   and   C. 

exped.,  ii.  23-4. 
Beaver  Indians,  traders  anion:,  ii.  92. 
Beaver  Lodge,  Fraser's  exped.,  ii.  103. 
Beaver  Lodge  Mountain,  Mackenzie  s 

voyage,  ii.  678. 
Beaver,  Rev.,  at  Fort  Vancouver,  ii. 

534. 
Leaver  River,  named,  ii.  77. 
Beaver  skins,  as  currency,  i.   . 
'  Beaver, '  sloop,  sails  to  Moose  river, 
1720,  i. 

voyage,  1533,  i.  14. 
Feck,  voyage,  1799,  i. 
Beckwourth,  J.  1'.,  trapper,  life,  i.  516, 
ii.  449;  character,  i  . 

Ed.,  voyage,   1837. 
342;  explores  X.  W.  coast,  1830-42, 
ii.  611-12. 
Belhoullay    Conin,    see    Mackenzie's 

voyage,  i.  669. 
Bellacoola  River,  see  Macken: 

age;  sec  foot-note,  i.  G93. 
Bellacoolas,  attack  vessel,  ii. 
Belle  Lake,  see  Fontc's  story,  i.  116. 
cruise  in  north-west, 
1801.  i. 
Belle  Yue  Point,  named,  i.  2S1 ,  ii.  439. 
Bennett,  Capt.,  voyage,    1811 

■,  i.  340. 

Lent  and  St  Yrain,  sec  Bent  £  Co.,  i. 
515. 


INDEX. 


717 


Bentinck    North    Ann,    Mi 

voya 
Benton,  on  question  X.  W.  i 
17;  i  11  I  >r.  qui 

395,  410  13,  555-6. 
Bercier,  guide,  ii.  H77. 
Berg,  in  d'Avity's  Le  Monde,  1637,  i. 

It  S;   S]  anish  description,    1 ,  10,    i. 

119. 
i  atlas,   1573,   i. 

81 ;  in  Low  's  map,  1598;  i 

blance  to  Alaska,  i.  86. 
Bering,  \ 

17:  i.  .  i.  :;  >. 

eked    at, 

1741;  dies  there,  i.  3. 
Bering  ! 

i.  27;  BeriB  t.  30. 

I  ird  [sland,  named,  i.  179. 

Berrien, 
! 

1795,  i.  301. 

.  A.,  clerkN.  W.  Co.,  ii.  227; 
I ;  leaves 

Foi  270. 

in  north-west,  1S0O,  ii. 

Biddle,  J.,  I'.  S.  commissi 

Bidwell  Pass,  description,  i. 

< 

; 
i  ,  Lewis  and   C. 

.  71. 
k,  named,  i.  16. 
I,  i.    16. 
i  i  ass,  location,  i. 

. 

is  and  C.  exped., 
ii.  7 

fe,   Harmon's    name    among 

1  mck,  Moncacht  Ap6's  travels. 

L  126  7. 

! 

d.,  i.  673. 
and  C. 

] 'it'n  r    1 

exped.,  ii.  76. 
Black,  A 

1    11. 

232-4;  in  -   2. 


with  D. 

510-11;  '        '  .  i  i .  .">  I : ! ; 

iloop,  ii.  602. 
Black  Mts,  l.tw  is  and  C.  exped. ,  ii.  16. 
Black  River,  named,  ii 

,    Indians,    ho  tility,   i.   ."  19; 
Williams'  exped.  an 
I  enry,  ii.  129;  i 

I 

attack  Work's  party,  ii.  •'  i . 

I  r,  ii.  610. 

d.,  ii.  14. 
Blackwater  River,   M 

i.  515. 
Blais,  at  Fort  St  James,  ii.  111. 

conl  I. 

Blanchard,    ('apt.,   on  >,'.    V\ 
1811,  i 

.  I'r,  Jesuit,  ii. 

ii.  (>7">. 

1773,  i.  156;  La  I 

.  .  : 

,  ii.  <i~:>,  662. 
Blinn,  ^ 

onecticul  river, 

ate  on  Columbi 
ii.  293. 
']'..  Mezick,'brig,  cruise,  1837 
Boardman,  N.  \- 

ii.  124. 

i.  242. 

i.    GG; 
id,  177  3, 

ith   Vancouver, 
279; 

.   ii.  '_'(». 
,    l.    -lis; 
Luilt,  ii. 


rl8 


INDEX. 


Boisvert,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
Bolch,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1805,  i.  320, 

ii.  55. 
'  Bolivar,'  brig,  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1841,  ii. 

659. 
'  Bolivar  Liberator, ' on  Cal.  coast,  1834, 

ii.  636. 
Bolts,  W. ,  X.  W.  fur-trade,  i.  349. 
Bombay,  merchants  of,  bend  .Strange 

to  Nootka,  1786,  i.  177. 
Bonardo,  Pedro  de,  Fonte's  story,  i. 

116. 
Bonilla,  explores  New  Mexico,  1596, 

i.  20. 
Bonneville,   Capt.,  trading  exped.,  i. 

516-17;  ii.  390,  58.");  explores  South 

Pass,   i.  632;  in  Utah,  i.  641,  643; 

character,  ii.  568;  exped.  to  Colum- 
bia, 1832,  ii.   569-75;  Irving  on,  ii. 

573;  meets  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  590. 
'  Bordelais,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1817,  i. 

336-8. 
'Borneo,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1S19- 

20,  i.  340. 
'Boston,'  ship,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S03, 

i.  312-15.  ii.  156;  burned  by  Indians, 

i.  365,  ii.  159. 
'Boston,'  sloop-of-war,  ii.  365. 
Bostonians,  explore  N.  W.  coast,  1788, 

i.  185. 
Bouchard,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
Boullard,  employ  P.  Fur  Co.,  i.  205. 
Boundary  Pass,   see   South  Kootenai 

Pass,  i.  024. 
Bourbon,  see  Saskatchewan,  i.  60S. 
Bourbon,  Fort,  see  York  Factory,  i. 

485;  built,  i.  595. 
Bourbon,  Jean,  sails  up  Hudson  Bay, 

1656,  i.  438. 
Bourgmont,  ascends  Missouri  River, 

1727,  i.  26. 
'Boussole.'onN.W.  coast,  1786,  i.  175. 
Bowers,  Jonathan,   on  N.  W.  coast, 

1797-8,  i.  306;  1800,  i.  308. 
Bowles,  voyage,  1798,  i.  306. 
Bowlin,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  402. 
Brackenridge,  J.  D.,  on  exploring  ex- 
ped., ii.  609,  073,682. 
Bradbury,  J.,  botanist,  with  P.  Fur 

Co.,  ii.  178,  182. 
Braddock,  defeated,  1755,  i.  400,  505. 
Bradstreet,    takes    Fort    Frontenac, 

175S. 
Brant  Island,  named,  ii.  63. 
Brave  River,  see  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte, 

i.   115. 
Brazilian  coast,   Portuguese  explora- 
tion, i.  3. 
Breboeuf,    Pere,     discovers     Niagara 

Falls,  i.  587. 


Breck,  voyage,   1799,  i.  308. 

Breck,  with  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  563. 

Breckinridge,    on    question     N.    W. 

coast,  ii.  346. 
Breton,  Cape,  taken  by  English,  175S; 

i.  400. 
Brian,  at  Nootka,  ii.  160. 
Brice,  voyage,  1801,  i.  310. 
Bridger,  Jas.,  fur-trader,  i.  515:  with 

Rocky  Mt.  Co.,  i.  514,  ii.  455;  trap- 
ping tour,  1832,  ii.  570-1;  life,  ii. 

610;  discovers  Great  Salt  Lake,  ii. 

610;  builds  Fort  Bridger,  ii.  611. 
Bridger,  Fort,  built,  ii.  611. 
Bridger  Pass,  location,  i.  633. 
Brigade,   equipment,   i.  561:    N.   W. 

Co.,  i.  561-4. 
Brigades,  N.  W.  Co.,  i.  560^1;  York 

Factory,  i.  463;  New  Caledonia,  i. 

463-4,  ii.  469-71;   N.  West,    1834, 

ii.  530-1. 
Briggs,  voyage,  1802,  i.  311. 
Bright  Stones,  mountain,  in  Jefferys' 

map,  1768,  i.  132. 
Brion-Chabot,  Philippe  de,  semis  Car- 
tier  to  America,  1534,  i.  380. 
British   America,   explored,   i.   27;    a 

fur-hunter's  paradise,  i.  406;   phys- 
ical features,  i.  406. 
British  Columbia,  part  of  N.  W.  coast, 

i.  2;  configuration,  i.  408;  made  a 

crown  colony,  ii.  306. 
Brooks,  C.  W.,  Japanese  wrecks,  etc., 

ii.  532. 
Brotchie,  voyage,  1S37,  1S3S,  1839,  i. 

342;  Capt.  of  'Cadboro,'  ii.  477. 
Brouchard.  J.  B.,  settler,  Cowlitz  val- 
ley, ii.  614. 
Brougham,  Lord,  on  Or.  question,  ii. 

410. 
Brouyhton,  Lieut.  W.  R.,  on  N.  W. 

coast,  1791,  i.  2S9;   1792,  266,  274, 

281.  ii.  324;  1796. 
Brown,  Boston  merchant,  i.  35S. 
Brown,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  393. 
Brown,  J.  G.,  smweyor,  1S25-7,  i.  615; 

on  exploring  exped.,  ii.  669. 
Brown,  John,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1803, 

i.  317;  1805,  i.  320. 
Brown,  Capt.  W.,   on  N.   W.   coast, 

1792,  i.  265;  1793,  i.  293-4;  1794,  i. 

2>7:  voyage,  1802,  i.  311;   1803,  i. 

31S;  on  Columbia,   1806,  ii.  59;  at 

Sitka.  1810,  ii.  140. 
Brown  Hole,  rendezvous,  ii.  458. 
Brown's  Sound,  named,  i.  293.  _ 
Bruquier,  R.,  on  Canoe  River,  ii.  123; 

at  Fort  Astoria,  ii.  174,  177. 
'Brutus,'  brig,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1817- 

18,  i.  338;  1819-20,  i.  340. 


INDEX. 


rig 


.  ..11  te  'in  I  Iregon,  t.  132. 
Bryant,  al  Fori  Bridgi  r,  1846,  ii.  611. 
o's  memo- 
rial, 1790,  i.  93;  map,  1750  3,  i.  127. 
Bucaieli,  Port,  Caamauo  explores,  i. 

26  7. 
Bucareli,  Rada  de,  si  ■    ' 

,  177...  i.  160. 
Buchanan,  on  question  N.  W.  coast, 

:  .  :i  Or.  question,  ii.  394. 
Buena  Esperan  ado,  i.  90; 

i.   i.    105;  Mar- 
i.  -2H. 
Buffalo,  habitat,  i.  411;  Lewis  and  I'. 
d.,  ii.  81. 

fuel,  ii.  20. 
Buffalo-meat,  i  '-  ii-  587; 

tod  of  curing,  ii.  51 
hoal,  named, 
Bulfinch,  Dr.  C,  Boston  merchant,  i. 

Bulfinch  Harbor,  Cray  names,  i.  259. 
Bulkley,  in  Alaska,  i.  626. 
Bulkley  House,  1  cation,  ii.  171. 
Bumstead,  voyage,  L801,  i.  310. 
Lurch,  \  i.  342. 

Burditt,  with  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  563. 
Burnet,  Gov.  New  York,  L. 
Burney,  36,  136. 

Burriel,  Padre,  on  California,  1757,  i. 

129. 
Burrow.--  ii.  682. 

Bush,  at  Puget  Sound,  1844,  ii.  701. 
Lutterworth,  on  N.  W.  coast,  179-',  i. 

,  i.  2 
Button,  explores  Hudson  Lay,  1612- 

13,  i.  - 


Caamafio,  expedicion,  etc.,  i.  '270. 
I  Heceta  names,  i.  163. 

I  □  Labrador  coast,  i.  11. 

(  American  coast,  i.   11 

thwest  Strait . 
I  I  .   i.  129;  sailing  direc- 

tions i  :.   L734,  i.  1  17. 
Cabrillo,  .  1543,  i.  14,  10: 

3,  i.  44,  (7:  names  Si<  rra  Ne- 
vada, i.  4!). 
i  ;     135. 

orth-west,  1827, 
i.  341; 

l     Inmbia,  ii.  476 

captains  of,  ii.  -177:  on   Fras<  r,  ii. 

477;  at  build  mgley,  ii. 

i   I  La,   ii.    199 

at  Foi  ,  1841,  ii.  656. 

Cadboro  Lay,  named,  ii.  477. 

'Cadboro,'  steamer,  history,  ii.  476-7. 


Ly,  1621, 

Caen,   William  de,   trade   monopoly, 

L621,  .. 
( 'ajon  l'ass,  location,  i 

i.  489. 
and   C. 
exped.,  ii.  62. 

. '  wrecked,  ii. 
Calhoun,  on  Or.  question,  ii. 
California,  home  of  Amazons,  L533,  i. 
■ 

sio's    map,    I 

map,  157  '.  i.  ■'  3;  Lok1    i 

i.   65;    Martyr's  map,    L587,   i.   till; 

2;  Low's 
Berrera's  map, 
. 

.  i.  101-3; 
1701,  i.  115;  1742,  i.  124;  a  penin- 
sula.i.  104;  1633,  i.  106;  1721,  i.  121; 
in  d'Avity's  Le  Monde,  1637,  i.  107; 
province,  1655,  L.  110;  g<  ographical 
ipied  by 
Spaniards,  1769,  i.  150;  fur-trading 

- 
i.  525  s;  II.    Bay  Co.  in,  i.  525  8; 
L840,    ii.    53!  I  i 

horse-stealing  in,  ii.  552; 
on  coa 

:  Mofras  in,   I 

■ 
Gulf  of,  Qlloa  • 

.   i.   90;  Mojave    :.. 
.    1604,   i.   91  :    S]  aniards  ex- 
i.  101. 

••  n  to  be  a  pe- 
ninsula., 1540  3,  ;. 
California  Peninsula,  discovered,  i.  14; 

Ortelius'  map,  1574,  i.  53. 
'Cahforni  in  S.    F.  hay, 

1841,  n.  659. 
Callalamet,  on  N.  W.  coa  :.    1805,  i. 

320;  ii.  55. 
Callicum,  chief  of  Nootka,  1788,  i.  195. 
CallBiver,  281. 

Calvert,  C.  ■  1634,  i. 

( lalvinists,  colonize  Ai 

Calvo,  R  ,  i.  232. 

Camaauo,  Lieut.  J.,  explon 
Charlotte  I  -..  i.  267;  explorations, 
1792,  i.  267  9,  --■'•■  ii-  322;  map  of, 
1792,  i.  268  9. 

Camas-.   I  ii.  255,  590. 

■ 


720 


INDEX. 


Cameahwait,    •'  !i  ■  '■<  ■■'■<■   •  '  :ef,  meets 

Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  1805,  ii.   28, 

31, 
Cameron,  Black's  death,  ii.  512,  G77. 
Cameron,    trader,    made   prisoner,    i. 

578. 
Camosun,  Fort,  see  Fort  Victoria,  i. 

492. 
Cam}),  fur-traders',  i.  430-1. 
Campbell,  at  Fort  Dunvegan,  ii.  462, 

494. 
Campbell,  D.,  trader,  i.  570. 
Campbell,  R.,  fur-trader,   i.  516;   at 

Pierre  Hole,  ii.  563;  trapping  tour, 

L832,  ii.  570. 
Campa,  Padre,  Heceta's  exped.,  177"), 

i.  158-C6. 
Campos,  Padre,  associate  of  Velarde, 

i.  120. 
Canada,  name,  i.    12,  380-1;   French 

colonize,  i.   22;  passes  to  England, 

i.  379:  granted  to  La  Roche,  i.  383; 

law  in,  ii.  29S. 

( !o.,  see  N.  W.  Co.,  i.  551. 
Canada  de  las  Uvas  Pass,  location,  i. 

053. 
Canadian  settlement,  1627,  i.  389. 
Canal  de  Lopez  de  Haro,  named  by 

Quhnper.  i.  241. 
Canal  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  del  Rosario 

laMarinera,  Gulf  of  Georgia,  i.  246. 
Candle,  the,  furs  sold  by,  i.  465. 
Canning,  S.,  commissioner  title  N.  W. 

coast,  ii.  355-60,  367. 
bar]  ptiori 

Canoe  Liver,  named,  ii.  45,  123-4. 
Cape  Adams,   named  by  Gray,  i.  260. 
Cape  Hancock,  Gray  names,  i.  260. 

rn,  Portlock  and  Dix<  >n  round, 

1785,  i.  178. 
Cape  North,  Perez  names  Point  Santa 

Margarita,  1773,  i.  153. 
Capotes,  fur-hunter,  i.  431. 
Cardenas,  visits  Moqui  towns,  1540, 

i.  16;   explorations,  i.  18. 
Cardona,  works,  i.  102. 
Cardona,   Nicolas   de,    on   California, 

1617,  i.  102. 
Carlos  IV.,  energy  in  explorations,  i. 

9;  position  in  Nootka  controversy, 

i.  231. 
Carmelo,    near    Monterey,    Vizcaino 

discovers,  1602,  i.  88. 
Carmelo   Rio,    Salvador's   report  on, 

1751,  i.  127. 
I  larmen  Is.,  salt  depot,  ii.  522. 
Carolina,  Jordan  reaches,   1. 
'Caroline,' see  'Dragon,'  i.  307;  on  >, . 

W.  coast,  1801,  i.  310;  1802,  i.  312; 

1804,  i.  3 IS. 


Carr,  0.,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii.  669. 
Carrier  country,  explored,  ii.  92,  97. 
Carson,  A.,  trapper,   joins  P.  Fur  Co. 

exped.,  i.  130. 
Carson,  Kit,  dress,  i.  432:  trapper,  i. 

516;  with  Fremont,  ii.  695. 
Cartier,  Chaton,  monopolizes  fur- trade, 

i.  383. 
Cartier,    J.,    surveys   crulf   and   river 

St  Lawrence,  i.  12,  14,  380;  expedi- 
tions of,  i.  12,  42. 
Cartier,  Noil,  monopolizes  fur-trade, 

i.  3S3. 
Carver,  J.,  explorations,  1766,  i.  007- 

11;  map  of,  1778.  i.  132,  608. 
Casanate,  Pedro  Porter  y,  report  on 

explorations,  1636,  i.  106. 
Cascade  Canal,  Vancouver's,  see  Mac- 
kenzie's voyage,  i.  699. 
Cascade  Range,  passes  of,  i.  643-8. 
Cascades,  Broughton  reaches,  1 792,  i. 

281 ;  see  Falls  of  Columbia,  ii.  46-7; 

Lewis  and  C.    exped.,   ii.   63;    hos- 
tility of  natives  at,  ii.  240-1,  258. 
Case,  explores  Hood  Canal,  ii.  673. 
Cass,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  404-5. 
'Castle,'  steam-boat,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 
Castlereigh,  Lord,  Astoria  restored,  ii. 

291. 
Castle  Rock,  see  Beacon  Rock,  ii.  47. 
Caswell,  killed  by  Indians,  i.  251,  261. 
Catala,   Padre  Magin,  sails  for  Cal., 

1794,  i.  296. 
'Catalina,'  brig,  in  S.  F.   Bay,  1S41, 

ii.  659. 
Cataract  River,  named,  ii.  A  5. 
Cathay,  passage  to,  by  Florida,  1530, 

i.  43;    Martyr's   map.    1587,   i.    66; 
ira  trades  at,  1555,  i.  111. 
'Catherine,' on  N.  W.  coast,  1802,  i. 

311;  1811,  i.  326. 
Cathlamets,  Lewis  and  C.   exped.,  ii. 

56,  60. 
Catholic  mission,  Or.,  ii.  657,  ' 
Catholic  missionaries,  in  N.  W.,  1839, 

ii.  534,  536. 
Cattle,    introduced   on  Columbia,    ii. 

443. 
Cavalho,  supercargo,  i.  193. 
Cavalho  and  Co.,  merchants,  i.  215; 

bankruptcy,  i.  217. 
Cavendish,  captures  Fuca,  1587,  i.  71 J 

voyage,  i.  73;  touches  at  Cal.,  17S7, 

i.  20. 
Caweeman,postHudsonBayCo.,i.4  18. 
Cayuela,    Elisa   examines,    1790;    see 

Clayoquot,  i.  246. 
Cayuses, missionaries  among,  ii.  534-5. 
Cechasht   Cove,    explored    by    (.'apt. 

Gray,  1789,  i.  205. 


INDEX. 


721 


1  land,  discovered,  i.  1  I. 
Central  America,    condition    of    dis- 

y  in  1550,  i.   10. 
l  Todd  Bay,  ii.  254. 

'Cermefion,'  wrecked  at  Di 
1595. 

.    Ciriaco,    criticises   Maldo- 

,  i.  94. 
.  a,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 
30. 
Chacke,  Martin,  report  of  N.  AN  .  pas- 

1 573,  i.  61. 
I  rahs,  Lewis   and  C.  exped., 

ii.  62. 
Chama  Rio,  lake  Copalla  reached  by, 

i.   105. 
Champlain,   S.  de,  explores  Si    Law- 
i.   22,    106,    385;    discovers 
.  in  i.  387;  names  lake 
I  ath,  i.  390. 

Cbampoeg,  post  11.  Hay  Co.,  i.  44K; 
settleni(  at,  I  .34,  ii.  529. 

',  Bay  and 
lannel,  i.  255;  explores  Char- 
lotte Is.,  i.  255-7. 
Chagres-Panama  Pass,  i.  HIT. 
Chapman,   W.   W.,  purchases  H.  B. 

ale,  ii.  710. 
Charles  II.,  charters  H.  Bay  Co.,  i. 
439,  4G9. 

.  Indian,  ii.  529. 
Charles,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  -177. 

.  P.,  guide,  ii.  677. 
Charle'  L720,  i.  121. 

..:■,'  cruise  in  Northwest,  1801, 
i.  310. 
Charlotte  Island,  explored  by  Capt. 
Chaual,  assisted  by  surgeon  Roblet, 
i.  255-7;  explored  by  Capt.  lias- 
well,  i.  26 1-2. 
'Charon/,  qN.  W.  coast,  1811,  i.  326; 
captured  by  Ei    li  a,  1813,  i.  329-30. 

.  Aymar  dc,  fur  monopoly  of, 

'Chatham/onN.W. coast,  1792,  i.  274, 
i    i;  1794,  i.  296, 

S 
Chatham  Cape,  named,  i.  170. 
Chauvin,   Capt.,  fur  monopoly  of,  i. 

Cheadle,  explores  Yellowhea 
621 

!,'  cruise  in  north-'.'..     ,1799, 

Chehalis  route,  map.  ii.  465. 

I  ii.  G02. 

mus,'  ship,  on  Columbia,  1842, 
ii.  GSG. 

Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  ,  Vol.  II.    4G 


Chenoke  Point,  named,  i.  2 

tion,  i.  068. 
'Cherub,1  in  I  I   2. 

Chesterfield  Inlet,  explored,  i.  28. 

ominy,  Smith  i 
l         ,  I  L  650. 

Chicora,  see  Jordan's  voyage,  i.  12. 
(r,  11.  Bay  I 
ii.  307-15. 
Chief-trader,  If.  Pay  Co.,   i. 

ii.  307-15. 
Chihuahua 

: 

1560, i.  19;  Spanish  advance  in,  1600, 
i.  21. 
Chilapa  Pass,  location,  i.  GG0. 
tin,  post,  ii.  4G1. 

domof,  i.  91. 
Chimnapums,  seeLewisand  ('.exped., 

Indian  tribe,  ii.  261. 
China,  Hanna  sails  from,  1785,  i.  173; 
fur-trade  with  N.  W.  coai  I 

:  relation  to  Ur.  ques- 
tion, ii.  41 
Chinamen,  at  Nootka,  i.  211. 
Chinese  vessels,   in  Atlantic,    1590,  i. 
GS. 

.  Lewis  and  C.  exped..  ii.  53, 

.   character,  ii.  56;   hostility 

blip,  ii.  133  5;  a  sistAstor's 

party,  ii.  152;  hostility.  ;'.  ii.  175  6, 

2  16. 

Point,   post,  II.  Pay  Co.,  i. 
448. 
Chinook  village,  first  noted  by  Gray, 

Chipewyans,  opinion  of  liquor,  i.  547. 
a,    Port,   situation, 
built,   i.  612. 
Chiquito,  Ouate's  explorations,  1G04, 

'Chirikof,'  ship,  on  Cal. 
Chopunnish,  see  v 

.  P.,  fur-tra< 
-en,  II.,  fui- 
tv,    traces    of,    in    Colima, 
1524,  i 
l 

1761-2, 

Cliurchill,  River,  disc 

3,   43; 

1  of  In- 
dies unable  -o  locale,  i.  46;  in  Ra- 


r22 


INDEX. 


musio's  map,  i.  49;  Ortelius'  map, 
.  53;  Herrera's  map,  1601,  i. 

SS;  a  province  of  Cal.,  1655,  i.  110. 
Cicuic,  in  Ramusio's  map.  1556,  i.  40; 

see  Pecos,  i.  53;  Hondin's  map,  i. 

1      :  chief  town  of  Quivira,  i.  110. 
Ci  .    fabled   land   of   Amazons, 

1522,  i.  39. 
Cinacacohola,  queen,  Zinogaba,  i.  91. 
Clackamas    Indians,    Lewis    and    C. 

exped.,  ii.  62. 
Clackamas  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. . 

ii.  62. 
Clallams,  kill  McKenzie's  party,  ii. 

4S3;  punished,  ii.  484. 
Clapp,  leaves  Astoria,  ii.  225.  235. 
Clarendon.  Lord,  on  Or.  qixestion,  ii. 

39S-9,  400. 

,'  on  Cal.   coast,   1S17-18,  i. 

Clark,  Capt.  G.,  voy.,  1819;  wrecked 

i.  34   . 
Clarke,  trader  for  Selkirk,  i.  577-8. 
Clarke,   J.,   partner    P.   Fur  Co.,    ii. 
197;  exped.  of,  ii.  198,  202-3,  211; 
among  Indians,  ii.  212-13.  - 
kane  exped.,  ii.  218; 
Astoria,  ii.  227;  leaves  Fort  George, 
:  goes  cast,  ii.  2S0. 
Clarke,  W.,  exploring  exped.  up  the 
Missouri,   1S04-5,  ii.  0-27;  instruc- 
ii.  6-7;  reaches  head-waters 
ouri,  ii.  26;  down  the  Colum- 
bia, ii.  28-50,  i.  320;  on  Pacific,  ii. 
51-00;  return  to  St.  Louis,  ii.  51- 
82:   route  from  Travellers'  Rest  to 
tone,   ii.   70-7 ;    down  Yel- 
lowstone, ii.  77-81;  Gen.  of  militia, 
:  Gov.   Missouri  Ty.,  ii.  83; 
Su.pt,  Indian  affairs,  ii.  SO;  Missouri 
Fur  Co.,  ii.  128;  character,  ii.  21  3, 
.ploringexped.,  1S04-6;  route, 
ii.  327;  along  Missouri,  1S04,  i.  509. 
Clarke  Fork,  Clarke  names,  ii.  78. 
Clarke  Point  of  View,  nann    I 
Clarke  Liver,  named,  i.  34,  ii.  07;   see 

Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70-1. 
Clarke's  route  west,  i.  630. 
Classet,  Meares' voyage,  1788,  i.  107. 
Clatsop  Fort,  built,  ii.  53;  Lewis  and 

C.  at,  ii.  59. 
Clatsop  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. ,  ii. 

57. 
Clatsops,  murder  crew  of  '  William  and 
Ann,'  ii.  49S;  punished,  ii.  499;  see 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  oo-G,  59. 
Clay,  entitle  N.W.  coast,  ii.  307,  377. 

379. 
Clayoquot,  Indians  attack,  i.  305. 
Clayoquot   Sound,    Heceta's   voyage, 


1775,  i.  162;  Meares  at,  17SS,  i.  197; 

Gray  at,  1788,  i.   100,  1789,  i.  204; 

:plores,  i.  240;  Kendricksat, 

1791,  i.  253. 
Clayton,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  405. 
Clayton,  Yv .,  builds  post  on  Kent  Is., 

i.  5  (2, 

:•    Mts. ,    see    Lewis  and   C. 

exped.,  ii.  70. 
Clearwater   River,    see  Kooskooskie, 
7;  see  Lewis  ami  C.   exped., 
ii.  69. 

en,  see  Missionaries. 

exped.,  1778,  i.  167. 
Clerks  H.  Bay  Co.,  i.  449-54;  X.  YV. 

Co.,  i.  557-8. 
Cleswuncut   Lake,   Mackenzie's  voy- 
age, i.  691. 
Cleveland,  narrative,  etc.,  i.  307. 
Cloak   Bay,    named,    i.    179;    Chanal 

surveys,   i.  255. 
Cluscus  Lakes,    Mackenzie's  voyage, 

i.  C93. 
Coahuila,    Spanish    frontier    reaches, 

1500,  i.  19. 
Coal,  found  at  Bear  Lake,  i.  669 ;  see 

Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  16. 
Coal  Liver,  named,  ii.  81. 
Coast  Range,  passes  through,  i.  627, 

655. 
Coffin  Mount.,  named,  i.  2S1 ;  Lewis 

and  C.  exped.,  ii.  49. 
Cogib  River,  possibly  the  Mackenzie 

River  in  Low's  map,  1598,  i 
Cogil  Rio,  in  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map, 

1597,  i.  !  I. 
Cokalahishkit  River,  see  Lewis  and  C. 

exped.,  ii.  71. 
Colden,  on  question  X.  W.  coast,  ii. 

345. 
Cole,  Thomas,  his  voyages,  1702.  i.  206. 
'Colenzell,'  ship,  X.  YV.  fur-trade,  i. 

349. 
Coles,  J.,  sail-maker,  ii.  150-1. 
Colima,   exped.    northwest   of,    1522; 

traces  of  Christianity  in  1522.  i.  39. 
Collins  Creek,  see  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  00. 
Coluett,  Capt.,  on  X.  YY  coa 

i.  181,  183;  17S9,  i.  210-12,  217-23; 

1700,  i.   243;    imprisoned  by  Mar- 
tinez, i.  217-23;  goes  to  Mexico,  i. 

223. 
'  Colonel  Allan, '  schooner,  on  Cal.  coast, 

ii.  204;  on  Columbia,  ii.  206. 
'Colonel,'  brig,  on  Cal.  coast,  1816,  i, 

334. 
Colorado,  in  Burriel's  map,  1757,  i.  129. 
Colorado  Basin,  La  Salle  enters,  16S4, 

i.  393. 


INDEX. 


723 


Colorado 
reaches  1540,  i.    16. 

Rio,    reached    by    Alarcon, 

i.   II:  Diaz  ascends,   1540,  i. 

16;  Ofiate  explores,   L604   5,  i.   21, 

90;  Kino  traverses,  L690  -1700,  L  25; 

frontier  of  Mexico,  ii.  750;  i.   '_'7: 

splores,  1769,  i.  28;  • 

63;  Wytfliet-Ptolemy,   151 
Salvador's  report   on,   1751,  i.   121 ; 

si  e  Lew  is  and  ( '.  exped.,  ii.  32. 

1  .  lifeamong  Indians,  ii.  82- .".. 
with  P.  Fur  Co.  exped.,  ii.  1 79. 
Colter  Creek,  named,  ii.  38;  see  Lew  is 

and  C.  exped.,  ii.  67. 
Columbia,  on  X.    \V.  coast, 
202;   I.  !10,  224;  1792,  i. 

!.  274. 
'Columbia,1  bark,  on  Columbi 

ii.594. 
'Columbia,'  b:ig,    on   X.    W.    coast, 

1817 
Columbia  (Brit.),  voyages,  18 

I;  i.  341   2. 
Columbia  department,  limits  of,  under 

.   '.  '«>. .  i.  44S. 
Columbia  Fur  Co.,  formed,  i.  514,  ii. 

444. 
Columbia  medal,  i.  ISO. 
'Columbia  Rediviva,1 

!.  i.  250-2. 
Columbia 

1775,  i.  163;  d  names, 

.  I.  ii.  3i  v  ;  5 

;   Black   surveys, 
I    1.:. 

.  L24,  329. 

- 

Lored,   ii.    I    - 

I,  ii.   I  IT 

i  [anted,  ii. 
411; 

3;  dangers 
. 
1839      i.  611;  1     ,  ii.  673 

.  1829   !-', 
Li.  686. 
i  ■  Trading 

■  lilure,  ii. 

Columbi  a,  i.  645 

0. 


'Columbia,'  schooner,  on  X".  Y. 

I  J]  5,  i.  ■   13;  Dolly.' 

•Columbi.  . 

ii.  539. 
Columbus,  significance  of   early  dis- 
.    i.   •_':  theory  of   route  to 

India,  i.  5  6;  three 

theory  of  America,  i.  3  i. 
Colville,  A.,  Lon.  G  iv.   II.  B.  Co.,  ii. 

515;  din  b  S  >und  A,  I  !o., 

ii.  616. 
Colville,  Fort,  posl    11.  B.  Co.,  i.  4  18; 

built,  ii.  469;  agriculture  at,  ii.  472. 
Colvocoresis,    sui  Earbor, 

ii.  679. 
Comanches,  attack  \\  illiam 

ii.  128. 
Comcomlj  .  aief,  ii.  53,  1 75, 

207,  231;  saves   traders'   I 

L52  3; 

gall,    ii.    218-19;    a    turn 

231   2. 
Comekela,  native  chief  Nootka,  1788, 

i.  195. 
Commencement  bay,  named,  ii.  680. 
y,  ii.  177. 

■     . 

i.  391. 
Company  of  Adventurers  of  En 

in  Hudson  Bay,  see  II.  Bay 

Co. 
Company  Bay,  see  Barclay  Sound,  i. 

190;  l  ■ 
Company  of  Canada,  formed,  L  395, 

441. 
Com]  any  of  the  Indies,  succei 

India  Co.,  i.  398. 
Company  London,    licensed  by  East 

India  Co.,  ■ 

■ 

.  _'lb 
a    Point,    < iabrillo    i 
.  ..  14. 
Conibas    Lake,    in   Y, 

map,    1597,    i.    84;  in    Lov 

1598,    i.  85;    :  d.    to,  i. 

I    .;. 

Bee  Wytniet-Ptolem  .    ina  p, 

84. 
Conibia 
■ 
Connecticut  River, 

Connolly,  with  fur  brigade,  ii.   171 :  at 
|  174;  at  ( Ikana- 

.    198;  punish 


724 


INDEX. 


Connolly,  Jas.,  chief  factor,  ii.  470, 
496. 

Connolly,  W.,  wife  of ,  i.  543;  in  New 
Caledonia,  ii.  470,  516. 

Connolly,  Fort,  built,  ii.  470. 

Connolly  River,  J.  Douglas  explores, 
ii.  488. 

Conolly  Lake,  post  Hudson  Bay  Co. , 
i.  448. 

Conosset,  Fonte's  story,  i.  116. 

Consag,  Father,  declares  Cal.  a  pen- 
insula, i.  125. 

'  Constantine,'  brig,  in  S.  F.  Bay,  ii. 
659. 

Continent,  Northern,  apex  of,  i.  404. 

Contra  Costa  de  Florida,  Cardona 
names,  i.  102. 

'  Convoy,' on  N.  W.  coast,  1824,  1829- 
30,  i.  341;  ii.  442-3;  1836,  i.  342. 

Cook,  explores  Yellowstone,  ii.  31. 

Cook,  on  question  N.  W.  coast,  ii. 
353. 

Cook,  Capt.  Jas.,  surveys  Alaskan 
Peninsula,  1778,  i.  31;  a  voyage, 
etc.,  i.  166;  on  N.  W.  coast,  1778, 
i.  167-72;  ii.  318-19,  330,  357;  map, 
1778,  i.  169;  opens  fur  trade,  i. 
347-8,  370;  Mackenzie's  exped.,  i. 
696;  route  of,  i.  659;  description  of 
sea-otter,  i.  343-4;  fate,  i.  358; 
Indians  attack,  i.  364;  fur-trading, 
i.  367. 

Cook  Inlet,  surveyed,  i.  296-7. 

Cook  River,  Portlock  and  Dixon 
reach,  1786,  i.  178. 

Coolidge,  R.  D.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1788,  i.  189,  217,  225;  1792,  i. 
265. 

Copalla  Lake,  see  Ibarra's  explora- 
tions, i.  52-3;  see  Onate,  explora- 
tions, i.  90;  route  to,  i.  105. 

Coppermine  River,  Hearne  descends, 
1770,  i.  28;  discovered,  i.  012;  ii.  2; 
see  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  66. 

Cordillera,  defined,  i.  61S;  passes 
through,  i.  617-65. 

Cordoba,  voyage,  1517— IS,  i.  11;  Elisa 
anchors  at,  1791,  i.  246. 

Cornelius,  Indian  chief,  ii.  679. 

Cornoyer,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 

Coronado,  Francisco  Vasquezde,  visits 
Zufii  Pueblo  Towns,  1540,  i.  16,  ex- 
plorations, 1540-3,  i.  16-17, 44;  expe- 
dition toQuivira,  i.  45-6. 

Corrigal,  trader,  attacked,  i.  570. 

Cortereal,  Anus,  i.  55. 

Cortereal,  in  Minister's  map,  1545,  i. 
48. 

Cortereals,  near  Greenland,  i.  11,  36, 
55-6. 


Cortes,   II.,    ambition,   i.   3;    expedi- 
tions, 1519,  i.  11;   western  coast  of 

Mexico,  i.  13;  on  Niza's  reports,  i. 

43;  conquers  Mexico,  i.  379;  method 

of  converting,  i.  550. 
Cortes,  F,  in  Colima,  1524,  i.  13,  39. 
Cortin,  with  fur-brigade,  ii.  471. 
Cosa,  voyage  in  1504—5,  i.  10. 
Cossacks,   traverse   Siberia,   1600-50, 

i.  29. 
Cotting,  voyage,  182S-30,  i.  341. 
Cotton,  see  Cotting,  i.  341. 
Couch,   ('apt.,  on  Columbia,   1840,  i. 

342,  ii.  686-7. 
Coulter,  in  Mex.  and  Cal.,  ii.  407. 
Council  Bluffs,  named,  ii.  12. 
Coureur  desbois,  see  voyageur,  i.  414, 

423;  method  of  trade,  i.  552. 
Courtois,    F.,  Mackenzie's   exped.,  i. 

673. 
Couthony,  J.  P.,  on  exploring  exped., 

ii.  669. 
Cowles,    T.,    on   north-west  passage, 

1573,  i.  61. 
Cowlitz,  on  Cal.  coast,  1841,  ii.  658- 

60,  688;  on  N.  W.  coast,  ii.  661. 
Cowlitz  Pass,  location,  i.  645. 
Cowlitz,  post,  Hudson  Bay  Co.,  i.  44S; 

attacked,  ii.  277-8. 
Cowlitz   Prairie,    fanning    begun,    ii. 

612-14,  619;  Work  surveys,  ii.  613. 
Cowlitz  River,  see  Lewis  andC.  exped., 

ii.  49,  60. 
Cowlitz  Valley,  farming,  1S37,  ii.  612- 

13;  1S45-51,  ii.  613;  Jesuits  in,  ii. 

613. 
Cox,  clerk  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  203-5,  23S- 

9;  with  North-west  Fur  Co.,  ii.  259, 

264;  leaves  Fort  George,  ii.  270. 
Cox  Cape,  Strange  names,  1786,  i.  ITS; 

see  Dixon's  map,  17S7,  i.  ISO. 
Cox  Channel,  Capt.  Chanal  surveys, 

i.  255. 
Cox  Port,  see  Clayquot  Sound,  17SS, 

i.  197;  mutiny  at,  178S,  i.  200. 
Coxe,  his  untruthfulness,  i.  123. 
Coxe,    Daniel,    geography  of  1722.  i. 

122-3. 
Coxton,  Captain,  geography  of,  i.  122. 
Coyote,  habitat,  i.  412. 
Craven,  T.  T.,  on  exploring  exped., 

ii.  669. 
Creor,  T. ,  trader,  attacked,  i.  570. 
Crespi,  on  Perez  exped.  1773,  i.  151; 

diary  Perez  voyage,  i.  152-3. 
Criminals,  at  Fort  George,  ii.  267. 
Crittenden,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  394, 

406. 
Crocker,  voyage  1799,  i.  30S;  1S02,  i. 

311. 


INDEX. 


ad,  1844, ii.  701. 
i  .  i.  391. 

i  -.  17":  on 

i  '  •,   veneration  of  voyageurs 

.  i.  341. 
Crowell,  ■  Gray,  1791,  i. 

Crow  Indians,    Williams'  expedition 

among,  ii.  127. 
Crown,  receives  Port  Royal,  1654,  i. 

Crown  Point,  English  take,   1759,  i. 

401. 

.  opinion  of  liquor,  i.  547. 
i  .    . .:   i-   ■  t     Louisiana; 

monopolies  of,  i.  o'Jl,  591-2. 
Cruzatte,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  17, 

75. 
Crnzatte  River,  named,  ii.  4G. 
Cuadra  and  Vancouver  Island,  named 
Ira  and  Vancouver,  i. 

. 

Cuadra,  Juan  P.,  Heceta's  exped  .1 ,  75, 

i.  158-66,  ii.  318;  Arteaga's  exped., 

177.'.  i.  173;  buys  t'.ie 'Adventure,' 

i.  264;  Nootka  controversy,  i.  285-7; 

commissioner,  death,  i.  -  5. 

I  map  i  f  Apianus,  L575,  i.  56. 

Cubirago,  in  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map, 

.  i.  84. 
Culaworl  '   journal,  ii.  133. 

ivels,  i.  63. 
Culiac  n,  Guzman  fortifies,  1531.  i.  16; 
■:.  42;  Nizalea 
i.  43. 
Curry,  Thos.,  fur-trader,  i.  554. 
Cushifl      '  ,  ii.  537. 

I  ,  C.,  on  (Jr.  Quesdon,  ii.  391, 

Cushooks,  see  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  62. 


Dacotaks,  stories  of  the  -west,  i.  607- 
10. 

N".  W.  coast.    1792,   i 
i 
i  ;.  i.  489. 

i  i and  C.  exped. 

44;  hos 
I  Indians  at,  ii.  "210;  trading 
icthodist 
ii  677. 

•  ii  d,  i.  17'.'. 

on  Cal.  geography,  llibii,  i.  112. 


Dana,  J.  D. ,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii. 

L6,  i. 

1836,  i.  311. 

lant,  i.  358. 
Dashk  en.,  ii.  140. 

Dauphin,  Fort,  built,  i 
Davenport,  I'.  L.,on<  sploring exped., 

Davidson,  trailer,  ii.  55. 

Davidson,   Capt.,    on    X.    W.    coast, 

1800,  i.  ::  18;  ii.  r,r,. 
Davila,  Gil  Gonzalez,  in  Nicaragua,  i. 

13. 
Davis,  ('apt,  at  Sitka,    1810,   ii.   1  W. 
Davis,  II.,  record  of  J  a;  ai 

etc.,  ii.  532. 

i.    IS; 

on  N.  W.  pa  sage,  i.  65;  on  Drake'.; 

voyage,  i.  140. 
Davis,  W.  H.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1S10- 

11,  i.  325;  merchant,  ii.  130. 
D'Avity,  Pierre,  map  of  1037,  i.  107. 
D'Avougour,<  tov.,  seizes  Rupert  Land, 

.'..  with    P.   Fur  Co.  exped.,  ii. 

L79,  In!.  !  es  Astoria, 

ii.  19S;  dies  insane,  ii.  199. 
Deans,  on  Columbia,  ii.  471. 
Dearborn  Fiver,  named,  ii.  20;  Lewis 

and  ('.  exped.,  ii.  72. 
Dease,  J.  W.,  death,  ii.  516. 
Dease,    P.   W.,  at  McLeod  Lake,  ii. 

463;  at  Okanagan,  ii.  498;  in  New 
oia,  ii.  516. 
Deception  Bay,  Meares  names,  1788, 

i.  198. 
Dccoigne,   at   Rocky  Mt.   House,   ii. 

1,  H.  Bay  Co.,  1834,  i.  452; 
ii.  304,  307-15. 

tbitat,  i.  112. 
i  e  Lewis  and  C.  exped., ii. 49. 
Deer  Lodge  Pass,  location,  i. 

roes,    massacres    .Spaniards, 
1568,  i.  19. 

.'  ship,  destroyed,    I 

a1  Sandwich  Is.,  IS:  I 

.,    1 7 15.  i.   119;  map 

on  1  >  :■'..    -  voya  ;e,  i.  141. 
Delouisa,    P.,    mate,     1803,    i.     312; 

death,  i.  315. 
Demcrs,  Jesuit  missionary,  ii. 

613. 
De  M< nits,  Sieur,  see  Pierre  du  Guat, 

i.  385  7. 


726 


INDEX. 


Denys,  explores  St  Lawrence,  i.  11. 
Depot,  P.,  Or.  settler,  ii.  500-1. 
Derby,  on  K  W.  coast,  1801,  i.  310; 

1802,  i.  312;  1807,  i.  324. 
Des  Chutes  River,  Lewis  andC.  exped., 

ii.  41-2,  64,  66. 
'Descubierta,'   corvette,    on    N.    W. 

coast,  1791,  i.  249-50. 
'  Desdemona,'  bark,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 
Deshon,   Capt.,   N.   W.    fur-trade,  i. 

350. 
Deslard,  Or.  settler,  ii.  529. 
De  Smet,  P.  J.,  Jesuit  missionary,  ii. 

53S,  702. 
Destruction  Isl. ,  Heceta  sights,  i.  100; 

locates,  1775,  i.  103;  Meares  sights, 

17SS,  i.  197. 
Destruction  River,  see  Barclay's  voy- 
age, 1787,  i.  182. 
Detortcle,  at  Nootka,  1788,  i.  197. 
Detroit,  Fort,  description,  i.  486. 
De  Troyes,  attacks  English,  i.  441. 
Devil's  Scuttle-hole,  named,  ii.  186. 
De   Wolf,    Capt.,    on   K    W.    coast, 

1805,  i.  320. 
'Diana,'  on  Columbia,   1837,  i.  342; 

ii.  687. 
D'Iberville,  L.,  colonizes  Louisiana,  i. 

393;  attacks  English,  i.  441-2. 
Dickerson,   on  title  N.  W.   coast,  ii. 

360-2;  on  Or.  question,  ii.  425. 
Dickson,  trader,  ii.  75. 
Disappointment,  Cape,  Heceta  sights, 

i.  163;  Meares  names,  i.  198;  H.  Bay 

Co.  post  at,  i.  448;  see  Lewis  and  C. 

exped.,  ii.  52-3,  58. 
'Discoveiy,'  cruise  on  N.  W.   coast, 

1778,  i.   167-72;  1792,  i.  274,281; 

1793,  i.  291;  1794,  i.  296,  299;  1796, 

i.   304;  in  Hudson  Strait,   1610,  i. 

438. 
'Discovery,'  sloop,   in  Hudson  Bay, 

1719,  ii.  305. 
Diseases  among  Indians,  ii.  502-4,  602. 
'Dispatch,' on  1ST.  W.   coast,   1796,  i. 

305-6;  1799,  i.  308;  1801,  i.  310. 
Dixon,    on   N.  W.    coast,    1785-7,    i. 

178-81;  1786,  i.  354-5. 
Dixon,    vice-admiral,    in    Pacific,    ii. 

290. 
Dixon  Bay,  Dixon  visits,  1787,  i.  179. 
Dixon's  Entrance,  Perez  approaches, 

i.  154;  La  Pcrouse  visits,  i.  175. 
Dixon  Straits,  Dixon  names,   17S7,  i. 

ISO. 
Doane,  G.  C,  explores  Yellowstone, 

i.  31. 
Dobbs,  A.,  map,   1774,  i.  123;  views 

on    X.    \V.    passage,    1744,    i.    124; 

opposes  H.  Bay  Co.,  i.  446. 


Dobson,  J.,  Fremont's  servant,  ii.  694. 

Dodd,  voyage,  1800,  i.  308;  mate 
'Beaver,'  1836,  ii.  642;  at  Fort 
Stikeen,  ii.  653,  662. 

Dodge,  Asa,  voyage,  1798,  i.  306. 

Dogs,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.  eat,  ii.  39- 
40,  45;  Hunt's  party  eat,  ii.  187-8. 

Dog's  sled,  description,  i.  430. 

'Dolly,'  schooner,  launched,  i.  328; 
ii.  176;  on  N.  W.  coast,  i.  334. 

Dolores,  see  Destruction  Island. 

Dominguez,  reaches  Utah  Lake,  i.  28, 
612,  639. 

Dominis,  Capt.,  onX.  W.  coast,  1S29- 
30,  i.  341;  ii.  442-3.  503,  560,  687; 
on  Alaskan  coast,  1839,  i.  342;  on 
Cal.  coast,  1S34,  ii.  636-7. 

Donner  Pass,  i.  651. 

Dorion,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  10, 
13. 

Dorion,  P.,  with  P.  Fur  Co.  exped., 
ii.  179,  184,  187,  218,  246-7. 

Dorion's,  Madame,  ad  venture,ii.  246-8. 

Dorr,  voyage,  1796,  i.  305;  1801,  i. 
310;  in  fur  trade,  i.  359. 

Douglas,  on  Oregon  question,  ii.  402. 

Douglas,  David,  in  the  north-west, 
1824-34,  ii.  507-11;  appearance,  ii. 
508;  death,  ii.  509;  quarrel  with 
Black,  ii.  510. 

Douglas,  Jas.,  saves  McLeod's  life, 
ii.  469;  builds  Fort  Connolly,  ii. 
470;  with  fur-brigade,  ii.  471;  ad- 
venture with  Indians,  ii.  473-5; 
at  Fort  St  James,  ii.  473-5,  495; 
explores  Connolly  River,  ii.  48S;  re- 
ceives Simpson,  ii.  495,  6.30;  move- 
ments, 1834,  ii.  530-1;  trip  to  Cal., 
1840-1,  ii.  539-41;  at  Fort  Van- 
couver, 1837,  ii.  603;  1839,  ii.  620; 
surveys  Cowlitz  prairie,  ii.  613 ; 
manager  Puget  Sound  A.  Co.,  ii. 
617;  resigns  H.  Bay  and  Puget 
Sound  A.  Co.,  ii.  618;  establishes 
Fort  Stikeen,  ii.  644,  646;  Fort 
Tako,  ii.  647-8;  becomes  McLough- 
lin's  coadjutor,  ii.  703. 

Douglas,  John,  introduces  Fuca  to 
Lok,  1596,  i.  70. 

Douglas,  Capt.  W.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
178S,  i.  191-2,  194-5,  200;  17S9-90, 
i.  205,  209-10,  213-10;  journal,  i. 
200;  1791,  i.  255;  1792,  i.  205;  ves- 
sel seized  by  Spaniards,  i.  213-16. 

Douglas  Entrance,  see  Dixon  Entrance, 
1788,  i.  200. 

Douglas,  Fort,  captured  by  N.  W. 
Co.,  i.  578-9. 

'Dove,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1S.00,  i. 
308. 


INDEX. 


727 


.  Dr.,  suicide  of,  ii.  2 
.  1506,  i.  10. 
i  Ichor,  explon 

rado,  and  Gila,  1540,  i.  16. 
1  m  north-west  passage, 

i.  132. 
•  :  ie  in  north-wi 

i.  306;  L799,  i.  307. 
Drake,  Sir  I'.,  on  Cal.  coast,  1579,  i. 
7.  61,  66,   137,   L39,  145,  ii. 
;!17:    World    Encompassed,  i.    141; 
question  of  tin'  latitude  he  reached, 
i.  145,  I  17. 
Drayton,  '  »ring  exped.,  ii. 

669,  » ;T : » ,  077,  at   Fort  Vancouver, 
ii.  077. 
!  urs,  i.  -1:11  :  trapper,  i. 

432. 
Drewyer  River,  named,  ii.  39. 

fui--trader,    i.   515;    trapping 

tour.  1832,  ii.  570-1. 

Drummond,  in  the  north-west,  ii.  407. 

'Dryad,' cruise  in  northwest,  1831   '_'. 

i.*  341;    1835;    i.   341;   at  Milhank 

Sound,  1833,  ii.  553;  on  Columbia, 

ii.  553. 

'Dryad,'  bark,  fort  exped.,  1834,  ii. 

30,  633-5. 
'Dryad,'  brig,  on  Columbia,  1834,  ii. 
642. 

Li.  177. 
Dubreuil,  with  1'.  Fur  Co.  exped.,  ii. 

Ducette,  i  sped.,   i. 

Duckworth,  in  Cal.,  1841,  ii.  541. 

I  J:  ii.   259, 

old. 

xplorea  Fuca  Strait,  i.  198 
200;  journal,  i.  199;  l<  tters,  i.  218- 
10;  voyage,  1792,  i.  2  6. 

Dunbar,  explores  Washita  River,  i. 
(ill. 

Duncan,  voyage,  1837,  1839,  i.  342. 

Duncan,  I 

N.  W. 
Dunn,    .!..    interpreter,    ii. 
I  bia,  1834,  ii.  642. 

i  ■  on,  ii.  l'7S;  re- 

hany  val- 
ley, L 

irned,    1758,    i. 

D  L  16,  19; 

Durham  .  >,  ii.  648. 


Dutch,  reach   Kara  Sea,  i.   29;   fur- 

tradei 
Dutch,  map,  1624,  i.  101. 

ing  exped.,  ii. 

669. 


E 


brig,    cruise  in   noi 
1819-20,  i.  340;  wrecked,  Li 
1835,  i.  oil. 

17^:1  I  m  Co.,  i.  210; 

monopoly,  i.  324,  ii.   111. 
W.  fur-trade, 

.   G.   W.,   trap] 

I ;  life,  ii.  4oS:  joins  II.  Hay 

( !o.,  ii.  458;  works,  ii.  458. 
Ebbetts,  ('apt-,  on  X.  W.  ci 

i.  311;  1803,  i.   ".I    \ 
.  325,  ii.  11''. 
Echeloots,   Lewis  ami  C.  exped.,   ii. 

44. 
'Eclipse,'  ship,  on  Cal.  coast,  1S03,  i. 

525. 

ibe,  Mount,  Cuadra  sights,  i. 

165. 
Edmonton.  Fort,  description,  i.  487. 
Edwards,  I'.  L.,  trip  to  Or.,  ii.  578. 
Eels,  Or.  missionary,  Li 
Effingham,  Fort,  see  Barclaj 

er  G.,  clerk  F.   Fur  Co..   ii. 
197. 
Eld,  surveys  Gray  Harbor,  ii.  679. 
'  Eleonora,' cruise  in  the  north-west, 

1789,  i.  212. 

'  Elisa,'cruise  in  the  north-west,  1798, 
1799,  i.  307. 

1790,  i.  239;  1791,  i.  244,  ! 

1792,  i.  283;  ii.  322;  ra  p,  1701,  i. 
245;    map,  Nootka  coast,    1 ,01,   i. 

bitat,  i.  412. 
Elk  <  Ireek,  named,  ii.  70. 
Elk  Rapids,  named,  ii.  16. 

i.,  member  Northv. 

i.  126. 

i.   15. 

ption,  i.  632. 
Emigranl  •  1843  9,  i.  634, 

qua,  ii. 


?28 


INDEX. 


England,  receives  Spanish  possessions 
east  of  Miss.,  1763,  i.  401;  obtains 
Canada,  lTGft,  i.  379;  claim  to  N. 
W.,  3S9-41G;  claims  discovery  of 
Sound,  i.  172;  Nootka  con- 
troversy, i.  227-38;  title  to  N.  W. 
coast,  ii.  335-88. 

English,  early  explorations,  i.  3;  1550- 
1750,  i.  27;  seek  Straits  of  Anian, 
i.  9;  settle  North  Carolina,  .1584-7, 
i.  19;  reach  Kara  Sea,  i.  29;  gov't 
offers  reward  for  discovery  N.  W. 
passage,  1774,  i.  1G9;  engage  N.  W. 
fur-trade,  i.  34G-9,  354;  drive 
French  from  Acadia,  i.  400;  discov- 
ery in  N.  America,  i.  437-8;  claim 
to  N.  W.  coast,  ii.  317-54. 

i    Chief,   Mackenzie's  tour,   i. 
66S. 

Ensenada  de  Caamano,  Quimper 
names,  i.  242. 

'Enterprise,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S01,  i. 
311;  1CC0,  i.  325;  ii.  339. 

Entrada  de  Perez,  Caamano  names; 
see  Dixon  Strait,  i.  267. 

Epidemics  at  Fort  Vancouver,  ii. 
503-4. 

Erie,  Lake,  French  reach,  1600-50,  i. 
22. 

Ermantinger,  at  Fort  Kamloops,  ii. 
49G-7;  at  Okanagan,  ii.  498;  Black's 
death,  ii.  512;  death,  ii.  519;  in 
Cal.,  1841,  ii.  GG0,  692. 

Ermine,  habitat,  i.  412. 

Escalante,  reaches  Utah  Lake,  I77G, 
i.  28,  612,  639. 

Escola  Creek,  named,  ii.  58. 

Eskimos,  Mackenzie  among,  i.  6G9. 

Espejo,  explores  New  Mexico,  1582-3, 
i.  29,  63. 

Espinosa,  Caspar  de,  explores  Gulf  of 
Nicoya,  1517,  i.  13. 

Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  see  travels  of  de 
Vaca,  1535,  i.  15. 

'Essex,'  frigate,  captured,  1813,  i. 
330;  in  Pacific,  1812,  ii.  225-6. 

Essington,  Port,  built,  ii.  635. 

Estrada,  J.  A.,  at  San  Jose,  ii. 
682. 

Estrccho  de  Bacalaos,  see  Rio  Colo- 
i.  63. 

Etches,  partnership  with  Meares,  i. 
210. 

Etholin,  Russian  dep.  gov.,  ii.  633, 
659. 

Etten,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 

,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1834, 
1836,  i.  341. 

Everett,  on  Or.  settlement,  ii.  3S8. 

Ewen,  his  voyages,  1792,  i.  2G5. 


Exploration,  summary,  1550-1800,  i. 
1-31;  state,  1550,  i.'lO,  15-17;  1650- 
1700,  i.  23-5;  1700-60,  i.  25-6; 
1750-1800,  i.  27;  in  New  World, 
1492-1550,  i.  10-18. 

Explorer,  the,  last  of  N.  W.  coast, 
1S01-18,  i.  310-40;  qualities  neces- 
sary for,  i.  593. 

Express,  early  Overland,  character, 
route,  i.  4G3. 


Factory,  Fort,  see  Fort  Bourbon,  i.  591. 

Faincaut,  Cowlitz  farmer,  ii.  013. 

'Fair  American, 'on  N.  W.  coast,  1789, 
i.  212. 

Falcon,  Cape,  Heceta  names,  i.  1G4. 

False  Nitinat,  see  Hostility  Bay,  i, 
199. 

False  Tillamook,  see  Cape  Falcon,  i. 
1G4. 

Fanny  Is.,  Lewis  and  C.  ex.,  ii.  GO. 

Farallones,  Perez  sights,  1773,  i.  15G; 
seal-hunting  on,  1810,  i.  ■ 

Faran,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  408. 

Farcier,  at  Pocky  Mt.  House,  ii.  92-3. 

Faries,  H.,  goes  east,  ii.  2  J. 

Farnham,  P.,  clerk,  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
144,  194,  203,  205,  235. 

Farnham,  T.  J.,  works,  ii.  608-9:  Or. 
exped.,  ii.  60S-9. 

Farnham  and  Fry,  merchants,  N.  Y. , 
ii.  639. 

Faron,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 

'Favorita,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1779,  i. 
172-3. 

'Fawn,'  brig,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

Fawnie,  Indian  chief,  i.  G93. 

Fear  Point,  Barclay  names,  1787,  i.  183. 

'Felice,' at Nootka,  1788,  i.  191-5,  200, 
202;  on  N.  W.  coast,  1789-90.  i. 
209-10. 

'  Felice  Adventurero,'  cruise  in  north- 
west, 1792,  i.  266. 

Felipe  III.,  finds  account  of  north- 
west passage,  1598,  i.  87-100. 

Fenix,  cruise  in  north-west,  1792,  i. 
26G. 

Ferdinand  of  Spam,  i.  437. 

Ferrelo,  B.,  succeeds  Cabrillo  on  N. 
W.  coast,  1544-5,  i.  17, 137-9.  ii.  31 7. 

Fever,  intermittent,  at  Fort  Vancou- 
ver, ii.  525-G. 

Fever  and  ague,  among  Columbia  Riv. 
Indians,  ii.  503. 

Fidalgo,  Lieut.  8.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1790,  i.  240-1,  ii.  322;  1792,  i.  283, 
2SG,  289;  1793,  i.  291,  293,  29G;  1790, 
ii.  322. 


INDEX. 


729 


Fidler,  P.  370;  Missouri  ex- 

L.  612. 

I  .     I  : 

.   bears  Maldona- 

F 

•]  on  N.  W.  coast,    1790,  L. 

Filipinos,  Riode,  Salvador's  report  on, 

1751,  i.  127. 
'Filipino,*!  uow,  on  N.  W.  coast,  i.  239. 
Finch,  1'..  J...  Bettler,  Cowlitz  Valley, 

ii.  614. 
Fine,  I  map,  L531,  i.  41. 

Finlay,  •  ' 

hment,  i.  67< 

plores  Peace  and 
I  th,  ii.  b7; 

I     :..  ii.  :._  i. 
Finlay  R  .  i.  <>74;  Indians, 

accoun 
]  Columbia, 

;   Fort  Vancouver,    1  137,  ii. 
:  builds  Fort  McLoi 

]  \  .  ncouver, 

i.  619-21;   a 

ii.  647-    :    1  541,  ii.  04'J;  on  the  Bea- 
. 
Fire-arms,  among  Fraser  River  Indi- 

.114. 
'Fire-Fl;  ..  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

I  Indian  food,  i.  695,  ii.  41,  44, 

i  .  wis  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 

Fitzberbert,  A.,  Nootka  controversy, 

Fitzbu  _ii  Sound,  Ilanna  names,  17S6, 

I  ith  Rocky  Mt.  Co.,  i. 

51 1,  ii.    153,  »  exped., 

!;  1834,  ii.  583;   i   3  i, 

I,   ii.   571;  guides  Fr<- 

m.  694. 

!  . ,   i.   592; 

Jesuits  among,  ii.  537,  7  _'. 
Fl  II.  Bay  Co.,  i. 

121. 
I  i.  628. 

I  '-.17  7. 

L  182;  ,1778,   i.    190; 

I   7. 
'Flavia,'  i   J.  i.  266; 

1  mbia  Fiver,  ii.  42. 

i 

1634,    : 


Flenrieu,  • 

.  I 
i     136; 

...    Vizcau 

i.  I 

pied,  i.  . 
Florida,  ,   i.  15; 

I 

i  ap,   154 1,  i. 
map,  1545,  i.  I  ,  1590,  i. 

■  S]  ain,    17  3,    i.    Wl  : 

'Florinda, 

343-4,  352, 

ii.  -II    .     20, 

i'l;.  ing  1  isn,  on  < 

.    ii.   669, 
679; 

e,  ii.  31. 

i.   M.VIS. 

.    i.   515;    with 

i.  (il  !;  trapping  tour, 

. 

Fonte  S  :  map,   i.    132; 

Tond,  fur-hunt( 

i.  :  12. 
Forbes,  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1841,  ii.  659. 

•  ;i3,  ii.  235. 
It,  1792,  i.  671-2. 
I 
613,  674. 
I 
i.  154;  named,  i.  j 

•'      :    "U   N". 

vv.  ■ 

.  J  . 

i.    1 1  I;  term  i 

tion  of 

i.  484  !  ...  i.  493  4; 

rules,   i. 

north-vi  ■ 

. 
i.  88;  I : 

1 
I   33,  • 

.  I ,  ,  % 
i.  160. 

. 
i.  37. 

eked,  i. 


730 


INDEX. 


Foil  Sang,  see  Jefferys'  map,  1768,  i. 
132. 

Fox,  E.  D.,  voyage  of,  ii.  149;  death, 
ii.  151. 

Fox  River,  Nicolet  reaches,  1636-8, 
i.  22,  106. 

Foxe,  visits  Hudson  Bay,  1613-12, 
i.  23. 

Foxes,  habitat,  i.  412. 

France,  American  possessions,  i.  379, 
303. 

France  antarctique,  see  South  Amer- 
ica, i.  3S0. 

France,  La  Nouvelle,  founded,  i.  380. 

Franchere,  G.,  on  Canoe  River,  ii.  123; 
clerk,  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  143,  177;  voy- 
age to  Astoria,  ii.  145-52;  explores 
Columbia,  ii.  169-70;  trading  voy- 
age, ii.  207;  trades  on  Columbia,  ii. 
207 ;  on  Fort  Astoria  transfer,  ii. 
223-4;  at  Fort  George,  1813,  ii. 
241-2,  244-5.' 

Francis  I.,  i.  379. 

Franciscans,  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  i.  19; 
in  New  France,  i.  3SS-9. 

Francisco,  in  Minister's  map,  1545,  i. 
48. 

'Francisco,'  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

Franklin,  Fort,  description,  i.  4S7. 

Frapp,  trapping  tour,  1S30,  ii.  010. 

Frase,  Paul,  at  Fort  Vermillion,  ii. 
493-4;  fort-building,  ii.  694. 

Fraser,  A.,  at  Fort  Douglas  fight,  i. 
578-9. 

Fraser,  S.,  journal,  ii.  89-90,  93-118; 
explorations,  i.  674,  G78,  682;  ii. 
89-118,  327-8;  character,  ii.  S9, 
100;  criticisms  on  Mackenzie's  voy- 
age, ii.  99,  103,  107;  atFortChipe- 
wyan,  ii.  278;  at  Fort  Dun  vegan, 
ii.  279. 

Fraser,  Fort,  built,  ii.  111. 

Fraser  Lake,  post,  Hudson's  Bay  Co., 
i.  418. 

Fraser  River,  Galiano  sees,  1792,  i. 
27;);  described  by  Indians,  i.  077; 
discovered  by  Spaniards,  i.  6S4: 
Mackenzie  on,  i.  6S4-5;  map  of,  ii. 
113;  Fraser  explores,  ii.  113-19; 
scenery,  ii.  117-19;  Mackenzie  ex- 
plores, 1703,  i.  28;  iL330;  McMil- 
lan explores,  ii.  40 /-S;  Simpson 
i,  ii.  479;  map  of  lower,  ii. 
480;  salmon  trade,  1829,  ii.  487. 

Frazier  Creek,  named,  1805,  see  foot- 
note, ii.  21,  23. 

'  Fredie,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1821, 
i.  340. 

Fremont,  J.  G,  surveys  Or.  road,  i. 
632;  in  Utah  basin,  "i.  641,  050;  in 


the  Sierras,  i.  646;  explores  Pitt 
River,  i.  048;  in  Or.,  18*2,  ii.  694- 
5;  in  Cal.,  ii.  696. 

French,  fort  at  Quebec,  1543,  i.  14; 
massacre  Spaniards,  Florida,  1568, 
i.  19;  colonize  Canada,  i.  22;  explore 
and  claim  Miss,  valley,  i.  23-0;  set- 
tle Louisiana,  1699,  i.  24;  reach 
Rocky  Mts.,  i.  26;  as  explorers, 
1550-1750,  i.  27;  explore  upper 
Miss,  1700-50,  i.  20;  explore  N. 
W.  coast,  17S5,  i.  174-7;  1791,  i. 
255-7;  engage  in  north-west  fur 
trade,  i.  355-8;  ii.  3,  624;  settle 
Miss,  valley,  1699,  i.  393;  attack 
forts  H.  Bay  Co.,  i.  440-2;  system 
of  Indian  trade,  i.  552-3;  driven 
from  Acadia,  i.  400;  seize  Rupert 
Land,  i.  440-1;  on  N.  W.  coast,  ii. 
662-3. 

French  Canadians,  as  boatmen,  i.  424. 

French  Huguenots,  colonize  Florida, 
1502-5;  destroyed,  i.  19. 

French  Prairie,  first  settler  on,  ii.  500. 

French  and  Indian  War,  cause,  events 
of,  ends  Treaty  of  Paris,  Feb.  10, 
1763,  i.  400-1. 

Fretum  Trium  Fratrum,  tradition  of, 
i.  55. 

Freytas,  Padre,  diary  of,  i.  109. 

Friendly  Cove,  Cook  names,  177S,  i. 
170. 

Friendly  Village,  Mackenzie's  voyage, 
i.  094,  702. 

Frisius  Gemma,  amends  map  of  Apia- 
nus,  1575,  i.  56. 

Frobisher,  B.,  fur-trading  exped., 
1770,  i.  554;  partner  N.  W.  Co.,  i. 
555-6. 

Frobisher,  Jos.,  fur-trading  exped., 
1775,  i.  554;  partner  N.  W.  Co.,  i. 
555-0. 

Frobisher,  M.,  explorations,  1576-8, 
i.  18;  reports  a  N.  W.  passage,  i. 
00. 

Frondoso,  Cabo,  see  Point  Adams,  ii. 
57. 

Frontenac,  Count  de,  is  superseded  in 
Canada,  i.  394. 

Frost,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  674. 

Fruit  trees,  first  on  Columbia,  ii.  441. 

Fuca,  Juan  dc,  story  of   ".. 

.  i.   70  2;  voyi    c  discussed,   i. 
73-S1. 

Fuca,  pillar  of,  i.  79-80. 

Fuca,    Straits   of,    common    meeting- 
point  of  various  explorati 
alleged  discovery  by  Fuca,  i.  7u-Sl; 
map  of,  i.  78;  Jefi'crys'  map,  1708, 
i.     132;    CorteV    observations     on, 


m 


1778,i.  170;  Haswell  writes  on,  1788, 

197;  Duffin     splon  s,   17  <8,  i.  198- 
I : ;  Gray  and  Kendrick  cuter, 

Barclaj  -  •;  named, 

ii.  32]  '  ii.  322. 

Funter,  i 

1789,  i.  209  L0,  216. 
Fur,  term,  i.  457;  remarks  on,  i.  458; 

: 

46,   i.  468;  sold  by  the  i 
465;  yield,  B.  A.,  1835,  i.  503-4. 
de,  description,  i.  427-31. 
laneous  trading,  i.  466. 

Fur-districts,  Pacific  States,  i.  414. 

Fur-hunl  H4-36;  hospital- 

ity, i.  421;  compared  to  miners,  i. 
421;  dress,   i.  431;    food,    : 
mortality    among,    i.    518;  recrea- 
ti  us.  i.  519;  in  north-w<  4.  ii.  340. 

Fur-hunting,  i.  414-oG;  dangers  of,  ii. 
444-5. 

Fur  monopolies,  New  France,  i.  3S3- 
1-9. 

Fur-posts,  Pacific,  description,  i.  485- 

Fur-trade,  on  X.  W.   coast,    17S9,  i. 
243,  255,  261;  on  < 

China,   i.    345-8,    321-4:  American 
system,  i.  362-3;  condition, 

i;  in  New 
under     British 

auspices,      inn;    L843,     i.     436-81; 
profits,   i.    466  8,  ii.   174, 
Atlantic  slope,  i.  499-504;  history, 
U.  S.,  i.  4!        -   :  • 
tween  that  of  Canada  and  I".  S.,  i. 
502-5. 
Fur-trade  in  Mi  721    1826, 

3,  r.  s., 

i.  r>l  1-27;  rivalry  of  nati 

505-G;  on  N.  W.  coast,  i.   521-8; 

outfit,  i.  52] : 

.   W.   coast,   ii. 

X.  VV.  coast,  I;  dangers 

of,  ii. 

W.  maritirn 

77:    1 ' 

: 
: 

] 


Hudson,  i.  300;   Dn 

. 

1829,  i. 
I    dians,   i.  529- 

i.  552- 

3;  method  of  ji 

ploration  of  American,  ii.  I 


Gagarin,  Princess   at   Fort    I 

J.  T>.,  at  TJmpqua, 
7    -. 
Gagnon,  at  Pocky  Mt.  Hou 
Gairdner,  arri\  i 

Gale,W.  A.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1S09, 

131-4;  journi  1.  ii.  1 
( rali,  I'.  ■ 

1584,  i.  2o.  26  7.  L37,  I 

I »..  on  X.  W.  coa 
270,  279,  ii.  :i22:  map,  17. 
Galiano  Island,  supposed  site  of  Fuca's 
Pillar,  i.  7'.». 

ipports  Verendrye,   i. 
596. 
Gallatin,   A.,   commissioner,   on  title 
X.  W.  coast,  .  -77  9, 

1,    ii.  22;    Lev.  is 
and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70. 

.  settler  Cowlitz  Valley, 
ii.  614. 

north-west  ex- 
ploration, i.  14 
Gamblin 

i  Ompqua, 

1  >:;.->.  i.  341,  ii.  525. 

lition  in   15] 

i    11. 

Li.  137. 
Gauntle  . 


732 


INDEX. 


234;  built,  ii.  112,  328;  see  Astoria, 

ii.  238,  331;  lav,- at,  ii.  253-4;  policy 

of  X.  W.  Co.,  at,  ii.  2G5-G;  trade, 

1819,  ii.  2S9>;  destroyed,  ii.  711. 
Georges  Point,  named,  i.  281. 

:V,  mythic,  of  X.  W.  coast, 

i.   32-GJ;  western  physical,  i.  617- 

18. 
Georgia,     Spaniards     explore,     1540; 

French  explore,  15G2-5,  i.  19. 
Geroni,  with  Missouri  Co.,  i.  014. 
'Gertrudis,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1789,  i. 

210. 
Ghent,  treaty,  i.  403;  terms,  ii.  290, 

291-5. 
Giapam,  mythical  island  off  Cal.,  1S5G, 

i.  49. 
Gibson  River,  named,  ii.  81. 
Giehitz  on  X.  W.  coast,  1806,  i.  322. 
Gila  Pass,  location,  i.  G59. 
Gila,  Rio,  Diaz  near,  1540,  i.  1G;  Kino 

traverses,    1690-1700,  i.  25;    Anza 

establishes  route  bj-,  17G9,  i.  28. 
Gilbert,   Sir  H.,    views   of   Strait   of 

Anian,  i.  57-9. 
Gillam,    Capt.    Zachary,    voyage    to 

Hudson  Day,  1GGS,  i.  439. 
Gilroy,  John,  first  foreign  resident  of 

Cal.,  1814,  i.  333. 
Gist,  C,  explores  Ohio  valley,  i.  505. 
Glade  Creek,  named,  ii.  36. 
Glanville,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1S07-S,  i. 

324. 
Glasenof,   explores  Yukon   valley,   i. 

626. 
Glenora,  Fort,  built,  ii.  635. 
'Globe,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1S01,  i. 

310. 
Glottof,  reaches  Kadiak  1563-5,  i.  30. 
Goddin  Creek,  name,  ii.  5S9. 
Gold,  Shelvocke  finds  in  Cal.,  1721-2, 

i.  21;  Sageau's  tale,  i.  590;  Carver's 

tale,  i.  610. 
'  Golden  Hind,'  cruise  on  Cal.  coast, 

1579,  i.  II  9. 
Golovnin,  Capt.  V.  M.,  at  Sitka,  1810, 

ii.  140. 
Gomara,   falsehoods   concerning   Qui- 

vira,  i.  45. 
Gomez,  E.,  explorations,   1525,  i.   12, 

39. 
Gordon,  at  Paget  Sound,  1844,  ii.  701. 
Gordon,  Capt.,    at   Xootka,    17J4,   i. 

297. 
Gore,  Cooke's  exped.,  1778,  i.  167. 
Gore  Pass,  location,  i.  636. 
Goulburn,  II.,  commissioner  on  title 

X.  V.  c       :.  ii.  336-8. 
Gourgr.es,  D.  de,  massacres  Spaniards, 

i.  381. 


Governor,  H.  Bay  Co..  i.  449-54. 

Governor  and  Company  of  Adven- 
turers of  England  tradin  -into Hud- 
son Bay,  The,  see  II.  Bay  Co. 

Grace,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1791,  i.  255; 
1792,  i.  2G5. 

Grahame,  at  Fort  Vancouver,  1800,  ii. 
710. 

Granata  Nova,  in  Wytfliet-Ptolemy 
map,  i.  82. 

Gran  China,  Bio's  location  of,  1582,  i. 
63. 

Grand  Khan,  realms  of,  supposed  dis- 
covery of,  i.  3. 

GranQuivira,  in  Velarde"s  Des 
i.  120. 

Gran  Teguayo,  in  Velarde's    . 
i.  120. 

Grant,  C,  at  Fort  Douglas  fight,  i. 
578-9. 

Grant,  Chas.,  commissioner,  title  X. 
W.  coast,  ii.  37S,  380. 

Grasshopper  Creek,  named,  ii.  24. 

Gravelines,  see  Lewis  and  C.  exped. 
ii.  15. 

Gray,  Capt.  R,  onX.  W.  Coast,  1788, 
i.  1S6-92,  202,  204,  ii.  321;  1 
201-7,  213;  1791,  i-  25  (-2;  1702,  i. 
258-61,  203-4,  274,  230;  t« 
regarding  the  'Iphigenia,'  i.  215; 
enters  Columbia  River,  i.  259-60, 
6S4,  ii.  323,  337,  356-9,  300;  later 
biograplry,  i.  200-1;  fur-trading,  i. 
361. 

Gray,  letter,  i.  2S6;  Indians  attack, 
i.  364. 

Gray,  W.  II.,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  535; 
as  an  authority,  ii.  536;  at  Waii- 
latpu,  ii.  G77. 

Gray  Bay,  named,  i.  2S1;  Lewis  and 
Clarke  at,  ii.  51. 

Gray  Harbor,  see  Bulfinch  Harbor,  i. 
259;  Whidbey  surveys,  1702,  i.  281; 
surveyed,  ii.  67 0. 

Great  Divide,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.  at, 
ii.  27,  30. 

Great  Liver  of  the  West,  see  Colum- 
bia, i.  610. 

Great  Salt  Lake,  foundation  f 

ical   lake,   i.   S2;    Mojave   Indians, 
nation  of,  i.  90;  discovered,  ii.  G10. 

Great  .Slave  Lake,  in  Low'smap,  1598, 
i.  80;  discovered,  i.  612. 

'  Great  Water;'  sec  ilixissippi.  i.  23. 

Great  Village,  see  Mackenzie's  voy- 
age, i.  GO  1-0,  701. 

Green,  trapping  journey,  1824,  ii.  447. 

Green  Bay,  Xicoiet  navigates,  1G34-5, 
i.  22,  !     i. 

Green,  J.,  among  Indians,  i.  191. 


INDEX. 


733 


Greenhow,  R.,  on  N".  W.  exploration, 

i.  L3  i;  on  |  ir.qut   bion  L  I 

•l !  1-15;  critii  L  157;  on 

American    fur-traders,    i.    364;    on 

Northwest,  ii.  342;  on  N".  fl  ,  f  ir- 

trade,  L846,  i.  376  7;  on  title  X.  W. 
:.  381 ;  his  work  .  ii.  414-15. 
I  free  i  I.  rer,  Eunt's  i 

183;  rendezvous,  18-J4,  ii.  447,  458; 

1834,  ii.  583. 

iimtry,"  map.  i 
<  !ape,  Cook  names,  1778,  i. 

L69.  ' 
Gregory,  fur-trader,  i.  666. 
Grenville,  Point,  Spaniards  anchored 

at,    177~>,   i.    160;    Meares  names, 

1788,  i.  L98. 
'Griffon,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1S25-S, 

i.  341. 
Grijalva,  1517-18,  i.  11  ;  voyage,  1533, 

i.  14. 
Grossclicz,  connection  with  La  Xou- 

velle  France,  i.  439-41;  explorations, 

Guadalupe  Pass,  location,  i.  G3S. 
Guat,  P.  du,  fur  monopoly  of,  i.  3S5. 
Guatazaca,  fabulous  old  woman,  i.  47. 
'Guatimozin,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1801, 
i.  310;  1807-8,  i.  324. 

i  !lisa  names,  i.  246. 

Jesuits,  i.  3SG. 
Guerra,  Josd,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1791, 

i.  249. 
Guerrero,  F.,  at  S.  F.  mission,  1S41, 

ii.  659. 
Guevara,  arrives  at  Tehuantepec,  i.  13. 

177. 
( ruismani  ;,  kingdom  of,  i.  91. 
Gulf  of  California,  Vizcaino  explores, 

1597,  i.  20-1. 
Gulf  of  <  lores,  i.  246. 

Gimpowder  trick,  ii.  275  -6,  091. 

fur  monopoly  of,  i. 
Guyralda,  A.   R.,  on  N.    W.    coast, 

1791,  i.  244. 
Guzman,]  arches  for  Seven 

1.  33,  i.  4_\ 
.    X.  de,    conquests,   1531,  i. 
16,  !  I :  lici  used  I  i  i  spli  re,  i.  46. 
I,  i.  30. 
Gyzelaar,  Capt.,  on  Cal.  coast,  181G, 


H 


Hacke's  Collection  of  V<  •         .  L  1 15. 
Hakluyt,  R.,  on  North1  est  P 

.  Sir  W. 
voyage, 
1589,  i.  L40;  L60  I,  L  141. 


cruii      ii  the  north - 

w<   t,  L792,  i.  265. 
Haldane,  trader,  atta 

570. 
I!,'  .   il..  on  X.   \Y.  coa  '.  1841,  ii. 
in  Cal.,  ii.  661,  688;  at  Fort 

Vancouver,    ii.    664  ;    on   exploring 

exped.,  ii.  669;  at  Colville,  ii.  679. 
Baley,  Capt.,  on  N.   fl 

i.  320;  Lewis  and  ( '.  exped.,  ii.  49, 

■   ■- 
Haley  Bay,  named,  ii.  55. 
Half-1  iter,  i.  419. 

'Half  Moon,'  yacht,  cruise,   1G09,  i. 

438,  500. 
Hall,  Fort,  post,  II.  Bay  Co.,  i.  448; 

Americans  build,  ii.  585  -8;  sold  to 

BE.  Bay  Co.,  ii.  i 

ii.  699,  700;  aband 

employ  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  207, 

234-5. 
Hamilton,  on    N.   W.   coast,   1S0G,   i. 

321;   L821,  i.  341;  L837,  i. 

on,  \V\,  death  of.  ii.  l-27. 
Hamlyn,    J>i\,   at  Fort  Lat 

ravels  with  Simpson,  ii.  491, 

495. 
Hammatt,  voyage,  1824,  i.  341. 
'Hampshire,' destroyed,  i.  I  12. 

Hancock,  trader,  ii.  75. 
'Hancock, 'brig,  on  X.  VV.  constv1791, 
i.  251;  1792,   i.   265;   17.::,   i.  294; 
L  308. 
Hancock    Harbor,    see    Clayoquot,    i. 

190;  Cray  surveys,  17     I,  i.  204    5. 
Hancock  River,  locati  a,  i  .5    I. 
Handle;  342. 

Haney,   Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  14. 
Hanging,  Indian,  ii.  'Jl.'J. 

'.   coast, 
17  ...  i.  17:;    i  1788,  i. 

197;  1785,  i.  3  '■'■■.  I 

Maquinna,  ii.  100. 
1 1.  S.,  in  New  Caledonia,  ii. 
•J77  87. 

.  I  >.  V..  v  .  '  277. 

Harmon.  I 

map,  ii.  2  11. 

710. 

L.de,  onfl    ' 

■.  i.  1 16. 
map  of,  17     ,  i.  1 14. 
Harvey,    Mrs,    a  i    an 

:   on  McLou  lili.:,  ii.  434  9. 
7   ,. 


734 


IXDEX. 


X.  W.  Coast,  1791,  i.  250;  1792,  i. 
261-3,  267;  commands  the  'Adven- 
venture,'  i.  259,  261-4;  log,  1792,  i. 
251,  262-3;  map  of  Xootka,  1792,  i. 
262. 
Hatch,  Boston  merchant,  i.  358. 
Hath  way,  Maj.,  at  Fort  Vancouver, 

1841,  ii.  710. 
Hawaiian  Is.,  H.  Bay  Co.  agency  at, 

ii.  522-3. 
Hayden,  F.  V.,  surveys  Or.   road,  i. 

632;  surveys  Yellowstone,  ii.  31. 
'Hazard,'  on  X.  W.   coast,   1797,  i. 
306;  179S,i.306;  1800,  L30S;  1801,  i. 
311;  1803,  i.  317;  1804,  i.  318;  1806, 
i.  322. 

ir  E.,  negotiates  with  H.  Bay 

Co.,  i.  469. 

Heale,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1806,  i.   321. 

Hearne,    S.,     discovers     Coppermine 

River,  1770,  i.  28,  440,  611-12,668, 

ii.    2,   305;    Gov.   Prince   of  Wales 

Fort,   1775,  i.  484;  journal,  i.  012. 

Heath,   at   Fort  Xiscpially,    1841,   ii. 

657. 
Heceta,  B.,  on  X.  W.  Coast,   17,5,  i. 
158,    160-1,  364,   ii.   318;  attacked 
by  Indians,  i.  161,  364. 
Heceta,  Enseflada  de  (mouth  of   Co- 
lumbia), Heceta  sights,  i.  163. 
Hector,  explores  Kicking  Horse  Pass, 

1S5S,  i.  623. 
Hector  Cape,  see  La  Perouse's  voyage, 

1786,  i.  175. 
Hego,  land  of,  see  Consag's  trip,  174S, 

i.  126. 
Hellgate  Pass,  location,  i.  62S. 
Hellgate  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  71. 
Hempstead,    T.,    with   Missouri   Fur 

Co.,  ii.  456. 
Hennepin,  Xouvelle  decouverte,  etc., 
i.  588;  explores  Mis.  River,  i.  24, 
588. 
Heimess  Pass,  location,  i.  650. 
Henry,   crosses  Rocky  Mts.,   180S,  i. 
511;  in  X.   W.    1809,  ii.  328;   fur- 
hunting,  1823,  ii.  444;  1822,  ii.  447; 
at  Fort  St.  John,  ii.  462. 
Henry  III.,  grants  patent  for  exclu- 
sive trade  on  St.  Lawrence,  15S8,  i. 
383. 
Henry  VII.,  i.  437. 
Henry  VIII. ,  i.  379. 
Henry,  A.,  builds  Fort  Henry;  death, 
ii.   129;  arrives  Astoria,  i.  231;  in 
Willamette  Valley,  ii.  244. 
Henry,  Fort,  built,  i.  129;  abandoned, 

ii.  184. 
Henry  House,  location,  ii.  122. 


Henry,    Prince   of    Portugal,    signifi- 
cance of  explorations,  i.  2. 
'Herald,' cruise  in  north-west,  1824, 

i.  311. 
Heras,  Don  Manuel  de  las,  commis- 
sioner Xootka  controversy,   i.  289; 
Hergest,    Richard,    Lieut.,    sent    to 

Xootka,  killed,  i.  287. 
Heron,  Jas.,   at  Fort  Chipewyan,  ii. 

493. 
Heroux,  U.,  kills  McLoughlin,  Jr.,  ii. 

652. 
Herrera,  map  of  1601,  i.  88. 
'Hetty,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1802,  i. 

311. 
Heylyn,  reproduces  Harris'  map,  1701, 

i.  115. 
Hickey,  Capt.  J.,  on  Columbia,  i.  339; 

ii.  293. 
Hickley,  Capt.  W.  S.,  on  X.  W.  coast, 
1837,  i.  342,  ii.  087;  Cal.  settler,  ii. 
6S7. 
Higgins  Creek,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  71. 

Hill,  Capt.  S.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1796, 

i.   305;    1797,   i.   306;  1805,  i.  315, 

320;  1811,  i.  326;  1806,  ii.  60,  162-3. 

Hillyer,    Commodore,    in    Pacific,   ii. 

232. 
Hines,    on   H.   Bay^Co.,   i.  539;   Or. 

missionaries,  ii.  676. 
Hippa  Is.,  named,  i.  1,9. 
Hoback,  J.,  with  P.  Fur  Co.  exped., 

ii.  181,  1S4,  246. 
Hoback  River,  see  Hunt's  exped.,  ii. 

183. 
Hochelaga,  report  of  country  of,  i.  42. 
Hog  Island,  Martinez  fortifies,  i.  216; 

Fidalgo  fortifies,  179::,  i.  203. 
Holladay's  stage  road,  i.  633. 
Holman,  Peoria  party,  ii.  609-10. 
Holman,  Jos.,  with  Farham's  exped., 

ii.  609. 
Holmes,  voyage,  1836,  i.  342. 
Holmes,     H.     A.,  __  on     geographical 

knowledge,  i.  615. 
Holsapple,  C,  settler,  Cowlitz  Valley, 

ii.  614. 
Holt,  killed,  i.  379. 
Home,  commands  Beaver,  1836,ii.642. 
Homem,  map  of,  1558,  i.  50. 
Homer,  B.  P.,  merchant,  ii.  130. 
Hondius,  map,  1595,  i.  6S,  104. 
Honduras  Pass,  location,  i.  662. 
Honolulu,  H.  Bay  Co.  agency,  at,  ii. 

522-:i. 
Hontan,  journey,  16S8,  i.  112,  his  ficti- 
tious discoveries  in  Harris'  map,  i. 
115,  122;  discoveries  in  Dobbs'  map, 
1744,  i.  125. 


Hood  Canal,  explored,  ii.  <'>73. 

ii.  45,  48,  61. 
iver,  ii.  45. 

h  of,  ii.  259. 

.    1.  i.  251, 

Hope  Bay,  Cook  names,  177s.  i.  L70; 

I  -i  Hudson  Bay  Co.,  i. 

448. 
Hopkins  accompanies  Simps 

rt  Nisqually,  L841,  ii. 

657;  inCal.,  ii.  661. 
],  ntaSatur- 

nina,  i.  244;  on  X.  W.  ca 

] 

:  River  Pass, 

i.  620. 
Horn,  *'apc,  Kendrick  rounds,   17SS, 

■    eek,  named,  ii.  79. 
i  i  sh,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.  eat, 

ii.  36  7:  Hunt's  party  eat,  ii.  187- 

Horse  Plain  Creek,  see  Lewis  and  C. 

Horses  in  America,  ii.  25;  stealing,  ii. 

J  I    irt  Vancouver,  ii.  525  - 

6;  at  Astoria,  ii.  207. 
I  .   see  False  N 

199. 
Howard,  buys  'Cadboro,'  ii 
Howard  Creek,  named,  1805,  ii.  21. 

;  i.  187. 

I  d,  supercargo    'Colum- 

bia.' i.  218. 

Howhow,  Indian  chief,  ii.  2SS. 

j.  .  (apt.,  on  Columbia,  1846, 

ii.  7 

1  .  description,  i. 

L801,  i.  310. 

Hubbard,  kills  Thornburg,  ii.  597. 

i  .  i     II,  i.  311. 

Hudson. 

j  |  Hudson 

Bay,  1010, 

j  Capt.  T., 

21;     visits 
223. 
I  .  \Y.  L.,  on  exploru 

] ,  ■  .  discovered  by  Hudson, 

1610,  .  |  lored  by  But- 

by  Baffin 
in     161 

.  L631-2,  i.  23,  L700-50,  i.  26, 


atention  for,  i. 
Martyr's  map,    1587,   i-  66; 
Low's   map,    1598,  i.    86;   Ogilby's 
map,  1671,  i.  Ill;  Ed 
i.  441. 

Bay  Company,   or 
1670,i.23;territoryof,i.404    11,444, 
288  9;  policy  in  hunting, 
i.    1 13;  I !  1:  on  Pacific 

ed,   i.    139;  ii. 
defends  territory,  i 
. 
internal  regulations,  i.  447  55;  forts 
148;    depart- 
ments, districts,  and   posl  -.  i.    1 18; 
i     . 

..  452,  ii.  307- 
,  of  traf- 
fic, i.  4.77,  460-1;  cu 
animal  \ 

and  returns,  1739-48,  i.  467-8;  trad- 
use,  1821,  1-12.  i.  469-70; 
q  with  Northwest  Co.,  L 
ii.  302  1.  343; 
.  i.  470-81;  end,  i.  470; 
ly  of,  i.  520; 
431;  i.i   •  ii.  539- 

Indians,  i.  535-50;  ii.  Ob'J-90;  na- 
servants  of,    i. 
ii.  650  1:  aids  missionaries, 
i.  550;  jealousy  in  fur-trai 
quarrel  with  Norths  i 
84;  ii.   2 

trailing  policy, 

d, 
296-8;  granted  Vancouvei 

".ration, 
on   Pacific 
431;    Rocky   Mt.    Co.   op] 

lerican  trappers  oppose,  ii. 
459,    472;    domination    of    X.    W. 
21 

olulu,  ii.  522-3; 
opposes,  ii.  7  : 
Columbia  River  Fishing  and  Trad- 

.,  ii.  597;  <  lowUtz  I 
ii.  613;  i  d  from, 

3hip-building,  ii.  62 
cupies   X".    W.    coast,    ii.    623-35; 
ii.  643  6, 
■ 

of  X.  W.  i 
1 1;  profits,    1846,   ii.  709;  abandon 
Columbia,  ii.  71"   12. 

d,  i.  1 12. 
to  Eng- 
1  nd,  1713,  i 

i.v  Mt.  House. 
ii.  91. 


INDEX. 


Hudson  River,  Hudson  enters,  1G09, 
i.  438;  Hollanders  on,  i.  500-2. 

Hudson  Strait,  Hudson  enters,  i.  438. 

Huggings,  Ed.,  at  Nisqually,  ii.  CIS. 

Hughes,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  39'2-3. 

Hughes,  Guy,  killed,  ii.  462. 

Huguenots,  colonize  Florida,  15G2-5, 
i.  19,  3S0-1. 

Humboldt,  on  Anian  Strait,  i.  3G. 

Humboldt  River,  importance  of,  i. 
641-2. 

Humphries,  Capt.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1838,  1840,  i.  340;  1841,  ii.  GS7. 

Hungry  Creek,  named,  i.  37,  Lewis 
and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70. 

Hunt,  W.  P.,  joins  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
142;  agent,  ii.  143;  leads  overland 
exped"  ii.  17S-91;  at  Fort  Astoria, 
1813,  i.  329-30;  1814,  i.  332;  ii. 
192,  225;  1813,  329-30;  character, 
ii.  178;  on  N.  W.  coast,  ii.  200, 
219-21;  at  Hawaiian  Isl.,  ii.  229, 
220,  232;  cruise  in  '  Pedler,'  ii. 
234-5;  made  Gov.,  ii.  235;  on  Fort 
Astoria  transfer,  ii.  221-6,  234-5. 

Hunt's  overland  exped.,  ii.  17S-91. 

Hunt's  route,  map  of,  ii.  182. 

Hunter,  explores  Washita  River,  i. 
614. 

Hunters'  Association,  influence  on  set- 
tlement, ii.  G99. 

Hunter's  Lodge,  post,  ii.  250. 

Huron,  Lake,  French  reach,  1600-50, 
i.  22,  3S8. 

Hurons,  Indians,  i.  22;  war  with  Iro- 
quois, i.  391. 

Hurtado,  visits  Gulf  of  Nicoya,  1517, 
i.  13. 

Huskisson,  W.,  commissioner,  title 
N.  W.  coast,  ii.  355-GO,  3G8,  371, 
375,  377-8,  3S1. 


Ibarra,    Francisco    de,    explorations, 

15G2-3,  i.  19,  52. 
Ibbertson  Sound,  named,  i.  179.  _ 
Iberville,  settles  Louisiana,  1G99,  i.  24. 
Idaho,  geography,  i.  411. 
Illinos,  war  with  Iroquois,  i.  394. 
Illinois  River,  Joliet  and  Marquette 

explore,  1G73,  i.  23. 
'Ilmen,'  on  Cal.  coast,  1814,  i.  334. 
Image  Canoe  Isl. ,  named,  ii.  48-9. 
Immanuel,  Blackfeet  attack,  ii.  45G. 
Immel,  with  Missouri  Co.,  i.  614. 
'Imperial    Eagle,'   ship,    on    N.    W. 

coast,  1783,  i.  183. 
'Indefatigable,'   ship,    on   Columbia, 

1845,  ii.  702. 


Independence,    description,    1834,    i. 
508-9. 

Independence   Rock,    names    on,    ii. 
582. 

'Index,'  bark,  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1841,  ii. 
659. 

India,  Strait  to,  belief  in  encouraged, 
i.  6-9. 

Indian  Joe,  character,  ii.  528. 

•  Indian  Packet,'  cruise,  1797,  i.  306. 

Indian  wives,  among  fur-traders,  ii. 
542-5,  650-1. 

Indians,  fish  as  food,  i.  41,  44,  ii.  109; 
report  of  Upper  St  Lawrence,  i.  42; 
attack  Heceta's  exped.,  i.  161;  at 
Nootka  Sound,  1778,  i.  170;  murder 
whites,  i.  182,  251.  ii.  253-4,  289; 
attack  Gray,  i.  188-9,  200-1;  plot 
to  seize  the  'Columbia,' i.  25S;  at- 
tack Caamaiio,  i.  269;  attack  Cole,  i. 
266;  treachery  of,  i.  269,  292,  311; 
hostility  to  Vancouver,  i.  292;  mas- 
sacre crew  of  'Boston,'  i.  312-15,  ii. 
157-8;  attack  Winship,  i.  326;  kill 
Thorn,  i.  327;  massacre  crew  of 
'Tonquin,'  1811,  i.  327-8;  hostility 
of,  i.  364-6,  ii.  185,  1.  '  -  1,221, 
240-1,  246-7,  256-7,  275-6,  289; 
trading  with,  i.  3i«J-72,  ii.  444;  as 
boatmen,  i.  424,  429;  trading  posts 
among,  i.  4S2-3;  attack  Virginian 
colonists,  i.  502;  attack  French, 
1729,  i.  505;  as  regarded  by  settler, 
miner,  fur-hunter,  i.  529-30;  as  re- 
garded by  Spaniards,  i.  529-30;  es- 
timate of  whites,  i.  530;  policy  of 
U.  S.  and  Eng.  toward,  i. 
policy  of  H.  Bay  Co.  and  L'orthwcst 
Co.  toward,  i.  535-50;  liquor  among, 
i.  545-8,  554,  ii.  GG2,  682-4,  C93-4; 
missionaries  among,  i.  548-50,  552; 
small-pox  among,  i.  554,  ii.  176,  GS2; 
attitude  to  MacKenzie,  i.  G76-7, 
6S7,  G94-G,  G99,  701 ;  Lewis  and  C. 
exped.  among,  ii.  6-14,  25,  47,  55, 
G7,  72-4;  pipe  of  peace,  ii.  29;  name 
for  rivers,  ii.  3G;  along  Columbia, 
ii.  49;  stampede  horses,  ii.  78,  200; 
attack  Colter,  ii.  82-3;  women 
among,  ii.  94;  as  workers,  ii.  94-5; 
character,  Fraser  River,  ii.  114-15, 
117;  attack  Williams,  ii.  127-8;  hos- 
tility to  VVinshrc.  n  1  ?-5  friend- 
liness of,  ii.  185,  189-90,  195,  199, 
2CG,  213,  248,  263;  rob  whites,  ii. 
193,  203,  210,  238,  S  :  I,  275; 

executed,  ii.  213,  253-4,  289;  ren- 
dezvous, ii.  255-G;  method  of  com- 
pensating for  killing  a  relative,  ii. 
2G1;  attacked,  ii.  287-9;  method  of 


INDEX. 


737 


tradei 

.  I 

characl  '  ,  ii.  650, 

652;   |'  ward.  ii. 

650;  |    Licj   of  Ii.  B 

ii.  698; 

Liar,  1603, 

Infantado,   duque   del,    memorial  of, 
Maldonado,  177"'.  i 

I  .  -I.,   on   N.  v ■  ■ 

.  1    7:    1791,  i 

testimony 
i.    215;     nanus 

! 

i 
! 

:  L.2i 

ii.    28 1 

...chine,  i. 
. 

•■'.'.    fur-trade,   i. 
:  on  As- 

: 
I 

.   ii.    138, 
:  on  Bonneville's 

'! 

ii.  '. 

■  ! 

:  _        .  140;  1  H3S   i.   329-30;  1S30, 

!  lores,  see  Destruction  Island, 

i.  160. 


165. 

■■' 

3 
119. 

■ 

,  D.  i:..  with   I 
Co.,  L 

i..  II.     IT 


i.  :  !4. 

I.   Ii. 

1631   2, 
i.  23. 

1632,  i. 

Plymouth  <  !o.,  and  ( 

outh,  i 
'James  Warren,'  wrecki  I,  ii. 
James  Ba; 

Janvier.  : 

Japan,  in  75,  i.  56. 

map,  r. 
on  N.  \ 
1833,  i.  341;  ]  I]   3. 

Jasper  House, 
ii.  121. 

l,i.  255; 
L792,  i 

2;  X.  W.   exploration,  ii. 
;  a ,  .61. 

River,  nami 

1768,  i.  L31. 

)  -.   L'apt.  John, 

i.  :;:,: 
'Jenny,'  bri :.  on  X.  W.  c<  a     .  17!'2,  i. 

i.  311. 

ii.   610; 

I 

i.   23; 

in     \\  i 

i.  II,    il. 


738 


INDEX. 


Jolm  Day  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 
ii.  41,  53,  64. 

Johnson,  defeats  French,  i.  400. 
Johnson,  Or.  settler,  ii.  075. 
Johnson,  R.  E. ,  on  exploring  exped., 
ii.  669,  673,  677;  at  Nisqually,  ii. 
677;  exped.  to  Okanagan,  ii.  677-9; 
map  of  excursion,  ii.  078;  arrested, 
ii.  679. 
Johnson  Pass,  description,  i.  643;  lo- 
cation, i.  051-2. 
Johnstone,  explores  with  Vancouver, 

1792,  i.  275. 
Johnstone  Is.,  named,  i.  281. 
Johnstone  Strait,    Vancouver  names, 

1792,  i.  279. 
Joliet,  Sieur,  explores   Miss.  Valley, 

1673,  i.  23,  392,  587. 
Jones,  Blackfeet  attack,  ii.  456. 
Jones,  at  Puget  Sound,  1844.  ii.  701. 
Jones,  B.,  trapper,  joins  P.  Fur  Co. 

exped.,  ii.  ISO,  19S. 
Jones,  W.  A.,  in  Yellowstone  Valley, 

i.  31. 
Jonquiere,  Fort,  founded,  i.  597. 
'Josephine,'  brig,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 
'Joseph  Peabody, '  brig,  onN.W.  coast, 
1836,  i.  341;  ii.  038;  183S,  i.   342; 
1839,  i.  342;  ii.  639. 
Juan  Fernandez,  Kendrick  touches  at, 

1788,  i.  191. 
Juchereau,  Sieur,  agent  to  Mexico,  i. 

592. 
Judge,  murder  of,  ii.  253. 
'Juliet,'  schooner,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 
Junks,  wrecked  on  X.  W.  coast,  1820, 
i.  340;  1831,  1833,  i.  341;  1834,  ii. 
531-3. 
'Juno,'  on  X.  W.  coast,   1802,  i.  311; 
1803,  i.  310,  ii.   159;  1S05,  i.  320; 
1806,  i.  322. 
Justice,  comment  on,  i.  581;  among 

fur-traders,  ii.  253-4. 
Kadiak,  Glottof  reaches,  1563-5,  i.  30. 
Kaiganies,    kill    Capt.    Bancroft,    ii. 
^  004-5. 
Kalama    Creek,    see    Lewis    and    C. 

exped.,  ii.  49. 
'Kamamalu,'  see   'Diana,'  i.  342. 
Kamchatka,  llussian  post  established 

in,  i.  29. 
Kamloop  Fort,  post,  H.   Bay  Co.,  i. 
448;    see  Fort   Thompson,  ii.    122, 
401. 
Kanakas,  as  foresters,  ii.  593. 
Kananski  Pass,  location,  i.  024. 

i,  Russians  navigate,  English 
and  Dutch  reach,  1000,  i.  29. 
Keith,  Geo.,  at  Lake  Superior,  1832, 
ii.  432. 


Keith,  Jas.,   Astoria  restored,  i.  339, 
ii.  293-4,  432,  441;  Indians 
ii.  240-2,  200-2;  trading  exped.,  ii. 
259,  264;  at  Fort  George,  ii.  260-7, 
287-9,  293;  death,  ii.  432. 

Kekemahke  River,  see  Lewis  and  C. 
exped.,  ii.  53. 

Kellett,  H.,  voyage  in  X.  W.,  1837, 
i.  342:  voyage  in  X.  W.,  1839,  i. 
342,    ii.    611;     explores    Columbia, 

1839,  ii.  611. 

Kelly,  voyage,  1801,  i.  310. 
Kelly,  on  Cal.  coast,  1816,  i.  335. 
Kelly,  voyage,  1828-30,  i.  341. 
Kelly,  Hall  J.,  character,  ii.   543-5, 

554;  agitates  Or.  quest.,  ii.  544-59; 

at  Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  547,  549-53; 

visits  Or.,  ii.  547-53;  death,  ii.  554; 

services,  ii.  554-6;  writings   of,    i. 

205,  ii.  5.36-9. 
Kendrick,  Capt.  J.,  on  X.  W.  coast, 

1788,  i.    185-92,  187,   191,   ii.    321; 

17S9-90,  i.  204-5,  208-9,  252;  1791, 

i.  253-4,  ii.  323;  1792,  i.  265;  1794. 

i.   290-9;  1802,  i.  311,  365;  names 

Fort  Washington,  i.  252;  purchases 

land,  Xootka,   i.  254,  ii.  323. 
Kendrick  Cove,  see  Mawinah,  i.  205. 
Kennedy,  J.,  at  Fort  Langlev,  ii.  477; 

Fort   Simpson,    ii.    634,   637,    042; 

Fort  Stikeen,  ii.  645-6;  Fort  Tako, 

1840,  ii.  647-8;  1841.  ii.  658. 
Kent  Is.,  trading-post  built,  i.  502. 
Keplin,  voyage,  1835,  i.  341. 
Kicking   Horse   Pass,   description,   i. 

023. 
Killamook    Bay,    see   Lewis    and    C. 

exped.,  ii.  58. 
Killamook   Head,   see  Lewis  and  C. 

exped.,  ii.  50. 
Killamooks,  see  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  56;  tradition  of,  ii.  501. 
Killhowamakel,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  54. 
Kimball,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1800,  i.  322. 
Kimball,  at   Puget   Sound,    1844,   ii. 

701. 
Kimmooenim  Creek,  named,  ii.  39. 
Kimmooenim  River,  see  Lewis  and  C. 

exped.,  ii.  41. 
King,  surve3's  Or.  road,  i.  032. 
King,  U.  S.  minister,  ii.  307. 
King,  at  Umpqua,  ii.  709. 
'  King  Geoi'ge, '  ship,  on  X.  W.  coast, 

1785-7,  i.  178-81. 
King  George  Sound,  see  Xootka  Sound, 

1778.  i.  170. 
King  George's  Sound  Company,  their 

expedition  to  X.  W.  coast,  17S5,  i. 

178. 


739 


'  ml,  Macken 

;  n  Fort,  the  Kin 

Kino,  Padre,  explores  Sonora,  1690- 
i.  25;  CaL,   1701,  i. 
os.,  attack  French,  i.  390. 

b,see  Fort  Stager,  ii.  470. 
I  ort  Colville,  ii.  172. 
ii  River  Pass,  location,  i.  647. 
.  River,  see  I  lataract  River,  ii. 
-jr.. 

Lake,    Mackenzie  at,   i.  692. 
ay,  i.  26. 
ii  a,  1  ;  19, 
i.  121,  ii.  305. 

royage,  1606,  i.  22. 

earned,  i.  281. 
.  I;.,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii. 
669. 

.  .T.,  ship-huilder,  ii.   I54;*»at 
Fort  Astoria. 

.  Or.  missionary,  ii.  674. 
Kooskooskie  River,  .see  Lewis  ami  C. 

exiled.,  ii. 

.    post,    Ii.    ! 
cation,  ii.   121;   removed,  ii. 
711. 
Krupischef  sights  Alaska,  1730,  i.  30. 
Kwichpak,  possibly  di 

i.  86. 
Kuskof,  Capt.,  on  Cal.  coast,  1809,  i. 


Labadie,  S.,  Missouri  FurCo.,ii.  128. 

La  Biche  Liver,  Clarke  names,  ii.  79. 

jilt"-,  Or.  settler,  ii.  676. 

.     i  Is     name,     i.     11 

physical  features,  i. 
'La  Can  i.  19. 

L  C.i 

ii.  !). 

,    inhabitants    massacred,    i, 

.  Maxan,  ami  Co.,  fur-traders 
i.  505. 

opagnie  dc  Cei 
i.  i.  391,  394. 

...  with  Simpson's  party, 
ii.  496. 
La  Couture  seizes  Rupert  Land,  1(171, 

i.  440. 
Ladrillero,   J.    F.    de,    on    strait    of 

.  1584,  i.  -"7. 
■ 

2;   1789,  i.  -'in 
...  224;  1791,   i.   253;  1 7;>-_*.  i. 
L794,  i.  297;  17::';.  i 


Laet,  Johannes  de,  map  of.   1633,  i. 

•I. a  Floride  Francais  a,  1. 

19. 

amboise,  M.,  at  Fort  Umpqua, 

ii.  in     Tulare 

Valley,  1840,  ii.  ~'M!>;  nui 

ace,  Joseph,  on  northwesl 

be  west,  i. 

La  ( larde,  hunter,  ii.  KM,  1 15. 

'La     I  I"     noi  ili-wt  st. 

La  Eont 

ach    defeated 
ited  at.  1577,  i 
Lake    Michigan,     N 
beyond,  Hi::  I  5,  i. 

Lake   i.  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 

48. 
La   Malice,    at  Fort  Malice,    ii. 

Rocky  Mt.  House,  ii.  93,  98; 

Fraser  exped.,  ii.  98,  1' 
La  Malice,  Fort,  built, 
Lamb,  on  V 

17iii).  i.  307;  fur-trade,  L. 
Lambert,  ('apt.,  on  X.  W.  1 

:':   L832,  ii.  560,  567  8,  592.       , 
Lambert,  P.,  drowned,  ii. 
La   Mesa.   .Meal,  s  Cape.  i.    198. 

i    north- 
.  1600-1,  i.  i 
Landry,   J.,  Mackenzie's    exped.,    i. 

ivernor,  explores  Roanoke  for 
fabulous  eities.  i.  (io. 
Langle,  de,  La  Perouse  exped.,  1786, 

i.  17-"). 
Langley,  Fort,  post   H.  Baj 
anding  of,  ii. 

I    5;   salmon    I 
d,  ii.  4S7;  1" 
645-  7. 

plorations,  1785,  i.  17!- 

7,  ii.  320;  voyage,  etc.,  i.  17-M  map. 

1786,  i.  176;  294;  on 

X.  W.  fur-trade,  i.  355  6. 

Lapie,  .Map  of.  i.   97-8;    on   X.  V.  . 

.  L821,  i.  136. 

1625,  i.  in:;. 
La  Lamme.  hunter,  i 

I,  332,   ii.  226, 
1813,  ii.  200,  202. 

■ 

ii.  li;  •■!.    !.  Nbrthwi    •  '    ■..  ii.  206, 

214,    238,    259,    264;    in    Mandan 

Stuart  Lake,  ii. 


(40 


INDEX. 


La  Roche,  Marquis  de,  receives  Acadia 

and  Canada,  i.  383-4. 
La  Rochelle,  merchants,  fur-trade  of, 

i.  387-8. 
La  Salle,  explores  Miss.  Valley,  1680, 

i.  24,  392-3,  588;  assassinated,  1687, 

i.  24;  theory  of  South  Sea  route,  i. 

Ill;  names  Louisiana,  i.  392-3;  on 

N.  W.  coast,  1809,  ii.  129. 
'Lascar,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1S21,  i. 

341. 
La  Tour,  receives  Port  Royal,   1654, 

i.  391. 
Laudonniere,  Rene'  de,  colonizes  Amer- 
ica, i.  19,  381. 
Launching, at Nootka Sound,  of  'North 

West  America,'  Sept.    19  and   20, 

1788,  i.  202.  _ 
'Lausanne, 'cruise  in  north-west,  1840, 

i.  342. 
'Lavinia,' cruise  in  north-west,  1801, 

i.  310. 
Law,  at   Fort   George,   ii.   253-4;   in 

Canada,  ii.  298. 
Law,  J.,  originates  Miss.  Co.,  i.  397-8. 
lay,  voyage,  1798,  i.  306. 
Lazaro,  Padre,  see  Saldibar's  Travels, 

i.  109. 
Lazeka,  see  Tongue  River,  ii.  80. 
Leather  Pass,  see  Yellowhead  Pass, 

i.  620. 
Leavenworth,    Cantonment,     import- 
ance, ii.  587. 
Le  Clerc,  with  P.  Fur  Co.  exped.,  ii. 

187,  189,  246-7;  leaves  Astoria,  ii. 

198. 
Le  Page  du  Pratz,  see  Pratz. 
Ledyard,  John,  attempts   at  N.   W. 

fur-trade,  ii.  2-3;  i.  349-53;  death, 

travel 8,  i.  349-53. 
Lee,  D.,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  535,  578; 

trip  to  Or.,  ii.  578. 
Lee,  Jason,  Or.  missionary,   ii.    535, 

674;    attitude   to    Kelley,    ii.    551; 

plans  for  Or.,  ii.  551-2;  tiip  to  Or., 

ii.    578;   at   Fort  Hall,   ii.   588;   at 

Willamette   Mission,   ii.    592,    602, 

607;  receives  Simpson,  ii.  655;  brings 

missionaries  to  Or.,  ii.  687. 
Leese,  J.  P. ,  Cal.  Pioneer,  ii.  688. 
'Lelia  Byrd,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1804, 

i.  3 IS. 
Le  Maire,  hunter,  ii.  93. 
Lemon,   W.,   settler  Cowlitz  Valley, 

ii.  614. 
Lemont,  F.  A.,  mate  'Sultan,'  ii.  560. 
Leon,  Ponce  de,  'Fountain  of  Youth,' 

i.  3;  voyages,  i.  11. 

River,  see  John  Day  River, 

ii.  41. 


Le  Pratt,  at  Fort  Okanagan,  ii.  678. 

Le  Rapid  Couvert,  named,  ii.  117. 

Le  Roux,  clerk,  Mackenzie's  tour,  i. 
06S. 

Leslie,  missionary,  ii.  682. 

Lewis,  J.,  clerk  of  Tonquin,  i.  328; 
ii.  144,  155,  164-7;  murdered,  i. 
328;  ii.  167. 

Lewis,  M.j  at  Columbia  River  mouth, 
1805,  i.  320;  along  the  Missouri, 
1804,  i.  509;  exploring  exped.  up 
Missouri,  1804-5,  ii.  4-27,  327;  char- 
acter, ii.  5;  instructions,  ii.  6-7; 
reaches  head-waters  of  Missouri,  ii. 
26;  down  the  Columbia,  ii.  2S-50; 
on  Pacific,  ii.  51-60;  Pacific  and 
return,  ii.  51-82;  return,  attacked 
by  Indians,  ii.  71-4;  accidentally 
shot,  ii.  75;  arrives  at  St  Louis,  ii. 
82;  Gov.  of  Louisiana,  death,  ii.  85. 

'Lewis,'  brig,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S34, 
ii.  637. 

Lewis  Point,  Clarke  names,  ii.  53. 

Lewis  River,  Clarke  names,  ii.  33; 
see  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  33, 
54-5. 

Lewis  and  Clarke  exped.,  ii.  5-84, 
337,  356-9,  368-9;  state  of  north- 
west, 1800,  ii.  1-2:  travels  published, 
ii.  7;  map  of  route  from  Missouri  to 
Columbia,  ii.  21;  down  the  Colum- 
bia, ii.  28-50;  journal,  ii.  30-1; 
eat  horse-flesh,  ii.  36-7;  dogs,  ii. 
39-40,  45;  Pacific  and  return;  ii. 
51-82;  leave  notices  of  presence  at 
Columbia's  mouth,  ii.  59-60;  map, 
ii.  65;  character,  ii.  83-4;  result  of, 
ii.  86. 

Lewis  and  Clarke  Pass,  description,  i. 
628. 

Levo,  in  de  Laet's  map,  1633,  i.  106. 

'Lida,'on  N.   W.  coast,  1806,  i.  321. 

Limes  Occident's  Quivira  et  Anian, 
see  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map,  1597,  i. 
83. 

Lindenberg,  Capt.,  at  Sitka,  1841,  ii. 
65S. 

Linkwater,  W.,  trader,  i.  570. 

Linn,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  391-2,  558, 
689. 

Linschoten,  on  Gali's  voyage,  1584, 
i.  145. 

LTnterprete,  see  Moncacht  Ape. 

Linn,  Cal.,  habitat,  i.  412. 

Liquor  among  Indians,  i.  545-8,  5">4, 
662,  682-4;  English  and  Russians 
oppose  traffic  of,  ii.  6!  3. 

Lisa,  M.,  with  Missouri  Fur  Co.,  i. 
511;  ii.  12S,  456;  with  P.  Fur  Co. 
exped.,  ii.   180-2. 


INDEX. 


m 


in  north-v 

! 

1 
I 
! 
Little  Wolf  River,  Clarke  n 

1 

'Llama,'  brig,  on  X.  W.  a 

Li.   533,  637;    L836,   i.   341; 
i.   342,  ii.  520; 

■  I 

Lok,  M.,   map,    1582,    i.    04  5,    101; 

!  of  fur-mark 

L  grants  in 

l.  lv.,  on  explo 

i 

L 
112. 

i  . 

i.  19   ;  <  ":   .  ke  ni 

! 

dition,  161  3,  i.  147. 

Indians,  i. 

.  Padre,  explores  Texas,  lii-Ji),  i. 
21. 
Lorie,  see  Lowrie,  i.  177. 
J  '  'ort  Vancouver,  ii. 

X.  W.  coast, 
L  341,  ii. 
L      Aj      les,    Port,    Elisa  names,    i. 

1..         '     \  Ives  La  <  W] 

ids  trade 

'Lo  .   I    - 

1540,  i. 

L 

i 
Loul 

.,  1 10. 


.1  uly  .">, 
Lowe,  Tb 

177. 

310. 
Ludlow,  in  Yell 

memorial,  i , 
•  Lydia,1  cruise  in 
315,  320;  on  X.   \\  . 

Columbia,    1806,  ii.  60;  on   N.   W. 

1811,  ii.  140. 

.  X.  \Y.  fur-trade,  i. 


M 


i.  177. 

of  Co- 
lumbia, ii.  - 

i,  EL,  i        P.FurCo.,ii.l79; 

toria,  ii. 

fur-trader,  i.  ■ 

ii.    258; 
■ 
ii.  471; 

531;   at 
I    . 
ville,  ii.  679. 

. 
i.  370;  at  Fort  Langley,  ii. 

■ 

.  ii.  524;  atColville, 
602;  1857,  ii.  711. 

Id,  1'.,  builds  Spokane 
tnbia,  ii.  471. 

d,  John,  arri\  i     I 
ii.  232; 

McDonnell,  M.,  gov.  i 

gan,  ii.  91;  ex] 

I 

■ 
.  ii.   196, 
;  :.  227  31;  > 
.  234 


INDEX. 


McDongall,  Geo.,  at  Stuart  Fort,  ii. 
•286;  at  Fort  Alexandria,  ii.  496. 

McDougall,  James,  explores  Peace  and 
Parsnip  Rivers,  ii.  87-8;  at  Fort 
McLeod,  ii.  101;  at  Fort  Dunvegan, 
ii.  279;  with  Harmon,  ii.  286. 

McDougall,  Fort,  built,  ii.  88. 

McGillis,  clerk,  ii.  144,  177,  194; 
leaves  Fort  George,  245. 

McGillivray,  at  B,ocky  Mt.  House,  ii. 
97-8;  at  transfer  Fort  Astoria,  ii. 
228-9;  at  Fort  Okanagan,  ii.  23S-9; 
among  Okanagans,  ii.  248,  255; 
leaves  Fort  George,  ii.  270. 

McGillivray,  John,  arrives,  Astoria, 
ii.  22S;  on  exped.,  ii.  238-9;  joins 
Northwest  Co.,  ii.  24S;  at  Dunve- 
gan, ii.  278. 

McGillivray,  S.,  member  Northwest 
Co.,  ii.  304. 

McGillivray,  W.,  chief,  Northwest 
Co.,  ii.  172;  member  Northwest 
Co.,  ii.  304;  at  Fort  Chipewyan,  ii. 
493. 

McGillivray's  Eock,  named,  ii.  249. 

McGregory,  fur-trader,  16S7,  i.  504. 

Mcintosh,  J.,  down  Columbia,  1S34, 
ii.  531. 

McKay,  injured,  ii.  258;  murder  of, 
ii.  435;  on  Columbia,  ii.  471;  at 
Fort  Walla  Walla,  ii.  49S;  near 
Scappoose  Bay,  ii.  527;  in  Cal., 
1841,  ii.  541;  in  Willamette  Valley, 
1837,  ii.  003;  character,  ii.  603. 

McKay,  A.,  McKenzie's  exped.,  i. 
673,  689,  691;  joius  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
142-3;  voyage  to  Astoria,  ii.  145-52; 
trading  cruise,  ii.  163-7;  murder  of, 
ii.  167;  explores  Columbia,  ii.  109- 
70. 

McKay,  J.  W.,  with  Fraser,  ii.  694. 

McKay,  K.,  murdered,  ii.  686. 

McKay,  Thomas,  character,  i.  540; 
clerk,  ii.  144;  trading  exped..  ii. 
256,  258-9;  aids  Smith,  ii.  451-2; 
on  explor.  exped.,  ii.  464-8;  at  Fort 
Vancouver,  1834,  ii.  533;  trapping 
tour,  1S34,  ii.  585-8;  with  Emmons"' 
exped.,  ii.  6S2. 

Mackenzie,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 
14;  explores  Willamette  Valley, 
1812,  ii.  195-0;  among  Nez  Perce's, 
ii.  198,  202-3,  210-11;  at  Fort  As- 
toria, 1813,  ii.  208,  226;  in  Willa- 
mette Valley,  1814,  ii.  218;  transfer 
Fort  Astoria,  ii.  227,  234;  from  F. 
Astor  to  F.  William,  ii.  249;  clerk 
Northwest  Co.,  ii.  250. 

McKenzie,  Alexander,  expeds.  of,  i. 
582;  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  4S3. 


Mackenzie,  Sir  Alexander,  descends 
Mackenzie  Eivcr,  1789,  i.  2S;  ii.  2; 
on  N.  W.  fur-trade,  1S00,  i.  363; 
joins  X.  Y.  Co.,  i.  555;  explorations, 
1793,  i.  619;  ii.  324;  character,  ii. 
666-8, 673;  journey  to  Arctic  Ocean, 
i.  28,  668-9;  i.  60S,  075;  ii.  2. 

Mackenzie,  from  Fort  Chipewyan  to 
Pacific,  i.  670-703;  map  of  course, 
i.  683;  on  Fraser  River,  i.  084-5; 
ii.  106,  114,  119,  379;  reaches  Pa- 
cific, i.  097-700. 

Mackenzie,  Andrew,  death  of,  ii.  279. 

Mackenzie,  D.,  joins  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
142;  on  overland  exped.,  ii.  179, 
1S6,  188,  190-1;  at  Astoria,  ii.  194, 
19S;  explores  Willamette,  ii.  195-6; 
fort  building,  ii.  202-3;  exped.  of, 
ii.  202-3,  205,  208;  among  Indians, 
ii.  210-11,  213;  at  Astoria,  ii.  218, 
226-7;  trading  exped.,  1S13,  ii. 
238-40;  on  Columbia,  1816,  ii.  2G4, 
266-8,  271-6;  enterprise,  ii.  271; 
among  Shoshones,  ii.  271,  274,  270; 
among  Walla  Wallas,  ii.  272-5; 
among  Snake  Indians,  ii.  275;  gov. 
Red  River  Colony,  ii.  289-90. 

Mackenzie  Outlet,  named,  i.  700. 

Mackenzie  River,  discovered,  i.  2; 
Low's  map,  1598,  i.  86;  Mackenzie 
descends,  17S9,  i.  28,  669;  explored, 
ii.  195. 

Mackey,  at  Nootka,  1786,  i.  177:  1787, 
i.  182;  on  N.  W.  coast,  1805,  i. 
320,  ii.  55. 

Mackinaw  Co.,  at  Michilimackinac, 
i.  506;  opposes  Aster's  plans,  i. 
512-13;  opposes  American  Fur  Co., 
ii.  137. 

McKinlay,  A.,  Black's  death,  ii.  512; 
down  Columbia,  1834,  ii.  531;  at 
Fort  Walla  Walla,  ii.  655,  677,  690; 
gunpowder  story,  ii.  690-1;  life,  ii. 
692;  narrative,  etc.,  ii.  692. 

McKniver,  J.,  among  Indians,  ii.  95. 

McLane,  U.  S.  minister,  ii.  408. 

McLean,  killed,  i.  579;  Black's  death, 
ii.  512. 

McLennan,  D.,  clerk,  ii.  144,  173-4, 
203;  at  Stuart  Lake,  ii.  285. 

McLeod,  Santa  Fe  exped.,  i.  039. 

McLeod,  A.  R.,  at  Fort  Dunvegan,  ii. 
279;  punishes  Clallams,  ii.  483-4. 

McLeod,  John,  at  Thompson  River 
district,  ii.  468-9;  builds  Norway 
House,  ii.  469;  builds  Fort  Umpqua, 
ii.  521. 

McLeod,  M. ,  travels  with  Simpson,  ii. 
491;  journal,  ii.  491. 

McLeod,  Fort,  built,  ii.  S8. 


o.,  i.  :  18; 

M  Lin,  John,  i 

- 
:   at   Fort    William, 
character,   ii.    432-5;  treatment  of 
Indian 

couver,  ii.    !  Smith,  ii. 

451  -. 

_;  rule  of,  ii.    ; 
S,    ii.    499 : 
falls  of  Willamette,  ii.  504-5;  builds 
Baw-mill,ii.505;  conspiracj 
15;  attitude  to  t 

trading   trips,   ii.   526; 
attitud 

ment  of   Kelly,   ii.  550-3;  Wyeth, 
ii.   564  (i.  595  6;  r 

ii.    592;    opp 

Fish  and  Trading  Co.,  ii.  596- 

7.         I;    treatment  of    Slacum,    ii. 
mnd   .V. 

017.  685;  at  Fort  Vancouver,  1839, 

nies  Simpson,  1841,  ii. 
i  ( !al.  ii.   661,  688;  receives 
.  ii.  664;  Mofras'  opinion  of, 
ii.  (i.V  ;  ii.  674;  at 

lly,    ii.    <  177 :    hospitality,   ii. 
y,  ii.  702-3;  re- 
i.  Fay  Co.,  ii.  703;  death,  ii. 
eulogy  upon.  ii.  704   7. 
Lin,  J.,  Jr,  at  Fort  Stikeen, 
.  645-6,  651;  cl 
- 
;  1  in,  Mrs,  character, 
McLoughliii,    Fort,    built,   ii.   625-6; 
ahaiiiL.mil,     ii. 

McLoughlin  Harbor,  see  Fort  Simp- 
McMillan,  Jas.,  at  Flathead  House, 
.  W.  <  *>.,  ii.  239, 

tion,    ii. 

.  ii.  655. 
McMurray,  builds  Fort  Yuk 

W.,  on  N.  \ 
1833,  Loughlin, 


ii.  65'  : 
i.  637. 

.  Alexander,  among  Indians, 
ii.  270. 

at    Fori 

Li.  -!'.)-,  at 

McTavish,  J.  G  ii.  208, 

21  I,    227  31  :  ii.    215; 

ii.    217, 

ans,   ii.  242   I: 

I  .use,  ii.  238 
William,  ii.   i2(J4;  tri 
264-5. 
McTavish,  Simon,  par, 

McTavishes,  at  Dunv< 
McTavish,  Frob 
W.  Co.,  i.  555. 
Madison  I 

ii.  22,  76. 
Mad  River,  named,  i.   184. 
I 
1791,  i.   -  3;  1792,  i.  201, 

-  1801,  i.  310;  : 
and,  Ingrahamnam 
Magellan,  .  i.  6. 

Ir.  question,  ii.  404. 

■  e  Few  is  and  ( '.   exped.,  ii. 
!•_•  13. 
Malaspina,  A.,  diserta 
[i 
94;  Viage,    1791,   i.   249 
tions,  L791,  i.  249  50,  i 
Maldonadi 

Maldonado,  L.  1. 
memorial   printed,    1788,    i 

Mallary,  o 

31  >;  1802,  i.  311, 

d.  in,  ii. 

Mandan,  i 

Mandans,  h'-\\  [sand  C. 
ii.  82,  127. 

'  ',  .  i.  •">. 


m 


INDEX. 


Mange,  Capt., -explores  Colorado,  1699, 
i.  1  13;  Cal.,  1701,  i.  113;  map,  i. 
114. 

Mangeurs  de  lard,  at  Fort  William,  i. 
565. 

Manhattan  Is.,  impoi-tance,  1614,  i. 
500. 

Manitoba  Lake,  fort  erected  at,  1740, 
i.  26. 

Manning  River,  named,  i.  2S1. 

Manson,  D.,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
497;  at  Fort  .Simpson,  ii.  623;  at 
Fort  McLoughlin,  ii.  625,  62S,  642; 
life,  ii.  625. 

Mantons  Paver,  see  Jefferys'  map, 
176S,  i.  132. 

Mantour,  trader,  ii.  204-5. 

Map,  Ptolemy,  1511,  i.  37;  1530,  i. 
40;  Ruysch,  150S,  i.  37;  Sckoner, 
1520,  i.  38;  Orontius  Fine,  1531,  i. 
41;  Agnese's,  1536,  i.  42-3;  Portu- 
guese, 1536,  i.  43;  Ruscelli,  1544,  i. 
47:  Ramusio,  1556,  i.  48;  Munster, 
1545,  i.  48;  Homem,  155S,  i.  50; 
Ortelius,  i.  53-4;  Apianus,  i.  56; 
Lok,  1582,  i.  64-5;  Strait  of  Anian, 
i.  67;  Hondius,  1595,  i.  6S; 
Fuca  Strait,  i.  78;  Low,  1598,  i.  85; 
for  comparison,  i.  86;  Herrera,  i. 
88;  Maldonado,  i.  96;  Lapie,  i.  97- 
8;  Purchas,  1625,  i.  103-4;  Dutch, 
1024,  i.  104;  Laet,  1633,  i.  106; 
D'Avity,  1637,  i.  108;  Ogilby,  1671, 
i.  110;  Harris,  1705,  i.  115;  Aa, 
1707,  i.  115;  Dobbs,  1744,  i.  123; 
Russian,  1741.  i.  121;  De  lisle, 
1752,  i.  127-S;  Japanese,  1761,  i. 
130;  Jeffreys,  1768,  i.  132;  Carver, 
177S,  i.  132;  Janvier,  1782,  i.  135; 
Cook,  177S,  i.  169;  La  Perouse, 
1783,  i.  176;  Dixon,  17S7,  i.  ISO; 
Meares.  17SS-9,  i.  201:  Quimper, 
17.  .  i.  l:_:  Eli  a's,  1791,  i.  245; 
Nootka  Coast,  1/91,  i.  247;  Mar- 
chand,  1701,  i.  256;  Caamano,  1792, 
i.  209;  Galiano,  1792,  i.  272:  Van- 
couver, 1702,  i.  276,  278,  2S0;  1793, 
;  Fort  Simpson,  i.  492;  N. 
lisiana,  1757,  i-  GOO:  Pratz, 
1757,  i.  600;  Carver,  of  Western 
1 778,  i.  608;  routes  north  of 
lat.  49°,  i.  619:  passes  between  40° 
and  32D  n.  ,  i.  628;  passes  of  Mex- 
I  C.  America,  i.  65S;  Mae- 
course,  i.  683;  Lewis  and 
Clarke's  route  from  Missouri  to 
Columbia,  i.  21;  Lewis  and  Clarke, 
ii.  65;  MeLeod  Lake  region,  ii.  SS; 
.  ii.  113;  Arrowsmith's, 
ii.    1_J;    Thompson  River,  ii.   122; 


Hunt's  route,  ii.  1S2;  Harmon,  ii. 
2S1;  Chehalis  route,  ii.  465;  lower 
Fraser,  ii.  4S0;  Green  River  <  loun- 
try,  ii.  569;  Johnson's  excursion,  ii. 
678. 

Maquinna,  Xootka  chief,  i.  195;  atti- 
tude to  Elisa,  i.  240;  sells  land  to 
Kendrick,  i.  254;  kills  the  Boston 
crew,  i.  313-15;  ii.  158-62;  cap- 
tured, i.  316;  last  account  of,  i.  336; 
appearance,  ii.  157. 

Marata,  Xiza,  report  of,  1536,  i.  43. 

Marchand's     explorations,     1791,     i. 
255-7;    fruits    of    voyage,    i.    257: 
map,  1791,  i.   256;  \ 
256-8;  X.  W.  fur-trade,  1790-1,  i. 
357,  372. 

MarDulce,  Martyr's  map,  1587,  i.  6'3; 
in  Low's  map,  159S,  i.  86. 

Mare  Leparamatium,  Homein's  map, 
155S,  i.  50. 

Mare  de  Verrazano,  Lok's  map,  15S2, 
i.  64-5. 

'Margaret,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1791,  i. 
255;  1792,  i.  261,  264-5. 

Maria  River,  Lewis  names,  ii.  17; 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70.  72-4. 

Maricourt,  attacks  English,  i.  441. 

Marin,  Capt.,  explorations.  L 

Marquette,  Pere,  expl 
ley,  1673,  i.  23,  111,  392 

Marshall,  route  to  Cal.,  i.  647. 

Marten,  habitat,  i.  412. 

Martin,  Capt.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1821, 
i.  341;  182S-30,  i.  341;  1S37,  ii.  594. 

Martinez,  Capt.,  at  Xootka,  ii.  160. 

Martinez,  E.  J.,  pilot  of  Perez.  1773, 
i.  155;  on  X.  W.  coast,  1788,  i. 
134-5;  17S9.  i.  205.  207,  213,  224, 
375;  seizes  the  'Iphigenia,'  i.  209, 
213-16;  restores  the  'Iphigenia,'  i. 
214;  seizes  the  '  North  West  Amer- 
ica,' i.  216;  seizes  Xootka,  i.  216; 
imprisons  Colnett,  i.  218-21;  ex- 
plores Xootka,  i.  223-4;  fur-trade, 
i.  375. 

Martinez,  Joao,  Portuguese  pilot,  i. 
95. 

Martires,  see  Heceta's  voyage,  17*5, 
i.  160. 

Martyr,  Peter,  Hakluyt's  edition  of, 
1587,  i.  66. 

'  Mary,'  cruise  in  Northwest,  1S03,  i. 
316;  atNoo  I  I  >9. 

'Maryland,'     en  Invest. 

1840,  i.  342;  1824,  ii.  686-7. 

Mashaskap,  see  Lewis  and  C.  exited. , 
ii.  80. 

Massachusetts,  Puritans  colonize, 
1020,  i.  22. 


INDEX. 


745 


I  ' 
■_  ■] :  i  ee  R  01 

.  Fur  Co. 
exped.,  I  1 1-177;  at  Astoria,  194. 
Matthieu,  V.  X  ..  ii.  61 1. 

Matute,  J.  J'..,  on  N. 

i.  248. 

Maurelli  .  ■ 

i.  L50. 

.    A.   A.,   cri 
157;  Hi  ■  L,  177-"',  i.  15S- 

66. 
Maurepas,  opposes  V<5rcndrye,  i.  596. 

b 
Maury,  \V.  L.,  on  explorin 

I  ort  Orchard,  ii. 

Mawinah,    American    vessels    anchor 
at,  I 

ii.  678. 

May,  ( 

'  May  1 

L  341,  ii.  560;   1835,  i.  341,  ii. 

L532,  i.   I!. 

ped.,  ii.  99. 
m  Alaskj  a  coa  :.  17    i, 
i.  177;  on  N.   i  .    7.  i.  179; 

.".  •_'  I]   2, 
ii.  321;   17  9  90,  i.  205,  2 
.';_M ;  <  I        lock  and  Dixon's 

exped.,  i.  181; 
L  192    I;  map,  1788  9,  i.  20 
Port] 

.  17  >9,  i.  210    ' 

i  i;  memo- 
rial, i.   229;  Nootka  conti 

a  trader, 

i.  :; 

r  j. 

dians,  ii.  12,  38,  40,  53, 

and  C. 

7-'. 

tour,   !  p,  ii.  4  :i. 

i.  32 

E  Ani.  n. 

[ 

i.,  ii.  128. 


!,  i.    106; 

..   i.  107; 

lid;  see 

] 

3, 
I777..  i.  164. 
'  Mendi  : 

■ 
loa,  i.  I  :. 
Mendoza,  Vicero  i  to  ex- 

i.  341. 

i.  91. 

i.  122. 

i.  60. 

i.  212. 

. 
ii.  657;  ii.  <  i 
Methodisl 

L834,  ii.  ::.!   7. 

1792,  i. 
Michell,  . 


746 


INDEX. 


Milk  River,  named,  ii.  16. 

Millar,  murdered  by  natives,  i.  182. 

Mill  Creek,  mills  on,  ii.  442. 

Miller,  J.,  joins  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  179; 
turns  hunter,  ii.  1S4. 

Mills  built,  Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  442. 

Milton,  explores  Yellowhead  Pass,  i. 
621. 

Mimbres  Pass,  see  Gila  Pass,  i.  059. 

Miner,  compared  to  fur-hunter,  i.  421. 

Minnetarees,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. 
among,  ii.  22,  72-4,  82. 

Minhauset,  Fonte's  story,  i.  117. 

Minuit,  builds  Fort  Christina,  i.  502. 

Mires,  J.,  at  St  Louis,  i.  510. 

Missouri  River,  explored,  1742,  i.  26; 
French  Fort  on,  i.  26;  Coxc's  de- 
scription of,  1722,  i.  122;  seeJefferys' 
map,  170S,  i.  132;  upper  configura- 
tion, ii.  15-17;  animals,  ii.  15-16; 
head-waters  reached,  ii.  26;  Lewis 
descends,  ii.  75. 

Miruelo,  his  voyage  in  1516,  i.  11. 

Missionaries,  on  N.  W.  coast,  i.  548- 
50,  552,  ii.  534-8,  674;  labors  vain, 
i.  549;  attitude  of  fur  companies 
toward,  i.  550;  among  fur-traders, 
i.  552-3;  as  explorers,  i.  587-91; 
qualities  necessary  f<  >r,  i.  593 ;  women 
as,  ii.  536;  in  Or.,  ii.  674. 

Missions,  threatened  by  Indians,  ii. 
69S. 

Mississippi  Company,  obtains  rights 
of  Santo  Domingo  Association,  Sen- 
egal and  Guinea  Companies,  Chinese 
Company,  Old  West  India  Com- 
pany, Canada  Company,  and  Au- 
bert  &  Company,  i.  397;  history  of, 
i.  397-8;  see  Western  Co.,  i.  397. 

Mississippi  Valley,  Soto  explores, 
1541,  i.  15;  Joliet  and  Marquette 
explore,  1673,  i.  23-4;  Hennepin 
and  La  Salle  explore,  16S0-2,  i.  24; 
exploration,  1750-1S00,  i.  28;  1071- 
1825,  i.  587-615;  Hakluyt's  views 
regarding,  15S7,  i.  60;  Kicolet nears, 
1634,  i.  106;  Carver  explores,  1766- 
8,  i.  132-4;  change  of  owners,  i. 
391-2;  French  settle,  1699,  i.  393; 
settlement,  171  l,i.  396-7;  fur- trade, 
1719,  i.  503,  1721-1826,  i.  504-14; 
Jesuit  missionaries  in,  i.  23-4, 587-8. 

Missoula  River,  see  Lewis  and  C.  ex- 
ped., ii.  70. 

Missouri  Falls,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. 
er,  ii.  18,  75. 

Missouri  Fur  Co.,  organized,  i.  128; 
history,  i.  511-12;  oppose  P.  Fur  Co., 
ii.  179;  in  north-west,  180S,  ii.  329; 
reorganized,  ii.  456. 


Missouri  Indians,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. , 

ii.  10. 
Moberly,  explores  Howse  Pass,  1871, 

i.  G23. 
Mobile  Bay,  Soto  reaches,  1540,  i.  15. 
'Modeste,'  H.   M.    S.,   on  Columbia, 

1845,  ii.  702. 
Modoc  Lakes,  discovered,  i.  642. 
Mofras.   E.  D.   de,  in  Cal.,   1841,   ii. 

658-9,  666,  6S8;  on  N.   W.  coast, 

1841-2,  663-7;  explorations,  etc.,  ii. 

663,  667;   at  Fort  Ross,  ii.  664;  at 

Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  664-5;  his  works, 

ii.  667. 
Mojave  Desert,  Garc^s  crosses,  1776, 

i.'  28. 
Mojave  Indians,  Oiiate  explorations, 

1004,  i.  90. 
Moncacht  Ape,  travels  from  Miss,  to 

Pacific,  i.  598-607;  story,  ii.  531-2. 
Money,  in  trade  of  H.  Bay  Co. ,  i.  458. 
Monino  Strait,  see  Fonte  Strait,  i.  268. 
Monk,  G.,  deserter,  i.  192. 
Mono  Pass,  location,  i.  652. 
Monopolies,  Great  fur,  of  New  France, 

i.  383-91,  394-9. 
Monroe,  J.,   commissioner,   purchase 

of  Louisiana,  i.  401 ;  Sec'y  of  state, 

ii.  290,  294;  title  Jy.   W.  coast,  ii. 

335,  354,  300. 
Monroe  doctrine,  the  N".  W.  question, 

ii.  351,  354,  356;  object,  ii.  360.      ' 
Monsonis,  Fort,  taken  by  French,   i. 

44i. 
Montana,  French  explore,  i.  26;  geog- 
raphy, i.  411. 
Montcalm,    successful    campaigns,    i. 

400. 
Montejo,  in  1527,  i.  11. 
Monterey,  Vizcaino  enters,  1002,  i.  21; 

Bueno's,   lat.   1734,   i.    148;    Perez, 

1773.   i.    151,   150;   Heeeta,    1775,  i. 

104;  LaPerouse,  1780,  i.  177;  Mar- 
tinez, Haro,  17SS,  i.  185. 
Montezuma,  i.  590. 
Montgomery.    Port,    Haswell    meets 

Gray  at,  Sept.  3,  1792,  i.  203. 
Monthly    Miscellany,    170S,    Fonte's 

letter  in,  i.  115. 
Montiquier,  trading  exped.,   1813.  ii. 

239. 
Montigny,  O.  D.,  clerk,  ii.  144,  169- 

70,  173;  among  Okanagans,  ii.  248, 

255;  trading  exped.,  ii.  255,  259. 
Montour,    in   Kootenais   coun 

121;    employ    Northwest    Co.,    ii. 

259,  204;  settler  Willamette  Valley, 

ii.  500. 
Montreal,   name  becomes  current,    i. 

12;  Cartier,  passes  site,  i.  14;  Car- 


INDEX. 


747 


tier  first  arrives  at,    1535,  i.   380; 

importance,    1811,   i-  388  9;  annual 

capture, 

.  401. 

Montreal  department,  limits  of,  under 

Hudson's  Bay  <  !o.,  i.  1 18. 
Moor,  explores  Hudson  Bay,  i.  26;  on 
N.W.  coast,  L794,  i.  297;  onN.W. 
coast,  1795,  i.  304. 

,n  X.  W.  coa 

ii.  55;  voyage,  1836,  i.  341. 

ibitat,  i.   111. 

Tobar   and   Cardenas 
visit,  1540,  i.  16;  Onate  visits,  1604- 
.  approach  to  Lake  Co- 
palla,  i.  L05. 
Morehead,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  394. 

.    bory  of  Drake's  expedition,  i. 

.  .las.,  at  the  Dalles,  ii.  498; 
ley,  ii.  014. 
w  Mexico,  1591, 
. 
Mormons,  settle  Utah.  i.  634. 
Morning  Star,  saves  whites,  ii.  263. 
Monis,'  1!..  X.  W.  fur-trade,  i.  3.10; 

trd's schemes,  ii.  3. 
Moscoso,  Luis  de,  succeeds  Scto,  1541, 

i.  15. 
Mota  Padilla,  onCal.,  1742,  i.  1-24. 
5t   E31ias,    La    P<  ro 
i.  175. 

ia,  see  Mawinah,  L.  . 
irks.    La    Hontan's    tale,    i. 
589. 
Mml.lv  Creek,   Lewis  and  I 
ii.  79. 

i 
i.  281. 
Mull 
Midler,  on  Russian  disc  iveries,  1761, 

i.  130. 
Multnomah,  Lewis  a 
61,  I 

:.  02. 
I,  J.  M.,  voyage  of.  ii.   144- 
55. 

rd,  Fort,  built,  ii.  635. 

of  Maldo- 
,  L781,  i.  !>:;. 

L788,  i.  188. 

i.  412. 
t.  habitat,  i.  412. 

ii.  Hi. 
Muzon  Point. 


N 


Napoleon, 

ana.    I 

Nanaimo,  Co.,  i. 

■lis. 

J.  M..  on  V  \ 
i.  244;  i 

1828  34,  i.  II. 

ins,  Indian  I 

Nass    Indians,  small-p 

642. 
Natchez,  importance,  1721,  '■ 
Natchez  Indians,  revolt,  i. 

I 
Natiou  River,  a 

100. 

Races  of  Pa<  i 

bodies  matter  relating  to  Indians  of 

N.  W.  coast,  ;.  5. 
Natives,  see  Indians. 
Xatla    I. 

109-111. 
'Natwytheium,'  \  .  ii.  560. 

Naudov ■ 

Navajo  country, 

105. 
Navarrete,  M.  F.  de,  \ 

93;criticises  Maldon 

i.  94;  on  X.   W.  ■■-  ploral 

i.  158;  introduction  to  Sin 


i.   27:0,  Galiano  and   ■ 


273. 
Neah  Lav,  see  Port  X 

212. 
Neahcarny  Mt,  Nehal 

Xeah-ll    ' 
ii.  57. 

1786,  i.  177. 

X.  \. 

'■ 


748 


INDEX. 


New  Albion,  in  Martyr's  map,  1587, 
not  in  Purchas'  map,  10:2.3,  i. 
104,  1655,  i.  Ill;  Spani 
scription,  1710,  i.  119;  Cook's  desti- 
nation, 1778,  i.  108;  Gray  sights, 
17SS,  i.  187. 

Newbury,  voyage,  1790,  i.  305. 

New  Caledonia,  limits,  i.  447: 

i.  463-4,  ii.  460-71;  configuration, 
ii.  i  -'.. ..'■;  loi  ati  >n,  ii.  90;  Fras<  r 
explores,  ii.  94;  Thompson  explores, 
ii.  119-20,  122-5;  Harmon  in,  ii. 
277-87;  early  character,  ii.  463. 

New  Cornwall,  Vancouver  names, 
limits,  i.  292,  447. 

Newell,  R.,  trapper,  ii.  454;  settler, 
ii.  456. 

ablishment  on  fire,  i.  670. 

New  France,  exploration,  161  0,  i.  23; 
Homem's  map,  155S,  i.  50;  1578,  i. 
381;  fur  monopoly  of,  i.  3S3-91, 
394-9. 

Newfoundland,  Cortereals  name,  i.  11; 
name  current,  i.  12;  Verrazano  at, 
1524,  i.  379. 

New  Georgia,  Vancouver  names,  1792, 
i.  277;  comprised,  i.  447. 

New  Hanover,  limits,  Vancouver 
names,  i.  292;  comprised,  i.  -147. 

'New  Hazard,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S11, 
i.  32G. 

Newity,  Indian  village,  ii.  155. 

New  Mexico,  explored  by  Spaniards 
between  1580-96,  i.  19-20;  revolt 
in,  1680,  i.  25;  explored,  1540-3, 
i.  44;  in  Martyr's  map,  1587,  i.  66; 
Wytfliet-Ptolemy.map,  1597,  i.  82; 
Onate  explores,  1094,  i.  90;  kingdom 
of  Tidam  near,  i.  91;  name  appears, 
1025,  i.  103;  deLaet's  map; 
106;  D' Avity's  Le  Monde,  1037,  i. 
ION,  fur-traders  in  1824,  i.  527. 

New  Netherlands  Company,  formed, 
1615;  obtained  monopoly,  dissolved, 
i.  500. 

New  port,  founds  colony  in  Virginia, 
1600,  i.  22. 

New  Norfolk,  comprised,  i.  447. 

New  .South  Wales,  compris  i 

New  Spain,  in  Ruscelli's  m; 
i.  47. 

New,  Thomas,  on  north-west  coast, 
succeeds  Herg<  it,  1792,  i.  2S7. 

'New  World,'  ba  '..  wn  eked,  ii.  533. 
ee  Lewis 
and  C  exped.,  ii.  32,  37-40,  00-71; 
McKenzie  among,  ii.  210-11;  mis- 
sionaries among,  ii.  535. 

Nez  Purees,  Fort,  see  Fort  Walla 
Walla,  ii.  4-71,490. 


Niagara,  the  king  takes  charge  of,  i. 
398;  English  take,  1759,  i. 

Niagara    Fails,    discovered,    1040,    i. 
5S7. 

Nichols,  Emmons  exped.,  ii.  0S2. 

Nicola,  Black's  death,  ii.  5! 

Nicolet,  Jean,  discoveries,   1634-5,  i. 
22,  100. 

Nicuesa,  voyage,  i.  10. 

Niel,  Padre,  on  Colorado  Rio,  i.  127. 

Nino,  Andres,  reaches  Gulf  of 
i.  13. 

Nipissings,  Champlain  visits,   1615,  i. 
388. 

Nisqually,  Fort,  post  H.  Bi 

44S;  founded,  ii.  524-5;  agriculture, 
ii.  525,  014;  object,  i 

Nitinat,  native  village.  V.  Is.,  i.  205. 

Nitinat,  False,   see  Hostility  Bay,  i. 
199. 

Niza,  Marcos  de,  his  Cibola,  i 

pedition  to  pueblo  towns,  i.  1C,  43, 
40;  reports  refuted,  i.  44. 

Noak,  Indian  chief,  i.  330. 

Noble  Mountain  i  u,  i.  047. 

Noble  Pass,  location, 

'Nonsuch,'  ketch,  cruise  to  Hudson 
Bay,  1GGS,  i.  439. 

Nootka,  see  San  Lorenzo,  i.  155;  Ple- 
ceta  nears,  1775,  i.  162; 
La  Perouse,  Portlock,  Dixon,   Par- 
clay,    Duncan,   and    Coln<  fc1 
177-84;  Ciay  at,  1788,  i.  190 
names, -177S,  i.   190;  ship-1 
at,  1788,  i.  105-7;  Meares,  Douglas 
at,  17S8,  i.  200;  controversy  over,  i. 
204-3S;  Funterat,  17  9,  i. 
of  Tort  Pitt,  i.  211;  Metcalf  at,  i. 
212;  Spaniards  take  possession  of, 
i.  213,   ii.  321;   Martinez  and   llaro 
at,  17S9,  i.  213;  Martinez  names  it 
Santa  Cruz  de  Nutka,  i.  210;  Mar- 
tinez explores,   i.   224;  Eng.   state 

Sp  miards,  1700.  i.  5 
1790,  i.  243;  Matute  at,  1791,  i. 
248;  Malaspina  at,  1701,  i.  24-0; 
Caamano  at,  1792,  i.  267;  aban- 
doned by  whites,  1795,  i.  301;  situ- 
ation, ii.  157;  Perez  di  covers,  ii. 
318;  Cook  surveys,  ii, 
Nootka  Con trov  i  of  Amer- 

icans to  En  jlish  an  : 

ncerned, 
i.  225-7,  303-4;  international  com- 
plications, i.  227:  negotiations  be- 
tween i.  230-0; 
policy  of  Spain,  i.  284-5;  ■ 
234-91,  204,  2 
gedo's  report,  i.  2S6,  200-1;   com- 


INDEX 


Tin 


iet,  Nootka,  L  287-9, 

sionei  .  onvention,  1793, 

289;  final  settlem<  nt,  1794, 
I  ii;  final 
restitution,  L795,  i.  3 
'1-4. 
Nootka  Convention,  signed, 
substance,    i.    234   5; 

bearing  on   Or. 
question,  ii.  .-:71   5. 

.  explore  northward,  i.  11. 
Norte,  i!k><  rrande  del,  ( loronado  near, 

Ortelius' map,   1574,  i.  53;  Harris' 
map,  1705,  i.  1 15. 
North,  J.  II.,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii. 

K  America,    Atlantic    coast   ex- 

plored, i.   11-12;  settlement,   1550, 
i.  1  !:  limits  of  ex]  ' 
17;  exploration,  1550-1750,  i.  2(1-7; 

map,  !  inted  map 

of,  i.   48-9;   Homem's   i   - 

p,    1575,    i.    56; 
i   about    mi: 

i  north-wesi 
tion,  1839,  i. 
ship,  1759  63,  i.  378;  English  dis- 

North  American  Fur  Co.,  formed,  i. 
514,  ii.  -144. 

li^h  attempt  to 
19;     north-east 
i  robisher 
and  Davis,  i.  Is. 

i  any,    formed,     1GS1, 
i  into  Company  of  I 

Northern   Mystery,    eighteenth   cen- 
tury, i.  ■!:  history,  i.  5-1 

iration,  i. 
:.  i.  10;  an  in 

I;  ■  :         .  :.   134. 
17'.'. 

lation,   i. 
624. 

\  ..  ii.  1   2;    trap- 

'North  V.  hip  built 

j 

:.  216. 
North-wi  on,   the, 

■ 
I 
ii.  360 


•  :  in   Parliai  i 

Northwest  Coast,  introduce 

:  m,  i.    1-32;  primal 

f  discovi  rj  .  i.    1    _' 

i.  'J;  ex] 

maritime  and  land  explora 

■  f,  i.  3-4;   lin 
ploratii 

i.  7;  tn 
discovered,  i.   9;    1 

'  3 . 
31    I:    apoci  j  phal    ' 
99;    Jeflerys'  map.     I7>  i,    i.     132; 
summary    of    i  i.     136; 

aniards 
i  m,    177"',   i. 
ploration,  1778-88,  i.    167 

i.  2  7  : 

i.  293-4;  contraban  ! 

fur-traders,    1794,  i.   297;    1795,  i. 

1798,  i. 

i.  SOS;  1801,  i.  .  i.311  - 

12;  traders,   1805,   i. 

321-3;    1807,  i.  323-4;    1808-9,   i. 

1810-11,  i.  325-8;    1812,  i. 

!;     1815, 

: 

0,    i.   340-2;    fur-tn 

i.  345  <i;  fur-trade  outfits,  i. 

521;    fur-trade,    i.    o-21-S; 

I  ion    of 
rliest   overland 

explorations,  i.  585-615;  condition 

of  exploration,  1800,  ii.  1-2;  under 

Nortlm  i 

summary   of    voyages,    ii.     317  24; 

overland     • 

early  voyages,  ii.  317  -26; 

ploratioi  p-build- 

ing,  ii.  321,  323;   I 

tie  dis- 
426-7;  domination  by  11. 

introduced,  ii.  442  3; 

! 


750 


INDEX. 


founded,  1831-5,  ii.  622;  ship-build- 
ing, ii.  (323-4;  H.  Bay  Co.  occupies, 
ii.  623-35;  incidents,  1834-44,  ii. 
636-54;  1842-6,  ii.  697-712;  char- 
acter of  Indians  on,  ii.  650,  652; 
French,  ii.  662-.'!;  boundary  ques- 
tion, ii.  68S-9,  707-S,  711-12. 
Northwest  Co.,  traffic  on  N.  W.  coast, 

1815,  i.    333-4;    trade   with    Cal., 

1816,  i.  334;  business,  1708,  i.  465- 
6;  currency,  i.  468;  enterprise,  i. 
483,  510;  union  with  H.  Bay  Co., 
i.  469,  514,  582-4;  policy  toward 
Indians,  i.  535-50;  establishesschool, 
i.  544;  history,  i.  551-84;  character, 
i.  551-2,  556;  organized,  i.  555-6, 
ii.  3, 136;  head-quarters,  i.  556;  gov- 
ernment, i.  556;  officers,  i.  556-8; 
admits  X.  Y.  Co.,  i.  556,  558;  part- 
ners, i.  557,  566-7;  profits,  i.  558; 
partners,  i.  557,  566-7;  clerks,  i. 
557-8;  returns,  1788,  i.  558;  em- 
ployes, 1798,  i.  559;  brigade,  i. 
560-4;  opposes  Red  River  settle- 
ment, i.  573-82;  Fort  William  of,  i. 
564-8;  quarrel  with  H.  Bay  Co.,  i. 
568-84;  enterprise,  ii.  89-90,  119- 
20,  141,  170,  300;  character  of  ser- 
vants, ii.  124;  influence  of  E.  India 
Co.,  ii.  141;  overtures  from  Astor, 
ii.  141;  opposes  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  179; 
obtain  Astoria,  ii.  227-31;  regime 
on  N.  W.  coast,  i.  237-76;  traffic 
onN.  W.  coast,  1818,  ii.  334;  policy 
at  Fort  George,  ii.  265-6;  plans 
on  Pacific  coast,  1816,  ii.  266;  pur- 
chases Fort  Astoria,  ii.  285,  331- 
2;  union  with  H.  Bav  Co.,  ii.  296, 
302-4, 343;  rivalry  with  H.  Bay  Co., 
ii.  299,  302;  opposes  Red  River 
colony,  ii.  300;  during  war,  1812, 
ii.  300-1;  buys  out  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
331. 

North-west  Passage,  the,  early  belief 
in,  i.  35-6;  Gilbert  upon,  i.  59; 
Willes  on,  i.  59-60;  Frobisher's 
view  of,  i.  60;  Drake  seeks,  1579,  i. 
61;  evidence  of,  1590,  i.  OS;  Fuca 
reports  discovery,  1599,  i.  70;  im- 
ported discovery,  i.  87;  Maldonado's 
report  of,  i.  92-9;  attempts  to  check 
exploration,  i.  100;  problem  of,  i. 
664. 

North-western  Ter.,  the,  organized,  i. 
585. 

Northrop,  Capt.,  cruise  1S13,  ii.  200- 
2,  226. 

Norton,  explores  H.  Bay,  1761-2.  i.  28. 

Norton,  M.,  gov.  Prince  of  Wales 
Fort,  1769,  i.  485;  character,  i.  514. 


Norton,   R.,    gov.    Prince  of    Wales 

Fort,  1737,  i.  4S4. 
Norway  House,   H.   Bay  Co.   council 

meets  at,  i.  451;  built,  ii.  469. 
Nouvelle  France,  name  becomes  cur- 
rent, i.  12;  see  Canada,  i.   19,  380. 
Nova  Scotia,  French  regain,  i.  22;  see 

Acadia,  i.  383. 
Nubiana,  on  N.  W.  coast,  17S8,  i.  192. 
Nueva  Galicia,  rjrovince  of  California, 

1655,  i.  110. 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  missionaries  in,  1562, 

i.  19. 
Nuevo  Leon,   Spaniards  explore  and 

establish  mining-camps  at,  1562,  i. 

19. 
Nunez  Gaona,  see  Neah  Bay,  i.  264. 
Nuttall,  with  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  170:  with 

Lisa,  ii.  182;  in  Mex.  and  Cal.,  ii. 

407;  with  VTyeth's  Or.  exped.,  ii. 

577. 
Nuttin,  astronomer,  i.  189. 
Nye,  Capt.  D.,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S11, 

i.326;  1817-18,  i.  338;  1819,  i.  340; 

1836,  i.  341. 


Oak  Point,  named,  i.  2S1;  Lewis  and 
C.  exped.,  ii.  60. 

Obi,  Valley  of,  Cossacks  occupy,  i.  29. 

Obilo  River,  in  Low's  map,  1598,  i.  85. 

Observatory  Creek,  Lewis  and  C.  ex- 
ped., ii.  71. 

O'Cain,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1803,  i.  317, 
319;  1806,  i.  323;  1810-11,  i.  325; 
1813,  i.  330;  on  Cal.  coast,  i.  525-0. 

Ocean,  Northern,  Hearne  reaches, 
1770,  i.  612. 

Ochequiton,  see  Alabama,  i.  123. 

Ockington,  voyage,  1801,  i.  310. 

Ogden,  N.  E.,  supercargo,  'Lark,' ii. 
"202. 

Ogden,  P.  S.,  at  Fort  St  James,  ii. 
109;  life  at  Fort  George,  ii.  287;  at 
Ogden  Hole,  ii.  455;  at  the  Dalles, 
ii.  498;  in  New  Caledonia,  ii.  516, 
602;  movements,  1834,  ii.  530-1;  at 
Fort  Vancouver,  1S34,  ii.  594;  founds 
Fort  Simpson,  ii.  623;  fort-building 
exped.,  1834,  ii.  629-35;  at  Fort 
Vancouver,  ii.  676. 

Ogilby,  map,  1671,  i.  110-11. 

Ohahlat,  see  Destruction  River,  i.  182. 

Ohio  Fur  Co.,  formed,  i.  400,  505. 

Ohio  Valley,  explured,  i.  505. 

Ojeda,  voyage,  1504-5,  i.  10. 

Okanagan,  building  at,  ii.  264. 

Okanagan,  Fort,  post  H.  Bay  Co.,  i. 
44S;  built,  ii.  173-4;  removed,  ii.  711. 


751 


i 

.  ient,  built    17 

.  Li.  91. 
i  Lition  in  1   24,  i.  11. 

I 

■ 

i.  101;  explores 
L615,  i.  102;  river  dis- 
103. 
O'Neill,  Win.,  voyage,  1834,  i.  341. 
ia  de,  title  N.  W.,  ii.  340. 
'Onrust,' 
'Ontarii  . 

.  Li.  290  2. 

rered  by  Cham- 
plain,  1613,  L 

od  ('.  exped.,  ii. 
. 

.  I  tray's  winter  quar 

I  River,  named,  i.  281. 

.  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70, 

.  named,  ISO"),  ii.  20. 
part  of  N.    \ 
invents   name,  i.   132;   dis- 

.    I.'pT;  in 
i.    149;    rout. 

3,  ii.  701; 
aariesin,ii.  53 

e,  ii.  543  54;  <  '.; 
.  in,  ii.  684; 

t   in,   ii. 

:'.  ii.  698-9. 
I  imbiade- 

i.  4  4  s. 

I 

! 

:_'.  348  51;   1824  9,  Li. 
110-11;    i 

W8,    U0; 

410-  11;  lit   16. 

( I 

.  L  632. 


E.  Per- 

•    i.  uf  the 
L 

:,  i.  650. 

Seer,  ii.  541. 

Li.  287. 
, 
182. 

team-boat,  ii.  561;  on  X.  \Y. 

Otter  River,  named,  ii.  77. 

lup,  on  N.  W.  coa  t,  1811,  i. 

!    dians,  Lewis  and  *  . 

ii.  L0  12. 
Oudiette,   fur    i 

failure,  i.  396. 
Ouinipeg,  .see  Winni] 

.  question,  ii.  ! 
),  i.  341;  ii.  4 


Pacific   coast,    i 

L550,  i.  16-17;  >■  137. 

■2-21  -31  : 

L24,    172  :■; 

. 

Fur  Co.,  ii.  L98. 

1793,    i 

1671,  i. 

]  I  I  ;    1. 

II  L 

'v.  quea- 
.   110. 


752 


INDEX. 


Pagul,inWytfhet  Ptolemy  map,  1597, 
i.  84. 

Palliser,  explorations,  i.  621. 

Palmer,  J.,  route  to  Or.,  i.  634;  Or. 
exped.,  i.  047,  650. 

Palmerston,  ii.  633. 

Palouses,  Indian  tribe,  ii.  203. 

Pambrunn,  P.  S.,  at  Fort  Vancouver, 
ii.  441;  at  Walla  Walla,  1833,  ii. 
572;  death,  ii.  689. 

Pangman,  forms  X.  Y.  Co.,  i.  55.5. 

Pangman,  Gregory  Co.,  see  X.  Y.  Co., 
i.  555. 

Panuco,  Moscoso  reaches,  1543,  i.  15. 

Paradise  Terrestrial,  in  South  Amer- 
ica, i.  35. 

Paredes,  Padre  Alonso  de,  report  on 
American  geography,  i.  112. 

Paris,  treaty  of,  1763,  i.  401,  443. 

Parker,  S.,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  535; 
journal,  ii.  536. 

Parmentiers,  Fonte's  story,  i.  117. 

Parsnip  River,  named,  i.  074;  ex- 
plored, ii.  87. 

Partners,  X.  W.  Co.,  i.  566-7. 

Passes,  through  the  Cordilleras,  i. 
616-40;  map  of,  between  lat.  40° 
and  32°  x..  i.  629;  from  Or.  to  Cal., 
i.  047:  Cal.  to  Mex.,  i.  654;  in  Cen- 
tral Am.,  i.  662-3;  map  oi 
Mex.  and  Central  Am.,  i.  65S. 

Pataha  Creek,  see  Kimmooenim.  ii.  66. 

Pattie,  S.,  traps  through  Xew  Mex., 
Arizona,  Cal.,  1829,  i.  527. 

Paulding,  J.  K.,  see*y  of  nary,  ii. 
66S. 

Pavion,  named,  ii.  203. 

Peace  River,  Mackenzie  explores, 
1793,  i.  28,  G70;  country,  i.  408; 
fur-traders  reach,  17b0,  i.  612;  ex- 
plored, ii.  87. 

Peace  River  Pass,  location,  i.  620; 
description,  i.  024. 

'Peacock,'  ship,  on  X.  W.  coast, 
1806,  i.  322. 

i  of  war,  explores  Pa- 
cific, ii.  669,  679;  wrecked,  ii.  532, 
080. 

Peale,  T.  R.,  on  exploring  exped.,  ii. 

669. 
'  Pearl,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1806,  i.  322; 
1808-9,  i.  324. 

Pechc,  Thomas,  in  Strait  of  Anian,  i. 
111. 

Pecos,  in  map  of  Ortelius,  1574,  i.  53. 

Pecos,  Rio,  Castano  enters  Xew  Mex- 
ico b;  . 

'  Pedleiv  bri<j.  on  X.  W.  coast,  1814, 
i.  332;  1821,  i.  340;  1S13,  ii.  22U, 
2;j4-5. 


question,   ii. 
Porcupine  Pass, 


Peel,    Sir   R.,    on    Or, 

397-8. 
Peel  River  Pass, 

i.  020. 
Peers,   H.    X.,    at   Cowlitz   farm,   ii. 

613. 
Peirce,  Henry  A.,  voyage,  1S25-S,  i. 

341. 
Peirce,  M.  T.,  voyage,  1S25-8,  i.  341. 
'  Pelican,'  captures  Fort  Xelson,  100 < , 

i.  442. 
Pellet,  in  Kootenais  country,  ii.  121; 

clerk,  ii.    173-4,    177,    203-5,  -Jib; 

among  Okanagans,  ii.  201-5;  leaves 

Fort  George,  245. 
Pelly,  Sir  J.  H.,  Gov.  H.  Bay  Co.,  ii. 

515;  director  Puget  Sound  A.  Co., 

ii.  616;  at  Honolulu,  ii.  661. 
Pelly,  Geo.,  at  Honolulu  post,  ii.  522. 
Peltry,  term,  i.  457. 
Pelua,  Indian  food.  ii.  255. 
Pemaquid,  French  take.    1697,  i.  442. 
Pemican,  preparation,  i.  4 
Pena,  on  Perez  exped.,  1773,  i.  151. 
Perblosa,  D.  de,  expedition  of  1662, 

i.  108-9;  Fonte's  story,  i.  110. 
Pend  d'Oreille   River;   post,   Hudson 

Bay  Co.,  i.  448. 
Peim,  in  Mass..  i.  502. 
Penn  Cove,  explored,  ii.  680. 
Peopeoh,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
Perea,  Padre,  explores  Texas,  1029,  i. 

21. 
Pei-ez,  Juan,  exploration,  177 

8;    1774,  ii.  318;  works,   i.    151-3; 

extract  from  log  of,  1773,  i.  152-6; 

criticism  of,  1773,  i.   157;  Heceta's 

exped.,  1775.  i.    158-00;  voyage  of, 
arrete,    1802,  i.    158;  death, 

i.  106. 
Perkins,  X.  W.  fur-trade,  i.  359:  with 

Missouri  Fur  Co. ,  ii.  456. 
Perpetua,  Cape,  Cook  names,  1778,  i. 

109. 
Perrault,  clerk,  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  143. 
Perrier,  voyage,  1838.  i 
'Perseverance,'  F  laser's  boat,  ii.  118. 
Petroff,  I.,  visits  Alaska,  1878,  ii.  036. 
Phelps,  on  Fuca's  Pillar,  i.  i  9. 
Philanthropy  River,  named,  ii.  23-4. 
Philippine  Co.,  monopoly  in  fur-trade, 

i.  525. 
Philippine  treasure-ships,  route  across 

Pacific,  17C0-50,  i.  25. 
Philosophy  Creek,    named,    1805,    ii. 

23;  see  foot-note. 
'Phcebe,'  i  ;i.  201.  231-2. 

'Phoenix,'  in  north-west,   1794,  i.  297; 

1795,  i.  304. 
Piccano,  fur  monopoly  of,  i.  395,  441. 


INDEX. 


753 


Pichctte,  L.,  arrives  Astoria,  ISIS,  his 

th,  ii.  290. 
Pichilingues,  freebooters,  i.  21. 
Pierce,  Lieut.  Thomas,  commissioner, 

Nootka,  L795,  i.  301. 
Pierpont,  voyage,  1  301,  i.  310. 
Pierre  Hole,  location,  ii.  502;  rendez- 
vous, ii.  458,  562,  570;  Indian  fight 

at,  ii.  563    1. 
I  J.  H.,  settler  Cowlitz  valley, 

ii.  614. 
Piette,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
Li  <>\i.  '  lapt.,  onAlaskan  coast,  1S13, 

ii.  235. 
Pike,    Major  Z.    M.,  explorations,   i. 

613,  I 
Pike  Lake,  see  Jefferys'  map,  17GS,  i. 

132. 
Pilcher,   J.,    explorer,    i.    516;    with 

Missouri  Fur  Co.,  i.    G14;   ii.  456; 

trapping  tour,  1827-9,  ii.  456. 
Pillar.   Fuca's,  i.  79-80. 
Pilot  Cove,  named,  ii.  <>7— . 
Pilot  Knobs,  see   Hunt's   exped.,   ii. 

1S3. 
Pimeria  Alta,  see  Sonora,  i.  25;  Kino 

in,  i.  113. 
Pineda,  voyage,  1519,  i.  11. 
Pine  River  Lass,  location,  i.  620. 
Pinos  Point,  Perez  lies  off,  June  15, 

177::.  i.  L52. 
Pintard,  Boston  merchant,  i.  358. 
Pintard  Sound,  see  Queen  Charlotte 

i.  261. 
Pin/on.  voyage  in,  1506,  i.  10. 
Pi]  .  among  Shoshones,  ii. 

29;  Ross   smokes  with   Indians,   ii. 

269. 
Pirdeaux,  sent  against  Niagara  and 

Montreal.  1759,  i.  401. 
Pirrault  Bros.,  at   Fort  Langley,  ii. 

477. 
Pisquouse,  Indian  tribe,  ii.  257. 
uned,  i.  179. 
.  factory  on  Alaskan  Coast,  i. 

•211. 
Pitt  River,  explored,  i.  64S;  see  Quoi- 

tle,  ii.  4S0. 
I  bod  of  convertin 

i  de  Chiens,  see  Fete  Plat,  i. 

592. 
Plomondeau,  S.,  at  Fort  L.  i 

477;  becomes  fanner,  ii.  612;  with 

Wilkes1  party,  ii.  074. 
I  i     Co.,     receives     grants     in 

America,  i.  399. 
Pocahontas,  marriage  with  Rolfe,   i. 

5  Li. 
Point    Lreakers,  Cook  Dame  .   1778,  i. 

170. 

IIist.  N.  W.  Coast,  Vol.  II.    18 


Point  St  George,   Aguilar's    furthest 

limit,  1603,  i.  I  is. 

"ii    title    N.    W.    coast,    ii. 

348-9. 
Polk,   Pres.,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  396- 

7  8  9,  400,  401-2;  on  fcitli 

coast,  ii.  386  7. 
'Polly,'  cruise  in  north-west,   L801,  i. 

310. 

Polo,   Marco,  traveller,  i.  ."]   <;. 

PUlar,  Clarke  nanus,  ii.  79. 

Poncas,  Hunt's  exped.  anion   . 
Pond,  1'.,  partner,  N.  \V.  <  !i  .. 

582. 
PontgravS,  fur  monopoly  of,  i.  384-5; 

on  St  Lawrence,  i.  :ist. 
Pontrincourt,  at  Port  Royal,  i.  386. 
Poole  River,  named,  i.  2s I. 
Porcupine  ( love,  Mackenzie' 

named,  i.  698,  700. 
Porcupine  Pass,  description,  i.  020. 
'  Porpoise,'  brig,  explores   Pacific,  ii. 

669,  684;  on  X.    \V.  coast,  ii.  072, 

6S0-1. 
Portage,  term.  i.  502. 

I  rancais,  LaPerouse  in,  L786, 

i.  L75. 
Port  Discovery,  Quimper  surveys,  i. 

241. 
Port*       I  lapt.    ()..   on  X.   W.   coast, 

L805,  i.  320;  1S06,  i.  321;  181 1,  i. 

326. 
Porter,  Commodore,  captured,  i.  330; 

cruise  in  Pacific,  ii.  225-6,  231. 
Portland,  site,  ii.  70S;  rise  of,  ii.  709. 
I '"it    Lawrence,  see  Hood  Canal,  ii. 

072. 
Portlock,  ('apt,,  on  X.  W.  coast,  17S5- 

7,  i.  178-81,   354-5;  a  vow 

i.  179. 
Port  .Madison,  named,  ii.  673. 
Port  Royal,  founded,  i.  386; 

Cromwell,    L654;  returned,   1007,  i. 

391. 
Port  Royal  Co.,  failure,  i.  3S6. 
Possession  Sound,  Vancouver  names, 

1792,  i.  277. 
Post,  voyage,  1821,  i.  341. 

Lest,  see   Port. 

Lulls,  killed  by  Indians,  ii. 

I  305,  ii.  20. 
L<>\\  hat  1  ih,  i.  543. 

Sned,  i.   ill. 
Prairie  oi  tie-  Knobs,  named,  ii.  71. 

■  I  Co.,  traders  form,  i.  515. 
Pratz,  Le  Page  du,  Histoire, 
598;  map,  i.  601 ;  story  of  Moncacht 
Ape,  i.  598  0(17. 
Presbyterian  missionaries,  in  X".  \V. , 
ls:;i;,  ii  ;,:;; 


754' 


IXDEX. 


Prescott,  Espejo  reaches  site  of,  1596, 
i.  20. 

President's  range,  Kelley  names,  ii. 
556. 

Preuss,  Chas.,  with  Fremont,  ii.  G94. 

I  .    B.,    commissioner,    Astoria 

restored,  ii.  290-3. 

Prevost,  J.  B.,  U.  S.  Commissioner 
1818,-  i.  339;  letter  on  Or.,  ii.  421. 

Prince  Edward  Is. ,  English  take,  1758, 
i.  400. 

'Prince Le Boo,' sloop,  onX.  W.  coast, 
1702,  i.  2G.3;  1793,  i.  293;  1794,  i. 
297. 

Prince  of  Wales  Fort,  description, 
governors,  i.  484. 

Prince  of  Wales  Island,  Perez  sights, 
177::.  i.  154. 

'Prince  of  Wales, '  ship,  onX.  W.  coast, 
17  7.  i.  183. 

'Princesa,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1779, 
i.  172-3;  1788,  i.  184;  1789.  i.  20.3, 
213;  1792,  i.  264.  2S3;  1793,  i.  293; 
1794,  i.  295-6,  299. 

'Princesa  Real,'  on  X.  W.  coast,  1790, 
i.  240-3. 

'Princess  Royal, 'on  X.  W.  coast,  1787, 
i.  1S3;  1788,  i.  195,  200;  1789,  207, 
210-12,  217,  22G;  seized  by  Span- 
iards, i.  211. 

Princess  Royal  Isles,  Duncan  discov- 
ers, 1787,  i.  184. 

'Prince  William  Henry,'  schooner, 
cruise  in  the  north-west,  1792,  i.  265. 

Prince  William  Sound,  Meares  at, 
1786,  i.  177;  Strange  reaches,  1786, 
i.  178;  Mears,  Portlock,  Dixon  at, 
17b7,  i.  179. 

Pritchard,  store-keeper,  X.  W.  Co.,  i. 
576. 

Pry  or,  Serg.,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 
ii.  78,  SI. 

Pryor  Creek,  named,  ii.  79. 

Ptolemy,  map  1511,  i.  37;  1530,  i.  40. 

Puebla  Pass,  location,  i.  659. 

Pueblo  Towns,  De  Vaca  hears  of,  1536, 
i.  16;  Xew  Mexico,  1-340,  i.  16-17; 
Vaca's  report  of.  1536,  i.  43;  char- 
acter, 1540-3.  i.  44. 

Puget,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1792,  i.  275; 
1793.  i.  291-2. 

Puget  Is.,  named,  i.  281. 

Puget  Sound,  agriculture  at,  1839,  ii. 
614;  1841,  656;  Catholic  mission, 
1841,  ii.  65G-7;  American  settle- 
ment, ii.  701;  lumber  mill  built, 
1844,  ii.  701-2. 

Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Co.,  organ- 
ized, ii.  614-1S;  removed  to  Vic- 
toria, ii.  618;  failure,  ii.  618-19. 


Punchaw  Lake,  see  Mackenzie's  voy- 
age, i.  691 . 

Puntataencut  River,  see  Mackenzie's 
voyage,  i.  G92. 

Purchas,  publishes  Fuca's  story,  1625, 
i.  73;  map,  1G25,  i.   103-4: 
Honduras,  i.  104;  on  Drake's  voy- 
age, i.  141. 

Puritans,  colonize  Mass.,  1620,  i.  22; 
as  fur-traders,  i.  501-2. 

Pursley,  J.,   opens   Santa  Fe  route, 
1802,  i.  515,  012. 


Q 


'Quadratus.'  brig,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

Quamash  Flats,  Lewis- and  C.  exped., 
ii.  69. 

Quas,  Indian  chief,  ii.  2S2. 

Quebec,  settlement  near,  1540,  i.  12; 
French  fort  near,  1543,  i.  14;  Eng- , 
lish  capture,  1759,  i.  379;  French 
regain,  i.  22;  trading  centre,  627, 
i.  389;  attacked,  i.  390. 

Queen  Charlotte  Is.,  Perez  discovers, 
177::.  i.  153;  Douglas  passes,  178S, 
i.  200;  Gray  at,  i.  206;  Caamaflo 
explores,  i.  267. 

'Queen  Charlotte,'  ship,  on  X.  W. 
coast,  1785-7,  i.  177-81. 

Queen  Charlotte  Sound,  Strange 
names,  17SG,  i.    178. 

Queenhithe  Is.,  Meares  sights  July  2, 
17  8,  i.  197. 

Queenhithe  River,  Meares  sights  July 
2,  178S,  i.  197. 

Queenuitett  Village,  Meares  sights 
July  2,  178S,  i.  197. 

Quesnel,  J.  M. ,  on  Fraser  Lake,  ii. 
280-1. 

Quesnelle,  Mackenzie's  voyage,  i.  685, 
692. 

Quicksand  Bay,  Meares  names,  i.  19S. 

Quicksand  River,  named,  ii.  48;  see 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  60. 

Quimper,  A.  M.,  explorations,  1790, 
i.  240,  241-3,  285,  ii.  322:  map, 
1790,  i.  242;  Segundo,  etc..  i.  243. 

Quivira.  Coronado's,  i.  3,  45:  Span- 
iards reach.  1541,  i.  17;  Bonilla 
searches  for,  1590,  i.  20;  location,  i. 
45-9;  Ramusio's  map,  1.356,  i.  49; 
Ortelius'  map,  1574,  i.  .53;  Martyr's 
map,  1587,  i.  06;  Herrera's  map. 
1601,  i.  SS;  Torquemada  locates,  i. 
89;  Ofiate's  exped.  "to,  1603,  i.  90; 
Hondin's  map,  i.  105;  De  Laet's  map, 
1G33,  i.  106;  DAvity's  Le  Monde, 
1637,  i.  107;  Pefialosa's  exped.  to, 
1662,  i.  109;  province  of  Cal.,  1655, 


INDEX. 


i.  110;  Ogilby'a  map,   1671,  i.  Ill; 
Paredi  6,i.  1 12;  Backe'a 

map,  L699,  i.  1 L5;  Harris'map,  1705, 
i     n;»;   Spaniards'   description   of, 
L710,  i.  119. 
Quoitle,  see  Pitt  River,  ii.  1st). 


i; 


Raccoon,  habitat,  i.  412. 
'Racoon,'  on  N.    W.   coa  t,    U  13,   i. 
ii.   232   I;    1814,   i    333,   ii. 
331;  in  s.  F.  Bay,  ii.  252. 
Rada,  Martin  de,  reports  discovery  of 

Northwesl  Pa    age,  i.  87. 
Radisson,  explorations,  i.  ">8S. 
Rae,  Mrs,inCal.,  ii.  688. 
Rae,  W  .  G.,  a1  Fori  Stikeen,  1840,  ii. 
645-6;  at   Yerba    Bu<  aa,    1    U,   ii. 
649,  651,  688;   marriage,    1837,   ii. 
687.  ,     ., 

Rainier,   Mount,   see    Lewis    and  L. 
exped.,  ii.  61. 

.-u-\\  alter.al 

r.  i.  19. 
I  ,    Sebastian  Cabot's  Letter  to, 

i.  36;  map,  1556,  i.  49. 
Rapids,  running,  i.  428-9. 

Mackenzie's  voy- 
i.  697,700. 
ms,  fur-hunters,  i.  432-3. 
Rattlesnake  creek,  named,  ii.  16. 
ad,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  676. 
Raynolds,    Capt.,    explores    Yellow- 
stone, ii.  31. 

,•.,-,    partner   X.    W.  Co.,   i. 
555. 
Recollet,   missionaries   in  Canada,    i. 


Rector.  MS.,  remarks  on,  i.  615. 
Red  River  Colony,  of  II.  Baj   Co.,  i. 
573  82;    effect   on    V   W.   Co.,  ii. 
269;  affray  of,  ii.  299,  301;  opposed 
by  X.  W.  Co.,  ii.  300  I. 

i    Lewis  and  C. 
exped.,  ii.  30. 

land  exped.,  ii. 

179,    L84,    L86,    I--.    L91,    246;    at 

;.   ii.    193-5;  "ii   exped.,    ii. 

202  3.209,21 1,218,  238  40;  murder 

•J  IT. 

W.  ]•:.,  on  explorin 
ii.  669. 
I  i  er,  habitat,  i.  412. 

I  l      :  ■     la.  built,  i.  595. 

I  Pacific,  ii.  669- 

71. 
Rendezvous,    fur-traders,    i.     193  I 
517;   Indian,  ii.  255  6;  Wind  River 
ii.  455;   1837,  ii.  610j  Green  River 


1824,  ii.  !  IT:  1829,  ii.  l"s:  Yellow- 
stone Lake,  ii.  <»1 1. 
Rennell  Sound,  named,  i.  179. 
■  Resolution,'  cruise  on  X.  W.  coast, 
177s,  i.  167-72. 

Re  i River,  named,  ii.  81. 

Revilla,  Cristobal,  1775;  Eeceta's  ex- 
ped., i.  158  66. 
Revilla,  Gigedo,  opinionoi  these 
,,i  Colnett,    i.    223;  ord<  1 3    \ 

ied.i.239;  oorth-v 
tion,    1792,    i.    270;    1794,    i.    295; 
;  rov<  rsy,    i. 
286,  290-1. 
Rej    Coromedo,    Bee    Purchas     map, 

L625,  i.  103. 
Reyes,   Point,  Cabrera,   Bi 

tudesat,  1734,  i.  148. 
Reyes  River,  Fonte's  story,  i.  1 16. 
Reyno   Is,  '  '-1    '  oast,  1816, 

i.  335;  a1  Fori  I  reorge,  ii.  2  17. 
Reynolds,  J.  N..  oi  ring 

d.,  ii.  669. 
..  report,  L  321-2. 
Juan  de,  re]   ■  "  ol 

north-west  passa  je,  i.  87. 
Ribault,    dean,    colonizes     Am< 
1562   i.  19,  380   I ;  bunl 
i.  52;  kill-1.  i.  380  I. 
Ricaras,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.  an 
ii.    13;    Hunt's  exped.    among,    ii. 
181   3. 
Rich,   W.,   on  exploring  exped.,    u. 

669,  682. 

Richard,  deserter,  ii.  626;  death,  u.628. 

on,    surveyor,    i.    615;    with 

\\  yeth's  exped.,  ii.  589-90. 

Richardson,  Capt.  port,  S.  F.,  ii.  683. 

RicheUeu,   monopoly   in   America,  i. 

:;ss  ''■ 
Richmond,     missionary,     Fort     Nis- 

1841,  ii.  657. 
Lieut.    C,    on    explormg 
.  ii.  669;  explored  Admiralty 
1  ,.  Ii7:i:  sent  to  s.  F. 

681,683. 

, ventura,  the,  of  Spaniard  i, 
i.  639,  641,  651. 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  Villt  g: 

i.  380. 
Rio  Nevado,  i 

Rio  del  Norte,  doubt   about  its  dis- 
embouchment,  i.  45. 

-  .  w  Mex- 
ico, i.  63. 
Rios,    Hernando  de  los,   reports  t\w> 
north-wi  :    87- 

i,  i.  608. 
Rizner,  J.,  with   P.  Fur  l 
ii.  L8,  184,  246  7. 


756 


INDEX. 


Roanoke,  Raleigh  attempts  to  found 
colony  at,  15S4-7. 

Roanoke  River,  fiction  concerning, 
i.  66. 

Robbiboo,  food,  i.  434. 

Robbins,  voyage,  1838,  i.  342. 

Roberdeau,  MS.,  remarks  on,  i.  615. 

Robernal,  viceroy  of  Canada,  founds 
settlement,  i.  12. 

Roberts,  Capt.,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1791, 
i.  235;  1792,  i.  265;  1793,  i.  294. 

Roberts,  G.  B.,  with  D.  Douglas,  ii. 
508;  at  Cowlitz  farm,  1847,  ii.  613; 
Puget  Sound  A.  Co.,  ii.  615;  fort- 
building  exped.,  1834,  ii.  629. 

Robertson,  Colin,  manager  for  Selkirk, 
i.  576-7. 

Robinson,  voyage,  1838,  i.  342. 

Robinson,  E.,  with  P.  Fur  Co.  exped., 
ii.  181,  184,  246. 

Robinson,  F.  J. ,  commissioner  on  title 
N.  W.  coast,  ii.  336-8. 

Roblet,  surgeon,  explores  Charlotte 
Isl.,  i.  255-7. 

'Rob  Roy,'  cruise  in  north-west, 
1823-5,  i.  341. 

Rochejaune,  see  Yellowstone,  ii.  80. 

Rocky  Mts,  French  reach,  1743,  i. 
26;  1752,  i.  28;  trappers  reach, 
1750-1800,  i.  27;  first  wagon  exped. 
to,  i.  514;  Verendrye  reaches,  i. 
595;  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  16, 
79. 

Rocky  Mt.  Fur  Co.,  formed,  i.  514; 
opposes  H.  Bay  Co.,  ii.  454;  change 
of  ownership,  ii.  455,  610;  compe- 
tition with  American  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
456,  567,  570-1. 

Rocky  Mt.  House,  built,  ii.  89,  91-2; 
Fraser  at,  ii.  94-8. 

Rocky  Mountains,  Gates  of,  named, 
1S05,  ii.  21. 

Roddes,  fur  monopoly  of,  i.  395. 

Rodgers,  his  voyages,  1792,  i.  265. 

Rodriguez,  explores  New  Mexico, 
1581-2,  i.  20. 

Roebuck,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  397-S. 

Rogers,  voyage,  1797,  i.  306. 

Rogers,  killed,  i.  579. 

Rogers,  Capt.  W.,  privateer,  in  Pa- 
cific, i.  25,  119. 

Rolfe,  J.,  marriage  with  Pocahontas, 
i.  543. 

Rond  Cap,  Point  Adams,  ii.  57. 

Rondeau,  guides  Kelley,  ii.  549. 

Ronquillo,  Estrecho  de,  Fonte's  story, 
i.  117. 

Ronquillo,  Philip  de,  Fonte's  story,  i. 
116. 

Rooster  Rock,  ii.  47. 


Roque,  J.  F.  de  la,  viceroy  of  La  Nou- 
velle  France,  i.  3S0. 

Roquefeuil,  Lieut.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1817,  i.  336-S;  a  voyage,  etc.,  i. 
338. 

Rosario  Strait,  see  Boca  de  Fidalgo, 
i.  242. 

Rosati,  Jesuit  missionary,  ii.  537. 

Rose,  among  Crows,  ii.  127-8. 

Rosebud  River,  see  Lewis  and  C.  ex- 
ped., ii.  80. 

Rose  Point,  Douglas  names,  Aug. 
1788,  i.  200. 

Rose  River,  Clarke  names,  ii.  78. 

'  Rose, '  tug,  wrecked,  ii.  640. 

Ross,  Red  River  settlement,  i.  579; 
on  Columbia,  ii.  171;  at  Kamloops, 
ii.  205-6;  as  an  authority,  ii.  23S, 
245;  among  Indians,  ii.  255-8,  268- 
9;  trading  exped.,  ii.  25S;  surveys 
bar  of  Columbia,  ii.  266;  exploring 
exped.,  ii.  270-1;  with  McKenzie, 
ii.  273-4;  surveys  Cowlitz  prairie, 
ii.  613. 

Ross,  A.,  in  Kamloops  country,  ii. 
122;  clerk  P.  Fur  Co.,  144,  173-4, 
205-6,  240;  joins  Northwest  Co., 
248. 

Ross,  C,  at  Fort  McLoughlin,  1S39, 
ii.  628;  1841,  ii.  657. 

Ross,  Fort,  Russians  establish,  i.  526; 
ii.  330;  Russians  abandon,  ii.  664. 

Rotchef,  Gov.  A.,  at  Fort  Ross,  ii. 
664. 

Rouge,  Fort,  built,  i.  595. 

Rouque  River  Pass,  location,  i.  646. 

Routes,  through  the  Cordilleras,  i. 
617-65;  of  railway  through  Rocky 
Mts.,  i.  633;  of  railway  through 
Sierra  Nevadas,  i.  651-3;  of  rail- 
ways and  canals  through  Central 
America,  i.  691-4;  from  Rocky  Mts. 
to  Pacific,  i.  660-56;  Or.  to  Cal.,  i. 
647;  Cal.  to  Mex.,  i.  654;  Fort 
George  to  William,  ii.  245-50. 

'Rover,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1800,  i. 
308. 

Rowan,  Capt.  Jas.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1798.  i.  306;  1799,  i.  307;  1S03,  i. 
317;  1804,  i.  318. 

Rowland,  accompanies  Simpson,  ii. 
655,  657-8,  661;  in  S.  F.  Bay,  ii. 
688. 

Royal,  Capt.,  on  Columbia,  1S36,  ii. 
341,  594. 

Ruddock,  S.  A.,  explorations,  1821, 
ii.  365,  446. 

Rupert,  Fort,  post,  H.  Bay  Co.,  i.  44S; 
profits  1859,  i.  467;  description,  i. 
491;  location,  ii.  629. 


INDEX. 


757 


Rupert  Land,  named,  : 

tted  to  11.  Bay 

1 :   H.   Bay  Co.,  division  i 

i.  439. 
Ruscelli,  map  of  1544,  i.  -IT. 

ii.   291 ; 
( !ommission<  r,  title  N.  W. 
355-60. 
Rushleigh  River,  named,  i.  281. 

Lord  J.,  on  Or.  question,  ii. 
.  103. 
Russian  American  Fur  Co.,  | 

on  N.  W. 

-.  348;  proposed 

m  to  1'.   Fur  Co.,  ii.    191 ;  on 

Cal.  coast,  ii. 

to  11.  Bay  Co.,  ii.  643-6,  653;   Bee 

Rlls-i 
Russians,  early  north-west  explora- 
i.  :;.  si,  29-31,  127,  130,  L84 
5:  ii.  319;  as  explorers,  i.  30-1; 
map.  1741,  i.  124;  Nootka  contro- 
versy, ii.  227-8;  on  Cal.  coast,  i. 
319,322  .  353,  374,   III, 

:   ii.  330,  659;   in  north-west 
fur-trade,   i.    345,   353,   373 
ii.  636  -7,  <;iM  I;  on  the  l 
ii.   131;  claim  to  Northwe 
u.319,  328,348  51;  on  NT.  W.  coa  t, 
ii.  349, 622-3, 629  33;  as  fur-traders, 
.    i;  leave  redoubt  Si 
.  646;  policy  toward  Indians, 
ii.  650;  i  bam 

treaty  with  11.   I  aj  Co.,  ii.  693. 
Rut,  John,  exploration,  i.   12. 

b,  J.,  map  of  1508,  i.  37. 
Ryan,  W.,   capt.    'Cadboro,'  ii.  477, 

515. 
Ryswick,  treaty  of,  terms,  i.  4  l_. 


Saavedra,  A.  R.,  at  Nootka,   1793,  i. 

293,  296;  voyage,  1795,  i.  301. 
Sable,  habitat,  i.  U2. 
Sable  Is.,  attempt  to  colonic  .  i.  384. 
i  sped.,  ii. 
■2J.  29. 

Iley,  11.  Bay  Co.  enter, 

1  .  July  '2, 

i.  197. 
Saddle  Mt,  Nehalem  legend,  ii.  •":;•_>; 

M..  fabulous  Btoi  ies,  i.  590. 
Sahaptin,  Lev  i  ed.,  ii.  33. 

: ;  i  ■_'. 
St  Antli  I  tennepin  visits, 

i.  :J1. 


Fort,  built,  i.  ' 

dboels,  iu 
L768,  i.  132. 
St  ('lair',  with  Wyeth'sexped., 
St   1  >yonysius,    redoul 

-    leave,    ii.    6  l(>: 
1  i !  5. 
st  Helm,  M.umt,  Vancouver  names, 
1792,    i.    281;    Bee    Lewis    and    ('. 

.   ii.  41,  61. 

St  Jamea  ( lape,  named,  i.  179; 

rounds,  i.  180. 

.  Fort,  built,  ii.  109;  import- 
ance, ii.  495  6 
St  John,  French  take,  1697,  i.  442. 
St  John,  Fort,  Indian  troubli 

462,  494. 

i.  as  a  trading  center,  i.  508. 
St  Lawrence,  name  becomes  current, 

i.  12;  Cartier  explores,  i.  42,  380; 

Indians  report  of,  i.  42;   Homem's 

map,  1558,  i.  50;  Salmi  von 

of,  i.   105;  early  fur-trade  i 
St    Lawrence    Island,   Bering  names, 

1728,  i.  30. 

,  Fonte's 

story,  i.  116. 
St  Louis,  |  ;  import- 

ance, i.  507  8,  510  1 1. 
St  Louis,   falls  of,  ('artier  reaches,  i. 

14. 

.   rapids  of,    trading 

L627,  i.  3S9. 
St  Malo  merchants,  Canada  fur-trade, 

i.  383   l.  388-9. 
St  Patrick   Bay,  llanna   names,   1785, 

i.  171. 

.  Fort,  built  by  Verendrye,  i. 

595. 
St  Petersburg,    treaty  of,    ii.    622  3, 

629. 
St    Pierre,    Carver   vi 

132;  explorations,  i.  597. 
St  Pierre.  <  }en.,  French  eon;, 

St  Simon,  seizes  Rupert  Land,  1671,  i. 

440. 

in    Wj  tfliet-Ptol<  i 

1597,  i.  84. 
Saldibar,  travels,  1618,  i.  109. 
Salinoii-li  -  ii.  -ls7: 

importance,  ii.  567;   Wycth's  plan 

at,   ii.    ">77;  Ids  failure,   ii.   596;  on 

Columbia,  ii 
Salmon  I  on,  ii.  471. 

Salmei- Pad] 

exped., 
105. 

mmanamah,  i 


753 


INDEX. 


•Salter,  Capt.  J.,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1S03, 

i.  312-15,  ii.   156-8;  killed  by  In- 
dians, i.  158,  315. 
Saltilla  Pass,  location,  i.  660. 
Salt-making,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. ,  ii. 

56-58. 
Salvador,  Captain,  on  Colorado  River, 

1751,  i.  127. 
Salvatierra,  reports  discovery  N.  W. 

passage,  i.  52;  explores  California, 

1701,  i.  113. 
Samuel  Point,  named,  ii.  53. 
San  Antonio,  see  Consag's  trip,  1748, 

i.  126. 
San  Bias,  Perez  sails  from,  i.  151;  He- 

ceta  leaves,  i.  15S;  Martinez  arrives, 

i.  1S5,  224;  leaves,  i.  213;  Tobar  ar- 
rives, i.  210,  227. 
'San  Carlos,'  snow,   on  N.  W.  coast, 

1788,  i.   184;  17S9,  i.  205,  213,  224, 

239;  1791,  i.  244,  24S,  250;  1793,  i. 

291,  293;  1795,  i.  301. 
Sancho,  Indian  chief,  ii.  462. 
San  Diego,  cruise  on  Cal.  coast,  1603, 

i.  140;  occupied  by  Spaniards,  1769, 

i.  150;  Perez  at,  i.  150. 
Sandwich  Islands,  La  P<5rouse  leaves, 

1786,  i.  175;  Portlackat,  1786,  i.  178. 
Sandy  River,   see   Quicksand   River, 

ii.  48. 
San  Estevan,  see  Perez'  voyage,  1773, 

i.  155. 
San  Fernando  Pass,  location,  i.  654. 
San  Francisco  Bay,  reached  by  Span- 
iards, 1769,  i.  28;  H.  Bay  Co.,  post 

at,  ii.  522,  6S8-9;  ships  in,  1841,  ii. 

65S-9. 
San  Francisco,  kingdom  of,  Niza  takes 

possession  1539,  i.  44. 
Sangre  de  Cristo  Pass,  location,  i.  637. 
Sangster,  voyage,  1837,  i.  342. 
Sangster,  Jas.,  capt.  of  'Cadboro,'  ii. 

477. 
San  Joaquin  valley,  H.  Bay  Co.,  enter, 

i.  527. 
San  Juan,  Elisa  names,  i.  246. 
San  Lorenzo,  Perez'  voyage,   1773,  i. 

155;  1778,  i.  170;  location,  i.  155. 
San  Martin  Cape,  in  de  Laet's  map, 

1633,  i.  106. 
San   Roque,    Heceta    names,    i.    163; 

Meares  names,  i.  198. 
San   Salvador,   cruise   on  Cal.   coast, 

1543,  i.  138. 
Santa  Ana,  Pedro,  killed  by  Indians, 

1775,  i.  161. 
Santa  Barbara,  Perez  south  of,  June 

24.  1773,  i.  152. 
Santa  Catalina,  see  Forrester  Island, 

i.  154. 


Santa  Clara,   Perez    voyage,   1773,  i. 

155. 
Santa  Cristina,  see  Forrester  Island, 

i.  154. 
Santa  Cruz,  discovered  by  Jimenez,  i. 

41. 
Santa  Cruz  de  Nutka,  Martinez  names, 

i.   216;    explored,   i.   224;    garrison 

life,  1790,  i.  240. 
Santa  Fe\  PeSalosa  penetrates  beyond, 

1662,  i.    109;  Harris'  map,  1705,  i. 

115;  trade,  i.  515;   trail  surveyed, 

1859,  i.  037. 
'  Santa  Gertrudis, '  on   N.   W.   coast, 

1792,  i.  283. 
Santa  Gertrudis  Pass,  location,  i.  656. 
Santa  Margarita,  Point,  Perez  names, 

i.  152;  see  Cape  North,  i.  154. 
Santa  Magdalena  Cape,  see  Point  Mu- 

zon,  i.  154. 
Santa  Maria,  Onate  reaches  mouth  of, 

1604-5,  i.  21,  90. 
Santa  Rosalia,  Perez  sights,   1773,  i. 

156. 
'  Santa  Saturnina,'  schooner,  on  N.  W. 

coast,  1791,  i.  244-48,  250. 
Santiago  (Colima),  discovered,  i.  13. 
'  Santiago, '  cruise  on  N.  W.  coast,  1773, 

i.  151;  1775,  i.  158-65. 
Sargent,  with  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  563. 
Satakarata,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
'  Saturnina, '  at  Nootka,   1 792,  i.  289. 
Saucieu,  hunter,  i.  97,  102. 
Sauv<3,  J.  B.,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477; 

on  Sauve  Is.,  ii.  599. 
Sauvels.,  see  Wapato  Is.,  i.  491;  ii. 

48,  593,  599. 
Sauzalito,    see    Whalers'  Harbor,    ii. 

658-9. 
Savannah  River,  Soto  reaches,  1539, 

i.  15. 
Saw-mill,  erected  Or.,  1S29,  ii.  504-5. 
Sawn,  Capt.  J.  P.,  on  Columbia,  1S27, 

ii.  476. 
Scarborough,  Jas.,  Capt.  of  'Cadboro,' 

ii.  477. 
Scattering  Creek,  named,  ii.  35. 
Scawana,  Indian  chief,  ii.  480. 
Schemer's  Globe,  1520,  i.  38. 
Scott,  David,  merchant,  i.  177. 
Scott  Bluffs,  named,  ii.  581. 
Scott  Cape,  named,  i.  178-9. 
Scott  Mountain  Pass,  description,  i. 

647. 
Scroggs,  explores  Hudson  Bay,  i.  26. 
'Sea  Gull,'  explores  Pacific,  ii.  069; 

wrecked,  ii.  670. 
Seal  Is.,  named,  ii.  53. 
Seal  River,  named,  ii.  48. 
Seals,  habitat,  i.  412. 


IDDEX. 


Seama  71. 

305;  L797,  i.  306;  1809,  ii.  L29;  Li. 

100. 
Sea-otter,    habitat,    i.    343,    412  L3; 
description,  i.  343-5;  od  Cal.  coast, 
ii.  604. 

r  Harbor,  Hanna  nai 
i.  171. 
Sebastian,  Ca] 

reaches,  1603,  i.  88. 
Sedelmair,  Father,  on  • 
i.  125. 

-  Northwest  pas- 
.  i.  87. 
Seix,  Stikeen  chief,  ii.  i 132. 
Selkirk,  Lord,  Red  River  colony,  i. 

57 ,  32;  ii.  300;  death,  ii.  301. 
Selwyn,  explores  Peace  River  Pass,  i. 

620. 
Semple,  Guv.,  killed,  i.  579;  ii.  89. 
Sepulchre  Is.,  Lewis  and  I  '. 
ii.  45. 

'adre  Jnnipero,  in  Cal.,  177.'!. 
i.  151. 
Serrano,  do  y.  report  on 

explorations,  1636,  i.  106. 
Serre,  trapping  tour,  1834,  ii.  583. 

,'.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  197,  209, 
211,  226,  235. 
Seven  cities,  Guzman  hunts  for,  1533, 
i.    12:   Niza  report  of,   i.    13-  I:   in 
[Wytfliet-Ptolemy'smap,  1597,  i.  82, 
Shaler,  Capt.   W.,  on  V    \ 
.   1.  i.  318. 

'Shark,1  scb ter,  wrecked,  ii.    533, 

69  I;   on  Columbia,  ii.  707. 
Sharp,  his  voyages,  17'»2.  i.  265. 
ingus,  partner  X.  V. 
227. 

Mt.,  habitat,  i.  412. 
Shelikof,  exploring  exped.,  i 
Shelvocke,  privateer,  in  Pacific,  i.  2.">; 
finds  gold  Cal.,  1721-2,  i.  121. 
:■  ip  to  Or.,  ii.  ">7^. 
Shepherd,    Capt.,    voyages,    17'>2.    i. 

d,  1  "■  'ir.  location,  ii.  121. 
Sheriff,  Capt,  in  Pacific,  ii.  292. 
Sheriff  Point,  named,  i.  281. 
Shields  River,  named,  ii.  77. 
Shingle-making,  P     et  So   ad,  ii.  701. 
.  1788,  i.  195  7: 
.  ii.   154;  X.  \ 
ii.  25* 

.  in.  s,  L778,  i.  17". 
E 

- 
171. 


i,  Indian,  ii.  ' 

22,  25,  28,  -■»•'!;  McKi 
271,  271.  276;   war  with  ] 
1824,  ii    n,\ 
Shumagin  Islands,  !".<  i  ing  oai 

Shushwaps,  Indian  tribe,  ii.  171. 
Siberia,   Cossacks   trai 

i.  29. 
Sierra   Madre,    i.    626; 

Sierra  Nevada,  < labrillo  nam 

Sierra,  Padre, Heceta's exped.,  \1~'<.  i. 

L58  66. 
Sierra  de  S 

1773,  i.  L54. 

.  ii.  92  3,  100. 
■  Silva  <1    I  533. 

Silver  Mountain  Pass,  Location,  i.  652. 
Simmons,  M..  at  Puget  Sound,  1844, 

ii.  7<)2. 
Simpson,  <  lapfc  i  27,  i.  341. 

Simpson,  Lieut.,  death,  ii.  623. 
.    A.,    at    Honolulu 
at  La, -hi.,.'  !! 
Simpson,  E.,  <  laptain  o 
177  9. 

.  Sir  <  r.,  dow  n  I'ii-'  r  River, 
ii.  114,  L18  L9;  on  Columbia,  ii.  432, 
111;  at  Foi  t  St  John,  ii.  I  ; 
To  1  to  X'  w  I  lali  donia, 
Fort  Langley,  Li.  L84  5;  d(  ath,  char- 
acter, ii.  490  I.  523;  visits  X.  W. 
dominion,  ii.  490  7;  birth,  appear- 
ance, ii.  489;  as  ju 

I 
Sound  A.  Co.,  ii  61 

1.  ii.  650;  tries 
■ 
654,  662;  journey  round  the  world, 
62;   "ii  Columbia,  ii.  655  7: 
"ii  X.  \  i 
ii.  658,  661;  i 
692;  at  Honolulu,  ii 

,  ii.  661  2;    Mofras'  opinion 
of,  Li.  66; 

Simpson,    I 

■ 
ii.  623; 

Simpson,    P 
Sinaloa,  M 
\ 

.  n.  711. 


INDEX. 


Sinclair,  W.,  at  Cowlitz  farm,  ii.  613, 

Sinclair  Bros.,  at  Pierre  Hole,  ii.  564; 
trapping  tour,  1832,  ii.  570. 

Sinoughton,  Indian  guide,  ii.  468. 

Sioux,  French  first  hear  of,  1630. 
106;  attack  Verendrye's  party, 
595;  Lewis  and  C.  exjted.,  ii.  lo- 
ir); Williams'  exped.  among,  ii.  127; 
P.  Fur  Co.,  exped.,  among,  ii.  180-1. 

Siskadee,  see  Green  River,  ii.  583. 

Skagit  Pass,  location,  i.  644. 

Skelley,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1805,  i.  320; 
trader,  ii.  55. 

Skins,  method  of  dressing,  i.  413-14. 

Skippanon  Creek,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. , 
ii.  57. 

Slacum,  W.  A.,  U.  S.  agent;  on  Co- 
lumbia, 1836-7,  ii.  602-4;  aids  W. 
Cattle  Co.,  ii.  615. 

Slaves,  among  Indians,  ii.  114,  647-9. 

Sleds,  see  dog's  sled,  i.  430. 

Slyboots,  Indian,  ii.  677. 

Small-pox,  among  Indians,  i.  554,  ii. 
176,  602,  642,  682. 

Smith,  Capt.  F.  at  Astoria,  1814,  i. 
333 

Smith,  S.  H.,  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  563; 
teacher,  Fort  Vancouver,  ii.  565; 
Or.  settler,  ii.  674. 

Smith,  T.  L.,  death,  character,  life, 
ii.  453-4. 

Smith,  Capt.  W.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1801,  i.  311;  1813,  i.  330;  1S09,  ii. 
130-5;  1813,  ii.  219;  on  Cal.  coast," 
1816,  i.  335;  life,  ii.  130. 

Smith,  Jcdediah,  Santa  Fe'  trader,  i. 
514;  with  Pocky  Mfc.  Fur  Co.,  ii. 
44*.  455;  trapping  tour,  1S24-7,  ii. 
449-53;  1829,  ii.  456-S;  escapes 
Indians,  ii.  450-1;  death,  ii.  459. 

Smith,  John,  seeks  Northwest  Pas- 
sage, 1606,  i.  22,  92;  fur  trader, 
1614,  i.  3S7,  499. 

Smith,  Jos.,  see  Famham's  exped.,  ii. 
609. 

Smith's  Inlet,  Hanna  names,  1786,  i. 
174. 

Smith  Sound,  Baffin  explores,  1616,  i. 
23. 

Smoky  Piver  Pass,  location,  i.  620. 

Qg,  on  Cal.  coast,  i.   31S-19, 
322,  335. 

Snake  Indians,  see  Shoshones,  ii.  22. 

Snake  River,  see  Lewis  River,  ii.  33; 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.  on,  ii.  33,  39, 
67;  Hunt's  exped.  on,  ii.  184-9. 

Snoipialinie  Pass,  location,  i.  645. 

Snow,  voyage,  1836,  i.  342. 

Society  of  Jesus,  in  New  France,  i. 
3S6-7. 


Sodomy,  among  Spanish  navigators, 
1587,  i.  71. 

Soissons,  Comte  de,  made  lieut.-geu. 
New  France;  death,  i.  3S7-8. 

Sokulks,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  40, 
ii.  261. 

Sola,  gov.  Cal.,  1815,  i.  334. 

Soledad  Pass,  location,  i.  654. 

'Solide.'on  N.  W.  coast,  1791,  i.  255. 

Sonora,  Vaca  traverses,  1536,  i.  16; 
Spaniards  advance  in,  1600,  i.  21; 
Kino  explores,  i.  25;  Velarde  in,  i. 
120. 

'Sonora,'  vessel,  cruise  on  N.  W. 
coast,  1775,  i.  158-65. 

Sonora  Pass,  location,  i.  652. 

Sopa,  Indian  chief,  ii.  256. 

Sosa,  Castafio  do,  explores  New  Mex- 
ico, 1590-1,  i.  20. 

Soto,  voyage,  153S^3,  i.  11,  15; 
licensed  to  explore,  i.  46. 

South  America,  discovered,  i.  6. 

South  Bowlder,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 
ii.  23. 

South  Carolina,  French  explore,  15G2- 
5,  i.  19. 

South  Kootenais  Pass,  location,  i.  622, 
624. 

South  Pass,  location,  i.  631,  635-6; 
description,  i.  636;  discovered,  ii. 
447. 

South  Sea,  Cartier  seeks,  i.  12;  sup- 
posed river  flowing  into,  i.  42; 
Knight  supposed  to  have  reached, 
i.  121. 

South  Sea  Company,  license  traders, 
i.  178;  north-west  fur  trade,  17S5,  i. 
354. 

Southwest  Co.,  Astor  forms,  i.  513. 

Sowles,  Capt.  C,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1812,  i.  329,  ii.  196-8,  201,  220; 
ISIS,  i.  337. 

Spain,  declining  interest  in  discovery, 
i.  7;  views  in  discovery,  1710,  i. 
119;  north-west  exploration,  1770, 
i.  150;  17SS,  i.  1S4-5;  Nootka  con- 
troversy, i.  227-38;  obtains  land 
west  of  Miss.,  1763,  i.  401;  obtains 
Florida,  i.  401;  cedes  her  posses- 
sions east  of  Miss,  to  England,  1763, 
i.  401;  claims  to  N.  \V.  coast,  ii. 
317-42;  fortifies  Nootka,  ii.  321.  __ 

Spalding,  H.  J.,  Or.  missionaiy,  ii. 
535;  at  Lapwai,  ii.  679;  on  hospi- 
tality H.  Bay  Co. ,  ii.  687. 

Spaniards,  destroy  French  colonies  in 
Florida,  1565,  i.  19;  northern  limit 
of  conquest,  1543,  i.  44;  in  north- 
west discovery,  1610,  i.  101;  oppose 
Cal.   exploration,   i.    112;    explora- 


INDEX. 


701 


tion,   1650-1750,   i.    122; 

149;    179-',    i.  2  3;    re- 

linquish   north-we  I 

ITT'.,  i.  169. 

I  540,  i.  342. 
i  ba  Buena,  ii.  660. 
Spence,  1>.,  interpreter,  ii.  539. 
Spence,  John,  ship-carpenter,  ii.  476. 
Spencer,  escapes  Indians,  ii.  128. 

.  i.  12. 
Spit  Bank,  named,  i.  281. 
Split  Rock,  Dixon  names,  17SG,  i.  ITS. 
Spokane  Fort,  built,  ii.  204. 
Spokane  House,  built,  ii.  120-1. 
Spoons,  silver,  Cook  sees  at  Nootka, 

1778,  i.  171. 
Squim  Bay,  Quimper  names,  i.  241. 

.  Fort,  location,  ii.  470-1. 
Stansbury,  surveys  Or.  road,  i.  (332; 

exped.  to  .Salt  Lake,  i.  636. 
Starling,  voyage  in  X.  YV.,  1837,  1839, 

i.  34l';  ii.  611. 
Steele,  in  Cal.,  1841,  ii.  541. 
Ste  Helene,  attacks  English,  i.  441. 
Steilacoom,  sec  Chelacom,  ii.  468. 
Stetson,  voyage,  1821,  i.  340. 
Stewart,    joins    Wyeth's    exped.,    ii. 

.  591. 
Stewart,  Capt.,  his  voyages,  1792,   i. 
265. 

.    Fort,    established,    ii.    644; 

iedoubt  St  Dionysius,  ii.  645. 

Stinking  Lake,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  32. 
Stinking  Water,  ii.  23. 
Stobniezas,    Ptolemy,    map  of,    1512, 

i.  38. 
Stone,  Fort,  described,  i.  4  s  I 
Stony  Mts.,  Hearne  names,  i.  612. 

i  title  X.  W.  coast,  ii.  3S6. 
i.  140. 
.  Arctic,  search  and  passage,  i. 
10. 

,  J.,  exped.  of,  1786,  i.  177. 
Strawberry  Island,  named,  ii.  47- 
Strong,  on  title  N.  W.  coast,  ii.  386. 
Stuart,    builds    Fort    Okai 

173-4;  exped.  up  Columbia,  ii. 
194-5;  among  Shushwaps,  ii.  218; 
at  Spokane  Souse,  ii.  2 

•   to  New 

■  uia,  ii.  4113. 

Stuart,  A.,  an  i.  ii.  231 ; 

i  William,  ii.  240,  245, 

248;  wounded  by  Indi  ins,  ii.  241-2. 

Stuart,    I).,    joins' P.    Fur   Co.,    142; 

ria,  152,  I:  5,  II  '  :  build  i 

ascends  Columbia,  explorations  of, 


173-4;  at  Okanagan,  ii.   I! 

211    13; 

.    ii.    90;   with 
:    in    N. 
da,  ii.   1  19,  121,  264;  arrives 
Astoria,    ii.   22    ; 
.  2 

up  Co- 
lumbia, ii.  23S   13;    from   I 
to   T.    William,    ii.    21s  o; 
.an,    ii.    279; 

284. 
Stuart,  P.,  joins   P.   Fur  I  !o.,  ii.  142; 

i  lolumbia,  ii.   169-7 
ines  WUlamel 
to   Astor,    ii. 
Louis,  : 
Stuart  Lake.  Post,  H.  Bay  Co.,  i.  448; 

named,  ii.  109. 
Stuart  Ri 

i.  685;  explored,  ii.  107-13. 
Sturgis,  Capt   W.,  on  N.   '■  ■ 

.  312;  1804,  i.  31  J;  description 
■  bter,  i.  344  5;  on  X.  W.  fur- 
trade,  i.  359  I  •  375  ii. 
ttd   Co.,    Boston    merchants, 

: 

455;  trapping toUr,  1829-30,  ii.  456- 

8;  Wy  trapping 

tcur     ISii    n    fc67;  character,    ii., 

579. 

;  ins,  ii.  561-2; 

trapping  tour,  1832,  ii.  570;  trapping 

tour,  1834,   ii.   579;  ' 

583;  trapping  tour,  L830,  ii.  610. 
Sublette,  William  L.,  Ii 

ii.  447;  with  Pocky  Mt. 

ii.  44S. 
'Sulphur, 'ship,  on  X.  \ 

42,  i.  342;  ii.  611. 
'Sultan,'.      I 

o.lX.   \. 

i.  341;   1832,  ii.  560,  566; 

ii.  567. 
'Sumatra,'  cruise  in  north-w< 

i.  342,  ii.  687. 

I  i.  22. 

Sur,  sea  of,  see  Frobisl 

60. 
Suter,  on  X.  W. 

Sutil  v 
271. 


762 


INDEX. 


Swaine  Paver,  named,  i.  2S1. 

Swan,  on  Cal.  coast,  1686,  i.  112;  ar- 
rives Fort  George,  ii.  "250;  onN.  W. 
coast,  1839,  ii.  039. 

Swanimilieh,  Indian,  i.  336. 

Swedish  West  IndiaCo. ,  formed,  i.  502. 

Sweetwater,  named,  ii.  447. 

Swift,  voyage,  17^7;  voyage,  179S,  i. 
306;  voyage,  1S00,  i.  308;  1801,  i. 
311. 

Swipton,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1805,  i.  320, 
ii.  55. 


Tabbabone,  'white  man,'  ii.  26. 
Table  Creek,  Clarke  names,  ii.  80. 

Table    Mountain,    Heceta's    voyage, 

1775,  i.  164. 
Tachy,  native  village,  ii.  283. 
Tacootche  River,  see  Fraser,  i.  684. 
Tacootche  Tcsse,  see  Fraser  River,  i. 

G84;  see  Columbia,  ii.  170. 
Tadonsace,    trading   centre,    1027,    i. 

389. 
'Tagle,'  corvette,  on  Cal.  coast,  1S13, 

ii.  235. 
Tahuglauks,  La  Hontan's  tale,  i.  5S9- 

90. 
Tako,   Fort,  built,    ii.    647-9;     aban- 
doned, ii.  650. 
Takos,  character,  ii.  648. 
Tallahassee,  Soto  reaches,  1539,  i.  15. 
'Tally-bo,'  corvette,  on  K  W.  coast, 

ii.  029. 
Tamazula  Pass,  location,  i.  660. 
Tampa  Bay,  Soto  lands  at,  1539,  i.  15. 
Tansy  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 

72-3. 
Taos,  Coronado  reaches,   1542,   i.    17. 
Tapteal  River,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

ii.  40. 
Tarascon,  L.  A.,  ascends  Miss.,  1826, 

ii.  454. 
Taronington,  at  Xootka,  i.  160. 
Tatootche,    Indian  chief   at   Nootka, 

1788,  i.  197. 
Tawatowe,  Cayuse  chief,  ii.  089-91. 
Taylor,   A.  S.,  on  Fuca's  birthplace, 

1854,  i.  73. 

i"..   servant   to   Simpson,    ii. 

403,  497,  055. 
Teguayo,  in  Paredes'  report,   1080,  i. 

112. 
Tehichipa  Pass,  location,  i.  652. 
Tehuantepec,  Cortes'  agents  reach,  i. 

13. 
Tehuantepec  Pass,  location,  i.  661. 
Tchuayo,  see  ' 
Tejada  Ish,  Elisa  names,  i.  247. 


Tejon  Pass,  location,  i.  653. 

Tello,  Padre,  report  of  Strait  of  Anian, 
1650,  i.  108.     ■ 

Temistitan,  in  Munster's  map,  1545, 
i.  48. 

Temple,  receives  Port  Royal,  1654,  i. 
391. 

Tent,  fur-traders,  i.  430-1. 

Tepic,  Colnett  a  prisoner  at,  i.  222. 

Tercien,  hunter,  ii.  97. 

Terra  Corterealis,  in  Ptolemy's  map, 
1511,  i.  37. 

Tete  Jaime  Pass,  seeYellowhead  Pass, 
i.  620. 

Tete  Pint,  La  France  story,  i.  590. 

Teton  River,  see  Tansy  River,  ii.  72. 

Tetons,  Lewis  and  C.  exped. ,  ii.  1 3. 

Texas,  Spaniards  explore,  1540-2,  i. 
15-17,  27;  La  Salle  takes  possession, 
i.  24,  393;  Spain  and  France  occupy, 
i.  25. 

Theatrum  Orbis  Terrarum,  of  Orte- 
lius,  1574,  i.  53. 

Theguayo,  province,  i.  109. 

Themistitan,  see  map  of  Apianus, 
1575,  i.  56. 

Thing,  Blackfeet  attack,  ii.  597. 

'Thomas  Perkins,'  cruise  in  north- 
west, 1839,  i.  342. 

'Thomas  H.  Perkins,'  on  Columbia, 
ii.  681;  1841,  ii.  GSG. 

Thompson,  Capt.,  voyage,  1829-30,  i. 
341;  1840,  i.  342. 

Thompson,  D.,  exjdores  Athabasca 
Pass,  1810,  i.  021;  explores  New 
Caledonia,  ii.  119-20,  122-5;  ii.  329; 
character,  ii.  125;  at  Fort  Astoria, 
ii.  125,  171-2;  discovers  Thompson 
River,  ii.  123;  descends  Columbia, 
ii.  124;  Montreal  trip,  ii.  173;  at 
Ilkoyope  Falls,  ii.  283. 

Thompson,  Fort,  built,  ii.   122. 

Thompson,  Mount,  see  Thompson's 
exped.,  ii.  123. 

Thompson  Paver,  map  of,  ii.  122;  dis- 
covered, ii.  123-4;  explored,  ii.  329. 

Thorn,  Capt.  J.,  on  N.  W.  coast, 
1810-11,  i.  327-S;  ii.  143-55,  103-7; 
murdei-ed,  i,  328;  ii.  107. 

Thomburg,  killed,  ii.  590-7. 

Thome,  Robert,  urges  exploration, 
1627,  i.  40. 

Thornton,  J.  Q.,  on  Kelley,  ii.  55S. 

'  Three  Brothers,'  cruise  in  the  north- 
west, 1792,  i.  265,  279. 

Three  Brothers,  Strait  of,  see  St  Law- 
rence, i.   105. 

Three  Tetons,  Hunt's  exped.,  ii.  183-4. 

Three  Thousand  Mile  Ish,  Lewis  and 
C.  exped.,  ii.  76. 


INDEX. 


7G3 


Tiana,  Hawaiian  chief,  i.  10.". 
Tibbits,  with  Wyeth's  exped.,  ii.  563; 

(  h:  settler,  ii.  67  L 
Ti  ond  i 

1758,  i.   400;   taken  by   Amherst, 

1759,  i.  401. 

Tidias,  Indian  chief,  ii.  (>,7. 

Tiguex,  Ramusio's  map,  1556,  i.  49; 
Ortelius' map,  1574,  i.  53;  Bondius' 
map,  i.  105;  chief  town  of  Quivira, 
i.  110. 

Tiguex,  seeRiodel  Norte,  i.  4."i;  Hon- 
dius'  map,  i.  105;  town  of  Quivira, 
1655,  i.  110. 

Tizon,  Rio  del,  see  Colorado,  i.  90. 

Tillamook,  see  ( lape  Fal<  on,  i.  164. 

Tillaniuuk  Lay,  Gray  reaches,  Any.  14, 
1788,  i.  188. 

Timpanagos,  River  and  Lake,  loca- 
tion, ii.  44(i-7. 

Tipping,  on  Alaskan  coast,  1780,  i. 
177. 

'T.  Merithew,'  bark,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

Tobacco,  fondness  of  Indians  for,  ii. 
205;  indigenous,  ii.  509. 

Tobar,  visits  Moqui  towns,  1540,  i.  1G. 

Tobar,  .lose,  on  N.  W.  coast,  i.  212, 
227,  295-6;  voyage,  1796,  i.  305. 

Tobar,  Jos6  Andre's,  his  voyages,  1792, 
i.  266. 

Toil,  John,  life,  ii.  462-3;  in  New  Cal- 
edonia, ii.  463,  538;  at  Fori  Mc- 
Leod,  ii.  194;  at  Fort  Kamloop,  ii. 
572;  accompanies  Simpson,  ii.  (j~>5. 

Tod,  W.,  ekrk,  Fort  Walla  Walla, 
1842,  ii.  690. 

Tohn,  in  map  of  Ortelius,  1">74,  i.  53. 

Tolmie,  DrW.  T. ,  at  Fort  Vancouver, 
ii.  .">•_'•">;  character,  life,  ii.  615-16, 
628;  prospectu  iPu  e1  Sound  A.  Co., 
ii.  615-16;  works,  ii.  616,  628;  in 
England,  ls41,  ii.  617;  at  Victoria, 
1859,  ii.  618;  at  Fort  Mi  L 
ii.  628;  fort-building  exped.,  1834, 
ii.  629,  635;  at  Fort  Simpson,  1836, 
ii.  638;  builds  Willami 
road,  i  -  captures  Indian 

murderer,    ii.    686;   in   Willamette 
Valley,  1843,  ii.  701. 

i  .  ;  radition  of  migration, 

i.  8. 

Tommana  .  see  Lewis  and  U. 

.  ii.  69. 

.  i.  281;  ii.  154; 

ii.  80. 
Tonquin,  on  N.  W.  coast,  1810-11,  i. 

ii.  143-^u,  1 
ii.  168. 


Tontonteac,  mythic  town,    f 

about,  i.  43;  0  ,  i.  •■.'!. 

Tooth,  the,  mountain,  i.  612. 
Topia,  Ibarra  reaches,  1563,  i.  52. 

,  supercarg 

L792,  i.  267. 

I  lie  king  takes  cha 

^  398. 
Torquemada,  his  Strait  of  Anian;  his 

Quivira,  i.  87  9. 
Toi  res,   de  A!  d  1792,   i. 

283. 
Totonteac,  Lake  of,  1655,  i.  111. 
Touchet    River,    see    Lewis    and    ( '. 

exped.,  ii.  (i(i. 
Towahnahiooks  River,  Lewis  and  ('. 

exped.,  ii.  41. 
Towanahiooks,  Lewis  and  < 

ii.  63    I. 
To\i  usend,  J.  K.,  narrai  ive, 

577;  with  Wyeth's  Or.  exped.,  ii. 

577;  at  I lawaiian  la.,  ii.  59 ». 
Track  Creek,  named,  180  i,  ii.  24. 
Trade,  north-west,  17(10  2,  i.  243,  250, 

252  3,   256-7,   261,   263   1;   i.   290, 

293-4,  297;  1793,  i.  293-4;  1796,  i. 

305;  1797  8,  i.    306;    1799,  i.    307; 

1800,  i.  308;  1817, i.  336  7;  Colum- 
bia,  I  v-:;."\  ii.  4  13   l ;    method  with 

Indians,  ii.  444;  Shoshone,  1N30,  ii. 

455. 
Traders,  on  N.  W.  coast,  17!f2,  i.  258- 

66;    1805,   i.    320;    1806,    i.    321   3; 

1807,   i.    :;-->.S-4;    1808-9,   i.    324  5; 

1810-11,  i.  325-8;  1812,   i 

J  - 1  _'  I  1,  i.  329  33;  1815,  ; 

lSKi,  i.  334-5;  1817,  i.  335-6;  1818, 

i.  336-9;  1819-40,  i.  340  2. 
Traffic,   method  of,   II.    Bay   Co.,  i. 

560-1;  on  Columbia,  ii.  41. 
Tranquille,   Indian  chief,    death,    ii. 

511. 
Trapp,  fur-trader,  i.  516 

Mt.  Co.,  ii.  455. 

American,  chi 

420;   compared  with    \ 

420,  432 

4'Ji),    4L'.'!,    54 !   2;    explo  . 

(,'n.,  ii.  47-';  influence  i 
ment,  ii.  I  99. 

i.  413. 

■ 

: 

1817,  i.  335. 

Traveller's  Rest,   sec    ! 
exped.,  ii.  76. 


764 


INDEX. 


Treaty,   attempted    between    French 

and  American  colonies,  164S,  i.  391. 
Treaty  of  Paris,  1783;  terms,  i.  401. 
Treet,  furrier,  i.  189. 
Tres    Marias,    see    Heceta's  voyage, 

1773,  i.  1G4. 
'Tres  R,eyes,  'cruise  on  Cal.  coast,  1603, 

i.  146. 
Trials,  rival  fur  companies,  i.  371--, 

5S1. 
Trimble,  on  qiiestion  N.  W.  coast,  ii. 

353. 
Trinidad,    Vizcaino's    furthest  limit, 

1603,  i.  148. 
Trinidad  Bay,  explored,  1775,  ii.  31S. 
'Triton,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1824,  i. 

341. 
Trois  Rivieres,  trading  centre,   1627, 

i.  389. 
Trout  Lake,  Fraser's  exped.  on,  ii.  101. 
Trout  Lake  House,  built,  ii.  88. 
Truckee  Pass,  see  Donner  Pass,  i.  651. 
Trumbull,  with   Wyeth's  exped.,   ii. 

562. 
Tschuktschi,  natives,  i.  29. 
Tsilbekuz,     Lake,     see    Mackenzie's 

voyage,  i.  693. 
Tucannon    River,    see    Kimmooenim 

Creek,  ii.  39. 
Tuchano,  in  map  Ortelius,  1574,  i.  53. 
Tucker,  on  question  N.W.  coast,  ii.  344. 
Tulare    Valley,     Garces     penetrates, 

1776,  i.  28;  H.  Bay  Co.  in,  1840,  ii. 

539. 
Tummeatapam,  Walla  Walla  chief,  ii. 

213. 
Turner,  escapes  Indians,  ii.  450. 
Turner  Pass,  location,  i.  6\j3-4. 
Tushepaws,  Hunt's  party  among,  ii. 

190. 
Tututepec,  Carte's'  agents  reach,  i.  13. 
Twiss,  T.,  on  N".   W.   coast  explora- 
tion, i.  136;  authority  on  Or.  ques- 
tion, i.    143;  ii.  415-16;  his  works, 

ii.  415-16. 
Twisted-hair,  Indian  chief,  ii.  67. 
Tyeet,  Indian  chief,  ii.  627-S. 
Tyler,  Pres.,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  392, 

395;   condemns  Hunters'  assoc,  ii. 

699. 


U 


Ugarte,  Padre,  explores  Gulf  of  Cal. , 

1721,  i.  121. 
Uhlefeld,  Baron,  voyage  to  Strait  of 

Anian,  1773,  i.  134. 
Ulloa,   explores  Gulf  of   Cal.,    i.    14; 

searches   for   Pueblo   towns,  i.   16; 

explorations,  1540-3,  i.  44,  46. 


'Ulysses,'  cruise  in  north-west,  1799, 

i.  307. 
Umatilla     River,     see     Youmalolam 

River,  ii.  64. 
Umatillas,  Indian  tribe,  ii.  261. 
Umfreville,   opposes   H.   Bay  Co.,  i. 

446-7. 
Umpqua,  Fort,  post  Hudson  Bay  Co., 

i.  448;  built,  ii.  521. 
Umpqua  River,  Cook  misses,  1778,  i. 

170. 
Union,  Fort,  steamers  ascend  to,  1832, 

i.  520. 
United    States,    recognized,   17S3,   i. 

401;   buys  Louisiana,  1803,   i.   401; 

Indian  policy,  i.  529-50;    claim  to 

north-west,  ii.  321-54,  355-88,  389- 

416;     organizes    exploring    exped. 

under  Wilkes,  ii.  66S-S4. 
Unjigah,  see  Peace  River,  i.  679,  6S4. 
Unknown  Region,  extent,  ii.  2. 
Ural  Mountains,  Cossacks  cross,  i.  29. 
Urdaneta,  A.  de,  crosses  Pacific  Ocean, 

1565,  i.  20;  story  of  north-west  pas- 
sage, i.  51-2. 
Uriz,  Strait  of,  seeConsag's  trip,  1748, 

i.  26. 
'Urode,'  on  N.  W.  coast,  180G,  i.  322. 
UiTy  Is.,  named,  i.  281. 
Utah,  Spaniards  reach,   1750-1800,  i. 

27:  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map,  1597,  i. 

82. 
Utah  Basin,  the,  i.  641. 
Utah  Lake,  discovered,   1776,  i.  612, 

639;  ii.  44S. 
Utrecht,  treaty,  terms,  i.  39S,  443-4. 


Vaca,C.  de,  citiesof,i.  3;  explorations, 

1536,  i.  15,43;  explores  Texas,  i.  21. 
Valasco,  Lake,  Fonte's  story,  i.  1 16. 
Vahk's,    Capt.    S.,    on  N.   W.    coast, 

1792,  i.  270,283. 
Valdivia,  voyage,  1512,  i.  11. 
Valerianos  Apostolos,  Fuca's  name,  i. 

71. 
Vallar,  employ  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  19S. 
Vallejo,  Gen.,  receives  Simpson,  1841, 

ii.  659;  residence,  ii.  664. 
A  alverde,    incredulous  on  subject  of 

travellers'  tales,  i.  120. 
'Vancouver,'    cruise    in    north-west, 

1S02,  i.   311;   cruise   in  north-west, 

1839,  i.  342;  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1841,  ii. 

688. 
'Vancouver,' bark,  wrecked,  ii.  533; 

at  Fort  Tako,  1S40,  ii.  607. 
Vancouver,  Fort,  rations,  i.  433;  post 

H.  Bay  Co.,  i.   448;    overland  ex- 


INDEX. 


765 


press  at,  i.  463-4;  description,  i. 
488;  mill  •  built,  ii.  1 12,  ii.  515; 
built,  ii.  436-42;  cattle  at,ii.  442-3; 
epidemics,  ii.  6;  impor- 

tance, ii.   522;    missionai  • 

.   school  established,   ii.  505; 
agriculture,    ii.    440   1.     603;     de- 
i.  ii.  709  10,  712. 

Vancouver,  ( leo.,  on  \. \\  .  coi  I  I ,  .', 
i.  259,  263-5,  270,  274  82,  287  9, 
323;  17!'::.  i.  291  1:  1794,  i.  297- 
\  I. ,  1792,  i. 
275  9;  map,  1792,  i.  276,  278,  280; 
L793,  i.  292;  relation  with  Span- 
iards, Nbotka,  i.  279;  narrative,  re- 
marks on,  i.  281—2;  a  voyi 
i.  282; 

.  Nootka 
controversy,  i.  296  9;  surv«  ys  Cook 
Inlet,  i.  296;  death,  i.  299;   north- 
■  xplorations,   ii.  322;   on  Co- 
lumbia, 1792,  ii.  3 

Vancouver  Is.,  named,  i.  279;  physi- 
cal features,  i.  409. 

Vancouver  Point,  named,  i.  281. 

'Vancouver,'  schooner,  built,  ii.  499; 
wrecked,  ii.  500. 

'Vancouver,'  ship,  on  X.  W.  coast, 
1803,  i.  .SIS,  1805,  i.  320.  1806,  i. 
322,  L808-9,  i.  324;  on  Columbia, 
180G,  ii.  59;  on  Columbia,  1S39,  ii. 
.recked,  184S,  ii.  533;  built, 
ii.  ii:;::. 

'Vandalia,'  brig,  wrecked,  ii.  533. 

Vandenburgh,  trapping-tour,  1832,  ii. 
570-1. 

Van  Dusen,  fur-trader,  i.  516. 

Varennes,  P.,  explorations,  builds 
forts,  death,  i.  593-6. 

Varney,  Capt.,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1S39, 
i.  342,  ii.  639-41;  on  Columbia, 
1841,  ii.  681,  686. 

Varin,  trader,  ii.  93. 

Vasadre  y  Vega,  fur  monopoty,  i.  525. 

Vasquez,  at  Fort  Bridger,  1846,  ii. 
611. 

Vavasour,  commissioner  to  X.  W.,  ii. 
703. 

Velarde,  Padre  Luis,  views  of  Ameri- 
can geography,  1710,  i.  1  -0. 
-.  Noticias,  etc.,  i.  129. 
on  N.  W.  coa  t.  L792,  i.  266, 
279,  283. 

Verdia,  Jose,  explores  Haro  channel, 
i.  246. 

Verendrye,  explorations,  1713,  works, 
i.  26;  .  i.  593. 

Vermilion  Sea,  in  l>e  I'lsle's  map, 
1715,  i.  119. 

Vermilion  Pass,  description,  i.  623. 


Verrazano,  <!..  reaches  Carolina  and 
\'  w  foundli  ad,    1524,  i.    I-':    \  l  \.  - 

Of     Ww     World     and    Asia,     i.    39; 

\.  A.  i.  379. 
Verrazano,  Mar  de,  i.  39. 

i.   209;   at 
1792.  i.  266,  286. 
■  Vincennes,'  Bloop-ol 

.  ii.  669  684;  on  N.  W.  coast, 
ii.    072,    680  I:    in   S.    P.    Bay,    ii. 
683. 
'  Victoria,'  cruise  on  CaL  coast,  1543, 

i.  138. 
Victoria,  Fort,   Bite,  i.   409; 

a,  i.  491; 
agriculture,  i.  492. 

ior   v  Sanchez,    on   Consag's 
trip,  1748,  i.  126. 

aon,  in  S.  America,   1855,   i. 
380.  ' 
Vincent,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  177. 
Vizcaino,   S.,  e 

1597,  i.  20  I ;   north-west  explora- 
tions,   L602-3,    i.    21,    137,    1  16  7: 
es  of,  i.  77,  87-S;  ma 

death,  i,   1  17. 

er,'  ''it  X.  W.   coast,  1819- 
20,  i.  340;   L828  30,  i.  341. 
Von  Freeman,  at  Port  Vancouver,  ii. 
681. 

I  amoUS,  author  of,  i.    111. 

i.    151;    miscellaneous    to    N.    W. 
coast,    1789,  i.  204;  L793,   i 
297;    1796,   i.   304;   1797  9 
1801,  i.  310;  1802,  i.  311;  L819   K), 
i.  340-1;  Galiano  yValde's,  1792,  i. 
264  6,    27.'!;    Vancouver's,   L793,  i. 
291-3;  1791.  i.  296-9. 
Voyageur,    The    Canadian,    ori 
396,  414;  character  and  life,  i.  1 15  - 
36;  enrolling,  i.  424;  'lv< 
food,    i.   432-4;  Northw* 
559-00. 

W 

Wages,  fur-hunters',  i.  !.">.">. 

.    lir.st    upon    the    plains,    ii. 

456  8. 
Wahasah,  Bee  Redstone  River,  ii.  Bl. 
Wahowpums,  Indian  tribe,  i 

art's  j ■  .■  i 1 1  ■- .  ii.  194  5. 
Waiilatpu,  mission  at,  ii.  537. 
Waka,    hunter  ed.,    ii. 

115. 
Wakiakums,    Lewis  .-md   C. 

ii.  .">(i;     Mc]  .    ii.    198. 

Waldron,  b.  R.,  on  explono 

X.  W.,  ii.  ■  •. 


766 


INDEX. 


Walker,  exped.  to  Cal.,  i.  516;  ex- 
plorations, i.  643,  656;  Or.  mis- 
sionary,  ii.  537;  in  Utah,  ii.  572; 
Emmons'  exped.,  ii.  6S2. 

Walker,  C.  M.,  trip  to  Or.,  ii.  57S; 
at  Eort  William,  ii.  595. 

Walker  Is.,  named,  i.  281. 

Walker  Pass,  description,  i.  653. 

Wallace,  botanist,  drowned,  ii.  53S. 

Wallace,  clerk,  P.  Fur  Co.,  ii.  144. 
207,  226;  leaves  Fort  George,  ii. 
245. 

Walla  Walla,  Fort,  post  H.  Bay  Co., 
i.  448;  description,  i.  490;  built,  ii. 
273-4;  burned,  ii.  G90;  abandoned, 
ii.  711. 

Walla  Walla  River,  Lewis  and  C. 
exped.,  ii.  40,  64. 

Walla  Wallas,  see  Sokulks,  ii.  40; 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.  among,  ii.  64; 
friendliness  to  whites,  ii.  213;  mis- 
sionaries among,  ii.  534-5. 

Waller,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  674-5. 

Walrus,  habitat,  i.  412. 

Walulu,  location,  ii.  202. 

Wapato  Inlet,  named,  ii.  62. 

Wapato  Is.,  see  Same  Is.,  i.  491, 
ii.  593;  named,  ii.  4S;  Lewis  and 
C.  exped.,  ii.  61;  Clarke  describes, 
ii.  62;  dairy,  ii.  5!  IS   9. 

Wapato  Valley,  named,  ii.  48. 

Wards,  Indians  as,  i.  531-2,  536. 

Warlields,  Emmons' exped.,  ii.  6S2. 

Warre,  commissioner  to  X.  W. ,  ii. 
702. 

Warren,  killed,  i.  57(3. 

Warrior  Point,  named,  i.  281. 

Wascos,  see  Echeloots,  ii.  44;  sub- 
dued, ii.  270. 

Washburn,  Gen.,  explores  Yellow- 
stone, ii.  31. 

"Washington,  originally  part  of  X.  W. 
coast,  i.  2;  Perez  discovers  coast, 
1773,  i.  157;  geography,  i.  410. 

Washington,  G.,   war,   1749,    i.    400, 

Washington  Is. ,  see  Queen  Charlotte 

Island,  i.  206. 
'Washington,' trader,  onX.  W.  coast, 

1805,  i.  320;  ii.  55. 
A  7ashington,    treaty   of,    Feb.    1S19, 

terms,  i.  403. 
Washita  River,  explored,  i.  614. 
Washougal  River,  see  Seal  River,  ii. 

48. 
'Wave,'  brig,  on  Columbia,  ii.  674. 
Weber  Pass,  location,  i.  G:,4. 
Webster,  on  Or.  question,  ii.  405. 
Webster- Ashburton  treaty,  Aug.  1842, 

i.  403. 


Wedderburn  and  Co.,  merchants,  ii.  • 

515. 
Wedgborough,  S.,   on  X.   W.  coast, 

1786,  i.  177. 

Weeks,  S.,  armorer,  ii.  150-1. 
Werner  Creek,  named,  ii.  71. 
Western  Company,  fur  monopoly  of, 

1717,  i.  395. 
Western    department,    see   Columbia 

department,  i.  448. 
West  India  Company,  formed,  1604, 

i.  394;  dissolved,   1674,  i.   395;  see 

Miss.  Co.,  i.  397;  chartered,  1621, 

i.  501. 
West.  River  of  the,  in  Jefferys'  map, 

1768,  i.   132;  see  Gray's  voyage,  i. 

188. 
West   Road   River,    see   Mackenzie's 

voyage,  i.  685-6,  092:  named,  i.  690. 
Weymouth,  G.,  voyage,   1602.  i.  22; 

trading  in  Maine,  1605,  i.  387,  4C9. 
Whalaki,  killed,  ii.  586. 
Whale  Creel;,  see  Escola  creek,  ii.  58. 
Whale   iisheries,  in  Or.   question,  ii. 

420;  X.  W.  coast,  ii.  420-7,  66S. 
Whalers'  Harbor,  see  Sauzalito,  ii.  659. 
Whales,  habitat,  i.  412. 
Wheeler,  surveys  Or.  road,  i.  632. 
Whidbey,  Lieut.,  surveys  Gray  Har- 
bor,   1792:  points  named,  see  foot- 
note, i.  281. 
Whidbey  River,  named,  i.  281. 
Whitcom,  Or.  missionary,  ii.  074. 
White,  Dr,  killed,  i.  579:  missionary, 

ii.  687;  Indian  agent,  ii.  698. 
White-bear  Islands,  named.   1S05,  i. 

20;  see  Lewis  and  C.  exped..  ii.  72. 
Whitehouse  Creek,  named,  1805,  ii.  21. 
White  Man  Fort,  seeBelhoullayCouin, 

i.  669. 
White  .Salmon  River,  see  Lewis  and 

C.  exped.,  ii.  63. 
Whitman,   Or.  missionary,  ii.  535;  at 

Waiilatpu  mission,  ii.  077. 
Whitman,  Mrs,  Or.  missionary, ii.  535. 
Whittaker,  L.,  settler  Cowlitz  valley, 

ii.  014. 
Whittemore,  on  X.  W.  coast,  1808-9, 

i.  324;  1811,  i.  326. 
Whittier,  with  Wyeth's  exped. ,  ii.  503. 
Wickananish,  Indian  chief.  Xootka,  i. 

190;  entertains  Meares,  i.  197;  sells 

land,  i.  254. 
Wickininnish,  Lidian  tribe,  ii.  160. 
Wife-lifting,    among   fur-hunters,    ii. 

402. 
Wilcox,  Capt.  J.   S.,    on   Cal.  coast, 

1S17,  i.  335-6. 
Wildes,  voyage,  1801,  i.  310;  1802,  i. 

312. 


INDEX. 


Wilkes,  <Mi  i  .-    '    b  b  of  ] 
lax,  i.  79;  in  Cal.,  i 

J.  ii.   60S 
on  N.  W. 
.   Vancouver,  in  Wil- 
ley,   ii.  07 1  0j 
i  ibia  River,  ii.  681;  in  Cal.,  ii. 

.  works,  ii.  670, 
l 
V  579. 

\  Cattl        ..   Slacum  aids, 

;  organized,  ii.  HI"). 

Willamette  River,  Lewis  and  ('.  ex- 

33,    ii.    18;    aame, 

Domah  River,  ii.  66;  Stuart 

177:  explored,  ii.  195. 

\  be  Br*  er    Pass,   Location,    i. 

Willamel      Valley,  B 

:  fur-tradiug   in,    ii.    269,    2S9; 

.  ii.  .">()()<  mills  . 
.  1829,  ii.   505;  gi  n 
521;  mi  sionaries  in,  ii.  53  1  5;  set 
;,  ii.  603;   1838,  ii.  607; 
ii.  701. 

.  A.,  see  Lewis  and  <  . 
ii.  24. 
"\  i  ek,  named,  ii.  'J4. 

o  \.  W.  passage,  i.  59- 

William,  Fort  (X.  W.   Co. 

tiou,    i.  5;  rendezvous  at, 

i.   1  13-4; 

.  i.  565-8. 
William    Fort    (Sauvd    I 

tiou,   i.   491;  built,   ii.   592  5;  sold 

toll.  Lay  Co.,ii  597  8. 
William,  Point,  Lewis  and  C.  exped., 

'William  and  Ann,'  cruise  in  north- 
1828,  i.  341;  wrecked,  i.  341; 
ii.  493,  532. 

Williams.    Bill,    trapper,    explorer,    i. 

516. 
Williams,     E.,     hunting    exped.,     ii. 

Wind  R 

Windsor  River,  nam<  d,  ii.  79. 

Winkworth,  William,   voj 

i.  341. 

fort     erected    at, 

17-'.  i.  26;  J(  BR  rys'  ma]  ,    17   8,   i. 

132. 
Winnipegs,   Fn  m  b   hear  of,    1630,  i. 

Winsbip,  A.,  merchant,  ii.  130. 
Winship    Chas.,  ,  i.   306; 

b,  i.  309. 
Winship,  Capt.  J.,   on    N. 

- 


11,  i.  !  25;  1812,  i.  321  ;<      ise,  ]    13, 
i.    330;    chai  i. 

328  9. 

Winship.    Nathan,    on     N.    W.    coast, 

130  5. 
Winship's  settlement  on    <  i 
I    10 

nd    Mar- 
.  ,  i.  23. 

,  ii.  23. 

.  401. 
bitat,  i.  !  IJ. 
VVolv*  H2. 

536. 
d,     Rudolph,  c 

i.  'J1-!'. 
Co.,  i.  614; 
Woody  Point.  Cook   names,   1778,  i. 
170;    Dixon's    map, 

1790,  ..  240. 
Woi  k,  Jol  i  "ii  ■  k- 

.  ii.   171 ; 
at  Colville,  ii.  172,  497,  51! 
to  Missoui  i.  I  131,  ii.  510   19;  tra]  3 

Simpson,    1837,  ii.  606;  I  -. 

42;   1841,  ii.   657;  *  lowlitz 

■  ■    613;  ai 
ii.  710. 

pes  Indians,  ii 
.  L802,  i.  311. 
Baron,     Ru    ian    gov.,    ii. 
■ 

L.    Fort,  cedi  ; 

.  N.  \V.  coast,  ii.  532  3. 

i,  N.,  on  \.  W.  coi 

Dr.   ■'.,  on  V. 

Wyi  I  b,  J.  B.,  on  R  ;  i 

559. 
Wyeth,  N.  J.,  ] 
491 ;   ( 

517,   520;    trading   i  xpi  d., 
treatment  by   II.    Bay  I '  ».,  ii.  551 ; 
organizes    <  >r.     ex]  cd.,   ii 

■ 
562   1; 

7:  his    work  -.    ii.   559;     ■  cond    ad- 

salmon-fishing 

scheme,    ii.    577;    failure,    ii.    596; 

trip  to   Or.,    1834,   ii.   577;    builds 

7:    builds   Fort 

William,  ii.  592  5; 

;  toll  my    in  ; 


768 


IXDEX. 


Xanvier,  at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  477. 
X.  Y.  Co.,  sells  liquor  to  Indians,  i. 
546;  joins  X.  W.  Co.,  i.  505-6. 


Yakima  River,  see  Tapteal,  ii.  40. 

Yakima  Yallev,  as  Indian  rendezvous, 
ii.  255-6. 

Yakimas,  see  Chimnapmns,  ii.  40. 

Yak  tana,  Indian  chief,  ii.  257. 

Yale,  J.  M.,  at  Fort  George,  ii.  473; 
at  Fort  Langley,  ii.  485,  487,  645; 
wife  of,  ii.  486;  at  Fort  St  James, 
ii.  496;  with  Simpson's  party,  ii.  497. 

Yaqui  River,  Spaniards  reach,  1533, 
i.  16,  42. 

Yellept.  Walla  Walla  chief,  ii.  64. 

Yellowhead  Pass,  description,  i.  620- 
1,  623,  625. 

Yellowstone  River,  Yerendrye  reaches, 
1742,  i.  595;  explored,  ii.  31;  see 
Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii.  70,  75-80. 

Yerba  Buena,  H.  Bay  Co.,  at,  ii. 
6S8-9. 

York,  negro,  death,  ii.  85. 

York  Factory,  brigade,  i.  463;  de- 
scription, i.  484-5. 


York  River,  named,  ii.  80. 

Youens,    on   X.    W.    coast,    1805,    i. 

320. 
Youers,  trader,  ii.  ~w. 
Youmalolam  River,  see  Lewis  and  C. 

exped.,  ii.  64. 
Young,  murdered,  ii.  435. 
Young,  E.,  joins  Kelley's  exped.,  ii. 

548-53;  in  Willamette  Valley,  1837, 

ii.  603;  Or.  settler,  ii.  676. 
Young  Bay,  Lewis  and  C.  exped.,  ii. 

54,  57. 
Young  River,  named,  i.  281. 
Yukon,    possibly   depicted   in    Low's 

map.  1598,  i.  86. 
Yukon  Fort,  description,  i.  491 ;  built, 

i.  620. 
Yukon  Pass,  description,  i.  626. 


Zacatula,  Cortes  settlement  at,  i.  13. 
Zacatula  Pass,  location,  i.  657. 
Zarembo,   Lieut.,   on    X.    W.    coast, 

1S34,  ii.  632-3. 
Zufii,  Ofiate  visits,  1604-5,  i.  21,  90; 

see  Cibola,  i.  43. 
Zufii  1'ass,  description,  i.  638. 
Ziuogaba  Is.,  see  Ofiate's  exploration, 

i.  91.