■■ • .ft . J
GENERAL, LIBRARY
—OF THE
PARK CHURCH
K I„ M I R A, TvT. Y.
No../7/Z...
3 1833 02547 8410
»c 979.5 B22hi, v. 1
Bancroft, Hubert Hohe, 1B3!
1918.
History of the Northwest
Coast
M. U
vJSZSSer**
THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
THE WORKS
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME XXVIII.
HISTORY OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.
Vol. II. 1800-184G.
SAX FEAXCISCO :
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1884.
Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270
Kntercd according to Act of Congress in th< Seal 1884, by
BUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
.1 7 Rights Reserved.
CONTESTS OF THIS VOLUME.
1216699
CHAPTER I.
LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION— UP THE MISSOURI.
1804-1805. page.
Soldiers as Forest Travellers — The Great Unknown Region— John Led-
ynrd in Paris— Exploration Proposed— Andre Michaux— Jefferson's
Plan — Meriwether Lewis — William Clarke — Instructions — rendez-
vous on the Mississippi— Outfit— Ascent of the Missouri— At Coun-
cil Bluffs— The Mahas— The Mandan Country— The Expedition
Winters There— Return of Part of thi id -At the Yellow-
stone—Wild Animals— About the Headwaters of the Missouri-
Nomenclature — The Dividing Ridge 1
CHAPTER II.
lewis and clarke's expedition— down the Columbia.
1S05.
Among the Shoshones— Council Held— Purchase of Horses— The Journey
Continued — Difficulties and Hardships— Lewis River — In the Moun-
tains—The Clearwater— The Xez Perccs — Purchase of Dogs for
Food— Fork of the Columbia— The Walla Walla Country— The Great
Falls of the Columbia — Hood River and Mountain — The Cascades —
At the Mouth of the Willamette— Sauve Island— Cowlitz River— The
Ocean
28
CHAPTER III.
lewis and clarke's expedition — the pacific and the return journey.
1S05-1S08.
The Estuary of the Columbia— Storms— Lewis and Clarke's Reconnois-
sances — Cbinooks — Crossing the River — Winter-quarters— Salt-mak-
ing— Clarke Visits the Coast— White Traders— Clatsops— A Whale—
The Xeah-Hoxie— Killamook Head— Spring-time— Farewell to Fort
Clatsop — Return up the Columbia — The Willamette— Wapa to Isl-
and— Snowy Mountains— Buying Horses— The Walla Walla— The
iv)
vi CONTEXTS.
PAGE.
Toucliet— The Clearwater— Xez Percys— Horse-stealing — Indian Di-
plomacy—Address to the Nez Perces— Hunting and Fishing Camp—
The Expedition Divides— Lewis' Party— Hell Gate River— Departure
of the Guides— The Water-shed— Maria River— The Minnetarees—
A Skirmish — The Missouri — Clarke's Party— The Jefferson River —
The Yellowstone— Horses Stolen — Pompey's Pillar- The Big Horn-
Herds of Buffalo— The Missouri— Expedition Reunited — Mandan
Country — End of the Journey — Colter and the Indians — A Race for
Life — Review of the Expedition— Honors and Rewards —Death of
Lewis— Subsequent Career of Clarke— Conclusion 51
CHAPTER IV.
SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
1797-1806.
James Finlay Ascends Peace River — He gives his Name to its Upper
Waters— James McDougall Penetrates to McLeod Lake— Fraser's
First Expedition— His Character— Manuscript Journals of Stuart
and Fraser — The Northwest Company Push Westward — Stuart at
the Rocky Mountain House— Fraser's Journal— Preparations for the
Journey — Fraser and Stuart Explore Westward — Arrival at Finlay
River — Fraser's Tirade against Mackenzie — They Reach Trout
Lake — And Follow Mackenzie's Track up Bad River — Cross to
the Fraser — Descend to Stuart River >s7
CHAPTER V.
DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER — DISCOVERY OF THOMPSON RIVER.
1806-1811.
Ascent of Stuart River— Fort St James Founded— They Explore i
Lake— And Build Fraser Fort — Fort George Established— Voyage
down the Fraser — Spokane House — Flathead House and Fort Koo-
tenais Established — David Thompson Appears in New Caledonia —
Discovers Thompson River — Desertion of his Men — Winters on
( 'anoe River — Descends the Columbia to Fort Astoria 108
CHAPTER VI.
WILLIAMS IN THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, HENRY ON SNAKE RIVER, AND
WINSHIP ON THE COLUMBIA.
1807-1812.
Big White's Visit to Washington — His Escort Home— Ezekiel Williams
on the Yellowstone and Platte — His Party Cut in Pieces by the Sav-
ages— Two of the Party Reach Los Angeles — Alexander Henry Builds
a Fort West of the Mountains— La Salle's Shipwreck at False Bay —
His Journey from the Pacitic Ocean to the Red River of Louisiana —
Project of the Winship Brothers — The 'Albatross ' Sails from Boston
and Euters the Columbia — Winship and Smith, his Mate, Survey
CONTEXTS. vii
r.i :e.
the River— Choose a Site for Settlement on Oak Point— Begin Build-
ing and Planting— Their Garden Destroyed by the Flood— Move
down the River— Hostile Attitude of the Natives— Abandonment of
the Enterprise 126
CHAPTER VII.
FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
1810-1812.
Astor Arrives in America— Engages in the Fur-trade— Scheme for
nopoly West of the Rocky Mountains— The Great Mart on the Co-
lumbia— Rival Companies — Partners and Servants— The 'Tonquin'
and her Commander— Quarrels en Voyage— The Falkland Isles— The
Hawaiian Islands— The Columbia River— Fatal Attempts at Cross-
ing the Bar— Baker Bay— Choosing a Site for the Fort— Friendly
Chinooks— Comcomly— Building of the Fort and Warehouse— The
'Tonquin' Bound Northward — Episode of the 'Boston' — Jewitt
among the Savages of Nootka Sound— Destruction of the 'Tonquin'
and Massacre of her Crew— Strange Indians — The Northwest Com-
pany—David Thompson— A Fort on the Okanagan— Expedition to
Okanagan Lake— The Chinooks at Astoria— Threatened Attack—
The 'Small-pox Chief— Expedition up the Willamette— Christmas
Festivities, 1811-12 136
CHAPTER VIII.
ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
1810-1812.
The Overland Party— Wilson P. Hunt— Rendezvous on the Missouri-
Partners— Ascent of the Missouri— Manuel Lisa— Horses Pur-
ed at the Ricaras' Village— The Cheyenne Country— The Big
a Mountains— On Green River— The Shoshone Country— Head-
waters of the Snake— Unfit for Navigation— A Dissatisiied Part-
ner—Dangerous Rapids— Party Divided into Four— The Devil's Scut-
tle-hole—A Terrible Journey— Famine— Horses Bought— New Y
Dance of the Canadians— Feast on Dog-meat— The Blue Mountains—
Among the Tushepaws— The Columbia — Arrival at Astoiia ITS
CHAPTER IX.
AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
1812-1813.
Dissatisfaction at Astoria— Departure of Reed for St Louis— Wahowpum
Treachery— Failure of Reed's Expedition— Arrival of the 'Beaver'—
Astor and the Russian Fur Company— He Courts the Russian Minis-
ter at Washington— Stuart Leaves Fort Astoria with Despatches-
Trials of Stuart on the Overland Journey— The "Isaac Todd' and H.
M. S. British Interests in the North Pacific— The U. S. S.
viii CONT]
PAGE.
'Adams' — The 'Enterprise' — Astor and Secretary Monroe — Wreck
of the 'Lark' — McKenzie on the Sahaptin — Clarke's Company —
Kamloops — Boullard and the Indian Maid — The 'Beaver' — Mc-
Tavish and McKenzie — Deliberations at Fort Astoria — Preparations
to Abandon the Post — McKenzie and the Nez Perces — The Stolen
Cup 193
CHAPTER X.
TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
1813.
McTavish at Astoria — A Royal Marriage — The 'Albatross' — Adventures
of Hunt — Captain Sowles, neither Warrior nor Trader — Defence of
McDougall — Commodore Porter, U. S. X. — McDougall holds Coun-
cil— Fort Astoria in British Hands — King Comcomly to the Res-
eue — H. M. S. ' Baccoon ' — John McDonald in Command — The
Black — Fort George — Failure of Astor's Pacilic
Scheme 21-4
CHAPTER XL
THE NORTHWEST COAST UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
1813-1814.
The Northwest Company Masters of the Situation — Expedition to the
Upper Columbia — The Toll-gatherers of the Cascades — Division of
the Party at Walla Walla — Reed Traps in the Shoshone Country —
Doings at Okanagan and Spokane. — Keith and Stuart Set out from
Fort George for Lake Superior — War at the Cascades — Alexander
Henry in the Willamette Valley — Xcw Site Surveyed for Fort
rge — First Northwest Brigade from the Mouth of the Columbia
to Montreal — Destruction of Reed's Party by the Shoshoncs — Thrill-
ing Tale of Pierre Dorion's Wife— Arrival of the 'Isaac Todd ' at Fort
George — The First White Woman in Oregon— Death of Donald
McTavish the new Commander at Fort George '237
CHAPTER XII.
FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
1814-1S20.
1 ventures in the Yakima Valley — Attempts to Reach the Pacific —
Affairs at Spokane — Perilous Position of the Okanagan Brigade —
The Spokane Brigade — In Council at Fort George — Keith in
Command — Ross Surveys the Entrance to the Columbia — Adminis-
tration of Justice — Hostilities in the Willamette Valley — Sufferings
of the Eastern-bound Brigade — Ross Examines the Country between
Shushwaps and the Rocky Mountains — Donald McKenzie Estab-
lishes Fort Walla Walla. 255
CONTENTS. ix
CHAPTER XIII.
HARMON IN NEW CALEDONIA — RESTORATION OF ASTORIA,
1810-1818. PAGE.
Life and Character of Harmon— His Stay at Montague a la Basse, Stur-
geon Lake, Chipewyan, and Dunvegan — In Company with Stuart He
Enters New Caledonia — Quesnel Reestablishes Fort Fraser — A Chief
Chastised— Harmon's Travels — Stuart's Management— First Arrival
of Supplies in New Caledonia by way of the Pacific— Harmon Re-
turns Home— Affairs at Fort George— Dastardly Attack of Keith's
Men upon the Cowlitz and the Umpquas — Donald McKenzie — Resto-
ration of Astoria, or Fort George, to the United States -77
CHAPTER XIV.
UNION OF THE NORTHWEST AND THE HUDSON'S DAY COMPANIES, AND THE
SEQUENT CHARTERS.
1803-1840.
Title of the Hudson's Bay Company to Rupert Land— Boundary, not
Title, Qui ion in Dispute — Jurisdiction of Courts — Ruin from
Rivalry Imminent— The -Northwest Company's Opposition to Lord
Selkirk and his Colonization Scheme — The Two Companies before Par-
liament—The Ministry Interpose Mediation — The Question of Com-
promise Debated- Terms of Union— Passage of the Act Empowering
the Crown to Grant Exclusive License of Trade — The Grant of 1S21 —
The Assignment in 1S24 of the Northwest Company— The Deed-poll
0f 1834— The Renewal of License in 1S3S— The Settlement of the
Boundary Question in 1S4G — The Grant of Vancouver Island in 1849. 290
CHAPTER XV.
THE OREGON QUESTION.
1818-1824.
Introduction — Chronological Resume of Title-foundations — Epochs of
Discovery, Exploration, and Fur-Trade — Overland Occupation —
Treaties, Controversies, and Comments— Merits of the Case before Dis-
cussion—Statement of Claims, 1817 — Rush and Gallatin versus Rob-
inson and Goulburn— Treaty of 1818— Joint Occupation— Its True
Meaning — Boundary Treaty of 1819 between Spain and the United
States— The Northwest Coast in Congress, 1 S20-2— Debates of 1 823—
Mr Benton's Warning in the Senate— United States and Russia-
Treaty of 1824— Statement of American Claims— Congressional De-
bates of 1824— Bill for the Occupation of the Columbia— Monroe Doc-
trine 310
x COXTEXTS.
CHAPTER XVI.
the oregon question continued.
1824-1829. page.
Xegotiations of 1824 — Huskisson and Canning — Adams' Instructions to
Rush— Statement of the American and British Claims— Propositions
Rejected — Merits of the Case — Monroe Doctrine— Occupation of
Oregon in the Senate, 1825 — Views of Benton and Others — Key-note
of American Sentiment — Baylies' Report, 1826— Xegotiations of
1820-7 — Gallatin versus Huskisson and Addington — Claims and
Counter-claims — Exclusive Title of the United States, with British
Objections — Discovery — Settlement— Contiguity — Spanish Title —
Xootka Convention— Cumulative Title— United States Offer 49° and
Navigation of the Columbia — England Offers the Columbia and
Southern Shore of Fuca Strait — Xot Accepted — Joint Occupancy
Indefinitely Extended — Gallatin's Suggestions of Policy — Congres-
sional Discussion of 1828-9 355
CHAPTER XVII.
THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
1830-1846.
A Popular Question— American Trappers — The Missionaries— The ( rov-
ernment Seeks Information — Reports on the Oregon Territory — The
Agitation Renewed in Congress, 1841 — Senator Linn's Efforts— Pres-
idents' Messages — Congressional Debates — Patriotic Faith in the
Title— Political Campaign of 1844— Polk's Policy— The Question in
Parliament — Hostile Rumors — Speeches and Bills of 1844-5 — Final
Debate— A Resolution Passed to Annul the Treaty— Pamphlets Cir-
culated—Diplomatic Settlement— Great Britain Yields— Treaty of
1846— Authorities Cited— Greenhow, Twiss, and Other Writers on
the Oregon Question , 389
CHAPTER XVIII.
OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
1820-1830.
"Is Oregon Worth Having?" — Configuration, Soil, and Climate— Rela-
tions with China — A Terra Incognita— England to India, by way of
the Columbia River— Irreconcilable Opinions— Preparing to Emi-
grate—Proposal to Make Over the Territory to the Indians— The
Whale-fishery— A School for Seamen— Conflicting Statements— A
Hesitating Government— Why the British Monopolized the Trade—
McLoughlin Succeeds Keith at Astoria — Personal Appearance and
Character of McLoughlin — His Administration of Justice — He Ex-
plores for the Site of a Xew Post — Fort Vancouver Founded —
Agriculture and Commerce — Amalgamation of Fur Companies —
Perils of the Fur Trade 417
CONTEXTS. xi
CHAPTER XIX.
explorations of united states trappers.
1821-1830. page.
Ruddock's Journey — Ashley's Operations — Green on the Colorado — Great
.Salt Lake — Utah Lake — Beckworth's Adventures — Jedediah Smith
Enters California and Journeys thence to the Columbia River — His
Discomfiture at the Umpqua — How Black and Turner Escaped the
Massacre — Jedediah Smith at Fort Vancouver — McLoughlin's Treat-
ment of Distressed Strangers — Return of Smith to the Shoshone
Country — Peg-leg Smith — Tarascou's Trip — Joseph L. Meek's Adven-
tures— Pilcher's Expedition — Jackson, Sublette, and Smith Send the
First Train of Wagons to the Rocky Mountains — Rendezvous 44G
CHAPTER XX.
DOMINATION OF THE NORTHWEST COAST BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
1821-1826.
Forts Established— Alexandria — Thompson — Chilkotin — Babine — Wife-
lifting and Revenge — John Tod Appointed to New Caledouia — .James
McMillan Journeys to Fraser River — John McLeod at Thompson
River — Establishing of Colville — James Connolly — First Eastern Bri-
gade from Fort Vancouver — James Douglas Destroys a Murderer 460
CHAPTER XXI.
FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLEY.
1S-27.
Advent of the Schooner 'Cadboro' — Her History and her Captain— Occu-
pation of the Northern Shore — McMillan Proceeds to the Mouth of
the Fraser — Enters the Stream — And there Establishes a Fort — The
Fort Routine — A Notable Call — The Salmon Trade — James Douglas
Explores Connolly River 470
CHAPTER XXII.
CONTINUED DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
182S-1S29.
Governor Simpson Visits his Northwest Dominions — Character of the
Man — His Antecedents and Personnel — The Party Sets out from
Norway House — The Transit at Peace River — Grand Entry at Fort
St James— Arrival at Fort Langley — He Returns the Following
Year to Canada— John Work Journeys from Colville toOkanagau —
Wreck of the 'William and Ann' and Murder of the Crew — Punish-
ment of the Offenders — Incipient Ideas of Settlement— Era of Epi-
demic— John McLoughlin Occupies Willamette Falls 489
xh COXTEXTS.
CHAPTER XXIII.
NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
1830-1832. PAGE.
David Douglas, Scientist — His Adventures in the Northwest Coast —
Quarrel with Black — Challenge— Notice of Samuel Black — His Assas-
sination—John Work's Journey — Conspiracy to Murder McLough-
lin — Wreck of the 'Isabel' — Walla Walla — Xew Caledonia — "Work's
Snake River Expedition — Raids upon them by the Blackfeet — They
Visit the Missouri — Results — Ermatinger — A Yankee Britisher —
William McXeill and his Brig 'Llama' — Enters the Service of the
Hudson's Bay Company — Building of Fort Umpqua — Hawaiian
Island Agency 507
CHAPTEE XXIV.
MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
1833-1841.
Founding of Fort Nisqually — The Coming of Gairdner and Tolmie —
Intermittent Fever Rampant — Work Explores the Umpqua Region —
The Spring and Autumn Brigades of 1835 — Journeys of Douglas and
Ogden — Anderson's Expedition— Asiatic and Island Junks Wrecked
on the West Coast — Advent of the Missionaries — The Methodists —
The Presbyterians — The Jesuits — The Episcopalians — John Tod —
Voyage of Douglas to California 52-4
CHAPTER XXV.
HALL J. KELLEY, NATHANIEL J. WYETH, AND B. L. E. BONNEVILLE.
1828-1834.
The Hazards of Security — The Boston School-master — Incorporation of
a Society for the Settlement of Oregon — The School-master Writes,
Lectures, and Buttonholes — And Finally Goes to Oregon by way of
Mexico and California — Ewing Young Joins Kelley — His Tribula-
tions at Vancouver — The Cambridge Ice Man — A Boston Astor
Adventure — The Ship ' Sultana' to Meet an Overland Party on the
Columbia — Wyeth's First Expedition— Failure and Return — Wreck
of the ' Sultana ' — The French Captain — What He did not Do 542
CHAPTER XXVI.
wyeth's second adventure.
1S34-1S37.
The Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company — The ' May Dacre '
Chartered and Freighted for the Columbia — Wyeth with an Over-
land Party Starts from Independence — Science and Religion en
route for Oregon — Townsend— Nuttall — Jason Lee and his Brother
CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE.
Missionaries — The Journey — Building of Fort Hall — Arrival at Fort
Vancouver — The 'May Da ere ' Enters the Columbia — Establishment
of Fort William ou Wapato Island — Fort Boisi Built to Oppose
Fort Hail — Failure of Wyeth's Enterprise — Sale of Effects to the
All-powerful Monopoly u7t<
CHAPTER XXYII.
FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
183G-1839.
The Steamer ' Beaver ' — Small-pox — United States Secret Service— Will-
iam A. Slacum, Agent — Captain Bancroft — His Hunting Voyage
upon the Coast of California— Killed by the Kaiganies — Building in
the Valley Willamette — The Oregon Provisional Emigration Soci-
ety— Farnham, and the Columbia Fiver City-builders — Sir Edward
Belcher's Visit — Cowlitz's Plains and Xisqually Settlements — The
Puget Sound Agricultural Company — William Fraser Tolmie — Rod-
erick Finlayson Arrives 600
CHAPTER XXVIII.
FOUNDING OF THE NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
1831-1835.
Treaty of St Petersburg — Building of the first Fort Simpson — North Coast
Commerce — Policy of the Company in regard to Opposition — Found-
in;: of Fort McLoughlin — Indian Disturbances — Fort McLoughlin
Removed to Fort Bupert — Expedition to Stikeen — The Russians
Interpose Forcible Objections — Abandonment of the first Fort Simp-
son— Founding of the Second Fort Simpson — Port Essington — Fort
Mumford — Fort Glenora G.
CHAPTER XXIX.
A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS AND ROUTINE.
Captain Dominis — The 'Llama' — The 'Joseph Peabody' — Steamer
' Beaver ' — Indian Battle — Mutiny — War — The 'Thomas Perkins' —
Ingenuousness of the Aboriginal Skin-seller and the European Bum-
seller — First Trip Northward of the Steamer ' Beaver ' — Lease of a
Ten-league Shore-strip from the Russians — Expedition to Take Pos-
session— Founding of Fort Durham, or Fort Tako — Finlayson's
Encounter with the Takos— Abandonment of the Tako Post— Com-
parative Savagism of White Men and Red— Murder of John Mc-
Loughlin junior by his Men G36
xiv CONTEXTS.
CHAPTEE XXX.
two notable visitors.
1841-1842. page.
The Monarch Moves — Sir George Simpson Circumnavigates the "World —
The Journey across the Continent — Surveys the Northern Posts —
Drops down to San Francisco Bay — Monterey — Honolulu — Sitka and
Fort Simpson again — Then Asia is Honored — An Irascible Gaul —
French Curiosity — Eugene Dunot de Mofras — Himself and his Book —
From Mexico and California He Proceeds to Honolulu and Fort
Vancouver — Simpson does not like his Looks and Snubs Him —
Whereat He is Irate, though in his Book Charitable— After Calling
again upon the Californians, whom He Scourges to his Complete Sat-
isfaction, He Returns to France 654
CHAPTER XXXI.
UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
1841-1842.
Object of the Movement — Ships Employed — Officers — Commander
Wilkes — Bibliography of the Voyage — Pound Cape Horn — Ha-
waiian Islands — Cross to Admiralty Inlet — Case Surveys Hood
Canal — Ringgold Examines Admiralty Inlet — Excursion of Johnson
and Party to Colviile and "Walla Walla — Wilkes Calls on McLough-
lin — And Visits the Valley Willamette — Wreck of the Peacock at
the Mouth of the Columbia — Emmons' Overland Expedition from
Oregon to Calfornia — The ' Vincennes ' Proceeds to Yerba Buena. . . 6GS
CHAPTER XXXII.
GTRREXT EVENTS.
1840-1844.
i and Fort Vancouver Vessels — McLoughlin in England — Tolmie's
Road — Couch's Salmon-fishery — Murder of Kenneth McKay — The
Ship ' Thomas Perkins' — Spaulding — William Glen Rae — Post Estab-
lished at Verba Buena — Walla Walla — The Gunpowder Story —
Ermatinger's Expedition — Abolition of the Licpior Traffic — The
Umpqua Country— Fremont's Expedition GS5
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
1842-1S4G.
Catalogue of Passing Events — Americanization of Oregon— Attitude of
Opposing Parties at Fort Hall — Is it Right to Kill Americans?- -Tol-
mie"s Report on the Willamette Plains — American Settlement Begun
on Puget Sound — Immigration — Ship 'Modeste' — Board of Manage-
ment— Commissioners Warre and Vavasour — Retirement of Mc-
Loughlin— James Douglas in Command — Ingratitude of Certain
American Settlers — The Schooner 'Shark'— Possessory Rights of
the Hudson's Bay Company — What Became of the Fur-trading Es-
tablishments— Removal to Victoria G97
HISTORY
, OF
THE NORTHWEST COAST.
CHAPTER I.
LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION— UP THE MISSOURI.
1804-1805.
Soldiers as Forest Travellers— The Great Unknown Region— John
Ledyard in Paris— Exploration Proposed — Andre Michaux — Jbf-
on's Plan — Meriwether Lewis— William Clarke — Instruc-
tions— Rendezvous on the Mississippi— Outfit— Ascent of the Mis-
souri—At Council Bluffs— The Mahas— The Mandan Country-
Tub Expedition Winters There— Return of Part of the Expedi-
tion — At the Yellowstone — Wild Animals — About the Head-
waters of the Missouri — Nomenclature — The Dividing Ridge.
The second expedition made by white men west-
ward across the Rocky Mountains to the shores of the
Pacific, north of California, was that of Lewis and
Clarke, who were the first to descend the Columbia
from one of its sources to the sea, being in time
twelve years later than Mackenzie, and in latitude
five hundred miles and more to the south of his route.
The first was the excursion of a fur-trader, made in
a private or a commercial capacity during a short hyper-
borean summer, in light canoes; the second was a
government affair with all its unwieldy accompani-
ments, and occupied two years. In the course of the
narrative we shall see that army captains and soldiers
were no match for Scotch fur-traders and Canadian
voyageurs in forest travel.
Vol. II. 1
2 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
When Lewis and Clarke set out on their expedition,
the great Unknown Region, as it was called, equiva-
lent to one thousand miles square and more, between
the headwaters of the Missouri and the Pacific Ocean,
was, if we except the interior of Alaska and the
Stikeen country, further removed from civilization
than any other part of North America. The Hudson's
Bay Company had explored its borders north. Eng-
lish ships had sailed through many channels in search
of Anian Strait and a northern passage, and Hearne
had pursued his grumbling way from Fort Churchill
to the mouth of the Coppermine. The Canadian
merchants had taken possession of the Canadian
north-west, and had planted their forts from Lake
Superior to Athabasca, while the determined Mac-
kenzie had followed the river which bears his name to
the Arctic Ocean, and had crossed from Peace River
to the Pacific. New Mexico was known; California
was known; and so were portions of Alaska. Only
this central temperate tract remained yet hidden in
shadows primeval.
Thomas Jefferson was the father of United States
explorations. While lesser minds wTere absorbed in
proximate events, his profound sagacity penetrated
forests, and sought to reveal the extent and resources
of the new nation. To this he was moved not less
by circumstances than by his broad and enlightened
judgment. And chief among the incidents which
aroused in him a more than ordinary interest in the
subject, was the appearance, in 1786, at the United
States legation in Paris, while Jefferson was minister
to France, of that most remarkable man, John Led-
yard of Connecticut.
Ledyard was an ardent, reckless, and always impe-
cunious enthusiast, with a brilliant mind and winning
manners. He was a kind of Yankee George Law, with
the Northwest Coast for his Mississippi bubble ; but
with this difference, his well founded schemes were
LEDYARD AND JEFFERSON. 3
often regarded as bubbles, whereas George Law's
bubbles were treated as well founded schemes. Led-
yard had accompanied Captain Cook in his voyage to
the Pacific, had been the first in Europe or America
to propose a trading voyage to the Northwest Coast,1
and was now in Paris panting for fresh adventure.
The French having been ever foremost in the
American fur-trade, he sought to enlist French
enterprise and French capital in a mercantile com-
pany,having for its field the region beyond the coast
of California.
In this he failed, though ever hovering upon the
confines of success; once having begun in France the
purchase of goods for the Northwest Coast traffic,
and once having actually embarked in a vessel for the
Pacific, he was in every instance doomed to disap-
pointment. But though himself one of the most
luckless of enthusiasts, his failure bore rich fruit. A
constant guest, while in Paris, at the table of Jeffer-
son, that first of American statesmen became in no
small degree inspired by the ardent aspirations of this
commercial adventurer, whose mind was absorbed in
the one idea of the Northwest Coast in its relations
to China and to the Atlantic states.2
PXence when Jefferson returned to America in 1789,
his imagination was filled with brilliant pictures of
the far west, whose early discovery his judgment pro-
nounced of the highest importance to the common-
wealth. In 1792, while secretary of state, he proposed
to the American Philosophical Society that some com-
1 Tliis was in 1783, in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, and at the
very time the Montreal merchants were organizing their great Northwest
Company. Robert Morris went so far as to promise Ledyard a ship, but tail-
ing to find one disengaged the project was abandoned.
2 'I die with anxiety,' writes Ledyard from Paris, 'to be on the back of
the American states, after having either come from or penetrated to the
Paciiie Ocean. There is an extensive field for the acquirement of honest
fame. A blush of generous regret sits on my cheek when I hear of any dis-
covery there which I have no part in, and particularly at this an
period. The American revolution invites to a thorough discovery of the Con-
tinent, and the honor of doing it would become a foreigner, but a native only
can feel the genuine pleasure of the achievement.' Sparks' Life, of .'.
172. See also BuljincKs Or., 14-16. On Ledyard, see vol. i. 3i9-53, this work.
4 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
petent person be engaged to ascend the Missouri,
cross the Stony Mountains, and follow the nearest
river to the sea; and he suggested that a subscription
be set on foot to defray expenses. Meriwether Lewis,
a captain in the United States army, then on recruit-
ing service at Charlottesville, hearing of the proposal
earnestly solicited the appointment. Jefferson ex-'
plained to him the plan, that to avoid alarming the
natives the explorer was to have but a single com-
panion;3 yet nothing daunted Lewis continued to
urge his request. The choice of the society, however,
fell upon another, Andre Michaux,4 the botanist, then
in the service of the French government, who im-
mediately started westward, but was arrested in his
journey before passing Kentucky by the French min-
ister, who ordered botanical inquiries elsewhere.
Taking his seat as president in 1801, Jefferson
never lost sight of his pet project. The rapid change
in the ownership of Louisiana, as the great wilderness
west of the Mississippi was then called, transferred
by Spain to France in 1800, and by France to the
United States in 1803, stimulated still more the ardor
of the president. But no suitable occasion seemed to
offer until eleven years after his former attempt, when
the act for the establishing of trading-houses among
the aborigines was about to expire, and some modifi-
cation of it was deemed desirable. By a confidential
message of January 18, 1803, the president recom-
mended to congress the extension of the commercial
facilities embraced in the former act to the tribes on
8 Though conceived by the author of the Declaration of Independence it
•was a most hare-brained and impracticable scheme. Any fur-hunter might
have informed him that travelling from nation to nation was a very different
affair from the establishing of amicable relations by intermarriage or otherwise
with a single people; and that while it was well not to frighten the savages,
force sufficient to carry gifts, and in places provisions, was necessary in order
to command respect, and consequent good treatment. The idea probably sug-
gested itself to Jefferson's mind from Ledyard's fantastic plan of penetrating
the continent alone from Nootka Sound, in which he might have progressed
half a league before being captured and enslaved by the savages, as were
Jewett and Thompson in that same spot a few years later.
4 The distinguished author of Flora Boreali Americana, and Histoire des
CJiemes d'Amirique.
CHARACTER OF THE LEADERS. 5
the Missouri; and in order to make more plain the
way for the contemplated changes the message pro-
posed that an expedition be sent to explore the Mis-
souri to its source, and thence crossing the continental
highlands to the westward tlow of waters, follow them
to the Pacific. The measure received the sanction of
congress, and an appropriation was made to cover
estimated expenses.
Again Captain Lewis, who had now been private
secretary to the president for two years, preferred his
request. He would command the party. <) i
knew him well. He knew that his firmness of pur-
pose and undaunted courage were equalled only by his
truthfulness and discretion. Bold adventure was born
in him. It had been his custom when only eight
years of age to rise at midnight and go alone to the
forest, hunting the night-feeding raccoon and opossum ;
and now will) firmly knit sinews and maturer judgment
he sought a broader field of adventure. His request
was granted; indeed, it had been understood for years
by him and his highly influential friend, that command
of the expedition when ready should be his.5
Like Mackenzie, Lewis felt a deficiency in scientific
attainments such as would enable him to take astro-
nomical observations, and properly place the bo'
and geography of his route before the learned world.
Hence no sooner was his appointment secured than he
proceeded to Philadelphia and applied himself with
such determined industry to a course of technical
study as soon made him master of the knowledge
necessary to his purpose. In order to place the suc-
cess of the expedition beyond the risk of accident, he
requested that some competent person should be asso-
5 His patron is extravagant in his praise. After reciting a long list of
high ami absolute virtues, ail of which it would be difficult for any one not
blinded by friendship to find, he concludes: 'With ail these qualiiic:
as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express pu
I could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him.' Jefferson's Life
of Lewis, in Lewis and Clarke's Ex., Am. ed., i. xii. For a biography of
Lewis and an account of his election to the leadership, see Perkins' Annals of
tlie Wed, 75o-6.
6 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION".
ciated with him as second in command, and named
Lieutenant William Clarke, also of the United States
army, who was consequently appointed to that post
with a commission of captain.6
Captain Lewis was now ready for his instructions ;
and these, drafted by the president's own hand, were
signed the 20th of June, 1803.
By them he was directed to provide himself with
arms, ammunition, provisions, boats, tents, and medi-
cines for ten or twelve men, who were to be selected
from such soldiers as volunteered for the service, and
over whom he should have the usual authority of a
commanding officer. He was likewise to provide him-
self with instruments for taking astronomical observa-
tions, and articles for presents or barter with the
natives.7
Part of the company's proposed movements being
beyond the limits of the United States, passports were
obtained from the ministers of France and England,
in order to secure the friendly consideration of traders
owing allegiance to those nations. Besides obtaining
a geographical knowledge of the country, they were
to enter into conferences with the natives with a view
of establishing commerce with them. They were to
study the moral and material interests of the natives,
who were at all times to be treated in the most con-
ciliatory manner possible. " Should you reach the
Pacific Ocean," continue the instructions, ''inform
yourself of the circumstances which may decide
whether the furs of those parts may not be collected
6 As a matter of fact Lewis was chief, and had precedent been followed it
would have been called Lewis' expedition, Captain Clarke being subordinate
throughout the whole of it. The London Quarterly Review, xii. 318, thinks
they lacked scientific assistants.
7 ' The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri River, and such
principal streams of it, as by its course and communication with the waters
of the Pacific Ocean, whether the Columbia, Oregan, Colorado, or any other
river, may offer the most direct and practicable water communication acros3
the continent for the purposes of commerce. . .The North River, or Rio Bravo,
which runs into the Gulf of Mexico, and the North River, or Rio Colorado,
which runs into the Gulf of California, arc understood to be the principal
streams heading opposite to the waters of the Missouri, and running south-
wardly.' Jeil'erson's Listructions in Levns and Clarke's Exped. i. xiv. and xvi.
INSTRUCTIONS. 7
as advantageously at the head of the Missouri — con-
venient as is supposed to the waters of the Colorado
and Oregan, or Columbia — as at Nootka Sound, or
anv other point of that coast; and that trade be con-
sequently conducted through the Missouri and United
States more beneficially than by the circumnavigation
now practised."
On reaching the coast two of the company were to
return by sea, with a copy of notes taken, either via
Cape Horn or the. Cape of Good Hope. Or if the
return overland should be deemed dangerous, then the
wdiole party were to return by water; and as they
would be without funds, letters of credit authorizing
drafts upon the United States to be made from any
part of the world were furnished them. On return-
ing to the United States those of the men who had
served well and desired their discharge should be en-
titled to it with full pay and a recommendation each to
a soldier's grant of land. And to provide for leader-
ship against the accident of death, the commanding
officer might name in writing his successor, who in
like manner might determine who should command in
the event of his death.
A journal was to be kept in which notes and ob-
servations were to be accurately entered.8
8 In this, as in other respects, the leaders of the expedition performed their
duty well. Their journal, though painfully diffuse and overloaded with irrel-
evant matter, is clearly written and exact. Their forms of expression, though
not so elegant as those of Mackenzie, are more distinctive and precise, and
much of that which to-day is wholly worthless, was interesting and vahiable
when first printed. Besides the official narrative of Lewis and Clarke, jour-
nals were kept by Patrick Gass and six others. The leaders encouraged the
men to keep diaries, so that what one omitted another might record, and if
some were lost, others might be preserved. Jefferson recommended Lewis to
write on 'the cuticular membranes of the paper-birch, as less liable to injury
from damp than common paper. ' Several ediuons of the official narrative ap-
peared both i;i America and in Europe, of which I have used the following :
commands of Captains Lewis and Clark to
the, Missouri, thence across the Rochy Mountains awl down the River
Co ' :to (he Pacific Ocean, performed durinr/ the years 1804-5-6. By order
of the Government of the United States. Prepared for (he press by Paid Allen,
. Svo. Philadelphia, 1814. The first volume of this edition
a life of Lewis by Thomas Jefferson, and the second volume an appen-
dix by < '..r tain Lewis. An abridgement, with introduction, notes, and maps,
was printed in 2 vols. lGmo, New York, 1842, edited by Archibald McVickar.
8 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
Ten days after the instructions were signed by
President Jefferson, information was received of the
consummation at Paris of the treaty placing the
United States in possession of the eastern part of
the region to be explored, which greatly heightened
the interest in the expedition.
On the 5th of July Lewis left Washington for
Pittsburg, where a portion of his outfit was to be
provided him; but prevented by delays in his descent
Under title of Travel* to the Souree of the Missouri J?irer and across the Ameri-
can Continent to the Pacific Ocean appeared two editions in London, one in one
volume, 4to, 1814, and the otherin 3vols. 8vo, 1815, both of whichare without
the Life of Lewis by Jefferson, and the appendix by Lewis. It is the quarto
English edition I have used for ordinary reference. The notes of Patrick Ga s
were published in one vol. 8vo, Pittsburgh, 180S, and reprinted the same
year in London, six years before the appearance of the official report, under
title of A Journal of the Voyages and Travelsofa Corps of Dis overy, under the
('■>uu miii'l. < be. Mr< ';> -s received the highest commendations of Captain Lewis
after the return of the expedition to St Louis, and his work may fur the most
part be deemed accurate. Nevertheless the critic who, in theLoii'- m Q :ri rly
Beviewoi May, 1809, i. 294, calls it 'a shabby octavo, the production of a mere
underling' instead of a 'magnificent quarto, with maps, plates. . .as we had
a right to expect from a plan executed under such auspices, ' is not far out of
the way. 'It is curious,' he continues, 'to observe how ingeniously Mr
Gass has avoided whatever could interest or amuse. All he says, we have no
doubt, is strictly true: at least, if intolerable dulness be a symptom of truth
in narration, he has amply vindicated his veracity. There are so many facts
that we care not to know, and so little detail on those we do ; and the two
kinds arc jumbled in so heterogeneous a compound, that we have seldom under-
gone a severer trial of patience than in attempting to separate them. The ap-
pearance of a volcano a thousand miles from the sea, and the death of a gray
horse are recorded in the same breath, and with equal faithfulness, brevity, and
indifference. ' The day and hour are carefully noted when Captain Lewis issued
a glass of old whiskey to all the crew ; and when ' Captain Clarke gave the sick
a dose of Rush's pills, to see what effect they would have,' and yet this book
is no worse than thousands of others from which our history must be extracted.
In reviewing the official report of Lewis and Clarke in January 1S15, this
same journal somewhat ungraciously says: 'Had the expedition been exe-
cuted under the auspicies of the British government, it would have been fitted
out with characteristic liberality ; draftsmen and naturalists would have been
attached to it, and the official publication might have vied in beauty and ex-
cellence with that of Cook's voyages. It is both ungrateful and unjust to cen-
sure an individual traveller if he fail as an artist, or be deficient in those
branches of science which would have enriched his observations : every man
who contributes to the stock of our knowledge is a benefactor to the public,
and entitled to our respect and gi-atitude. But when expeditions for the
purpose of discovery are undertaken by a public body, that body is censurable
if anything be wanting to render the information full and complete. ' This
crusty critic might have displayed a little more generosity and justice by re-
membering that the United States government was then young and impover-
ished, and that it was entitled to praise for what it had done rather than blame
for what it left undone. Political and other duties caused the postponement
of the publication of the official journal until 1814, at which time Captain
Lewis died, as the work was passing through the press.
OUTFIT AXD DEPARTURE. 9
of the Ohio, he deemed it imprudent to attempt the
ascent of the Missouri until the ice should break up
in the spring. Besides this the Spanish commander
at La Charrette, the highest settlement on the Mis-
souri, and where it had been their intention to pass
the winter, having no official notice of the transfer
of the country to the United States, felt obliged to
deny strangers admission to the territory. The party
encamped, therefore, on the eastern side of the Mis-
sissippi, opposite the mouth of the Missouri, and the
winter was spent disciplining the men. Beside four-
teen United States soldiers, there were in the party
nine young Kentuckians, two French voyageurs, a
hunter, an interpreter, and a negro servant of Captain
Clarke.
An escort, consisting of six soldiers under a cor-
poral, with nine boatmen, was detached to accom-
pany the party to the territory of the Mandans, which
was considered the most dangerous part of the jour-
ney. The stores, packed in seven bales and one box,
each containing portions of all as a guard against
accident, consisted of clothing, tools, and arms; also
ammunition and liquors for themselves and the sav-
ages.
There were besides, fourteen bales and one box of
presents for the natives, divided in like manner, and
consisting of laced coats and ether rich articles of
dress, tomahawks, knives, medals, handkerchiefs, and
flags, besides a variety of such luxuries as beads,
looking-glasses, and paints.
The 14th of May 1804 the party embarked in
three boats; one a keel boat, fifty-five feet in length,
drawing three feet of water and carrying one sail and
twenty -two oars, the bow and stern covered by decks
of ten feet, forming forecastle and cabin, and the mid-
dle enclosed by lockers which, when opened, formed
a breastwork valuable in case of attack. The other
two were pirogues, or open boats, of seven and six
10 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
oars respectively. Along the bank were led two horses,
to be employed in hunting.9
The first commercial transaction with the natives
was the exchange of two quarts of whiskey for four
deer, made the eighth day. Ascending the river at
the rate of from ten to fifteen miles a day, some-
times twenty, notes were taken on climate and soil,
and on the people passed, but nothing of importance
transpired until the 12th of June, when two rafts
from the Sioux nation were encountered, one loaded
with furs and the other with buffalo tallow. They
now succeeded in engaging one of the party, Mr
Dorion, who had lived with the Sioux for twenty
years, and was strong in their confidence, to return
with them, and see the party safely through the ter-
ritory of these blood-loving savages. Much trouble
was experienced from the constantly shifting banks
and bars of the river. There were occasional rapids,
and frequently they were obliged to tow the boats.
The meeting of rafts and canoes loaded with furs was
of common occurrence. Game was plentiful, and easily
taken. Elk were seen for the first time two months
after leaving the mouth of the river. Some of the
men were troubled with dysentery and boils, but the
health of the party was generally good.
To the nations along the river the change of gov-
ernment was announced; whereat some were as pleased
as children would be at any change, others were angry;
for as a rule eastern savages hated Frenchmen less
than either English or Americans.
Passing the river Platte the 21st of July, on the
seventh day thereafter their hunter encountered three
Missouri Indians dressing an elk. They were all
friendly, and one of them accompanied the hunter
to the "boat. These Missouris were living with the
Ottoes, and their camp was about four miles distant.
9 In U. S. Gi og. Surv., Whe< ler, Progress Rept., 1872, 42. is a map purporting
to show the route of Lewis and Clarke ; sec also Johnsoyi's R. J>. to Pox., I! 1-9,
and map : tt am n't Mem., m Padfit 11. J?. J'cpt., xi. 17-10; U ant's Her. Mag.,
vi. S13-14; Sytnons1 Sept. L'jptr Columbia, 89.
COUNCIL BLUFFS. 11
Next morning he was sent back with an invitation
to his friends to meet the explorers on the river above,
where a council would be held.
Proceeding, the stream takes a northern bend, with
a highland on the south, above which traces of a great
hurricane are visible ; ten miles further bring them to
a wood on the north. There they spend the night.
Early next morning they ascend the river three and
a quarter miles, and encamping on the south bank
await the appearance of the Ottoes. Round them is
a fertile plain covered with grass from five to eight
feet high. Small, light pink flowers cluster here and
there; hone}^suckles sweeten the air, and from the
tall waving grass rise copses of plums and currants,
all musical with stinsdner insects and rattlesnakes.
Behind them, separating a lower and a higher prairie,
is a woody ridge seventy feet in height, at the end
of which the explorers pitch their camp.
From the bluffs adjoining, river and prairie, low
sky and glistening landscape, dappled with the pass-
ing cloud-shadows, unfold a magnificent panorama.
Winding amid groves of cottonwood, sycamore, elm,
and ash, sprinkled with oak, hickory, and walnut,
purple with wild grapes, and folding in its nourishing
embrace little shifting willow-islands, creeps the river
from the long grass through two parallel highland
ranges, whence, in ever varying curves, it wends its
way on toward the ocean.
Awaiting here under the bluff with some anxiety
the result of their message to the Ottoes, their hunt-
ers bring in turkeys, geese, deer, and beaver, while
the river supplies them with an abundance of fish.
At length, about sunset on the 2d of August, is seen
in the distance a party of fourteen Ott I Mis-
souris. They are accompanied by a. Frenchman who
lives with them, and acts as interpreter. As they ap-
proach, Captains Lewis and Clarke advance to meet
and welcome them. A place is selected for their
camp, and a council appointed to be held next morn-
12 LEWIS AXD CLARKE'S EXPEDITION".
ing. Meanwhile the explorers send them flour, meal,
pork, and a portion of their roasted meat, receiving in
return a present of watermelons.
Preparations are then made for the morrow. The
main-sail is brought from the boat and spread as an
awning, under which the presents to be distributed
arc paraded. In the morning the exploring party are
all drawn up for the occasion. The Indians, six of
whom are called chiefs, then present themselves, and
are requested to be seated under the awning. A
white man first speaks, informs them of the change
of government, promises protection, and .ice.
Then each in turn the six red chiefs reply. They are
glad of the change ; they hope their new father will
give them arms and rum, and help them to kill the
Mahas. The white men assure them of trade and
mediation; then they distribute the presents. The
real or principal chief not being present, a medal, a
flag, and some trinkets are sent to him. The medals
are of three grades, and denote the estimation in
which the wearer is held abroad. Placed round his
neck it is the token of the white man's recognition of
the wearer's chieftaincy.
To one Ottoe and to one Missouri medals of the sec-
ond grade are given, and to the other chiefs present
medals of the third grade. Paint, garters, and dress
ornaments accompany the medals, and for the whole
a canister of powder, a bottle of whiskey, and a few
trinkets. These ceremonies concluded, the explorers
call the place Council Bluffs, and remark upon the
situation as one favorable for a fort or trading-factory,
the soil being good for bricks, wood being abundant,
and the climate good. It is likewise a central resort
of the Ottoes, one day's journey distant; for the Paw-
nees, one and a half days distant; the Mahas, two
days distant; besides being convenient to the Sioux,
and only twenty-five days from Santa Fe. Then
deemed convenient for Indian traffic, time has proved
the place as suitable for a railway centre. In the
SIOUX, TETOXS, AND MAXDAXS. 13
afternoon the party set sail, and encamp five miles up
the river on the south side, where they find the
mosquitoes very troublesome. All this on the 3d of
August 1804.
Arrived among the Mahas a fortnight later, another
council was held with the like results. All of this
nation that the small-pox had left were willing to die
of blankets, tobacco, and whiskey. Up to this time
one of the expedition had deserted and one had died.
To the river on which they encamped they gave the
name of the dead soldier, Floyd.
The 30th of August the Sioux were received under
a large oak standing within their territory, and near
which the United States flag was flying. Speeches,
counsel, and cheap presents were the return for i
dominion; but the best of the exercises were the eat-
ing, drinking, and smoking. The Sioux complained
bitterly of their poverty, and Captain Lewis advised
Mr Dorion, their friend and interpreter, to take a
party of their chiefs to Washington to see the presi-
dent.
Councils were likewise held with the Tetons, the
Ricaras, and the Manclans on entering their respec-
tive territories. A little impudence with some show
of violence was displayed by the Tetons, but without
serious results. The Ricaras on being offered liquor
declined, saying they wTere surprised their father
should offer them drink which made men fools. As
regarded the chastity of their women they were not
so particular, for here as well as elsewhere along
their route the expedition had no difficulty in pro-
curing companions for the night. The negro was
an object of special favor amongst the fair sex, who
often quarrelled for him. When the white men
stopped to execute the sentence of court-martial
on a soldier by corporal punishment, an Indian chief
sitting by was affected to tears. " We kill men for
wronof-doinor," he exclaimed, " but we will not even
whip our children."
14 LEWIS AXD CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
The expedition reached the Mandan country the
last of October, and as the weather was becoming very
cold they determined to winter there. Some heavy
log-houses of cottonwood, elm, and ash were built,
being completed about the middle of November, when
the party moved into them. During the winter the
Mandans were threatened with an attack by the Sioux
living on the Missouri above the Cheyenne River; their
visitors promised them protection from all their ene-
mies, and offered to lead them to battle; but as the
snow was deep, the Mandans declined fighting that
winter. This was bad policy, for the sons of the Great
Father to involve themselves in the quarrels of his
children.
The 16th of December Mr Haney arrived from the
Assiniboine with a letter from Mr Charles Chabouilles
of the Northwest Company, offering any service within
his power. From Mr Haney Captain Clarke obtained
much valuable information regarding the country
between the Missouri and the Mississippi, and the
various branches of the Sioux family inhabiting it.
Corn raised by these natives was freely supplied the
expedition. Among others of the Northwest Com-
pany who visited them, there were Laroche and Mac-
kenzie. The former wished to accompany the party
westward, but his proposal was declined. While at
this place the blacksmith of the expedition put up a
furnace and made knife-blades, spear-points, and other
implements as the easiest method of procuring corn.
The savages were specially taken with the bellows,
and thought it a very great medicine. Some horses
were stolen during the winter by the Sioux, who
were pursued by Captain Clarke, but without recovery
of the animals.
As spring drew near, preparations were made for
moving; the escort, back to St Louis, the expedition,
on toward the Pacific. The large boat was to return
down the river, so six canoes were made for the upper
waters. The articles which had been collected for the
THE UPPER MISSOURI. 15
president were packed in boxes and placed in the barge.
They consisted of stuffed specimens of the animals
of the country, together with birds, insects, and
plants, specimens of earths, salts, and minerals, and
native implements.
Simultaneously at 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the
7th of April 1805, the two parties embarked, the
westward bound consisting of thirty-two persons10 in
six canoes and two pirogues, and the St Louis party
of seven soldiers, two Frenchmen, and a pilot, Mr
Gravelines, in the barge. The Sioux having openly
declared war against the whites, it was expected that
the return party would be fired on in passing through
the Sioux country, but they were ten well armed, de-
termined men, with provisions enough in the boat to
last them to St Louis; and before their departure
Captain Lewis had exacted a pledge that they would
not yield while one remained alive. By this boat
journals and despatches were sent to the United
States, as the eastern country alone was then called.11
On the 10th the overland party overtook three
Frenchmen who were hunting beaver. They were
meeting with fair success, having trapped twelve thus
far ; but fearful of the Assiniboins they kept near the
exploring party until they reached the Yellowstone.
Navigation was here better than on the lower Mis-
souri. The country consisted of irregular ranges of
hills interspersed with low smooth plains, with here
and there timber. Fish, geese, prairie-hens, swan,
antelope, white bear, and elk furnished abundance
of food.
Passing the Little Missouri and the Yellowstone,
both of which streams they ascend a short distance,
about the first of May they enter a salt-frosted coun-
try with bluff hills and scattering foliage. Game be-
10 For their names see Hist. Oregon, i. 45, this series.
11 Accompanying the president's message of the 19th of February 1S06 is
a letter from Lewis dated Fort Mandan 7th April 1S05. See also Annals of
Cong., 1S0G-7, app. 103G-114G.
16 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
comes yet more abundant. The white bear is found
a terrible creature. Lewis is chased seventy yards by
one which had been wounded. Brown bear are very
large, and exceedingly tenacious of life. The black
bear are smaller.12 Buffalo are very plentiful. Wolves,
coyotes, and prairie-dogs appear. Geese begin to
lose their wing -feathers, which prevents flight. To
a stream whose waters possess a peculiar whiteness
they give the name of Milk River. Upon river-beds
recently emptied of their waters, the vocabulary of dry
names is exhausted. There are Big and Little Dry
rivers, and Big and Little Dry creeks, until one won-
ders at the leathery brains out of which could not be
beaten more distinctive terms. And as appellations
of aridity become exhausted they fall back upon the
names of their men by which to designate streams;
and last of all they honor a creek by giving it the
name Rattlesnake. A female elk swims a swift river,
and the place is called Elk Rapids. Musselshell River
was also among their brilliant selections of names.
Yet loftier elevations are interspersed with fertile
plains as the party proceeds. The air of the adjacent
highlands becomes singularly dry and pure, annihi-
lating space and bringing distant objects near. Again,
the country becomes barren, with little timber save
pine and spruce thinly scattered on the summits and
hill-sides. Appearances of coal are evident. And now
the river becomes rapid, the wind strong, the air cold,
and game for a time grows scarce. But on emerging
from the dreary Black Mountains nature puts on
more cheerful robes, and sits on hill and plain in gor-
geous repose, while birds and beasts and creeping
things sound their notes of universal joy.
Ascending a hill on the 26th of May, Lewis caught
the first glimpse of what the narrative calls "the
Rock mountains, the object of all our hopes, and the
reward of all our ambition." They camped at an
12 By white bear is meant the grizzly, and by brown bear the cinnamon;
of course there are no white bear proper in this latitude.
ABOUT THE HEADWATERS. 17
early hour the 3d of June at the junction of the
Missouri with another large river, though which was
the main stream and which the branch they could not
tell. They deemed it important to know. The Indians
had told them that the sources of the Missouri and
the Columbia were not far apart. The season here was
short, and two months of it were already gone. The
wrong stream would lead them off their course, and
cause delays which might demoralize the men and
jeopardize the success of the expedition. Exploring
parties were therefore sent out, but returned no wiser
than they went. Others were despatched, and re-
turned in like manner. Why had not the natives
told them of these two large rivers? "The river
which scolds at all others" was not a term applicable
only to the Missouri, for both streams scolded alike.
Finally, next day, Lewis with six men and Clarke
with five set out on a more thorough exploration,
the former ascending the north and the latter the
south branch. Lewis was absent four days examining
the stream, crossing ravines, and ascending moun-
tains for observation, travelling meanwhile some eighty
or ninety miles, and narrowly escaping destruction with
one of his companions by coming unawares upon a
precipice. Though his men were of a different opin-
ion, Captain Lewis pronounced the north branch not
the Missouri, and named it Maria River. Clarke
was three days out accomplishing a distance equiva-
lent to forty-five miles in a straight line. He saw
the river rolling in for a great distance from the south,
with high ridges to the south-east, and he believed it
the Missouri, though his men held with the others
for the northern branch.
On Sunday the 9th a consultation was held. Cru-
zatte, long a boatman in these parts, was sure the
north branch was the Missouri. The men would
cheerfully follow their leaders, they said, but they
could not but hold with Cruzatte. Arrowsmith's map
had been studied at Fort Mandan, and Mr Fidler's
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 2
13 LEWIS AM) CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
discoveries noted. To these their own observations
were added, and the two captains pronounced in favor
of the southern branch. Caching at this point part
of their cargo with one of the boats, on the 11th
the party proceeded, Lewis with four men going by
land in advance of the now lightened canoes. Seized
that night with dysentery and fever, and having at
hand no medicine, with eminent success Lewis experi-
mented with choke-cherry twigs, boiling them, and
drinking the decoction.
The party had not proceeded far on the morning
of the 13th when the sound of falling water greeted
their ears, and rising above the plain a column of
spray was seen, which quickly vanished in the dry
transparent air. Lewis went forward, travelling seven
miles after first hearing the sound before reaching
what proved to be the great falls of the Missouri.
Seating himself upon a rock, he gazed upon the stu-
pendous spectacle until saturated with the sublime;
after which he looked about him for the best portage,
which was found to be eighteen miles in length.
These falls, though different from any others, may be
classed among the grandest in the world. The entire
descent of the river in sixteen and a half miles is
three hundred and fifty- seven feet, separated into
four cataracts of twenty- six, forty- seven, nineteen, and
eighty-seven feet respectively, with rapids between.
Plunging down this uncertain channel between per-
pendicular abutments three hundred yards asunder,
the distracted stream rends the sky with its resounding
boom, and sends upward from its boiling bed of white
foam fantastic mist-forms and spires of spray, which
blush to rainbow hues on meeting the searching in-
quiry of the sun. And with the clouds of moi^t Lre
our clouded thoughts ascend. How long had been
this river roaring its anthems in the wilderness?
Were these magnificent water-works, these grand dis-
plays of so many forms of liquid beauty, made for
AMONG THE WILD BEASTS. 19
man's enjoyment, or for the benefit of beasts, and
trees, and stolid rocks? And if for man, for what a
time had they been waiting his coming! O patient
north and west ! But stop ! I hear a voice from out
these hallelujahs of waters, saying, Man, though wild,
is none the less man than when grown cunning with
arts and devilish theologies.
To drag the boats up a creek and there unload;
to mend moccasins with which the prickly pear made
havoc ; to cut roads and build wagons, using a large
cottonwood tree for wheels and the mast of the
pirogue, which was left behind, for axle-trees; and
with the aid of two such vehicles to drag canoes and
cargo above the falls: to cache more goods; to hunt
elk, and with their skins construct a boat which,
proving a failure, necessitates the making of new
canoes above the falls — all this occupies a month.
In a furious hail-storm the men were knocked clown
and bruised to bleeding. So suddenly the torrent
filled a ravine in which Captain Clarke was caught,
that he narrowly escaped with his life. Strange noises
in the mountains attracted their attention. Stretching
southward above the Missouri, the sky presented a
broad, bright line alive with wild-fowl. The country
here literally swarmed with large and small game,
which regarded these white-skinned bipeds as impudent
intruders upon their domain. A buffalo was wanted
one night for supper; a thousand presented themselves.
of which Lewis shot one. Before he had reloaded, a
large brown bear stole upon him. The captain ran, the
bear followed, gaining on him, and the man saved his
life by taking to the water. That same clay, which
was the 14th of June, returning from a visit to Med-
icine Biver, after having shot what he supposed to be
a tiger, three buffalo bulls deliberately left the here!
where they were feeding, and came toward him, as if
to see what kind of new strange animal it was that
had ventured among them. Flight was impossible;
so Lewis made toward them, when they turned and
20 LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
went back to their feeding. As if even the reptiles of
this region had conspired against the intruders, a large
rattlesnake coiled itself round the tree under which
Lewis slept that night, and there kept silent watch.
White and brown bears chased the men wherever they
went, and even invaded their camp. To a cluster of
three islands the name White-bear Islands was given,
and their portage resting-place was White-bear Camp.
Gloats, terrapin, gooseberries, and currants were now
added to their bill of fare. Fifty buffaloes could be
shot almost any afternoon when wanted. All this
time not a word was said of Indians, by which one infers
that they were not numerous in these parts.
Christmas last, at Fort Manclan, the explorers
drank and danced all day and far into the night, telling
the savages not to come near them as that was their
great medicine clay. Now on the 4th of July, though
foot-sore and fatigued, they likewise drank and danced,
drank the last drop of drunk-producing liquid they
had, leaving none for the poor savage beyond the
mountains. Blessed faith ! but for which patriotism
would be simply stomach.
In eight canoes, on the 15th of July, the party con-
tinued its journey above the falls. Passing a pleasing
river they gave it the name Dearborn, in honor of
the secretary of war; another stream they called
Ordway Creek, because their sergeant's name was
Ordway. Potts likewise had his creek, John Potts,
one of the party, not a great man, but then the creek
was not a great creek. Wood becoming scarce dried
buffalo clung, or bois de vache, called later by the
emigrants ' buffalo chips,' was used in making fires for
cooking or other purposes.
High mountains now approach the river on either
s ide, until for a distance of five miles black granite
rocks rise eight, ten, and twelve hundred feet sheer
from the water's edge, black at the base, but hghter in
color toward the top. The channel here is three
hundred and fifty yards in width. Entering between
AT THE THREE FORKS. 21
these perpendicular mountains, seemingly boding dark
destruction on curious searchers of their secrets, they
call the place the Gates of the Rocky Mountains.13
Passing through the gates they found the sky dark-
ened with smoke, the natives of that region having
taken to the mountains in alarm, after firing the
plains. The weather now became warm, 80° in the
shade. To Joseph Whitehouse, one of the company,
was given a creek, to Patrick Gass another, to Howard
another, to Robert Frazier another, and so on. Cla
preceding the boats by land, reached the three forks
Route feoji the Missouri to the Columbia.
of the Missouri the 25th of July. This place having
been mentioned by the Indians, had been anxiouslv
looked for. He ascended the north branch thirty-
seven miles, and then crossing over to the middle
branch descended to the forks, severely suffering
during the journey from illness. Meanwhile the main
body came up the river and arrived at the forks.
Here the country seems suddenly to expand, and the
hills to fall back and subside into meadows and plains.
13 The 'gates of the Rocky Mountains' are 145 miles above the falls, and
about 400 miles from the source of the river. ' This name,' says Thomas P.
is, in Montana. I! ib., •_'-'">0. 'may do very veil, t1
several other "gates," but none so grand, intervene between it and the final
exit of the Missouri river from the moun tains, thirty-six miles below.'
22 LEWIS AXD CLAEKE'S EXPEDITIOX.
It was on the morning of the 27th that the main
party paused at the mouth of the east branch. Land-
ing, Lewis walked half a mile up the stream, and from
a limestone cliff could trace the courses of the three
branches for several miles. Descending to breakfast
he called this east fork of the Missouri, Gallatin,11 in
honor, he observes, of the secretary of the treasury.
Reembarking, he proceeded to the middle and west
branches, where was found fastened to a stick a letter
from Clarke, who had not yet returned, stating that
the west fork offered the superior attraction to voy-
agers westward. Lewis agreeing with him, ascended
the west branch with his party for a mile, and there
camped, waiting for Clarke, who joined him at three
o'clock, well nigh exhausted with fever and fatigue.
The middle and western branches being so nearly
alike, each ninety yards in width, and in depth, cur-
rent, and character so similar that it was impossible to
tell which was the main stream and which the branch,
it was determined to drop the name Missouri at the
fork, and give the name Madison to the middle chan-
nel, and the name Jefferson to the west branch.15
For two days Captain Clarke remained ill, but on
the 30th of July, being quite recovered, he proceeded
with the party to ascend the Jefferson River; at noon
they came to a place which the Shoshone wife of
Chaboneau recognized as the spot where she had been
taken by the Minnetarees of Knife River.16 All were
now exceedingly anxious to fall in with some of the
Shoshones, or Snake Indians, whose habitat is here-
about, for through the friendship of the woman whom
they were now returning to her relatives they hoped
for information and assistance. To this end Lewis
set out in advance of the party, lost his way, and at
14 On the plain near the fork now stands the town Gallatin. See Montana
frib., i. 231 i.
'-See Lewis and Clarke's Travels, 235 and 240; Ga -' Journal, 16S.
10 V,'. II. Sanders, president of the Historical Society of Montana, says,
:.,< 'ontrib. . i. 1 00, that this woman 'was captured at the Three
of the Missouri, about the year 1S00.' The place she here pointed out
was on Jeh'erson Elver a short distance above the fork.
LOFTY NOMENCLATURE. 23
night was obliged to sleep alone in the wilderness.
Next morning he found his friends, and again left them
in search of natives, this time accompanied by three
of the men.
Meanwhile nomenclature mounts' Pegasus. To a
stream flowing in from the south the name Philoso-
phy17 is given; to a largo crock, a little above, the
name Frazier,18 from one of the men. A creek yet
higher, flowing in from the opposite side, is honored
with the name of another of the men, Fields.19 But
as the river is ascended the minds of the explorer,;
soar aloft, and to a river coming in from the north
the name Wisdom is applied, while one on the oppo-
site side is called Philanthropy."0
Continuing up the north side of the Jefferson,
Lewis on the 1st of August reached the South Bowl-
der; taking it for the main channel, he followed it,
but on discovering his mistake he crossed over to the
Jefferson and continued its ascent, making seventeen
miles the first day, twenty-four miles the second, and
twenty-three each the third and fourth, but meeting
with no natives. This brought him to Wisdom River,
Clarke with the main body following a day or two
behind.
Although the Wisdom branch presented the more
open front, the others wore warmer and more turbid,
whence Lewis inferred that the waters of the latter
had travelled farther and through a more open country
than those of the former. He therefore left a letter
at the fork, placing it on a pole, directing those below
to take the stream to the left.
17 Now Willow Creek.
18 Known at present as the South Bowlder.
19 The North Bowlder.
20 ' The puerile pedantry of calling rivers Independence and Philosophy
is inexcusable; but the consummation of absurdity and loyalty occurs when
they arrive at a place near the head of the Missouri, where it divides into
three pretty equal branches. It is resolved here that the name Missouri shall
be dropt, and the central branch being baptized Jefferson rolls on its presi-
dential course between the sister streams of Wisdom and Philanthropy. ' Lon-
don Quarterly Review, i. 296. Another name for the Wisdom is to-day Big
Hole River, and the Philanthropy River of old now rejoices iu the refined
appellation of Stinking Water. Above Beaver Head Iiock the Jefferson is
now called Beaver Head River.
24 -LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
But a beaver happening to pass that way shortly
after, and seeing the pole so neatly trimmed, be-
thought himself how good a rafter it would make
for his house; so he cut it clown with his teeth and
carried it away, letter and all. The consequence
was the party below took the wrong course, and
when set right by one of the men in advance they
turned back; but "in descending the branch the swift
current caught and upset one canoe and filled with
water two others, thus entailing loss, while one man
barely escaped with his life, and all owing to the im-
pudence of the beaver.
On the 8th of August the canoes reach Philan-
thropy River.21 Next day Lewis and two men travel
sixteen miles up the Jefferson, here called to-day
Beaver Head River, from Beaver Head Rock,22 which
point Clarke passes in the canoes the 10th. Lewis
meanwhile continues along the left bank until he
reaches the upper fork of the Beaver Head,23 from
which point both branches are pronounced not navi-
gable. He therefore fixes upon a dry willow pole a
note recommending the party to remain at this fork
while he proceeds up the north branch to explore. To
this point the canoes slowly approach, passing a creek
coming in from the south on the 13th, to which they
give the name of one of the men, McNeal,21 and
next clay another on the north side which they call
Track Creek.25 Willard Creek,26 named after Alexan-
der Willard, one of the men, is passed on the loth.
21At this point they were about forty miles north-west from Virginia City.
-A steep cliff ' on the right side of the river,' the narrative says, meaning
the left bank, and about twenty miles below Rattlesnake Creek.
2J The junction of Horse Plain Creek and Red Rock Creek.
24 Black Tail Deer Creek.
25 Rattlesnake Creek.
2,3 The town of Bannock now stands on this stream. ' In 1862, Mr Charles
Rumley, not knowing that the stream had before then received a name,
christened it Grasshopper creek, from the large numbers of that insect found
upon its banks. When it had been identified as the Willard creek of Lewis
and Clarke, the vanity and effrontery of Mr J. S. Willard. then living at
Bannock, so offended the denizens of that town that the stream is known as
"the Grasshopper" to this day.' Montana Jliit. Sue, Contrib., i. 100.
THE MOUNTED SHOSHONE. 25
Meanwhile Lewis is on Horse Plain Creek, looking
for a pass and Indian guides, and for horses to trans-
port the baggage. The domain of the buffalo is left
behind; deer and antelope, beaver and otter, with
geese and ducks, and some elk and mountain goats
are here provided by nature as food for bears and
men. A rich-bottomed grassy valley is found and
entered. Scattered among the underbrush that bor-
ders the river are willow, birch, and cottonwood, with
pines upon the elevations. Vegetation here cannot be
called luxuriant.
For two days after Lewis was fairly within the
territory of the Shoshone nation not a soul was to be
seen. On the 11th of August, however, to his great
delight he perceived across the plain two miles dis-
tant a man on horseback27 coming toward him. By
the aid of his glass he could distinguish the dress and
equipment of the warrior, which were different from
any he had hitherto encountered. The man was well
mounted, and armed with bow and arrows, but rode
without a saddle; and for a bridle a small string was
attached to the horse's under-jaw. He was surely a
Shoshone. The question was how to catch him, for
he was exceedingly shy, and the woman they had
brought so far to unlock these savage hearts was
back with the boats.
The white man and the red both continued to ad-
vance until within a mile of each other. The latter
then halted, whereat the other stopped, took from his
knapsack a blanket, and opening it out, held it by the
two corners, and in that manner brought it to the
ground, a signal common in these parts of spreading
a robe on wmich to meet guests preparatory to friendly
intercourse. This was done three times. Unfortu-
nately Lewis had failed to order his men to remain
behind, and these now coming up frightened the wild
27 Though of the equine type America seems to have heen the original seat,
yet -when discovered by Columbus there were no horses in America. Those
here found among the natives were from wild southern bands formed by the
multiplication of animals which had strayed from the Spaniards.
26 LEWIS AXD CLARKE'S EXPEDITION.
man, who thereupon showed signs of uneasiness.
Then Lewis laid aside his gun, and taking some beads
and a looking-glass advanced unarmed until within
two hundred yards of the savage, calling out mean-
while tabba bone, white man, that he might know the
stranger was not an enemy from some adjoining tribe.
But when within a hundred yards of him, the com-
panions of Lewis continuing to advance, the Shoshone
suddenly wheeled, leaped his horse across a brook, and
vanished among the willows.
It was a disappointment, but they must try again.
Mounting a hill they made a fire and breakfasted,
placing some trinkets on a stick when they left, that
the curious eyes which they felt were not far distant
should see that they were white men and friends.
Then giving one of his men to carry, as a signal of
friendship, a small United States flag fastened to a
pole, Lewis again went forward with overtures to
whatever in human shape he should meet. Thus civ-
ilization first wooed savagism in these western wilds.
All next day, the 12th, they hunt, following ^ the
tracks of the mounted warrior until no longer visible,
following the river's course until it dwindles into a
brook so small that one of the men with a foot on
either side of it calls out to his companions to behold
a man bestriding the Missouri. Less and less grows
the rivulet and narrower its bounds until a small gap
denotes its puny path ; and here these first of civilized
men to see its littleness drink of its chaste waters to
its mightiness below. Then, full of glory, they rise
and mount the ridge near by that divides the waters
of the Atlantic and the Pacific. Almost these little
Colossi can bestride this ridge and touch at the same
time the sources of the Missouri and of the Columbia,
can bathe in moisture which, had it a snowflake's
weight of brains, might trickle to west or east at
will, and determine the river's long, long course.
But where are those first undecided drops so soon
to manifest western proclivities? Where, hereabout,
THE MOTHER RIDGE OF RIVERS. 27
is this source of the Oregon, the mighty River of the
West? In little more than a mile from where spring
the modest drops whose destination is the Mexican
Gulf, down a steep descent on the western side is a
rivulet already proud to be called a tributary of the
Columbia. Stricken with ambitious thirst the ex-
plorers stop to drink again, so great in their minds
were these little beginnings!'28
28 'It is not more than a mile from the head-spring of the Missouri, to the
head of one of the branches of the Columbia.' G<i88' Journal, 174. ' It is
expected to bring the boats of the Missouri and Columbia within live hundred
miles of each other.' Victor's River of the West, 578.
CHAPTER II.
LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION— DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
1805.
Among the Shoshones — Council Held — Purchase of Horses — The
Journey Continued— Difficulties and Hardships — Lewis Eiver —
In the Mountains — The Clearwater — The Nez Perces — Purchase
of Dogs for Food — Fork of the Columbia — The Walla Walla
Country — The Great Falls of the Columbia — Hood Eiver and
Mountain — The Cascades — At the Mouth of the Willamette —
Sauve Island — Cowlitz Eiver — The Ocean.
Following a well beaten Indian trail next day,
toward noon a man, two women, and some dogs were
sighted upon an eminence a mile distant. Ordering
his party to remain behind, Lewis made his approach
warily, and when within half a mile laid aside his rifle
and unfurled his flag. He then advanced to within a
hundred yards, when the natives incontinently fled
and took shelter behind the hill. On gaining the
summit not a trace of them was visible, so Lewis
signalled his party to rejoin him, and they all started
in pursuit. About a mile further they overtook the
women, coming upon them so suddenly that only one
had time to make her escape. The other, who stood
prepared for instant death, was persuaded to conduct
them to the Shoshone camp.
When about two miles on their way they met a com-
pany of sixty mounted warriors, to whom the woman
made known the quality of the strangers, whereupon
Camcahwait, their chief, and two of his principal men,
threw themselves from their horses and embraced the
white men, besmearing them with grease and paint, and
(28)
TALK AND TRAFFIC. 29
shouting their delight. The other Indians then dis-
mounted, and seating themselves in a circle, each drew
off his moccasins preparatory to smoking the pipe of
peace, which is as much as to say, "May I walk the
forest forever barefoot if I break this pledge of friend-
ship."
It was with exceeding difficulty that Lewis suc-
ceeded, after spending four days in anxious and har-
assing attempts, in enticing a company of these
savages to his boats, so suspicious were they of
treachery. But this difficult feat once accomplished
all was easy, for no sooner had the Shoshones beheld
among the strangers their countrywoman, Sacajawea,
than a mutual recognition took place, followed by the
wildest demonstrations of joy. A council was then
held, during which the white men made known the
cause of their coming and their necessities. It was
for the especial good of the Shoshone nation that
their great governor and friend at Washington had
sent to give them arms, and blankets, and rum; and
the simple savages believed it, and promised horses
and guides, for which, however, they were to be well
paid. The usual presents were distributed, and all
were well content; still the Shoshones would have
preferred the good Washington man's benefits to his
mere promises.
They were so well pleased, however, with twenty-
five dollars' worth of trinkets in exchange for four fine
horses, that they immediately started for more animals
with which to trade on such advantageous terms.
From native reports the explorers feared the descent
of the Columbia would prove more hazardous than
they had anticipated. But the geographical knowl-
edge of these Indians, beyond the limits of their
restricted migrations, was characteristically vague, all
unfamiliar mountains and rivers being impassable.
Their northern neighbors, the Nez Perces, had in-
formed them that this stream, on whose bank their
village rested, led to a large river which discharged
30 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
into a lake, bad-tasted, where white men lived; for
themselves, they had never passed the mountains
yonder.
It was on the 16th of August 1805 that Captain
Lewis, accompanied by his new friends, returned to
the fork of the Beaver Head, where Captain Clarke
and the canoe party joined him next day. There at
the junction of Horse Plain Creek and Red Rock
Creek the canoes were left, and on the morning of the
18th Clarke set out with eleven men for the Shoshone
village,1 where he was to leave Chaboneau and his
wife to collect horses; he was to proceed thence to
the navigable waters flowing into the Columbia, and
there construct canoes, while Lewis brought forward
the remainder of the party and the baggage to the
Shoshone village.
Clarke carried with him tools for boat-building,
and Avas accompanied by Cameahwait and his band of
warriors. Ascending Horse Plain Creek fifteen miles
through a wide valley, woodless but for a few shrubs,
the party encamped near a narrow pass where the
creek was but ten yards wide.2 Noon next clay brought
them to the source of the tributaries of Horse Plain
Creek.3 They had now reached the great divide, the
crown of the continent, near the spot since chosen for
a national park, where in a knot of ridges and peaks
culminates the Rocky Mountain system ; a birthplace
of mighty rivers, whence spring the Columbia, the
Colorado, and the Missouri.4
JXear where since stood Fort Lemhi, on the Mormon branch of Salmon
River.
2 This, according to them the highest navigable point of the Missouri, was
set down in latitude 43' 30' 43", which does not speak very highly for their
scientific attainments, being nearly one and a half degrees too far south.
3 '_' ne o'clock we dined at the head-spring of the Missou i and Jeffer-
son rivers, about 25 miles from the place where we had left the canoes, and
from which the course is nearly west.' Gass' Journal, 174.
4 Several abridgments of Lewis and Clarke's journal have been made, but
no one of them is what it should be. A condensation, thoroughly and in-
telligently done, is better to the reader than the original; for the explorers
put down much that was not only superfluous but confusing, and with the
additional light of three quarters of a century we know better where they
A NATIVE MAP-MAKER. 31
Arriving on the 20th at the Shoshone village/ a
council was held in which Cameahwait enforced
Clarke's request for horses and guides. An old man
attempted to draw a map of the country, but his
ability was not equal to his will. The river on which
they then were flowed toward the north-west, so
Clarke was told in answer to his most searching in-
quiries, and was joined ten miles below by a branch
from the south-west.6 Below the junction the river
continued north-west one day's march, after which it
were, and what were their surroundings while on this expedition, than they
themselves knew. Neither McVickar s abridgment nor Bulfinch's is a sum-
mary, or anything mere than a collection of clippings. Each has an inti
tion, which, however, throws little light on the history or condition of affairs
at the time. The book which Bulfinch calls Oregon and Eldorado, Boston,
1866, is only a slovenly arrangement of extracts from Lewis and Clarke's
journal, sup] i I fi >r the Oregon part. Were all such authors burned
with their books tin; v, .rid would be the gainer. The wonders of the Yellow-
stone, and the establishing of a national park, as well as the discovery of
gold in Mont I er explorations and consecpient publication. A i
others was • lolds of the engineer corps, who examined the Yel-
:id it less difficult to cross the dividing ridge between
the head-wa Missouri and those of the Columbia, and back again,
than to pass in a direct route from the source of the Missouri to that of the
Yellowstone, altic upheaval live thousand feet in height, between
which James Bridger affirmed a bird could not fly without carrying with it
a supply of i ten years later, Cook and Folsome ascended the
Yellowstone to Yellowstone Lake, and thence crossed to the Geyser basin
of the Madison, and in 1870 General Washburn, Surveyor-General of Mon-
tana, accompanied by a small escort of United States cavalry, under Lieut.
G. C. Doane, explored the canons of the Yellowstone. An account of this
expedition, by Langford, in the second volume of Scribner's Monthly, and the
official report of Doane, £lst Congress, 3d 8es ite Ex. Doc. No. 51,
threw new light on the region. Next year John W. Barlow surveyed the
Yellov. i. and after him P. V. Hay den. United States Geologist.
In that direction William A. Jones made an excursion in 1S73, and Ludlow
and Forsyth in 1875. Besides Hayden's superb report, many able and im-
portant wo] '. igion have been issued. Among them may be men-
tioned Doane's 1 ■ wgh's From Ev<rn>
's Wonder Landj Richardm 's W r> ' r of
connaissance of Western Wyomin '•syth's
Bept.M ■ mce, 1875 ; and Great Divide.
About on a par with Bulfinch's Orego rado is a compilation by
G. W. Pine, called Beyond the West, which is made up, without credit, from
Mrs. Victor's River of the West and similar works. Among interesting and
valuable reports bearing upon this part of Lewis and Clarke's route con-
■ilic Railway Reports, may be mentioned that of John
Lambert, in i. 100-177. See also Pacific /.'. U< pt., xii. pt. i. 234-50.
5 On the night of the 19th, following Gdss' Journal, 171--"), Clarke's party
was 36 miles west of Beaver Head Fork, where the canoes were left. Four
miles further next morning brought them to a village of Indians on the bank
of a branch of the Columbia River, about ten yards wide and very rapid.
6 This was the main channel of Salmon River, flowing from the south, and
into which Mormon branch enters about twenty miles below Lemhi.
32 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
turned westward and flowed through mountains im-
passable.
There happened to be at this village a Shoshone
of another tribe, who lived twenty days' inarch to the
south-west. Clarke likewise closely questioned him,
and was told that the country in that direction was in
places rocky and without game, and in other parts
desert.7
The Indian recommended this route, provided the
travellers would wait until spring; but Clarke thought
it too much to the south of his course; and besides,
notwithstanding Lewis boasted he could live any-
where an Indian could, wintering in that region
without a supply of provisions was almost certain
death.
Clarke now inquired where the pierced-nosed
people, their next neighbors northward, crossed to the
Missouri, and was told that their route was some dis-
tance north of there, and that it traversed a rough,
rocky, thickly timbered country devoid of game.
Accompanied by a guide, the party set out, some
on horseback and some on foot, at three o'clock that
afternoon, and followed a good path down the Mor-
mon branch of Salmon River some eight miles, where
they encamped. Next morning, the 21st, another
village five miles further on was reached. Here was
a fish- weir, composed of trees thrown across the river,
with willow stakes to drive the fish into baskets.8
Continuing their journey, the party encamped below
the fork after a day's march of twenty miles. As
Lewis had rambled hither a few days previously, and
-vas the first white man to behold these wTaters,
7 'He said that his relations lived at the distance of twenty days' march
from this place, on a course a little to the west of south and not far from the
whites, with whom they traded for horses, mules, cloth, metal, beads, and
the shells here worn as ornaments, and which are those of a species of pearl
oyster.' Lewis and Clarice's Exped., 2S6-7. From his country to the Stinking
Lake, as he called the ocean, was a great distance, to reach which they had
to cross to another river than that on which his people lived; from all which
the explorers inferred that he spoke of the Colorado Liver and the gulf of
California.
8 For description of salmon fishing, see Native Races, i., passim.
OX THE SAHAPTIX. 33
Clarke called this Lewis River.9 Captain Clarke's
examination of the country amply bore out the asser-
tion of the natives. So rough was the way with sharp
fragments of rock that the feet of men and horses
were badly injured. Owing to frequent rapids the
river was not navigable for laden canoes, and this
character was maintained until it penetrated the
mountains by a narrow gap, rushing between perpen-
dicular rocks impassable by land or water.
Fifteen miles were made on the 2 2d. After five
miles' travel on the morning of the 23d, the track
proved beyond the power of the horses, which were
left behind, while Captain Clarke with the guide and
three men proceeded down the river twelve miles fur-
ther. Finding the route impracticable, he retraced
his steps next day, and with the entire party returned
to the lower Indian village near the forks of the river,
and encamped with the Shoshones, sending word of
the result of his reconnoissance to Lewis at the upper
village, who having already received information that
canoe travel in that region would be impossible, had
begun the purchase of horses. By the 30th twenty-
nine animals were procured, on which the baggage
and goods being packed, the expedition set out afresh
to explore a way to the Columbia.
By the advice of their guide they now took a course
down the north side of the river until they came to a
creek at a distance of thirty miles from the Shoshone
village, up which they proceeded four miles and en-
camped, the weather being frosty and cold. At this
point the trail left the creek, and led by a north- west-
erly course across a rough country for a distance of
eighteen miles to another stream, which they named
Fish Creek, on which they encamped, ten miles from
its junction with the Salmon River, September 1st.
Following up Fish Creek three and a half miles on
the morning of the 2d, they reached the fork of the
9 They Mere now on the Salmon branch of Snake River, called the Sa-
haptin.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 3
34 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
stream, where the trail led away to the east. As
their course was toward the north-west they were
forced to attempt opening a trail up the west branch,
through dense thickets and over slippery rocks, where
three of their animals were lost from falling down
precipices. After crossing and recrossing this creek a
number of times, they continued five miles, encamping
on the east bank, and sending back next morning for
the horses crippled by the accidents of the day before ;
after which they proceeded eleven miles along the
creek to a point where the mountains came down so
abruptly that they were compelled to leave it, and
to cross the steep and high ridge where again
several of the animals were injured by falling upon
the rocks. Their progress on the 3d was fourteen
miles, when camp was made on a small branch of Fish
Creek.
On the 4th, the ground being covered with snow,
the explorers found themselves at the foot of a high
ridge, crossing which, at a distance of six miles they
came upon the head-waters of a stream10 running in
the direction of their course, which the}^ followed
six miles, crossing a branch from the east to its junc-
tion with a stream also from the east,11 upon which
thejr found an encampment of friendly Ootlashoots.
With these they remained a day and a half, trading
for fresh horses, and making a vocabulary of the
language.
On the afternoon of the 6th they continued, and
after a mile and a half crossed the west or Nez
Perce branch of the Bitter Root, which they now
jierceived to be the main river; they named it Clarke
River, Captain Clarke being the first white man to
"behold it. A march of six and a half miles across the
valley and over a pine-covered mountain brought them
again to the river, which they followed three and a
half miles, crossing it several times on account of the
10 Middle branch of Bitter Root River.
11 Horse branch of Bitter Root River.
OX THE BITTER ROOT. 35
narrowness of the valley, and camping on the right
hank ten miles from the Ootlashoot village.
On the 8th their course was along the river, clue
north eleven miles, and a little west of north twelve
miles, which brought them to a large creek with four
channels, to which they gave the name of Scattering
Creek. Crossing this on the 9th and travelling till
noon, making only twelve miles, they halted on a
small rivulet to cook and eat the game killed during
the morning, and to take an observation.12 About
four miles from this halting-place, after crossing the
Bitter Root to its left bank, they emerged from its
wooded bottoms upon an open plain threaded by a dis-
tinct trail, which according to their guide led to the
Missouri, distant only four days' journey. That night
they encamped on a branch of the Bitter Boot,13
having come fifteen miles; and learning from the
guide that their route now left the river and led
over a rough country, they remained one day in
camp preparing food for their journey. To this place
and stream they gave the name of Traveller's Best.
On the afternoon of the 11th they made seven
miles over a good trad.
Next day the road proved very difficult, being
through fallen timber, and over high hills, for eleven
miles, to the fork of the creek, where, ascending its
western branch to a large bend, they once more di-
verged from it and travelled eight miles over a ridge
to the creek again. ±216699 ,
On the 13th a distance of two miles brought
them to some hot springs. Here were so many
trails made by Indians, and elk, and deer, that the
guide became confused, and led them several miles
astray. On regaining the right track, after twelve
rough miles, they emerged from the mountains in
which rise the waters of^Loulou branch, striking the
12 This observation, giving the latitude 46° 41' 3S" 9"", agrees very closely
with that given on the latest maps.
13 Loulou branch of the Bitter Root River.
36 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
head-waters of a stream flowing in the opposite direc-
tion among some small open levels, or glades, whence
they named the stream Glade Creek.
The travellers were now among high mountains,
where at that season snow falls. On the 14th, in a
storm of rain and hail, they proceeded down the right
bank of Glade Creek, and crossing a high mountain
came, in a distance of seven miles, to another stream
equal in size which joined it from the right. At this
point they crossed to the left bank of the main stream,
and passing another high mountain for nine miles
came to a larger stream, which seemed to flow from
the snowy mountains to the south-east and south.
Two miles farther down they encountered another
branch on the right side, at the mouth of which they
encamped on a small island. The fatigue of this day's
march was emphasized by the want of meat, and to
stay their stomachs a colt was slaughtered, a direct
consequence of which was the evolution of the eupho-
nious name of Coltkilled, to designate the stream re-
cently passed.
Finding the river they were following to be at this
point eighty yards wide, with a rapid current, the ex-
plorers inquired its name of the Indian who accom-
panied them, receiving in answer the words koos koos
kie,u which they accordingly adopted as its name,
calling it the Kooskooskie River.15 The difficulty of
proceeding was now very great, accidents, hunger,
and sickness being common; the first from the rough-
ness of the country, the second and last from scarce
and inferior food. Twelve miles were made this day,
when the party encamped near an old snow-bank on
a mountain-top. Pushing on next day in a snow-
i torm which obliterated the trail, they made thirteen
miles, reaching a stream from the north where they
once more indulged in a supper of horse-flesh.
14 The Indians have no arbitrary names for rivers in this country; not even
for the Columbia. The expression koo* koos kle was used to explain that this
was not the river they sought, but only a branch of one larger than itself.
10 Clearwater River.
ON THE CLEARWATER. 37
On the 17th, after a day's journey of ten miles,
Clarke resolved to precede the main body with six
hunters and look for a more level country, while
at the same time seeking game. Making an early
start and travelling some twenty miles with the
utmost rapidity, he was repaid by the discovery of a
great plain stretching toward the west and south-west,
beyond wdiich was a high mountain. His hunters do
not appear to have met with success, for though the
march was continued twelve and a half miles farther,
the stream by which they encamped was baptized
Hungry Creek, the appellation obviously originating
from an empty stomach.
Resuming his march early on the 19th, he came
upon a small plain where a horse was grazing. This
was quickly killed and served for breakfast, what re-
mained after the meal being hung in a tree for the
benefit of the party following. Clarke's course this
day led him nearly out of the mountain country, the
temperature becoming sensibly warmer, and on the
following day, the 20th, he emerged upon a level
country, dotted with scattered pines, and reache! a
village of the Chopunnish, or Nez Perces. By these
he was kindly received and furnished with ample pre-
visions, some of which were sent to meet the party
of Lewis who arrived on the 2 2d.
Clarke meanwdiile had not been idle. Gaining the
friendship of a chief, he collected information touch-
ing the Clearwater . River, which was fifteen miles
from this village. He learned that it forked a short
distance below a second village, and united with a
larger river yet lower, after which it continued its
course to the sea, obstructed only by one great fall.
The information he gained, though not wholly correct,
was still valuable, as showing that the object of the
expedition was attainable, and that within a reasonable
time.
Here the change of diet, acting upon frames ex-
38 EXPEDITION" DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
hausted by the hardships they had endured, produced
a sickness which nearly disabled the whole party;
both leaders and men being so reduced in strength
that on reaching the river it was deemed advisable
once more to betake themselves to canoes. A camp
for canoe -building was therefore established at the
confluence of the north branch with the Clearwater.
At this place large numbers of the Nez Perces
gathered, proving with the exception of some petty
thieving amicable enough. To the chiefs were given
the medals provided for the occasion, and to the women
suitable trinkets, while other articles were bartered
for dried roots, fish, and berries. By the 7th of Oc-
tober, five canoes being finished, the explorers were
ready to proceed upon the last stage of their journey.
Having branded their horses they left them in the
care of two brothers and a son of a chief,16 who with
another chief was to accompany Lewis and Clarke
down the river. The saddles and some ammunition
were cached.
On the first day one canoe sprung a leak by striking
on a rock, and on the second one was sunk from the
same cause, the occupants escaping only by the assist-
ance of those in the other canoes and a friendly Indian.
A creek17 which was passed on the right was called
Colter Creek, from one of the men. Frightened by
these accidents or from some unknown cause, their
faithful Shoshone guide deserted them # before they
embarked next morning without claiming payment
for his services. 1S Many natives were seen along the
river and at the encampments, all appearing friendly.
On the 10th, having travelled sixty miles from the
forks of the Clearwater, the explorers encamped just
16 The good faith of the Nez Perces in taking care of the horses belonging
to Lewis and Clarke has ever since been a matter of reference and pride among
people, and Lawyer, their present chief, is fond of boasting that his
father was one of those to whom they were intrusted.
17 Potash Creek.
18 When they proposed sending some one after the Shoshone with his pay,
the Nez Perce chiefs very frankly informed them that it would be of no use,
as the goods would all be stolen from him before he got out of their country.
THE GREAT FORK. 39
below its junction with the Lewis or Snake River,
which they called the Kimmooenim, where they met
a number of natives from whom they purchased some
dogs for food.19 Continuing down Snake River, the
contrast was noted between its yellowish-green waters
and the purity of the Clearwater. It had frequent
rapids, and was bounded by high cliffs, with here and
there a narrow strip of bottom-land. On the 13th
they passed a small stream on the left, which they
called Kimmooenim Creek,'20 and about four miles
further another stream, naming it from one of their
men, Drewyer River, at the mouth of which were
some bad rapids. Indeed, the navigation of this river
proved exceedingly hazardous, especially with inferior
canoes. On several occasions one or more of them were
filled and some baggage washed away; though to
guard against accident as much as possible, one of the
commanders continually kept in advance in the smallest
canoe.21
By the lGth the explorers reached a difficult rapid,
or "rather a fall," near the confluence of the two great
branches of the Columbia. While the men were em-
ployed in making the necessary portage, the leaders
went on to the mouth of the river to apprise the
natives of their approach, and to convince them of
their friendly intent.
The aspect of the country at this meeting of the
waters was low and flat, vast treeless plains extending
on either hand, and most extensive in the great tri-
angle between the Lewis and Clarke branches above
the junction. The Indians, who were found in large
numbers, proved well disposed toward the travellers,
and made no difficulty about permitting their passage
through their territory. The scarcity of food had
19 The Nez Perces are not dog-eaters, and ridiculed the strangers for so do-
ing. For their habits in this respect, see Native Races, i. 317.
'20 Tu cannon River.
21 The needless caution and want of skill displayed by Lewis and Clarke's
men contrasts most unfavorably with the boldness and dexterity of the French-
Canadian voyageurs, or with that of the Indians of the lower Columbia, whose
address was both admired and envied by the United States soldiers.
40 EXPEDITION DOWN" THE COLUMBIA.
been such that the explorers were driven to open a
number of caches along Snake River belonging to
the natives, who at this season were absent hunting.
Arrived at this camp, however, a market was soon
established and a plentiful supply of clogs secured,
which with the hares and sage-hens brought in by
the hunters, once more replenished their shrunken
larder.
Soon the advent of visitors was announced, and the
chiefs of the Sokulks and Chimnapums22 made their
appearance in camp. They were received with cere-
monious friendship, and having smoked the calumet
were decorated with medals and ribbons like any well
curled carpet-knight or political partisan in these clays
of boudoir chivalry and backstairs intrigue. These
Indians, though inferior to the Nez Perces, resembled
them in appearance.
The expedition remained in camp until the 18th.
A measurement was made of the rivers at their con-
fluence, when the Snake was found to be five hundred
and seventy yards wide, and the Columbia nine hun-
dred and sixty; the latter a short distance below
widened to from one to three miles. An observation
being taken at this place, the latitude was found to
be 46° 15' 13" 9"". Captain Clarke on the 17th
ascended the north branch to an island whence the
mouth of a river called the Tapteal23 could be seen,
visiting en route many lodges, and returning to camp
with a quantity of clucks and prairie-fowl.
On the following morning they took leave of their
Nez Perce guides whom they no longer needed, and
set out relying upon a chart of the river obtained from
one of their newly found friends; still accompanied
however by two Nez Perce chiefs. Sixteen miles
down the stream the mouth of the Walla Walla was
observed, that stream being logged as "a small brook;"
the stupendous bluffs that border it also came in for
22 Walla Wallas and Yakimas.
23 The Yakima River.
JOHN DAY RIVER. 41
their share of notice, as did a conical snow-capped
mountain to the south-west.
The voyage down to the John Day River, which
was named the Lepage in honor of a member of the
crew, occupied four days, the whole river being
represented as full of rapids and shoals.24 Many
Indians appeared upon the banks, sometimes exhib-
iting a dread of the strangers, but oftener inviting
them ashore. Great numbers of horses were seen;
and fish were abundant, scaffoldings for drying them
being everywhere visible. Fish, indeed, appeared
the staple article of commerce among these tribes,
who dried and pounded it, making it into conven-
ient packages for transportation below, where it was
exchanged for roots and other commodities. This in-
dustry was promoted by the explorers, who made
some purchases of fish, giving in exchange fish-hooks,
ril >bons, and other trifles. European manufactures had
penetrated even thus far; scarlet and blue blankets,
and European clothing, were by no means uncommon
objects on the banks of the Columbia.
The surrounding country was a repetition of the
broad rolling plains of the Snake River, covered at
this season with grass converted into hay by the sun.
On the 19th Mount St. Helen was made out and
recognized from Vancouver's description. On the
2 2d the canoes arrived at that place in the river
where there would be, according to the Indians, the
greatest difficulty in passing.
After quitting their camp on the John Day River,
they next reached the mouth of a stream which
Lewis calls the Towahnahiooks, and Gass the Kim-
mooenim.25 Navigation from the mouth of this river
24 From the frequent mention of shoals in the channel of the Columbia, it
would appear cither that the season had been a remarkably dry one, or that
it has sine ;;i volume. Steamers constantly navigate both the
Columbia and the Snake rivers where Lewis and Clarke's canoes were hindered
by shoals.
25 Throughout the whole region from the Shoshone country to the Wil-
lamette, the Kimmooenim seems ubiquitous. The river to which that name
is here applied is that called by the French voyageurs twenty years later La
42 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
was for six miles extremely difficult; below there the
stream became impassable, for the great falls of the
Columbia now confronted the voyagers, and a halt
was called to examine them. Consulting with the
natives who as usual flocked about them, and to
whom they made trifling presents, they learned that
the first rapid was three quarters of a mile long, and
that the best portage was on the opposite bank. The
canoes were accordingly run across to the north bank
and unloaded. The portage of the baggage occupied
the remainder of the clay, the camp being pitched at
the lower end of the rapid and a guard mounted over
the goods, for it was observed that the savages who
assisted in carrying them repaid themselves for their
labor as they went along.
The task of bringing down the canoes was begun
on the 23d, under the superintendence of Clarke. In
pursuance of aboriginal advice, to avoid a sheer de-
scent of twenty feet the boats were hauled over a
point on the left bank of the river for a quarter of a
mile to another fall, eight feet in height, down which
they were lowered by means of elk -skin ropes. At
the foot of this fall, the day being far advanced, the
party encamped.
Here an attack was apprehended, and the Nez
Perces showed the greatest alarm, requesting permis-
sion to return home, but were eventually persuaded
to remain on the assurance that no harm should befall
them. Weapons were put in order, and a hundred
rounds of ammunition served out. However, their
valor was not called in question by any more serious
assault than that of myriads of fleas, a pest not to be
escaped during their wanderings along the Columbia.
Riviere des Chutes, and now known as Des Chutes. Gass, in his journal,
says: ' This is the same river whose head-waters we saw at the Snake nation,'
and Lewis also says that this is a large river, ' the first village of the Snake
Indians on that river being twelve days' journey on a course about south-east
from this place;' from which it would seem that he entertained the same
idea. The truth probably is that they were misled by the similar words used
to convey the idea of a swift river, and also by the frequent mention made by
the Indians on the Columbia of their immemorial enemies, the Shoshones.
THE DALLES. 43
Having gained an acquisition in the shape of an Indian
canoe in exchange for the smallest of those brought from
the Clearwater, the voyage was resumed on the 24th.
The current ran swiftly for three miles, when the
channel turned to the left, around "a high black rock,
which, rising perpendicularly from the right shore,"
seems to run entirely across the river and so block the
passage. They could not see where the water escaped,
though a great roaring was heard.'26 Landing near
some Indian huts, they went forward to reconnoitre.
The channel beyond was only forty-five yards wide;
but indications on the rocks showed that when the
Columbia was swollen by the spring flood from the
mountains, the waters confined within these rocky
barriers rose to a great height.27 Even at that low
stao^e the channel was a mass of seething, tossing;,
broken water.
However, the labor of carrying the canoes was so
great that finding there was no danger from sunken
rocks it was determined to risk the passage, which
to the surprise of the natives was safely accomplished,
the distance being half a mile. Only a mile and half
of comparatively smooth water intervened before an-
other bad rapid confronted them, caused by two rocky
islands in the middle of the channel. Here the valu-
able baffffa£e was disembarked, with the men who
could not swim, when the canoes were brought through
in safety, two only shipping water. Six miles was the
distance overcome this day, and the camp was located
near a native village.23
26 All that the chiefs of this expedition say concerning their voyage down
the Columbia goes to show that the river must have been lower in 1805 than
it usually is now, or than it was in ordinary seasons twenty-five years later
than Lewis and Clarke descended it. The bateaux of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany used to run the narrows, and the rapids between, but only after exam-
ining the stage of the water. And as for the river, Sir George Simpson says,
in his Journey Round the World, ' We reached Les Chutes, where we made a
portage, after having run nearly four hundred miles without even lightening
our craft. ' In seasons of high water, steamers are sometimes run completely
over all the dangerous places, to Celilo, at the mouth of the Des Chutes
-7 At the narrowest part of the passage the water in some seasons reaches
one hundred feet.
28 A small village of these same Indians still marks this spot, though a
railroad passes within a few yards of it.
44 EXPEDITION DOWX THE COLUMBIA.
Lewis and Clarke improved the occasion presented
by the visits of these natives to convince them of the
evils of warfare and the blessings of peace, and urging
them to make friends with the Nez Perces chiefs.
This after some hesitation they consented to do, and
amicable relations were established, which have con-
tinued to the present time. These Indians were called
by the explorers Echeloots.29
This village possessed ten thousand pounds of dried
fish, some of which was purchased by the exploring
party. To the chief was presented a medal denoting
his rank.
On the morning of the 25th, the Nez Perce chiefs
took leave of Lewis and his followers, who now pre-
pared to pass those long narrows termed subsequently
by the Canadian voyageurs the Dalles.30
29 Different writers and travellers have used different names for the same
people, which are given with their manners and customs in Native Races, i.
319-20. To modern writers these Indians are known as Wascos.
30The word d </, or dcdl, or (Idle, in the signification of trough or gutter,
is somewhat obsolete, and is not found in many modern dictionaries. Yet it
i not in this connection wholly Canadian or patois. The present popular
meaning of dalle is a stone pavement, s.uch as is frequently found in cathedrals.
But it was likewise early applied to slices of fish, instead of the more suitable
word darne. It was anciently employed as a technical marine term fur tin-
outward wooden covering of a metal pipe; and again as water-conductors
round roofs. In the Arabic we find dalla, a conductor of water; in the
< lerman d la, gutter; in the Spanish dalla, tubo de cobre por el cual pasa el
aziicar desde la caldera de refinar a la de cocer; and in the French dalle, tin
pipes, troughs, water-ways, or canals. The first voyageurs on their way
down the great river of the west, found many little dalles, but this was as
they said, Le Grand dall de la Columbia. McKay in the Dalles Mountain* < t,
%8th May, 1S69. What a happy way a certain class of writers, tourists
particularly, have of disposing of knotty questions ! It is so easy to dash off
an origin, a legend, or the signification of the names of places as one whirls
by them on the train ; fur instance, like the meaning of the word Dalles given
by John Codman, one of the many wise men of the east, who in his Round
Trip, 152, coolly tells us that 'dalles is an Indian word, signifying a deep,
narrow, racing, roaring, boiling, swirling, seething, leaping rush of waters.'
The rude unlettered west must'be glad to know its meaning, and to know it
means so much; for it is seldom we find Indian words, even in French
dictionaries, with so broad a significance. We are grateful, likewise, to the
learned John Codman for not leaving us in darkness as to the reason of em-
pi lying this foreign word in pixjference to an English one, which was because
'it 'must be a more expressive word than is afforded by our language, and it
is wisely retained.' The natives called the place Winquatt, and the island
below the rapids Kapooks. The Wascos— signifying literally horn-basin —
the aboriginal owners of this country, and at their chief village of Win-
quatt periodically assembled for purposes of fishing and traffic with the tribes
contiguous. On the north bank below the falls stood the village of Wishkam.
DIVERS RIVERS. 45
After examination, the men who could not swim were
sent by land with the goods a distance of from three to
four miles, when the canoes came through very well,
only two as before taking in any water. Five miles
below the river became smooth, and widened to half
a mile. Camp was established under a point of rock
near the mouth of a small creek,31 where the explorers
remained until the 28th, drying the wet baggage, pur-
chasing fish, roots, and dogs, cultivating the good-will
of the natives, and taking observations. Mount Hood,
in all its grandeur and beauty, now appeared in full
view.
On the 28th they proceeded, making frequent land-
ings at the villages and huts of the natives, and pur-
chasing food whenever opportunity presented itself.
European goods were more common upon the lower
Columbia than among the natives above, the trading-
ships supplying British muskets, cutlasses, teakettles,
blankets, etc.
On the 29th a stream was passed which they termed
Cataract River,32 and on the same day an island on
which was conferred the title of Sepulchre Island33
from the Indian graves upon it. Thirteen miles be-
low they discovered a river on the left34 coming down
from Mount Hood, which now appeared no more than
five miles distant, and to which they gave the name
of La Biche from one of the men. A mile beyond
was another stream,33 called Canoe River from the
number of canoes lying there, the owners of which
were engaged in fishing. They were now among the
mountains, whose foot-hills rose gradually from their
camp at the narrows. Some of the highest ridges
were covered with snow; beautiful cascades precipi-
tated themselves from mighty cliffs; all nature was
luxuriant with verdure; tall trees clothed the hills;
31 Mill Creek, which traverses the township of Dalles.
8- Kliketat River.
33 Memelose Island, an ancient burial-place of the Kliketats, called by
them Memelose Illihie, or Land of Shades.
3 ' Hood River.
3i White Salmon River.
46 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
all was in charming and powerful contrast with the
country they had recently passed over, and the local
influence of the mountains manifested itself in the
weather, which became cool and rainy.
In the afternoon of the 30th the expedition arrived
at the lower falls of the Columbia,36 and encamped
on an island at the head of the rapids. The river
here was a mile wide. To a stream on the right, and
two and a half miles above the rapids, was given the
name of Cruzatte River, in honor of one of the crew.
Clarke set out to examine the river below the island
and determine its character. After going three miles
he returned to camp, continuing his reconnoissance
next morning, when he found the stream compressed
between rocks a hundred and fifty yards apart, with
high mountains on the left, and on the right a hill
rising from the water's edge.
For the first four hundred yards the river rushed
swiftly over sunken rocks with a fall of twenty feet,
after which its width increased by about fifty yards,
and for a mile and a half its current became less rapid.
Below this again was another bad place, the stream
dashing over and amidst large rocks, both above and
below the surface. Having now discovered the^ place
where the Indians made their portage, Lewis de-
spatched his chief boatman to ascertain whether the
canoes could make the descent, or would have to be
landed and dragged over by hand.
Keeping along the river bank he found, a mile below
the portage, that the hills on the right receded, leaving
an open level between them and the river. Five miles
below this spot was the last rapid. Passing some de-
serted huts and a burial-place, he returned with this
intelligence, and found active preparations in progress
for making the portage. This proved extremely la-
borious on account of the high rocks to be climbed,
and the state of the weather, which continued rainy.
The baowaofe and the lightest canoe had to be carried
36 Popularly known as the Cascades.
THE CASCADES. 47
over the portage, a distance of four miles, while the
other canoes were floated down in side channels and
shoved over the rocks with poles, sustaining so much
injury in transit that it was found necessary to halt
and repair them. At the first attempt only two boats
came through, the remainder being managed in the
same way on the following day, November 1st. Next
day the last rapid was overcome by a partial portage,
and the party halted for breakfast on a small island,
called from the abundance of that fruit, Strawberry
Island.
The explorers had now reached tide-water. Reem-
barking and descending between grassy meadows and
narrow lowlands at the base of high mountains down
whose declivities rushed frequent cataracts, they soon
passed on their right hand a perpendicular rock, eight
hundred feet in height, and rising abruptly out of
sandy flats, to which they gave the name of Beacon
Rock.37 Below this the river grew considerably
wider. Two miles lower they passed another rock, 8
rising from the middle of the stream to the height
of one hundred feet ; six miles beyond they encamped
at the foot of another high rock.39
Their departure on the morning of the 3d was de-
layed by a dense fog. By ten o'clock, however, they
were afloat, passing low meadow-lands and islands, and
were now well out of the mountains. About noon they
approached a stream on the left, which being shallow
the men attempted to wade, but were prevented by
the quicksands. Examining the stream for a mile and
a half above its mouth, it was found to be one hundred
and twenty yards wide at its narrowest part, and to
contain numerous small islands. The force of the
water had shifted the quicksands until in the middle
of its mouth a large island was formed, three miles
37 Now Castle Rock.
38 Rooster Rock.
39 Gass mentions the existence of one rock which he describes as 'resembling
a tower.'
43 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
long and a mile and a half wide, which extending into
the Columbia greatly reduced the width of the latter
stream. The name of Quicksand River40 was be-
stowed upon this new discovery, and one flowing in
on the opposite side was called Seal River41 from the
great number of seals in its vicinity. Here again
Mount Hood came in view, being recognized from
Vancouver's description.
The river now flowed through low ground on either
hand, and was dotted with numerous islets, fringed
generally with willow, cotton wood, and ash, and gen-
erally containing pools of water tenanted by flocks of
water-fowl. Huts and villages were frequent, and
from one of the natives was gleaned the intelligence
that three vessels had lately been lying at the mouth
of the river. They encamped on the high ground of
the north bank opposite the upper mouth of the Wil-
lamette, which on account of the number of islands in
the Columbia escaped their notice at this time.42
On the morning of the 4th the canoes landed at a
village on the left side of the river, where a fleet of
upward of fifty canoes was drawn up on shore. Here
they found the wapato root in great abundance, from
which circumstance they called this the Wapato Val-
ley, and an island seven miles below Wapato Island.43
Proceeding on their voyage they halted at noon on
the north side of the river at a long narrow island
which masked the embouchure of a small river.44 From
a large canoe ornamented on stem and stern with
carvings it was nonsensically named Image Canoe
40 Now Sandy River.
41 Washongal River. .
42 While here they received a visit from a family having with them a
woman said to be of the Shoshone nation, but who was found to be unable to
converse with their interpreter's wife, who had travelled with them through
that country, of which she was an undoubted native. From the^ descriptions
of these natives the explorers make the Multnomah rise in the Rocky Moun-
tains, a little south of the head-waters of the Snake River, and represent it as
flowing through the Cascade Mountains about the 43d parallel. This error is
partly due to the incorrectness of the information, and partly, also, to their
own misapprehension of the terms used by the Indians.
^Sauve Island. See Hist. Or., i. 43, this series.
"Lake River.
THE OCEAN. 49
Island.45 Camp was pitched this evening twenty-nine
miles beyond that of the previous day, on the low
ground between the Lewis and Cathlapootle rivers
and the Columbia.
On the 5th the explorers set out early in a rain-
storm, and after eight miles came to Deer Island, on
which was a populous native village, and a few miles
further to another island near the mouth of Kalama
Creek. Three miles below this camp was pitched, the
mountains continually appearing higher as they ap-
proached the Coast Range.
The mouth of the Cowlitz River was passed early
on the 6th, when they observed a remarkable knoll
eighty feet in height, rising solitary from the water's
edge.46 This night they encamped on the margin of
the river where the tide rose four feet, and space for
sleeping accommodations was restricted. Indian re-
ports encouraged them to expect that at the mouth
of the river they would meet some white traders,
the principal of whom was called by the natives
Haley.
Next morning they coasted along a channel on the
right bank of the river, between an island and the
shore, until in the afternoon the fog lifted, and be-
tween the two capes at the river's mouth they beheld
to their great joy the horizon-line of the Pacific
Ocean.
The main purpose of the expedition was now over.
Once more it was permitted an intrepid band of ex-
plorers to open a new way through the trackless wil-
derness, to open a way of communication overland
between the United States and the commerce of the
Northwest Coast. The vast Pacific was once more
the goal of lofty endurance, the guerdon of noble
45 It was observed that although the Indians along the lower Columbia were
very numerous, and possessed a native opulence of houses, clothing, and pro-
visions, they had not horses like those above, but travelled entirely in canoes,
in the building and management of which they were very expert.
40 Mount Coffin.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. i
50 EXPEDITION DOWN THE COLUMBIA.
emprise. That broad sea whose calm smile welcomed
Balboa, Magellan, Cortes, which greeted Mackenzie
more coldly, which knew not knight in mail from
prosaic trader, under its leaden mists now wafted as
kindly a welcome to these simple captains and their
unromantic followers, who, beckoned by no flimsy
fable of romance, added their quota to the world's
knowledge of the untrodden west.
CHAPTER III.
LEWIS AND CLARKE'S EXPEDITION— THE PACIFIC AND THE
RETURN JOURNEY.
1S05-1S06.
The Estuary of the Columbia— Storms — Lewis and Clarke's Reconnois-
SANCES — CHINOOKS — CROSSING THE RlVER — WlNTER-QUARTERS — SaLT-
making — Clarke Visits the Coast — White Traders — Clatsops —
A Whale — The Neah-Hoxie — Killamook Head — Spring-time-
Farewell to Fort Clatsop — Return up the Columbia— The Willa-
mette— Wapato Island— Snowy Mountains— Buying Horses— The
Walla Walla — The Touchet — The Clearwater— Xez Perces —
Horse-stealing — Indian Diplomacy — Address to the Nez Perces —
Hunting and Fishing Camp — The Expedition Divides — Lewis'
Party — Hell Gate River — Departure of the Guides — The Wa i
shed — Maria River — The Minnetarees— A Skirmish — The Mis-
souri—Clarke's Party — The Jefferson River — The Yellowstone-
Horses Stolen — Pompey's Pillar — The Big Horn— Herds of Buf-
falo— The Missouri — Expedition Reunited — Mandan Country — End
of the Journey— Colter and the Indians— A Race for Life— Re-
view of the Expedition— Honors and Rewards— Death of Lewis-
Subsequent Career of Clarke — Conclusion.
The appetite for discovery thus whetted, the hard-
ship of passing another night among the bowlders of
the stony beach, this time in a drenching rain, was
lightly rated. Next morning, the 8th of November
1805, saw all hands eager for a closer acquaintance with
old ocean. Working cautiously along the northern
shore they reached Gray Bay, and found it impos-
sible to get further, their canoes being ill adapted to
battle with the winds and waves in the estuary of
the Columbia. Here they were forced to remain till
the 10th, short of provisions, without fresh- water,
the tide flowing up to their camp, and immense logs
being cast up on the beach to the imminent peril of
their canoes.
52 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
An attempt was then made to reach the mouth
of the river, but after going ten miles they were
forced to put back two miles to the mouth of a small
stream, and unload the baggage to preserve it from
the high tide. Making a fresh start at low water the
river was still found too high, and the baggage was
once more landed and placed above high-water mark,
the men encamping on some drift-logs.
Next day the storm continued, rocks rolling down
the hill-sides. The hunters endeavored to find some
game, but the thickets proved impenetrable. On the
day following it was found necessary to sink the
canoes with stones to save them from being dashed
upon the rocks. On the 13th, Captain Clarke with
much difficulty scaled the high ridge in rear of the
camp to obtain a view of the surrounding country, and
find if possible a way out of their present dilemma.
Returning with no cheering intelligence, upon con-
sultation the commanders determined to send three
men in the Indian canoe to learn at any risk whether
it was possible to double the point below and find
some safer refuge. To the great relief of all, the
men returned next clay, having found at no great dis-
tance a fine sandy beach and a good harbor.
Captain Lewis immediately set out to explore the
bay in the direction of the ocean, and ascertain if any
white men were to be found at the mouth of the
river. Accompanied by four picked men he was car-
ried round the point in a canoe, and there landed to
proceed on foot. The following day the waves having
abated the whole party removed to the sandy beach,
where out of the ruins of an ancient village a tem-
porary shelter was constructed by some of the men,
while" the hunters went in search of water-fowl.
Lewis returned from his reconnoissance on the 17th,
having been as far as Cape Disappointment at the
mouth of the river, and for some distance up the
coast without discovering any white people. Clarke
set out on the following day with eleven men to
MORE XAMIXGS. 53
examine the country, which he did as far as Baker
Bay, on the river, and along the coast as far as Shoal-
water Bay, naming the high point that overlooks it
Point Lewis. From the top of Cape Disappointment
Clarke surveyed the river and its surroundings, learn-
ing much of the geography of the country. On re-
turning he found at the camp two Chinook chiefs, of
whom the since famous Comcomly was one. Both had
been decorated with medals, Comcomly having been
likewise presented with a flag.
The season was now so far advanced that it was a
matter of immediate necessity to select winter-quar-
ters. In deciding upon a location the ruling consid-
eration was that food should be cheap and plentiful.
They determined, therefore, after consulting with the
natives, to settle upon the south bank of the river,
where there was an abundance of elk whose flesh was
considered more nutritious than cleer-meat. Up the
river deer would be plentiful and the weather better;
but they wished to meet with some trading-vessels,
and also to make some salt.
On the 25th then, not venturing to cross the river
under the full force of the ocean winds, they headed
their canoes up stream, and encamped that night
where they had been on the 7th. Next day they crossed
the river, passing between low marshy islands which
they called Seal Islands, and entered a channel be-
tween the islands and the southern bank of the river
three miles below a point called Samuel. Turning
once more clown stream they descended the river
five miles and encamped near a native village. Getting
under way on the 27th they soon passed a little river
flowing from the south-east,1 called Kekemahke by
the Indians, and shortly afterward a remarkable point,2
which they named William. On rounding this pro-
jection the water became too rough for the canoes,
forcing the party to land upon the narrow neck which
1 John Day River.
2 Tongue Point.
54 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
connected it with the mainland. There they remained
that afternoon and the next day, exposed to a furious
storm.
So many of the men were ill from poor food and
exposure, that on the 29th Lewis determined to take
the Indian canoe, the only one it was thought pos-
sible could live in such a sea, and search for wintering
quarters, while the hunters looked for elk. He was
absent six days, at the end of which time he returned
with the information that a short distance below he
had found a river on which they might establish their
winter camp, and where there was plenty of game; in
proof of which latter assertion he had left two of his
men to guard six elk and five deer which they had
killed. This discovery was made none too soon. It
was already December, a month late enough even in
more temperate regions to enter winter-quarters with
the hope of providing for a large party. All were
impatient to proceed, but again a gale from the south-
west prevented them.
At length, on the 7th of December, the weather
improved sufficiently for the canoes to round a point
two miles below the camp into a deep inlet of the
Columbia,3 to which was given the name of Meri-
wether Bay, in compliment to Captain Lewis, who,
they doubted not, was the first white man to survey
it.4 The river entering the head of this inlet retained
its Indian appellation of Killhowamakel, but the
sacred name of Lewis was imposed upon the Netul,
the small river whither he was conducting them, and
where they arrived that afternoon.
Everybody was now busy, clearing a site, for the
fort, hunting, and bringing in the game. Although
3 Voting Bay.
4 Two sentimental school-girls eonlcl scarcely have applied more silly names
than did these two captains. They endeavored to perpetuate the names of
themselves and all their men, giving some a river, point, and hay apiece; and
after exhausting their surnames, they took up the Christian names. Nor are
they more happy in applying names suggested hy some accident or incident:
for example, Coltkilled, Hungry, and the like. If the names of Lewis and
Clarke are not forever perpetuated on this western coast it has heen through
no fault of theirs.
FORT CLATSOP. 53
for the most part the men were cheerful, their hard-
ships were many and great, and only the mildness of
the climate saved them from severe suffering. It
rained almost incessantly. Though elk were plenti-
ful, hunting them among the woods and bogs of the
Clatsop country was no easy matter. When killed,
as there were no horses, it was severe labor to bring
the meat into camp. Many of the men, also, were
half disabled by " dysentery, colds, and boils."
The spot selected for the fort was about two hun-
dred yards from the bank of Lewis River, near its
entrance into the bay. By the 12th were ready for
occupation three cabins built of logs, the crevices
stopped with mud, and the whole roofed with cedar
planks. On the 14th seven were so far completed as
to be habitable. The whole was then enclosed with
stockades; sentries were posted on guard, and the
place was named Fort Clatsop.5
Clarke immediately visited the coast, seven miles
distant, to inquire concerning trading-vessels, and to
establish friendly relations with the natives. He
found all the vessels departed, not to return for three
months or more. The Indians gave him the names
of a number of white men, chiefly traders,6 most im-
portant among whom was Haley, a fact taken advan-
tage of by Clarke in naming the bay formed by the
Columbia at its mouth Haley Bay. The natives on
the south bank of the river, about its mouth, were
called Clatsops, of whom Clarke found a few families
5 In October 1836, Mr Townsend, the naturalist, paid a visit to Young
Bay to see the quarters occupied by the explorers. The logs were found still
perfect but the roofs had disappeared, probably carried off by the Indians,
and the ground about the fort was 'overgrown with thorn and wild currant
bushes.' Townsend's Nar., 256; Francherc's Nar., 130. The spot is now
covered by a grove of alders and firs. In later times certain map-makers
sop, or Fort C4eorge. See also Hunt's Mcr. Mag., vi. 314.
l; The traders were Haley, Youens, Callalamet, Sivipton, Moore, Mackey,
Washington, Mesship, Jackson, Bolch, and Skelley. Davidson came only to
hunt elk. Tallamon was not a trader. All came in three-masted vessels,
except Moore, whose ship had four masts. All spoke the English language.
56 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
on the beach, who received and entertained him in the
most friendly manner. They spoke a few words of
English, chiefly names of articles of trade.
As soon as it became known that the explorers had
established themselves in winter-quarters, they re-
ceived frequent visits, not only from the Clatsops, but
from the Killamooks, Cathlamets, and Wakiakums,
whose chiefs were presented with the customary
medals due to their rank.7 All these people were
friendly. If they grew presuming, or were guilty of
theft, they were quickly and firmly checked. The
Chinooks were most annoying from their thievish pro-
pensities, which at last resulted in their exclusion from
the fort. When a Clatsop or Cathlamet approached
he stopped a little way off, and shouted, "No Chi-
nook!"
The weather up to the 6th of January continued
so rainy that nothing was attempted in the way of
exploration, and the only information obtained was
such as the natives could furnish. The energies of
the men were devoted to procuring provisions, not
only for the present but for the return of the expe-
dition as soon as spring should open. The absence
of vessels from which supplies might be purchased
rendered this course imperative. Salt for preserving
elk-meat was manufactured from salt-water, the salt-
maker's camp being located just above Killamook
Head, on Clatsop beach.
It was already past the New Year when an interval
of bright weather, and the news that a large whale
had been stranded on the beach below Killamook
7 'One of Mr Berine's children found, a few days since (Oct. 14, 1S3G),
a large silver medal which had been brought here by Lewis and Clarke, and
had probably been presented to some chief, who lost it. On one side was a
head with the name "Th. Jefferson, President of the United States, 1801.''
On the other, two hands interlocked, surmounted by a pipe and tomahawk ;
and above the words "Peace and Friendship."' Townsend's Nar., 256. In
Indian Affairs, Report 1S54, "224, mention is made of the medal found; and
Gibbs, in U. S. Georj. Surv., Powell, Ethnol., i. 23S, speaks of Indian recollec-
tions of Lewis and Clarke as late as 1860. See further Matthieu's /.'< fugee,
MS., 15, 16.
KILLAMOOK BAY. 57
Head, determined Clarke to visit that part of the
coast with the double purpose of learning something
about it, and of securing some of the blubber of the
whale.
Taking with him twelve men he proceeded down
Lewis River to Young Bay, intending to go to the
nearest Clatsop village, which wTas situated about three
miles below that river and four miles south-east of
Point Adams — the Cabo Frondoso of the Spaniards,
and the Cap Rond of the French.
Finding it too rough for the canoes, he put in
to Skippanon Creek without a guide. About three
miles up the creek he came upon some high ground
and an open road where he left the canoes, and fol-
lowing the path across some marshes reached the
Neah-Hoxie near where it makes a sudden bend to
the south, crossing it in a canoe found under the bank.
Elk signs being seen, they hunted until night, camping
at the fork of the Neah-Hoxie.
On the morning of the 7th the party proceeded up
the south branch, crossing it on a fallen tree, and found
a sandy ridge on the other side separating the stream
from the ocean by only three quarters of a mile.
Three miles down the beach they came to the mouth
of "a beautiful river, with a bold rapid current, eighty-
five yards wide, and three feet deep in its shallowest
crossings," which was named Clatsop River.8 Two
miles below this was the camp of the salt-makers, who
were producing about four quarts a day.
Securing a young Indian guide, Clarke and his men
began the ascent of the head, which, projecting into
the sea more than two miles, and rising to a height of
twelve hundred feet, presented an almost insuperable
barrier to travel up and down the coast. At great peril
from landslides owing to the steepness of the trail,
8 This was the mouth of the Neah-Hoxie, which well (k'serves the appella-
tion of beautiful river. It doubles upon itself so as to be running directly
north and south at the same time, the two portions being separated by a nar-
row ridge, and the whole length of the stream being bordered by overhanging
trees.
5S THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
and from its narrowness where it led along the edge
of the cliffs, they reached the top in two hours. From
this eminence Clarke beheld the dull opaque misty
ocean, rolling in from the west its all-compelling
waves, as far as Cape Disappointment on the north,
and south as far as the eye could follow the outline
of the coast. After gazing upon the scene for some
time, and remarking upon the grandeur of the forest
that crowned the mountain, his thoughts reverted to
himself; and he gave to this promontory the name of
Clarke Point of View. Camp was pitched on the top
of the mountain. On the following day, after a diffi-
cult descent on the south side, they came again to a
level beach, and after a two miles' march reached a
creek eighty yards wide, just beyond which was the
skeleton of a whale one hundred and five feet in length.
The name of Escola, or Whale, was given to this creek.
Clarke's principal object, the securing of whale-
blubber, was but in a small measure attained, three
hundred pounds being all that the Indians could be
prevailed on to part with. Before leaving, next day,
he procured a delineation of the coast to the south as
far as Killamook Bay, which he understood to be a
river,9 and named for the tribe living upon its banks.
The high point at the south side of Killamook Bay
he called Cape Lookout.10
On the 9th the party returned as far as the camp
of the salt-makers, and the next day reached Fort
Clatsop. That night they were unfortunate enough
9 Clarke says that the Killamooks passed up their river to the Shocatilcum,
or Columbia, to trade for wapato roots. This is another misapprehension of
the Indian meaning, very natural with so limited a knowledge of their lan-
guage, tilcum, or more properly, tilicum, being the word denoting person — ■
any person. Probably they were telling him that they went over into the
Willamette Valley to traffic with the people there for wapatos; the shallow
lake3 in which this root grows being common in the lower end of the valley.
10 ' Clarke, of Clarke and Lewis' expedition, when about five miles south of
Tillamook Head, spoke of " Killamuck Bay" as twenty miles further south,
into which floAved the Nielee (Nehalem). He made his distances too great;
reducing the twenty to thirteen miles, the "Nielee" would be in the proper
position of the Nehalem — whence the Indians make a portage, as Clarke
states, to the Multnomah. Clarke's description of the bay at the mouth of
the Nehalem was obtained from the Indians, and was really Tillamook Pay,
but located in the wrong place.' Davidson's Coast Pilot, 141.
ADVERTISEMENTS. 59
to have their canoe carried away by the tide. This
loss was subsequently made good by the purchase of
one from the Clatsops, and the seizure of another
in reprisal for some articles stolen by that tribe.
It had been the intention of Lewis and Clarke to
remain at Fort Clatsop until April, in the hope of
meeting with some foreign traders11 from whom, by
means of their letters of credit, they might recruit
their stores, which were so diminished that they might
all have been tied in two handkerchiefs, they said.
They were obliged, however, to depart on the 23d
of March, for the elk, their chief dependence for food,
having retreated to the mountains they were in dan-
ger of famine. Having plenty of ammunition and
good guns, it was thought best to proceed slowly up
the river, depending on such game as could be found
in the woods along the Columbia.
It would not have been consistent with their in-
structions, or the design of the expedition, to quit the
country without in some wTay advertising to the world
the fact that they had been there, in the service of the
United States; therefore, in addition to the usual
leave-taking, they issued to the most prominent chiefs
of the Clatsops and Chinooks certificates of kindness
and attention received from them, which they well
understood would be exhibited to as much of the world
as ever came to the mouth of the Columbia. In ad-
dition to these the following notice was posted up in
the fort: "The object of this last is, that through the
medium of some civilized person, who may see the
same, it may be made known to the world, that the
party consisting of the persons whose names are here-
unto annexed, and who were sent out by the govern-
ment of the United States to explore the interior of
the continent of North America, did penetrate the
11 'In 1S06, soon after Lewis and Clarke left their encampment on their re-
turn to the United States, the ship Vancouver, Brown, master, entered the
river, having been sent out by Thomas Lyman, of Boston, in expectation of
meeting' them. Gray's Hist. Or., 15.
GO THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
same by the way of the Missouri and Columbia rivers,
to the discharge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean,
where they arrived on the 14th day of November
1805, and departed the 23d day of March 180G, on
their return to the United States, by the same route
by which they had come out." Upon the back of
this paper was drawn a sketch of their route across
the continent. That same year it fell into the hands
of an American captain,12 who carried it to Canton,
and thence to the United States. Still further to se-
cure the friendly offices of Chief Comowool, the cabins
and furniture of the fort were presented to him.
At one o'clock on the afternoon of the 23d the
expedition left Fort Clatsop for the return voyage up
the Columbia. Proceeding slowly they noted the
stream that comes in a short distance below the pres-
ent site of Cathlamet, an island opposite Oak Point13
named Fanny Island, the mouth and valley of the
Cowlitz, the Cathlapootle or Lewis River, and finally
arrived on the 31st at the mouth of Seal River, where
they encamped to remain while the hunters collected
meat enough to supply the party until the fishing sea-
son should begin, in May.
While in camp at this place, opposite Quicksand
Piver, they observed that there was a great extent
of country between that stream and the coast, which
indicated the existence of some large river, by which
and its tributaries the country should be watered.
Upon examination they were satisfied that Quick-
sand Piver was not that important stream, and upon
explaining their doubts to the natives and making
inquiries, they first learned of the river,14 called by
13 Captain Hill, of the brig Lydia.
13 The original Oak Point, settled in 1810, was on the south side of the
river, near where Fanny Island must have been.
14 The Willamette River. The spelling of the name has occasioned nearly
as much controversy as the origin of the word Oregon. The journal of Lewis
and Clarke makes no mention of it, they having seen only that part of the
river called Multnomah by the Indians, that is, the portion below the falls.
Parker's Exploring Tour., 171 ; Deady's Hist. Or., MS., 78. In Irving's Astoria,
Wollamut is the spelling used; and in his Bonneville's Adv., WaUamut — the
THE WILLAMETTE. Gl
them Multnomah,15 a name applied also to one of the
villages.
On April 2d Clarke started with a guide to explore
the waters beyond the "three small islands" that con-
cealed from view the mouth of the unknown river.
He found, on penetrating the islets and rounding the
head of Wapato Island, a stream "appearing to pos-
sess water enough for the largest ship," up which he
continued, conversing with the people on the shore, to
a place not far from the present site of Portland,
where he found it five hundred yards in width, and
for half the distance across beyond the capacity of
his sounding line of five fathoms.
From this point he returned, having enjoyed at one
view the sight of five snowy peaks,16 one of which he
named after the president, Mount Jefferson. He had
second being probably a correction of the first. In Francliere's Narrative
the word is spelled with either an i or an a in the first syllable, and a or e in the
last. In other French books of an early date we find OuaUamat and Qua
Chief Factor McLoughlin always wrote Wallamette, which appears to have been
the established form down to the period of the American immigration. Forbes
Barclay, who went to Oregon in 1837, and in his capacity of surgeon and
physician was obliged to inquire into and report upon all facts concerning
population, and the names of tribes and places, said in answer to an inquiry
on the subject that the Indians on the west bank of the river from the Clack-
amas Rapids to the falls were called Wallamette. Blanchet favors the spelling
adopted by McLoughlin — Wallamette. Tolmie, however, says that its true
pronunciation is Wal&meb, or more properly Walamt. Puget Sound, MS., 7.
From the usual sound of Indian words in Oregon, this last appears to be the
nearest approach to the true orthography; both the i in the first syllable, and
the termination ette being French innovations introduced by the Canadians.
The early American settlers adopted the Wallamette spelling, with the Walld-
ii t pronunciation, the accent being on the second syllable, and the first a
having a broad sound. The word has undergone several transitions, ending
in the now customary spelling of Willamette, as resolved in the legislative
proceedings of 1S74, to be the orthography for all laws and records. Or. House
Jour. 1874, 903-4. This is several removes from the original Indian word,
and will ultimately lead to an entirely different pronunciation, though the
early settlers still pronounce it as of yore — Wallamet, thus sufficiently angli-
cizing the word without materially changing its true sound, Wah-la-met. The
controversialists on this subject are numerous. The most prominent have
been Father Blanchet, J. Quinn Thorton, Wm. Strong. Mrs Victor, Jas.
Strong, and Matthew P. Deady, the latter having written a pamphlet entitled
Wallamet or Willamette, containing sixty-six pages, with an exhaustive com-
parison of authorities, and which includes all there is to say concerning the
word. See also Blanchet's Cath. Church in Or., 81-4; Hines' Or. Hist., 91;
Richardson's Miss., 398.
15 Subsequent travellers discovered that Multnomah was a name used to
distinguish that part of the Willamette below the falls, and that it was de-
rived from a family or tribe of that name living along its banks.
1U Rainier, St Helen, Adams, Hood, and Jefferson.
62 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
also heard of a river forty miles above the mouth of
the Multnomah, having its source in Mount Jefferson,
on which lived a tribe called the Clackamas, and in
returning he noticed an inlet of the Columbia,17 back
of Wapato Island, which he named Wapato Inlet.
The island is described as being twenty miles long, and
from five to ten miles wide, the land high and fertile,
and altogether "the most important spot" in the
country thereabouts. He had also learned that the
falls of the Multnomah were twenty miles beyond the
entrance of the Clackamas River, or sixty miles from
the Columbia, and that two tribes of Indians, called
the Cushooks and the Chaheowahs, resided there for
the convenience of fishing, and of "trading across the
mountains and down Killamook River with the nation
of Killamooks." The falls were said to be occasioned
by the passage of a high range of mountains "beyond
which the country stretches into a vast level plain,
wholly destitute of timber," inhabited by a nation
called the Calapooyas, who numbered forty villages.
He recorded the width of Wapato Inlet three
hundred yards, which is not far from its actual meas-
urement, and further describes it as extending ten or
twelve miles to the south, where it receives the waters
of a. small creek, whose sources are not far from those
of the Killamook River, and below that to the Colum-
bia of an unknown width.18
17 It was a grave error of Clarke to call that portion of the Willamette that
flows along the highlands an inlet of the Columbia, when common observation
reveals the truth. The Willamette water is so different in color during the
June rise as to make perceptible a line of demarcation for some distance below
the lower end of Sauve Island.
18 The number of errors contained in any description of the country ob-
tained from the Indians is not infrequently greater than the true statements.
In the above two paragraphs are more errors than facts. The falls of the
Multnomah or Willamette are twenty-four miles from the upper mouth of the
river, the only one recognized by Clarke in his journal, and are not occasioned
by passing a mountain range ; the Clackamas River comes in just below the
falls, and does not rise in Mount Jefferson ; there is no stream coming into
the lower Willamette where it runs behind Sauve" Island, whose sources are
further back than the Willamette highlands bordering the river, or within
from a quarter of a mile to five miles away ; the island is nowhere ten miles
wide ; nor is the Willamette Valley above the falls a vast level plain wholly
without timber. Had Captain Clarke learned the true position of the falls,
he would probably have visited them and have found dense masses of timber
for forty miles above them.
PURCHASE OF HORSES. 63
On the 6th of April they moved the camp a few
miles up the river, to the south side, to accommodate
the hunters. There they were detained by high
winds until the 9th, when they crossed the river again
and proceeded as far as an Indian village near Castle
Rock. Everywhere on the river the Indians had
gone or were just going to the fisheries on the Colum-
bia and Willamette.
Upon examining the rocks for water -marks, and
comparing them with their notes taken in November,
they found the river twelve feet higher near the Cas-
cades than when they passed down. Not being able
to get the canoes through the main channel at the
lower rapid, they took them through that which runs
to the south of an island which they called Brant
Island, and which was narrower and less rough, cross-
ing again to the north bank above the island.
The second passage of the rapids was by no means
easier than the first, and to add to the annoyances of
hard labor and rainy weather which they encountered
in the heart of the mountains, the Indians proved im-
pertinent; but by their characteristic prudence and
firmness the explorers avoided serious trouble.
In three days only seven miles were accomplished,
one of the canoes being lost in the passage ; but two
smaller ones were purchased at the head of the rapids,
and the expedition was enabled to proceed. On the
14th White Salmon River was reached, where were
seen the first horses since leaving that neighborhood
six months earlier, and these had been captured in
"a warlike excursion,* which was lately made against
the Towanahiooks, a part of the Snake nation living
in the upper part of the Multnomah, to the south-
east of this place."19
Wishing to save the labor of taking: the canoes
again through the narrows, Lewis and Clarke, when
they arrived at the Dalles, began to bargain for
19 More misunderstanding of Indian names, or an effort to conform an In-
dian story to a preconceived and false opinion.
64 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
horses, but found the Indians more difficult to deal
with than on their first visit. For a week they con-
tinued trading, the while having their bargains re-
scinded or their new purchases stolen, and losing
other property by theft. At length, however, the
party was once more prepared to start, with nine
pack-horses and two canoes, the others having been
broken up for firewood.
Above the rapids and falls of the Dalles, the river
was found easier of navigation than in the autumn,
the water being high enough to cover the rocks and
shoals. On the 24th they had purchased horses suffi-
cient to transport all the baggage, and to enable them
to quit the canoes altogether. They were also fortu-
nate enough to secure a Nez Perce guide, who with
the faithfulness of his people conducted them along
the south side of the Columbia to the Youmalolam
River,20 and thence, still along the Columbia about
forty miles, to a village of the Walla Wallas. There
they were met by an old acquaintance, to whom a
medal had been presented the previous October, and
who now insisted on entertaining them for three or
four days. Finding that the party lacked riding
horses, he generously presented a fine white one to'
Clarke, receiving in return a sword and some ammu-
nition. So cordial was the feeling manifested by
Yellept, the Walla Walla chief, that it was with dif-
ficulty the party could get leave to depart. He was
at length persuaded to furnish them canoes for trans-
porting their baggage over the Walla Walla River,
which being accomplished on the 29th, they pitched
camp on the north side about a mile from the mouth.
It was a beautiful stream about fifty yards wide,
with clear waters running over a gravelly bed. "Its
sources, like those of the Towahnahiooks, Lapage,
Youmalolam,21 and Wollawollah, come, as the Indians
inform us, from the north side of a range of mountains
20 Umatilla River.
21 Des Chutes, John Day, and Umatilla rivers.
DIVERS PJVERS.
65
which we see to the east and south-east, and which,
commencing to the south of Mount Hood, stretch in
a north-eastern direction to the neighborhood of a
southern branch of Lewis' River, at some distance
from the Rocky Mountains. Two principal branches,
however, of the Towahnahiooks, take their rise in
Mount Jefferson and Mount Hood, which in fact
Lewis and Clarke's Map.
appear to separate the waters of the Multnomah and
the Columbia. They are now about sixty-five or
seventy miles from this place, and although covered
with snow, do not seem high. To the south of these
mountains the Indian prisoner says there is a river,
running towards the north-west, as large as the
Columbia at this place, which is nearly a mile. This
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 5
G8 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
account may be exaggerated, but it serves to show
that the Multnomah must be a very large river, and
that, with the assistance of a south-eastern branch
of Lewis' River, passing round the eastern ex-
tremity of that chain of mountains in which Mounts
Hood and Jefferson are so conspicuous, waters the
vast tract of country to the south, till its remote
sources approach those of the Missouri and Rio del
Norde."22
The road followed by the expedition led them to
the Touchet, a bold deep stream, ten yards wide, with
narrow bottoms covered with cottonwood, birch, and
willow trees, and many shrubs, and rose-bushes. The
valley of this stream is now known as the most fertile
of the many productive valleys of the north-west.
Ascending the Touchet, past its junction with the
Coppie, near where Waitsburg is now situated, they
crossed a high plain to the Kimmooenim or Tucannon,23
and ascended a branch24 of the latter stream eleven
miles, when they were met by a Nez Perce chief, who
had come with ten of his warriors to escort them to
his village on the Clearwater. After camping sup-
perless, having eaten the last of their dried meat for
dinner, they next day reached a small stream25 which
was followed along its course through a ravine to its
22 Lewis and Clarke have so represented the Multnomah, or Willamette, on
their map. It comes from the south-east until within about sixty miles of
the Columbia, where the falls are supposed to be, and then turns directly
north. Its whole length was six or seven hundred miles. Mount Hood was, in
fact, one hundred and fifty miles distant, and Mount Jefferson still farther off.
The mountains which they saw commencing to the south of Mount Hood, etc.,
were the Blue Mountains, in which the rivers named above take their rise,
the mountains being the water-shed between the Columbia River on the north
and the Klamath Basin on the south. The Des Chutes, the largest of the
rivers which How from the south and rim.into the Columbia, is not more than
about one hundred and fifty miles long from its most southerly head-waters.
The river referred to by the Indian prisoner was the Snake, with the extent
of which the explorers were but little acquainted.
23 The route followed by Lewis and Clarke from the Dalles to the Umatilla
and Walla Walla is that commonly followed, but from the mouth of the
Walla Wxalla to their last camp on the Touchet they needlessly lengthened
their route by keeping on the north bank, whereas the present road crosses
all the branches of the Walla Walla.
-Tataha Creek.
25 Alpowah River.
NATIVE DUPLICITY. 67
junction with the Snake, or Lewis River, seven miles
below the mouth of the Clearwater.26
Following a trail alongthe bank of the Snake forthree
miles, they arrived at the house of one of the* chiefs
who had accompanied them to the falls of the Co-
lumbia, and at that of their old pilot down the river.
By their advice the party crossed the Snake at this
point, and encamped, next day reaching Colter Creek.
Among the Indians who gathered about them here
were three of a nation who lived at the falls of a large
river emptying itself into the Columbia on the north
side, and who informed Lewis and Clarke that this
river had its rise from a large lake in the mountains at
no great distance from the falls where they lived. After
thus talking with these Indians, the name of Clarke
River was bestowed upon this great northern branch,
which on their first view of it had been hailed as the
Columbia.27
On May 9th the expedition arrived near Twisted-
hair's village, the chief with whom their horses had
been left the previous autumn, and encamped on a
small creek on the south side of the Clearwater.
There now occurred one of those incidents which
make dealing with Indians always doubtful, if not dan-
gerous. Notwithstanding the friendly professions of
the Nez Perces, when the white men returned to
claim their horses it was found that Twistedhair no
longer had them in possession. This circumstance
he explained by stating that some of the chiefs
who had been absent during the visit of Lewis
and Clarke, had on their return grown jealous and
26 Lewis says in his journal, seven miles above the mouth of the Clearwater,
■which is neither in accordance with his own map nor the facts. In the next
paragraph he speaks of being on the west side of the river, which here runs
east and west, a carelessness entirely inexcusable in an explorer.
27 In this connection Lewis says in his journal: 'To this river, moreover,
which wc have hitherto called Clarke's Paver, which rises in the south- wes t
mountains, Ave restored the name of Towahnahiooks;' meaning the Des
Chutes; but there is no previous mention of their having changed the name
before restoring it.
6S THE PACIFIC AXD THE RETURN JOURNEY.
angry at the particular favor shown to him, and had
taken the horses away. Whether this was a piece
of Indian diplomacy to obtain pay for returning the
property, it was impossible to know; but with that
remarkable adroitness which characterized these ex-
plorers in managing the natives, they suppressed
entirely any expression of suspicion, appearing to
take for granted all that had been told them, and con-
senting to visit these discontented chiefs, only taking-
care to impress upon them the confidence with which
they expected the restoration of the horses, and their
willingness to pay the price agreed upon for the care of
them. This suavity put all the chiefs in good-humor,
and the promise of liberal pay, two guns, and ammu-
nition, procured speedy action on their part, with a
proffer of two gift-horses and other supplies. It turned
out, however, that many of the horses returned had
been badly used by the young Indians, and were poor,
with sore backs; and that about half the saddles
cached had been stolen. But as this could not now
be helped, and as the chiefs seemed disposed to
make amends with presents of fat horses for food, the
offence was overlooked.
A number of chiefs being assembled on the 11th,
it was thought a favorable moment to explain to
them the design of the United States in sending
an exploring expedition into their country. This
was done by drawing a map of the territory owned
by the government, its relation to their territory
being pointed out, and the intention announced of
establishing trading-posts among them to supply such
articles as they desired. All this was interpreted
through the medium of several languages; one of the
men rendering it into French for a Frenchman; he
into Minnetaree for his Indian wife ; she into Shoshone
for one of that nation, who finally explained it to the
Nez Perces in their own tongue. All seemed pleased
with the prospect of having trading establishments
among them except the women, some of whom cried
IX THE CLEARWATER COUNTRY. C9
and wrung their hands. A feasi was then held, the
treaty of friendship ratified, and final presents were
exchanged.28
Horses and baggage were then moved down the
creek four miles, to the river, with the intention of
making a crossing to the north hank, to hunt and fish
until the snow was gone in the mountains. This
camp was established on the river, half a mile from
Collins Creek, whence the hunters went out in all
directions in search of game.
In these frequent excursions some discoveries were
made. One party went as far as the east branch29 of
Lewis River, first ascending the creek on the south
side of the Clearwater, where their camp was, a dis-
tance of twenty miles, thence over a high, rough coun-
i rv for thirty miles to the Tommanamah, thence down
that river twenty miles to a fishery no great distance
above its mouth. Xhis river was described as one
hundred and fifty yards wide, with a succession of
rapids walled in by high perpendicular rocks.
On the 10th of June, fish not yet appearing in the
Clearwater, the camp was transferred to the Quamash
Flats,30 east of Chopunnish River, the stream on
which the first Nez Perce villages were found the
preceding October, and here the hunters were once
more set to work. On the 16'th, so impatient were
the commanders to be on the homeward march,
although the snow was two or three feet deep in
the hollows and vegetation very backward, that
-■ Parker gives an interesting anecdote of the Nez Perces, which pi
refers to Lewis and Clarke's expedition. It was told to him of one of the
oi a Nez Perc6 tribe. 'He said the first white man he saw was when
young. Itwassummer. Hesaid: "These are a new people, they look
cold, their tares are white and red; go make a large fire, and 1 will ask them
to come and warm them." In a short time his people had mad. a fire and
brought new buffalo-robes. The white men came into his Lodge, and he
wrapped them in the robes, and seated them by the fire that they mighl be
warm. The robes slipped oft' ; lie replaced them. S<>uii the white men made
to smoke their pipe. The chief thought they asked for food, and brought
them meat. The white men gave him the pipe, and they smoked; and after
this they loved smoke, and they loved the white men, they said they were
good.1 Jour. Ex. '/'■>//,-., 303.
29Salmon River, called by them Tommanamah.
3uCainuss Prairie.
70 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
they determined to proceed, and reached Hungry
Creek that afternoon. On going forward over a high
ridge next morning, they found the whole country
beyond so enveloped in deep snow as to be wholly
unrecognizable, rendering it impracticable to proceed
without guides, even if the horses and men could be
provisioned. Accordingly, after placing the important
part of the baggage on scaffoldings, and securing it
from the weather, they returned to Hungry Creek.
On the 26th, having procured guides, they renewed
their attempt to cross the Clearwater Mountains, and
the snow having settled about four feet, with a smooth
but not slippery surface, they found travelling much
easier than it had been in the autumn, reaching Travel-
ler's Rest Creek31 in three days, and the Bitter Root
on the day following. At this point it was determined
to divide the party and take separate routes. Lewis
with nine men was to proceed by the most direct way
to the falls of the Missouri; there to leave three of
them to prepare vehicles for the portage around
the falls, while he, with the remaining six, ascended
Maria River, to ascertain if any branch of it reached
north to the 50th parallel. Clarke was to return to
Jefferson River, where the canoes and other articles
were deposited, and there detach Sergeant Ordway
with nine men to descend with them to the falls. His
own party would then be reduced to ten, with whom
he proposed to proceed to the Yellowstone, at its
nearest approach to the three branches of the Mis-
souri, where he would make canoes and proceed to the
mouth of the Yellowstone to wait for the rest of the
party.
On the 3d of July, Lewis set out with his nine men,
accompanied by five Indians, and crossing to the north
side of Traveller's Rest, kept along the west side of
Clarke River for two and a half miles to where a
branch32 came in on the same side. At the distance
31 Lonlou fork of the Bitter Root.
32 Missoula River.
IW ROUTE. 71
of one mile below this, a small stream wa
coming in from the right, and a mile beyond th
ern branch/" a turbid stream, discharged through two
channels. At this point Clarke River was found one
hundred and fifty yards wide, running through an
ive plain, dotted with pine-trees, and skirted with
hills covered withfir, pine, and larch. The crossing of
the river being two miles below, they were sho^
it by their Indian friends, who also conducted them
to camp on a small creek34 three miles up the eas
branch, where, alter pointing out the trail to Lewis,
they took final leave of the white men, who were
now without any guide.35
Traversing the plains on the north of the Hellgate,
they crossed another small creek,30 and entered the
mountains by a deiile two miles in length, which led
them to a large prairie. Soon they came upon a
branch flowing in from the east,37 described to th
by the Indians as the Cokalahishkit, or "river of the
road to the buffalo country," up which they turn..!
among high, wooded hills. Having crossed two streams
to which the names Werner Creek and Seaman
Creek were given, they struck the north branch of
the Cokalahishkit, and entered the spurs from the
Blackfoot and Dearborn divide. Here the road lay
along narrow timber- bottoms, to the south-easl
which was a plain covered with small knolls, which
received the appellation of the Prairie of the Knobs.
The most northerly fork of the river was still followed
up into the mountains, until it became a small creek,
when Lewis quitted it, and pursuing a course first
33 Hellgate River.
• eek, according to Mullan's map of the military road.
: ..in Lewis remarks that from the circumstance of the Indi
were c distance to the south, intendingto return by the same trail
they had travelled to and from the NezPerce" country, hi
no pass through the roonntains by way of Clarke River so ni ar aor so ga
that one. There certainly was none nearer; hut a te\
and trappers found one much better, almost directly west from the spot where
lie was led to this conclusion.
86 ( )b 'iik.
37 Dig Blackfoot River.
72 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
north and then east brought his party to the foot of
a mountain, which they crossed by a low gap running
north-east, finding it to their great satisfaction the
dividing ridge between the affluents of the Missouri
and the Columbia. That evening, July 7, 1806, their
camp was in one of the lateral valleys of the great
water-shed. Next day they crossed the Dearborn,
and followed Elk fork to Medicine River. From
this point the party pushed on rapidly, through a
country well stocked with game, to their old station
on White Bear Island, at the head of the falls. There
Lewis remained four clays, giving instructions to the
men who were to make the portage with the baggage
cached at the island, and making sketches of the falls.
He then left behind three of the men who were to
have accompanied him to Maria River, to assist those
at the portage, and set out himself with only three
companions.
Travelling about clue north, he crossed the Tansy
River,38 and reaching a small stream, to which was
given the name of Buffalo Creek, from the quantity
of those animals in sight, he followed its course
in the direction of Maria River, on which he en-
camped on the 18th. Signs of Indians, supposed to
be Minnetarees, were observed, and a sharp lookout
was therefore kept.
Convinced from the appearance of the country that
he was now above the point to which he had ascended
in 1805, Captain Lewis, fearing to miss some branch
flowing in from the north, sent two hunters down
stream a distance of six miles to look for one. Hearing
of none he ascended the river, passing several creeks
from the north and south, until reaching the forks,
when he kept on up the northern branch until, four
clays after first striking Maria River, he found an
elevation from which the course of the river and
its affluents could be traced. Lewis was then able
to determine that no branch of Maria River could
38 Teton River.
ADVENTURES OF LEWIS. 73
possibly extend to the 50th parallel. As it was
useless to proceed farther, he resolved to remain in
camp two days, taking observations and resting the
horses. On the following day one of the men was
sent to explore the river above, who found that it
issued from the mountains within a distance of ten
miles, and that its head-waters could not be far off. ^
Rainy weather setting in, he was disappointed in
not being able to take the longitude <>t' this camp,
which lie intended to make a point of observation, and
after remaining until the 26th with no change for the
better, he set out to return. At a distance of twelve
miles he reached a branch of the river coming in
from the west, and keeping along its southern side for
two miles further met another from the south-west of
considerable size, which united with the former, and
which he determined to follow clown to its junction
with the northern fork, and thence strike across the
country obliquely to the Tansy, which he would follow
to its junction with Maria River, near the Missouri.
When he had reached a point a mile below the
junction, he ascended the hills that border the main
river. No sooner had this high ground been reached,
than he discovered, a mile away on the left, a troop
of horses, thirty in number, half of which were
saddled. Their owners soon showed themselves, eight
of them mounting and approaching Lewis, who had
with him only two men, the third having gone down
the river to hunt. The usual cautious approaches
being made Lewis received them amicably, and soon
discovered that they were the dreaded Minnetarees.
On asking for their chief, three were pointed out, to
two of whom presents were given, and a medal to the
third, with which they were apparently well pleased.
That night the Indians encamped with their white
brothers, Lewis treating them cordially, telling them
he had come a long way to visit them, and urging
them t<> live in peace with the other tribes, with
whom, as well as themselves, his people wished to
74 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JCURNEY.
trade as soon as posts were established in that country.
To all this they assented. At a late hour, the talk
being ended, the Indians slept, and Lewis placing two
of his men on guard at the tent-door, lay down with
the third.
Early in the morning the Indians arose and crowded
about the fire, near which the single person now on
guard had carelessly laid down his rifle, his comrade
sleeping near. One of the savages, ever on the alert,
snatched not only the rifle of the guard, but that of
his sleeping companion, while another seized those
of Lewis and his man Drewyer. The latter being
awake, sprang up and recovered his gun. The other
men, their attention having been attracted by the
struggle, pursued the retreating Indian, and in the
light for possession the savage was stabbed through
the heart. Lewis being now aroused, drew a pistol
and chased the one who had his gun, ordering him
to lay it down, which he did, as two of the men had
now overtaken him, and were prepared to serve him
as they had served the other thief.
The Indians were now all out of the tent and
moving away, which they would have been allowed
to do without molestation had they not attempted to
drive with them the horses. The}7 were pursued, and
pressed so closely that twelve of the horses were cap-
tured. In the chase an Indian was shot, who in re-
turning the Are came so near hitting Lewis that he
felt the wind made tremulous by the passing ball.
This contretemps caused the abandonment of any plans
for exploring Maria River.
Taking a south-west course, the party struck across
the plains, coming in eight miles upon a stream forty
yards wide, running toward the river which they
crossed, naming it Battle River. At three o'clock
sixty- three miles had been travelled on the fresh
Indian horses, and after a halt of an hour and a
half seventeen miles further, when another halt of
two hours was made, and another march of twenty
ON THE EASTERN SLOPE. 7j
miles, then at two in the morning a halt until day-
light. Twenty-five miles further brought Lewis to
the mouth of Maria River, having ridden one hundred
and twenty miles in thirty hours. The object of this
haste was to give warning to the party at the falls,
who it was feared might be attacked by the Indians.
On arriving at the Missouri they were found to be
safe, and to have been joined by Sergeant Orel way
and his nine men, who had come down Jefferson River
as agreed, with the canoes and other articles cache I
there, and had reached the falls of the Missouri on the
19th, two days after the departure of Lewis.
On the 29th, Lewis, with the reunited party of
eighteen men, set out in the canoes to descend the
Missouri to .the mouth of the Yellowstone, where he
was to meet Clarke. The current being rapid they
travelled fast, and all reached the rendezvous on the
7th of August, except two hunters, wdio were behind
in a small canoe.
Upon examination it was found that Clarke had
been there some days before, and had gone, leaving
only a few words traced in the sand, telling them
that he was a few miles below, on the right side.
Leaving a note for the two hunters, the party pro-
ceeded, making a hundred miles that day without
overtaking Clarke. Several times in the course of
the next three days they passed his camp, but saw
nothing of him. On the 11th, stopping to hunt,
Lewis was accidentally shot through the hips by Cru-
zatte, who mistook him for an elk, as he was dressed
in brown leather. Fortunately neither bone nor
artery was touched by the ball, though he suffered
from fever and soreness. On the 12th, they met two
traders named Dickson and Hancock, who informed
Lewis they had seen Clarke the day before. While
halting for this interview the hunters overtook them,
and all proceeding, came up with Clarke that fore-
76 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN" JOURNEY.
On quitting Traveller's Rest, July 3d, Clarke pro-
ceeded up the Bitter Root Valley, by much the same
route pursued in his journey down it, to the ridge
separating the head-waters of that river from those of
Wisdom River, and keeping along the west side of the
latter stream for some distance crossed to Willard
Creek, which he descended to where it enters the
mountains, and turning a little east of south, sixteen
miles brought the party to the west branch09 of Jef-
ferson River, turning clown which they came in nine
miles to the forks where the canoes had been de-
posited.
On the 10th,*° Clarke passed "the high point of
land on the left, to which Beaverhead Valley owes its
name," passed Philanthropy River late in the after-
noon, and encamped at the mouth of Wisdom River.
Finding there a canoe that had been abandoned on
the journey up Jefferson River, the men converted its
sides into paddles, of which they were in need, and
leaving one of the canoes, proceeded past Panther and
Field creeks to an encampment not far below that
of July 31st of the previous year.
By noon of the 13th the canoe party had reached
the junction of the Jefferson and Madison, where the
party with horses had arrived the same morning. The
horses were driven across the Madison and Gallatin
rivers, while the canoes were unloaded at the mouth
of the latter, the merchandise being packed on the
animals. From this point, while Ordway proceeded
with the canoes to the falls of the Missouri, Clarke
with ten men, besides his interpreter's wife and child,
39 Horse Plain Creek.
40 The company was divided as already agreed upon, Sergeant Ordway and
nine men to bring the canoes and baggage down Jefferson River, while Clarke
proceeded by land to the Yellowstone. Travelling on the eastern side of the
Jefferson, he passed through a small plain, called Seiwice Valley, and over the
Rattlesnake Mountain into a beautiful country called by the Indians Beaver-
head Valley, fifty miles long and from ten to fifteen wide. At a distance of
fifteen miles he halted to dine, and seeing that the canoes could advance faster
than the horses, and Sergeant Ordway being still in his company, he deter-
mined to give the horses into the charge of the sergeant and six men, while
he embarked in a canoe. That night he encamped on the east side of the
river, opposite Three Thousand Mile Island.
DOWN Till' MOUNTAINS. 77
and fifty horses, sot out late in the afternoon in a
course almost due east from the forks of the Mis-
souri, camping at a distance from them of four miles,
on the bank of the Gallatin.
Proceeding on the 14th, their route lay across sev-
eral forks and channels of the river, the -found along
which was found upturned and broken by the beavers.
They encamped at the entrance to a gap in the moun-
tains through which their road passed. Six miles on
the 15th brought them to the top of the dividing ridge
between the waters of the Yellowstone and the Mis-
souri, and nine miles further to the Yellowstone itself,
a mile and a half from where it leaves the mountains.
It was ascertained by this route that the distance from
the forks of the Missouri to the Yellowstone was only
forty-eight miles, over a good road.
Nine miles down the latter river from the place
where they had reached it, a stream was passed coming
in from the north-west, which they called Shields
River, after one of the men. Crossing a high rocky
hill, three miles further brought them to camp in the
low ground adjacent to a small creek. On the 16th,
still keeping along the north bank of the Yellowstone,
which was now quite wide and straight, with many
islands, they passed a stream from the south, and en-
camped after twenty-six miles at the mouth of another
small stream on the north side. From the stony
nature of the country the horses' feet had become
sore, and Clarke desired to make canoes in which to
finish the journey to the Missouri, but was not able
to find trees of sufficient size.
On the 17th, he crossed a high ridge, and coming
into a meadow lowland six and a half miles from
cam]), where a stream fell into the Yellowstone from
each side, he gave them the collective name of Rivers-
across. Ten and a half miles further brought him to
another large creek, which was named Otter River,
and nearly opposite on the south side one which he
called Beaver River, the waters of both of which
7S THE PACIFIC AXD THE RETURN JOURXEY.
were of a milky color. Passing a portion of the
river where the hills came down very close to the
water, he encamped, after a ride of thirty miles, on a
piece of lowland.
Next day, finding that the hills excluded him from
following the river, which was, besides, very crooked,
Clarke struck across the ridges, which were two hun-
dred feet high, keeping the river in sight, however.
On the 19th, they passed a stream flowing in from
the south-east, which Clarke named the Rose River.
The party presently stopped on account of an injury
received by one of the men to his thigh, which had
become so painful that he could not proceed. The
rest of the day was spent in search of timber large
enough to make a canoe, but the search was with-
out success, and after journeying nine miles further
down the river Clarke halted and sent back for the
wounded man.
Next day the construction of two small canoes was
begun, which lashed together should convey part of
the company down the river, while the rest led the
horses to the Mandan country. But on the 21st
twenty-four of the horses were missing, and on search
being made it was found that they had been driven off
by Indians. The party remained in camp two days
longer, until the canoes were ready; then they sepa-
rated, Sergeant Pryor to proceed by land with the
horses to the mouth of the Big Horn River, which
Clarke believed to be not far distant, and where the
land party was to be ferried across the Yellowstone.
Twenty-nine miles down the river Clarke came upon
the branch wdiich he had believed to be the Big Horn,
but which, when the real Big Horn was reached, he
called Clarke Fork, being about the twentieth time
one or other of the leaders had applied his name to
their discoveries. This stream was about one hundred
and fifty yards wide at the confluence, but narrower
above. Six miles beyond was a large island, where he
halted for Pryor and the horses, but seeing nothing
MANY RIVERS. TO
of them lie went on to the mouth of a small creek,
which lie called Horse Creek, just below which the ser-
geant joined him again. Here the land contingent was
ferried across to the south bank, to proceed to the
Mandan nation, while the others continued on their
way to the mouth of the Yellowstone. Toward even-
ing a creek thirty -five yards wide was passed, and
named Pryor Creek, half a mile below which they
encamped after a day's travel of sixty-nine miles.
Fifty miles below Clarke halted to examine an iso-
lated rock on the south bank, two hundred feet high,
and accessible on one side only, to which he gave the
name of Pompey's Pillar.
Passing next day four small streams, two from each
side of the river, he arrived, after sixty-two miles of
travel, at the entrance of the real Big Horn River,
ascending which for half a mile, he encamped, and
walked up its south-western bank seven miles to the
confluence of a creek coming in from the north-east,
which he called the Muddy, and a few miles further
to a bend in the Big Horn, from which point he
returned. He found this branch of the Yellowstone
to be of about equal breadth with the main river,
each being from two hundred to two hundred and
twenty yards in extent, though the Yellowstone con-
tained more water. From his observations, Clarke was
satisiied that the Big Horn was the river described
by the Indians as rising in the Pocky Mountains,
near the sources of the Platte and the Yellowstone.
Taking a last look at the Pocky Mountains, on the
27th Clarke proceeded fifteen miles to a dry creek on
the left, which he named Elk Creek, and three miles
more to another wide and nearly dry creek, which he
called Windsor River, and thirty miles further to a
third largo river-bed with little water in it, to which
he gave the name of La Biehe River. After passing
several more dry creek-beds, he encamped eighty mil' is
from the Bior Horn on a larg-e island.
Proceeding on the 28th, and passing frequent dry
SO THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
creeks, he came in six miles to one coming in from
the north, eighty yards wide, which he called Little
Wolf River, and twenty-nine miles below it to an-
other from the south, having a number of flat mounds
in the plain near it, which he called Table Creek.
Four miles below the last was a considerable stream
of muddy water, entering from the south, which he
supposed to be the Little Big Horn of the Indians.41
Seventy-three miles from the last camp brought him to
another stream from the south, called by the Indians
Mashaskap, opposite to which he halted for the night.
The river at this part was often confined between
those cliffs of yellowish rock, from which its name of
Roehejaune, or Yellowstone, is derived.
Pursuing the voyage on the 29th, the river being
from five hundred yards to half a mile in width, forty-
one miles brought him to Tongue River, called by
the Indians Lazeka, where camp was pitched opposite
its mouth. This river Clarke recorded as rising in
the Black Hills,42 near the sources of the Cheyenne
River, and judged from the warmth of the milky
white water that it flowed through an open country.
On the following day at a distance of fourteen miles
from camp, and after passing a stream nearly dry a
hundred yards in width, he came to a succession of
shoals extending for six miles, of which the last was the
worst, and called Buffalo Shoal, from the presence of
one of those animals at this place. Twenty miles below
was a rapid, and on the cliffs above it a bear, from
which circumstance the place was called Bear Rapid.
Here was a stream coming in from the north now a
tiny rivulet, though it had evidently been a quarter of
a mile wide only a short time before. This versatile
stream was named York River, in honor of Clarke's
negro. Camp was made seven miles below, after
u This river is put down on recent maps as Rosebud River, and the Little
Big Horn as a branch of the large river of that name. Clarke's distances here
do not agree with those on the later maps, though his may be more correct
than these, which are not made up from actual surveys.
42 It rises further to the west, in the Big Horn Mountains.
DOWN BY THE YELLOWSTONE. 81
passing a stream a hundred yards wide, oven in the
dry season, containing a great many red stones that
gave it the name of Redstone River or Wahasah,
which in the Indian tongue has the same signification.
On the 31st, eighteen miles brought the canoes to a
shallow muddy stream on the north, a hundred yards
wide, which was supposed to be the one bearing the
Indian name Saasha, and five miles below another on
the south side, with coal seams showing in the banks,
from which it was called Coal River. Eighteen miles
further brought them to the mouth of a stream on
the right, which was named Gibson River, and twenty-
five miles more to camp. August 1st and 2d were
marked only by encountering herds of buffalo so im-
mense that the party was obliged to halt for an hour to
let them pass, or run the danger of getting between two
herds crossing the river. One hundred and twenty-
nine miles were made in two days. On the 3d, after
passing Fields Creek, two miles below camp, they
came, at two o'clock, to the junction of the Yellow-
stone with the Missouri, encamping on the spot where
they had been April 26, 1805. So great was the an-
noyance from mosquitoes at this place, that without
waiting for the party coming by land the canoes kept
on down the Missouri one day's journey below White
Earth River, where on the 8th they were joined by
Sergeant Pryor, but without the horses. The animals
had been stolen the second night after leaving the
Big Horn River, and the men in charge had been
compelled to carry the baggage upon their backs to
the nearest point on the Yellowstone, which proved
to be Pompey's Pillar, where they made two hide
canoes, and descended in safety to the point where
they overtook their commander. Passing the mouth
of the Yellowstone, and supposing that Lewis had
passed before him, Piyor removed a note left there
on a pole for him by Clarke, and but for the tracing
the latter had left in the sand, Lewis would not have
known that he had preceded him.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 6
82 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
On the 12th, the whole party, being reunited, pro-
ceeded to the Mandan village, and after holding a
council with those people and the neighboring tribes,
who promised friendship to American traders, left the
Indian country finally, and arrived at St Louis on the
2 3d of September, having accomplished their journey
of nine thousand miles, through a wilderness much of
which had never been trodden by white men, and
providing themselves food chiefly by means of the
rifle. They had lost but one man,43 and had met with
but few accidents.
Before parting company with the explorers I will
give an incident in the subsequent life of one of the men.
While at the chief village of the Minnetarees, below
the mouth of the Little Missouri, during the return
journey, one of the party, John Colter, requested to be
discharged from further service. He was no longer
required, and if permitted to do so could make a prof-
itable engagement with some trappers. As he was
a good man, and his help could now be spared, the
commanders reluctantly consented, with a proviso that
none of the other men should ask a similar favor. It
was a life of adventure, truly, that to which he . now
committed himself. While trapping in the Blackfoot
country, Colter and a companion named Potts were in
a canoe on one of the streams which form the head-
waters of the Missouri, when they were attacked by
several hundred Indians. Potts was almost instantly
killed; Colter, by a fate one remove less unhappy, was
made prisoner. Having stripped him, the chief asked
if he could run fast. Knowing the custom, and that
he was doomed to the trial of the gauntlet for his life,
Colter replied that he was a very poor runner ; where-
upon the chief gave him a start of three or four hun-
dred yards.
The terrible whoop of a hundred savages rang in
43 Sergeant Floyd died of bilious colic, August 20, 1804, at a camp on the
Missouri, about one hundred miles above Council Bluffs.
A RACE FOPv LIFE. 83
his cars as lie darted away with a speed no less sur-
prising to himself than to his pursuers. Never a
thought prompted him to look behind until he was half
way across a plain six miles in extent, and bristling
with prickly-pears that pierced his bare feet at every
stride. When he did turn his eyes, however, he saw .
close upon him an Indian armed with a spear. To
outrun this savage he redoubled his efforts, while the
blood gushed from his nostrils and coursed down his
breast. Glancing back once more he saw his foe nearly
upon him, while the river was yet a mile distant.
When the savage was within a few paces a sudden
impulse forced him to turn quickly about and spread
out his arms. This action, coupled with his wild
appearance, seemed to surprise the red man, who at-
tempted to stay his own headlong pursuit, but stumbled
and fell from exhaustion, breaking his spear in the
act of throwing it. Colter instantly seized the spear-
head, and pinned his man to the earth before contin-
uing his breathless race. A few seconds were gained
while the pursuing savages were halting over their
dead comrade ; and presently their yell of vengeance
fell dull on Colter's ears as the friendly river closed
over him. Making for a raft of drift-wood lodged
against an island, and diving under it he found a spot
where he could obtain air through an opening. There
he remained until night, the savages in search of him
many times passing above his hiding-place. When it
became quite dark he swam some distance down the
stream to leave no trail, and then landing travelled
for seven days, naked, and with nothing to eat but
roots, when he reached the trading-post of Manuel
Lisa on the Big Horn River.
The expedition carried out under the command of
Captains Lewis and Clarke was characterized by a
degree of humanity, courage, perseverance, and justice
honorable alike to officer and soldier. The prudence
and wisdom manifested in all their intercourse with
84 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
the natives have never been excelled, even by the
most experienced of the British fur companies. No
dastardly act blots their record. Without achieving
anything very admirable; without enduring sacrifices
as "great as those of many emigrants ; without enlist-
ing the sympathy or admiration drawn from us by
many of the women of 1842 and subsequent emigra-
tions, they yet accomplished an important and difficult
task. In reading their narrative we can but feel them
to be men above small things. But for thrilling ex-
periences, for deeds of great daring, for heart-rending
suffering, for romantic adventure we must look else-
where.
It would, indeed, have endowed them with a greater
distinction, and reflected more credit upon the gov-
ernment, had the expedition been furnished with sev-
eral scientific attaches, who would have reported more
at large upon the country explored, in which case
another }^ear at least would have been required for
observations. Yet for them to have done more than
they did under the circumstances could scarcely have
been expected, and there is no reason to believe that
they failed to fulfil the hopes of President Jefferson.44
The journal of Lewis and Clarke was not published
until 1814, though the news of their return and all
that their explorations and successes implied was
known much earlier. It was February 1807 before
they reached Washington. Congress then being in
session made grants of land to each member of the
expedition. Clarke became a general of militia in
44 ' The report which they made of their expedition to the United States
government created a lively sensation.' Franchere's Nar., 19. 'The explora-
tions of Lewis and Clarke made known the two great rivers across the conti-
nent, the Missouri and the Columbia, and the general character of the country.'
Sl< r, ns' Northwest, 3. 'The happy termination of Lewis and Clarke's expedi-
tion surprised and delighted. The humblest had been interested in the re-
sult, and looked impatiently for the news it would bring. Anxiety had been
heightened from time to time by ugly, vague rumors, uncontradicted, from
their leaving the Mandan towns to their return to St Louis. The courage,
perseverance, and discretion of the heads, and the fidelity and obedience of
the men, drew general approbation, and favorable notice by government.'
Buljinclis Or., and El Dorado, 251-252.
LAST DAYS OF LEWIS AND CLARKE. 85
Louisiana, and Lewis governor of the same territory,
whose capital was St Louis.
On returning to this frontier to assume the duties
of his office, he found affairs in a distracted stale from
the animosities and contentions of officials and their
partisans. Having settled these disturbances and re-
stored harmony, Lewis began to suffer from attacks
of a hereditary hypochondria which developed itself
alarmingly in a short time, and which v.. bably
augmented by reaction from the severe strain of
physical and mental powers caused by the fatigue,
hunger, heat, cold, and danger endured in the three
years of exploration. Having occasion to go to
Washington in the autumn of 1809, he had reached
the Chickasaw Bluffs when he was met by Mr Neely,
agent for the Chickasavr Indians, who noticing his dis-
turbed condition accompanied him to look after his
health. At an encampment one day's journey cast of
the Tennessee River, two of their horses were lost, and
Mr Neely was obliged to return for them. On parting
they agreed to meet at the first wdiite settlement on
the road, where Governor Lewis was to wait until his
friend came up. On arriving at this place, the house
of a Mr Grinder, such was the excitability of Lewis,
that, to soothe him, he was permitted to occupy the
house alone at night, the family and his own servants
retiring to another building. This was a fatal error,
for when morning came they found him dead by his
own hand, at the age of thirty-five.43 Thus to the
great grief of the public and his friends, ended a career
that, if not brilliant, was in every way useful and
honorable.
Clarke, who was associated with Lewis in the gov-
ernment of Louisiana, as he had been in its explora-
4 • Clarke's negro servant, York, mysteriously beconi' ' ain T( >m
Lewis he called himself, if we may believe the authorities, which say that lie
was found ('ii the road, frozen to death, in Albemarle < lounty, Virginia, \\ ithin
aboutamileof his own home, in the latterpari of December, L878. lie was
nearly ninety years old. Charlottesville, Va., Chronicle, Jan. 8, 1879, in S.
F. B, II in, Jan. 15, I 79; 8. F. Chronicle, !■ .
83 THE PACIFIC AND THE RETURN JOURNEY.
tion, was appointed governor of Missouri Territory,
by President Madison, in 1813, and remained in that
office until it became a state, in 1821. The following
year President Monroe appointed him superintendent
of Indian affairs, for which he was eminently fitted,
and which post he held till his death, which occurred
at St Louis in 1838. The results of the united labors
of Lewis and Clarke were important, as they opened
to the citizens of the United States a broad field for
enterprise, which soon became occupied by fur-hunters,
followed by other commercial ventures, and finally by
permanent settlement.
CHAPTER IV.
SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
1 797-1 S06.
J,\ MES FlXLAY ASCENDS PEACE RlVER— H~E GlVES HIS NAME TO ITS Up
Waters— James McDougall Penetrates to McLeod Lake— Frasi b's
First Expedition— His Character— Manuscript Journals of Stuart
and Fraser — The Northwest Company Push Westward— Stuart \ .
the Rocky Mountain House— Fraser's Journal— Preparations for
the Journey— Fraser and Stuart Explore Westward— Arrival at
Finlay River— Fraser's Tirade against Mackenzie— They Reach
Trout Lake — And Follow Mackenzie's Track up Bad River — Cross
to the Fraser — Descend to Stuart River.
James Finlay ascended Peace River in 1797, and
examined the branch to which he gave his name, and
which indeed is no branch, but the main stream, con-
tinuing as it does nearer the course of the river below
than Parsnip River, which comes in from the south-
ward, besides being larger and longer.1 Thence Mr
Finlay turned up Parsnip River, keeping to the left
on reaching the branch which leads to McLeod Lake,
and ascended that stream to near its source, making
an extended tour of general observation.2
In the spring of 1805 James McDougall made an
expedition up Peace and Parsnip rivers to what was
then first called McLeod Lake. At the northern end
of the lake a fort was soon built, which afterward
1 'It is nearly three hundred miles in length, or at least i
estimate, about that distance by river-course from the pass.' McL\ od's Pea
River, 96.
I,i the hank of the stream, says Mr Fraser nine yearsa
the old Barbue in the very identical spot he was found by Mr Finlaj
summer of L797.' Finlay'a Journal, MS., 10S. Mr Finlay died at Spokane
in May L828. Work's Journal, MS., 228.
88 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN* STUART.
went by several names, as Trout Lake House, Fort
McDougall, La Malice Fort, and later Fort McLeod.
McDougall continued his investigations as far as the
great fork of the Fraser, and beyond to the Carriers
Lake; so that at least two explorers navigated this
stream before him whose name it bears. At this time
there was no Lake McLeod, but the region thereabout
went by the name of Trout Lake, which term is now
applied to the small sheet of water immediately north
of McLeod Lake. La Malice was a French Cana-
McLeod Lake Regiox.
dian who spent a portion of the winter of 1805-G
at the Trout Lake station, during which time it was
called La Malice Fort. This was the first fort erected
by British- American fur-hunters west of the Rocky
Mountains, the first establishment of the kind in New
Caledonia, or in the Oregon Country.3
3 Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS., 14, states that McLeod Fort was built
on McLeod Lake, by Fraser and Stuart, in 180G, and that it 'served as an
entrepot of communication between the posts lying eastward of the mountains
and the western posts.' Mr Anderson is clearly in error as to the date, and I
am inclined to think also in regard to the builder. Compare McKinlay's Nar. ,
MS., 7. Stuart in his autograph notes, Andi rson's Northwest Coast, MS., 235,
states distinctly that the fort on McLeod Lake was founded in 1805. Stuart
or Fraser may have ordered the work done, but I believe James McDougall
CHARACTER OF FRASER. SO
Simon Fraser's first expedition into the region west of
the Rocky Mountains was in the autumn of 1805, some
time after James McDougall had visited McLeod Lake,
when he ascended Parsnip River, following the tracks
of Mr Finlay, and after a superficial survey, returned
to the Rocky Mountain portage, and there at its
eastern extremity began the erection of the Rocky
Mountain House. Fraser was an illiterate, ill-bred,
bickering, fault-finding man, of jealous disposition,
ambitious, energetic, with considerable conscience,
and in the main holding to honest intentions. But
no man can be truly honest who is not just, and
no man can be strictly just who is blinded by prejudice,
and no man can be free from prejudice who loves to
distraction himself, and hates all other men.4
Entering this region of Titanic irregularities, where
scarped and hoary mountains rising bald-headed into
the clouds play fantastic tricks with worried rivers,
and whose blue lakes lapped by pine-clad steeps
flinging huge bowlders from craggy fronts into the
built it. The lake and fort Avere named in honor of Archibald Norman Mc-
Leod, of the Northwest Company, a man of high repute for energy and
efficiency. After retiring from the service of the company he held the
appointment of barrack -master at Belfast, Ireland. Greenhow, Or. and Cal.,
290-1, becomes here quite confused in his statements. He says that the
Northwest Company were pushing westward in order to anticipate Lewis
and Clarke, of which there is no proof; and he goes on to talk about a party
under Laroche, which in 1805 ascended the Missouri as far as the Mandan
village, saying not a word of the doings on Peace River this year, and calling
the establishment on Fraser Lake in 1806, 'the first settlement or fort of
any kind made by British subjects west of the Rocky Mountains.' For inci-
dents of life at Fort McLeod, see Tod's New Caledonia, MS., 2G et seep
4 Though quarrelsome, Fraser was a man of courage. He had been for
many years a prominent partner in the Northwest Company. He acted a for-
ward part in the memorable Bed River tight, the 19th of June 1S1G, when
the Hudson Bay men, under Governor Scrapie, met their inglorious <!■
After retiring from the country, he settled at Lachine House, and, according
to Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS., 14-15, was there in 1331. But this could
not be if what Cox, Adv., vol. ii. 237, says, is true, namely, that Fraser lost
his life at Paris, in a quarrel with Mr Warren, in 1829. Warren was tried,
and sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment. Harmon met Fraser in
company with James McDougall at Dunvegan, iu May 1809. Harmon's Jour-
nal, 178-9. The author of British North Am., 27-4, is in error in making
Fraser a trader of the Hudson's Bay Company who established Fort Fraser;
the fact is the Hudson's Bay Company at this time had scarcely dreamed of
the forts west of the Rocky Mountains. They were then too much in the
habit of waiting for their Northwest Company rivals to open the way for
them, when they would slip in and, if possible, snatch the benefits.
90 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
valleys below call to mind the lochs and bens of their
boyhood, naturally enough they call this far north-
west mountain land New Caledonia, and love to com-
pare these heights with their own Scotch highlands,
and so fancy themselves not so very far from home
after all.5
Among the most important records of the early
history of British Columbia are the manuscript jour-
nals and letters of John Stuart and Simon Fraser.0
Yet notwithstanding the intrinsic value of fort rec-
ords and the journals of fur-traders, containing as they
oftentimes do all the information extant concerning
particular times and places, probably no class of
material with which the historian has to do is in its
crude state drier or more difficult of reduction to
readable narrative.7
Stuart dates his journal "at the Rocky Mountains,"
which, but for the fact we already know, namely,
that the partners of the Northwest Company are
about this time pushing their business westward from
Fort Chipewyan, and extending their cordon through
5 The limits of what was at first called New Caledonia were on the south
Soda Creek, emptying into the Fraser in latitude 52° 20', Peace River and the
Pacific being the eastern and the western boundaries. This, according to
Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS., 3. 'The line of demarcation between
Thompson district and New Caledonia was near to Lillooet. ' Flnlayson 's Hist.
V. I., MS., 86.
6 Journal of John Stuart from December 20, 1805, to February 28, 1S0G,
MS.; First Journal of Simon Fraser from April 12 to July IS, 1SGG, MS.;
Letters from the Rocky Mountains, from August 1, 1806, to February 10,
1807, by Simon Fraser, MS.; Second Journal of Simon Fraser, from May 30 to
June 10, 180S, MS.
7 In comparing these two persons I should call Stuart the nobler, the
more dignified man, but one whose broad, calm intellect had received no more
culture than Fraser's. Stuart's courage and powers of endurance were equal
in every respect to those of his colleague, and while in temper, tongue, ideas,
and bodily motion he was less hasty, within a given time he would accomplish
as much or more than Fraser, and do it better. Both were exceedingly eccen-
tric, one quietly so, the other in a more demonstrative way; but it hap-
pened that the angularities of one so dovetailed with those of the other that
cooperation, harmony, and good-fellowship characterized all their intercourse.
Stuart was one of the senior partners in the Northwest Company, and for a
time was in charge of the Athabasca department. As his territory on the
west was boundless, he deemed it his duty to extend the limits of his opera-
tions. Twice he traversed the continent, beside multitudes of minor excur-
sions. In fact, he was abnost always on the move. On retiring from the
service he settled at Torres, Scotland, where he died in 1S46. Anderson's Xorth-
westCoant, MS., 2, 15, 55-G; Franklin's Nar., i. 210-11.
EOCKY MOUNTAIN HOUSE. 91
Peace River Pass, might mean any point on the con-
tinental range from Alaska t< > Mexico. Further than
this we know of the carrying-place at the principal
bend of Peace River, that it was called the Rocky
Mountain Portage, and the post at the eastern end of
it, now known as Hudson Hope, was once denomi-
nated the Rocky Mountain House, and again Old
Fort.8 Putting these facts together, and considering
their connection with Mr Stuart's opening entry, we
may safely infer that this journal was begun at the
Rocky Mountain House, then not only the west-
ernmost distributing depot of the Northwest Com-
pany, but, if we except La Malice Fort at Trout
Lake, the most westerly post of any kind. It was
moreover the last station before crossing the mount-
ains in coming from the east. We know, furthermore,
that on the 20th of December 1805 that post was in
progress of construction; for we find on that day that
Mr Fraser accompanied by Mr McDougall dropped
down the river to Fort Dunvegan, which for many
years past had been the chef-lieu of the Peace River
district, and where he had business, leaving instruc-
tions with Stuart "to get a chimney built in his
bedroom, likewise to get wood sawed for a table and
cupboard." Consequently, after the departure of
Fraser, who it would seem had charge of the post at
that time, the men were set to work gathering stones
for the chimney, and cutting wood, not only for boards,
but for sledges and snow-shoes.
Next day the Indian hunters brought in a few
beaver-skins and some grease, which went toward the
liquidation of an account. A vast amount of petty
detail then follows, which, however interesting to
those whose lives and fortunes are made or marred
by such means, is of little value to the reader of his-
tory. For example, on the night of the 21st of De-
8 Mackenzie places on his map in this vicinity the old establishment and new-
establishment, but the river is traced so inaccurately that it is impossible to
locate from it these posts. See McKinlay's Nar., MS., 7.
92 SIMON FRASER AND JOHX STUART.
ceniber, certain Indians sing and dance until they drop
exhausted; four men the same day visit the cache
made by Mr McDougall while last out among the
natives, and bring away the goods; some Indian
women fall into the river, and are nearly frozen to
death; a small axe is given "on credit to the hus-
band of the woman with sore eyes." Thus day by
day are written down these little incidents, which in-
deed comprise the history of the country at the time
of its first occupation by white men. The remainder
of the month is occupied in finishing the chimney,
making snow-shoes, and securing the meat of some red
deer hilled by the hunters. On new year's day an
extra pint of rum is given to each of the men, accord-
ing to Fraser's instructions.
The month of January 1806 was employed at the
Rocky Mountain House, bringing in the deer which
the natives killed, and in dealing out powder, balls,
and other articles to the Indians. On the 15th it
is recorded that "Gagnon is washing Mr Fraser's
dirty clothes." "As Farcier has frozen his toe, I
have kept him home to make mortar to plaster the
house."
Fraser and McDougall returned the 18th. The
weather was extremely cold, and the men at the in-
completed fort suffered from exposure.
The 28th of this month McDougall, with two
Canadians and an Indian, set out on a second expedi-
tion to McLeod Lake, or, as it was then called, to
Trout Lake, and into the Carrier country, taking with
him a small store of tobacco, beads, and ammunition,
yet the provisions necessary for him to carry so im-
peded his progress that he was two clays or more in
crossing the portage. From this station there arrived
the first of February two men who had been thirteen
days on the journey, and who were nearly dead with
cold and hunger when Mr McDougall relieved them.
From the Rocky Mountain House two men, about
this time, were sent into the territory of the Beaver
STUART'S JOURNAL. 03
Indians in order to stimulate the natives to hunt, and
also to gain a knowledge of the country.
On the 9th of February, Mr Stuart sent two
men, Farcier and Varin, to La Malice at Trout Lake,
with axes, knives, and other articles of which the
people there were in need. The last journey of Mc-
Dougall to that region had been both painful and
unprofitable. The cold was intense; his hunter had
been unable to bring down deer, having fired thirty-
four consecutive shots without killing, and after a
fortnight's struggle with the snow he and his men
had arrived at La Malice only to find the house de-
serted. In the house was a considerable amount of
property, consisting of fur and trading articles, among
which, fortunately, were fifty pounds of flour which
kept the men alive until they could return to the
Rocky Mountain House. And now on the 24th of
February we find La Malice himself turning up at the
same place. It then came out why he had abandoned
his station at Trout Lake. His men, he said, would
not do their duty. They idled about the fort, or if
sent to hunt they ate what they killed, and brought
little back, particularly one Le Maire, who not only be-
haved ill himself but influenced the others to do badly.
From Trout Lake La Malice went to Bear River, to
the south of the Rocky Mountain House._ Beaver
were plenty, and he could have done exceedingly well
had his servants been faithful. Here ends the jour-
nal of John Stuart.
The first journal of Simon Fraser, who was the
superior of John Stuart in position, takes up affairs
sonic six weeks after the journal of the Litter drops
them.9 Fraser's writings are most important, giving
9Stuart's Journal is very badly written, by far the worst specimen of
litiT.-irv .•..mpu iii.ni l,ya fur-hunter J lia\c ever situ, Hid - ii I"' tl
Fraser, who follows him. His conceptions arc crude, his expressions in
lar and ungrammatical, and the general tenor of his effort, in \\ hich he is not
alone, seems to be to convey as little knowledge as possible in his writings.
The journal of Mr Fraser, in regard to style, is no better, although in sub-
94 SIMOX FRASER AXD JOHX STUART.
us as they do, except the narrow lines marked by
Mackenzie's travels, the first account of the dis-
covery of New Caledonia, and the first establishing of
fur-trading posts west of the Rocky Mountains. By
his enterprise and daring a vast unknown region was
opened to the world, and the beginning was made, of
that civilized occupation which will end only with the
ending of the present order of things on this planet.
Fraser's journal would seem to be a continuation
of Stuart's. It opens abruptly — all the writings of
the fur-traders are abrupt — at the Rocky Mountain
House,10 whence at midnight he despatches three men
to Fort Dunvegan, sending them at that unreason-
able hour because of their inability to travel all day
on account of its snowing so much.
It was now April 1806, and Fraser was laying
plans for an expedition westward, as soon as the
weather should permit ; but the season was backward,
and the patience of Mr Fraser was well nigh ex-
hausted waiting for the snow to melt and the ice
covering of the river to break up. McLeod was
stationed at a post below; Stuart was to accompany
Fraser. Five bales of goods were made up, and sent
over the portage to the western end, and there cached
until the expedition should be ready to start.
There was a famous chief in those parts called
Little Head, who liked the good things the white men
brought to his forest better then he liked to work for
them. Work proper, an Indian will none of; manual
labor is for women. It was not his lordly nature,
however, to hunt beaver for whiskey. In savage
society gentle woman's sphere is neither fighting,
stance it is more valuable. His own criticism of his writings is nearer the
truth than authors iinder like circumstances usually indulge in ; and for this
honesty he is entitled to our respect. Writing to Stuart of his journal, he
says : ' It is exceedingly ill wrote, worse worded, and not well spelt. '
10 This I gather, after perusal of half the manuscript, from internal and
incidental evidence, for the writer never once mentions where he is ; and when
after a multitude of carefully recorded tribulations he sets out on his journey,
he does not state either his destination or his object. The latter, however, the
reader may readily infer, as travel in those regions in those days by a fur-
trader could have but one object.
ERASER'S JOURNAL. 03
hunting, nor drinking, unless indeed there be rum
enough first to satisfy her lord, and then she does not
usually decline a fiery potation. Little Head was lazy;
so Fraser sent John McKinver to stir him up to
] mi it beaver and bring the skins to the fort, and there
exchange them for articles on which the settlers might
make six hundred per cent profit. To these' Meadow
Indians, as they were called, McKinver was therefore
sent, and after inducing them to start upon a hunt,
he nearly perished in attempting to follow them.
After losing himself, and spending several days in
the snow without food, he finalfy found his way back
to the fort. These hardships and narrow escapes were
almost every -day incidents in the fur- hunter's life,
which was too often terminated by some one of them.
Some fifty manuscript pages are filled with detail
of insignificant matters about the fort, while making
ready for the contemplated expedition, in perusing
which the reader wonders at the almost total absence
of general information; and yet, as I before remarked,
what we can glean from them is most important, be-
cause it is the very corner-stone of history here. That
which alone is history, the writer of fort records is
too apt to take for granted the reader knows all about.
Among the most stirring events at the Rocky
Mountain House are these: An Indian whom a
woman of another tribe followed of her own accord
to the fort is stripped of his arms and driven from
the place, while the woman after being held prisoner
for a time finally effects her escape. Little Head
comes to the fort and drinks freely; and certain sav-
ages are chastised for disobedience. On the 23d of
April some Indians arrive from Finlay River, who
report that that stream does not begin its course in a
series of rapids as had been reported, but that with
the exception of some portages it is navigable in
canoes to its source, where, alter a portage about half
as long as the Rocky Mountain portage, is a large
lake called Bear Lake "where the salmon come up,
96 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
and from there is a river that falls into another much
larger, according to their report, than ever the Peace
River that glides in a north-west direction. In that
lake they say there are plenty of fish, and that the
salmon are innumerable, with plenty of bears and ani-
mals of the fur kind thereabout, but no large animals
of any kind. It is from that quarter they get their
iron works and ornaments, but they represent the
navigation beyond that lake as impracticable, and say
there are no other Indians excepting a few of their
relations that never saw white people thereabout,
and to get iron works they must go far beyond it,
which they perform in long journeys on foot. We
cannot imagine what river this is ; by their descrip-
tion and the course it runs it cannot be the Columbia,
and I know of no other excepting Cook's; but what-
ever river it is, and wherever they get these, their
iron works and ornaments are such as I have seen
with the Cassuss. Indeed, the Indians of Nakazleh
talk of Bear Lake, and their account of the river
that flows from it is conformable with that of the
Meadow Indians."11
Moose and red deer furnished the occupants of the
Rocky Mountain House with food not only for im-
mediate purposes, but for drying and for making into
pemican for the coming expedition. It was the fash-
ion in this locality when an Indian shot a deer to
leave it where it fell, and to report at the station,
where he would receive his pay immediately, the fur-
traders sending for the carcass at their convenience.
They could not let it lie long however, lest it should
be devoured by wolves.
There was a growing interest in the minds of Fraser
and Stuart as they recruited men, gathered bark and
11 It is Babine Lake here referred to. Mr Harmon in his map lays down a
sheet of water immediately north-west of Stuart and Fraser lakes, with the
latitude of 55°, and west of the 125th meridian, as large in area as Queen
Charlotte Island, which he calls Great Bear Lake. It is represented to be at
least ten times as large as Babine Lake, and extends much farther to the west-
ward. Even in Mr Harmon's time, which was from five to twelve years later,
this lake had not been explored.
TROUT LAKE. 07
gum for canoes, and laid in stores for the expedition,
concerning this unknown river. This may have born
the Skeena, or the Salmon, or the Ballacoola; dif-
ferent natives may have referred to different streams;
none of them could reasonably have referred to the
Fraser. Other natives arriving on the 25th, " repre-
sent it as different from the Columbia, but say it is
from that quarter they get most part of their goods,
and the only place from where they get guns and am-
munition. From Nakazleh there is a water communi-
cation with the exception of three portages, and they
positively affirm that white people came there in course
of the summer, but as they came on discovery they had
little goods. I have seen a pistol," continues Fraser,
"brass-mounted, with powder and ball, which they
say they had from them."
A. McGillivray arrived at the Rocky Mountain
House the 27th, to take charge of that post during
Eraser's absence. The ice which was "amazing strong
and thick" began to break up the 5th of May, but it
soon stopped moving, whereupon the river immediately
rose some ten feet. The next day La Ramme, Sau-
cier, and Tercien arrived from Beaver Lake, where
they had been unsuccessful in fishing. " By what we
could learn from the Indians at different times," writes
Fraser, "an establishment would be well placed on
the big river12 that falls into the main branch of the
Peace River about half-way between tins and the
Beaver River." Early in the spring McDougall again
took his station at Trout Lake. A letter was received
from him on the 14th. La Malice was then with him.
The messenger reported that the ice in many places
above the portage had not yet broken. McDougall
had vi sited the Carriers' land, three and a half days'
12 Parsnip River, or south branch, on some maps is call r, while
Finlay Riveris put down as a branch, whereas bhe fai I b. Re-
garding these streams Fraser says: 'This river at its confluence with the
Peace Kivi pi large, and appears to contain a large quantity of water, and
the Indians say it is navigable a considerable way up, and that be: ver, bear,
and large animals of all kind are amazing numerous.' Finlay'a Journal, MS.,
28-30.
Hibt. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 7
98 SIMON FRASER AXD JOHN STUART.
march from Trout Lake, and reported that on the
borders of a lake which " empties its waters into the
Columbia by a small river which is reported to be
navigable," he saw fifty men, and that the journey to
this lake by water was long and intricate.
La Malice came down from Trout Lake, arriving
at the Rocky Mountain House the 17th. He brought
with him an Indian woman for whom he had paid
three hundred livres. He was to have accompanied
the expedition, but when Fraser refused to take the
-woman he refused to go. Fraser became indignant,
and told him he might join the expedition or go to
Montreal as he pleased, which latter signified a ter-
mination of his services. Finally La Malice con-
sented to go with the expedition, whereat Fraser
relented, and told him he might take the woman.
At last, early in the morning of the 20th of May,
Fraser took an account of all the property at the
Rocky Mountain House, closed the transactions of
the year, and turned the command over to Mc-
Gillivray. Then, after writing some letters, every-
thing being prepared for his departure, in com-
pany with Stuart he crossed the river, and after
a journey of fifteen miles, over a very bad road,
reached the upper end of the portage that night at
ten o'clock.
Arousing all hands long before daybreak next morn-
ing, the supplies were brought from cache, and two
canoes loaded, when it was found that a third boat
would be necessary. Fraser and Stuart set forward
with the two canoes first filled, leaving La Malice to
follow next clay in the third. He was not long in
overtaking them. All three boats were poorly con-
structed, especially Stuart's, which had been budt
under the superintendence of McDougall, who seemed
to find little favor in Fraser's eyes about this time.
A canoe had been built at Trout Lake by La Malice,
but with such lack of skill that it wTas scarcely
safe. Before the end of the first day, and frequently
FRASER ON MACKENZIE. 99
after that, it was found necessary to encamp, unload,
and repair and gum the boats.
The first night, the party encamped at the first
point; the second day they made but seven miles.
The fourth day they reached a rapid, up which tin y
towed their boats, and the next day another. Prog-
ress was very slow on account of having to stop to
gum the leaky boats so frequently. On the 2Gth the
travellers overtook a band of Meadow Indians on
their way to the Beaver country. Mr Eraser was
astonished at the wonderful skill displayed by them in
chasing the mountain-sheep as they leaped from crag
to crag, or dashed alon^ the mountain-side.
The 27th saw the party at the rapid near Finlay
River. Stuart took the courses and made a chart
of the river. His first week's memoranda, however,
were lost in the river. Next day they came upon
two natives who had never seen white men. They
were exceedingly well dressed, and had guns which
they obtained from their relatives, the Meadow Ind-
ians. Former information about Finlay River, the
stream that flows into it, and the country beyond,
was confirmed.
Fraser now breaks into a tirade against Mackenzie,
who, he says, either designedly or otherwise mis-
represents, having affirmed that the river was bad
between the Rocky Mountain portage and the fork,
and that he wished to make out that he ascended the
river to its source, when in order to do that he must
have taken the Finlay branch. Fraser's criticisms
seem to me not only unjust but childish.13
About eleven o'clock this same day, the 28th of
May, the party turned southward into the south
branch, now generally designated Parsnip River.
The current was strong, and the banks overflowed;
13 ' The distance does not appear to be much above ninety or one hundred
miles at most, and a canoe well manned might have performed it in
days,' Uvaser's First Journal, MS., 73; and yet Fraser himself occupied eight
in making this distance, and tills more pages with complaints than did
Mackenzie in travelling five times the distance.
100 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
the water was too deep for poles, which had been
used with advantage upon the lower stream. The
banks were thickly matted with trees and shrubs, so
that hunting was impeded, and the drift-wood brought
down by the current rendered navigation dangerous.
Working their way slowly up the stream, here
forcing a passage among logs, and again towing their
boats up the swift current, or carrying cargoes round
rapids, breaking their boats on rocks, limbs, and stumps,
and stopping continually to mend them, to say the least
their patience was severely tried; but all was courage-
ously met, for such was their daily and yearly routine.
The 2d of June, Nation Kiver14 was passed, where one
of the canoes was left, its men and cargo being divided
between the other two. This was made possible by
reason of the consumption of stores. On the 5 th, at
six o'clock, they encamped two miles "up the river that
leads to Trout Lake," having left part of their cargoes
below on account of the swiftness of the current. And
here again Fraser breaks forth in wrath because Mac-
kenzie did not see, or failed to mention, certain land-
marks. The present explorer does not wish to detract
from the merits of his predecessor, he says, but in
his opinion Sir Alexander was asleep when he went
through that country; and even the observations
which were made were not his own, but those of the
men who were with him.15 At this encampment the
14 ' So called because the upper part of it is inhabited by some of the Big
Men, though of a different family from those at Trout Lake.' Preiser's First
Journal, MS., 78. .
15 Simon Fraser was not the most amiable man in the world, as we have
seen all along in this narrative, but his ill-temper we might endure for the sake
of his honesty, or of his enterprise. But when through envy he attempts to
enlarge himself by cheapening the more brilliant efforts of a better man, he
brings upon himself only contempt. It was no credit for him to say of one
who had so recently done so much for his country and for the Northwest
Company that 'I can account for many other omissions, in no other manner
than his being asleep at the time he pretends to have been very exact;' and,
again: 'He seldom or never paid the attention he pretends to have done.'
Fras&r's First Journal, MS., 81-2. Alexander Mackenzie, in his life and
works, I have ever found honest, courteous, a close observer, and a correct
writer. The journal of Simon Fraser will scarcely justify his biographer in
saying as much for him. Nevertheless, we will gather in all the good con-
cerning him that we can find, without attempting to bring him into low esteem,
as he sought to do with regard to Mackenzie.
TROUT LAKE. 101
rest of the goods, except such as were destined for
Trout Lake, were placed in cache, because the
travellers intended soon to return this way, and to
follow the course of the east branch or main channel
of the river into the country of the Carriers. More
than this, the boats were so shattered as to be unsafe,
and new ones had become a necessity. Some of the men
were left at the cache to watch the property there.
Continuing their journey they crossed a small lake,
which was Trout Lake proper as known to-day, and
ascended a smaller and swifter stream than any hither-
to encountered, and encamped within two miles of the
fort. Next morning they proceeded to the house, and
found McDougall, who had been anxiously expecting
them for several days. First of all they set their
nets for fish to satisfy their hunger while they could
build some new boats. Then they sent for some of the
goods which had been placed in cache, leaving there
one man, La Garde, to watch the rest. After that
they sent out word for the natives to come in and
bring fish and furs. The canoes finished, and having
selected to accompany them two out of the natives
who came to the fort, one of them a brother-in-law
of Little Head, on the 23d of June they returned to
the encampment where the goods had been cached.
At the fort McDougall was left alone, the only
man, Saucier, who was to remain with him having
companied the Fraser party to the cache encampment
in order to bring back some iron utensils and such
other goods as were needed at the post. Arrived at
the cache, they found the goods all safe with La
Garde in attendance. All this time the man had
lived well on what he could shoot without touching
the allowance left him of dried food. Loading the
boats next morning the party dropped down
stream that leads to McLeod Lake, and turning into
the main channel began its ascent.16
10 1 would call special attention to this encampment and to the narrative in
this connection. Mr Fraser's exact words are : ' We pushed oil' down the cur-
102 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
One of the men who had complained of illness be-
fore starting now gave up, and wished to return. He
was immediately sent back with his wife and baggage,
in charge of six men, to the cache encampment of the
previous night, and there left to finish a pine canoe
which Saucier was making in which to take the goods
to the fort, and Saucier was taken in his place. Not
more than two hours were occupied in making the
exchange.
That day and the next, which was the 25th, poling
and paddling were good, and fair distances were made.
La Malice was now seized with sickness, became de-
lirious, and caused some delay. In fact, all the men
complained of some ailment, or at least Fraser com-
plained of all except Stuart. The boats and the
stream being about what they should be for the pur-
poses of navigation, there was nothing left but the
men to find fault with, and if these were so much
below the average Mr Eraser should not have brought
them.17 Setting out at an early hour on the morning
of the 27th, the party breakfasted "at a considerable
large river that flows into the main on the left side."
Above this was a rapid place three miles in length,
then a slack current again. "A little before sunset
we found four young men of the Barbins band exactly
rent until we came to the main river, and then I steered up a strong and rapid -
ous stream.' First Journal, MS., 101-2. It has been taken for granted by
many that both Mackenzie and Fraser in passing up the Parsnip from Peace
River to the Fraser followed the most direct course past Trout Lake, McLeod
Lake, Summit Lake, and over Giscome portage, whereas if I am correct in
my reckoning it was up the main channel of Parsnip River, past the branch
that comes in from McLeod Lake to the upper fork, where taking the western
1 iranch they ascended to its source, and thence crossed to the Fraser. The rea-
sons by which I arrive at this conclusion will be more apparent as we proceed.
17 It is true he excuses himself by saying there were no better men at the
Rocky Mountain portage, but if that was tnie, whose fault was it that there
was a lack of good men there? We may be sure that in the Northwest Com-
pany, of all other associations in the world, good masters were sure to have good
men. With every one of them something was the matter, he says, a rupture,
an eniption, a sprain, or a fever. Indeed, it does not seem to have occurred
to him that in all this he was censuring only himself for being so poorly pro-
vided for his expedition. Now, too, he indulges in the strange inconsistency
of meeting at eveiy turn some object mentioned by Mr Mackenzie in 1793,
or by Mr Friday in 1797, and that too on a route which a short time previous
he doubted they had ever travelled.
THE SEVERAL ROUTES. 103
where Sir Alexander Mackenzie found the first Indians
upon his expedition in I 793. "18 There they encamped.
Very early next day they passed another large
stream flowing in from the east, and at noon still
another on the same side, the last one " as 1.
the one we navigated." At this fork they came upon
an old chirr, who .for several days had been waiting
their arrival at this point, which was the identical spot
where Finlay had found the same man nine years
before. With him were several natives who had come
a long distance to see white people, and who now
examined them with great interest and admiration.
Early in the morning of the 30th they passed
another stream flowing in from the east, near the place
called by Mackenzie Beaver Lodge. A half-mile
beyond they passed another small stream, this time on
the western side. Before noon they turned from the
main channel into a branch that came in from the
west.19 This river was clear and deep, but not very
wide. Soon they came to a small lake, to enter which
they were forced to open a passage through drift-
wood. One and a half miles up this lake they met
an Indian who drew a map of the country for them,
and said, were they at Trout Lake he could show
them a shorter and better route to the Fraser than
that they were on.20
18 1 am thus particular to show, first, that this party is not on the branch
that leads to McLeod's Lake, and secondly, that Fraser is here following the
track of Mackenzie.
19 Here is a specimen of Fraser's grammar and temper : ' Sir Alexander
Mackenzie represents this river as terminating in the mountains aear
but if the Indians be allowed to know better than him it is not so, for they
say it is navigable much farther, and terminates in a small lake. ' First Journal,
MS., 112-13.
20 ' There was a portage of a mile and one half at most from one of the
"nl Trout Lake into a, line navigable river, and no rapid :. I
into the Columbia.' Mnlay's Journal, Ms., ] 14. Writing his ] artners of the
ioken of by the Indian, he says : ' It f alls in a littli Knights'
first encampment on the Columbia. It is a fine navigabl •
current, and report says that then.' is only ;i carrying place of about a couple
of miles at most from the other lakes beyond Trout Lake to fall into it; and
Mr McDougaU has now directions to ascertain the truth of it, which, it" exact,
will not only shorten the passage, but render it perfectly ill be the
means of avoiding the Had Liver.' /',-/* r's I., 7r rs, MS., \. With Mackenzie,
Fraser at this time supposed Fraser Liver to be the Columbia.
104 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
This Indian was easily prevailed upon to accompany
them to the next lake, a short distance beyond, which
was the source of this branch of Parsnip River. Here
was the Height of Land, as the ridge dividing the flow
of waters toward the east and toward the west was
called by the fur-hunters. Mr Fraser thought this
not a bad place for an establishment. There were
lakes and streams on every side abounding in fish,
with fur-bearing animals not far distant. Seven or
eight hundred yards beyond this lake, over this low
dividing ridge, was another lake whose waters com-
municated with Fraser River.21
Embarking on this little sheet of water, about three
miles in length, the travellers found themselves at last
gliding with the current which starting never stops
until it reaches the salt Pacific.22 Both Mackenzie and
Fraser were here troubled with drift-wood. The out-
let to this lake was a small stream, yet large enough
to float a canoe, but so filled with drift-wood as to be
impassable. Hence here was another portage of some
one hundred and sixty or seventy yards to another
21 The character of this portage and the sources of the streams on cither
side of it, as well as the channel taken at the branch which 1
Lake must finally determine the course taken by Mackenzie andFraser. Mac-
kenzie, Voyage, 217, says : ' We landed and unloaded, where v.'c found a beaten
path leading over a low ridge of land of eight hundred and seventeen paces
in length to another small lake. The distance between the two mountains at
this place is about a quarter of a mile, rocky precipices presenting themselves
on both sides.' Fraser remarks, First Journal, MS., 115: 'We continued
to the extremity of the lake about three miles, and there unloaded at the
Height of Land, which is one of the finest portages I ever saw, between six and
seven hundred yards long, and perhaps the shortest interval of any between
the waters that descend into the northern and southern oceans. ' These two
statements, as well as those wdiich follow after embarking upon the southern
lake, are easily reconciled. They are unquestionably the same. Of this spot
we have no correct map, but turning to Mr Selwyn's Geological Survey Re-
port 1875-G, we find an exact map of the entire branch on which is situated
McLeod Lake. But here the portage is seven and one fourth miles, or 12.760
paces, which in no wise corresponds with the distance mentioned by both Mac-
kenzie and Fraser. Giscome portage likewise terminates on the bank of the
Fraser, while both Mackenzie and Fraser speak of a lake and stream which
they navigated before coming to the Columbia, as they supposed the large
river to be. Finally, although not much reliance for exactness is to be placed
on the astronomical observations of the early explorers, such evidence as we
have of that kind is in favor of the eastern portage, which Mackenzie makes
in latitude 54° 24', and longitude 121 west from Greenwich.
22 ' This lake runs in the same course as the last, but is rather narrower,
and not more than half the length.' Mackenzie's Voy., 217.
BAD RIVER. 105
and perhaps a trifle smaller lake.23 Here they en-
camped, and set their net for fish. Their start was
late next day, the 2d of July, owing to the inclem-
ency of the weather, and to fresh troubles with La
Malice, who was unreasonable and petulant, complain-
ing of neglect and ill-treatment, and threatening to
remain behind, saying he was in no wise obliged to
explore Peace Kiver, much less the waters that de-
scended to the Pacific. Fraser would not abandon him,
however, although he sometimes felt that the man
deserved no better treatment. From the second
small lake along the streamlet to the large river,
though the distance was not far, the time occupied in
making it by Mackenzie was five days, and by Fraser
eight days. Nor was there on the entire route a
more difficult or hazardous piece of travel. The
stream was aptly called Bad Piver by these hardy
explorers.24
The country was rugged, and the river rocky,
stumpy, full of fallen trees and drift-wood, with fre-
quent rapids, cascades, and shallow places. Again
and again the canoes were broken and mended, until
they were little else than patchwork. Sometimes
there would be a complete wreck, with half the boat
smashed; at which times the men were obliged to
plunge into the icy water to save the cargo, remaining
there frequently for hours until benumbed by cold
and ready to drop with fatigue. Over some places
the canoes could carry but part of a load, when sev-
eral trips would be made; portages were frequent,
sometimes over bluffs, and sometimes through jungles.
Excessive labor, attended by frequent exasperating
mishaps, brought discouragement to the men, who
23Mackenzie says this second lake 'is in the same course, and about the
same size as that which we have just left.' To reach it he passed over 'a
beaten path of only one hundred and .seventy-live pa- words
are: 'The distance is 160 yards to another lake not quite so large as the las*
one.' Mackenzie's Voy., -217-lS; Fraser's First Journal, MS., 110.
-"Near its confluence [sic] it divides into tin . all of which I
suppose to he navigable, but the one to the right is the best route.' Fraser's
First Journal, MS., loo.
106 SIMON FRASER AND JOHN STUART.
more than once threatened to abandon the enterprise
and return ; but by sharing with them both danger and
hardship, their leader finally prevailed upon them to
continue, though it was indeed a marvellous feat to
make this passage in loaded boats.25
On emerging from Bad River the first thing to be
done was to encamp, dry the goods, and mend the
boats. Five beaver brought in by the hunters were
quickly devoured by the men. Again embarking, so
swift was the current of the Fraser at this point that
twenty-one miles were made before five o'clock next
morning, which was the 11th of July, and with an
early start and a fine run they reached the mouth of
25 1 will give the words of both Mackenzie and Fraser on reaching Fraser
River: 'At an early hour of the morning Ave were all employed in cutting a
passage of three quarters of a mile, through which we carried our canoe and
cargo, when we put her into the water with her lading, but in a very short
time were stopped by the drift-wood, and were obliged to land and cany. In
short, we pursued our alternate journies by land and water till noon, when
we could proceed no further, from the vaiious small unnavigable channels
into which the river branched in every direction ; and no other mode of get-
ting forward now remained for us but by cutting a road across a neck of land.
I accordingly despatched two men to ascertain the exact distance, and we
employed the interval of their absence hi unloading and getting the canoe out
of the water. It was eight in the evening when we arrived at the bank of
the great river. This journey was three cpiarters of a mile east-north-east
through a continued swamp, where in many places we waded up to the mid-
dle of our thighs. Our course in the small river was about south-east by cast
three miles. At length we enjoyed, after all our toil and anxiety, the inex-
pressible satisfaction of finding ourselves on the bank of a navigable river on
the west side of the first great range of mountains.' Maekenzu 's Voy., 227-8.
' This place we suppose to be the low spot where Sir Alexander Mackenzie
carried across the neck of land to the large river. He was misinformed in
saying it terminated in various branches. Mr Stuart, who was down yester-
day at the large river, traced this river for some time, and afterward crossed
it in many places, is of opinion that we will be able to get to its confluence
with the canoes, and the Montague de bauttes [sic] account of it agrees with his.
Therefore we intend to continue by water as far as we can. All the goods
are entirely wet, and the provisions are spoiling. When we arrived at this
place the canoes were no more able to float, their bottoms being entirely
smashed, and after getting bark, and gathering some gum, we patched them
up for the present. . .Thursday, 10th July. After the canoes were gummed a
little we continued on. and had better going than we had reason to expect.
The river — right branch — is narrow, but plenty of water to bear the canoes,
and the current is not strong, which enabled us to continue on with both
canoes with their full loads on. At 10 A. m. we arrived at the large river
opposite an island, without encountering any other difficulty than cutting
several trees that laid across the channel, and we were most happy at having
exempted the long and bad carrying place, and seeing ourselves once more
on the banks of a fine and navigable river.' Fraser's First Journal, MS.,
132-3.
FRASER RIVER. 107
the Nechaco, or Stuart River,28 about sunset, and
entering it encamped Dear where now stands Fori
George.
2G'This river is not mentioned by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, which sur-
prises me not a little, it being full in sight, and a fine large river. . .from what
Mr McDougall in his journal of last spring calls the Great Fork ..flows in
from the right. . .leads to the Carrier's Lake where Mr McDougall was last
spring.' Preiser's First Journal, MS., L38-9. ' We lefl the Columbia on the
1 lth ultimo, and entered this river, which at its confluence is half a
the former.' Preiser's Letters, M.S., 4. .See Hist. North us;;, this
series.
CHAPTER V.
DESCENT OF ERASER RIVER— DISCOVERY OF THOMPSON RIVER.
1806-1811.
Ascext of Stuart Riyee — Fort St James Founded— They Explore
Fraser Lake — And Build Eraser Fort — Fort George Estab-
lished—Voyage DOWN THE FRASER — SPOKANE HOUSE — FLATHEAD
House and Fort Kootenais Established — David Thompson Ap-
pears in New Caledonia — Discovers Thompson River — Desertion
of his Men — Winters on Canoe River — Descends the Columbia
to Fort Astoria.
Thus far Stuart and Fraser bad discovered but
little new country. Tbey bad followed Mackenzie's
tracks to and down Fraser River as far as Stuart
River; but from tbis point we follow tbem into regions
new to European eyes.
Entering Stuart River, tbe travellers bad to con-
tend with a strong and in parts steady current, with
frequent rapids and carrying-places. Fraser was in-
clined to ascend tbis stream by what bad been told
him at Trout Lake by tbe Carriers who bad crossed
over from Stuart Lake. Representations were made
by these natives concerning tbe resources of their coun-
try, and tbe temper of their people, which fully corrob-
orated tbe observations of McDougall made during
the spring of the previous year, and these determined
Fraser to visit that region and establish posts there
before descending the great river to the sea.
On their way up they were troubled somewhat by
grizzly bears, two of the men being chased by them.
One man was caught and badly torn, the clogs
coming up just in time to save his life. The wife of
(103)
STUART RTVER. 109
one of the hunters escaped a horrible death by throw-
ing herself flat on her face, the enraged brute in con-
sequence passing her by in pursuit of her flying
husband. In one place they were obliged to cut a
load three hundred yards in length round a cascade
which dashed down between perpendicular rocks.
No natives were seen until half-way up the river,
when on the bank were encountered thirty men arrayed
in robes of beaver, cat, and badger skins. The south
branch which comes in from Fraser, or as it was then
called, Natla Lake,1 was passed by on the left, and on
the 2Gth of July 1806 they came to a large fine body
of water which they called at first Sturgeon Lake,2
but afterward Stuart Lake, and the river they had
jusi ascended, Stuart River.
Here Fraser has no little fault to find with Mc-
Dougall, who, he affirms, pictured the country in all
its spring glories, with an abundance of fish and fowl,
whereas the fifty miserable natives3 he found there w sre
starving, and the travellers themselves would have
suffered had they arrived earlier, the water being even
then so high that they could catch few fish. Immedi-
ately on landing, all hands set to work building, and
soon comfortable quarters were secured, which in time
developed into the formidable establishment of Fort
St James. The site chosen was a peninsula, thus
giving the place quite a maritime air.* La Malice,
who had fully recovered, was then sent with letters
to McDougall and the partners below, and also to
meet expected supplies.5
1On .some maps Xatla: Fraser writes it Xalta, and sometimes Xatley.
2 Indian name Xaughalchun.
arc a large, indolent, thievish set of vagabonds of a mild disposi-
tion. They are amazing fond of goods, which circumstance might lead to
imagine that they would work well to get what they seem to I' 0 fond of;
i n they arc independent of us. as they get their necessaries from their
neighborswhotradewith the nativesof the sea-coast.' Fraser'a LeiU rs, M 3., 6 7.
4 The post proved pleasant and important; so much so thai in L848
in charge of the New Caledonian Department, Chief Factor Ogden made his
residence there.
5 ' La Malice is the bearer of this who I send down to meet the canoes
which probably will be at Fort Chipewyan in order to conduct them up to
Trout Lake, and from thence we will be able to get the goods 1
land to this place in the course of the full and winter.' />«- is., S.
110 DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER.
It was now Mr Fraser's plan to continue his route
down the Fraser as far as the Atnah Nation, accom-
panied by Mr Stuart and six men, leaving the rest of
his company at Fort St James. If Fraser could find
a suitable place to winter, then Stuart would return
to Fort St James; if not, both would return, in which
case one of them would go over to the other lake
westward, that is to say, Fraser Lake, and establish a
post there. The failure of the salmon by whose ar-
rival alone the winter for red men or white in this
region is made comfortable, greatly retarded his move-
ments. " No possible exertion of ours has been want-
ing," Fraser writes his partner early in August 1806.
" We have established the post beyond the mountains,
and will establish another in the most conventional
place we can find before the fall, w7here people can live,
and this I believe was all that was expected this
summer."
The necessarily limited supplies brought with them
were being daily reduced, and new countries could not
be explored and forts established without cost; so
Fraser said while asking for further men and means,
nor were any considerable returns expected by him this
year. Yet, if a number of stations could be favorably
planted on this western side of the mountains, he did
not doubt the result would be satisfactory in the end.
Meanwhile neither salmon nor supplies arriving, the
last of -August saw the fort-builders subsisting on
berries, with a few carp which they could catch, and
now and then a beaver. And yet, although so near
starvation, Fraser and Stuart felt that they could
delay operations no longer. So on the 28th, Stuart,
accompanied by two men, set out for the other side
of the mountain which intervenes between this and
Natla, or Fraser Lake, for the purpose of ascertaining
the practicability of establishing a post in that local-
ity, and to choose a site. He was to meet and report
to Mr Fraser in eight days at the junction of the
two streams flowing from the respective lakes. To
PRASEB LAKE. Ill
this end Fraser left Stuart Lake the 3d of September,
Blais remaining in charge until Stuart should arrive,
while Fraser was to continue exploring down the river.
Butwheu the friends met at the junction according to
agreement, so favorable was Stuart's account of the
district \iv had just visited that Fraser determined to
proceed thither at once and build a house. Besides,
to attempt to descend the great river without pro-
visions or goods would be the height of lolly. During
the absence of the partners the natives, recognizing
very quickly the difference between masters and men,
had imposed upon Blais and his comrades, although
no damage had been done. McDougall, to the infi-
nite disgust of Fraser, had fallen from the greatest
of expectations for the season to begging from the
starving fort-builders five measures of powder and a
man to hunt for him to keep him alive.
According to his purpose, Fraser proceeded to
Natla, that is to say, Fraser Lake, and with live men
began to erect a building in a picturesque position at
the eastern end near its discharge into the Nechacho
River, which in time became Fort Fraser. The sal-
mon now began to come, insuring safety from starva-
tion during the winter. But the natives of this lake
being no less indifferent to the white man's merchandise
than those of the other lake, the fort-builders were
obliged to leave their labors and to do their own iisl i i
Next, Fraser explored the lake, and found in the
hands of the natives at the end opposite that on
which he was building, some spoons and a metal pot.
During the antumn Stuart crossed over to Trout
Lake, hoping to obtain some goods; but as no canoes
had arrived so far, all hopes were abandoned of fur-
ther operations that season.7 When it was too late
6 'I assure you I am tired of living on fish,' now writes Fraser, who a few
days b arful lest he with the rest should starve on account of the
non-arrival of the salmon.
1 '1 certainly was highly disappointed and vexed,' writes Fraser to Mc-
Dougall the 21st of December, 'that no canoes arrived at this quarter, which
is a considerable loss to the company, and a severe blow to our discovi
Fraser's Letters. MS., 40.
112 DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER.
the goods came, and then Fraser lifted up his lamen-
tations because the company would be displeased in
not receiving fair returns for them, which it was impos-
sible for him to make.
Quite a scandal arose this winter over the woman
La Malice had bought at Trout Lake, in which Mc-
Dougall was mixed up to his detriment. It seems in
the purchase of this woman some of the company's
goods had been emplo}Ted, contrary to rule or prece-
dent. Yet all this did not prevent both Eraser and
McDougall from picking up temporary wives for the
winter.
Meanwhile the fort-building went forward to com-
fortable completion; and we can but accord these
hardy pioneers the highest praise when we remember
that these establishments have stood as the most im-
portant posts of all that region for three quarters of
a century.
It was the earnest desire of Mr Fraser to continue
his explorations down the river at the earliest possible
moment the ensuing spring. He even thought of
getting goods over on the ice, so as to be ready to
start as soon as the rivers were open. But in this he
was disappointed, there not being goods enough this
side of the mountains to supply the newly constructed
posts, to say nothing of a supply for exploring pur-
poses. Attention was therefore given the following
spring more to fur-gathering than to explorations.
The most notable event in this localitj^ in 1807 was
the building of Fort George at the confluence of
Stuart and Fraser rivers.8 Upon the lake above there
were two establishments planted, but on the Great
River as yet there was none; and should this stream
become a great highway between the eastern ocean
8 Fort George was placed on the right bank of the Fraser near the junction
of the Xechaco, on a spot called Thleetleh. One would hardly suppose there
could be such poverty of fort nomenclature as to recpiire calling Astoria
Fort George, when there was one tort already on the western slope rejoicing
in that name.
FORT GEORGE.
113
and the western; should it prove to be the Columbia,
as Mackenzie had thought,and above all should it prove
to be navigable, as from appearances thereabouts there
was every indication, then this post would be greatly
needed. At all events it was at Fort George that
Fraser now gathered his forces and supplies, and it
was from this place that he had determined to take
his departure on a voyage of discovery down this
stream.9
Eraser River.
In the summer of 1808, then, in company with
Stuart, we find Mr Fraser swiftly descending' the
stream which bears his name, under somewhat more
favorable circumstances than those in which the first
part of his journey was performed two years previous.
Yet at best it was a daring feat, and he, as well as Sir
•See Tod's New Caledonia, MS., 30: Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS.,
13-14, 29-30, and 98; Stuart's Nott t, passim,235; H ilkes'Nar. U.S. Ex.Ex.,vt.
479; Select Com. House Commons l:< pt., 307; Die's Speeches, i. 40; British
North Am., -274: Martin's 11. B., 25.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 8
114 DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER.
George Simpson, who followed him twenty years later,
are entitled to our hearty admiration.
The party embarked at Fort George in fine condi-
tion, about the middle of May. At the beginning of
his journey Mr Fraser occasionally met a native who
had seen Sir Alexander Mackenzie in his journey,
but he was soon among those who had never beheld
a white man. Animals were reported numerous, and
the river little better than a succession of dangerous
or impassable rapids and falls. The natives told him
that if he would reach the sea he should follow the
route of Mackenzie, which some of them well remem-
bered, but Fraser answered them that whatever the
obstacles he should follow that river to its end.
The Indians along the route were well clad, intelli-
gent, and peaceable. They had often heard of fire-
arms, but few had ever witnessed their discharge.
Often they would ask to have them fired, and on
hearing the report they would fall flat on their faces.
One day, while firing his swivel for their edification,
it burst, wounding the man who fired it. . Mr Fraser
now attempted to enter in his journal the course of
the river after the manner of Mackenzie, though to
little purpose.
A notable slave, encountered on the 31st of May,
professed to have ascended the whole length of the
stream, and attempted to delineate its course, but
failed. An Atnah chief, with his slave, accompanied
the expedition in the hope that Fraser would build
a fort on his land when he returned. This chief's
brother bestowed valuable gifts upon Fraser, and
charged him to take good care of his kinsman.
The simplicity and coolness with which the fur-
traders speak of hardships and dangers, I have re-
marked ujDon before, but I am sure I can do no better
here than to let Mr Fraser tell how he passed a bad
place in the river on the 1st of June. "Mr Stuart,
myself, and six men went to visit the rapid again,
while the other remained to take care of the baggage
THRILLING ADVENTURES. 115
and canoes. We found the rapid to be about one i
a half miles long, and the rocks on both sides the
river contract themselves in some places to within
thirty or forty yards of one another; the immense
body of water passes through them in a zigzag and
turbulent manner, forming numerous gull's and whirl-
pools of great depth. However, it was deemed im-
possible to carry the canoes; it was the general
opinion that they ought to be run down; indeed, there
was no alternative than that or leaving them here
Stuart remained at the lower end with La Garde and
Waka to watch the natives, while the others were
running the canoes down; though they appeared to
be peaceable, it would not be prudent to allow the
people to run down the canoes under such a steep and
rocky bank without having a guard above, as it would
be in the Indians' power to sink them all to the
bottom were they ill inclined; and I returned to the
upper end to see the people embark. Accordingly
five of the best men embarked with only about
eleven or twelve pieces. They immediately entered
the rapid, but the whirlpools below the first cascade
made them wheel about, and they remained a con-
siderable time without being able to move one way or
the other, and every moment on the brink of eternity.
However, by the utmost exertion, they went down
two others, till between the third and fourth, which
is the most turbulent, the eddies and whirlpools
caught hold of the canoe, and, in spite of them,
brought it ashore in a moment; and fortunately it
was it happened so, and that they were not able to
get out again, for had they got down the fourth cas-
cade, it would have been more than likely the}T would
have remained there. Seeing it impossible to go any
further, they unloaded upon a small point, in a very
steep and high and long hill. Upon my way down
to see what had become of the people, I met Stuart
coming up, who informed me of their situation, li<>
having seen them from the lower part of the rapids.
11G DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER.
Wo went down immediately to the place where they
were thrown ashore, which we reached with much
difficulty on account of the steepness of the banks.
I often supported myself by running my dagger into
the ground to hold myself by it. Happy we were to
find all hands safe after such imminent danger. With
much difficulty a road was dug into the hill with a
hoe, about tne breadth of one foot, and a line tied to
the bow of the canoe, and brought up an extraor-
dinary bad and long bank. Had any of those that
carried the canoe missed their step, all would have
tumbled into the river in spite of those that hauled
the line, and when that was effected, the baggage was
brought up."10
The natives now reiterated their assertions that
the navigation of the river below was impossible, and
the explorers began to believe them. But when the
unsophisticated red men were asked to loan or sell
some of their horses to transport the effects, which
they disliked extremely to do, they thought the river
not so bad, and that perhaps it would be better to
take the canoe. Fraser would avoid such hazardous
risking of life if possible. " The tremendous gulphs
and whirlpools," he says, " which are peculiar to this
river, are ready every moment to swallow a canoe
with all its contents, and the people on board, and the
high and perpendicular rocks render it impossible to
stop the canoe or get on shore even were it stopped;
were the water lower it would be more practicable."
The party now made preparations to leave two
canoes, cache a large part of their baggage and pro-
visions, and follow the road along the bank, which the
natives assured them was good. With difficulty they
succeeded in obtaining four horses; but on further
consideration they determined to make another at-
tempt to continue in boats. So shouldering the boats
and luggage with the assistance of the natives, who
10 Fr riser's Second Journal, MS. , 13-17. Mr Fraser says, from the top of the
rocks looking over into the abyss the rapids do not look as dangerous as they
in reality are.
TERRIBLE SCENERY. 117
were more accommodating than hospitable, they next
day took up their march, embarking on the stream at
every possible opportunity. The natives spoke of
having heard of white people who had descended the
first large stream flowing in from the left, but whether
they referred to Lewis and Clarke, or to the Fort des
Prairies people, Fraser could not tell.
Cutting roads and obtaining' uncertain eha.
the river from the natives soon became tiresome, and
after three days of it Fraser again determined to leave
the canoes. It was true if they went down by land
they would have to return in the same in;
" But to proceed is my present object," said Fraser,
"and if fortunate enough in that, we will always find
our way back; for to gain that every person will be
interested, which perhaps is not so much the case at
present," and no wonder that the men whose courage:
and obedience were remarkable, thus daily and hourly
risking their lives at the command of their masters,
as a matter of course, should not be specially eager
to plunge into these death-dealing charms. The
wild rapids they ran and the precipitous portages
they made, lifting their luggage and canoes up per-
pendicular banks where a single misstep would send
them all headlong to death, appear to us almost in-
credible.
On the fifth day they reached a portage where
"the rocks contract themselves to within thirty yards
of one another, and at the lower end is a rocky
on the left shore. It is terrible to behold the rapidity
and turbulency of the immense body of water that
; $ in this narrow gut, and no less do the numer-
ous gulphs and whirlpools it forms constantly striking
from one rock to another. The rocks are amazing
high and craggy, particularly on the right side, and
the water in a manner seems to have forced a ] »a
under them, and flows out here and there in num
whirlpools and eddies that surpass anything of the
kind I ever saw." Le Rapid Convert, as they called
IIS DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER.
another similar place below, was, if anything, still
narrower and more dangerous.
There was another serious danger attending the
navigation of a wild stream like this for the first
time, which was not to be apprehended in travelling
known routes. Often the boats were caught in the
current and carried rapidly forward, when at any
moment the navigators might come upon a fall over
which they were sure to go to their destruction.
Walking on shore, even over the plains, was as dis-
agreeable as the portages were difficult and the rapids
dangerous; for the thistles which pierced the soles of
their feet were so bad that a pair of shoes would not
last a whole day.
Thus these hardy foresters continued their way, the
history of each succeeding day varying but little in
hazardous detail from that of its predecessor. At every
step, while among the mountains, Mr Fraser was told
by the natives that it would be impossible to continue
in canoes; but one of his boats was named the Perse-
verance, and, says Mr Fraser, "as it is my object to
determine the practicability of the navigation of this
river, though it would be much more safe and expe-
ditious to go hj land, we shall not leave our canoes as
long as there will be any possibility of taking them
down by water or land." So the brave fellows worked
their way through, and were finally rewarded by a sail
upon the peaceful waters below. After examining
the country thereabout to their satisfaction, mean-
while regarded with threatening suspicion by the
natives, they retraced their steps, and returned to
Fort George on the Fraser.11
11 It was a long time before I could make up my mind whether Fraser
ever reached the mouth of the river or jiot. The journal breaks suddenly off,
leaving the party in the midst of their journey. That, however, implies
nothing. Harmon, Journal, 173, who was the next prominent personage on
the ground after Stuart and Fraser, states that Fraser went to the coast,
where he received ill-treatment from the natives. Then came Simpson's dec-
laration, Journal, i. 182: 'Fraser River had never been wholly descended by
whites previously to 1828, when, in order to explore the navigation all the
way to the sea, I started from Stuart's Lake with three canoes;' and think-
ing surely the great governor knew everything, and would not wilfully de-
DAVID THOMPSON. HO
Soon after the return to Fort George on the Fraser
of the expedition last recorded, Simon Fraser pro-
ceeded east to report what had thus far been accom-
plished; by which easy and pleasant service he secured
for the perpetuation of his name the second largest
liver in this region. Meanwhile John Stuart con-
tinued to look about him for advantageous sites upon
which to plant additional establishments.
Early in 1810 rumors were afloat that John Jacob
Astor, whose operations in the then north-western
United States were beginning in some small degree
to rival those of the British companies across the
line, contemplated a fur-trading movement on the
lower Columbia, for the purpose at once of securing
to himself that virgin field, of establishing a line_ of
communication across the continent, and of opening
trade direct between the Northwest Coast and China.
However chimerical might be such plans, steps were
being taken to carry them into immediate effect. In-
deed^ certain of the disaffected in the service of the
Northwest Company had already been allured to his
standard by the offer of larger interests and larger
prospective gains.
These reports, which culminated in June of this
year in the organization of the Pacific Fur Company,
stirred the Northwest partners to yet more energetic
action in their new north-west. A large and well
appointed party under the command of David Thomp-
son, surveyor and astronomer of the Northwest Com-
ceive, I held to that opinion for several years, until finally coming upon a
statement by John Stuart himself, who was one of the party, and should
know how far he went, I concluded that the governor was in error. These
are Stuart's words: 'The establishment on McLeod's Lake was found
1805, those on Stuart's and Fraser's lakes hi 1S0G; that of Port George in
1807, and it was from there that, in 1808, the expedition that traced the
Jackanet (meaning the Fraser) Fiver of Sir Alexander Mackenzie down to its
mouth, in latitude 49' north, took its departure; and finding the Jack
until then supposed to be identical with the Columbia, to be a, distinct river,
unconnected with the Columbia,' etc. Stuart's Notes in Anderson s Northwest
MS., 235. Anderson, indeed, is yet more definite, sayin in p. L5 of
his dictation: 'In 1S0S, Fraser and Stuart started will. I
scend the Fraser. and with great dilliculty and perseyeram
near to where New Westminster has since been located.' And again <;
the ft,cine intelligent author says they ' ran down the Fraser in 1808 to tie
120
DESCENT OF ERASER RIVER.
parry, was despatched to the western side during the
summer of 1810, with instructions to build forts wher-
ever trade should seem to justify, and narrowly to
watch the operations of the new Pacific Company.
The far south-east from Fort George on the Fraser
commanded early attention. It was in this district
that parties crossing the mountains by way of the
Arrowsmith's Map.
Missouri River would naturally first set traps and
engage in traffic, and the wide-awake Northwesters
intended to be ready for them.
Firman McDonald, a clerk in the Northwest Com-
pany, was sent to the Spokane River, where, about
twenty miles from its mouth, a fort was planted
which shortly after assumed considerable importance
as the distributing point for the surrounding posts.
THE UPPER COLUMBIA. 121
It was from the Spokane House in May 1811 that
we find a letter of Firman McDonald addressed to
John Stuart in New Caledonia, intercepted at Fort
Astoria, the letter having been sent by two native
ssengers, who mistook their way intentionally, or
otherwise, and finally reached the mouth of the Co-
lumbia, causing there no small commotion, further
account of which will be given hereafter.12
There were likewise posts established about this
time on the Flathead or Clarke branch of the Co-
lumbia,13 and on the McGillivray, Flatbow, or Koote-
nais River.14 Fort Sheppard at the junction of the
Flathead1" and the Columbia, Jasper House, or as it
was sometimes called the Rocky Mountain House,16
12 Ross, Fur Hunters, i. 137, rails at the location of this post for six years
or more as the depot of this district. He says that goods for the upper
country were carried two hundred miles out of their way to be distributed
from this place, and all by reason of the force of habit. It was quite .
place in the days of its glory, with its fine buildings, stockade, and solid
bastions, its ballroom and belles, its race-track and fine horses; for it was
here the wintering parties met and fitted out, and a little fun mast be in-
dulged in on such occasions. But it was finally found inaccessible; and they
talked of removal first to Walla Walla, and finally to Kettle Falls, which wa.s
done in 182(5, and the new port called Colville. Anderson's Nun
MS., (j-7; Gray's Hist. (Jr., 43. Tor a time, as was once the case at many of
these establishments, there were two posts at Spokane, one conducted by the
Northwest Company, and the other by the Pacific Company, between which
there was always fierce rivalry. Ross1 Adv., 201-2.
13 Flathead House was situated about one hundred and seventy-five miles
east of Colville, A rrovosmith's Man. ' Situated on a point formed by the junction
of a bold mountain torrent with the Flathead River, and surrounded on all
si>ks with high and thickly wooded hills covered with pine, spruce, larch,
beach, birch, and cedar.' Cox's Columbia River, i. 231. McMillan was in
;e of Flathead House in 1813. Prior to the establishment of this fort at
this place Cox and Farnham had selected a site forty miles west of tlie point
upon which the fort was actually budt. See also House Commons' !
11. n. Co., 367.
uFort Kootenais was a little to the east of north from Flathead House,
some sixty miles distant. Arroivsmith's Map. South-east of Flatbow Lake.
Hist. Or., MS., 1ST. Gray, Hist. Or., 43, erroneously places it at
the mouth of the river. See also House Commons' Rept. II . B. Co., 367. The
post was of little importance save as a means of holding the country. A 5
caily as 1S12 there were two establishments there, Montour being in charge of
that of the Xoi'thwest Company, while Pellet acted for the apany.
u Arrowsmith places this post at the junction of the Kootenais and the
Columbia.
10 There are no less than three establishments by this name, no great dis-
tance apart, laid down on Arrowsmith's map, one on Peace River, the one
now mentioned as Jasper House, and one on the Saski
House was once of considerable importance, both as the centre of a
producing country, and as an important post on the regular 1.
between Norway House and Edmonton on the cast, and the New Caledonian
122
DESCENT OF FRASER RIVER,
and Henry House, in Athabasca Pass, were estab-
lished later.
Over in New Caledonia, at the confluence of the
north branch of Thompson River with Thompson
River proper was erected a log-house, at first known
as Fort Thompson, but which later became Fort
Kamloops.17 Thompson crossed the mountains at
Thohpsox River.
and Columbian districts on the west. Father De Smet, Oregon Missions,
127-30, and Grant, Ocean to Ocean, 232, mention Jasper House as an impor-
tant though then nearly abandoned station. Kane, Wanderings, 153-4, saya
the place where he saw and made a sketch of it consisted 'of only three mis-
erable huts,' and was 'only kept up for the purpose of supplying horses to
parties crossing the mountains. '
17 Some time after there were two posts at tins point, both at the south-
eastern extremity of Kamloops Lake near the entrance of Thompson River
and the junction of the north branch. On Trutch's Map B. C, 1871, the one
on the north and the west sides of the main and north branches is called Old
Fort, and the one on the south bank is called H. B. C. Fort, A post was
placed here in 1S12 by Alexander Ross for the Pacific Fur Company. Boss'
Adv., 201-2. It is the establishment on the south bank that more properly
takes the name of Fort Kamloops. Gray's Hist. Or. -13; Milton and Clueadte's
N. W. Pass, 324.
SPECULATIONS. 123
some point south of Peace River — probably lie came
through Yellowhead Pass to Mount Thompson — and
after a preliminary survey of his surroundings he
regarded the north branch of Thompson River as more
likely to prove an important tributary of the true
Tacoutche Tesse of Mackenzie than the stream to
which he afterwards gave the name of Canoe River.18
The more he examined this stream the more he became
satisfied, from the description given by Stuart and
Fraser, that this was not the river descended by them.
Nor was it until he had reached Kamloops Lake, and
had there seen all the tributaries of this river taking
their decided westward course in one large body
toward the defile where he knew the Fraser to be,
that he became convinced that he had not been navi-
gating the Columbia.
Now the configuration of the country began to as-
sume shape in his mind. Though in the midst of a
boundless sea of mountains, with nothing familiar
but the air around and the clouds and stars above,
yet his course from this point was clear enough.
Mackenzie had examined the region north of him
between Peace River and the Pacific; Stuart and
Fraser from Mackenzie's westward line had struck
southward and traversed the intervening space be-
tween his newly found river of Thompson and the
sea; plainly the one direction where alone he might
reasonably expect to find the object of his search was
eastward. So retracing his steps to the little stream
which sweeps south-eastward from the eastern base
of Mount Thompson, he followed it downward to a
point some distance above its mouth where he deemed
it navigable for canoes, and there encamped.19
18 The upper "Fraser and the upper Columbia each have a stream occupy-
ing similar positions, the former called on Trutch's Map, Canoe Creek, and
the other Canoe River. Before Franchere was there in 1814, Regis Bruquier
and other boatmen, if we may believe them, had ascended the Canoe River of
the Columbia to its source, though their descriptions differ entirely from the
map.
19 Franchere recognized the spot in 1814, and indeed found there a sack of
pemican, en cache, which proved extremely serviceable.
124 DESCENT OF FEASEE EIVEE.
It was now too late .to think of further operations
this year, 1810. Ice was already forming in the
streams, and the men were becoming exceedingly dis-
satisfied over the scientific gyrations of their com-
mander. Indeed, so mutinous became his people
that at last they flatly refused to accompany him
further, or even to winter on that side of the moun-
tains.
It was extremely rare that the servants of the
Northwest Company balked at anything. But in
Thompson's party there were some raw recruits,
and though of bad character and distempered minds,
they were sufficiently strong to carry a majority;
so that out of his large party only eight of his men
remained faithful to him, the others helping them-
selves to whatever they fancied from the general
stores, and taking their way backward across the
mountains.
The little party now went into winter-quarters and
made themselves as comfortable as might be. There
was in reality nothing in their situation or prospects
for the deserters to be frightened at.
Early in the spring Thompson was again astir.
First a canoe was built, from which circumstance the
stream was named Canoe River. Then placing his
superfluous effects en cache he raised camp and em-
barked.
Descending Canoe River' to its mouth, he came in
broad view of the main northern channel of the
Columbia, whose gathered waters, brilliant in fresh
beauty, danced downward toward the sea. Continu-
ing his course from Boat Encampment he passed the
Little Dalles and Arrow lakes, also the spot where
are now Colville and Okanagan, to the junction of the
great southern branch, being the first European to
traverse this region in its whole extent. From Walla
Walla the party continued down the Columbia until
they came upon the Pacific Company's people, who
had anticipated the plans of Thompson in building
SOMETHING OF THOMPSON'S LIFE. 125
Fort Astoria, where he arrived the 15th of July,
181 1.20
20 David Thompson was an entirety different order of man from the ortho-
dox fur-trader. Tall and fine looking, of sandy complexion, with large
features, deep-set studious eyes, high forehead and broad shoulders, the
intellectual was well set upon the physical. His deeds have never been trum-
peted as those of some of the others, but in the westward explorations of the
Northwest Company no man performed more valuable service or estimated his
achievements more modestly. Unhappily his last days were not as pleasant
as fell to the lot of some of the worn-out members of the company. He
retired almost blind to Lachine House, once the head-quarters of the Com-
pany, where Mr Anderson encountered him in 1831 in a very decrepid
condition. Mr Twiss, Or. Qites., 14, pronounces Mr Thompson a highly
competent man. Cox, Col. River, i. 85, believes the chief object of the ex-
pedition to have been the planting of an establishment at the mouth of the
river before Astor's party should reach it. Ross, Adv., 177, says that Donald
Mackenzie about this time used ' to start from Montreal and reach the mouth
of the Columbia River, or Great Bear Lake the same season,' but he speaks
carelessly. Gray, Hist. Or. 17, with his usual inaccuracy hrst brings Thompson,
to Fort Astoria in 1S13.
CHAPTER VI.
WILLIAMS IN THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, HENRY ON SNAKE
RIVER, AND WINSHIP ON THE COLUMBIA.
1S07-1812.
Big White's Visit to Washington— His Escort Home — Ezekiel William*
on the Yellowstone and Platte — His Party Cct in Pieces by the
Savages — Two of the Party Reach Los Angeles — Alexander Hexry
Builds a Fort West of the Mountains — La Salle's Shipwreck at
False Bay — His Journey from the Pacific Ocean to the Red River
of Louislana — Project of the Winship Brothers— The 'Albatross'
Sails from Boston and Enters the Columbia — Winship and
hi* Mate, Survey the River— Choose a Site for Settlement on Oak
Point — Begin Building and Planting — Their Garden Destroyed by
the Flood — Move down the River — Hostile Attitude of the
Natives — Abandonment of the Enterprise.
As in the north, following Mackenzie's track, Scotch
and English trappers from Canada and the Canadian
north-west crossed the mountains and located estab-
lishments on the western slope, so through the middle
and southern passes, after Lewis and Clarke had told
their story, reckless hunters from the United States
frontier found their way, and made the first move
toward sweeping those forests of their primitive in-
habitants.
Big White, chief of the Mandans, on the return of
Captain Lewis from the Pacific, promised to accom-
pany him with his wife and son to Washington, only
upon a sacred promise that an escort should see
him safely home. This pledge the government of the
United States did not fail to redeem. Chosen for
this purpose were twenty hardy Missourians, who
under command of Ezekiel Williams set out from
(126)
THE EFFERVESCENT BORDER LAND. 127
St Louis on the 25th of April 1807 with a two years'
outfit, intending to trap on the upper Missouri and
beyond the mountains. They were a bold, brave band,
inured to hardships, and led by an experienced fron-
tiersman of patient and unflinching energy. Of the
party was a wild, impetuous youth, constantly losing
himself when out hunting, and running into every
manner of danger, not having sense enough to know
what fear was. His name was Carson, not Chris-
topher, although he might easily have been taken for
his brother. On reaching the Platte, William Ham-
ilton, of the company, sickened and died in the deli-
rium of fever, his mind being filled with home and the
loved ones there.
By exercising due vigilance the hostile Sioux were
passed in safety; and great was the joy of the Man-
dans to find their chief restored to them. The word
of the white man, how bright and strong a thing it
was with these savages ! Would it might always have
remained so.
After a week's rest Williams and his party left the
Mandan village, ascended the Yellowstone until they
reached the country of the Blackfoot where beaver
were plenty, and there set traps. Most unfortunate
was it, indeed, the killing of one of these savages by
Lewis and Clarke, for a half century of bloodshed
followed it. Unluckily, also, a prowling redskin one
day was caught in a beaver-trap, and although he
easily made his escape the accident tended in no wise
to allay the hate already raging. Shortly after, while
making the rounds of their traps, the white men were
surprised by over a hundred mounted Blackfoot and
five of their number killed, the savages losing but one
man. That night the survivors escaped into the Crow
country. Captivated by the Crow maidens, and by
the thought of establishing there a harem, one of the
party named Rose concluded to remain. Bose was a
desperado of the most villainous type. With robbery
and murder he was on familiar terms, having indulged
128 EXPEDITIONS OF WILLIAMS, HENRY, AND WrXSRTP.
in piracy on the islands of -the Mississippi as a pro-
fession. By such an one was European civilization
destined to be first represented among the friendly
Crows.
Leaving there the renegade Rose, the party pro-
ceeded to the head-waters of the Platte where they
were again attacked by the savages, and five more
hilled. Caching their furs they set out to leave the
country, but on reaching the Arkansas, all but three,
Williams, Workman, and Spencer, were cut off by the
Comanches. Not knowing where they were, a differ-
ence of opinion arose as to the best course to pursue,
whereupon they separated, Williams descending what
he supposed to be Red River, while the two others
ascended it, hoping to reach the Spanish country.
After many adventures, Williams reached Cooper's
Fort, on the Missouri, where he procured aid and re-
turned for his cached furs. Workman and Spencer
on reaching the Rocky Mountains crossed to the
Colorado, which they descended until coming to a
well travelled trail leading them away to the east-
ward. Shortly afterward they met a Mexican cara-
van, consisting of forty men or more, on their way
from Santa Fe to Los Angeles in California, Accom-
panying them they wintered there, 1809-10. With
their Mexican friends they went to Santa Fe the fol-
lowing summer, where they remained fifteen years
before returning to the United States.1
At St Louis, in 1808, as already mentioned in the
chapter on the United States fur-trade in the preced-
ing volume of this series, was formed the Missouri
Fur Company2 with a capital of forty thousand dollars.
1 David H. Coyner, The Lout Trappers, tells this and much more in a
homely but truthful and direct way which commands the reader's respect and
confidence. Besides the adventures of these trappers about the sources of the
Platte and Colorado, he has much to say of California, and of the Santa Fe
trade. Mrs Victor, River of the West, 37-8, places erroneously the number
of men killed at twenty-seven, and all at the hands of Blackfoot.
2 The chief partners at this time were Manuel Lisa, Pierre Chouteau Sr. ,
William Clark, Sylvester Labadie, Pierre Menard, and Auguste P. Chouteau.
FORT HENRY. 129
Among their first movements was to send an expedi-
tion to the upper Missouri and the Yellowstone under
Alexander Henry, who was not only to establish posts
on those streams, but was to cross the Rocky Moun-
tains and open traffic with the nations of the western
slope. Erecting an establishment at the forks of the
Missouri, Mr Henry there made his head -quarters,
but being dislodged by the Blackfoot the following
year, he passed over the great divide, and built a
house on the north, or Henry branch, of Snake River,
one day's journey above its junction with the south or
Lewis branch. This cabin, called Henry Fort, built
in 1809, was the first establishment erected in this
latitude west of the Rocky Mountains.3
Mention is made of one La Salle, said to have
been wrecked in 1809, in the ship Sea Otter, at a place
called False Bay, one hundred miles south of the
entrance to the Columbia River, and who journeyed
thence overland to the source of the Red River of
Louisiana ; but so vague and incoherent is the state-
ment that nothing can be made of it.4
The story of the Winship brothers has already been
3 This from an address by Thomas Allen at an anniversary celebration, in
February 1847, of the founding of St Louis, printed in De Boie's Indus-
tr.nl /.\ s-.inre*, hi., 'AG. Mr Allen's statements are loosely made, it being
impossible to determine the meaning of some of them, or the dates of his in-
cidents. Such, however, of his data as can be dated and fixed, constitute
the highest authority as material for history. Waldo, Criliqiu s, MS., says he
knew all about these people. Irving, Astoria, 140, quoting without credit from
Franchere's Nar., 14G, gives 1810 as the date of establishing Fort Henry.
Greenhow, Or. and C'aL, 292, states that the post on the branch of Lev:is
River was abandoned by Mr Henry in 1810. Hunt found the fort vacant in
1811. The Missouri Fur Company being dissolved in 1812, two years later
we find Mr Henry in charge of a post in the Willamette Valley, engagi
curing venison for the Northwest Company at Fort Astoria, and finally a prom-
inent partner in the Northwest Company. He was drowned in a >mpany with
Donald McTavish, shortly after the arrival of the Isaac Todd at Astoria.
See Franchere's Nar., 221-3, and Evans' Hist. Or., MS., i 7.
*The story lies between Henry R. Schoolcraft and ( teorge < tibbs, the former
having obtained it from some ship's log. La Salle d< i bain earth-
works (ai a river called Onalaskala, and the native i the country
the Onalas, which names smack strongly of the i School-
be word 'denotes the Mollala of the Willamette, ' \, trich is absurd.
I ee Oregon Statesman, Jan. 1, 1853. There is Cape Foulweather on the coast
one hundred miles below the mouth of the Columbia, but no False Cape.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 9
130 EXPEDITIONS OF WILLIAMS, HENRY, AND WINSHIP.
told; it only remains for me to add here a few partic-
ulars regarding their attempted settlement.5
In the early part of 1809, in the counting-room of
Abiel Winship, one of the solid men of Boston, was
projected the first attempt to establish a settlement
on the Columbia. Partners in the project were Abiel
Winship, Jonathan Winship who commanded the
OCain in the Pacific trade, Nathan Winship, and
Benjamin P. Homer, one or two others having smaller
interests.
Particulars were discussed and determined. The
old weather-beaten but still stanch ship Albat
was chosen for the adventure, with Nathan Winship
as captain, and William Smith6 as chief mate. Every-
thing necessary for building, planting, and trading
was included in the outfit, the prominent idea being
permanent settlement. With a crew of twenty-two
men the vessel was to proceed round Cape Horn to
the Columbia, and ascend that stream some thirty
miles, when the captain was to select a site for set-
5 The only full and authentic account of this most important event is given
in the manuscript which I have often mentioned called B
whose author had before him at the time he \ es the ship's
lurnal and the whole plan and particulars of the pi'oject.
The adventure of the Winships is here presented from an inside view which
with many other hitherto obscure points are now made clear. Evans, Hist. Or.,
MS., 87, says that Jonathan Winship, of Brighton, projected the enterprise.
'This mate was a remarkable man, and but little less conspicuo
Northwest Coast navigator than Winship himself. Smith was born in Vir-
ginia hi 1768, went to Boston in 1790, and during the next thirty years made
eight voyages round the world, beside one voyage to China and 1 »ack. See
BostonDaily Advertiser, 1st Augiist 1820; Niles' Weekly Register, I2ih .'■
During this voyage of which I am now speaking, and which lasted
eight years, Smith was in command of the Albatross, four years of which time
the vessel was employed in carrying sandal-wood for William H. Davis and
Jonathan Winship from the Hawaiian Islands to Canton. While hunting
seals on the Californian coast he was caught by the Spaniards, and held pris-
oner for two months. On the 4th of August 1812 the Albatross came sailing
boldly across the dreaded bar of the Columbia, greatly to the surprise of the
Astorians. When Captain Smith informed them, Franchere's Nar., 177-8,
that he had been there in the same vessel in 1810, they understood how he
was able to brave the bar. From this circumstance, Greenhow, Or. and < 'al.,
2!>2. received the impression, wholly erroneous, that Smith was commander
of the ship and post at Oak Point in 1810, and subsequent writers, following
Greenhow, gave the credit of this attempt to Smith instead of to Winship.
The case is ably presented by Evans, Hist. Or., MS., 89-90. See also John
S. Tyler and Timothy Dodd in Port Toivnsend Jlessaye, Jan'y 9, 1S0S; Swan's
Scrap Book, ii. 30.
ADVENTURES OF THE 'ALBATROSS.' 131
tlement. It must be remembered that at this time
the lower Columbia had been explored by no white
man save the party of Lewis and Clarke,' Gray, .
Broughton. The land was to be purchased from the
natives, and a large two-story log-house, or fortress,
was to be erected, with loop-holes for cannon and mus-
ketry, and all the conveniences for defence. On the
second floor were to be placed all the arms and ammu-
nition, and to this part of the building no native
over to be admitted. Entrance to the upper storj
should be by a single trap-door, and the ladder shod '
be always drawn up after ascending. Land was to b<>
cleared and cultivated under protection of the gi
and not less than half the men were to be always on
guard. _ Written instructions, embodying full del .
were given the captain on sailing. A journal of the
expedition was kept by William A. Gale, captai
assistant,7 Meanwhile, Jonathan Winship would bo
on the coast of California, and would lend his ai< I . ,
necessary.
The Albatross set sail in July 1 809, and during the sev-
eral years of her adventures in the Pacific created qi
a commotion, being seized on the Californian coast at
one time, and blockaded by the British at the Hawai-
ian Islands during the war. She was so slow a sa
that the grass had ample time to grow on her unc
pered bottom; but she was manned by humane officer ;
and a good crew, and at her first anchorage, w!
was the Easter Islands, two hundred days out, th
was not a single case of scurvy or other sickness < n
board.8 After several other stoppages, for wood .
water, during one of which ten natives were employ i
to dive and scrape the ship's bottom of its barnac
Winship reached the Hawaiian Islands, where lie
found a letter from his brother of the OCain advisi
him to hasten to the Columbia to cut oil' the ];
7 This journal was before the author of Boston in the
time of his writing.
8 'There arc better ships nowadays, but no better seamen.' Boston in
Northwest, MS., 31.
132 EXPEDITIONS OF WILLIAMS, HENRY, AND WINSHIP.
sians, who seemed to have a covetous eye upon those
parts.9
Further suggestions were likewise made as to con-
ducting the proposed settlement and as to subsequent
joint operations of the brothers. Taking on board
some hogs and goats and twenty- five Kanakas for
laborers, the Albatross sailed from the Islands the 13th
of April 1810, entered the Columbia the 26th of May,
and passing the Chinook village, anchored about throe
miles above it.10 Five days were then spent in sound-
ing the channel, which was found to be intricate, and
the current strong, the ship meanwhile slowly fol-
lowing the surveying boats up the stream.
The 1st of June, Winship and Smith set out in the
whale-boats in search of a site on which to plant the
proposed establishment. Ascending five miles from
their last anchorage, they came to where the river is
suddenly narrowed by a projection of the south bank,
forty miles from the sea.11 On this projection grew
oak-trees, the first found after entering the river, which
fact gave it the name of Oak Point.12 It was a pretty
piece of fertile lowland, and they thought it just the
place for their purpose. Therefore they returned,
reaching the ship at seven o'clock that evening. Head-
winds and a strong current prevented the ship from
reaching the station before the 4th.
Preparations were immediately made, and building
9 The point recommended in this letter as most suitable was 'a spot about
thirty miles above Gray's Harbor,' meaning Gray Bay on the north side of
the Columbia about fifteen miles above its mouth.
10The Chinook village stood on the north side of the river about six miles
above Cape Disappointment, so that the first anchorage was about opposite
Knapton, some nine miles from the ocean.
11 'On the south side of the river there is an indentation in the mountain to
the south, and a bend in the river to the north, which forms a body of bottom-
land several miles in width and some ten or twelve miles long, the greater
part of which, except a strip varying from a quarter to a half a mile in width
next to the river, is flooded during high-tide. This strip is covered with
white-oak and Cottonwood timber.' Palmt r's -lour., 110.
12 The place known as Oak Point to-day, is on the north side of the river
opposite the original Oak Point, so that Mr Evans, Hist. Or., MS., 90, is in
error when he says, ' Thus it will appear that the first American settlement
attempted on the Columbia Liver was located in the present territory of
Washington, at Oak Point, the site of the mills belonging to A. S. Abernethy.'
GALE'S STATEMENT. 133
begun. Ground was cleared, logs hewn, a garden-spot
prepared, and seeds sown. But unfortunately the spot
chosen hty so low that the summer freshets covered it
with water to the depth of one or two feet before the
building was completed. A higher spot was <•!
a quarter of a mile below, and the logs floated down to
it; but in the mean time the natives became so
troublesome that Captain Winship determined for the
present to withdraw.13 It was evident the savages
13 1 regard these operations of sufficient importance to give Mr < rale's jour-
nal complete as it was written from day today. 'June 4th came to
the best bower in four fathoms, within 15 or 2\) yards of the bank where the
settlement is to be established, and carried a hawser from the bo
made fast to the trees on shore. Part of the crew employed in unbending
the sails. The carpenter, Avith the rest of the hands, and all the Sandwich
Islanders, on shore felling and hewing trees for timber for the house. Juno 5th —
All hands employed on board and on shore as yesterday, Capt. Y.
and the second otlicer superintending the work on shore, building the log-
house, felling and hewing young trees, and clearing and digging up a spot of
land to plant, — (The first breaking of soil by a white man in Oregon.) The
6th and 7th all hands employed on shore as above. The ship's tailor at
work making clothes for the party who were to be left at the settlement.
June 8th — Rands employed in felling trees. At night, heavy rains. The fol-
lowing morning the rain continuing, found that the river had risen so much
that the lot of land appropriated for the settlement was covered with from one
to two feet of Mater, and at the house it was about eighteen inches in depth.
This proved a very unlucky circumstance, as the building of it had ]
considerably, being already raised in height ten feet with heavj I
the spot of ground which had been cleared and dug up, in which was ,
planted the seeds of some vegetables, Mas, in the course of the forenoon, com-
pletely overflowed. The whole will now have to be pulled to pieces, and
begun afresh if a more convenient placecan be found. Mr Smith, with the whale-
boat, was sent out to search for one. June 9th — Mr Smith returned to bhe ship,
and it was determined by Captain Winship to pull to pieces that pari of the
house which had been put up, and float the logs about a quarter of a mile
further down-stream on the same side, wdiere the land is somewhat higher.
In consecpience of the above determination, the gang on shore, c
twenty-eight men, were employed in drawing the logs to the water to float
them down to the new place. Every day, since arriving in the river, the ship
had been visited by the Indians, in their canoes, bringing a few fui
some salmon for trade; but they did not come in large numbers, and had not
be< n troublesome. June 10th — The people employed as yesterday. This i
noon several canoes arrived from Chinook and Cheheelees, containiii ; many
natives, all armed with bows and arrows, or muskets; they informed us that
laworth tribe, who had a village close to the place where v. e are 1 mild-
house, had killed one of their chiefs about ten mon il that
they had now come up the river for the purpose of punishing them, and in-
tended giving them battle on the morrow. * At 4 o'clock the qi
the shore gang was sent on shore to work as usual, which tin;
until 11 a. M., when observing that the Indians, with their arms, began to
■ where the people were at work, without any a
was strongly suspected tha Lg to
cut off our people on shore, in which ease, if they could have put it in
tice, there would have been, with the few hands remaining on
13i EXPEDITIONS OF WILLIAMS, HENRY, AND WIXSHIP.
could only be restrained b}' force, and hostilities once
I ired, an interminable war involving destruction
a bare possibility of escaping with the ship. Some of the shore partj
therefore immediately ordered on board, and the others were sent to work
opposite to the ship, getting some logs into the water. Here thej
under cover of the guns, -which, from apprehension of trouble, had been
i and canister. The Indians continued to muster on
yet declared that the quarrel was entirely among themselves, which we
much doubted, as they were all mixed together, or wandering singly
about without fear of each other, which increased our suspicion. One
rtain, the Chinooks arc strongly set against our coining up the
liver, wishing, as they say, the house should be built among thci
and the lower tribes, and on another account, as they are in the habit of
purchasing skins of the upper tribes, and reselling them to the ships which
occasionally arrive at the river, they arc afraid, and certainly with i
that the settlement being established so far up will tend to injure their i wn
ey arc no doubt determined to prevent it if possible. Their inter-
• serves only to prevent our work going on as we wish. They might
be brought to reason by the use of force, but it would last no longer
than while the ship ad when she left the river those left b
: <• ship could leave would not be sufficient to
I the house if the Indians should attack them, while to openly cultivate
the ground would give the natives a chance to pick them off easily. June
11th — Again the men were sent on shore to resume their »vork, which they
contic [ two hours, when the Indians ound them in
considerable numbers, aid being observed to .send their women and children
.-.way, with o1 "is circumstances, the hands declared they did not
fe to be on shore without arms. The officer therefore immediately
came on board with them, and we soon after dropped the ship down opposite
the new place, intending to go on with our work in the morning. While
moving the ship the natives were scattered about among the trees, firing
muskets and shouting. One of the Bavag E musket at
< aptain Winship while he was sitting on the taffrail, but did not lire.
During the night we got the waist-nettings up and loaded all the
muskets, intending to give them a warm reception should thi
attempt on the ship. We sent the long-boat on shore to clear away some
bushes that lined the hank, but these rascals gathered round with hostile
intent, and the party were called on board. Shortly after three chit
other natives came alongside, but the chiefs were not allowed on board.
When we spoke to them concerning their conduct, all we could get in reply
was they were not afraid of us, but they wanted us to return down the
Much to our chagrin, we find it is impossible to prosecute the business i
intended, and we have concluded to pass farther down. On making this
known to the Chenooks they appeared quite satisfied, and sold us some furs.
It is intended, should it not be thought proper to leave the settlers here, if
there should occur a chance, to punish these fellows for their insolence as it
■ves. June 12th — The ship dropped further down the river, and it was
now determined to abandon all attempts to force a settlement. We have
taken off the hogs and goats, which were put ou shore for the use of the settle-
ment, and thus we have to abandon the business, after having, with great
difficulty and labor, got about forty-five miles above Cape Disappoint;:
and with great trouble began to clear the land aud build a house a second
time, after cutting timber enough to finish nearly one half, and having two of our
hands disabled in the work. It is indeed cutting to be obliged to knuckle
to those whom you have not the least fear of, but whom, from motives of pru-
dence, you are obliged to treat with forbearance. What can lie more disagree-
able than to sit at table with a number of these rascally chiefs, who, whil
supply then' greedy mouths from your food with one hand, their bloods boil
within them to cut your throat with the other, without the least provocation.'
ABANDONMENT OF THE PROJECT. 135
alike to trade and agriculture would be the result.
In fact, on dropping down to Gray Bay the 17th of
June, Wiriship was informed by the native pilot that
it had been the intention of the Chinooks to capture
his vessel, which they would surely have accom-
plished but for his vigilance. After remaining for a
time at Baker Bay, trading, the Albatross sailed away
down the Californian coast, leaving upon the bank of
the Columbia its first embryo metropolis with all its
brilliant collateral conceptions in the form of a few
hewn logs.u Astor's attempts prevented the Win-
ships from further efforts the following year.
"Franchere, Narrative, 178, saw traces of the projected estaWishment the
year following. Gray, Hist. Or., 15, states that Wmship 'erected a house-'
which was not the fact. A few logs were laid at the point first cleared, hut
alter they were floated down to the subsequently selected site no building was
even begun. Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 292, from whom Gray copied, also incor-
rectly says that a house was built. 'If Oregon is annexed to the union, Cap-
tain VVmship is certainly entitled to a claim for land as the first American
settler upon the banks of the Columbia.' Boston Courier, quoted in Oreqon
Spectator, April 29th, 1SJ/.7; see further for brief accounts Hind's M<r ~JIm,
ff ; 2°2; John 8. Tyler in Saxton's Or. Ter., MS., 57; 7; . //, ,','
olst, l64o; Palmers Journal, 110; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 325-G, this series
CHAPTER VII.
FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
1810-1812.
Astor Arrives ts America— Engages m the Fn;-TRADE- Scheme for
Monopoly West of the Rooky Mountains— Tiie Great Mart ox the
Columbia— Rival Companies— Partners and Servants— The 'Ton-
quin' and her Commander— Quarrels En Voyage— The Falkland
Isles— The Hawaiian Islands— The Columbia River— Fatal At-
tempts at Crossing the Bar— Baker Bay C sing a Site for the
Fort — Friendlv Chinooks— Comcomly -Building of the Fort and
Warehouse— The 'Tonquin' Bound Northward Episode ok the
' Boston '— Jewitt among the Savages of Nootka Sound— Destrui -
tion of the 'Tonquln' and Massacre of her Crew— Strange Ind-
ians—The Northwest Company— David Thompson— A Fort on the
Okanagan— Expedition to Okanagan Lake— The Chinooks at As-
toria— Threaten ed Attack The 'Small-pox Chief'— Expedition
up the Willamette— Christmas Festivities, 1811-1812.
Among the earliest to turn their attention to the
growing fur-trade of the United States was a young
German who came to America during the winter of
1783-4, at the very time the merchants of Montreal
were organizing the Northwest Company.
Bringing with him a small stock of merchandise,
the result of early brokery among the hard heads of
London, where he first indulged his juvenile pro-
pensity for trafficking; bringing with him health,
clearness of intellect, and energy; bringing with him
above all a determination to become rich, so strong
as to assume the forms of premonition and mania,
John Jacob Astor seized at once as by instinct upon
the traffic which at that time of all others was des-
tined most rapidly to develop wealth. Selling his
JOHX JACOB ASTOR.
137
merchandise, he bought furs, took them to London,
acquired a further knowledge of the business; and
when the restrictions of Great Britain on the trade
of her colonies were removed he bought furs largely
at Montreal, where he made annual visits, and si lipped
them to Europe and to China. Thus in a few years
he became very rich; the effect of which on "such
a nature was only to increase the cravings to become
still more wealthy.
Early in his career Astor saw the impotent jealousy
of the new confederation upon the invasion' of her
wilds by northern trappers, and determined to profit
by it. Without expecting material assistance from
the United States government, without indeed de-
siring to hamper his shrewd activity by the sluggish
patronage ^ of public sanction, he still might amass
private gain. So he became a citizen of the young
commonwealth; and for its greater comfort he wished
it distinctly to understand that thenceforward his
money-gettings should be those of a lawful subject of
the United States. Under the high-sounding title of
the American Fur Company, chartered in 1809 by the
legislature of New York, incorporated with a capital
of one million dollars, all furnished by one man, with
a nominal board of directors, yet all managed by one
man, Astor succeeded in almost monopolizing the
United States fur-trade south of Lakes Huron and
Superior, the Mackinaw Company, under the frowns
of his adopted government, being his only serious
competitors.
This, hovever, did not satisfy him. Why should lie
not become as great and powerful as any of the north-
ern companies? Beyond the proximate fields of con-
tention there was an almost untouched west, Patrick
Gass had just described it;1 and circumnavigators
had told how sea-otters swarmed on the north-west-
ern shores, and what a price their skins brought in
China.
'Cass' journal was printed in ISO?, while the official report by Lewis and
Clarke as we have .seen did not appear until 1814.
138 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
Here was an idea! This Northwest Coast was
near to China, and between it and the east were many
beaver and other valuable fur animals, all within
United States territory. Now, to establish a line of
forts across the continent, with head-quarters near the
mouth of the Columbia, would be indeed a grand
achievement, and give the great controller of them
command not only of the fur-trade of America, but
of the world.
Examine the scheme more closely, for it is no
ordinary project, emanating from no ordinary mind.
Whether success or failure waits on this enterprise,
already John Jacob Astor is a great man. Bold,
keen, grasping, with a mind no less fertile than saga-
cious, he is great, not as Newton, Washington, Lin-
coln, and Peabody; but like Napoleon, or Vanderbilt,
a greatness not to be admired but shunned.2
Thus the germ unfolds — stations along the track of
Lewis and Clarke, up the Missouri and down the Co-
lumbia, or south of the old Indian trail between the
Dearborn and the Clearwater, if a better route may
2 1 cannot agree with Irving in his estimate of Astor's character. There
is nothing in Astor's history that would imply him to be more than a respec-
table and wealthy merchant, of common honesty and uncommon ability, de-
sirous of increasing bis wealth ami respectability by every legitimate means
at his command. Had this scheme been based on self-sacrifice, or pecuniary
loss for the public good, or the promulgation of some great principle, the
current of unqualified sycophancy, trickery, sentimentality, and maudlin
praise which runs through Astoria might be more bearable. That Mr Astor
was an able man there is no doubt; that he was a remarkably patriotic or
noble-minded man, actuated by higher than the usual selfish and mercenary
motives, there is not the slightest evidence. There are whole pages in Asto-
ria abstracted almost literally from Franchere. Pretending to draw all his
information from private sources, the author makes no allusion to the source
to which he is most indebted, not even mentioning Franchere's name once in
his whole work. It is with exceeding regret that in Astoria I find myself
obliged to take broad exceptions both to the author's integrity of purpose and
faithfulness of execution. For half a century Irving h«*s been the literary
idol of American readers; and for his writings no one has greater admiration
than myself. In my study of his Columbus, I found his treatment of the
Spaniards, and their doings at Darien, for the most part truthful and clear;
and iip to this time the imputation that he had received money from Mr Astor
for writing Astoria I believed to be utterly false, and unworthy of considera-
tion. But in closely comparing with original evidence his statements concern-
ing the New York fur-merchant and his associates of the Xorthwest Company,
I find them so at variance with truth and fairness that I am otherwise at a
loss to account for this unusual warp of judgment.
THE GRAND SCHEME. 139
be found ; subordinate posts along all the chief tribu-
taries of the two great streams; the chief fort As-
toria, the chief of chiefs Astor, the one to rival
Fort William, or later even magnificent Montreal, the
other to know no peer in America, or beyond. There
is the long line of seaboard with its rivers, bays, and
islands shirting virgin forests broad as the broad east
together, a land as full of wealth as ever the far north
in its lusty youth, washed by the self- same waves
that beat upon the shores of China and the islands of
mid-ocean. From this great mart, seated at the en-
trance of the mighty River of the West, yielding to
none in wealth, magnificence, or position, and impos-
ing her terms upon the commerce of the coast and
inland territory, from this vast emporium should sail
vessels of every build and burden, making regular
voyages to north and south, to Asia, to Europe, to
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, Furs could be
taken to the China market in half the time required
from Europe, and supplies could be brought hither by
vessel at one tenth the cost of carriage overland. It
would indeed be a smooth, glittering, golden round,
furs from Astoria to Canton, teas and silks and rich
Asiatic merchandise to New York, then back again
to the Columbia with beads, and bells, and blankets,
guns, knives, tobacco, and rum. As the Russians
were indeed the only formidable power in these parts,
Astor deemed it prudent to be exceedingly polite, to
form treaties of traffic with them, defining boundaries
and regulating prices, and furnishing them the lie
sary supplies at better rates than they had been ac-
customed to obtain, and so drive off United St;
visiting and coasting vessels whose transient and i; .
ular commerce tempted their supercargoes into w
questionable practices demoralizing to the natives
and to the fur-hunting business. All this would be
grand for Mr Astor; and to it the government of
the United States made no objection: so with this
view he despatched in 1809 the Enterprise, Captain
140 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
Ebbetts, to the Russian settlements on the North-
west Coast.3
The thing could be clone, and should be; so said
3 Captain V. M. Golovnin, of the Russian man-of-war Diana, in his MS.
Report contained in the Sitka archives at Washington, writes that the Enti r-
prise was at Sitka in June-July, 1810, and he gives an interesting anec-
dote illustrative of Ebbetts' carelessness in handing liini documents which
Astor had intended for his eyes alone. 'The arrival of American vessels in
the harbor gave us an opportunity to be of use to the company. Two of
these vessels, the Isabella, Captain Davis, and the Lydia, Captain Brown,
having traded with the savages, had come to Sitka to trade with Mr Baranof,
en passant. The third was a very large ship sent out from New York by
John Jacob Astor, the Enterprise, Captain John Ebbetts, with a cargo of
goods for our colonies, upon the advice of Mr Dashkof, Russian consul-gen-
eral at Philadelphia. He brought a letter from Dashkof with proposals to
make a contract with Aster, as the most advantageous course fur the com-
pany, aud stating that Captain Ebbetts had full powers to arrange matters
between them. Another letter, written by Astor himself to Baranof, made
similar proposals, flattering the chief manager by calling him Governor,
Count, and Your Excelleucy, showing that even the free, independent repub-
licans know how to bestow titles when their interest requires it. The letter
was written in French, but as Ebbetts spoke only English, and there was no
interpreter of any foreign language in the colonies, matters were at a
still. [Note of author. An American sailor, who was teaching the boys at
Kadiak English (Campbell) without understanding Russian; a Pi
skipper of one of the company's vessels, and a relative of Baranof, who had
picked up a couple of hundred English words, comprised, previous to our
arrival, the diplomatic corps of the Russian-American Company's colonies in
America. But as the first two were absent, and the third could only speak
on subjects to which he could point with his fingers, Baranof could not ci m-
municate with the foreigners. ] Ebbetts had already concluded to leave with-
out doing anything, but when he heard that we could speak both English and
French, he asked our cooperation, which we freely promised, I and Lieutenant
Ricord acting as interpreters. We translated all the letters and documents,
and drew up the contracts, bringing the negotiations to a very satisfactory
ending. We then concluded another kind of contract with the American,
ain Davis, to take some Aleuts on his ship, and hunt sea-otters on joint
account. Among other things, I happened to discover that the plan of Mr
Astor and Mr Dashkof was not quite as fair as it looked, and not of equal
advantage to both parties. It happened in this way. Ebbetts, desiring to
let me know how much it cost Astor to build the ship and lit out his expedi-
tion, gave me three books to look i iver. Two of them contained the accounts
mentioned, but the third was evidently given me by mistake, and contained
supplementary instructions to Ebbetts. By the document he was directed
to call at certain Spanish ports on the American coast, and trade with the
inhabitants, which was then strictly forbidden by the Spanish government,
i :: 1 if he succeeded, to go to Sitka only in ballast to treat with Baranof; raid
if the latter should ask why he had not brought any goods, he should make
some excuses, that he had heard the colonies were fully supplied. He was
also told to obtain the most minute details of trade and condition of colonies,
their strength and means of protection, the actual power of Baranof, the re-
lations between the company and the government. In brief, Astor wished
to ascertain the feasibility of a seizure of these colonies by the United States,
should such a course become desirable. I returned the books to Ebbetts
without saying anything, but immediately wrote down the gist of the in-
structions, and laid them before Baranof, who thought it best to send them
to bhe directors, who, with their well-known wisdom, doubtless in course of
time made the best use of it for themselves.-'
THE PACIFIC FUR COMPANY. 141
the autocrat. Now in all that region there was but
one power that Astor feared as an enemy. The
United States was his friend. With Russians or
Spaniards he was satisfied lie would have no trouble.
The sluggish energy of the Hudson's Bay Company
gave him little immediate uneasiness from that quar-
ter, but the young, powerful, and progressive North-
west Company it were well to mollify. Already two
or three of their forts had been planted in the direc-
tion of Mackenzie's explorations west of the Rocky
Mountains, and the extension of their operations
down the Fraser and down the Columbia was but a
question of time. One great disadvantage the Mon-
treal merchants labored under; they could not ship
furs direct to China, that trade belonging exclusively
to the great East India Company monopoly. More-
over, for a time at least, their western posts must be
supplied like their eastern, from Montreal, a long and
tedious freightage to the westward of the mountains,
which would so add to the cost of supplies, with
the before-mentioned disadvantage of greater distance
from market, as to render successful competition seem-
ingly impossible. Then with their powerful rival, the
Hudson's Bay Company, on their right, able to crush
them by dead weight alone at any time their energies
were fairly aroused, they might deem it advisable to
join hands with the rising power on their south.
Overtures were finally made them with the proposal
that they should take a one third interest in the new
company. The agents of the Northwest Company at
Montreal took the matter under advisement, but after
consulting with their inland wintering partners the
proposition was declined. Nor was this all. Not only
did the Northwest Company decline partnership with
Astor, but they resolved that neither he nor any
United States fur- trading company should ever gain
a foothold on the Northwest Coast, and took imme-
diate steps to supplant Astor in his purpose of taking-
possession of the mouth of the Columbia by building
142 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
a fort there before him; and for this purpose they
immediately despatched a force thither.
Nothing daunted, Mr Astor proceeded with his
plans. The project was defined and the money ready —
where were the men? Experienced fort-builders, fur-
hunters, and Indian conciliators were necessary; not
only men, but men who could command men. Every-
thing depended upon the agents selected for the un-
dertaking.
The best material for the purpose was undoubtedly
in the Northwest Company, but as this could not be
reached in the mass, might not some of its nembers
be won to the new enterprise? The trick was worth
trying. Several of the best men were approached,
and successfully, by offers of high position and large
interest, and many minor employes were enticed by
promises of liberal pay and speedy promotion. Twenty-
seven out of thirty-three who went by water were
from Canada, and twenty of the twenty-seven were
formerly members, clerks, or servants of the North-
west Company.
Alexander McKay, one of Mackenzie's most trusted
men during his journey to the Pacific in 1793,
Duncan McDougall, David Stuart, Robert Stuart,
Donald McKenzie — all of Canada — and Wilson
Price Hunt of New Jersey were made partners
in the new company, and on the 23d of June
1810 these and others associated under the name of
the Pacific Fur Company. The stock consisted of
one hundred shares, half of which was Astor's, and
half divided equally among the others. Mr Astor
was to be chief; he was to attend to affairs at the
east, and furnish supplies at cost up to the value of
four hundred thousand dollars. At the Columbia
River the associates were to rule. Annual meetings
should be held, and every member, either in person
or by proxy, should have the right to vote upon
the purposes and policj- of the company. For five
years Astor was to bear all loss and yet divide the
ORGANIZATION OF EXPEDITIONS. 143
profits; after that the association might be continued
for fifteen years, or if unsuccessful it might be dis-
solved at. any time. Mr Hunt was appointed agent
for the first five years, to reside at the company's
head-quarters on the Pacific coast.
There is little wonder that conditions like these,
backed by the ability to carry them out, should entice
followers.
In brave style the Canadian voyageurs, who had
engaged to embark in this enterprise, presented them-
selves to the staring burghers of New York. All
the way from Montreal, in fact, they created a sensa-
tion. Taking one of their bark canoes, manned by
nine Canadians, with Alexander McKay as com-
mander and Gabriel Franchere as clerk, they deco-
rated it gayly, ornamenting their hats with parti-
colored ribbons and feathers, and flaunting their best
attire proceeded by way of Lake Chain plain and the
Hudson River, conveying the canoe over the land at
either end of the lake in wagons, striking up their
thrilling Canadian boat-songs as they swept over the
smooth waters, and making the hills resound with
their shrill savage mirth.
It was arranged that two expeditions should be sent
to the mouth of the Columbia simultaneously, one by
water from New York, and one by land from St
Louis. Preparatory to the departure of the latter,
another bark canoe was equipped, and a crew of four-
teen Canadian boatmen, under Hunt and McKenzie
with Perrault as clerk, conveyed it by way of Mack-
inaw to St Louis engaging more men for the enter-
prise on their way.
For the ocean expedition a stanch ship of two
hundred and ninety tons burden, and mounting ten
guns, called the Tonquin, Jonathan Thorn com-
mander, had been provided, which was to take out
part of the company and supplies. Thorn was a lieu-
tenant in the United States navy, having obtained
144 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
leave of absence for this voyage. He was selected
by Astor no less for his courage and habits of
discipline, than for the prestige a government officer
would give to the adventure. It was his business
simply to manage the ship; with affairs on shore he
had nothing whatever to do.
The Tonquin sailed from New York on the 8th of
September 1810 with a crew of twenty-one men
and thirty-three passengers, all connected with the
Pacific Fur Company. Of the partners were Dun-
can McDougall, appointed to command in Hunt's ab-
sence, McKay, and the two Stuarts. Eleven clerks,
thirteen boatmen, and live mechanics completed the
passenger list.4 Ebenezer D. Fox and John M. Mum-
ford were first and second mates, and John Anderson
boatswain. On board, likewise, was James Thorn,
brother of the captain.
Between Astor and his associates the utmost con-
fidence did not appear to exist. It was an experiment
on both sides. Not without reason could Astor say,
"These men have left their old engagements for me:
will they not leave me the moment their interests so
dictate?" Far-sighted as Astor was, the policy may
well be questioned which drew from his most powerful
rival, partners, clerks and servants, all foreigners and
extremely clannish. Indeed, as we have seen, the
Scotch Canadians specially stipulated that Astor for
five years should bear all the risk, and if the venture
proved a failure, they reserved the right at any time
to break the engagement. Besides these precautions
the wary Scotchmen consulted with Mr Jackson, agent
of the British Government in New York, as to the line
of conduct they should pursue in case the threatened
war between the United States and Great Britain
should break out. The reply was, that in such an
4 The names of the clerks were as follows: James Lewis of New York;
Russel Farnham of Massachusetts; "William W. Matthews of New York;
Alexander Loss, Donald McGillis, Ovide I>. Montigny, Francis B. Pellet,
Donald McLennan, William Wallace, Thomas McKay, and Gabriel Franchere,
Canadians.
THORN AND HIS PASSENGERS. 145
event they would be regarded as British subjects, and
their rights as traders respected.5
Rumor having reached Astor that an armed brig
from Halifax0 was waiting outside the harbor to im-
press the British subjects on board the Tonquin for
the purpose of delaying the expedition, application was
made to the government for an armed escort, and the
frigate Constitution accordingly was directed to act
as guard until the voyage was safely begun. With
final letters to the partners, exhorting them to har-
mony, and to the captain, cautioning him against
trusting the Indians, Astor committed his venture
to the deep, and sat down to muse upon the profits.
The voyage was in no way remarkable, unless we
recite the bickerings between the captain and his pas-
sengers. Though brave and honest, Thorn was surly,
stiff-necked, and as thoroughly disagreeable a Yankee
as ever crossed the path of Scotchmen. Not only
5 It was indeed poor material for the United States government to place
dependence upon in securing a foothold on the Pacific. A German speculator
employs French and Scotch Canadians to plant fur-trading forts under the
United States flag westward from the .Mississippi. In all the association there
were hut five native-born citizens of the United States, and of these one was
manager, three were clerks, and one cooper. Irving asserts that Astor
'required that the voyageurs, as they were about to enter into the service
of an American association, and to reside within the limits of the United
States, should take the oath of naturalization as American citizens. To this
they readily agreed, and shortly afterwards assured him that they had actually
done so. It was not until after they had sailed that he discovered that
they had entirely deceived him in the matter.' This is scarcely credible. The
most charitable construction to lie placed upon the statement is that Astor's
memory failed him. These boatmen were half savages, knew and cared nothing
about naturalization, and would as soon swear to one thing as another. They
were servants in the strictest old-fashioned sense of the term. Would not a
shrewd business man like Astor have rather secured by oath the fealty of their
masters, the managers? With a band of wild foresters about to visit court on
important business connected with so vast an enterprise, a New York merchant
would naturally have sent a clerk. The fact is, under the circumstances, it
would have been next to impossible for these boatmen to have taken, or not
to have taken, the oath without Astor's knowing it. Irving and Astor like-
wise pretended that the visit of McKay to the British Consul was in the
highest degree dishonorable, when by their own showing he had a perfect right
to "do so. I am deeply pained to see Mr Irving lend his brilliant faculties to
so base purposes.
"Irving says, and without the slightest foundation for such an a
' probably at the instigation of the Northwest Company.' Astoria, 50. The
bias in the author's mind, which leads to constant flings of this kind, is in this
instance all the more apparent when we remember that it wa bi
rumor, that there was no brig there sent by the Northwest or any other com-
pany.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 10
146 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
must ship routine be arbitrarily squared to naval rules,
but comfort or consideration for those on board was
never thought of. If to any one beside himself he was
responsible it was to Astor; these Montreal mongrels,
many of whom never before smelled salt-water, were fit
only for their forest associates.
On the other hand partners in a large and respect-
able fur company, accustomed to keep their posts in
state, with retinues of servants, and clerks, and aged
officers at their command, were not inclined to think
lightly of themselves. Least of all were those who
had held high positions in the Honorable Northwest
Company disposed to brook the insults of a snappish
ship-captain who in their service would scarcely have
been rated a first-class servant.
We are therefore not surprised to find McDougall
and Thorn assuming belligerent attitudes. To all the
men except the four partners and two of the clerks
were assigned berths in the steerage; but this the fur-
hunters did not mind; they were servants at best, and
used to roughing it, and further they were just now
more intent on studying the phenomenon of sea-sick-
ness, than in finding fault with their quarters. The
deck was crowded with goods, all was confusion, and
the passengers generally uncomfortable. The first
night out, following his naval training, which he ap-
plied mechanically to all conditions and emergencies
of life, the captain ordered all lights out at eight
o'clock. Now it happened that the partners were not
accustomed to retire at that hour, nor were they con-
tent to sit the long evenings of their passage through
in total darkness; the ship with all it contained was
theirs, and the captain was in truth their agent,
nothing more. Therefore they would retain their
lights, and put them out when they no longer required
them. Thorn .turned scarlet, then grew furious;
finally he threatened to put the partners in irons.
Now these fur-hunters were of various aspect.
Some of them were tall and lank,, and moved slowly;
AT THE FALKLAND ISLES. 147
some short and lithe, and quick of action. McDougall
was of the latter caste. All were accustomed to de-
fend themselves, none of them were afraid of wild
1 icast or Indian, and none of them were afraid of
Captain Thorn. Drawing his pistol McDougall in-
formed him that any attempt to carry that threat into
execution would assuredly prove disastrous to him.
The lights were not extinguished at eight o'clock. In
a word, the captain before setting sail seems to have
clothed himself in disgust, and never afterward to
have laid aside his raiment.7
Another incident of the voyage tends to illustrate
the character of the captain. At the Falkland Isles
the vessel put in for water. Quarters on board were
cramped; for a time all had been on short allowance,
and now the foresters wandered over the island and
revelled for a moment in their old freedom. When
ready to sail a gun was fired, but some from the
roaring of the sea did not hear it. The captain after
waiting the usual time deliberately weighed anchor
and was off, leaving ashore with one of the ship's
boats, McDougall, David Stuart, and a number of men,
who as soon as they saw the vessel was gone threw
themselves into the boat and rowed hard after it.
For three and a half hours, with highly wrought
feelings, these men toiled, the vessel gaining on them
the while; and had not Robert Stuart, who was on
board, placed his pistol at the captain's head, and
threatened to blow his brains out if he did not in-
stantly heave to and take them on board, lie most
assuredly would have abandoned them on that rocky
isle.8
7 ' The hopeless confusion and encumberment of the vessel's deck . I
number of .strangers among whom I found myself, the brutal style ji b
captain and his subalterns used toward our young Canadians ; all, hi a word,
conspired to make me augur a vexatious and disagreeable voyage. The sequel
will show that I did not deceive myself in that.' Franchere's Nar., 34.
8 I take this from Fraflchere, who was one of the party left on the island.
Irving gives an extract of a letter of Thorn to Astor H hich speak foi
'Had the wind unfortunately not hauled ahead soon alter leaving the
harbor's mouth, I should positively have left them; and, indeed, I c tot hut
think it an unfortunate circumstance for you that it so happened, fur the lii t
148 POUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
I do not say that the fur men were entirely blame-
! jss. In a quarrel seldom is either side wholly right
or wholly wrong. Captain Thorn called his passen-
gers the hardest of names, filthy lubbers, whose smok-
ing, gossipping, and singing were no less disagreeable
than their silence. They kept many journals, wished
to stop at every land they passed, and bitterly com-
plained if they could not have at once and in unlim-
ited quantities the best to eat and drink that the ship
afforded. The partners, too, would sometimes quarrel
among themselves on questions of precedence, and
about the plans of forts which they would draw, but
like children they would make up quickly and be friends
again.
Touching at the Hawaiian Islands the 12th of
February 1811, they took on board, beside some hogs,
ep, poultry, and vegetables, twenty-four natives,
twelve for land service, and twelve for the use of the
ship, and on the 28th sailed for the Columbia River.
The irate captain's malady was now becoming a
mania with him. Perceiving that it annoyed him,
the frolicsome Scotchmen sometimes conversed in
Gaelic, accompanying speech with mysterious gestures
which a suspicious person might easily construe into
the language of conspiracy. Once, indeed, the part-
ners wished to open a bale of goods, which proceed-
i ig the captain opposing, the Scotchmen made him
distinctly understand that they were the stronger
party, and would brook no interference from him.
The captain prepared for an outbreak, and in this
unhappy humor he reached the mouth of the Colum-
bia the' 2 2d of March. A heavy squall drove the
high waves upon the bar at the entrance of the river
loss in this instance would in my opinion have proved the best, as they seem
\ e no idea of the value of property, nor any apparent regard for your in-
i rest, although interwoven with their own.' Lest the charitable historian
- put all this down to braggadocio, and still refuse to believe it possible
Eicer of the United States Navy could be so wantonly cruel, to prove
self beyond all question a villain, subsequently at the Hawaiian Islands,
c unmercifully beating with his own hand one of his ship's crew, lie pitched
iverboard, leaving him to make the shore as best he could, and sailed away
Without him.
HEARTLESSNESS AND ENFAMY. 149
in a cataract of foam. So formidable did these br<
ers appear that the captain durst not bring the ship
within three leagues of them. Thorn ordered the
first mate, Fox, to lower a boat, take Martin, a
sail-maker, and three Canadians, with arms and pro-
visions, sound for a channel, and return as soon as
possible. Fox hesitated. He was a good sailor and
a brave man, but the boat was old and leaky, ami
with an inexperienced crew the mission was almost
certain death. At various times during the voyage
the captain had manifested a dislike for this man, as
indeed he had for almost every one aboard; and the
mate could not help feeling that his life was now un-
necessarily placed in jeopardy through spite. 1 1 :
begged the captain to give him sailors only for his
crew. No; all the men were wanted on board the
ship. He then appealed to the passengers. "I am
not afraid to die," he said to them. "My uncle lost
his life upon this bar not long ago, and I will give
mine if necessary."
MeDougall and McKay remonstrated with the
captain upon the imprudence of sending a boat into
such a sea, but this by no means helped matters;
nothing could shake his obstinac}r. The boat was
made ready, the crew pulled lustily away, while the
crazy little craft, rising and sinking with the angry
sea, lessened in the distance, and finally disappeared
from view among the breakers. Night came on, and
day, then night again, and no tidings from the boat.
During the interval the wind once moderated and the
ship approached the entrance, which still presented
an almost unbroken wall of water; then toward the
second evening the ship drew back from the danger-
ous passage, back into the broad sea, while every fac •
was sad, not even excepting the captain's, who had
much reason to be afflicted.
That night the wind quieted, and the curreni car-
ried the ship near the shore north of Cape Disap-
pointment, where she anchored in fourteen fath
150 FOUXDIXG OF FORT ASTORIA.
of water. Yet on the morning of the 24th the sea still
flung its waves with violence upon the bar.
It now became necessary to ascertain what had be-
come of the boat, and to take further steps toward
entering the river. Mumford, the second mate, was
sent to find a passage, but he returned unsuccessful.
McKay and David Stuart then went in search of Fox
and his crew, but being unable to land they likewise
returned to the ship. A breeze from the west now
springing up, the captain determined to feel for a
passage with the ship; but when within a league of
the breakers, he was frightened at their aspect, and
retired. One of the best remaining seamen on board,
Aitken, was now directed to take the pinnace, and
with John Coles, sail-maker, Stephen Weeks, armorer,
and two Kanakas, to go before and sound a passage
while the ship should follow. Shortly both boat and
ship were among the breakers. Aitken was signalled
1 > conie on board, but, with a cry of despair, he was
carried so swiftly past the ship by the ebb-tide that
his boat was soon out of sight. The sky hung low
and lowering, and night soon closed in darkness round
them. The ship struck several times, and the waves
broke over her. The situation of those on board was
becoming exceedingly precarious; they could render
Aitken no assistance. Almost miraculously, as they
thought, they were driven into Baker Ba}T, where
they passed the night in safety. Xext da)^ the sea
was still tempestuous. The natives brought beaver-
skins, but the unhappy company were in no humor
for trading. Eagerly but fruitlessly they asked the
savages concerning their lost comrades.
All hands not otherwise engaged now went ashore
in search of the missing men, and among them the
captain. Were all drowned, or were all or part saved \
Presently in the distance they perceived one of those
they sought in a strange predicament. It was Week--,
stark naked, and so feeble that he could scarcely stand
or speak. Quickly clothing and feeding him they
OUT OF THE DEPTHS. 151
listened to his sad recital. It may be briefly told.
Caught in the meeting of the wind-roll with the ebb-
tide their boat became unmanageable, and finally over-
turned. Aitken and Coles were immediately swept
away never again to be seen. Weeks and the two
Islanders threw off their clothes, seized the capsized
pinnace, righted it, and by jerks threw out part of
the water. One man then got into the boat and
bailed out the rest of the water with Ids two hands,
after which the others entered. One oar was found,
and with that they attempted to reach land. Night
closed in round them black and cold. Weeks urged
the Islanders to bestir themselves, to take the paddle
and work it in turn, but they were benumbed to in-
difference. For himself Weeks knew that he must
work or die. Toward midnight one of the poor
Kanakas died, and the other, throwing himself upon
the body, refused to move. At last the horrible night
wore away, and when the daylight came Weeks found
himself nearer the shore. He at once landed, assisted
ashore the Islander, who still showed signs of life,
and entered the woods, where they became separated.
Immediately search was made for the Islander, but
he was not found until next clay, and then more dead
than alive. He was finally restored. The dead Ka-
naka was buried by his countrymen from the ship
that night. The other boat was never heard from,
although diligent search was made for it. Fox was
• • 1*11
right when he said they were going to their death.
To choose the site for a fort was now the next thin
to be done, while the Tonquin kry in safety in Bali
Bay. On the 27th of March the live-stock from the
Islands was sent ashore and confined in pens; and on
the 30th the captain, with McKay, David Stuart, and
two or three of the clerks, embarked in the long-
boat, which had been well armed, provisioned, and
manned for the occasion, to survey the river banks
in the vicinity.
Five days were thus occupied, and the party re-
3
ter
152 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
turned without having agreed upon a location. Only
the north bank, however, had been explored; conse-
quently, McDougall and David Stuart determined to
try the south bank.
Embarking on the 5th of April, they promised to
return by the 7th. The 7th came, but not the part-
ners. Meanwhile the peevish patience of the captain
had become exhausted, and he swore he would put an
end to these sporting excursions, as he called them.
On the very day the partners last embarked the cap-
tain had begun to erect sheds on shore for the pro-
tection of the cargo, which he threatened to land
there at Baker Bay. McDougall, however, would
not be balked in his present purposes. The captain
might be supreme upon the sea, but on shore he was
master. At all events, whatever was done with the
goods, he would build no fort until he had found what
he regarded as the best site. Hence the partners
proceeded, as before mentioned, leaving the captain to
vent his spleen in whatever direction he pleased.
Their failure to appear at the time named arose
from no negligence on their part, as they narrowly
escaped with their lives in their endeavor to keep
their word. On the 8th, certain Chinooks had re-
ported the partner's boat capsized. The captain,
however, who was not prepared deeply to mourn such
an event, took no measures to ascertain the truth of
the statement until the 10th, when, while preparing
to send in search of them, two large canoes filled with
natives made their appearance, bringing with them
McDougall and Stuart.
It appears the two partners, in pursuance of their
promise, after having explored the south bank, had
started on the 7th to return, though warned by the
natives of the danger of such a course. Indeed, from
their first appearance among them, the Chinooks
had treated these tempest-tost strangers with every
kindness and consideration. Comcomly, their chief,
who though having but one eye could see more than
BUILDING OF THE FORT. 153
most men with two, had met the partners on the hank,
and given them every information in his power re-
specting the country, and had entertained them hos-
pitably at his village during the night. Nay, more,
when he saw them bent on what he thought must
surely prove their own destruction, this truly noble
savage followed them for a mile or more in his light
bark, which skimmed the rough waves like a sea-fowl ;
and when their clumsier craft was struck and over-
turned by a huge wave, and the white men were
struggling for their lives, Comcomly was at hand and
saved them. But for him McDougall, at least, who
could not swim, would have there found a watery
grave.
Taking: them back to land the savages built a fire
and dried their clothes; after which they conducted
them again to their village, and used every effort to
render pleasant the three days the storm detained
them there. And now they had brought them safely
to their ship. Amidst the general rejoicing presents
were freehy bestowed upon them. But this was not
all. Comcomly's kindness McDougall never forgot;
and not long afterward he took to wife a dreamy
daughter of the Chinook chief.
Though not thoroughly satisfied with their last sur-
vey, it became necessary to fix upon some spot, and
Point George, situated on the south side of the river,
some twelve miles from the entrance, was finally
selected. There from an elevated spot within a small
bay the forest was cleared and the fort built which
was called Astoria. A point which projects itself into
tlie river a short distance above, they called Tongue
Point.
" It was like Eden," exclaims Franchere, now lib-
erated from the discomforts and dangers of a. long
voyage; "the wild forests seemed to us delightful
gr< >ves, and the leaves transformed to brilliant flowers."
Twelve men first went over from Baker Bay in the
launch, with provisions and tools, the 12th of April,
!54 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
and began the fort; the Tonquin followed, threading
the channel at convenience, and returning the salute
from the fort-builders as heartily as might be as she
anchored in the cove.
Trading now begins, and likewise ship-building. The
frame timbers for several coasting schooners ready
shaped for the purpose had been brought in the Ton-
quin, and enough for one were now brought out, and
the keel of a vessel of thirty tons was laid by John
Weeks and Johann Koaster.9
Though the natives came forward in large numbers,
they had but little beside a few land and sea otter
< ■ ■,
Fort Astoria.
skins to sell. Curiosity and perhaps some slight pil-
fering habits prompted frequent and long visits to the
ship, on whose decks those glittering trinkets which
savages love were temptingly displayed. The con-
fusion attending this traffic, and the petty advantages
derived from it, kept the captain's wrath constantly
aroused. He openly manifested his feelings of dis-
9 ' This schooner was found too small for the purpose. Astor had no idea
of the dangers to be met at the mouth of the Columbia, or he would have
ordei-ed the frame of a vessel of at least one hundred tons. The frames
shipped in New York were used in the construction of this one only, which
- mployed solely in the river trade.' Franchere's Sar.. 11, -IS. Fran-
ehere, who' was one of the party, says, 101-2 : ' We embarked to the number
of twelve.' Irving, 91, says there were sixteen.
THORN AT NOOTKA. 155
gust for Comcomly, of whom McDougall made so
much. Angry altercations followed; but the fur-
hunters were finally glad to land their effects and
live on shore, preferring the discomforts of the weather
to the captain's spleen.
Finally a warehouse twenty by sixty-two feet was
completed; a portion of the goods were landed, and
the rest kept on board for traffic along the coast ac-
cording to a prearranged programme. The ship
crossed over to Baker Bay on the 1st of June, and
on the 5th put to sea with Alexander McKay as
supercargo and James Lewis for his clerk. Mum-
ford, the second mate, was not on board because,
strange to say, the captain did not like him; so much
the better for Mumford.
Might not Lieutenant Thorn, our most sturdy cap-
tain, now shake from his feet the dust of Scotch fur-
traders and filthy French voyageurs, and on the
Tonquins cleanly scrubbed deck laugh at the dis-
cordant past, laugh as with his own crew only on
board she flew before the breeze, and swept gayly into
the coves and estuaries of the admiring savages?
Alas ! no ; with his evil temper, evil times forever at-
tended him. Doomed to destruction, the gods had
long since made him mad.
The Tonquin w&s to coast northward for furs; after
which she was to return to New York, touching at
the mouth of the Columbia. On board were twenty-
nine souls. Passing Gray Harbor, an intelligent
Chehalis presented himself in a canoe and offered Ins
services as interpreter, stating that he had twice
made the voyage northward in that capacity. Taking
him on board, the Tonquin sailed direct for Vancouver
Island, and entering Nootka Sound came to anchor
before a large Indian village.10
10 The Chehalis, from whom alone we have any direct relation, calls this
village Newity, which misleads Irving, who, with Franchere before him,
the only place where Lamanse's narrative is given, looselj liarbor
where the Tonquin anchored, Newcetee. Now on all this island there is not
and never has been a place called by any people 'the harbor of Neweetee,1
156 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
Before proceeding farther with the details of the
capture of the Tonquin, let us refresh our memory
concerning these parts from Jewitt's adventures,
already spoken of in this work.
At Nootka Sound, a spot unfortunate to early fur-
traders, on the 12th of March 1803 appeared the
ship Boston, John Salter master, having on board, as
armorer, one John R. Jewitt, who, on his return to
civilization as one of the only two survivors of the
crew, after a captivity among the savages of over two
years, published a narrative of his adventures and
sufferings.
Jewitt was a native of Hull, England, where Massa-
chusetts traders to the Northwest Coast were ac-
customed to obtain goods suitable to their traffic.
Young, ardent, and ingenuous, he was easily persuaded
to accompany Captain Salter. Jewitt's father was a
blacksmith, and his consent being obtained, he erected
for his son, upon a plan of his own invention, an iron
forge on deck, for which he subsequently obtained
a patent, and fitted a vise-bench in a corner of the
steerage, where he might work in bad weather. The
young man's wages were thirty dollars a month, and
there, as the wind blew and the vessel rolled, he
hammered away upon knives and hatchets for the
Indians, and put in order the muskets, of which there
were some three thousand on board. His father also
gave him a little money with which to purchase furs
upon the coast, and sell them in China, whither the
ship was bound before returning, and where he would
invest the proceeds in goods yielding a further profit
in England or America.
Beside muskets and fowling-pieces, the ship took
on board at Hull cutlasses, pistols, and a large quantity
of ammunition; also English cloths andDutch blankets,
noi* even any place on the coast by that name. At the entrance to Queen
Charlotte Sound there is the nation of Xewitees, but we know the Tonquin
never readied that point. In the absence of counter-evidence it is but fair to
call the harbor Nootka Sound and the village Newity after Lamanse. See
Xatice Races, i. 17-5, note 40.
JEWITT'S NARRATIVE. 157
as well as knives, razors, beads, and looking-glasses
from Holland. In addition to the ship's stores, then'
were twenty hogsheads of rum, and quantities of sugar
and molasses.
The village of Nootka, whose king, or general i
Jewitt calls Maquinna, was situated on Friendly Cove,
five miles above which the Boston came to anchor, at
a place where the captain hoped to wood and water
the ship without molestation.
Maquinna was a man of mild aspect and dignified
bearing, six feet in height, and straight and well pro-
portioned as a forest pine. Instead of the usual wide-
spreading flaccid nostrils, his nose was roman, and his
dark, copper-colored skin was covered from head to
foot with red paint, two crescents like new moons
being pencilled over his eyes. Arrayed in a magnifi-
cent robe of sea-otter, extending to his knees, and
belted with native cloth of divers colors, his long,
black, well oiled hair sprinkled thickly with white
down, and accompanied by his principal subordinates
similarly attired, Maquinna several times visited tjie
ship, and dined with the captain. The common people
had likewise come, bringing with them fresh salmon,
which were very acceptable. From intercourse with
English and American trading-vessels, Maquinna and
several of his people had picked up a few words of
English, which, supplemented with their gestures,
rendered them fairly understood.
Captain Salter was extremely careful to avoid sur-
prise, requiring every native before boarding his ship
tn divest himself of all outward clothing which might
conceal weapons; yet the subtle savages at length
succeeded in throwing him off his guard. An unfor-
tunate display of anger on the part of Captain Salter
may have influenced the natives in their design. A
fowling-piece had been presented to the chief, who
returned it next day broken. The captain in a fit of
anger cursed the chief for his stupidity, and threw
the gun to Jewitt to be mended. Maquinna smoth-
153 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
ered his resentment as best lie could, stroking his
throat to keep his choler down, but answered never a
word.
Ten days had passed since the arrival of the vessel,
when Maquinna asked, " When you sail ?" " To-mor-
row," Salter replied. "You love salmon;" said Ma-
quinna, "much salmon in Friendly Cove; why not go
catch him?" The proposal pleased Salter, who sent
the chief mate with nine men in the yawl and jolly-
boat with a seine to fish, Maquinna and his chiefs re-
maining on board to dinner.
This was the 2 2d. The steward had been ashore
in the long-boat to wash the captain's clothes, and re-
turned about three o'clock in the afternoon, some little
time after the fishing party had left for Friendly Cove.
Maquinna and some twenty of his principal men
were loitering about tho deck. They ^ were un-
armed, and so meek had been their bearing, and so
friendly their conduct, that by this time little atten-
tion was paid to them. Surrounding the ship were
occasional canoes, in which were warriors listlessly
watching the movements of those on board.
While the remaining members of the crew were
engaged in hoisting in the long-boat, suddenly tho
savages, seizing whatever implements lay nearest,
sprang upon them, beat them down, and with the
sailors' own knives cut their throats. Maquinna him-
self grappled Salter and threw him overboard, where
he was despatched by those in the canoes. The heads
of the slaughtered mariners, to the number of twenty-
five, wrere then cut off and ranged in a row on the
quarter-deck, their bodies being thrown into the sea.
Those who had gone fishing with the chief mate were
easily disposed of by the warriors at Friendly Cove.
Jewitt escaped as by a miracle. At the time of the
attack he was below, cleaning muskets. Hearing the
commotion on deck, he rushed up the steerage-ladder
only to receive a stroke with an axe which sent him
back senseless. When he regained consciousness the
SEIZURE OF THE 'BOSTOX.' 159
hatch was closed. This had been done, he afterward
learned, by order of Maquhma, who when he saw him
struck forbade his men to kill him, preferring to re-
tain as a slave a man so useful in making and repair-
ing weapons.
Presently the hatch was raised, and Maquinna's
voice was heard, ordering Jewitt on deck. Blinded
with blood, the trembling armorer appeared, assured
that his hour had come, and believing himself spared
thus far only to undergo the most refined and pro-
longed tortures. Upon his faithful promise of obe-
dience his life was spared. Maquhma then commanded
him to take the ship to Friendly Cove, a feat which
was accomplished with the aid of the savages, who
made, however, but sorry sailors.
It was then ascertained that the sail-maker, Thomp-
son, was in the hold alive. Him Jewitt saved by
feigning him to be his father, and refusing to live
unless the other's life was preserved.
Great was the joy of the victors over their brill-
iant achievement, and from afar their friends arrived
to join in their triumph. They stripped the vessel
of her rigging and rifled the cargo, decking them-
selves in coats, cloths, and sacks, men in women's
smocks, with stockings drawn upon their heads, and
women ornamented with shot-bags, powder-horns, or
any article they happened to fancy.
Four days after the tragedy, two ships were de-
scried standing in to the harbor. The guilty savages
were greatly frightened, and seizing their guns ran
hither and thither on the shore, hooting and shouting,
with many extravagant demonstrations. The vessels,
which were the Mary and the Juno of Boston, there-
upon stood out to sea, and were soon out of sight. Be-
fore half of the cargo was out of the Boston she was
burned, being accidentally fired by a native who was
on board at night with a torch for pilfering purposes.
His wounds healed, Jewitt, with a stone for an
anvil, and a wood fire to heat his metal, was soon at
160 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
work making knives for the men and bracelets for the
women, which procured him high favor.
Thompson was a native of Philadelphia, a power-
ful, fearless, violent sailor of about forty years of age.
By Jewitt's intercession alone he twice escaped the
murderous vengeance of his masters for striking their
children, whom he cordially hated. While at Nootka
Jewitt kept a journal in a book which he found
in the captain's cabin. For ink Thompson offered
blood from his arm, but the writer's preference
fell upon boiled blackberry -juice. Maqumna seeing
him writing one day, and suspicious lest he should be
recording the atrocities of the Nootkas, threatened to
burn his book if he ever caught him writing again.
While on a fishing excursion with the Nootkas to
a place they called Tashees, a book was given Jewitt
in which were written the names of seven sailors who
had some time previously deserted from the ship Man-
chester of Philadelphia, Brian master. From Ma-
quinna, who made them slaves, six attempted their
escape, but were captured and cruelly put to death.
This was told Jewitt as a warning, that he should not
desert to the Wicananish neighbor of the Nootkas,
who was endeavoring to entice him away.
Instead of wishing to leave him, Jewitt expressed a
desire to learn the language, which pleased Maquinna
greatly. Then the chief became confidential, and re-
cited to his captive a catalogue of injuries as the
reason why he had seized the ship. One Tawnington,
captain of a schooner wdiich had wintered at Friendly
Cove, armed his crew and entered the house of Ma-
quinna while he was absent at the Wicananish pro-
curing a wife, and carried away forty of his best skins.
Four of his chiefs were killed about the same time by
Martinez, a Spanish captain. Not long after, for
stealing a chisel from the carpenter of the Sea Otter,
Hanna, the captain, fired upon their canoes, killing
over twenty men, of whom several were chiefs, Ma-
quinna, who was on board at the time, escaping by
SOUNDS OF DELIVERANCE. 161
leaping overboard and swimming some distance under
water. These outrages recalled by Salter's insult,
were kindled to a flame by opportunity, and quickly
the dved was done.
As time wore on, the common people, especially the
Wicananish visitors, became very impertinent to the
white slaves, and on Jewitt's complaint to Maquinna
of their hard lot the king rejoined that they might
kill any who insulted them. This privilege Thompson
was not slow to avail himself of, bringing in the head
of a Wicananish shortly after, at which Maquinna
was highly delighted. Thompson likewise took great
pleasure in slaying savages while out with Maquinna's
war parties. Jewitt was forced to take a wife and
adopt Indian costume, which he did as gracefully as
possible, but being seized with illness arising from
scanty covering, Maquinna pronounced his conversion
a failure, and permitted him to divorce his wife and
resume his old dress.
Thus two summers and winters had now come and
gone, when one day, in July 1805, while engaged in
forging daggers for the king, the reverberant boom of
three cannon greeted the ears of the captives. The
thrill that these sounds sent to the heart was smoth-
ered ere it reached the face. They had almost de-
spaired of deliverance. Jewitt had written a letter
which his friends the Wicananish had promised to
deliver to some passing vessel, but though seven ships
had appeared upon the shore -since their capture none
had entered Nootka sound, and the letter was never
heard of.
The Boston was the largest and best equipped ves-
sel hitherto fitted out for the Northwest Coast trade,
and the destruction of such a ship with its attendant
horrors had deterred others from visiting the place,
although there was not the slightest danger provided
proper care was exercised.
Continuing to assume indifference to the arrival
of the ship, Maquinna was thrown off his guard, and
Hisi. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. II
162 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
would not allow his people to kill the captives, as
they desired. He expressed a wish to go on board
the ship. His people remonstrated, but he assured
them he was not afraid, and that he would go. He
thereupon ordered Jewitt to write a letter to the cap-
tain, which he did, informing him that the bearer
was the principal chief, Maquinna, who had destroyed
the Boston and killed the crew, and begging him to
hold the chief captive until he and his companion
should be set at liberty.
Line by line Jewdtt pretended to explain the epistle
to Maquinna, whose sharp eyes seemed to penetrate
the armorer's hopes through their mask, but the
reading was quite the reverse of the writing. "John,
you no lie?" earnestly demanded the chief. It was a
terrible ordeal for the captive. A word, a gesture, a
blush, and his life would pay the forfeit. Gathering
strength in measure with his need, Jewitt presently
raised his eyes, and answered calmly and firmly:
"Ty ee, have you ever known me to lie?" It was
enough. This savage possessed a really noble nature.
He had treated his captives well, and he believed
them firmly attached to him. Yet the lie had been
w7ell told which should serve their purpose better than
the truth.
Scarcely had Maquinna set his foot on deck when he
found himself in irons. Great was the guilty chief's
terror, and great the consternation of his people.
Jewitt and Thompson were at once permitted to go
on board, this being the only way of saving the king's
life. The captain wished to put Maquinna to death,
but Jewitt pointed out the uselessness of such a
course. This was a savage. He had been insulted,
his men murdered. He employed such means of re-
dress as God gave him, revenge. Besides, he had more
than once spared the lives of his captives when his
followers demanded their blood. So Maquinna was
.released, and the usual butchery omitted.
The ship proved to be the Lydia, Captain Samuel
AXD XOW THE 'TOXQUIN.' 103
Hill, from Boston. All that was left of the Boston was
secured before Maquirma's deliverance. The Lydia
continued her course northward for four months, when
she returned, and entering the Columbia for spars, as-
cended the river ten miles to a native village, from
whose inhabitants Jewitt learned of the visit of Lewi 3
and Clarke a fortnight before, in proof of which medals
Mere shown. Thence the Lydia again proceeded to
Nootka, to trade with Maquinna, who received his old
friends with grateful consideration.
Continuing northward until the 11th of August
1806, the Lydia then sailed for China, where Jewitt
met a fellow-townsman, a sea-captain, who gladly sup-
plied his necessities, and conveyed to his father the
intelligence of his safety. Jewitt remained in the L;)< lia
until she reached Boston, which wras in June 1807,
where Francis and Thomas Amory, owners of the
Boston, treated him with every kindness.
Before leaving New York Captain Thorn had been
warned by his emplo3xer not to trust the natives of
the coast too far. " All accidents which have as yet
happened there," WTote Astor in his parting injunc-
tion, " arose in too much confidence in the Indians;"
and the interpreter now bears out this caution, and
notifies him of the treacherous character of these peo-
ple in particular. Nevertheless, not only was neg-
lected the usual precaution taken by traders along
these shores of rigging a boarding-netting round the
deck so as to prevent too many from coming on board
at once, but the captain did not even take the trouble
to intimidate the savages by appearing before them
properly armed. During the afternoon the natives
came on board freely, and by evening apparently the
most friendly relations had been established. Mc-
Kay was cordially invited to spend the night on
shore, which he did, reposing luxuriously in the chief-
tain's house on a bed of otter-skins.
Early next morning, while McKay was yet ashore,
164 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
large quantities of furs were brought by the natives
i o the ship to trade. The goods were properly ar-
ranged upon the deck, and prices imposed by Lewis
and Captain Thorn. But the natives were captious
in their bargainings. Prices were too high, and the
goods were not of the best kind or quality. For
twenty years great ships had come from over the
< »cean for their furs, and they knew well enough the
ways of white men. There was one old Shylock-
featured chief that made himself specially odious to
Captain Thorn, who held all savages in supreme con-
tempt. This fellow seemed to direct the dealings of
all the rest; and when the price was laid down for
their skins he would treat the offer with contempt,
and demand twice as much.
Thorn felt his choler rising; but after all, it would*
not sound well in polite circles to have it said that a
lieutenant in the navy sailed a peddling-ship all the
way round Cape Horn, and then thrashed the sav-
with his own hand because they were more skil-
ful traders than he. But the old chief growing more
and more insulting, insomuch that all trade was
brought to an end, and Thorn's wrath waxing hotter
and hotter, he finally ordered the chief to take his
traps and leave the ship. Some of the savages pre-
pared to obey the order, but the old chief stirred not
an inch, only the hitherto cunning leer left his face,
and a stare of stolid indifference took its place. But
when Thorn, overcome with fury on seeing himself
thus defied upon his own ship's deck, seized the fellow
by the hair, jerked him to his feet, and as he shoved
him toward the ladder struck him in the face with a
roll of furs brought there to trade, a cloud of deadly
hate overspread his dusky features, while his eyes
t fire. On the instant the deck was cleared of
natives. Not a man of them was to be seen. They
quitted the ship as one might recoil from a pestilence.
McKay was greatly troubled when he heard of
the fracas. A lucrative traffic had been disgracefully
GENTLEMANLY BRUTALITY. 165
broken up by the captain's irascible imprudence. No
enterprise could be successful under such management.
This was no way to treat savages. Of what avail is
our boasted civilization if it brings no power over
passion, if it docs not give us an increase of that
intellectual superiority which distinguishes men from
brutes? Standing there face to face upon that ship's
deck the high-spirited gallant Thorn was the sava
and the huckstering redskin his subaltern.
McKay was also alarmed. He knew the Indian
character well, and from what he had seen ashore h i
was satisfied that these w^ere of more than ordinary
intelligence, and that they were no less vindictive and
cruel than they were cunning. He knew that this
blow, this most deadly insult a savage can receive',
would sooner or later be avenged. Goingf at once I >
the captain he told him this, explained the situation in
which they now stood to the people ashore, that
henceforth they would be regarded as enemies, that
blow being a declaration of war in its most insul
terms. He urged him to depart from that bay.
lose not a moment; the wind was now favorable, let
him set sail at once.
Thorn laughed at him; pointed to his guns, and
strutted the deck. Pausing a moment before McKay,
with features full of savage vindictiveness, he ex-
claimed: "Do you think I would run before a lot of
naked redskins so long as I had a knife or a hand-
spike?" To the interpreter who now approached him
with fear depicted on his face, warning him against
further intercourse with people ashore, he deigned no
answer.
Nothing unusual happened during the rest of the
day, and the night passed without disturbance. Very
early next morning, with faces bright as the sun, some
twenty natives came alongside the ship in a 1.
pirogue, each holding over his head a roll of Jars,
thus signifying that they desired to trade. A little
smile of triumph broke over the captain's face, as he
IG6 FOUXDIXG OF FORT ASTORIA. •
turned to McKay and said, "You see how it works.
Treat these fellows gingerly, and the)' ride over you ;
show them that you are not afraid of them, and will
not put up with their damned impertinence, and they
behave themselves."
Admitted at once to the deck, they did indeed con-
duct themselves in a most circumspect manner, being
very respectful and orderly, and making not the slight-
est objections to the prices given for their skins.
Another boat arrived bringing as many more men, all
with otter-skins, and of the best quality- The captain
was in a glorious good-humor. He loved to triumph,
not less over those about him, than over the barba-
rians ashore.
Moreover, this would enable him all the sooner
to finish this business, of which he was heartily
tired, and return. In like manner a third pirogue
came off, and a fourth, and a fifth, all being freely ad-
mitted, until the deck was crowded.
: awhile the interpreter and the sailors on watch
had become alarmed, not less at the throng of savages
admitted on board en masse, than that under their
suspicious scrutiny they had observed that while
some packages of their furs, and those of the best,
they would freely dispose of, other rolls they would
keep back, demanding an exorbitant price for them.
r, the women kept charge of the canoes; not
one of them appeared upon the deck. These suspi-
cions were communicated to the captain, who now
himself became alarmed; for the Indians as if by
accident had ranged themselves well round the ship,
while the late happy expression on their faces was
changing to one of sombre concern.
There was no mistaking it; and what made it worse
still, neither the captain nor any of the crew were
armed. He would away from there at once, and as if
to second the resolve, a favorable breeze just then
ang up which would carry them out finely. Five
sailors were ordered aloft to unfurl the sails while the
THE MASSACRE. 107
rest were weighing anchor and making ready to
depart.
The savages were leaning listlessly about the ship,
apparently unconcerned in whai was going on, yet not
a movement of the white men escaped their vigilant
eye The captain now ordered them to their boats,
as the ship was about to sail. Each savage then r
picked up his roll of otter-skins and thrust his hand
within it, when at a preconcerted sign;'.! out came
knife and bludgeon, and with a terrific yell they threw
themselves upon the captain and his crew. L
was first struck, and fell upon a bale of blankets.
Two savages who had marked McKay for their own,
and had followed him step by step since the order
was first given to sail, now fell upon him, knocked him
senseless, and pitched him overboard, where the women
despatched him with their paddles. Another set en-
gaged the captain, who drew a clasp-knife and for a
time defended himself, but was finally cut to pieces.
Meanwhile the butchery about the ship was gen-
eral. Four of the sailors who wrere aloft slipped down
the rigging, and dropping through the steerage hatch-
way, secured' themselves below; the other was laid
i by a stab in the back as he was descending.
The interpreter, who up to this time had been
seated on the poop, now made signs- to the women in
the canoes that he surrendered himself a slave, and
thereupon dropped himself into the water. Tat
him up they hid him under some mats, and con-
veying him to the shore kept him in durance for
two years, when he was ransomed by his friends of
Gray Harbor. " Soon after," said he, " I heard the
discharge of fire-arms, immediately upon which the
Indi ls lied from the vessel, and pulled for the shore
as last as possible; nor did they venture to go along-
side the ship again the whole of that day/'
As all the rest had been massacred, that is to say,
if Lewis was not yet alive, and we have no re;
for 11] ing that lie was, undoubtedly the tiring was
16S FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
clone by the four sailors, who dropped from the rig-
ging below, broke through into the cabin, seized arms,
and with them cleared the ship. This shows how
easily all might have been prevented if the traders
had used ordinary caution, and had simply carried
their arms.11
The Indians from the shore, watching the ship as
the tiger watches its prey, next clay saw four men
lower a boat and make for the sea. Instantly a score
of pirogues were in chase; "but whether those men
were overtaken and murdered," says the interpreter,
" or gained the open sea and perished there, I never
could learn." They were never afterward heard of.
And now all was silent on board the Tonquin. Her
bloody deck was strewn with the bodies of those who
had so lately been her life; and there she lay soulless,
a sepulchre upon the sea. Warily the savages made
their approach, as to a thing living, yet dead. Round
her they swept in their canoes, by degrees narrowing
the circle as the absence of life on board stimulated
their courage, until in swarms they gathered round and
clambered upon her deck. She was now the common
prize of all. Huddled on board, and clinging to her
sides were five hundred men and women, eager for
plunder. Suddenly, with a terrible boom, the vessel
blew up, filling the air with the mangled and dismem-
bered bodies of the savages, two hundred of whom
were slain.12 The ship immediately sank, and thus
11 'Captain Smith of the Alhatross, who had seen the wreck of the Tonquin,
in mentioning to us its sad fate, attributed the cause of the disaster to the
rash conduct of Captain Ayres, of Boston. That navigator had taken off ten
or a dozen natives of Newitty, as hunters, with a promise of bringing them
back to their country, which promise he inhumanly broke by leaving them
on some deserted island in Sir Francis Drake's Bay. The countrymen of
these unfortunates, indignant at the conduct of the American captain, had
sworn to avenge themselves on the first white men who appeared among
them.' Franchere's Nar., 1S7.
12 In this fatal disaster of the Tonquin, as in every other matter that comes
within my work, 1 have endeavored to state the unvarnished truth. Here
arise perhaps more than the usual difficulties in distinguishing the true from
the false, owing to the fact that the most graphic accounts and those which
should be the most reliable are misleading. Accuracy is everywhere sacriiieed
to effect. More than usual if possible in his Astor relation, Irving here
RUMORS OF INTRUDERS. 1C3
terminated the maritime first part of the Astor
proji
To return to Fort Astoria. Prior to the sailing of
the Z . and while building was still in prog]
rumors reached the fort through the natives, that a
company of white men had established th<
above a certain rapid. There was not a doubt that it
was the Northwest Company, whose powerful organ-
ization the Astor party were called upon to coinl
thus early in their occupation of the Columbia. At
all events they would ascertain the meaning of it.
Hence on the 2d of May a company, of whom Robert
Stuart, Franchere, McKay, and Montigny were lead-
gives wings to his brilliant imagination, and permits it to carry him whither-
soever it will. While acknowledging himself indebted for the facts to the
same Gray Harbor interpreter, whose narrative Franchere reports verba-
tim, he follows him only so far as suits his conception of what a good story
ought to be. First he invents names for the chief Indian characters; the
interpreter he calls Lamazee, which is the first Chehalis Moid I have
encountered with a 'z' in it. There is nothing specially objectionable to
Wicananish as the name for a chief, but Nookamis and Shewish, by which
terms he designates the old aboriginal Shylock, and the chief's son, would
better suit more southern tribes. It is astonishing, tiiis intimate know
of the individual members of a band of hose very tribal mane and
habitat he is entirely ignorant ! The stories of Captain Thorn kickin
peltries, the short fur mantles under which the savages' weapons wen
cealed, the selecting of knives in their barter, the finding of Lewis mortally
wounded, but not dead, down in the cabin, etc., are pure romance. One can
but admire the facility with which this charming author sends seven
into the rigging, instead of five, in order that he may have two more to
graphically kill, and keeps the interpreter on the ship long after he left, so
that lie might finish his story, and work to heroic pitch the 'strategic death
of Lewis, and his wholesale revenge. Irving's assertion that the four men
were caught, brought back, and tortured, and that the interpreter held con-
versation with them in which they informed him of all the little particulars
which occurred after his departure from the ship, and prior to the expl
have not in them all a word of truth. But it is hardly wise to criticise fiction
as though it were fact; 1 only wish to establish what is fiction, and what
fact. For the elegant and philosophic writer of novels I have the most pro-
found admiration; but as there are many who have all their lives regarded
Irving's Astoria as true history, it is but my duty to inform them that many
of its most brilliant passages are pure fiction. Says Franchere: "It will
never be known how or by whom the Tonguin was blown up. Some p
to say that it was the work of .1 hut that is impossible, lor it ap-
pears from the narrative of the Indian that he was one of the firsl persona
murdered. . .It might also have been accidental. . .Or, again, the men
quitting the ship may have lighted a slow train, which is the most Likely
supposition of all.' The fact that Irving possessed some other information
than Franchere, does not in this instance carry mm
catastrophe there happens to be but one \ i I canchere gives his
narrative in full. See also Hist. Northwest (Joad, i. 327-b, this series.
170 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
ers, was despatched up the river. On their way they
ascended the Cowlitz for a short distance, many of
whose people had never before seen white men. Then
proceeding up the Columbia as far as the Cascades
without learning anything of the intruders they re-
turned, reaching Fort Astoria on the 14th. Mean-
while the building approached completion. A dwelling
and powder-magazine were put up, all of hewn logs,
enclosed, and roofed over with cedar bark.
On the 15th of June 1811, the native:] brought in
two strange Indians whose dress was totally different
from that of the tribes of the Columbia, being of dressed
deer -skin, robe, leggings, and moccasins, like those
worn to the east of the Rocky Mountains. Neither
could they understand the dialects of the lower Co-
lumbia, but made themselves known by means of the
Knisteneaux tongue.
It appeared that the Northwest Company were
alreadjr on the ground with a determined force, that
beside the early establishments about the head-waters
of Peace and Fraser rivers which followed Macken-
zie's exploration, there were already at least two others
farther north and west. For these savages said they
had been sent with a letter, which they showed, writ-
ten by Firman McDonald, a clerk of the Northwest
Company, from a fort which had been established on
the Spokane River. The letter was addressed to Mr
John Stuart, Fort Estekatadene, New Caledonia.
The messengers, not knowing the exact locality of
this post, had lost their way, and had followed the
Tacootche Tesse, as they called the Columbia River,
to the falls, where, learning that white men were
below, they doubted not that they should here find
him to whom the letter was addressed.13
13 It was afterwards ascertained that these were women, though one of
them was dressed as a man, thinking in that garb idic would meet with
greater respect. They were remarkable characters. They were a sort of
uncivilized mountebanks, and practised skilfully and successful1 y most of the
cheats known to both white men and savages. Among the natives they pro-
fessed great influence with the fur-hunters, which might secure them great
blessings. On the journey with them up the river, which subsequently took
THOMSON AT TOUT ASTORIA. 171
Tliis intelligence was the more unwelcome because
the Pacific Company in their present stale were un-
able to plant posts and successfully compete with
their more powerful rival for the trade of the interior.
Detaining the messengers for several days, however,
and obtaining from them all information possible re-
garding the country and its people, they determine I
nipt to hold their own, and plant post for p • \ v. it h
them, until their resources should be wholly exhaust ed.
Hence David Stuart, with the requisite men and
merchandise, made ready to return with the two na-
tives to some spot not far distant from their rivals,
where they too would build a fort and open trade.
The 15th of July was the day appointed for their .de-
parture. About noon on that day, while loading their
canoes, a large canoe propelled by eight white men,
with flying colors, swept round Tongue Point and made
straight for a little wharf which had been built at the
landing-place. What apparition was this? Mr Hunt
was to take the route of Lewis and Clarke, and win
as they had done on the Missouri; hence it could not
be he. Soon they saw that the flag displayed wa 3
British, and the crew Canadian boatmen. As the
boat touched the wharf, a well dressed fine-looking
man, whose every motion proclaimed the gentleman,
sprang ashore, and without ceremony, announced him-
self as David Thompson, partner and astronomer of
the Northwest Company. He was politely received,
and quarters within the fort assigned him and his
men; for seldom did these foresters permit rivalry in
trade to balk their hospitality. Here were
whom they at the time supposed to be sent especially
to anticipate or supplant them in the execution of
their legitimate purpose, in the consumm
most important plans; and yet they could not but
place, Ross was unable to account 'for the cordia] ' with
hem for their ; >
able .
arrival at I takiuaqken they had no less than twenty-six b< n es3 i
. heir false reports.1
172 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
feel as men of one color and language meeting thus in
the wilderness, and that there were nobler considera-
tions which should govern the moment than those of
merchandise.
Briefly Mr Thompson gave account of himself. He
had crossed the continent the summer before, had
started with a large party well equipped and stocked
for trade, but had been deserted by all but eight men,
from which circumstance, having reached the head-
waters of the Columbia at the western base of the Rocky
Mountains, he was obliged to winter there. As soon
as spring had cleared the river of ice he had built a boat,
and in it had descended the river to that place. He
further stated that the wintering partners would agree
to leave in the hands of the Pacific Company the entire
traffic west of the Rocky Mountains, abandoning all
posts already constructed, provided the Pacific Com-
pany would not interfere with their trade on the cast
side. In proof of which he produced a letter from the
wintering partners to the Honorable William McGil-
livray, chief of the Northwest Company in Canada.
Should the Pacific Company decline this offer, the
Northwest Company could do nothing less than to
press western occupation, and to that end had de-
spatched a large force to the new field, and had dis-
tributed the British flag freely to the natives along
the route.14
The arrival of Mr Thompson, who as elsewhere
stated was the first white man to descend the northern
branch of the Columbia, delayed the Stuart expedition
11 FrancTiere's Nar., 121. Irving says not a word of this offer. In his zeal
for Astor, he seems to me unfair to the Northwest Company. He stigmatizes
Thompson as 'a spy in the camp,' and already insinuates treachery on the
part of MeDougall, 'who had a lurking feeling of companionship and good-
will for all the Northwest Company,' because he extended to one of their
members the common courtesies of woodsmen. I cannot understand why
this was not a fair proposition, made in an open, manly way, and one which
the Pacific Company would have done well to consider, would have done in-
finitely better to accept. The eastern field was already well nigh exhausted ;
the western was new. It was something like the offer made the Franciscans
of Mexico by the Dominicans, which the former were prompt to accept, and
which gave them in consequence Alta California in exchange for the sterile
hills of the peninsula.
FORT OK AX AG AX. 173
eight clays. Whatever terms might be arranged for
the possession of the Northwest Coast between Mc-
Gillivray and Astor, the establishment of interior forts
was part of the original plan, which the proposed com-
promise would not in the least affect. Hence it was
resolved that Stuart should proceed as if nothing had
happened. It was quite a little fleet that left the fort
the 23d of July 1811. Stuart, with four cler
Pellet, Koss, Montigny, and McLennan, four boat-
men, Thompson and his crew, and the two native
messengers, all in their light canoes under sail. It
was quite a little commerce the old Columbia was
stirring up. Thompson was at once to proceed to
Montreal, and by him McDougall despatched a letter
to Astor.
Stuart and Thompson continued in company for
some distance past the Dalles, when the latter pushed
forward, leaving the former to proceed more leisurely
in his examination of the country for the selection of
a site for a fort. Stuart continued his ascent of the
main Columbia until he reached a broad treeless
prairie surrounded by high hills. The plain was rich
in tall grass. The landscape was open toward the
south-east but closed with pine-trees toward the
north. It was fragrant with flowers, and musical
with birds; and through it, down from the northern
lakes, came a clear cool stream which the natives
called Okanagan, and joined its waters with those of
the Columbia. At the junction, on the bank of the
Okanagan, Stuart determined to place his fort.15
Few spots in all the north-west could have been
more favorable for the location of a factory. Besides
a delightful climate, friendly natives with multitudes
of horses, rivers abounding in fish, and the adjacent
forests well stocked with game, natural highways
15 This first interior fort of the Pacific Company was placed on the <;ist
bank of the Okanagan a few miles above its mouth. It was l!
place of the overland brigade, and in due time became the elm I
the deposit of furs from the New ( laledonian district. Mnlayson's V. I., MS.,
G7; Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 187; Gray's Hist. Or., 12 3; Franchere's Nar.,
131; Boss' Adv., 150, 201.
174 FOUNDING OF FOET ASTORIA.
were opened far to the north and east, and to the
south and west even to the sea. Caught in the bends
of the rivers was an abundance of drift-wood, with
which, after landing his supplies, Stuart erected as
the beginning of an establishment, a log-house sixteen
feet by twenty, after which, satisfied that for the
winter lie could dispense with a portion of his men,
and willing to brave the untried perils of the place,
he sent back Pillot and McLennan to Astoria, where
they arrived the 5th of October. They brought as
passengers Regis Bruguier, a wandering Canadian
trapper, and an Iroquois hunter named Ignace Shon-
owane, with his wife and two children, come hither
to try their fortune.
Finding the natives not only friendly but intelli-
gent, kind, and exceedingly desirous the white men
should establish among them a trading-post where
they could obtain useful articles, with a courage bor-
dering on the reckless for so staid and careful a trader
as David Stuart, he now determined to leave the post
in charge of Ross, with not a solitary companion,
while he with Montigny and the two boatmen should
make an expedition to the north. The matter was
successfully accomplished, Ross keeping solitary vigil
throughout the entire winter of 1811-12. 16 Ascend-
ing the Okanagan to its source, the party crossed
south-westerly a height which brought them to Thomp-
son River where, the snow coining upon them, they
passed the winter with the Shushwaps.
Finding the natives well disposed and the country
abounding in beaver and other furs, Stuart made ar-
rangements to return the ensuing winter and build
a fort there. This was the first expedition of white
men into the region round Okanagan Lake. The
Astorians were by no means idle ; it is estimated that
16 'During Mr. Stuart's absence of 1S8 days I had procured 1,550 beavers,
besides other peltries worth in the Canton market 2.250Z. sterling, and which
on an average stood the concern in but ?,\d. apiece, valuing the merchandise at
sterling cost, or in round numbers 35/. sterling; a specimen of our trade
among the Indians!' Ross' Adv. 150.
COMCOMLY SUSPECTED. 175
during the first year of their occupation of the Colum-
bia their explorations in various directions numbered
ten thousand miles.
The Chinooks about the mouth of the Columbia
River upon mature meditation had arrived at two
conclusions: they would like their country cleared of
white men, and they would like what little merchan-
dise the white men had stored in that vicinity with-
out tlie trouble of so much trapping and trafficking.
Briefly, they concluded to take the fortress and kill
the occupi nts. Fortune seemed to favor their design
by lessening the force at Astoria, both 1 iling
of the Tonquin, and the withdrawal of eight good
fighting men by Stuart. Preparatory to attack the
entire population withdrew, and for miles around not
a native was to be seen where before were hum! reds.
There was a Judas in their camp, however, a second-
ary chief friendly to Stuart, who unfolded to him the
plot.
All business at the fort was suspended. The
entire force was employed preparing for defence.
Pali o put up, and in bastions at cither end
were mounted four small cannon. A guard was kept
day and night. Though Comcomly was as profuse in
his nrofession of friendship for McDougall a ev< v, lie
va.-»u;;t wholly free from the suspicion of having a
hand in the affair. Red men are much like; white
men in i ! !; business must always take prec i-
dence of friendship.
AJb it the same time savages from Gray Harbor
and Juan do Fuca Strait gathered in large numbers
at Baker Pay, ostensibly for the purpose of fishing
for The Tonquin massacre was freely dis-
cussed by them, and gave strength to their plans.
Thence rumor of the catastrophe reached the fort,
but little attention was paid to it, as it was th i
only a ruse. But later, when certain Chehalis not
only confirmed the rumor but detailed in part the cir-
176 FOUNDING OF FORT ASTORIA.
cumstances, the report caused some uneasiness, and
yet the thing was not believed possible.
As trade fell off and dangers increased and pro-
visions became low, McDougall determined to try a
stratagem, so as if possible to set forever at rest all
those itching propensities of his future father-in-law
and his neighbors to strip the scalps and finger the
property of the fur-traders.
There was nothing in this or any other world these
poor people so feared as the small-pox. There had
been enough of it along the coast to show them what
it was, and they abominated it as the double-edged
scourge of white man and devil. Summoning all
the chiefs of that vicinity, McDougall, after solemn-
ly smoking, informed them that he had something
very important to communicate, something which he
had never told them, and which no one knew. "You
imagine," said he, "that because we are few you can
easily kill us, but it is not so; or if you do you only
bring the greater evils upon yourselves. The medi-
cine of the white man dead is mightier than the red
man living. It is said that the men on board our
ships, twenty in number, are killed; but if this be
true, did not the ship alone, unmanned, kill two hun-
dred of the murderers, ten for one? But what is the
white man's ship compared with the white man him-
self? You know the small-pox. Listen: I am' the
small-pox chief. In this bottle I have it confined.
All I have to do is to pull the cork, send it forth
among you, and you are dead men. But this is for
my enemies, and not for my friends." Like children
as they were they begged the small-pox chief not to
let loose upon them his terrible medicine. The pro-
posed attack was not made.
Without startling incident the winter wears away.
The 2d of October the schooner is launched and
named, with the usual formalities, the Dolly. The
natives retire from the sea-shore to their winter-quar-
CHRISTMAS. 177
ters in the interior; less and less game is brought in,
and finally Robert Stuart makes a voyage up the river
for the threefold purpose of trading, cutting staves,
and obtaining food. Three men deserting on the 10th
of November, Matthews and Francherc are sent with
five natives in search of them. They ascend the river
as far as the falls without success, but on starting to
return they find the fugitives, who were by no means
unwilling to be captured. They reached the fort on
the 24th, narrowly escaping shipwreck in a storm just
before landing. On the 5th of December, Robert
Stuart, with Pellet, McGillis, and Bruguier, set out
to examine the Willamette River, and determine if a
trading-post should be opened on its banks, the natives
having reported many beaver there. The country
proved a garden, indeed ; replete with all the beauties
of nature, and well stocked with animals, birds, and
fish. But for beaver, the great staple of the fur-
trader, the Cowlitz, the Blue Mountains, and the
country of the Shushwaps afforded greater attrac-
tions. The time being now past when the Tonquin
should have returned, fear grew upon them that the
report of the Indians was too true.
The annual Christmas festivities were celebrated,
though the fare was poor. The 1st of January 1812,
was hailed with a discharge of artillery, and although
the allowance of spirits was short, dancing was kept
up until a late hour. The festive season over, all
hands returned to their ordinary occupations. A barge
was built by the carpenter; charcoal was burned for
the use of the blacksmith; the cooper was busied upon
barrels to supply the need of posts yet unestaMisht <l ;
while the rest cut timber for additional buildings and
stockades. On the evening of the 18th of January
there arrived two canoes of white people, being the
first detachment of the overland party, whose jour-
ney we will now briefly trace.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 12
CHAPTER VIII.
ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
1810-1812.
The Overland Party— Wilson P. Hunt— Rendezvous on the Missouri—
New Partners— Ascent of the Missouri — Manuel Lisa— Horses
Purchased at toe Ricaras' Village— The Cheyenne Country— The
Big Horn Mountains— On Green River— TnE Shoshone Country—
Head-waters of the Snake— Unfit for Navigation— A Dissatisfied
Partner— Dangerous Rapids— Party Divided into Four— The
Devil's Scuttle -hole —A Terrible Journey — Famine — Horses
Bought— Ne\v Year's Dance of the Canadians — Feast on Dog-
meat— The Blue Mountains— Among the Tushepaws— The Colum-
bia—Arrival at Astoria.
The overland party, it will be remembered, was
placed by Astor under the direction of Wilson P.
Hunt, partner in charge on the Pacific coast, Mc-
Dougall acting as chief only during his absence.
Hunt was a most able, conscientious, and reliable
man. He followed unflinchingly what he deemed the
right, and was nobly unselfish in the performance of
duty. He stood by Astor when all others deserted
him, never allowing his own interests to interfere with
those of the company. Up to this time he had had
no experience in forest life ; but there are men efficient
wherever you place them. Thus his friends represent
him, and such I should like to believe him; he most
be judged, however, by his own actions.
While effecting arrangements for his expedition,
Hunt made his rendezvous near the junction of the
Nodowa River with the Missouri, not far from where
is now St Joseph. The party numbered about sixty.
Besides Hunt there were four other partners, three of
(ITS)
RENDEZVOUS. 179
whom were added to the company after th<
of the maritime expedition. Donald McKenzie, on \
of the original partners, had been for ten years in the
service of the Northwest Company. Be was .
tomed to camp life, proficient in Indian stral
good shot, and a good fellow. Engaged in fur-trading
on his own account along the Missouri was a young
Scotchman, Ramsay Crooks, formerly of the North-
west Company, a worthy gentleman of high integrity
and enterprise, whom Hunt invited to join as partner.
The invitation was accepted. Another, made partner
by Hunt, acting for Astor, was Joseph Miller, a
native of Baltimore, formerly army officer and trap-
per; and the fourth, Robert McClellan, a man of
fearless, impetuous spirit, with a small muscular
frame and a dark fiery eye. He had had much ex-
perience in fighting Indians, and was the hero of
many exploits. Besides these wTere one clerk, John
Reed, forty Canadian boatmen, and several hunter.-;.
Among those attached to the expedition worthy of
mention wras John Day, a Virginian backwoodsman,
standing six feet two, and straight as an arrow, with
an elastic step, a constitution of steel, and a frank and
open face and manner; John Colter, who had been
with Lewis and Clarke, and Pierre Dorion, son of
Lewis and Clarke's interpreter. Two scientific lights
were present in the persons of John Bradbiu
Mr Nuttall, both Englishmen and botanists.
In getting this force together Hunt had met
no small difficulty. At Montreal and Mackinaw the
Northwest Company opposed him, and at St Louis
he had the Missouri Fur Company to throw every
:le possible in his way. Voyageurs were ob-
tained very much as sailors are engaged for a cruise,
and to secure the managers, guides, interpreters, and
hunters required no small art. But patient!
assiduously Huni and McKenzie pursued their pur-
pose, proceeding first to Montreal in July 1 810, spend-
ing part of August at Mackinaw, v. 1
ISO ASTOE OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
to their outfit as well as to their numbers, and com-
pleting their arrangements at St Louis, where they
arrived the 3d of September.
A Spaniard was then manager of the Missouri Fur
Company at St Louis, Manuel Lisa, by whose enter-
prise, extraordinary indeed for one of his nationality,
posts had been established on the upper Missouri in
the track of Lewis and Clarke as early as 1808.
While Hunt was busy during the winter gathering
his people at Nodowa for an early spring start, Senor
Lisa was likewise preparing to ascend the Missouri
in the interests of his company.
Breaking camp about the 20th of April 1811,
Hunt and his party ascended the Missouri, reaching
the mouth of the Platte in a week's travel. Making
a halt of a day or two to supply themselves with ash
timber for oars and poles, they lost two of the best
hunters by desertion. On one occasion they were
startled by eleven naked Sioux rushing into their
camp, but without serious mishap or any further ad-
venture the party arrived in the neighborhood of the
village of Omaha, where they pitched their camp on
the ?0th of May.
Intimidated by rumors of hostile tribes above, three
more men now deserted, but fortunately their places
were supplied by three new men; while some distance
higher up the river the party was joined by two ex-
perienced trappers, Benjamin Jones and Alexander
Carson.
Shortly before entering the country of the hostile
Sioux, Hunt received a letter despatched by mes-
senger from Lisa, who left St Louis three weeks later
than the Astor party, but had now nearly overtaken
them. He requested them now to halt until lie came
up, that they might pass the hostile territory in com-
pany. Lisa was bound in search of Henry, who in
the year previous had been driven from his fort at
the forks of the Missouri by the Blackfoot; his
command numbered about twenty-five men, and
UP THE MISSOURI. 131
would prove a valuable accession to the party in
advance.
In times past there had been a difficulty between
Lisa and McLellan, and the latter now threatened
to shoot Lisa the moment they met in the Indian
country. Lisa had also been Hunt's opponent at St
Louis, and lie now feared that further trouble might
ensue if they joined company. He therefore re-
sorted to subterfuge. Writing to inform Lisa that
they would wait for him at the village of the Poncas,
a short distance above, no sooner was the messenger
out of sight than all hands exerted their utmost efforts,
and sped up the river, leaving Lisa to make his way
through the hostile country as best he might. There
was no excuse for this falsehood. It would have been
as profitable to have declined Sehor Lisa's company
in a manly and honorable manner, as to have taken
refuge in this cowardly flight.
At their first encampment above the Poncas' vil-
lage, the two Omaha recruits deserted; but they
shortly after fell in with three old trappers, Ken-
tuckians, John Hoback, Jacob Pizner, and Edward
Robinson, who had been with Henry in the service
of the Missouri Company, and who now engaged with
the Pacific Company, agreeing to give one half of their
peltries in return for ammunition and supplies.
Up to this time Hunt had intended to continue
in the track of Lewis and Clarke, but learning from
these men of the strength and hostile attitude of the
Blackfoot he determined to leave the Missouri at the
village of the Picaras, purchase horses, and cross the
mountains to the southward, near the sources of the
Platte and Yellowstone, being the route by which
Clarke had returned. A fright from the Indi ans and
a bloodless quarrel with Lisa, who shortly afterward
overtook them, were the chief incidents prior to their
arrival at their point of debarkation.
Just before reaching the Picaras' village on the 1 1th
of June, the two companies camped as usual at a little
132
ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
distance from each other, both still nursing a sullen
reserve. Through the magnanimity of Lisa, at the
council held with the Eicaras next day, the suspicions
and coldness of Hunt were in a measure removed.
Unable to procure sufficient horses from the Ricaras,
Hunt gladly accepted the offer of Lisa to send to the
Missouri Company's fort, at the village of the Man-
dans, one hundred and fifty miles above, and brino-
down the requisite number, taking: his
1 ' o
pay
such
Hrxrs Route.
merchandise as might be easily spared. Here the
naturalists left the party, Bradbury returning to St
Louis with Breckenridge, who was with Lisa's party,
and who, like Bradbury, subsequently published an
account of this journey, and ISTuttail remaining with
Lisa.
Having disposed of his boats and all superfluous
baggage, on the 18th of July, with eighty-two well
packed horses, most of the men being on foot,1 Hunt
1 ' The veteran trappers and voyageurs of Lisa's party shook their heads
as their comrades set out, and took leave of them as of doomed men; and
i ■■■< -n Lisa himself gave it as his opinion, after the travellers had departed,
that they would never reach the shores of the Pacific, but would perish
v ith hunger in the wilderness, or be cut off by the savages.' Irving's Astoria,
GREEN RIVER AND BEYOND. 1S3
and party left the Ricaras' village and the Missouri
River. Their line of march lay first toward the north-
west, but soon changed to the south-west. Crossing
what was then called Big' River, they entered the
country of the Cheyennes, where they obtained thirty-
six additional horses, which lightened the loads o!
others, and gave one horse to every two men to ride
alternately.
Skirting the Black Hills, they struck westward
along the arid divide between the tributaries of the
Missouri and those of the Yellowstone, through a
region void of game and vegetation until they gained
a valley watered by a branch of the Powder River,
where was found abundant grass, the pasture of thou-
sands of buffalo. By the end of August they had
entered the Big Horn Mountains, and traversing the
countiy of the Crows they continued westward to the
sterile region of Wind River, up which they toiled for
five days. Food becoming scarce, they deviated from
the course in order to procure it, marching south-west
to a branch of the Colorado, now Green River, once
called Spanish River, the latter name being given it by
the hunters, because the natives told them that
towards its mouth Spaniards lived. Long before
reaching Green River, however, from a high elevation
the Three Tetons were plainly visible, marking a
source of the great Columbia. Mr Hunt called these
peaks Pilot Knobs, a name fortunately not retained.
Turning their backs upon Green River, the}
cended by one of its small tributaries north-westerly
through the Shoshone country, making a five days'
halt when they encountered buffalo and grass; thence
< rver a ridge for fifteen miles to a stream fifty feet w ide,
flowing north-westward, which Hoback assured them
Was a tributary of the Columbia.
At first they called this stream Hoback River,
but as along its broken border, over its rocky prom
tories, up and down its deep defiles they toiled;
wild water rushing far below, gathering courage from
1S4 ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
loud babbling tributaries, until it became, as it would
seem, so impatient of restraint that it would dash the
very mountains asunder in its spasms of wrath, they
finally called it Mad River. It is now known as the
south or Lewis branch of Snake River, the north
branch being Henry River.
Camping the last of September near the base of the
Three Tetons where the Mad River, awed to stillness
by these mighty sentinels, caressed its overhanging
willows, the travellers thought their journej7' almost
over, nothing more being necessary but to build boats
and drift with the current to their destination.
Should they build boats here ? A vote was taken,
and it was so decided. While hunting logs for ca-
noes, John Day, John Reed, and Pierre Dorion were
sent down the stream to survey it; they returned pro-
nouncing it totally unfit for navigation. Meanwhile,
there being indications of beaver, trappers were sent
out in pairs, who were to continue their labors for
some months, and then drop down the river to Fort
Astoria, or to the company's first fort, should there
be one nearer.
It was now thought best to turn from Mad River
and take another course, and the men who had been
with Henry stated that his fort was near by, on
the other branch of the river, and that probably from
that point navigation would be better. Without diffi-
culty they crossed the elevated plateau to Henry
River in four days' travel, and found the fort, but it
had been abandoned.
The river here was one hundred yards wide; timber
was plentiful, and the party at once set about con-
structing canoes. Another party of trappers, consist-
ing of Hoback, Rizner, Robinson, and Cass, here left
the main body, and as Miller, one of the partners',
liad been for some time dissatisfied, to the chagrin
of Hunt and the astonishment of all he voluntarily
relinquished his interest in the company and joined
the hunters. Descending to the Bear River region
AMONG THE SHOSHOXES. 1S5
they were very successful, and loaded their horses
with peltries, but in taking them eastward to market
Mere robbed by the Arapahoes and reduced to the last
extremity. Relieved the following summer by a re-
turn party under Stuart, Miller was thankful for an
escort to St Louis, but the others again equipped,
plunged into the wilderness, and were finally killed by
the Indians.
Leaving the horses in charge of the Shoshones,
on the 19th of October Hunt and his party em-
barked at Fort Henry in fifteen canoes which they
had made, and proceeded down the river. Passing
the confluence of the Lewis and Henry branches
toward evening of the same day, they camped on the
main stream of Snake River, here a broad and placid
stream.
Hope was high, and far into the night the dis-
turbed grizzlies growled their distaste of Canadian
boat-songs; but next day, before they were well aware
of it, they were among dangerous rapids. One canoe
was dashed in pieces; another filled and damaged the
lading; but no lives were lost. Next day a toilsome
and dangerous portage confronted them, and later a
water-fall necessitated another. On proceeding fur-
ther, the waters whirled and raged among the rocks
until another canoe was broken to pieces and one of
the men swept away to his death, the rest barely
escaping.
This shock aroused the travellers to a sense of their
situation. Three men were sent forward on the left bank
and Hunt with three others took the right to examine
the stream, and they found it as far as they went, forty
miles or more, worse than any portion they had
passed. Here it plunged in a perpendicular fall^ there
it roared among the bowlders, whirling in tumultuous
vortices at their base, while the whole river compressed
into a narrow compass rushed furiously between prec-
ipices hundreds of feet high. They endeavored to
pass some of the canoes down by lines but were un-
1S6 ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
successful, disaster and loss being the only result.
Their way seemed blocked.
Yet they could not remain where the}^ were. Re-
peated losses and changes had so reduced their stock
of provision, that with the present scarcity of game
they did not see how they could even remain together.
Winter was upon them. Pale famine hovered about
the camp, and they must part. Wrapped in the dark-
ness of primeval wilderness, only uncertainty was be-
fore them. No white man had ever penetrated these
wilds, and the poor Shoshone, whose broadest imagi-
nation extended scarcely beyond his horizon, trembled
with fear when asked about the nature of the country
beyond.
It was finally determined that they should separate
into four parties. McKenzie, with five men, should
strike northward for another branch of the Columbia;
Crooks, with the same number, should return to Fort
Henry and bring forward the horses; Reed, with three
men, and McClellan, with three more, notwithstanding
the perilous difficulties reported, should attempt to
follow the downward course of the present Snake
River, and ascertain what it was ; while Hunt would
endeavor to provide for the main body, now reduced
to thirty-one men, and the Indian wife and two
children of the interpreter, Pierre Dorion, who had
accompanied him.
Hunt determined at all events to move. Three days
were occupied by his party in concealing their effects
in nine caches, when Crooks unexpectedly returned
with his companions, discouraged at the thought of
spending the winter in executing their dreary errand.
Presently two of Reed's men returned with dismal
reports. As far as they went the river boiled and
brawled between deep dark channel-walls as grimly as
ever. They had just christened the place Caldron
Linn, but now they called it the Devil's Scuttle-hole.
Hard names, however, do not change the countenance
of nature.
A BROKEN PARTY. 1S7
After due deliberation, Hunt finally determined
to descend Snake River; he with Pierre Dorion and
family, and eighteen men to follow the right bank, and
Crooks with the remainder to follow the left bank.
Well was it for them, as in all the dispensations of
]:ro\ idence, that they knew not what was before them.
The region through which this river ran to the main
Columbia was almost desert, almost destitute of game
or other subsistence. The pack of each man being re-
duced to twenty pounds, contained not more than seven
and a half pounds of food, while a thousand miles yet
lay between them and Fort Astoria.
Setting out on the 9th of November in separat<
companies, during the entire clay Hunt's party were
unable to descend the bank for water, but at night
they camped where they could with difficulty obtain
enough for drinking purposes. The next day it was
the same; the third they came upon the habitations
of a few half-starved Shoshones, the first they had
met for several days. Their course lay alternately
over jagged ridges and across tenantless plains. Thus
they journeyed, making from three to thirty miles a
day. subsisting almost entirely on dried fish, which in
the absence of water only aggravated an intolerable
thirst, obtaining occasionally a horse or a dog from
the natives to feast upon, killing now and then a
beaver or a wolf, which gave them change of diet.
Yet more painful grew their path as they proceeded.
Heavy and dreary was the sky, while the cold rain
which had chilled their half- starved bodies, changed
to bleak December snows.
Nearly a month had elapsed since Hunt and Crooks
had parted company, when one morning shortly after
the former had broken camp the voices of white men
crying for food were heard from the opposite bank.
A boat was improvised by menus of sticks, over which
was stretched the skin of a horse eaten the previous
night, by means of which a little meat was conveyed
to them, and Crooks and JLc Clere were brought over.
1SS ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
Crooks' party, as the haggard features and emaci-
ated forms of the two men testified, had endured suf-
ferings yet more severe than Hunt's. For the first
fortnight or more they had lived on a handful of food
a day; then they luckily captured a beaver and found
some berries, but were finally reduced to the soles of
their moccasins. For the last few days life had been
kept in them by the carcass of a dog. Crooks re-
ported that he had seen Reed and McKenzie a few
days before on the opposite side of the river from
him, in fair condition and spirits, and that McClellan
was attempting to reach the Nez Perce country with
probability of success.
Beckoning the sinuosities of the river, the party
was about five hundred miles from Henry River. In
their present forlorn condition, with snow knee-deep,
and from all accounts the river as bad below as above,
to proceed was impossible, and Hunt saw no hope
but to retrace their steps, and if possible to obtain
horses from some of the savages they had passed to
carry them to the Columbia. To do this required no
small degree of generalship; for some of the men
were ill, and their few horses reduced to skeletons.
Their first efforts in this direction were attended by
failure, disaster, and death. Attempting to pass
Crooks and Le Clerc back to their company, they
failed. One of Crooks' party, driven by his sufferings
to insanity, jumped into a canoe which had crossed to
carry food, and on its return danced so frantically at
the sight of food that the frail bark was overturned
and the unfortunate man drowned. This same boat
brought over John Day, who joined Crooks, but he
was so feeble as scarcely to be able to stand. Pro-
visions were so reduced that at one time beaver-skins
were resorted to for food, and of these there were but
three to seven men, which they divided among them
and devoured greedily. Then surprising a village of
Shoshones they frightened away the natives, and
seizing five of their horses, hastily killed and cooked
IX THE BOISE COUNTRY. 1S9
one, sending some of the meat across the river to
the party of Crooks, who still followed, though they
found no natives on that side. These horses were to
them, at that juncture, a matter of life or death, but
as they never took anything from the natives fraudu-
lently, they laid down ample pay, and thru departed,
though doubtless the poor Shoshones must themselves
starve before spring.
( io,»ks, John Day, and Le Clerc were yet ill, and
greatly retarded the journey. All the party had gone
forward except three, and Crooks urged Hunt to li
him, and attend to the interests of the company, which
the latter, with great reluctance, finally consented
to do. John Day remained with Crooks, likewise
Le Clerc and Dubreuil. Hunt provided for them
liberally out of his slender store, and left with them
two horses and some meat which he hoped would last
until they found more, though he greatly feared he
might never see these men again.
Hurrying forward Hunt overtook his party, and
continuing his journey, on the 15th of December they
entered a Shoshone village, consisting of twelve or
fifteen lodges, and endeavored at once to obtain horses
and a guide. Horses could be obtained over the first
ridge of mountains they said, but no one had the
courage to guide them there. Entreaties and threats
were alike fruitless. At length, in addition to a
blanket full of glittering trinkets, two horses, three
knives, a gun, and a pistol were offered and accepted.
They were now on Snake River, near where was
subsequently old Fort Boise, the party still being
divided, those who were with Crooks being on the
west bank, while Hunt in advance was on the east
bank. With great difficulty, the river being full of
floating ice, and the men half-starved and half-frozen,
weak and dispirited, Hunt crossed with his p
to the other side, and joining their old comrades on
the 24th of December, they started, pursuing a north-
westerly course, over mountains, plains, and valleys,
190 ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
buying food from the natives, picking up and carrying
the exhausted, who would throw themselves upon the
ground, declaring they could die but could not proceed
an inch further; and stopping on new year's day 1812
for the Canadians to have their dance and feast on
doo; and horse meat, though some of them could not
stand.
Turning due west and entering the Blue Mountains,
on the 6th of January they reached the summit,
whence descending into a milder climate in two days
to their great joy they reach broad fertile pasture-
lands, watered by a stream the natives called Umatilla,
abounding in beaver.
Thousands of horses are feeding on the short tender
grass, and on the bank of the stream is a well pro-
visioned Indian encampment of thirty-four lodges.
They were a band of roving Tushepaws, a race
very different from the poor Shoshones, having for
their lodges buffalo-robes, an^l for their dress hunting-
shirt and leggings of deerskin, with utensils of brass
and iron, kettles, axes, and knives, which proved com-
mercial intercourse with white people upon the coast.
And what rejoiced the travellers next to food was the
information that two days more would bring them to
the Columbia, The Tushepaws told them further
that a party of white men corresponding in number
to McClellan's and McKenzie's parties had lately
passed down the river, so as to give them hope that
these were now at Fort Astoria.
Supplying themselves with an abundance of horses
and provisions, on the 20th of January the party
continued their journey, reaching the Columbia next
day midway between the rivers Umatilla and Walla
Walla. Six months of hardship and perils hitherto
unparalleled in American mountaineering, since leaving
the village of the Ricaras are now happily terminated,
ring, alas! a few of their number at intervals under
the pines. Journeying on horses along the bank of
the river to the Dalles, Hunt there procured canoes,
ARRIVAL AT FORT ASTORIA. 101
whence embarking on the 5th of February, in ten
days the party reached Fort Astoria.
There are moments, and many of them, in the lives
of these inartificial men of the woods that stir thei ■
natures to the quick, that touch deep-hidden springs
of feeling, and bring to light traits and passions, both
good and evil, of whose existence they most of all
were before unconscious. Cities full of plod ;
bread-winning and money-making machines, come
and go, one generation following another with no
more development of feeling, or increase of intelli-
gence, than the millwheels of which they are the
type. Here, however, were daily love and hate heaped
up, and life and death; not the sepulchral smiles and
frowns of conventionalism, but blood-red and un-
coffined, such as nature makes, not man. Here v.
those who had been boys together, had shared a
thousand perils, had buried many a common comrade,
had been more than brothers often are. Some of
them had parted under circumstances the most trying
to manhood, and each had not since known whether
the other was alive. McKenzie, Reed, and McClellan
were there, but they had given up all hope of ev r
seeing Mr Hunt and his party. They too had nar-
rowly escaped starvation. In their wanderings they
had all met below the Devil's Scuttle-hole, being
then eight men besides the three named, and the snow
having as yet not fallen heavily, they succeeded in
following the river to the Columbia, where they pro-
cured two canoes and arrived at Fort Astoria the
18th of January.
When therefore shouts arose alike from fort and
river, as Hunt's canoes rounded Tongue Point, we
may be sure they were no hollow cheers. There was
a soul in every sound. And as the part}' sprang
ashore, and the Scotchmen grasped hands, and the more
volatile voyageurs embraced and kissed each other,
there were tears in many an eye springing from hearts
192 ASTOR OVERLAND EXPEDITION.
now swelled with joy to bursting. It is needless to
add that the taste of dog was quickly eradicated from
the mouth by copious draughts of rum, and a plenti-
ful supply of tobacco; articles of luxury from which
their palates had been long estranged.
Thus the expeditions of the Pacific Fur Company
by land and water were at length consummated.
CHAPTER IX.
AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
1812-1813.
Dissatisfaction at Astoria — Departure of Reed for St Louis — Waiiow-
pum Treachery — Failure of Reed's Expedition— Arrival of the
' Beaver ' — Astor and the Russian Fur Company— He Courts the
Russian Minister at Washington — Stuart Leaves Fort Astoria
with Despatches — Trials of Stuart on the Overland Journey—
The ' Isaac Todd ' and H. M. S. ' Phozbe ' — British Interests in the
North Pacific— The U. S. S. 'Adams' — The 'Enterprise' — Astor
and Secretary Monroe — Wreck of the 'Lark'— McKenzie on
the Sahaptin — Clarke's Company — Kamloops — Boullard and the
Indian Maid — The ' Beaver' — McTavish and McKenzie— Delibera-
tions at Fort Astoria — Preparations to Abandon the Post —
McKenzie and the Nez Perces — The Stolen Cup.
By the late arrival the winter quiet at the fort was
broken up, and the activities of spring were soon upon
the fur -hunters. Besides Miller there were others
dissatisfied with their position and prospects. Among
these was McClellan who, as Beed was about to
return to St Louis with despatches, determined to
accompany him. Indeed, when we consider the inde-
pendent, self-willed, and often eccentric and discoid-
ant elements thrown into juxtaposition by camp and
fort life, the wonder is how these enormous com-
panies, with agents and servants scattered among sav-
ages over thousands of square leagues of wilderness,
managed to hold together so long. The Pacific Com-
pany, however, was yet a new institution, the partners
in which were not fairly settled in their respective
places, and more than all it was by no means certain
of ultimate success.
Hist . X. W. Coast, Vol. II. 13 ( 193 )
194 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
Besides despatching Reed as messenger to report
to Astor the progress of affairs thus far, and by
whom letters might be sent by those now a year or
two from home, fresh supplies must be sent to David
Stuart at Fort Okanagan, and the goods cached on
Snake River just below the junction of Henry River,
must be brought. This business was confided to two
clerks, Farnham and McGilles, who with eight men
and a guide were to bring the goods to Fort Astoria,
while Robert Stuart was to visit Okanagan. With
Reed as escort, two boatmen, and a hunter, McKenzie
had planned an excursion up the Willamette, with
Matthews and five hunters to set out and follow him
two days after the others had left.
Under command of Stuart, all destined overland
and for the upper Columbia embarked from Astoria
the 22d of March 1812 in two canoes, arriving at the
Dalles early in April. At the several portages of
the Columbia it was now becoming the custom to
employ natives to assist in carrying the goods from
one landing to another, and these were not long in
acquiring the art of piracy. The Wahowpums at
the Dalles were becoming especially proficient in this
art, though their character for dishonesty was not
yet establishe '.
Appearing at the landing and offering their ser-
vices, Stuart readily intrusted them with the bales,
which they packed upon their horses and sent for-
ward convoyed by the party, all well armed. Having
no apprehension of treachery on the part of the Wa-
howpums, the white men were proceeding leisurely
along the path, when suddenly up a rocky defile
darted one of the loaded horses, then another, and
another. Shots were fired over their heads to bring
them back, but to this the marauders paid no heed,
only hastening forward and out of sight the faster.
Pursuit was useless, for the whole attention of the entire
party was now needed to prevent a similar stampede
of the remainder of the loaded horses. During the
Mckenzie in the Willamette. 195
melee which followed one Indian was killed and anothei
severely wounded. Reed was knocked senseless with
a club, and a bright tin box, in which he had secured
his letters and despatches for the cast, was taken
from him, and it was with great difficulty that Stuart
succeeded in bringing to the upper landing any part
of his lading. By the loss of this box Herd's mis-
sion was ingloriously terminated. He therefore con-
tinued with Stuart's party to Okanagan, whence alter
a few days' sojourn all returned with David Stuart to
Fort Astoria, surprising the fort by their sudden ap-
pearance on the morning of the 11th of May. With
them arrived Crooks and John Day, who hailed
them from the bank as the}^ were descending the
river above the Dalles, and wxto received on board.
These men, with the Canadians who left with them,
had remained for twenty days at a Shoshone village
near where Hunt had left them, John Day being too
ill to travel. Setting out at length, they followed
Hunt's trail until they lost it in the snow; then wan-
dering in the mountains during the winter, living on
what they could shoot, dig, or obtain from the na-
tives, they finally reached the Walla Wallas, who
treated them with great kindness, and assisted them
to start down the river. Fearing to brave the dan
gers of winter travel, the Canadians had all remained
with the Shoshones. As Crooks and Day approached
the Dalles on their way down, they too had been
robbed and left destitute by the Wahowpums and
were then on their way back to beg further assistance
from the Walla Wallas, when to their great joy they
discovered their old comrades in the canoes de-
scending the river.
In his journey during this spring of L812.
Konzie explored the country southward from the
Columbia some hundred miles or more, ascending (lie
Willamette to the country of the Calapooyas and to
the stream which bears his name to this day. The
196 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
object of this expedition was the examination of the
country, its topography, soil, and climate, rather than
hunting.
On the way out Jervais, one of McKenzie's men,
had beaten a Wakiakum for stealing. This roused the
indignation of the tribe, and their mutterings of ven-
geance reached McDougall's ears, who immediately
despatched a letter telling the party to beware. The
message was delivered to McKenzie while at the hos-
tile camp at the mouth of the Willamette, and where
preparations were at that moment being made to sur-
prise his party. Hastily repairing to their boats to
embark, they found the tide so low that they could
not leave the bank quickly enough to prevent attack.
McKenzie, ever ready come what might, turned to
the angry savages a bold front, and began questioning
them as to the most suitable place for a fort, saying,
after some time, that he would camp there that night,
and in the morning look further. This so threw the
Wakiakums off their guard that they left the intruders
for the present, intending to revisit them in the spirit
of vengeance toward morning. But before they
reached the camp, the party was well on its way to
Astoria, McKenzie availing himself of the first rise
of the tide to shove off and be gone.
Two days prior to the arrival of the return party a
sail was descried in the offing, which McDougall pro-
ceeded at once to signal from Cape Disappointment.
The vessel seemed at first suspicious lest she might
fall into the hands of the savages, but next day sum-
moned sufficient courage to approach and anchor in
Baker Bay. She proved to be the Beaver, a vessel of
four hundred and ninety tons, commanded by Captain
Cornelius Sowles, who sailed from New York the 10th
of the previous October. Having heard at the Ha-
waiian Islands of the fate of the Tonquin, and fearing
the fort might likewise have fallen into the hands of
the savages, who were now by means of friendly sig-
ARRIVAL OF THE 'BEAVER.' 197
nals, which they had learned from their white neigh-
bors, enticing further prey, the vessel had been hovering
about the mouth of the river for three days.
The Beaver had been sent out by Astor with men
and merchandise as the annual ship, in pursuant
his original plan; and as he had received no informa-
tion concerning the previous expeditions, he felt bound
to act upon the presumption that all his directions had
been carried out. On board were a partner, John
Clarke, live clerks, among whom was Alfred Seton,
and George Ehnainger a nephew of Astor, six Cana-
dian boatmen, twelve Kanakas taken on board at the
Hawaiian Islands, and fifteen laborer's. As far as
possible Astor was now sending citizens of the United
States, in order that his establishments might the
more have a shade of sanction from that government;
and yet for experienced fur- traders he was obliged t< >
go to Canada. After discharging that portion of her
cargo designed for this port, the Beaver was to pro-
ceed to Sitka and exchange certain other goods at
the Russian post of New Archangel for furs, which
were to be augmented by trading down the coast.
She was then to sail for Canton, and thence to New
York. For the purpose of establishing the most
friendly relations with the Russian American Fur
Company, in March 1811 Astor had despatched an
agent to St Petersburg, who made a provisional agree-
ment with that company, to remain in force for four
years, to the effect that neither would trade within the
territory of the other, or furnish arms to the natives,
except such as were their regular hunters. The
Russian Company was to draw all supplies from the
Pacific Company, to the exclusion of all interlopers,
paying for the same in skins at stipulated prices. The
ships of the Pacific Company might be employed to
carry Russian furs to Canton, or for any other pur-
pose, at rates to be agreed upon at tin' time. A.
league of friendship and mutual assistance was also
entered into between the two companies. Astor also
198 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
cultivated the favorable consideration of the Russian
minister at Washington, but without practical results.
Before the agreement with the Russian Compairy
was ratified, war had broken out between Great
Britain and the United States.
The captain of the Beaver fearing to cross the bar
at the mouth of the river with his ship, discharged
her by means of a lighter, a tedious process which
occupied over a month.
Affairs were brightening at Fort Astoria. The
arrival of the first annual ship well laden with mer-
chandise and with new recruits for active service gave
that reality to the scheme which in the minds of some
it had hitherto lacked. It was Astor's avowed purpose
besides these annual ships from New York to have
coasting vessels which should make trading excursions
from Fort Astoria. Nevertheless, there were yet
partners who would not remain in the company for
thrice their interest, and of the voyageurs also there
were some, as we have seen, who preferred the wilder-
ness to the fort. McClellan still adhered to his pur-
pose of returning east on the first opportunity, and
Crooks expressed his determination to accompany him.
The opportunity was at hand; for first of all it was
necessary to forward information in place of that
which was lost, which might govern Astor's move-
ments in respect to his now rapidly extending inter-
ests. This important and dangerous mission was this
time intrusted to Robert Stuart, a most promising
young man, who, with four picked men, John Bay,
Ben Jones, Vallar, and Le Clerc, made ready to set
out immediately. With him were to go the dissatis-
fied partners Crooks and McClellan.
Three other expeditions were to depart at the same
time. Clarke and McKcnzie, each with a distinct
brigade, were to select sites, and establish forts, one
among the Spokanes, and the other among the Nez
Perces. David Stuart was to return with supplies to
THE FLOTILLA. 199
Okanagan, after which he was to found another estab-
lishment above.
It was a beautiful sight, and one which would have
warmed the blood of Astor, the first and the List
brilliant realization of his entire scheme, to see this
fur-hunting flotilla quit this fur-hunting fort, and cm-
bark on the great River of the West; to see these
sixty-two men on the 30th of June 1812 set out in
ten canoes and two barges from the fort which was
now to become the mother of forts and a great city
on these broad western waters, and with paddles
flying, with shout and song, and the ringing of artil-
lery strike boldly from their several posts, never
pausing to think that they were but as one to a
thousand of the Philistines. Yet the enemy which
was to destroy them were not of the Philistines, but
of their own brethren of the chosen Israel, even the
Northwest Company with all Great Britain behind it.
Thus the several parties proceeded, not without
some little trouble with the natives at the portages,
until they reached the river of the Walla Wallas,
where they were to separate. Poor John Day on the
voyage became insane, and was sent back to the fort
by some Indians. Before a year was gone he was
dead.
Robert Stuart found no difficulty in procuring
twenty good horses from the friendly Walla Wallas,
and on the 31st of July his party of six set out, di-
recting their course toward the south-east into the
Snake River region where some of their number had
so lately suffered.
But now they hoped for better times, and it is true
that they had not to contend with the snows of winter,
total ignorance of the country, and destitution. Every
place and season, however, has its trials. Now hills,
plains, and ravines were alike arid; and such was
their strait at one time that even their dog died of
thirst. Their route was essentially the i that
traversed by Hunt's party on its way west, though
200 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
with some unimportant variations. Six of the nine
caches made on Snake River below Henry Fort had
been rifled. A raid upon them by the Crows left
them suddenly unhorsed. The hardships which fol-
lowed almost equalled those of Hunt's party. McClel-
lan's sufferings made him peevish, then stubborn; at
length, flinging himself aloof from the party, he held
his way alone through the wilderness for a fortnight,
when lie was found lying' half-dead, and with difficulty
could be made to stand upon his feet. In this man-
ner they straggled across the mountains, descending
upon the head-waters of the Platte, when, finding it
impossible to complete their journey that season,
they went into winter-quarters the 2d of November.
There they built a comfortable cabin; but after
loading the rafters with dried meat, they were dis-
covered by the Arapahoes, and forced to continue
their journey. Again on the ".nth of December they
paused in their difficult peregrinations, scarcely know-
ing where they were, built a hut, and stocked it with
buffalo meat. Here they passed the remainder of the
winter in quiet.
With the opening of spring they constructed two
canoes, but the river proving too shallow even for
such navigation, they abandoned their boats, and pro-
ceeded on foot. It was only when they had reached
the establishment of Dorion and Roi, near the Mis-
souri, that they knew they had all this time been upon
the Platte River. Here they first learned of the war
which was so soon to prove the destruction of their
dearest hopes. From this point they easily descended
the river, and reached St Louis the 30th of April
1813.
Prior to the arrival of Robert Stuart, and before
any tidings whatever had been received from any of
the expeditions sent, Astor despatched, early in
March 1813, another vessel, the Lark, for the Colum-
bia River. The cause of this action was the break-
THE THREATEN IXC DANGER. 201
ing-out of that war which was to prove so disastrous
to Astor's plans on the Pacific. Fearful lost the
blockading of New York harbor should prevent the
departure of the second annual supply-ship in the fol-
lowing autumn, and that the interests of the company
would materially suffer thereby; fearful also of her
capture, this vessel was sent to sea in the spring.
Nor would it be safe for the Beaver to return at
present to New York. Astor therefore wrote to
Captain Sowles, at Canton, with instructions to re-
turn to Fort Astoria with such articles as the fort
should need, and there hold himself subject to the
orders of Hunt, or whomsoever should be in command.
And now advance in hostile attitude the Northwest
Company, clearly perceiving this to be their time to
si rike, and plant thorns beneath Astor's pillow. In the
midst of this mercantile dice-throwing, the staking of
one costly expedition after another upon the turn < >f a
card, word reached the autocrat that his great rival
was preparing to despatch the Isaac Todd, a standi
vessel, armed with twenty guns, for the mouth of the
Columbia, there, with the assistance of the British
government, to plant a fortress and dominate that
region. This was not all. Flushed with the sudden
brightness of their prospects, the Northwest Com-
pany laid before the British government two me-
morials on two several occasions, showing the efforts of
Astor in the west, and the great results likely to arise
from that movement if successful, whereupon the
British frigate Plmbe wTas ordered to accompany the
buiac Todd and assist in the destruction of whatever
pretensions the United States might have in that
quarter. The United States government now took
the alarm, and ordered the frigate Adams to tho mouth
of the Columbia. On hearing this, Astor fitted out
the ship Enterprise, freighted with further supplies.
But just as the two ships were ready to sail the crew
of the Adams was detailed for other service, and the
blockading of New York harbor by a British force
202 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
prevented the sailing of the Enterprise, which other-
wise would have undertaken the voyage without con-
voy. In his trouble Astor begged the protection of
the United States government, under whose wing he
had sought to monopolize the fur-trade of the west,
asking only that forty men should be stationed at Fort
Astoria, but Secretary Monroe never even replied to
his letters. In the Lark, of which Northrop was
master, sailed Nicholas G. Ogden as supercargo.
There are enemies, however, to this ill-fated adven-
ture other than war or commercial rivalry. The
voyage of the Lark was prosperous until within a short
distance of the Hawaiian Islands. There a gale struck
her which threw her on her beam ends, and sent one man
overboard. The masts were cut away, and the crew
clung to the wreck as best they might, one after another,
as they became exhausted, dropping into the surge,
until eight were gone. After four days of intolerable
suffering, all that were left of them were thrown upon
an island, which they afterward learned was one of the
Hawaiian group. There they were stripped of their
clothing by the natives, while the king of the cou
seized the wreck. Part of their clothing was after-
ward returned to them; and they were fed at public
expense. In this plight they were found by Air
Hunt the 20th of December.
McKenzie, Clarke, John Reed, and David Stuart,
we left at Walla Walla, whence they took their
several ways. It was now agreed to make this the
general rendezvous. Situated at the mouth of the
Walla Walla River, where now stands Walulu, in the
midst of vast fur-producing territories, with large
ams flowing in from every direction, no situa
could have been more favorable. This settled, the
several partners went their ways.
Ascending Lewis River to the Sahaptin, which
appeared to be the thoroughfare between the Columbia
and the buffalo-pastures east of the Rocky Mountains,
THE CHIVALROUS CLARKE. 203
McKenzie followed the latter stream until a favor-
able site offered itself, when lie disembarked, and es-
tablished a fort among the Xez Perces. Thence he
despatched John Reed with a lew men to take caches
on Snake River, for the purpose of opening them and
of bringing back the contents. A few days after
their departure McKenzie learned, from two travelling
natives that the caches had been opened by some
Shoshones, under the direction of certain white men
who were living among them. During this excursion
Reed fell in with six stragglers from Hunt's party,
three of whom had been instrumental in rilling the
caches. Though these men and the tribe which had
harbored them were enriched by this robbery, the
plunder brought them little benefit, for in their first
grand hunting excursion thereafter they were stripped
by the Blackfoot Indians. These seven men, with
the goods remaining in the caches, Reed brought to
the new post on the Sahaptin.
From Walla Walla Clarke proceeded for a short
distance up Lewis River, to a stream branching
toward the north, "to which the Canadians gave the
name of the Pavion," the Palouse of later times.
There he purchased horses from the Palouses, and
leaving his canoes in charge of the chief, crossed to
the Spokane, where he located a fort not far from the
establishment of the Northwest Company. With
Clarke were four clerks, Pellet, Farnham,McClennan,
and Cox, the little Irishman, as Ross calls him. As
strong competition was expected, Clarke's corny
and outfit were much larger than any of the others,
his straggling cavalcade stretching nearly a mile.
Clarice was a bold, dashing, widc-awak
fellow, fond of display, and loving to carry aff a : ;■ with a
Little Cox lagging at the end of the 1 »ng
train, Clarke rode back and peremptorily ' him
[uicken his pace. "Give me a horse," said < !ox, "and
I'll ride with yourself at the head." Clarke i
whip, some say he struck him, and then rede ;
204 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
Cox slunk away, and was not seen for thirteen days,
when he was brought in by the Indians more dead
than alive.
Clarke was called the most extravagant and yet the
most able leader in the company. He liked to stand
well with the natives, and to be regarded by them as
grand and generous. He was a native of the United
States, though he had been long in the service of
the Northwest Company in Canada, and understood
thoroughly all the tricks of the trade. Arriving at
the Spokane, he planted himself close beside the op-
position post and went to work. The manly art was
now in order. There were rights to be enforced, and
battles to be fought, in which these tangent-shot
sparks from civilization's wheel might return to savage
and brute instincts. First, four of Clarke's followers
were installed as cappers, blusterers, and bullies, who
should do the bloody work of the establishment.
Feathers were placed in their caps as their insignia
of office, and they were retained always near his
person. Then he gave a grand feast, exchanged long
and hollow speeches with the savages, and was ready
for business. Scouts were sent out by both com-
panies, who manoeuvred among the natives with plots
and counterplots, which would have done honor to a
Machiavelli. " He that got most skins, never mind-
ing the cost or the crime, was the cleverest fellow,"
remarks Ross, while Franchere observes, " The profits
of the last establishment (Fort Spokane) were slen-
der; because the people engaged at it were obliged
to subsist on horse-flesh, and they ate ninety horses
during the winter."
Nor did Clarke stop here. In the Kootenais coun-
try was Man tour of the Northwest Company, trading ;
Mr Pellet with men and goods was sent there to
oppose him. Both were enterprising travellers, zeal-
ous traders, and good fighters. Hence both did well
for their respective companies; during the winter
they bought many skins and fought several duels,
ADVENTURES OF ROSS. 205
aWays having a care, however, not to hurt each
other, and parting in the spring the best of friends.
Mr Cox mentions one : " Mr Pellet fought a duel with
Mantour of the Northwest, with pocket-pistols at six
paces; both hits; one in the collar of the coat, and the
other in the leg of the trousers. Two of their men
acted as seconds, and the tailor speedily healed their
wounds."
Farnham was sent to the Flatheads and McClellan
was stationed at Pointed Heart or Sketching Lake,
now the Cceur d'Alene.
David Stuart reached Okanagan with supplies the
12th of August. During his absence Ross accom-
panied by one white man, Boullard, and an Indian,
set out the 6th of May, with sixteen horses, on a trad-
ing expedition. Following Stuart's route of the pre-
vious year, they reached the Shushwaps on Thompson
Piver on the tenth day, and encamped below the en-
trance of the north branch near the upper end of the
lake at a place called by the natives Kamloops.
Sending messengers in various directions, soon two
thousand natives were present with their skins, and in
less than a fortnight the small stock of goods was ex-
changed for a laro-e stock of furs, so that nothing re-
mained but to return.1
While the master was driving fine bargains the
man had become entangled in love's meshes. Having
bought a costly maiden on credit, her father naturally
desired his pay before his son-in-law's departure.
Boullard demanded from Boss the means wherewith
to satisfy the old gentleman, threatening to remain
with the Indians if his demand was not satisfied. In
real or pretended rage Boss brought a heavy horse-
whip down upon the fellow's shoulders, under which
application the charms of his inamorata fast faded.
1 ' So anxious were they to trade, and so fond of tobacco, that one morning
before breakfast I obtained one hundred and ten beavers for leaf-tobacco, at
the rate of five leaves per skin: and at last, when I hail l.ut one yard "i w bite
cotton remaining, one of the chiefs gave me twenty primcdjcaver skins for it. '
Rosa' Adv., 200.
206 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
Ross readied Okanagan the 12th of July, highly de-
lighted with his success.
Leaving Ross again in charge, Stuart left Okana-
gan the 25th of August following, to winter among the
Shushwaps. During the winter, Ross visited Clarke
at Fort Spokane, narrowly escaping death in a snow-
storm while returning. Nothing daunted, he almost
immediately after set out with one man on a journey
to Kamloops, where he found Stuart well located,
but with a Northwest Company's post in charge of
a clerk, M. Laroche, beside him. Competition was
as strong as at Spokane, but unlike Clarke, Stuart
was precise and sober in business, so that trade was
fairly conducted, and the rival establishments were
on amicable terms. From Kamloops, Stuart sent out
parties in various directions, north-west as far as Fra-
ser River, and north-east up the south branch of
Thompson River to the main Columbia. They found
the country everywhere rich in furs, and the natives
friendly. He returned to Okanagan, Ross having pre-
ceded him, and after ten days spent in packing and
pressing the furs, all set out for the rendezvous at
Walla Walla, which they reached the 30th of May,
1813.
The several brigades having been despatched to the
interior, Hunt, in August, proceeded up the coast in
the Beaver, intending to visit Sitka, complete arrange-
ments with the Russians, and on returning disembark
at Fort Astoria, while the vessel should proceed to
the Hawaiian Islands and thence to Canton.
All which the contemplative Chinook remarked.
Again this white man's house, better stocked than
ever with things that warmed the Chinook heart and
gratified the Chinook taste, was left comparatively
unprotected. Now for a blow for one's country, to
say nothing of beads, blankets, and whiskey. It was
a time also when the savages along the coast visited
the Columbia for fishing purposes. And herein lay
FRANCHERE'S EXPERIENCE. 207
the safety of the fort. It would require the forces of
all combined to capture the post, and the wily Coni-
comly well knew that were once his neighbors in pos-
ion there, his people would be at their mercy. Of
the two evils the presence of the white man was the
lesser, so Comcomly concluded to be honest. The fort,
Lowe vei', was now better furnished for defence. The
bastions were raised, covered ways were thrown up
round the palisades inside, and not more than three
savages were permitted within the fort at one time.
August and September at Astoria were occupied
in erecting a hospital and lodging-house, thirty by
forty-five feet. It was now deemed necessary to pro-
vide subsistence for the winter. Hence, on the 1st of
October, Franchere embarked in the schooner with
men and merchandise for a trading voyage up the
river. Smoked salmon, venison, bear-meat, wild-fowl,
and wapato were very abundant, and on the 20th the
vessel returned to Fort Astoria laden with provisions
and furs, among which were seven hundred and fifty
smoked salmon, and four hundred beaver and other
skins. A second voyage proved less successful; and
on returning, the 15th of November, Franchere found
the men suffering severely from scurvy. On the 23d,
Halsey and Wallace ascended the Willamette for
about one hundred and fifty miles from its con-
fluence with the Columbia "on a great prairie" as
Franchere terms it, and there built a dwelling and
trading-house. On the 25th of the following May
they returned to Astoria with seventeen packs of furs
and thirty-two bales of dried venison.-
Autumn passed, and drizzling, drenching winter,
but with no tidings of the Beaver, and fears began to
be entertained that she had met the fate of the Ton-
2 It is amusing to observe how Irving avoids the mention of Franchere'a
name. Franchere was chief clerk at Fort Astoria at this time, and during
McDougall's sicknesses, which were frequent, was in full charge, He
always a useful and prominent person aboul the place, and yet the autl
Astoria, who draws so much of his information from the Canadian, alludes to
him only as 'one of the clerks,' 'some men were Bent,' and the like.
208 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
quin. McDougall with the others was becoming un-
happy. Whether the sylvan witchery of Comcomly's
dusky daughter preyed upon his mind, or the dim
prospects of the fur company dividends, certain it
was that he was dissatisfied. Sickness drew even
from command its charm, and the despondency of
loneliness made the money which he might never get
seem contemptible.
McKenzie's unexpected presence at the fort on
the 15th of January 1813,3 with a physiognomy long
drawn out by misfortune and disgust, tended in no
wise to raise* the spirits of McDougall. The Nez
Perces were not the easiest of men to satisfy, and
McKenzie complained that there was but little game
in the country. He was therefore on the point of
moving his post further up the river, or of aban-
doning that part of the country altogether, and had
gone over to the post of Clarke to consult with him
upon the matter, when providence in the similitude
of a Scotchman, partner in charge of the Northwest
Company's posts on the Pacific, John George Mc-
Tavish by name, dropped in upon them, and informed
them without tears or hesitation of speech that war
had been declared, that he had brought from posts
beyond the mountains goods sufficient to stock the
whole Pacific coast, that his most honorable company
had determined to absorb the western trade, leaving
there not so much as a shadow of the autocrat Astor,
and what he of his own arm was unable to do the
guns of the Isaac Todd, which ere two months had
elapsed would command the Columbia, mouth, body,
and head, would assist him to accomplish. With
that McTavish whipped from his pocket papers con-
taining the declaration of war and Madison's procla-
mation, and the work was done. McKenzie needed
no further advice. [Returning to his post, he cached
3 1 follow Franchere's dates, with whom, indeed, Ross in this instance
agrees, he keeping a diary on the spot. I find Mr Irving's days and months
somewhat erratic, the 9th of October sometimes falling before and sometimes
after the 21st. See Astoria, 277, 289.
EXPLORATIONS. 209
his goods, and with all his men repaired immediately
to Fort Astoria.
Over this alarming intelligence the two partners
now held close consultation, at which the clerks were
invited to express their views upon the situation, and
help to determine what should be done. It was ab-
solutely necessary to adopt a policy, although they
had no vote on any question. Hunt was absent.
The time was long gone by when the Beaver should
have returned. The issue would shortly be upon
them; there was no escaping it; and it became them
to act as men having at stake, besides their own and
Astor's interests, the welfare of the inferior servants
of the company.
And this was the result of their present deliber-
ations. In the absence of any means of conveying
furs to market, trade with the natives except for food
should cease, and unless there should be some change
by spring they would abandon Fort Astoria and re-
tire with their goods beyond the mountains. Their
position was an anomalous one. They were British
subjects, but they were trading under the United
States flag. They could not bear arms against their
own country, nor yet could they claim her protection
of their property as they might do if trading on their
own account. Astor could not, if he would, send
them supplies while the war lasted, and should the
Beaver not return, and should they be obliged to
travel east overland, they had barely sufficient for
their necessities. Indeed, food was becoming scarce
already. Reed and Seton were sent with some of the
men to the Willamette to spend the rest of the win-
ter where game was more plentiful. They penetrated
the country as far as the head-waters of the Umpqua,
where they found beaver more abundant than on the
Willamette, and did well trading; but they found the
natives so lazy that they could induce them to hunt
but little.
The 31st of March, McKenzie, with Reed and
Hist. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 14
210 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
Seton, embarked in two canoes with seventeen men
to report McDougall's plans to Clarke and Stuart, to
bring away the articles cached, and to buy horses and
provisions for the contemplated overland expedition.
At the portage they found the natives as usual in a
savage humor. Above the Dalles the McKenzie and
McTavish parties met and camped together for the
night. Among the two crews, now members of opposing
companies and serving under hostile governments,
were many old comrades, with many old scenes to re-
vive, and it was late into the night ere their boisterous
hilarity was silenced by sleep.
Arrived at his abandoned post, McKenzie found his
caches rifled. What made it worse was that with the
goods stolen he was to have paid for the horses re-
quired for the contemplated homeward journey. Mc-
Kenzie was one absolutely a stranger to fear. He
knew not what it was. Further than this he was cool
and clear-headed in his intercourse with savages, and
understood their temper and habits of thought thor-
oughly. At the Dalles, when the feeling against the
white men was hottest, on his last journey from Fort
Astoria, with two companions he crossed the river,
entered a secret conclave of grim warriors even then
meditating such harm to fur-hunters as was in their
power to put into execution, and with weapons drawn
demanded a gun which had been stolen. The gun
was not forthcoming, but the white men recrossed the
river with their lives, which was a marvel.
And now there was another little drama to be played
with the Nez Perces, tragic or comic, as the case might
be, and McKenzie was ready with his part. Sum-
moning the chiefs he demanded the goods stolen from
the caches. They greatly regretted the robbery but
knew nothing of it except that the caches had been
opened. The demand and the denial were made twice or
thrice and the assembly broke up. The chiefs thought
they had heard the last of it; but in this they were
ABORIGINAL BRIGANDAGE. 211
mistaken. Early next morning McKenzie and Lis little
force suddenly appeared before them in their camp.
With drawn weapons Scton and the men stationed
themselves before a lodge, while McKenzie and Reed
entered it and instituted a search for the stolen prop-
erty. One lodge examined they proceeded to another,
until four or five had been examined with varied suc-
cess, when the chiefs begged the intruders to retire
from the camp, and they would bring them the stole! i
property. This McKenzie refused to do, well -knowing
that he was safer there than outside, as Indians never
like to fight in camp among women and children.
There the stubborn men remained, surrounded by a
hundred armed warriors to each one of them, until
nearly all the stolen property was returned them,
when they marched away with it in triumph. The
Nez Perces then retaliated by refusing to sell McKen-
zie horses. They even withdrew from the vicinity,
and ceased to supply food. Nothing daunted, Mc-
Kenzie determined that rather than starve he would
make his own bargains. So whenever the camp re-
quired meat he tied up in a bundle the full price of a
horse, and then proceeded to shoot the animal and
bring away the meat, leaving the price on a stake at
the head of the carcass. Finally, to get rid of him,
the Xez Perces sold McKenzie all the horses he
required at fair prices.
Despatching Peed with McDougall's letters to
Clarke and Stuart, McKenzie set out for the rendez-
vous at Walla Walla. Clarke and Stuart soon fol-
lowed. Both of these partners were opposed to
McDougall's proposition to break up the establishment
at Astoria. They had done well in their traffic thus
far, and the prospects for the future were exceed-
i ngly good. They saw no reason for being frig] itened.
Should the Isaac Todd take Fort Astoria she could
not penetrate to all the posts of the interior. Thus
far they had been kept well supplied with goods; there
would be time enough to talk of breaking up the en-
212 AFFAIRS OF FORT ASTORIA.
terprise when there was nothing left to buy furs with,
or no furs to buy.
An incident of Clarke's journey to Fort Astoria at
this time may be worthy of mention, not as illustrative
of a general course, but rather as an exception to a just
and humane rule. It was the custom of fur-hunters
to treat the natives fairly, it being for their interest
to do so. But Clarke held the life of an Indian in
light esteem. Happily his associates condemned his
conduct in this instance unequivocally.
The facts are these: Having left his post in charge
of Pion, with three men, with his furs packed on
twenty-eight horses, Clarke arrived at the junction
of the Palouse and Lewis rivers on the 1st of June,
and was greatly pleased to find the boats he had left
with the natives, safe. He made them presents of
ammunition and tobacco, and even went so far in his
great good-humor as to drink wine with the chiefs
out of a silver goblet which had been sent by Astor
to Alexander McKay, and which still remained in
Clarke's possession. It was a grand affair to drink
wine from that cup, as Clarke made it appear, and
the eyes of the savages glistened as they regarded it,
and saw the value placed upon it by those having it
in charge. Truly there must be some singular charm
about it.
When about to start next morning, the silver cup
was missing. Search was made, but it was useless;
the cup had been stolen. Clarke was furious. He
swore he would hang the whole tribe if the cup was
not immediately forthcoming. The whole tribe was
summoned, the case stated, and the chiefs retired in
solemn deliberation. Soon they returned with joy de-
picted upon their faces, for the cup had been found,
and was now restored to the white chief. All was now
serene, the savages thought, for according to their
custom the restoration of a stolen article exonerates
the culprit.
" Where is the thief?" demanded Clarke.
D1P0LITIC HANGING. 213
" There," replied the chief, pointing to the criminal.
"I swore," said Clarke, "the thief should die, and
the white man never breaks his word."
The savages smiled, thinking it pretty acting. But
Clarke was in earnest. The man was hanged to his
own lodge-poles. Until the deed was done the na-
tives could not believe that such had been Clarice's
intention. Then the principal chief threw his robe
upon the ground, and harangued his people, after
which they retired precipitately to inform the neigh-
boring tribes. Then Clarke became alarmed, and hur-
ried on to Walla Walla, where he met Stuart and
McKenzie and told them wThat he had done, expecting
praise, but receiving none.
Even while the partners stood there conversing,
Tummeatapam, the old chief of the Walla Wallas, the
white man's friend, rode hastily up.
" What have you clone, my brothers?" he exclaimed,
in great agitation. " You have spilled blood on our
lands. How shall I pacify my people?" Then he
wheeled and. rode rapidly away. The Walla Wallas
were greatly shocked at this deed. Not only had they
from the first been the true friends of the white men,
but prompted seemingly by feelings of pure humanity,
the}r had gone far out of their way to serve them.
The faint and weary travellers, the starving strag-
gler, so easy to cut off, they had always befriended.
They were remarkably honest withal; boats, horses,
and other property left in their charge had always
i cared for and returned. They had regarded
the white men as perfect beings. The Palouses were
their near neighbors and friends. With them stealing
was no crime, but something rather to be proud of.
The fur-hunters lost no time in taking their depar-
ture. All proceeded immediately to Fort Astoria,
where they arrived on the 14th of June, bringing with
them one hundred and forty packages of furs, being
the result of two years' trade at Okanagan and one
year's at Spokane.
CHAPTER X.
TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
1813.
McTavish at Astoria — A Royal Marriage — The 'Albatross'— Adven-
tures of Hunt — Captain Sowles, neither Warrior nor Trader —
Defence of McDougaix — Commodore Porter, U. S. X. — McDougall
holds Council — Fort Astoria in British Hands — King Comcomly to
the Fescue — H. M. S. 'Raccoon' — John McDonald in Command —
The Gallant Captain Black — Fort George — Failure of Astor's
Pacific Scheme.
Down the river on the 11th of April 1813, in gay-
est colors, flying the British flag, come two birch-bark
canoes, manned by nineteen Canadian voyageurs, now
in full soul;- and chorus, and commanded, one by John
George McTavish, and the other by his deputy,
Joseph Laroche. Sweeping gracefully round the
point, they land under the guns of the fort, and there
pitch their camp. McDougall hastens to invite the
distinguished stranger to his quarters; the object
of his visit he already knows.
McDougall was by nature a cold-blooded man;
stolid in body and mind, and like many before him,
his good name has suffered in the hands of some by
reason of his lack of fire. And yet he seems to have
stumbled upon the best course, the only course proper
to be pursued throughout the whole of this unpleasant
and luckless adventure. Often the weakness of a busi-
ness man is his strength. Judging from his apparent
qualities, either of his associates would have done
better for the company in his place, though Mc-
Kenzie was not much more persevering than he.
(214)
CHARACTER OF TEE MANAGERS. 215
Astor was peculiarly unfortunate in his fitting of
character to position. For so shrewd an observer
of human nature, his agents were almost to a man ill-
chosen. Clarke at the head would have put will and
energy into the enterprise, though his judgment was
not always of the soundest. All things considered,
David Stuart, with his mild determination and hu-
mane fearlessness, would have made the best manager.
Hunt's great mistake was in leaving the coast at all.
His presence at this time was of the most vital im-
portance, though it could scarcely have changed the
drift of affairs.
McTavish in diplomatic skill and artifice is equal
to them all. The Honorable Northwest Company
never lacked shrewd men, and among them all there
never was a more proficient tactician than he. Before
he enters the fort, he knowTs quite well the feelings of
every man who has a voice upon the question which
brought him there. That any one of them was dis-
honorable, treacherous, or base, I do not for a moment
believe. They were every one of them brought up
in the strictest school of business honesty, and chosen
for this adventure on account of their good qualities,
and not because they were rascals.1
Briefly, affairs stand thus. Between the United
States, whose languid protection was Fort Astoria's
downfall, and the British, under whose flag the North-
west Company traded, was war. It might last a year,
or twenty years; and terminate in favor of the one
power or the other; but while it lasted, or howsoever
1 That these Scotchmen were bad men, disloyal to Astor by reason of
their nationality and former associations, as certain writers would have us
believe, is in view of the circumstances absurd. In their agreement with
Astor they reserved the right toclose the business should their in
■ I ictate. Whatever loss might arise from the failure of the <
on them, in proportion to their share. Incase they were obliged to aban-
don t he adventure three laborious years would be lost to everj >
with no prospective gain. ' It was thus,' says one, ' that after haipng i i I
the i ea - and suffered all sorts of fatigues and privations, I lost in a moment
all my hopes of fortune.' Franchere's Nar.-, 193. For half a century United
stair.', residents of the north-west have harbored ill-will toward British sub-
jects of the same locality through such false representations.
216 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
it terminated, supplies, without which business must
wholly cease, were sure to be uncertain, if not, in-
deed, entirely out of the question. The British were
the stronger power, having at command more money,
men, and ships; the war was on United States soil,
which gave United States citizens an advantage In
the Oregon Territory, subsequently disputed ground,
and at a distance from the head-quarters of both powers,
the British would have the advantage, for their money
and ships more easily spanned continents and seas
than a young nation's patriotism. The actual leader
of this enterprise was absent with the only ship at its
command; whether either would ever return was
doubtful. In fact, greater risk attended the Beaver'*
voyage than that of the Tonquin. A hostile ship
with letters of marque was hourly expected, which
would take the fort without firing half its guns; in
which event all the property would be confiscated.
For though partners and men were most of. them
British subjects, they were trading under an enemy's
flag; and though their persons might be respected,
their property could not be. Three courses lay open
to the partners: they might fight, or fly, or make
terms with the enemy. With an armed vessel at their
command, they might adopt the former course; as it
Avas it was impossible. Suppose they should escape
to the interior with their goods; half a dozen white
men with arms, whiskey, and tobacco could anywhere
raise natives enough thirsting for blood and plunder
to annihilate them. Hence it would be well to con-
sider calmly the last alternative. This I believe to
be a fair statement of the case.
Under such circumstances McDougall did not deem
it wise to treat McTavish as a deadly enemy. Though
Stuart and Clarke were not yet reconciled to the
abandonment of their project, and could but regard
the inroads of the Northwest Company with displeas-
ure, yet in view of past relations and what might be
in the near future, McDougall supplied McTavish
McTAVISH DIPLOMACY. 217
with necessaries from the garrison stores, and influ-
enced the savages to treat his party as friends.2
It was with great difficulty that Clarke and Stuart
could be brought to entertain the thought of aban-
doning the enterprise. McTavisli said little; his
presence was his strongest argument. His position
was none of the pleasantest, dependent as he was on
the enemy's courtesy for subsistence. McDougall all
the while treated him with humane consideration,
kept vigilant guard lest the post should be surprised,
listened to his arguments, and employed them with no
small force in the conversion of Clarke and Stuart.
This was at last accomplished. They saw clearly
enough that if the Beaver did not return, and the
annual ships did not arrive, they would be left among
savages to shift for themselves.
Meanwhile the perplexities of McTavish increased.
He had long waited in vain the arrival of the Isaac
Todd, which was to make him master of the situation,
until he felt it unsafe for him to wait longer. He
therefore applied to the Astor company for goods
which would enable him to reach his post on the
upper Columbia and do a little trading on the way.
After further consultation the partners granted the
request, and goods were given him to the amount
of eight hundred and fifty-eight dollars, payable in
horses the following spring, or in any way the part-
ners should demand.
McTavish was now ready to depart. Neither force
nor threat had been employed to bring the Astor
company to terms. A mere statement of probabilities
had been placed before them; that was all. McTavish
was about to become a debtor to the company; had
the partners anything further to say? Yes, they had
well considered the matter, and all were now agreed
to dissolve the company the following year, provided
2 This Mr Irving, -muting from Astor's point of view, denominates 'un-
called-for hospitality.' and intimates that it would have served McTavish
right to have set Comcomly and his crew upon him.
21S TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
no relief came in the mean time. It was surely long
enough to wait upon an uncertainty, and they could
scarcely be jointly charged with hasty or ill-advised
action in the premises.
This was the arrangement. It was now the 1st of
Jul}' 1813. If before the 1st of June 1814, no relief
should reach them from any quarter, the posts upon
the Pacific should be abandoned, and McDougall be
empowered to transfer to the Northwest Company
at prices stipulated, all the property, goods, and furs
of the Pacific Company, should the former then be
disposed to purchase. This as a preliminary arrange-
ment or resolution was signed in triplicate by the four
partners, and copies delivered to McTavish, one for
the Northwest Company, and one to be forwarded to
Astor by the winter express. Meanwhile McDougall
with forty men was to remain in command at Astoria.
Stuart would winter at Shush wap, Clarke at Spokane,
and McKenzie in the Willamette Valley. Reed with
Pierre Dorion and five Canadians would proceed to
the Shoshone country, winter there, and make the
best preparations possible for the passage of the main
body across the mountains the following summer.
All were to meet at Fort Astoria in May, and set
out the 5th of July.
The parties for the upper country, with the excep-
tion of losing a cargo at the Cascades, and the acci-
dental shooting of Pillot in the leg, all reached Walla
Walla, where they found the natives still . smarting
under the late outrage committed by Clarke. The
presence of a brass four-pounder prevented an attaek,
but Clarke felt constrained to avoid the Palouse River
on his way to Spokane, and to take a circuitous route,
keeping company with Stuart as far as Okanagan.
Reed and party started south-easterly for the Shoshone
country. McKenzie made frequent trips from Astoria
up the Columbia and Willamette rivers, for dried
salmon. At the fort all were bus}^ baling skins and
preparing for final departure. McDougall embraced
HUNT'S STORY. 219
this occasion to form a matrimonial alliance with the
native sovereign of the country, after the manner of
the most successful fur- traders. The daughter of Com-
comly thenceforth took up her residence at the fort.
Scarcely had matters at Astoria assumed the tran-
quillity of a settled policy, when on the 20th of
August, less than two months after the departure . of
McTavish, Stuart, and Clarke, a vessel entered the
river and anchored opposite the fort. Immediately
all on shore were thrown into a nutter of excitement.
Did this portend war or peace? Was it the Isaac
Todd, or a supply-ship ? Their anxiety was somewhat
relieved by the display of the United States flag. A
salute from the fort was answered by the ship, and
McDougall put out in a small boat to board her.
Shortly after dark he returned, bringing with him
Hunt. The long fathomless mystery was soon ex-
plained. The strange arrival was the Albatross, Cap-
tain Smith, last from the Hawaiian Islands. Let us
listen to Hunt's story.
The Beaver had sailed from Astoria the 4th of the
previous August, so that the chief manager had been
absent from his post over a year. Scudding north-
ward under a favorable wind, in fifteen days the
Beaver entered the harbor of New Archangel. Hunt
landed and presented himself before the governor,
Baranof. Hunt then arranged for furnishing that
port with supplies and means of transportation for
its furs annually. After forty-five days spent in bar-
gaining, and in discharging that part of the cargo
sold, Baranof found he had not sufficient skins on
hand with which to pay for his purchases. Conse-
quently Hunt was obliged to proceed to the island of
St Paul,3 in Bering Sea, the Russian seal-catching
establishment, where he arrived the 31st of October,
and took in a fine quantity of seal-skins.4
3 Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosr., MS., i. 181.
1 • Being there informed that some Kodiak hunters had been left on some
adjacent isles, called the islands of St Peter and St Paul, and that these
220 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
Ice and heavy gales having strained the ship, and
fearing the bar and bad weather at the month of the
Columbia, Hunt did not go from Kamchatka back to
Fort Astoria, as he intended and had been instructed,
but stood for the Hawaiian Islands, which he reached
late in the season, intending there to take the annual
ship to Astoria, while the Beaver should carry her
precious cargo to China.
Arrived at Canton, Captain Sowles found there
awaiting him a letter from Astor, notice of the war,
and instructions to sail forthwith to Fort Astoria
with the information, and render the fortress there
every assistance in his power. Evidently the captain
of the Beaver was not a man of war. There was no
Englishman that he knew of whose blood he wished
to spill ; he was very sure he wished no Englishman to
spill his blood. He was in the merchant-service, not
in the navy. He would wait until the war was over,
and then return to New York; so he wrote Astor.
This was not all — the captain was no better busi-
ness man than warrior. The furs on board his ship
had cost twenty-five thousand dollars' worth of goods ;
when he first arrived he might have sold them for one
hundred and fifty thousand, which invested in nan-
keens would have brought in New York, if the}' es-
caped shipwreck and privateers on the way, three
hundred thousand dollars. Five hundred per cent
profit, however, was not enough for this captain. He
held out for more. Furs began to fall; he would wait
a little while for them to rise; they fell still lower;
then he certainly would not sell, but borrowed money
at one and a half per cent, a month on Astor's account,
to pay his expenses, and waited for the war to cease.
At the Hawaiian Islands, Hunt wTas obliged to re-
main for six months before he found opportunity to
sail. The annual vessel did not come. Weary of
hunters had not been visited for three years, they determined to go thither,
and having reached those isles, they opened a brisk ti-ade, and secured no
less than eighty thousand skins of the South Sea seal.' Fmnchere's JS'ar., 175.
CRITICAL TOSITIOK 221
waiting he bought a small schooner with which he re-
solved to tempt the ocean, and was about t<> embark
in it when the Albatross arrived with information of
the war. Hunt immediately chartered the vessel and
sailed for Fort Astoria.
Mr Hunt was sadly disappointed when he learned
the decision of the partners, but when asked to pro-
pose another measure was at a loss to do so. It was
plainly evident that on one side the British, stirred to
hot action by the prospect of prize-money, were upon
them, while upon the other, their formidable rivals, the
Northwest Company, having been refused an amicable
adjustment of interests by a division of territory, had
now determined to crush them. Escape was impos-
sible either by sea or land. Cruisers were watching
them without, ready even now to pounce upon them;
and as well might a rich-laden caravan attempt to
fly across the Rocky Mountains, as to escape the Wah-
owpum banditti, the estranged Walla Wallas, the
outraged Palouses, and the terrible Blackfoot Indians,
when instigated, assisted, or encouraged by a few
white men. Even if robbed of everything by their
enemies, and their forts blown to the winds, they
might rally and continue, provided Astor could get
supplies to them; but without supplies not only was
their traffic at an end, but their lives were in great
jeopardy.5 A child might see this; Hunt saw it, and
5 In his Astoria, Mr Irving lays himself open to the severest criticism
and censure. This is his line of reasoning: Astor set his heart upon the
accpiisition of great power and property on the Pacific Coast; therefore Astor
was a magnanimous man, one to be highly exalted, and whose schemes l>y
their inherent virtues should be successful. They failed. Some one must be
blamed, but not Astor. McDougall being in charge, and being likewise the
first to suggest capitulation, wasasfita person asany. Hence 1McT>< >n -all was
a bad man, disloyal to the enterprise from the beginning; in proof of which
he gave McTavish food and protection when he might have left him to star-
vation and the savages; therefore he was in league with McTavish. At the
time McDougall endeavors to hold out for another year, allies himself by mar-
riage with the chief for the greater safety of the establishment, ami. when
forced to come to terms or see the whole property swept away, makes a
better bargain for the Astor company with McTavish than the Nbrthwesl
Company will ratify, ami is obliged to take less — in view of all this his
222 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
was quickly satisfied. He not only indorsed the steps
already taken by his partners, but he authorized Mc-
Dougall, in case of his absence, to conclude arrange-
ments with McTavish as best he might.6
treachery is clearly apparent. Finally, when McDougall visits the British sloop
of war Raccoon he is coldly received by his countiymen, because he had just in
time saved to Astor 8SO,500, which otherwise would have fallen to them as
prize-money; hence he was incompetent, andavillain. Onpage475of Astoria,
speaking of the British war-vessels Phoebe, Cherub, and Raccoon, then on the
way to the Columbia, Mr Irving exclaims, ' Here then was the death-warrant of
unfortunate Astoria ! ' And yet in twenty places with Astor at his elbow he
•would make McDougall, Sowles, or any other person or thing responsible for
the failure. Suo sibl hunc gladio jugulo.
G Mark Mr Irving's language in this part of his narrative, who with strange
and effeminate inconsistency with his bold assertions, constantly condemns
McDougall while his facts exculpate him. 'As a means of facilitating the de-
spatch of business, Mr McDougall proposed that in case Mr Hunt should not
return, the whole arrangement with Mr McTavish should be left solely to him.
This was assented to; the contingency being possible but not probable.' Astoria,
475. It must be remembered that this was after the manifesto of the part-
ners had been approved by Mr Hunt. And again on the same page he speaks
of the coming British men-of-war and the certain destruction of ' unfortunate
Astoria.' If these ships were the ruination of the enterprise how shall we
blame McDougall for saving what he could? And yet writing with Astor at
his elbow we find flung in from one end of the book to the other, slurs and
innuendos upon the character of the Scotch partners, the Northwest Company,
and everybody except Mr Irving and Mr Astor. Even the old Russian com-
mander, Baranof, who gave $150,000 worth of seal-skins for 825,000 in mer-
chandise, is blamed by this captious biographer for unduly detaining Hunt
with convivial hospitality. Before leaving New York ' the confidence of Mr
Astor was abused,' Astoria, 51, because two of the partners, 'both of them
Scotchmen, and recently in the service of the Northwest Company,' asked of
the New York agent of the British government what would be their position
at Astoria in case of war. Now it would be exceedingly difficult for any but
the most morbid mind to find ' abuse of Mr Astor ' in this step. ' Captain
Thorn was an honest, straightforward, but somewhat dry and dictatorial com-
mander.' 53. McDougall ' was an active, irritable, fuming, vainglorious little
man. ' 54. ' Though Mr Thompson could be considered as little better than a spy
in the camp, he was received with great cordiality by Mr McDougall, who had
a lurking feeling of companionship and good-will for all the Northwest Com-
pany.' 97. In the name of humanity and decency why should he not have?
And how was it to serve Astbr's interests to treat a gentleman, a visitor in
the wilderness, an old Mend and former associate, though now a business
rival, discourteously, or as would have been in this instance regarded by all the
fur-hunting community, in a most unmanly, bearish, and insulting manner?
Again speaking of another affair: 'Indeed, the whole conduct of Mr Mc-
Dougall was such as to awaken strong doubts as to his loyal devotion to the
cause. His old sympathies for the Northwest Company seemed to have re-
vived. He had received McTavish and his party with uncalled-for hospi-
tality.' 154. It was through McTavish that McDougall saved to Astor all
that was saved from the wreck of the enterprise. The very acts which Irving
so insidiously stigmatizes in McDougall, I would select in a biographical sketch
as illustrative of nobleness of character. Speaking of the sale of Fort Astoria
Irving says, 485 : ' The conduct and motives of Mr McDougall throughout the
whole of this proceeding have been strongly questioned by the other part-
ners.' Irving fails entirely to show how this was so, and if it was the part-
ners that were as much to blame as McDougall ; for they were on the spot, and
McDOUGALL'S FAITHFULNESS. 223
Franchere thinks the Pacific Fur Company could
easily enough have escaped capture by a British
should have prevented fraud, instead of which they acquiesced in nil that wag
done. Says Franchere, 172: 'Our object being to provide ourselves before
quitting the country, with the food and horses necessary for the journey, in
order to avoid all opposition ou the part of the Northwest Company we en-
tered into an arrangement with Mr McTavish.' And yet more emphal Lcally
Mr Ross, Adv., 243, 244: 'The resolutions of Mr McDougall and McKenzie
last winter, to abandon the undertaking, were now discussed anew; McKenzie
now sided with McDougall.' And on page 24G: 'The resolution to abandon
the country was adopted, and Messrs Stuart and Clarke gave it their cordial
consent. ' Ross was on the spot and states what he saw. Irving takes his in-
formation from Astor, who speaks of what he heard. Nor was Ross at all
friendly with McDougall. Nor does the fact that McDougall subsequently
joined the Northwest Company, of which so great a handle was made, im-
peach his integrity in the least. So far as I am able to learn from a careful
sifting of all the evidence, McDougall remained faithful at his post to the end,
and having made the best terms possible for Astor, keeping back for himself
out of all the property he had in charge, not one dollar, with nothing to show
for his four years of arduous service, he was a free man with the right to en-
gage where he would. Further than this, would the Northwest Company have
received him and trusted him had he been traitor to his former trust? The
fact is, Astor was exceedingly sore over this failure and must blame some-
body, anybody, everybody. He wrote Mr Monroe, but ' waited in vain for a
reply to this letter,' according to Hunt. And says of Hunt, 474 : ' By degrees,
therefore, he -was brought to acquiesce in the step taken by his colleagues, as per-
haps advisable in the exigences of the case.' Of McKenzie and Stuart, Irving
himself says, Astoria, 4.35 : ' In the mean time the non-arrival of the annual ship
and the apprehensions entertained of the loss of the Beaver and of Mr Hunt,
had their effects upon the mind of Messrs Stuart and Clarke. They began
to listen to the desponding representations of McDougall seconded by McKen-
zie, who inveighed against their situation as desperate and forlorn ; left to
shift for themselves or perish upon a barbarous coast; neglected by those who
sent them there, and threatened with dangers of every kind. In this way
they were brought to consent to the plan of abandoning the country in the
ensuing year.' ' Had Hunt been present,' again he says, on page 499, in most
disordered logic, 'the transfer in all probability would not have taken place.'
And yet he has but just said that if the transfer had not been made just at the
time it was, the property surely would have been captured by the British and
the proceeds from the sale of it divided as prize-money among the capt< >rs;
that the disappointment of these officers ' therefore may be easily conceived,
when they learned that their warlike attack upon Astoria had been fore-
stalled by a snug commercial arrangement; that their anticipated booty had
become British property in the regular course of traffic, ' etc. 487. What shall
we say of a writer who so mixed personal feelings with his facts and fictions?
Hunt ' soon saw reason to repent the resolution he had adopted in altering
the destination of the ship... He too proved the danger of departing from
orders. The greatest blunder of all was that committed by Captain Sowles.'
Astor was likewise 'discouraged by this supineness on the part of the gov-
ernment.1 < >f all the world Astor alone was faultless. In all this I have no
fault to find with Astor. He embarked in a magnificent undertaking, lavish-
ing money and energy upon it in a way worthy of success. Here too it happened
success would have been a great gain to the country. He failed through a
combination of circumstances, through the special and individual fault of no
one man. He was as much to blame himself as any one, in fitting his a
to their work. Let Astor curse his stars, his agents, the president i
United States, or whomsoever he will. It is often a comfort to find a vent
for one's ill-humor, but should we not make some allowance for words spoken
in such a mood 1
224 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
force. "It was only necessary," he says, to get rid
of the land party of the Northwest Company, who
were completely in our power, then remove our effects
up the river upon some small stream, and await the
result. The sloop of war arrived, it is true, but as in
the case I suppose she would have found nothing;
she would have left after setting fire to our deserted
houses. None of their boats would have dared fol-
low us even if the Indians had betrayed to them our
lurking-place. Those at the head of affairs had their
own fortune to seek, and thought it more for their in-
terest, doubtless, to act as they did; but that will not
clear them in the eyes of the world, and the charge
of treason to Mr Astor's interests will always be at-
tached to their characters." Franchere might have
gone yet further, and have said: With a determined
American at the head of affairs backed by Comcornly
and his eight hundred warriors, they need scarcely
have retired at all, not further certainly than beyond
range of the ship's guns. But what would have been
their position? What good would such a step have
done them? There were few furs to buy about Asto-
ria or in the Willamette Valley. The Northwest
Company with the assistance of the now exasperated
Walla Wallas, Palouses, and Blackfoot Indians, could
easilj' not only have stopped all the Rocky Mountain
passes, but have driven the Pacific Company from
that region. Had such a plan been practicable, why
did not Hunt, who was an American and actual com-
mander of the company's forces, adopt it? His loy-
alty to Astor's interests has never been questioned;
then why did he, who was over all in authority, agree
with the other partners in the surrender of the fort,
and go in search of a vessel to carry them all away ?
Because he knew it was impossible to hold the country
and obtain supplies with their way blocked up in the
mountains and upon the sea. Hence it seems to me
unfair to throw the blame upon the partners present,
and more particularly upon McDougall, after Hunt
HUNT SAILS TO THE MARQUESAS. 225
had authorized him to act as he did, and assisted him
in carrying out his measures.
We may as well, however, set aside what might
have been done with a force of United States citizens
under a loyal and determined commander, for there
was no such body present. Astor did not select men
of that character, or for that purpose. It was a
commercial troop, and not an army. In a war with
the United States, how should Astor expect British
to level gun against British in his interests, or even
in their own1? Hunt saw that neither he, nor Mc-
Dougall, nor McKenzie could compel them to it, and
so he yielded his assent to a sale. Then why fling
odium upon men for not accomplishing impossibilities?
The assertion that McDougall's interests lay in the
direction of a partnership in the Northwest Company
is idle until proved. In the Pacific Company his
interest was larger and his position higher than there
there was the slighest probability it ever would be in
the Montreal company. The interest of every mem-
ber was the success of the Pacific Company, and all
seemed to act upon that principle. I find not the
slightest taint of treachery in this transaction.
In common with McDougall, Hunt now directed
his efforts to saving as much from the wreck as
possible. A vessel was needed to bring provisions to
Fort Astoria, to take back the Hawaiian Islanders,
whose contract stipulated that they should be re-
turned to their homes, and to transport the heavy
goods and those of the men who preferred to return
by sea to New York. The Albatross was under char-
ter to the Marquesas Islands, and therefore was not
open to engagement. Hunt therefore embarked in
her in company with Clapp on the 2Gth of August,
hoping to find the vessel he required upon the coast
of California. He was carried at once to the Mar-
quesas, where shortly after his arrival Commodore
Porter of the United States frigate Essex entered,
bringing with him several British whalers which he
Hist. N. W. Cuast, Vol. II. 15
226 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
had captured. By this arrival came the disheartening
intelligence that a British fleet consisting of the sloops
of war Raccoon and Cherub, the frigate Phoebe, and a
store-ship mounted with machinery suitable for batter-
ing down forts had sailed from Rio Janeiro the 6th of
July for the Northwest Coast. If this was true the
end indeed had come.
In his great trouble, Hunt applied to Commodore
Porter, offering to purchase one of his prizes; but the
price ashed, twenty-five thousand dollars, being deemed
exorbitant, Hunt refused to pay it, and requested
the commodore to send a vessel to the assistance of
Fort Astoria, but in the absence of express authority
this proposal was likewise rejected. Should he fall
in with the enemy, however, the commodore would
defeat his plans if he felt able. The fact is, the
United States government was taxed to its utmost
to sustain itself upon the sea, otherwise its attitude
toward this enterprise throughout were indeed pusil-
lanimous. I see no excuse for Commodore Porter in
demanding such a sum in this emergency. Without
seamen he could only burn his prizes, and such con-
duct seemed to Hunt like taking advantage of his
distress. Unsuccessful on every side, Hunt sailed in
the Albatross the 23d of November for the Hawaiian
Islands, where he arrived the 20th of December.
There he met Captain Northrop, and was told the
melancholy story of the loss of the Lark. Losing no
time Hunt bought a brig, the Pedler, for ten thou-
sand dollars, and placing Northrop in command, sailed
for Fort Astoria the 22d of January, hoping to be
able to rescue some of the property and carry it to
Sitka for safe-keeping.
Returning once more to Fort Astoria, we find,
some five weeks after the sailing of the Albatross,
McKenzie with Wallace and Seton, in two canoes,
with ten men, en route with supplies for the wintering
partners.
McTAVISH AGAIN. 227
The fifth day after this departure, which was the
7th of October, greatly to the surprise of the garrison
were seen rounding Tongue Point side by side three
canoes, the middle one flying the flag of the United
States and the two others displaying British colors.
In the first were McKenzie and Clarke, supported on
either side by John George McTavish and Angus
Bethune of the Northwest Company. Landing, Mc-
Tavish presented the commander at Fort Astoria a
letter from Angus Shaw, partner in the Northwest
Company, and uncle of McDougall, informing him of
the sailing in March of the ship Isaac Todd and the
frigate Phoebe, with letters of marque and instructions
to seize everything American on the Northwest Coast.
It appears that McKenzie had met the squadron
near the first rapids. Clarke wTas with them, having
left his post to accompany them. The two parties
landed and encamped for the night. Next morning
McKenzie and Clarke endeavored to slip away, so as
to reach the fort before the others, and give warning
of their approach; but McTavish was as wide-awake
as they, setting out as early and reaching Fort Asto-
ria as soon.
A canny Scotch game is now played for the pos-
session of the Columbia. McTavish with those be-
hind him is the stronger in numbers and prospects;
McDougall in position and possession. The British
vessels of war may come at any moment, and thejr
may not come at all; the chances are in favor of
their coming, as nothing but capture or shipwreck
is likely to prevent them. If they come, they will
be like the monke}^ that eats the cheese. All
that belongs to persons trading under the United
States flag the British officers and seamen will take
without asking, and divide it among them as their
lawful prize. The Northwest Company may then
have the country, and the Pacific Company may go
their way. If they do not come, the latter may keep
their posts and their goods.
228 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
McTavish is not so eager to conclude terras as for-
merly. He fences for time. He would rather see
the Pacific Company thoroughly destroyed, so that
they would make him no further trouble on the
coast, than to purchase their property even at his
own price.
On the other hand, McDougall is determined to de-
prive McTavish of his double chance, or force him to
terms, or escape with his goods at the earliest pos-
sible moment. Of course to wait for Hunt or any one
else is out of the question. Calling a council of all
present, partners and clerks, next day, the 8th, Mc-
Dougall reads to them his uncle's letter. A strict
guard is kept in the fort to avoid surprise ; at the same
time McTavish, being short of provisions, is supplied
by McDougall.
McDougall now proposes to sell all the goods of the
Pacific Company upon the coast at cost and charges,
and skins at rates current in the London market, less
charges of transportation and sale. This was a most
liberal offer under the circumstances, and McTavish
accepts. But out of courtesy to his associates, he
will await their arrival before consummating the con-
tract.
On the 11th of October, John Stuart and Joseph
McGillivray, partners in the Northwest Company,
arrive with the eight canoes, the remainder of the
ileet of ten, and land in a cove near the factory, form-
ing a <mmp of about seventy-five men. A conference
is held. The terms of the proposed contract are re-
stated. John Stuart enters his protest. On behalf
of his company he might sanction the purchase at
cost and charges for the goods and furs at fixed rates,7
which should little more than cover their cost at Fort
Astoria, the servants of the Pacific Company to be paid
the arrears of their wages, which amount was to be
7 ' The whole of the goods on hand both at Fort Astoria and throughout the
interior were delivered over to the Northwest Company at 10 per cent on cost
and charges.' Boss' Adv., 2.32-3. If Mr Ross means 10 per cent on cost and
freight, as he probably does, it would still be no more than cost and charges.
ASTOR GROANS. 229
deducted from the price paid.8 McGillivray sustains
John Stuart, affirming that this would be the best he
should agree to. McTavish is of course obliged to
be silent.
Rapidly revolving the matter in his mind, for he
has no time to think long, McDougall accepts. He
thinks his company should receive more; he accuses
the Northwest partners of taking advantage, but he
is wholly in their power, and to tell the truth he be-
lieves even this to be for the best interests of Astor.
And he is right. Nor do I think the final offer of the
Northwest Company by any means unfair or illiberal,
as the sequel shows. It is true they make a profit on
the furs, and secure the business; but they are a com-
mercial company, and such is the purpose of com-
merce. I greatly doubt if Astor, who sorely com-
plains, would have made a more liberal offer had he
been in their place. For close at hand were those who
would have taken from the Pacific Company all they
had, and paid them nothing.9
Astor, however, is greatly dissatisfied, although I
am really at a loss to know why. "Had our place
and our property been fairly captured," he moans by
the mouth of Irving,10 " I should have preferred it; I
8 ' The following estimate has been made of the articles on hand, and the
prices: 17,705 lbs. of beaver parchment, valued at 82, worth So; 405 old-coat
beaver, valued at §1.00, worth $3.50; 907 land-otter, valued at $.50, worth
85; 08 sea-otter, valued at $12, worth from $45 to $60; 30 sea-otter, valued at
$5, worth §-25.' Irving's Astoria, 484. 'The furs were valued at so much per
skin. The whole sales amounted to §80,500, McTavish giving bills of ex-
change on the agents for the amount, payable in Canada.' Boss' Adv., 253.
9 ' This transaction took place on the 16th of October, and was considered
fair and equitable on both sides.' Boss' Adv., 253. 'In a few weeks an amica-
ble arrangement was made, by which Mr McTavish agreed to purchase all the
furs, merchandise, provisions, etc. , of our company at a certain valuation, stipu-
lating to provide a safe passage back to the United States, either by sea or
across the continent, for such members of it as choose to return; and at the
same time offering to those who should wish to join the Northwest Company,
and remain in the country, the same terms as if they had originally been mem-
bers of that company. Messrs Ross, McClellan, and I took advantage i t these
liberal proposals, and some time after, Mr Duncan McDougall, one of tii<^ <li-
rectors, also joined the Northwest.' Cox's Columbia River, 208. 'The nego-
tiations were protracted by one party, in the hope that the long expected
armed force would arrive to render the purchase unnecessary, and were
forward by the other to conclude the affair before that occurrence should in-
tervene.' Franchere,8 Nar., 193.
10 Astoria, 485.
230 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
should not feel as if I were disgraced." In other
words, he might have a large claim for damages.
Still McTavish fences for time, and it was not until
McDougall made ready his boats and threatened to
move inland up the Willamette Kiver unless the agree-
ment was legally executed at once, that the North-
west partners completed the purchase.11 One other
hold McDougall had upon his rivals. McTavish and
his party obtained their daily supply of provisions
from the fort, being indebted to the Pacific Company
even for food and ammunition. Accompanying the
threat to move was another to cut off supplies, and
thus the Northwest Company were brought to terms.12
The contract was signed the 16th of October, and on
the 12th of November the Northwest Company took
formal possession of Astoria.13 Thus was scaled the
death-warrant of the New York millionaire's brilliant
scheme. Thus terminated the affairs of the Pacific
Fur Company on the Northwest Coast. The greater
part of the servants of the Pacific Company entered
the service of the Northwest Company; after the
affairs of the former were closed, McDougall accepted
a partnership in the Northwest Company.14 Toward
11 'McDougall and McKenzie, hew-ever, saw through this piece of artifice,
and insisted that the business should be ratified at once. McTavish, however,
full of commercial wiles, tried to evade and retard every step taken.' Ross'
Adv., 253.
12 'One morning before daylight, Messrs McDougall and McKenzie sum-
moned all hands together, seventy-two in number, and after a brief statement
of the view of the Northwest in reference to the negotiation, ordered the bas-
tions to be manned, the guns to be loaded and pointed, and the matches lighted.
In an instant every man was at his post and the gates shut. At eight o'clock
a message was sent to McTavish giving him two hours, and no more, either
to sign the bills or break off the negotiations altogether, and remove to some
other quarters. By eleven o'clock the bills were finally and formally signed,
and Astoria was delivered up to the Northwest Company on the 12t!i of No-
vember, after nearly a month of suspense between the drawing and the signing
of the bills.' Jioss' Adv., 254. This statement is so at variance from Mr
Irving's that I am willing to allow a little for exaggeration. That is, McDou-
gall may have formally assumed this belligerent attitude for effect, but that he '
ever had any intention of firing on McTavish's camp I cannot for a moment
suppose.
13 According to Ross and Irving; Franchere says the 23d of November.
11 This circumstance threw suspicion on his conduct, yet there is not the
least proof that he had betrayed his trust. McDougall always bore the char-
acter of integrity; he was a man of principle, faithful to his word, and punctual
COMCOMLY FOR WAR. 231
the end of October, McKenzie set out with John
Stuart for Spokane and Okanagan to deliver those
posts to the purchasers.
The arrival at Fort Astoria from Fort William on
the 15th of November of two Northwest Company
partners, Alexander Stuart and Alexander Henry, in
two bark canoes, manned, by sixteen voyageurs, did
not materially affect the attitude of affairs, but only
the more proved the course pursued by McDougall to
be correct, and showed the utter hopelessness of the
Astor course on the Pacific. The Northwest Com-
pany were determined to drive them out. They would
probably in time have accomplished this without the
aid of British war-ships, in the continued absence of
help for Astor from the United States. The new
arrival reported the British arms thus far in the
ascendant.
Scarcely more than a fortnight had passed since
the formal delivery of the fortress of Astoria to the
Northwest Company, when one day Comcomly came
in breathless haste to McDougall, with tidings of a
sail seen off the cape, which he was fearful might be a
King George ship. "Have we not enough of these
people among us?" he exclaimed. "Are you Bostons
women that you permit these starving ones to take
your fort, your goods, and drive you from the coun-
try? And now here comes this vessel to enslave us
all, but with eight hundred warriors at my back I do
not fear them. I will protect you." But McDougall
soothed his hotly perspiring and red-painted father-
in-law, assured him that the King George men were
no longer enemies, and sent him away happy in the
possession of a new coat and a pocketful of tobacco,
with instructions not to molest white people, who were
all brothers.
to his engagements. Ross'' Adv., 273-4. Khl6bnikof, ante, 149, re-
marks that Clarke went to Sitka after the transfer of Astoria and lived there
for two years, acting as tutor to Baranof's half-breed children; he also men-
tions the arrival cf Jobson, a gunsmith, and two half-breeds.
232 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
This was the 29th of November. Next morning
the vessel, which was no other than the British sloop
of war Raccoon, Black, commander, mounting twenty-
six guns, came dashing gayly forward, and anchored in
Baker Bay. She was immediately boarded by Mc-
Dougall and his royal father-in-law, each with his ret-
inue ; and it was pleasing to see the effect of civilization
thus far upon the king of the Chinooks; for from a
blood-thirsty warrior we find him suddenly trans-
formed into a crafty courtier. Not knowing exactly
why or how, he saw plainly enough that on the Colum-
bia King George was in the ascendant.
"Ah," he cried to Captain Black, spreading a fine
sea-otter skin upon the deck, "the Bostons are brave,
but they have no ships like this, no men like these,"
his eyes running admiringly from the brightly polished
guns to the gilt-buttoned officers, and along the line
of marines. Next day saw Comcomly approach the
little wharf before the fort from the Raccoon, flying
the Union Jack at the bow of his canoe, and step
ashore in full British uniform. Upon such trifles the
destinies of nations often turn.
Passenger by the Raccoon was John McDonald, a
senior partner in the Northwest Company, and com-_
monly called Bras Croche, Crooked Arm, who at
once assumed command on the Columbia. Five voy-
ageurs accompanied him. Sailing from England in
the Pliahc, which had accompanied the Isaac Todd to
Rio Janeiro, he there found the British squadron.
These two ships with the Raccoon and Clicrub de-
spatched to convoy the Isaac Todd, sailed together,
agreeing to rendezvous at the island of Juan Fernan-
dez. Parted off Cape Horn in a storm, three of the
ships came together at the appointed place. After
waiting some time in vain for the Isaac Todd, Com-
modore Hillyer, hearing of the havoc being commit-
ted among British traders and whalers in the Pacific
by Commodore Porter, set sail with the Cherub and
TAKING POSSESSION. 233
the Phcebe in search of him, while the Raccoon, to
which McDonald was transferred, was .sent to destroy
Fort Astoria.
Great were the expectations raised in the minds of
the officers and men on board the Raccoon, regarding
the rich booty which the defenceless post of Astoria
was to furnish them. Imagine their disappointment,
therefore, when they found the prize had slipped
their grasp by legal transfer to British subjects. The
officers were loud in their anathemas, no less against
the insignificance of the fortress, which they had come
so far to lay low, than against the officers of the
Northwest Company, who, they averred, had employed
them as tools in commercial speculation.
"The Yankees are always beforehand with us,"
said Captain Black to one of his officers, though what
the Yankees had done to warrant his displeasure in
this transaction it would be difficult to imagine. But
it was when he landed and beheld the split-board
pickets called palisades, and scarcely arrow-proof
bastions and stockades, his ire and irony broke forth.
Turning to McDonald he exclaimed: "This, then, was
your enemy's stronghold, requiring a navy to conquer.
Damn me ! with a single four-pounder I would batter
it down in two hours."
One harmless little ceremony yet might be per-
formed before these bright-buttoned King George
men should take their departure, a ceremony which
even the staid English at this late day did not disdain.
Coming on shore the 12th of December 1813, with a
lieutenant of marines, four soldiers, and four sailors,
Captain Black proceeded to take formal possession of
the country, though what that term implied he had no
better idea than Coinconily.
An English dinner supplied the place of the Span-
iard's mass, after which the fur company's servants
with guns in their hands were stationed round the
flag-staff. Captain Black then caused a British flag,
which he had brought on shore for the occasion, to be
234 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
run up, and taking a bottle of Madeira wine of medium
quality he broke it manfully upon the flag-staff, cry-
ing in a loud voice that of that country and of that
establishment he took possession in the name of his
Britannic Majesty, and that the place hitherto called
Fort Astoria should henceforth be known as Fort
George. Three rounds were then fired, artillery and
musketry bellowing the king's health, which was drunk
in liberal bumpers by all present, not excluding a
few sable savages who had been admitted to witness
a ceremony which confirmed in their minds what
before they strongly suspected, namely, that the
white men had all gone mad. With the first fair wind
the Raccoon took her departure, but not until the
officers had made a careful survey of the entrance to
the river.
We left Hunt at the Hawaiian Islands, having just
purchased the brig Pecller and placed in her the cap-
tain and crew of the lost Lark. Leaving the islands
the 22d of January, as before mentioned, the Pedler
cast anchor in the Columbia the 28th of February.
Hunt expressed great dissatisfaction with regard to
the sale, particularly as to the price obtained for the
furs. In facing Astor it would be well to have some
one upon whom to cast the blame; and the fact that
after the affairs of the Pacific Company were closed
McDougall had joined the Northwest Company, might
be easily converted into a question of disloyalty. This
was anything but manly on the part of Hunt, who
represented McDougall's sale as the primary cause
of failure, and Astor seems to have accepted these
unwarranted statements, and Irving to have propa-
gated them without the shadow of proof. Directing
McKenzie, to whom the papers of the Pacific Com-
pany had been delivered by McDougall, to forward to
Astor the draft received in payment from the North-
west Company, Hunt addressed a few parting words
to his late associates, and taking with him Halsey,
HUNT AT SITKA. 235
Seton, Clapp, and Farnham, he bade a final farewell to
the shores of the Pacific, and embarked on board the
Pedler the 3d of April.
Directing his course to Sitka, Hunt encountered
two United States vessels trading with the natives,
and hiding from British cruisers. In which latter at-
tempt at least, they succeeded well; for while at Sitka,
the British ship Forester, Captain Pigott, arrived with
letters of marque from England, having missed the
traders to their no small good fortune. While at Sitka,
Hunt was informed that after the sailing of the
Lark, fearing she might be intercepted, Astor had
ordered purchased in England a British bottom, to be
sent with supplies to Astoria. That Astor might be
informed how his interests stood in that quarter,
Hunt left Halsey at Sitka, and sailed northward,
landing Farnham on the coast of Kamchatka, with
directions to proceed through Asia and across the
Atlantic with despatches, which journey he success-
fully accomplished. Sailing thence southward, the
Pedler soon reached the coast of California, where she
was seized by the Spanish corvette Tarjle in August,
but soon released. From San Bias15 Seton was sent
by way of Panama, to New York, while the Pedler con-
tinued her way round Cape Horn. Arriving safely
upon the Atlantic seaboard, Hunt took up his resi-
dence at St Louis, and was subsequently made gov-
ernor of the state.
Astor was deeply chagrined at the failure of his
cherished scheme. Throughout his whole life the dis-
appointment never left him. He declared he would
never give it up, would never abandon that territory
to the Northwest Company after their shameful tr<
ment of him; though what they had done to him that
he would not gladly have done to them, had he pos-
;ed the power, the impartial student of those times
15 Arch. Col, Prov. St. Pap. Ben. Mil, MS., xlv. 3-6. She was not, as has
been somewhere stated, sent as a prize to San Bias.
236 TRANSFER OF FORT ASTORIA.
fails to discover. These, however, were but the idle
threats attending defeat. The departure of Hunt for-
ever closed the business of Astor upon the Pacific.16
1G In Irving's eyes, Astor's pride and Astor's money were the only
Not a bewailing word is said in Astoria of the sacrifice of sixty-three lives in
this speculation, not one of which was Astor's. Let us reckon them ; and
we shall likewise find that most of these deaths were needless, arising from
the ignorance, stupidity, or brutality of Astor's chosen agents. Thorn, of
the Tonquin, must alone stand responsible for thirty-three, eight on the bar
and twenty-seven at Xootka Sound, the only redeeming feature here being
that he was among them. By the land expedition five Mere lost ; at Astoria,
three; by the shipwreck of the Lark; eight; in the Shoshone country, nine;
in the final departure, three. To use the projector's own words, this was the
concern which 'was to have annihilated the South Company; extinguished
the Hudson's Bay Company ; driven the Russians into the Frozen Ocean ; and
with the resources of China to have enriched America.' Boss* Adv., 283.
Other authorities which may be properly mentioned are, Kane's Wand* rings,
177; Boston in the Northwest, MS., passim; Lfc and Frost's Ten Years in
Or., 223: Greenhorn's Or. and Col., 294-300; Harvey's Life of McLoughlin,
MS., 3; Victor's Biver of tht West, 43; Parker's F. ploring Tour, 155; Farn-
ham's Pict. Travels, 446; Townsend's Nar., L82; Hine's Or. Hist., 89; Gray's
Or., 19; Butler's Wild North Land, 317; Steven* Xorth>r"M, 4; EllicoU's
PugetSound, MS., 17; /. -f. Astor, in Hunt's Mer. Mag., xi. 153-9; N. Am.
B< w w, xliv. 200-4; Niles' Beg., iv. 267; A nd- rson's Northun st < 'oast, MS., 98;
Tucker's Hist. Or.. 32-.~>; 40-1; Salem Statesman, June 7. 1871; Findlay's
Directory, i. 362; Annates des Vn>/.,xxn. 287-91; Am. Quart. Beg.,iv. 390-4;
D'Orbigny, Voy., 473-4; Am. St. Pap., xxi. 1009-13; Goyner's Lost Trapper,
222-34; Evans' Or., MS., 97; Thornton's Or. andCal., i. 303; Sproat's Scenes
and Studies, 10-11; Twiss' Hist. Or., 23-5, 235-9; Sivan's Northwest Coast,
223-239; Baylie's Northwest Coast of America, 19th Gong., 1st Sess., II. Bept.,
213; 27th Cong., 3d Sess., II. Com. 'Bept. 1, p. 21-2; Annals Cow/rets, 1S22-3,
1210-21.
CHAPTER XI.
THE NORTHWEST COAST UNDER THE NORTHWEST
COMPANY'S REGIME.
1813-1814.
The Northwest Company Masters of the Situation — Expedition to the
Upper Columbia — The Toll-gatherers of the Cascades — Division
of the Party at Walla Walla — Reed Teaps in the Shoshone
Country — Doings at Okanagan and Spokane — Keith and Stuart
Set Out from Fort George for Lake Superior— War at the Cas-
cades— Alexander Henry in the Willamette Valley — New Site
Surveyed for Fort George— First Northwest Brigade from the
Mouth of the Columbia to Montreal — Destruction of Reed's
Party by the Shoshones— Thrilling Tale of Pierre Dorion's Wife —
Arrival of the 'Isaac Todd' at Fort George — The First White
Woman in Oregon — Death of Donald McTavish the New Com-
mander at Fort George.
The defeat too often attendant on pioneer enter-
prises is accomplished at Astoria, and the victor lias
the field. For the present the Montreal merchants
may lord it over a measureless area of fur-producing
mountains and plains unquestioned; may dominate
hordes of their fellow-men, entering in and of their
substance slaying and eating. For, ponderous as is
the machinery of their rivals round Hudson Bay, its
influence west of the Rocky Mountains is yet scarcely
felt unless, indeed, it intensifies the energy of the
Northwest Company in that quarter. The battle-
ground of the two great British companies lies upon
the eastern slope, leaving the Northwest Company
sole ruler of the western. And as for interference
from the United States, British men-of-war will guard
the seaward side, while the remembrance of the hard-
(237)
23S UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
ships experienced by Hunt, Crooks, and Stuart in
their transniontane expeditions are enough to dampen
enterprise for the present in that direction.
The shrewd Scotchmen fully realize the lucky turn
in their affairs; they know things cannot remain
stationary, and they are determined to improve the
present opportunity. Hence, expeditions from Fort
Astoria, or, as we must now say, Fort George, rapidly
succeed one another.
Mention has already been made of the departure
of John Stuart and Donald McKenzie for the posts of
the upper Columbia. It was on the 29th of October
1813 that the party set out. Besides the two already
named were McGillivray, Laroche, McDonald, Reed,
and Cox who writes a narrative of the expedition,
with fifty-five men.1
Thrown off their guard at the Cascades by the
peaceable demeanor of the natives, the party permitted
themselves to be robbed of two bales. Hastening
forward with the remainder of their effects, at the
village of the toll-gatherers they encountered a for-
midable band of sixty war-shirted savages, with drawn
bows, dancing kangaroo-like their defiance. Halting
for all to come up, Stuart undertook to amuse the
kangaroo-jumpers, while his men, stealing to the right
1 Among the chief authorities for this epoch are Ross Cox, Adventures on
the Columbia River, 2 vols. London, 1331, and Alexander Ross, The Fur Hunt-
ers of the Far West, 2 vols. London, 1855. Both wrote their narratives upon
the spot. In 1811, Cox obtained a clerkship in the Northwest Company, and
sailed the same year for Tort Astoria in the ship Beaver. He served at the
establishments on the Columbia live years, during which time he made fre-
quent excursions, and engaged in several battles with the savages. In one of
his expeditions he was lost for fourteen days. In April 1S1G he was placed in
charge of the post of Okanagan, and the following year resigned, and retired
to Montreal. Ross was among the first to join the Astor enterprise, which he
fully delineates in his A dveiitures of the First Settlers on the Oregon, or Columbia,
River. He sailed in the Tonquin in 1810, and spent not less than fifteen years
in the Columbia region, after which he settled at Red River, and wrote the
best account of Lord Selkirk's efforts at colonization. To offset his many
good qualities, he seems somewhat loose in his statements, and displays strong
prejudices. He loves to parade to the front all that is bad in men, passing
lightly over their good qualities. His descriptions are graphic, and his book
contains much to be found nowhere else. Franchere is an excellent authority
as far as he goes, but he left the country for Montreal in 1814.
OKANAGAN AND SPOKANE. 239
and left, seized some fifteen of the old men, women,
and children, and held them as hostages until the
stolen goods were returned.
Arrived at Walla Walla, Reed with eight men and
twenty horses turned toward the Shoshone country
to trade for beaver. The rest proceeded to Okan-
agan and Spokane, though not without molestation
from the friends of the man who was hanged by
Clarke for stealing his drinking-cup. From these
posts wintering parties were despatched to the smaller
trading establishments north and east. Cox and Mc-
Millan were stationed among the chaste and chivalrous
Flatheads, who peremptorily refused the all-marrying
white man wives. Those at the other stations fared
but little better. There seemed to be but one lucky
suitor in those parts during this winter of 1813-14,
and that was Pierre Michel, the hunter, who wooed
a beautiful girl of sixteen, and by his blandishments
won her before all the gallants of her tribe. But
Michel had often helped them in their wars, and they
cunningly weighed his future services before consent-
ing to the alliance. McDonald wintered at Kam-
loops, and in December, Montigny left Okanagan
and joined him. On the way he was attacked and
robbed of some horses; elsewhere in this region the
natives were peaceable.
McGillivray, who was in charge, found fort life at
Okanagan intolerably dull. His men were part Cana-
dians and part Kanakas; the latter suffered severely
from the cold, to which they were unaccustomed. The
snow, which was two or three feet deep, prevented
distant excursions, and the fort boasted lew books.
Time was divided between sleeping, masticating horse-
fle h, sipping rum and molasses, and smoking. The
natives were pronounced too lazy to trap.
q McKenzie and John Stuart had completed
their business at Spokane, they proceeded with Clarke
to Okanagan, where they arrived the 15th of Decem-
ber. There they were joined by David Stuart, who
240 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
had brought the men down from Shush wap. Accom-
panied by Ross all now set out for the lower Colum-
bia. On reaching the Cascades, as was now becoming
customary, the party was attacked and one man
wounded. David Stuart and Clarke remained behind
with the loaded canoes, while John Stuart and Mc-
Kenzie hastened on to Fort George, where they ar-
rived the 7th of January 1814.2
A few clays before, those who had been sent by the
Pacific Fur Company to winter on the Willamette
returned. Nothing had been heard from Reed's
party, who were among the Shoshones, and fears
were beginning to be entertained for their safety.
After thus gathering the spoil, and planting new
engineries for further harvests, the next step of the
Northwest Company was to despatch two of their
partners, James Keith and Alexander Stuart, with
seventeen3 men, all they thought they should require,
to carry the gratifying intelligence of their new ac-
quisition to Fort William on Lake Superior. They
were likewise to cause preparations to be made along
the route for the accommodation of a larger party,
the return wave of the Astor adventure, the follow-
ing spring. Likewise the fate of Reed's party was,
if possible, to be ascertained.
Keith and Stuart embarked in two canoes the 3d
of January. Before leaving the fort, they were
earnestly advised not to undertake the expedition
with so few men. But the eyes of their little world
were upon them. There had been boastings and taunts
between the servants of the two companies, as to
their respective knowledge, skill, and bravery as fur-
hunters, and friends and enemies alike were now to be
shown a thing or two. Before reaching the Cascades
they met the party under McKenzie and John Stuart,
who interposed another warning. "What do you
2 Following Ross; Franchere says the morning of the 6th. But these little
differences are wholly unimportant, and as a rule I take no notice of them.
3 According to Cox ; Ross says twenty ; Franchere, fifteen.
WAR AT THE CASCADES. 241
take us for? We know the woods; we are North-
westers!" was the reply. And on they went, making
the forest ring with their merry bravado.
When McKenzie reported at Fort George the
late determined attack at the Cascades, McDonald
became alarmed, and ordered Franchere with a guide
and eight good fighting men, well armed, to hasten
forward to the assistance of the eastward bound. In
less than two hours after McKenzie's arrival, Fran-
chere was on his way; but he was too late. Before
he could reach them the party had been attacked, and
Alexander Stuart badly wounded.
The canoes and a portion of the goods had been
conveyed to the landing above, where Stuart waited
for Keith to come up with the men loaded with the
remainder. It was then that a native seized a bag of
effects guarded by Stuart, who immediately pursued
the thief, and secured the bag. But in returning he was
surrounded by savages, who fired upon him, sending
one arrow into his shoulder, and into his side another
which would have proved fatal had the point not
struck against a stone pipe which was in his pocket.
Stuart levelled his gun, but being wet it missed
fire. Again he levelled it, and shot the nearest as-
sailant dead. By this time the others were upon him,
and he would soon have been despatched had not
several rushed to his assistance. Another native was
killed, and the rest retired to their boats and crossed
the river. Presently was seen, however, a swarm of
canoes filled with warriors crossing from the other
side. And all that remained for the travellers now to
do was to abandon the goods and one canpc, and with
the other to drop down the rapids and save them-
selves. This they did, mustering below all their num-
ber but one, an eastern Indian, who was burning to
have a shot or two at his western brethren. The
party waited for him as long as was safe, and then
reluctantly proceeded. Fortunately, the brave fellow
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 1C
242 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
found his way to the factory, but in a sad plight.
When he found himself abandoned, he dodged from
rock to rock until he gained the woods; but while on
his way the flint from his gun dropped out, and he
was on the verge of starvation. Then he was made
prisoner at a village below, and was ransomed by his
friends at the fort.
Mr Stuart's wounds were painful, and for a time
considered dangerous. Too late they saw their error,
and in not the best of spirits they paddled down the
river. They had not proceeded far when they met
Franchere, sent to their assistance, and all returned
to Fort George, where they arrived the 9th of January
at sunrise.
For obvious reasons the white men could not per-
mit this outrage to pass unnoticed. Amongst the
abandoned property were fifty guns and a quantity of
ammunition, which it was not safe to leave in the
hands of the plunderers. Again, if theft should be-
come profitable, there would be no safety for the prop-
erty of the white man. Nor yet would there be for
his life, if he inflicted punishment in such a manner as
to stir up revenge. No doubt it would be most pleas-
ing to these fur-hunters to invade the Cascade country
in sufficient force to assess a thousand lives for each
of Stuart's wounds. But they knew well enough
that a serious fight would bring on a general war,
which would prove the end of all their glittering
prospects.
To piety and the pocket, passion must ever be sac-
rificed. Hence, while this affair should not be passed
by unnoticed, there must be no great bloodshed, for
the more savages killed, the more there would be to
pay for.
Summoning the native chiefs in that vicinity, a
grand council was held at Fort George, and diplomatic
war declared. The Chinooks nothing loath accepted
an invitation to join the party. Under command of
McTavish sixty-two men, armed cap-d-pie, in six
TREATY OF TEACE. 243
canoes carrying a small brass cannon, embarked on
the 10th, and the third day landed on Strawberry
Island near the foot of the rapids.
The army now found itself without provisions,
chiefly on account of not having brought any. By
scouring the banks below, they were able to purchase
forty-five dogs and one horse, which were brought in
triumph to camp, and the stomach of the expedition
was stayed.
Business being next in order, a party was sent fo -
ward to reconnoitre. The villages were deserted, but
certain stragglers were encountered, who were in-
formed that if the stolen property was not immedi-
ately restored, the nation should be annihilated; and
by way of illustration the cannon was fired. " Two of
our people have been killed," replied the chiefs when
told of this. "Deliver us the murderers, and we will
give }tou back all your property."
McTavish then sent an invitation to the chiefs to
parley and smoke, but the childlike savages respect-
fully declined. Next he undertook to catch a chief, and
in this he was more successful. Inviting one after an-
other of the common Indians to smoke, he permitted
them to depart, until the principal chief ventured
in, when he was seized, firmly bound, and a guard
placed over him.
"Now," cried the white men, "bring in the stolen
goods, or your chief dies." A distant howl was heard,
and presently the plunder came pouring in until all
the guns and about one third of the rest of the arti-
cles were recovered. Then, as they could get no more,
it was finally decreed that the natives might have the
remainder in payment for their two killed. The pris-
oner was accordingly released, and a flag given him,
which, if he wished to signal peace, he was to present
unfurled; and if hereafter any native approached goods
in transit, he should surely be shot. Then all returned
to the fort, which they reached the 22d. The truth
is, some such course was the only safe one at the
2U UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
time; but the Chinook chiefs were ashamed of their
white friends' cowardice.
The post upon the Willamette4 was now in charge
of Alexander Henry, and thither until the spring
brigade should start, repaired the remnant of the
Astor adventure. It was a place of fat things and
lea stings, a place in that day notorious for gorman-
dizing, as Ross says, which even before the era of
agriculture furnished the fur-hunters throughout the
whole Columbia region well nigh all they had in the
shape of delicacies, unless hunger had made dried
salmon and dog-meat delicacies. Hunters were con-
stantly kept there to bring in deer and elk, and men
to dry the meat for the use of the factory.
For the remainder of the winter, after a trip to the
Willamette, Franchere was employed in visiting at
intervals the fishing-stations of the natives, and
trading for salmon, some of which wTere sent fresh
to the fort, and the remainder salted and barrelled.
Notwithstanding advantageous offers from the North-
west Company, Franchere made his final departure
with the spring brigade.
Meanwhile, Governor John McDonald, he of the
crooked arm, sought in various ways to better the
condition of things. The site of the fort he thought
had been badly chosen, and after a close survey of
both banks of the river for some distance above, he
concluded the headland, which the Astorians had
called Tongue Point, to be the better situation. Soil
and drainage there were good; on either side nature
had placed a cove which sheltered boats; and protec-
tion from enemies by land or sea w^as better there. In
the brain of great men are engendered great ideas.
1 The exact locality of this establishment is nowhere given. Franchere, in
visiting it in 1814, says, after passing the falls, ' The banks on either side were
bordered with forest-trees, but behind that narrow belt, diversiried with
prairie, the landscape was magnificent; the hills were of moderate elevation,
and rising in an amphitheatre.' From which description one would infer the
station to have been in the vicinity of where now is situated Corvallis.
EASTERX-BOUXD BRIGADE. 243
This pinnacle should be cleared, and on it a fortress
raised which should be the Gibraltar of the Northwest
Coast. An engineer mounted the rampart and walked
over the ground; work was begun; great guns and
big black balls were ordered; then the project was
abandoned.
Governor John McDonald likewise desired greatly
to map out a plan which should regulate the trad..' of
the Columbia as the railway train is ruled, by time-
tables; but conflict of opinion prevented this, and
therefore this gentleman determined to leave the
coast with the spring brigade. Here end the achieve-
ments of John McDonald on these Pacific shores.
It was a grand affair, this journey of the first North-
west brigade from the mouth of the Columbia to Fort
William and Montreal; it was at once a triumph and a
dead-march. Ten canoes, five of bark and five of
cedar, each carrying a crew of seven and two pas-
sengers, ninety in all,5 and all well armed, embarked
at Fort George on Monday morning, the 4th of April
1814. Of the party were John George McTavish,
John McDonald, John Stuart, David Stuart, Clarke,
McKenzie, Pillot, Wallace, McGillis, Franchere, and
others, some of whom were destined for the upper
stations. Short was the leave-taking for so large a
Company, for there were now not many left at the fort
to say farewell. The voyageurs donned their broadest
bonnets; arms were glittering, flags flying, the guns
sounded their adieu, and midst ringing cheers, in
gayest mood the party rounded Tongue Point, and
placed their breast against the current.
Peaching the first fall the 10th and there buying
and devouring thirty dogs and four horses, the sink-
5 Ross, Fur Hunters, i. 17, places these figures at one hundred and twenty-
four men in fourteen boats; but 1 notice Mr Ross' figures are usually
somewhat above those of others, and many of his expressions likev. ise sound
exaggerated, so that a careful writer naturally makes some allowance in
repeating them. In this instance there may possibly have been i mr canoes
and thirty-fonr men destined for other parts not mentioned by any other nar-
rator, but it is hardly probable.
246 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
ing of McTavish's canoe next day in doubling a
point of rock, the accidental shooting of one of their
number at the Dalles so that he died, the arrival at
Walla Walla the 16th and the purchasing there for
food of more dogs and horses, were among the chief
incidents of the voyage.
But now a more momentous story must be told.
Soon after passing the Yakima River, not far above
the mouth of Snake River, three canoes shot from
the shore and a child's voice was heard crying, ArrStez
done! arretez done! The party stopped, and found,
to their surprise, in one of the boats the wife and
children of Pierre Dorion, who, it will be remem-
bered, had attended as hunter the expedition of John
Reed, sent the summer previous by McDougall to
the Shoshone region to procure food and transporta-
tion across the mountains for the eastern-bound bri-
gade. Mr Reed was likewise to join the hunters,
Hoback, Rezner, and Robinson, left by Hunt and
Crooks in the vicinity of Fort Henry, and with them
to trap beaver. In Reed's party were five Canadians :
Landrie, Le Clerc, Turcot, Delauny, and Chapelle,
besides Pierre Dorion and his wife and children. The
woman now informed the company, that of them all
she and her children alone remained alive.
Then she went on and told how the party had
reached Snake River in August and had built a house
there; how they trapped beaver all the autumn; how
Landrie had died from the fall of a horse, and Delauny
had been killed while trapping, and how, late in Sep-
tember, Hoback, Robinson, and Rezner had come
into camp in a pitiable condition, having been stripped
of everything by the savages.
Not liking that locality, Reed moved up the river and
built another house to winter in. Shortly afterward
Pierre Dorion and family, with Rezner and Le Clerc,
went some four days' journey to a place where beaver
were plentiful, and there erected a hut. The woman
cooked and dressed the skins while the men trapped.
MADAME DORIOX'S TALE. 247
They were very successful, and regarded the natives
as friendly, until one evening in January Le Clerc
staggered into the hut mortally wounded. He had
barely strength to tell the woman that her husband
and Rezner had boon wounded by the savagi s, when
he expired.0
What could the pale-faced, bedizened dame of our
civilization have done in such an emergency? With
the characteristic self-possession and energy of the
native American in times of danger, this woman
paused not an instant to mourn this cruel blow, but
acting on maternal instinct, she mounted herself and
boys on two horses, and fled toward the establishment
of Reed. How she listened and trembled as she
hastened forward, fancying every sound the signal of
approaching death. When she saw savages galloping
in the distance, she would draw her treasures under
cover, and hide there until the wTay was clear again.
A little food she brought with her, but sometimes all
night she was without fire or water. The fourth day
she reached Reed's. There accumulated horrors met
her. The house was burned, the place deserted, and
the blood-bespattered ground told too plainly how
and why. Reed and the rest had been massacred!
What could the poor woman now do? Where
were they waiting and watching who should destroy
her and her two precious boys? There was no time
for wailing. Toward the Blue Mountains, now white
with deep snow, she fled, and buried herself there for
the winter, putting up bark and a few skins which
she had brought with her for protection from the
6It is pure romance on the part of Irving to place this poor fellow on
horseback and jolt him horribly for three days before he permits liim to die.
See Astoria, 495; ( 'ox's ( 'olumbia Rivi r, i. 278; Franch re's Nar., 274. Ross,
Adv., 279, as usual era badly mixed, killing Chapelle with Dorion
and Rezner.and permitting the madam to ride three days becau eof a frightre-
ceived from a friendly Indian before she sees Le Clerc .-it all. I i amusing
to compare different accounts of the same story, all a but one
original narrator. These things illustrate, nevertheless, fch founda-
tions of all history. In telling this story, Irving taki
verbatim from Rosa and I ox without a sign of acknowledgment; I
however, were little read in America in living's day.
248 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
cold, and killing the horses for food. Thence in the
spring she descended to the Walla Wallas, who treated
her kindly, and it was they who were now with her.
This was her true story. What fiction shall equal
it? There is not a doubt that this wholesale butch-
ery was in retaliation for the unjust hanging done
by Clarke for the stealing of his drinking-cup. So
much of evil in this wilderness life may one sense-
less act of a vain and shallow-headed man bring upon
his fellows! The hospitality of the kind-hearted
Walla Wallas was well rewarded by the travellers,
who also presented the poor woman with certain com-
forts, and then continued their way.
After leaving some of the party at their respective
posts, on the 18th of April the brigade passed Priests
Rapids, and arrived on the 23d at Okanagan where
were McGillivray, Ross, and Montigny who had taken
service with the Northwest Company. Reembarking
the same day, the brigade reached Kettle Falls on the
29th. Here John Stuart and Clarke, who had left
the party nine days previous for Spokane, to procure
horses and provisions, returned unsuccessful.
The brigade then divided, McDonald, John Stuart,
and McKenzie going forward in order to send horses
and supplies from the east side of the mountains.
Two days after, Alexander Stuart joined the company,
on his way to Slave Lake, his old wintering -place,
for the purpose of bringing his family to the Colum-
bia. Then they continued, until the 11th of May
saw them at Canoe River. Ascending this stream
to the end of canoe navigation, they landed where
Thompson had wintered in 1810-11, secured the boats,
and divided the baggage and provisions among the
men, now reduced in number to twenty-four, each
having fifty pounds to carry. Such articles as could
not be carried were cached.
Next day, the 12th, the march across the moun-
tains to the head-waters of the Athabasca River was
begun. Following the stream upward, first they
THE MOUNTAIN P i 249
waded sonic swamps, then traversed ;i dense forest,
emerging from which they found themselves upon
the gravelly bank of Canoe River. Owing to the
bluffs which rose at intervals on either side from the
water's edge, they were obliged to cross the stream,
which here is very swift ana often up to the neck,
ten times in one day. Four or live feel of snow lay
upon the slope, which they were now obliged to fare.
and softened as it was by the sun the ascent was very
difficult. In single file, each must place his foot in the
track of his predecessor, until holes were made two
feet in depth.
At length they reached an open space which the
guide pronounced a frozen snow-covered lake, or rather
two of them, the waters of one flowing westward,
and the waters of the other eastward, situated between
two rocky eminences, one of which rose like a fortress
fifteen hundred feet above the lake. Mr J. Henry.
the discoverer of this pass, gave it the name of
McGillivrav Rock. Their route was now through
the pass anil down the Athabasca River, and though
fatiguing was not remarkable. On the 17th, they ar-
rived at an old post of the Northwest Company
abandoned some four years previous, and two days
after they reached the Rocky Mountain House, then
in charge of Mr Decoigne, where they found Mc-
Donald, Stuart, and McKenzic, who had arrived two
days before them. This post was more a provision
depot for the supplying of the Northwest Company's
people in their passage of the mountains, than a
fur-hunting establishment. The glittering crystal emi-
nences on which was perched the curved-horn moun-
tain-goat, beyond the reach even of hungry wolves;
the deep, dense forests, snow-whited and sepulchral;
the rushing streams, laughing or raging according
as their progress was impeded; the roistering torrent
which no cold, dead, calm breath of nature could
hush; these and like superlative beauties met the ■
of these foot-sore travellers at every turn.
250 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
It was not the best of hotels; being unaccustomed
to so large a number, it could neither feed them nor
furnish bark for canoes. Down the river at an old
post called Hunter's Lodge, Mr Decoigne said, were
canoes en cache, and thither the party proceeded in
such boats as they could improvise from skins and
sticks, drowning two men, however, on the way, and
losing part of their effects.
Just before arriving at Hunter's Lodge, which was
reached on the 28th, they met a messenger who
brought letters and the news. Four new birch-bark
canoes were found at Hunter's Lodge, and in these
the party proceeded on the 31st. Then down the
Athabasca, and across to Beaver River, down Beaver
to Moore River, and up that stream to Moore Lake,
thence to Fort Vermilion on the Saskatchewan, and
down past Fort Montee and Cumberland House to
English Lake. Across this they went to lakes Bour-
bon and Winnipeg, up the Winnipeg River to the
Lake of the Woods, and over the portage to Fort
William, where they arrived on the 14th of July.
And here we will leave them to find their several
ways to Montreal and elsewhere, and return to
own side of the continent.
our
In less than a fortnight after the spring brigade
had taken its departure, that is to say, the 17th of
April 1814, the long looked for Isaac Todd crossed
the bar and anchored before Fort George, thirteen
months from England. On board as passengers were
Donald McTavish and a new John McDonald, not
the late governor of the fortress, partners ; two Mc-
Tavishes, one Frazer, and one McKenzie, clerks, and a
Doctor Swan, who was to grace the fort as its physi-
cian.
One of the Macs, doomed to the perils of western
life yet loath all at once to relinquish every creature
comfort, had brought with him some bottled porter,
canned beef, cheese, and a blue-eyed, flaxen-haired
MISS -TAX;: BAR] 251
female companion. It is a pity thai the first Euro-
pean woman to stand upon the banks of the Columbia
should have been of so questionable a character. A
daughter of Albion, Miss -lane Barnes by name
may it be immortal — at the solicitations of this Mac
had resigned her position as liar-maid in a Ports-
mouth hotel, and had come to this land of doubtful
pleasures and profits, where at once she became an
object of the deepest interest to all. Anything in
the similitude of civilized woman could but call up in
the minds of some the tenderest emotions.^ The more
carnal-minded were scandalized that this lecherous
Mac should so far break the laws of God and of the
Honorable Northwest Company, as to form an unholy
alliance with a frail fair one whose father was no
chief, when fur-trading interests demanded duskier
relationships. Make as many unmarried wives as
you please of native maidens, and the great inter
of commerce shall guard your good name, but to bring
hither a white mistress — what will the savages say \
Mrs McDougall was envious, for pretty Miss
Barnes flaunted a new frock almost every day; father
Comcomly was curious, and one of his sons who had
now but four wives, was amorous, wishing immediately
to marry her. Arrayed in his richest robes, well
painted, and redolent of grease, he came and laid at
her feet the ottering of his heart. One hundred sea-
otter skins her owner should have, and she should
never carry or dig. She should be queen of the
Chinooks, and all his other wives should humble
themselves before her. Elk, anchovies, and fat
salmon should be heaped upon her lap, and all the
livelong day sin- should sun herself and, smoke.
Miss Barnes declined these royal overtures; and,
indeed, she fou n< 1 the society of the Columbia unsuited
to her taste. She therefore determined to return I <
England and bar-tending by the ship that broughl
her out, but at Canton where the vessel touched, she
fell in love with a wealthy English gentleman of the
252 UNDER THE NORTHWEST COMPANY'S REGIME.
Honorable East India Company, and consented to
grace a splendid establishment which he offered her.
The Isaac Todd, it will be remembered, parted
company with the three other British war-ships off
Cape Horn. Being a dull sailer and beaten by con-
trary winds, she did not reach the rendezvous at Juan
Fernandez Island until the others had sailed. Con-
tinuing thence her course for the Columbia River,
when off California she found herself obliged to put
into the port of Monterey for supplies. There the
captain was told that a British man-of-war had
entered San Francisco Bay in distress. Proceeding
thither, he found' this vessel to be no other than the
Raccoon, which, on leaving the Columbia, had several
times struck so heavily as to carry away part of her
false-keel, and cause her so to leak that she reached
her present anchorage with seven feet of water in the
hold. Finding it impossible to repair her, Captain
Black had determined to abandon the Raccoon, and to
proceed through Mexico to the West Indies, and thence
to England; but when the Isaac Todd arrived to his
assistance, means were found to careen the vessel and to
put her in good sailing order. With which charitable
deed accomplished, the Isaac Todd slowly ploughed
northward to the Columbia, while the Raccoon took to
the broad seas seeking whom she might devour.
Mr Donald McTavish, just arrived by the Isaac
Todd, was one of the oldest proprietors in the North-
west Company. For many years he had been the
principal manager of interior affairs, and had now
come hither for the purpose of properly organizing
this new department of the Columbia. He was a
bold, blunt man, sincere as a friend, undisguised as
an enemy. He had realized quite a fortune from the
profits of the fur-compai y had, in fact, retired; and
when he had explored this late vast acquisition it was
his intention to cross the continent to Canada, and
thence to his estate in Scotland.
TRIAL AND EXECUTION. 253
About a month after his arrival, a ease came up
which well illustrates the fur-hunters' method of in-
flicting justice.
On the river two miles back of the fort was a char-
coal-pit, where was employed a half-witted man called
Judge. He was from Boston, and had crossed the
continent in Hunt's party, suffering so severely on the
way as to affect his reason. One day this poor fellow
was found dead, his head having been split open with
his own axe, The Judge was a harmless man; no
reason could be assigned for the murder.
All the neighboring chiefs were summoned by
McTavish to assemble immediately at the fort. They
came the next day; the matter was discussed, and a
reward offered for the murderer. After some time
had elapsed, the Clatsop chief informed McTavish
that if he would send men to his village he could
point out those who did the deed, for there were two
of them, though not of his tribe. With no small
manoeuvring, the seizure of the accused was accom-
plished, and they were brought bound to the fort.
And now a day was fixed for trial, and at the time
appointed the chiefs with their wives assembled in the
large dining-hall, and the prisoners were brought forth.
Witnesses were examined, when it was ascertained
that two years previous one of the prisoners had at-
tempted to steal something from a tent in which was
the Judge, who, when the thief thrust in his hand,
cut it with his knife. Nursing his revenge, at length
the time came, and the deed was accomplished. The
murderers wen; unanimously pronounced guilty, and
sentenced to be shot next morning, which was done.
Amidst loud lamentations the friends took up their
dead. Mr McTavish then thanked the chief men
and women present for their attendance, paid the
promised reward, made presents, smoked the calumet
of peace, and dismissed the people, who departed well
satisfied to their home-. Was not this a better way
than for thirty or forty men to have sallied from the
254 UXDER THE NORTHWEST COMPAN'YS regime.
fort and begun the work of indiscriminate slaughter at
the first village, shooting clown innocent men, women,
and children for a crime of whose very existence those
thus killed were not aware, and all in the name of
humanity and justice t
Another murder trial came up about this time,
resulting in the execution of two natives for killing
three of the Pacific Company's men in 1811. After
that company had laid down its authority the criminals,
who had fled at the time, came back and were cap-
tured and shot. Some of the tribes not relishing
such summary proceedings were going to war about
it, but the arrival of the Isaac Todd distracted their
attention.
Yet a more melancholy event happened shortly
after. Donald McTavish, from whom was now ex-
pected so much, embarked one day with six voyageurs
in an open boat for the opposite side of the river,
where the Isaac Todd was lying. A gale was blow-
ing at the time, and when about the middle of the
stream, by some mismanagement the sail was caught,
and the boat, swinging round, was struck by a wave
which filled and sank it. McTavish and all the crew
but one were drowned.7
7 'The present Centreville or Knapton was originally called Todd Bay,
from the Isaac Todd's anchoring there. The captain had sent word for the
men at Astoria to come over and get the goods he had on board for them, as
the ship was in the river, and the cargo was to be delivered at tackle's end.
McTavish's errand was to induce the captain to bring the vessel over and dis-
charge the cargo at Astoria. The tombstone which there marks his resting-
place, calls to the mind of every visitor the sad events. ' Roberts' Recollections,
MS. 36.
CHAPTER XII.
FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
1814-1820.
Ross' Adventures in the Yakima Valley — Ross Attempts to Reach the
Pacific — Affairs at Spokane — Perilous Position of the Okanagan
Brigade — The Spokane Brigade — In Council at Fort George —
Keith in Command — Ross Surveys the Entrance to the Columbia —
Administration of Justice — Hostilities in the Willamette Val-
ley—Sufferings of the Eastern-bound Brigade — Ross Examines the
Country between Shushwap and the Rocky Mountains — Donald
McKenzie Establishes Fort Walla Walla.
Ross, McGillivray, and Montigny we left at Okan-
agan the 23d of April 1814. At this fort there were
no horses to transport inland the goods brought by
the brigade, and none were nearer than the Yakima
Valley,1 one hundred miles2 to the south-west. Ros^
had been in this valley before, while in the service of
the Pacific Company; hence upon him devolved the
duty of bringing thence a supply of pack-horses.
The Yakima Valley was then the great aboriginal ren-
dezvous, where thousands of Cayuses, Nez Perces, and
other adjacent tribes met every spring to gather their
year's supply of camass, and pelua, a favorite food of
the sweet-potato kind, while their chiefs held councils,
and determined the policy of peace or war which
should govern their movements until they should
next meet. They were rich and happy 11k 're, having
food and clothes, and multitudes of horses.
1 Called in those days the beautiful Eyakema Valley.
2 Rosa calls it two hundred miles, which would bring him south of the
Dalles; but some credit is surely due this writer that he does not more than.
double his distances.
(205)
256 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
With Ross on this expedition were Thomas McKay
and three Canadians with their wives, taken to assist
in driving the horses, for men were scarce at the fort.
The fourth night from Okanagan the party was aroused
by two couriers despatched by Sopa, chief of the Pis-
quouse, to beg of them to turn back or they were all
dead men. But danger was part of the fur-hunters'
daily life, and they were not to be swerved from their
purpose.
Two days after, they came upon the encampment,
which was worth risking one's life to see. Imagine a
gathering of six thousand men, women, and children,
like threescore tented villages huddled into an un-
civilized city, with ten thousand horses, covering an
area of six miles square, and all making the wild
region ring with their shouts of merriment. Some
were racing, gambling, dancing, while others were
singing, drumming, yelling; the tramping of horses
and the barking of dogs, the snarling of tied bears
and wolves mingling with the shouts of men and the
screams of women and children. The camp was cut
by crooked streets, dividing the assemblage into groups,
with here rejoicings, and there wailings. One thing
only was lacking to lift the savage saturnalia up to the
dignity of a white man's inferno — fire-water.
Sopa was right. There was deep danger to the fur-
traders in approaching such a company. Ross saw it
when too late. Putting on as bold a face as his sink-
ing heart would permit, he advanced to the centre of
the camp, where stood the tent of the chiefs, to whom
he first paid his respects. His reception was cool ; the
chiefs were sullen; these white men who hanged for
stealing were no favorites. To draw their thoughts
from bloody abstraction, Ross immediately opened his
trinkets and began to trade for horses. But as fast as
he bought, the animals, together with those he had
brought with him, were spirited away with ribald
jeers and 3-elling. It was glorious to have the white
man on the hip. But Ross well knew his life de-
CRITICAL SITUATION. 237
pended on his patience; so lie affected not to see their
insults, and weni on trading.
Two anxious days and sleepless nights thus passed,
during which the savages would not permit the
strangers to rook or eat their own food. They over-
turned their kettle and put out their fire, took up
their guns and fired them off, took from the traders
their hats, and putting- them on their own heads,
strutted about with brutal laughter. The third day,
hearing that the women were to be seized as >la\ ■ -.
he sent them secretly away that night. Xext day
the savages were more insulting than ever. The white
men were becoming faint with hunger, and while'
attempting once more to prepare some food, a trucu-
lent chief called Yaktana snatched a common hunt-
ing-knife from the hand of one of the Canadians, who
instantly swore he would have it back or kill the thief.
"Stop!" shouted Ross, whose hand instantly grasped
his pistol, as the chief and Canadian, with eyes blaz-
ing hatred, prepared for deadly encounter. It was a
critical moment, the most critical of their lives, in
which a motion, a breath, the winking of an eye,
might determine their destiny. They might kill each
a man, and then die pierced by a hundred arrows.
But suddenly flashed in the mind of Ross an inspira-
tion, such as often subtile-witted fur-gatherers had re-
ceived in dire dilemmas. And now behold how little
a thing may turn the hearts of three thousand men.
Drawing from his belt a knife of more elaborate
workmanship than the other, he said to Yaktana,
" Take this, my friend; it is a chief's knife; and give
the other back." Yaktana did as requested. Then he
turned the new knife over in his hand. Gradually the
swell of sullen ferocity subsided into a smile of childish
gratification, and holding up his prize he exclaimed,
"See! it is a chief's knife." Fickle fortune was won.
The white men, whose lives so lately hung by a hair,
were sav< d. Yaktana harangued the crowd in behalf
of him who had so adroitly tickled his fancy. The
Hist. >". W. Coast, Vol. II. 17
256 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
pipe of peace was brought, and presents given the
chiefs. Approaching business, Ross remarked, " What
shall I say to the great white chief when he asks me,
'Where are the horses you bought?'" "Tell him
that every one of them were given you," replied
Yaktana, whose pride was touched. To that effect
the order went forth ; and as quickly as might be,
Ross and his companions escaped with their horses,
eighty-five in number. The wives of the Canadians
were overtaken; and although on the way back Mc-
Kay dislocated his hip, which lamed him for life, the
party reached Okanagan in safety. Fifty-five horses
were then laden for Spokane.
After a visit to his own post at Shushwap, Ross
returned to Okanagan and undertook an expedition
thence to the Pacific, which he had long had in con-
templation. With three natives he set out on the
25th of July 1814, and taking a southerly course,
afterward turning more to the westward, he pro-
ceeded one hundred and fifty miles, when Ins com-
panions refused to go further, and he was obliged to
abandon the journey and return. The guide became
demoralized by a storm-cloud which cut a furrow
through the forest near by, employing apparently
stronger and sharper teeth than the demons of his
Okanagan, and nothing could prevail upon him to
continue the journey.
In 1814, John George McTavish ruled at Spokane
House, which with its several outposts comprised his
district.
Sixty men in nine canoes left Fort George the 5th
of August, and after the usual interchange of shots
with the toll-gatherers of the Cascades, resulting in
the killing of one Canadian and several natives, the
party passed on to Walla Walla and Okanagan. Cox
and McMillan, with a Stuart and a McDonald, went
to Spokane.
PROPOSED DUEL. 259
This McDonald was a raw Highlander, standing i ix
feet four, with a powerful frame, broad shoulders, and
a profusion of long, red, bushy hair and whiskers,
which apparently had neither been cut nor combed
these many years. He enjoyed a Spokane wife,
whose two children called him father. He was bold,
passionate, but below the average Northwester in
wisdom. He had not been at Spokane many days
when he quarrelled with a chief whom he accu i I
of cheating at gambling, and challenged him to fight
a duel. The chief accepted, and told him to go with
him to the woods and take his station behind a tree.
When McDonald refused, but wished to fight in the
open field, the savage asked, "Do you take me for a
fool that I should stand up before my enemy's gun
and let him shoot me like a dog?" McDonald was a
man of reckless bravery, frequently joining one tribe
in their wars against another for the mere love
fighting. Another character sui generis, and the
western woods were full of them, was Jacques Hoole,
shot about this time at the age of ninety-two by the
Blackfoot. He was on the Plains of Abraham when
Wolfe fell, and had been in other battles. He would
not join a trading company, but trapped on his own
account.
The summer's trade of Spokane was carried over-
land to Okanagan this year in October, and thence t i
Fort George. The return party consisted of Keith,
Stuart, Laroche, McTavish, McDonald, McMillan,
Cox, Montour, McKay, and McKenzie, with forty-
two VOyageurs and six Kanakas. Leathern armor was
now put on in passing the Cascades, but no attack
was made there at this time. Just above fche \\ alia
Walla River, however, an affair occurred which for a
time threatened the most serious consequences.
As the party were slowly poling against the cur-
rent, several canoes filled with natives approached
them, and in a friendly way they asked for some
tobacco, which was given them. One boat after an-
260 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF TEE NORTHWESTERS.
other of the brigade passed by, each making its little
donation, until from one the natives attempted to take
some articles by force, and from another a bale of
tobacco was seized, and general plunder seemed deter-
mined upon. The fur-traders, unwilling to resort to
severe measures, repulsed the savages gently at first,
striking their hands with the paddles to make them
release their hold ; but these failing to effect the pur-
pose, harder blows were given, and aimed at heads as
well as hands, until shooting set in, when two natives
wrere killed and another wounded. Thereupon the
assailants retired.3
All this was most unpleasant for the traders. Be-
fore them was a long journey, and the country
aroused to hostility, they would be picked off by the
arrows of the enemy before three days had passed.
Night was approaching. The Columbia here was a
mile wide, and near by was an island upon which they
intrenched themselves behind sand-banks, not, how-
ever, until some of them had been struck by arrows.
A cold, dismal storm came on, which lasted two days.
Vigilant watch was kept, and the camp-fire at night
extinguished. But upon the adjacent hills blazed
brightly the fires of the enemy, that their prey might
not escape them. The fur-traders prepared for the
worst; their arms were put in the best possible order,
and messages were written friends to be delivered in
case of death.
One of two courses was open, to sell their lives as
dearly as possible, or to buy a peace, if the friends of
the dead would accept pay. The latter alternative
they determined to try first. Embarking from the
island, the party landed on the northern bank. Two
men were left in each canoe, while the other forty-
eight stepped ashore. It was half an hour before any
3 Ross, as usual, tells quite a different story. ' The savages,' he says, 'rode
iato the river ou horses, from which they threw themselves, seized the canoes,
arid proceeded to rifle them.' Fur limit, rs, i. 58. This author, however, was
not there, and having an eye-witness for an authority, I shall pay but little
attention to Mr Ross.
THE FAYMENT OF DAMAGES. 261
savages made their appearance. When at a distance
were discovered a few horsemen, a Canadiao was scut
forward with a long pole, to the end of which was
attached a white handkerchief, which the natives well
understood to bo a request to parley.
Presently two of them approached the envoy, and
demanded what he had to say. The answer was that
the white chief's wished to see the savage elders, and
talk over their little unpleasantness. The horsemen
promised to inform their chiefs; they then wheeled
and disappeared.
Soon they returned, and said that the relatives of the
deceased and a number of chiefs would bo there imm< -
diately. Twenty minutes after, slowly approached on
foot one hundred and fifty warriors, with guns, toma-
hawks, spears, bows, and well filled quivers. Among
them were Sokulks, Chimnapums, Umatillas, and
Walla Wallas, confederates now against the Shoshones.
After the warriors, came forty of the relatives of the
deceased, also well armed, with nearly naked bodies
painted red, and hair cut short in sign of mourning.
As they marched they chanted a death-song of ven-
geance.4 Behind all was a constantly increasing mul-
titude of mounted men. The assemblage then fell
into the form of an extended crescent with the mourn-
ing party in the centre.
Keith and Stuart, unarmed, with an interpreter,
then advanced half-way and stopped; two chiefs and
six of the mourners joined them. Keith offered the
calumet, which was coldly refused. The interpn
was t hen directed to say that the late unfortunate dis-
turbance of their hitherto friendly relations was deeply
tted by the white men, who were ready to offer
compensation for the slain. "What kind of compen-
sation V demanded the mourners. "Two chiefs5 suit: .
blankets, tobacco, and ornaments for the women," was
4 'Rest, brothers, rest ! Yon shall be avenged. The tears of your widows
shall cease to flow when their eyes behold the blood of your murderers ;
your young children shall leap with joy, shall Bine ami shout on seeing their
Scalps. Host, brothers, in peace ; you shall have blood !'
262 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
the reply. The offer was indignantly refused. If the
white men would have peace, two of their number
must be given up to sacrifice. Calmly and firmly
Keith assured them that that should never be. They
were the aggressors, though he was willing to believe
the attack unpremeditated; but if they would have
white men among them they must respect their prop-
erty rights. Then followed among the natives a long
and violent discussion, part wishing to accept payment
in goods, and part demanding blood. It was a painful
contest to those whose fate hung upon the result.
Gradually the ranks of the moderate party thinned,
and those of the bloody-minded increased. Then they
fell slowly back. The peace-offering was rejected.
White man and red, with a firmer grasp upon their
weapons, prepared for the ultimate appeal. A pause
ensued, like the calm which precedes a fresh bursting
of the storm.
Suddenly the awful stillness was broken by the
tramp of horses, as twelve mounted warriors clashed
into the space between the belligerents. Throwing
themselves from their steeds, the leader, a young
chief of noble feature and majestic bearing, warmly
greeted Keith, then turning to the assemblage said:
"My countrymen, what is this that you would do?
But three winters ago we were a miserable people
at the mercy of our enemies. Our warriors were
killed, our lodges burned, our wives enslaved. Now
are we fed and clothed; now have we horses by
thousands, and sweet sleep at night; now are our
hearts strong within us. What brought this change?
The white man. For our horses and furs he gave us
hatchets and guns, and taught us how to use them.
These make our enemies to fear us; these make us a
nation. Why kill the white man? You would rob
him ; but did he ever rob you ? Know you not that
he is strong; that if you harm him his friends will
come in numbers and cut you off; or else will say that
you are bad men and will not come at all. Then shall
THE MORN IX;; STAR. 263
you be lefl to the mercy of your foes. Take what
they offer for your dead; and be it known to you if
fighting there be, that I fight on their side."
Had Apollo from Mount Olympus descended to
their deliverance, the fur-traders could nol have been
more surprised or thankful. The Morning Star, the
young chieftain was called by the Walla Wallas, who
worshipped him, and his oratory would have graced
the Areopagus.8 Soaring sometimes into the higher
flights of metaphor, the interpreter was unable to
follow him. Nor was his bravery overshadowed by
his other rare accomplishments. Though hut five and
twenty, lie boasted nineteen scalps, the trophies of
his own prowess, and of all that assemblage there
was none more feared. For when he now cried, "Let
the Walla Wallas and all who love me come and smoke
the pipe of peace with the white man," over one hun-
dred of those whose weapons were already raised
against the strangers hastened forward to do as they
were bid.
Thus, as by a miracle, a total revolution in feeling
and opinion was made. The mourners gladly accepted
for themselves the material reward offered them in
lieu of their loss of the immaterial part of their
friends. Presents were distributed to the principal
chiefs, Morning Star receiving as a token of the dis-
iiished services rendered by him, a handsome
fowling-piece, with which he was greatly pies
Proceeding, the party reached Okanagan the 12th
of December, and the following day the Spokane
brigade of twenty-six loaded horses departed.. Snow
lay on the -round, and the cold at nighl was int.
one of the horses freezing to death I
destination.
Alter the usual spring visit to Fort George, the
summer of L815 passed pleasantly at Spokane. There
delivery was impassioned; and his action, although
violent, was generally bold, graceful, ;nnl energetic. Our admirati n at the
time knew no bourn i River, ii. '-14.
264 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
was horse-racing on the plains between Spokane and
Pointed Heart, where sometimes thirty steeds strove
for high wagers in five-mile heats. At Shushwap a
Canadian called Chasette was shot by an Indian boy.
The following autumn on returning from Fort
George, Keith, Cox, Montour, and McKenzie with
fifty voyageurs were caught above the falls in the ice.
The Canadians, becoming utterly exhausted, refused
to proceed further than the Dalles, an almost unheard
of attitude for any of that patient fraternity to as-
sume. By sending to Okanagan for horses Keith
succeeded in getting away, but most of the party
wintered there, reaching Okanagan the 28th of Feb-
' © ©
ruary, and Spokane the 9th of March 1816. Thus
the years went by, each having its spring and autumn
brigade, its several minor expeditions to various posts,
and but little else to break the monotony. McTavish,
Henry, and Laroche this season went to Fort Will-
iam, Ross to Fort George, Cox taking his place
at Okanagan; McMillan and Montour remained at
Spokane, and McDonald at Kamloops, his old quar-
ters. During the summer, new buildings were erected
at Okanagan, the timber for which was floated down
the river from a considerable distance above. A
dwelling was erected for the person in charge, con-
taining four rooms and a large dining -hall. Also
two houses were built for the men, beside a store-
house and a trading-shop. The palisades were strong,
and fifteen feet in height. They were flanked by
two bastions, with loop-holes for musketry above, and
in the lower story a light brass four-pounder.
James Keith, Angus Bethune, and Donald Mc-
Kenzie were the chief partners of the Northwest
Company in the Columbia district in 18 10. Alexan-
der Stuart went east the year previous, and John
Stuart was still in New Caledonia. McTavish this
year visited San Francisco and Monterey in the com-
pany's schooner Colonel Allan, lately arrived from
AFFAIRS IX GENERAL. 205
London. On the coast of California he drove a lucra-
tive business, selling English goods for needed sup-
plies. The council at Fort George sat for four days;
the conclusions arrived at were, that trade was scarcely
up to original anticipations. There being no new fields
to open, every one was appointed to his old post.
Notwithstanding the generally unfavorable view of
trade taken by the western council, since the occupa-
tion of the Oregon country by the Northwest Com-
pany, their annual ship with its bulky cargo doubled
Cape Horn with the utmost regularity. The agents
at Montreal, dissatisfied, sent over the mountains
every year partners, clerks, and Canadians new to
this district, in the hope that something better might
be made of it. But all these could do was to fellow
in the footsteps of their predecessors, without im-
proving matters materially. The fact is, the richer
regie >ns of the farther Northwest were as yet scarcely
touched.
Ross openly avows that the Northwest Company,
while severely criticising the management of the
Pacific Company, took no steps to change or improve
the original policy. The fact is, the managers of the
two companies were in some instances identical, and
all of them were educated in the same school. This
writer accuses his associates of lack of energy and
enterprise, but I cannot agree with him. Nor were
the aggregate results in this quarter on the whole un-
favorable, though they may have fallen short of the
expectations of the more sanguine. Further than
tlii-. year by year the yield of peltries increased
rather than diminished. There were croakers in the
company, some of the partners going so far as to pro-
pose the total abandonment of the Pacific, bul the
others would not listen to it. The company was about
this time beginning to Learn that the same maxims and
management would not apply on the western as on
the eastern slope. Let the natives of the two regions
suddenly change places and both would perish. The
266 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
inhabitants of the thick woods and swamps of the
east could no more endure the treeless plains of the
Columbia, than those of the warm, dry western slope,
with its short winters, its rivers abounding in fish, its
forests in game, and its plains in nutritious roots,
could thrive in the cold, damp regions of the east.
And the wise fur-trader will regulate his affairs, not
by precept or tradition, but by the exigencies of the
case.
Up to this time New Caledonia had obtained goods
from across the mountains to the east; now it was
determined that all supplies for the Northwest should
be drawn from the Columbia. And not only should
the district of the Columbia supply the Northwest
with goods, but California also. To this end the
company's schooner traded to the south as well as to
the north. It was determined also to build fewer
forts, and trust more to trading expeditions. In car-
rying into effect these new ideas, the department of
the Pacific was divided into two parts, an inland and a
coast department, with a chief over each. A change
was likewise made in the conveyance of goods and
the periodical expresses; natives, except in the annual
brigade, to take the place of Canadians.
Under the new arrangements, Mr Keith presided
at Fort George, with full control of the shipping,
general outfitting, and coast trade. To McKenzie,
formerly of the Pacific Company, was assigned the
direction of inland affairs, though his appointment
gave offence to some. Three weeks of the summer
of 1816 were occupied by Captain McClellan of the
Colonel Allan, assisted by Poss, in making a survey
of the bar at the entrance to the Columbfa. The
Colonel Allan sailed from the Columbia for China with
furs and specie in August. Before sailing, the ship's
surgeon, Mr Downie, committed suicide.6
6 Physicians entering the Columbia, like the early clergy of Victoria, seem
to have been peculiarly unfortunate. Before this, Doctor White had jumped
overboard in a fit of insanity, ami Doctor Crowley of Edinburgh had been
sent home to stand his trial for murder.
ON THE COLUMBIA AND THE WILLAMETTE. 207
Tt was sometimes puzzling to know what to do with
criminal offenders in these parts. While the Colonel
Allan was lying off Fort George, a Boston ship, Rey-
nolds, master, entered the river, and sent on shore in
irons a Russian renegade, by name Jacob, a black-
smith, who had been stirring the crew to mutiny.
After the ship had .sailed, the man, under the most
earnest promises of reform, was released and set to
work. It was not long, however, before he fell into
his old ways, and enticed eighteen Kanakas to desert
for California, which place once reached, all were to
be as angels in heaven. Keith immediately despatched
five natives to join the deserters in disguise, and if
possible persuade them to return. They were suc-
cessful. The Islanders all returned the third day.
Jacob then took to thieving as a profession, robbing
the fort one night by scaling the palisades, and enter-
ing it in open day disguised as a native woman. Then
joining a disaffected band of natives he stirred them
up still more against the white men.
Said Ross to Keith one day, "Give me thirty men,
and I will bring this villain to you bound." " '
shall have fifty," Keith replied. Surprising the camp
in the dead of night, Jacob was captured and brought
to the fort. There he was kept in chains until op-
] ortunity offered to send him to the Hawaiian Islands.
Jealousy or opposition was not often openly mani-
! between partners of the Honorable Nortbw< t
Company; but Keith did not like Donald McKen-
zie's appointment. The latter arrived at Fori George
with instructions from Montreal to establish imme-
diately a post among the Walla Wallas or Nez Percys.
"It is too late," said Keith. "Your plans are wild.
I have no men." McKenzie replied, " Here are the
instructions of the council, obey them, and leave the
rest in me."
After much wrangling, McKenzie was given a
meagre outfit. So hazardous was this undertaking
26S FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
regarded, that not a man about the fort would accom-
pany McKenzie as his second. It was this very
quality of dogged determination and fearless energy,
that actuated the council in choosing this man for
that mission, hoping thereby to infuse new life into
the western business.
With forty men McKenzie embarked from Fort
George, and reached the Cascades without accident.
There, instead of quarrelling with the natives, as had
been the custom of late, he made friends with them;
gave presents, took the children by the hand, and ap-
pointed agents of observation for the purpose of bring-
ing to punishment those who injured travellers, in
which capacity the chiefs were proud to act. So com-
plete a revolution did this man bring about in one
short day, that the valuable cargo of a boat which
was wrecked in the rapids, being intrusted to one of
the chiefs, was kept untouched, and finally restored at
the expiration of six months. After a thorough ex-
amination of the condition of trade in the interior,
McKenzie returned, reaching Fort George the 16th
of June 1817.
Meanwhile ten men had been sent to the Wil-
lamette to trap beaver. The natives demanded tribute
for the privilege of hunting on their lands. The trap-
pers paid no attention to them, but kept their way up
the river, and soon the banks were lined with savages.
A shower of arrows was answered by a round of shot,
which killed a chief, and obliged the trappers to re-
turn. A party of twenty-five was then sent to pacify
the natives, which was done by paying for the dead
man. But scarcely was this compromise effected be-
fore another quarrel ensued, in which three natives
wore killed, obliging this party to return with all
haste to the fort.
Forty -five men in three boats, with two field-pieces,
wore then sent, under Ross, as a diplomatic and mili-
tary embassy. Arrived at the falls, they found the
natives there congregated on the west bank to oppose
DIFFICULTIES AND I>AX< 2G9
their passage. Landing on the opposite side, they
planted their guns, and endeavored to open negotia-
tions. The savages would none of them. White flags
and calumets were thrusl aside for the death-song an !
war-dance. Patience was now the white man's I
weapon. Three days were permitted to pass, when
the chiefs began to think tobacco-smoking preferable
to so long a siege of windy grief. So three warriors
jsed the river, and stood a< some distance from the
white man's ramp. Taking his flag, Ross weni alone
to meet them. The pipe was offered and n fused.
•• What want you here?" asked the savages. " I *ea<
was the reply. At length the red men deigned to
smoke: a quantity of merchandise completed the
treaty, and the embassy returned to the Columbia.
These were the terms of the treaty, and they \
observed for several years thereafter. The white men
should be permitted to trap in the Willamette Valley ;
and it* at any time the red men felt themselves
grieved, they must not resort to violence, but must
apply for redress to the white chief at the fort.
As the East India Company debarred for the mo I
part British bottoms, except their own, from the
waters of the Indian Ocean, the Northwest Company
found themselves unable to accomplish much in I
quarter, and were driven to employ United State
shipping in their commercial intercourse with China.
Nor were the Red River difficulties without their
effect on the affairs of the Columbia by restric
supplies, and distracting the attention of the part-
ners.
The brigade leaving FortGeorge the 16th of April
1817, numbering eighty-six men. part destined for the
upper Columbia and pari for the east, embarked in
two barges and nine canoes, under a salute of seven
guns. They found the natives all along their roul i
more disaffected than ever before. Almosl universally
they had of late become possessed with the idea that
270 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
they should have tribute, as lords aboriginal of the
soil, from all intruders.
Those of this brigade bound overland were Beth-
ime, McDougall, McGillivray, Alexander McTavish,
and Cox. They intended to cross the mountains to
Fort William and Montreal with eighteen men; but
on arriving at Canoe River, where the long portage
began, so great had been the hardships endured thus
far that seven of the men were completely exhausted
and too ill to proceed. Hence they were sent back
in one of the canoes. But as they were letting their
boat down the Dalles des Morts, the line broke and
the boat with all their provisions and effects was lost.
Starvation stared them in the face. Their only hope
was to reach Okanagan three hundred miles distant,
which in their emaciated condition was impossible.
One after another they fell by the way, the survivors
feeding on their flesh, until but one remained, a ghastly
object, to reach the fort and tell the tale.
Although many expeditions had been made be-
tween posts, and from the upper country to the sea,
the same paths for the most part were trod, and but a
small portion of the great western region had yet
been seen by European eyes. I have noticed the
abortive attempt of Ross to reach the sea from
Okanagan. Subsequently he was delighted in re-
ceiving orders from head-quarters to examine the
country between his post at Shushwap and the
Rocky Mountains. Two Canadians and two natives
were his companions, and on the 14th of August
1817, the party set out from Shushwap on foot,
each man carrying besides his arms, upon which alone
dependence was placed for provision, a blanket, awl,
fire-steel, needles and thread, tobacco, and six pairs of
Indian shoes.
Their course was north for three days, then due
east, with Thompson River on the right and Frazer
River on the left. Reaching the Rocky Mountains
at Canoe River, they spent two days on that stream,
DONALD M« KJEB 271
following it to its junction with the Columbia, and
thence returned to Shushwap the 29th of Sep-
tember, having met much game, lmt without notable
encounter.
Meanwhile Donald McKenzie was ubiquitous. Now
we find him at Fort George, now at Okanagan, Spo-
kane, Kamloops, or Shushwap, and then at Fort
George again. In April 1817, with twenty-two men,
he made a tour to the Shoshones, which was prelim-
inary to the most important movements in that dire -
tion. In earlier days his reputation turned more on
his abilities as a shot, and an eater of horse and i
flesh, than a business man; but it now appeared that
for managing savages and manipulating . fur-trading
matters, he far surpassed any one in all the North-
west. During the season of 1817, by his wisdom
and prudence, insurrection was prevented, and the
country saved to the company. He inspired his sub-
ordinates with enthusiasm, and displayed a, wonderful
faculty for accomplishing important results through
unconscious agents. And this was the man against
whose wild imaginings and impracticable schemes, as
they considered them, his methodical and inactive
associates so lately railed.
Up to the' present time, and contrary to the wishes
of the magnates of Fort William, McKenzie's pi
for establishing a post among the Walla Wallas had
been frustrated by the partners at Fort George. It
was plain enough to the mind of any man who would
allow his brain to act, that a posi near the junction of
the two gie.it branches of the Columbia would be de-
sirable, it was the natural centre of thai immense
fur-bearing region drained by the Snake River coi
in from the south-east, and the Columbia from the
north. The Snake, or Shoshone country, hitherto
regarded as somewhat dangerous, was attracting i
attention of late. Northern brigadesfrom Fori Ge<
now made their first stop ai '• Ikanagan, and goods for
272 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
Spokane were conveyed in that unnecessarily long
and roundabout way, for no other reason than that
such a route had been established in earlier times
when the country was but little known, and it would
now be some trouble to change it.7
Inaccessible as was Spokane, it had become the
rendezvous of the country lying between the two
great branches of the Columbia. There had been
some thought of removing this establishment to the
grand fork of the Columbia, but it was needed where
it was; and yet an inland metropolitan post was re-
quired at the junction of the twTo rivers. To this
post goods could be brought up from the sea in barges
at much less expense than in bark canoes, and thence
distributed to the north and south and east.
I sa}^ all this was plain enough to any eyes that
would see. The eyes at Fort George, however, were
impervious to this light; but not so the council at
Fort William. In the summer of 1818, peremptory
orders were received at Fort George from head-
quarters to place at the disposal of McKenzie one
hundred men, for the purpose of erecting a fort among
the Nez Perces or Walla Wallas,8 and these orders
were supplemented by a sharp reproof for the ob-
7 See Ross' Fur Traders, i. 137.
8 Ross speaks of this establishment always as located among the Nez Perces,
and it is called on his map Fort Nez Perce, and yet it is placed among the
Walla Wallas, and was later called Fort Walla Walla. It is located on his
map on the east bank of the Columbia, distant above the "Walla Walla River
about one third of the way to the mouth of Snake River. Dunn on his map
applies the name Nez Perce to Snake River, and locates Fort Nez Perce" at
the junction of Snake River and the Columbia. The exact boundaries of the
Nez Perce" territory were at this time unknown. The fact that Snake
River was sometimes called Nez Perce" River, signifies that the nation
was supposed to occupy that river nearer its mouth than ever was the case.
Since the earliest times on record the Walla Wallas have inhabited this terri-
tory, while the Nez Percys have always lived some distance to the east of
them, on both sides of the Clearwater. The term Nez Perce River gave the
fort its first name, but it soon became known only as Fort Walla Walla, and
such I shall hereafter designate it. The site was the north side of Walla
Walla River and the east side of the Columbia, where W'allula now stands.
Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 187-8; Gray's Hist.Or.,42. Wilkes' Nar. U. 8. Explr.
Ex., iv. 418. which gives a cut of it, erroneously states that the post was
built owing to an Indian attack on a party under Ogden. Mr Pambrun,
when in charge, planted a garden. Tovmsend's Nur. loo; Lee and Frost's
(Jr., 123.
FOUNDING OF FORT WALLA WALLA. 273
stacles which had been thrown in his way these past
two years.
The meD and means were furnished according to in-
structions, and on the 11th of July 1818, Mr McKen-
zie, seconded by Ross, encamped with ninety-five men
on the east bank of the Columbia, about half a mile
above the Walla Walla River, which was the site
selected for the new establishment, called at first Fort
Perce*, but shortly afterward Fort Walla Walla.
When the country was flooded, the spot was an island ;
at low water it was a peninsula. It was still famous
as the place where Lewis and Clarke ratified a peace
by general feasting.
* The position was commanding. Before them, as
placid as powerful, lay the noble Columbia, here more
like a lake than a river. Beyond were verdant hills ;
on the south were rugged bluffs between twTo towering
rocks called the Twins, while to the north and east
was a wild expanse of plain.
No demonstrations of joj on the part of the lords
aboriginal welcomed the new-comers. " What do the
white people here?" asked the red bantlings of their
red papas. "Are they going to kill us as they did
our relatives?" The savages held themselves aloof.
It was soon seen that their friendship, if desired, must
be paid for.
McKenzie had not many goods, nor provisions.
Drift-wood was the only building material accessible,
and this was not fit for all purposes. The greater
part of the timber had to be cut a hundred miles dis-
tant, and floated down the stream. Meanwhile, the
savages congregated about the place in sullen and
speechless multitudes. They wanted pay for the
building-material used, and finally refused to sell
the fort-builders food, which caused them no small
anxiety.
The work, however, went on to completion. One
hundred feet square were enclosed in palisades of sawn
timber thirty inches wide by six inches thick and
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 18
274 FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
twenty feet long. These were topped with a range
of balustrades four feet high, with loop-holes and slip-
doors. There were two bastions and an inner gallery ;
a water-tank, wTith a capacity of two hundred gallons,
was placed at each angle as security against fire. Be-
side the outer wall was an inner one likewise of sawn
timber twelve feet high. Within the inner palisades
were houses of drift-logs and one of stone. It differed
in this respect from most other establishments, that
the natives were not admitted within the fort, but were
obliged to trade through an aperture eighteen inches
square, communicating with the trading -room, and
guarded by an iron door. Trade and exploring expe-
ditions were next in order. But before much could
be accomplished in this direction it was necessary to
have an amicable understanding with the natives.
With great difficulty and after much smoking and
many presents this was finally accomplished. And
not only did they promise friendship with the white
people, but engaged in a peace treaty with the Sho-
shones, whom they delighted above all things to kill.
Trade wTas then opened, and briskly prosecuted.
Two hundred horses wTere bought, and toward the
end of September fifty-five men went into the Sho-
shone country with three hundred beaver-traps and a
supply of trading goods. The expedition was under
the command of McKenzie, while Boss remained in
charge of the fort. The oldest and most renowned
of the Walla Walla chiefs about this time became
greatly disheartened over his affairs. War and
disease had lately taken from him five noble sons,
and now another, the last and youngest, his Ben-
jamin, was taken, and the old man said he should not
remain behind. Begging a burial-box from the
white man, that his best beloved might be buried in
the latest fashion, he directed the grave to be dug
and the coffin lowered. Then the heart-broken
father threw himself into the grave, and ordered it
to be filled, which was done amidst loud laments.
THE GUNPOWDER TRICK. 275
As an apostle of peace, McKenzie crossed the
Blue Mountains, and introduced himself to the
Snake nation; whereat they were greatly pleased,
as indeed savages always are at anything new.
Some twenty-five Iroquois of McKenzie's company
revolted, and went trapping on their own account.
No sooner were they their own masters than they
traded all their effects for Shoshone women, and
dropped to the lowest depths of demoralization.
Tired at length of this, they returned to their alle-
giance.
After an absence of six months McKenzie re-
turned to Fort Walla Walla, and in April 1819
with six Canadians he ascended Snake River to
the Nez Perce country on another trading tour. To
strengthen him in his new position, fifteen additional
men were sent him under Kittson, a man with more
confidence than discretion. For neglecting to set a
watch at night his horses were all stolen. They
were caught, however, and returned to him, after
two days of anxiety, by McKenzie's men sent to the
assistance of the advancing party. Returning in
July well laden with furs, Kittson was attacked by
a war party, and lost two men. After delivering Ids
furs at the fort, Kittson returned with his men to
McKenzie, whose success in these parts was now
determined.
But notwithstanding his utmost exertions, Mc-
Kenzie found it impossible to maintain peace between
these fierce mountain tribes, or even to escape their
evil designs upon the whites. On one occasion during
Kittson's absence McKenzie was left at his encamp-
ment with only three men to guard a valuable supply
of goods. The opportunity was too tempting to be
resisted by those with whom thieving was a national
virtue. Collecting about the camp in largo numbers,
they shoved the white men back and began to take
the goods. Seeing that some desperate remedy alone
could save them, McKenzie seized a keg of gunpowder,
27G FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHWESTERS.
and lighting a match threatened them all with in-
evitable destruction. Instantly the camp was cleared,9
and with lowering front the savages sneaked away.
Kittson, then en route between the camp and the fort,
was attached, and two of his men were killed.
Collecting his scattered forces to the number of
seventy-five men, McKenzie, nothing daunted, made
from this encampment a second excursion into the
Shoshone country. War with the Blackfoot was
then fiercely raging, and frequent hostile encounters
rendered trapping and traffic anything but safe or
agreeable occupations. Three of his Kanakas were
murdered by the native banditti. After a season of
anxiety McKenzie returned to Walla Walla in June
1820.
In 1820, the belligerent Wascos at the Dalles were
so far tamed as to permit the establishing at that
point of a trading-post, which was done, and placed
in charge of James Birnie. The post was not of long
continuance.10
9 It was at this same post that Archibald McKinlay performed a similar
feat, making himself out no less a hero of a gunpowder plot story than Mc-
Kehzie, from whom he may originally have obtained the idea.
10Michell, in the Dalles Mountaineer, 23d April 1869; McKay, in the Dalles
Mountaineer, 28th May 1869. James Birnie was a native of Aberdeen, Scot-
land. He entered the service of the Northwest Company in 1817. After a
year in Montreal he was sent to the Columbia. Engaged in minor duties
the first two years, we see him in 1S20 establishing a post at the Dalles.
Later he was several years in charge of Fort George, Astoria, where he suc-
ceeded John Dunn, and in 1833 he was appointed to the charge of Fort Simp-
son. He was again at Fort George from 1840 to 1846. After retiring from
the service, he made his home at Cathlamet, where, after his death, Decem-
ber 21, 1864, at the age of 69 years, his family continued to reside. His
many sterling qualities made him highly respected, while his kindly dispo-
sition and genial manner won the hearts of all who knew him. Anderson's
Northicest Coast, MS., 70-1; Strickland's Missions, 139; Portland Oregonian,
Dec. 29, 1864; Roberts Bee, MS., 100.
CHAPTER XIII.
HAKMON IX NEW CALEDONIA— RESTORATION OF ASTORIA.
1810-1818.
Lin: and Character of Harmon— His Stay at Moxtagni; a la Basse,
qeon Lake, Chepewtan, and Dunvegan — In Cdmi-anv with
Stuart He Enters New Caledonia — Quesnel Reestablishes Fort
b — A Chief Chastised — Harmon's Travels— Stuart's Manage-
ment— First Arrival of Supplies in New Caledonia by way of the
Pacific — Harmon Returns Home— Affairs at Fort George — Das-
tardly Attack of Keith's Men upon the Cowlitz and the (Jmp-
quas — Donald McKenzie — Restoration of Astoria, or Fort George,
to tue United States.
Turn again to the New Caledonian district. On the
28th of April 1800, Daniel Williams Harmon, then
clerk, subsequently partner, in the Northwest Com-
pany, set out from Montreal for the far Northwest,
Mr Harmon has left us a printed record.1
His first engagement was seven years' service as
clerk. The absence of Christian rites troubled him
not a little, for he was one of the few among the fur-
traders who carried, his religion into the wilderness.2
'.! Jourrt I of Voycuji i and Travels in tfo Interiour of North America. An-
dover, I ! | trait and map. In the original deed-poll of coalition
between the N and the Hudson's Bay Companies, his name stands
beside those of the father ai I er of Malcolm McLeod. 'A pious
Green Mountai oled in Vermont, took service in the north, and
11 and bravely bis work, was, it would seem, promoted to the charge
of the higher plateau now under consideration, and which he retained for
several y< a S. Ee, Oil retirement, published his journals, and the frequency
i his work is evidence of his merit.' McL<
So scarce is II; i : that even McLeod had never seen a copy. Itisre-
viewed in the London Quarterly, January 1822, which ser
• "/., 291. It is also reviewed in Nouvelles Annates des Voy., xiv.
55-68. Sec also Victor 's Or., 2G-7.
2 'Our men play at cards on the Sabbath the same as on any other day.
For such improper conduct I once reproved them ; but their reply was, there
1277 j
27S HARMON IX XEW CALEDONIA.
He did not cross the mountains at once into New
Caledonia, but remained on the eastern side, stationed
first at one fort and then at another for some ten years.
In May 1805, while at Montagne a la Basse, he en-
tered into an arrangement with Mr Chaboillez to
make a tour of discovery to the head- waters of the
Missouri. The party, to consist of six or seven
Canadians and two or three Indians, was to set out
early in June, making the Mandan village on the Mis-
souri their first stopping- place. Thence they would
proceed to the base of the Rocky Mountains in com-
pany with the Mandans, who went thither every year
to meet and trade with the natives from the western
slope, and return in November. Owing to ill-health
Harmon never undertook the journey. Laroche,
however, attempted the tour, but went no farther west
than the village of the Mandans.
The winter of 1807-8, Harmon spent at Stur-
geon Lake in company with Doctor McLoughlin,
whom he found a most agreeable companion. Slowly
working his way westward, September 1808 saw him
at Fort Chipewyan, the general rendezvous for the
Athabasca district, where goods were set apart for
the many different posts of that department, and
where flocked the fur-traders from a thousand miles
northward and westward, from the Mackenzie River
and the Pacific seaboard. From the latter region
Simon Fraser arrived while Harmon was there.
From Fort Chipewyan Mr Harmon ascended Peace
River, reaching Fort Vermillion the 2d of October,
Encampment Island Fort the 7th, and Dunvegan the
1 0th. Here in company with John McGillivray and the
McTavishes he passed the winter. The well built fort
was pleasantly situated in the midst of open plains, and
with buffalo, moose, red deer, and bear meat, a fair
supply of vegetables from the kitchen-garden, a good
collection of books, and agreeable companions, fur-
is no Sabbath in this country, and, they added, no God nor devil; and their
behavior but too plainly shows that they spoke as they think.' Journal, Gl.
DIVERS MOVEMENTS. 270
trading became quite bearable. At Fort St John, one
hundred and twenty miles up the river, was stationed
this winter Mr F. Geodike.
In May 1800, the McTavishes, McGillivray, and
Geodike proceeded eastward, while Harmon remained
at Dunvegan. Shortly after their departure, Simon
Fraser and James McDougall arrived at Dunvegan,
the former from the Rocky Mountain Portage, one
hundred and eighty miles above, and the latter Prom
Xew Caledonia, which Harmon pronounced four hun-
dred and fifty miles from his station. After spend-
ing most of the day with Harmon they continued
their journey in four canoes toward Rainy Lake.
The monotony of the winter in this region had been
broken only by the death of Andrew Mackenzie,
natural son of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, at Fort Ver-
million, and the starvation of several Canadian fami-
lies who came into these parts free, that is, not belong-
ing to either of the great companies, to hunt beaver.
One man, it was said, killed and ate his wife and
child, and then he died. In the spring of 1809, eleven
canoes, loaded with furs, were sent east from Fort
Dunvegan and the neighboring stations. In June.
garden-seeds were well up, with good prospects for
abundant supplies for the ensuing winter. 1
barley was harvested the month following. About
this time, John Stuart came over from New Caledonia
for a supply of goods, returning in July.
In October, Harmon's heart was made glad by the
arrival of letters from his friends, brought by A. R.
McLeod, he and a company in three canoes being
on their way to Xew Caledonia. In those clays 1< ;
from home were a treat scarcely expected more than
once or twice a year; but the Peace River Pass was
now becoming quite a thoroughfare between the •
and the west, so that facilities for sending letters v
more frequent here than in many other so far disl
localities.
The following spring, D. McTavish again wenl ea -i .
2S0 HARMON IN NEW CALEDONIA.
and also J. Clarke, John Stuart, and H. Faries, with
their respective companies.
On the 6th of October 1810, John Stuart arrived
at Dunvegan from Fort Chipewyan, with four canoes
laden with supplies for the Rocky Mountain Portage
and New Caledonia. By this arrival, Harmon received
among other letters one signed jointly by three of the
Northwest Company partners, requesting him to pro-
ceed to New Caledonia and take charge of affairs
there ; or if he preferred to do so, he might place him-
self under the command of Stuart until spring, during
which time he would have acquired sufficient knowl-
edge of the country to manage matters alone.
Harmon preferred to avail himself of Stuart's ex-
perience for a time before assuming chief command
west of the mountains. Hence on the 7th of October
the two traders left Fort Dunvegan, stopping at Fort
St John to prepare provisions for New Caledonia.
Thence Stuart embarked in three canoes on the 11th
for Rocky Mountain Portage, Harmon following him
next day. There, at the station which is now called
Hudson's Hope, they left a portion of their goods,
and crossed to the western end of the portage, where
they found some of their people of the Northwest
Company repairing four old canoes which offered at-
tractions only to men weary of life. Nevertheless,
into them they piled their baggage, and were soon
en route again up the river. Arriving at the junc-
tion of F inlay River, they took the south branch and
proceeded to McLeod Fort. There Stuart remained
for a time, while Harmon with thirteen laborers crossed
over to Stuart Fort, where, after a fortnight's travel,
he arrived on the 1 7th of November.
On the 12th of December, Harmon sent J. M.
Quesnel with a small supply of goods to Fraser
Lake, to reestablish the post there, as it had been
for a time abandoned. On the 18th, Stuart with
a small party passed Stuart Fort for Fort Fraser,
and shortly afterward Harmon followed him.
NEW STEAK'S DEBAUCHERIES.
2S1
As these were days of intoxication, before absolute
monopoly regulated the morals of the region, new
year's day was the signal anion-' the Canadians for a
grand debauch, which the sober savage begged leave
to witness. Drinking set in, and quarrelling soon
followed, whereat the natives hid themselves, saying
the white men had run mad. When they saw those
who had raved the loudest in the morning becoming
quiet in the afternoon, they said the white man's
Harmon's Map.
senses had returned to him. Then they went their
way, wondering how such superior beings should vol-
untarily lay aside their reason for a time and become
In April 1811, Harmon abandoned the Fraser Fort
and returned to Fort Stuart. Shortly afterward lie
sent most of his men to McLeod Fort to prepare for
a journey cast, and in a few days followed them with
QuesneL A little native boy nut yet four years old,
282 HARMON IX NEW CALEDONIA.
called George Harmon, of whom he was father, accom-
panied him on his way to the United States, whither
Harmon was sending him, under the charge of Quesnel,
to be educated. A daughter was soon after born to
him, whom he called Polly Harmon; for this good
man's piety did not prevent his propagating the natives
of that wilderness wherever he went. Yet to these
dusky offspring Harmon was most affectionately at-
tached, and he always endeavored to do his duty by
them. His feelings toward them and his treatment
of them in every respect, were the same as if they had
been born of a white mother in lawful wedlock. After
sending away this boy, as he believed for his good, he
returned to Stuart Fort; and so dejected were his spir-
its in consequence, he says, that he passed four of the
most miserable days of his life. And when some two
years later, Harmon heard that his boy was dead, he
was overwhelmed with grief, while the mother was
thrown, if possible, into still greater distress, being
delirious the whole night after receiving the intelli-
gence.
Bio- Knife was the name the natives ouve Harmon,
for he sometimes carried a sword; and though during
the eleven years he had spent in the Indian country
he had never struck an Indian, it now devolved on him
to chastise a chief named Quas, or else be called a
coward, and lose his influence in those parts. Har-
mon tells the story at some length. Briefly, it is as
follows: Quas, to display his importance before his
followers, insisted that Harmon should give credit to
an Indian not worthy of it. Harmon refused, where-
upon Quas bantered Harmon as to his business qual-
ifications, saying that he managed his affairs as well as
any white man. Then he asked credit for a small
piece of cloth, which was readily granted; but on
showing him one piece of cloth after another, he
affected disgust with them all. Then Harmon felt
it his duty to punish him, which he did by beating
him over the head with a stick. The chief cried to
LEAEXS OF FORT ASTOEIA. 2S3
his warriors, several of whom were present, bo seize
his assailant; but they dare not touch him; and there-
after none among them ranked higher than
Knife.
In the autumn of 1811 Peace River was frozen be-
fore the usual supplies were brought up, so that in
December Harmon was obliged to bring the goods
over with clogs and sledges. He set out on the 20th
with twenty men, and returned in time for the first of
January festivity, accompanied by McDougall.
During this month of January 1812, Harmon
visited the native village of Tachy, situated at the
other end of Stuart Lake. He found the people
indolent, and consequently poorly fed and clad. Then
with McDougall and twelve of his own men and
two Carriers, he made a journey to the terrii
of the Xateotetains living to the westward. Few of
■ people had ever before seen white men, and on
their approach they showed by warlike g how
they would defend themselves in case they weir •
attacked. They were armed with bows and arrows,
clubs and axes. When informed by the stran >
that they had come to supply their necessities and
purchase their furs, respect and hospitality were pro-
fusely proffered.
Continuing their journey, they the next day came
>n four other villages, whose people told them how
white men ascended their river from the Pacific Oct 'an
and sold goods to their neighbors on the west, from
whoi 1 1 1 hey purchased. In February Harmon made an
eight <lays' jaunt to Fraser Lake, and was everywhere
well received by the natives.
Letter from David Thompson, dated at Ilko-
y< 'i »< i the Columbia River the 28th < >f August
1811, Harmon now first receives intelli the
fort-builders at the month of the Columbia, who call
themselves the Pacific Fur Company. This letter
had been on the way eight months, when the distance
might easily be travelled in thirty days. The reason
284 HARMON IN NEW CALEDONIA.
of this was that instead of sending it through direct
by a single messenger, it was delivered by Thompson
at one of his posts down the Columbia to the ad-
jacent tribes, with instructions to pass it on to the
next tribe, and so on until it should reach its destina-
tion. The wonder is that it went through at all.
In May, Harmon went to McLeod Lake to despatch
his eastern express, and while crossing a small lake on
a sledge, one of his men, Pierre Lambert, fell through
the ice and was drowned. The winter of 1812-13
was spent by Harmon in company with John Stuart,
at Stuart Fort. With them were twenty-one laborers,
one interpreter, five women, and a troop of children.
While on a fur-trading excursion to Fraser Lake the
two friends narrowly escaped being killed by certain
Indians, who wTere incensed against the interpreter's
wife; but courage, coolness, and kind words finally
pacified them.
With five voyageurs and a Carrier Indian, Har-
mon left Stuart Lake the 6th of February 1813 for
Fort Dunvegan, for the purpose of transacting some
business with McGillivray. There he was informed
that the British had taken Niagara and Mackinaw.
Accompanied by six voyageurs and two natives,
John Stuart on the 13th of May embarked at Stuart
Lake in two canoes with a small stock of goods as
pocket-mone}^, and six weeks' provisions, for the pur-
pose of finding, if possible, water communication
between that point and the Columbia River. Should
his efforts prove successful, it was the intention of
the Northwest partners to obtain supplies and make
returns by that route, building vessels somewhere on
the Pacific coast to ply between the Columbia River
and China, and thus avoid the long land travel from
Canada. On reaching the Columbia, Stuart was
to be joined by John G. McTavish, who was to ac-
company him to the ocean. This left Harmon in the
full superintendence of affairs in New Caledonia.
At these far interior posts the officers had leisure
A VERY NEW COUNTRY. 285
enough. Harmon says thai not more than one fifth of
his time was occupied by business. But at every post
were books, and among them many thai were worth
reading. Gloomy reflections sometimes arose as he
thought of his civilized home, some thirteen years
having now passed since he left it; but mosl of the
time he was contented and cheerful. No small por-
tioo of his time was occupied in religious resolves,
which he conscientiously endeavored to carry out.
Joseph La Roche, who had accompanied John G.
McTavish to the Pacific the summer previous, arrived
at Stuart Lake the 7th of November 1813. The
4th of Februaiy following, Donald McLennan arrived
with the intelligence of the purchase of the property
of the Pacific Fur Company by the Northwest Com-
pany.
During these years, Harmon was chiefly occupied
in baling and shipping down Peace River the furs
collected at the several posts under his charge, and in
receiving and distributing the supplies of goods sent
him. 1 1 was monotonous enough thus being shut in the
wilderness for nineteen years, and an agreeable com-
panion was most highly prized. " Happy arc those/'
he exclaims, while laboring under the disappointment
of losing McLennan, who he had hoped would have
remained with him during the summer, "happy are
those who have an amiable and intelligent friend with
whom they can at pleasure converse!"
The first goods sent into New Caledonia by way of
the Pacific Ocean and the Columbia River of which
Harmon makes mention, arrived at Stuart Fort the
18th of October 1814. They were brought from Fori
George in two canoes by Joseph La Roche, who on
arrival was sent by Harmon once more to reestab-
lish Fort Fraser. La Roche was soon relieved by
Harmon himself, who soon after was joined by Stuart
and McDougall, who took him with them to Stilla to
purchase salmon of the natives. The 11th of Janu-
ary 1815 Harmon set out with six meu and two
2S6 HARMON IN NEW CALEDONIA.
natives to visit the Naskootains3 who had never before
held intercourse with white men.
As spring came on, a small piece of ground at Fort
Eraser was inclosed in palisades for a vegetable gar-
den, and potatoes, beets, onions, carrots, and parsnips
planted, besides a little corn and barley. The summer
of 1815 Stuart passed at Stuart Lake, and Harmon
at Fraser Lake. The narrative about this time be-
comes very sentimental and very religious. The
writer sighs for companionship like a sick school-girl,
and throws in pages of protestations, prayers, and
high resolves. Although his desire to return to his
old home was never so great as now, yet in the spring
of 1816 Harmon agreed with George McDougall* to
remain in the country two years longer as clerk of the
Northwest Company.
The winter of 1816-17 came on early with its cold
white coverings. As usual, salmon dried during the
summer was the chief subsistence alike of white
man and red. In December, fifteen sledge -loads of
this food were sent by Harmon from Fort Fraser
to McLeod Fort to supply the winterers there as
well as the spring packers. The summer was very
dry, there being not a drop of rain for months. In
May, Harmon set out on a visit to Fort Chipewyan,
returning the 1st of September. On the 3d of Octo-
ber Fort Fraser was burned; most of the property,
however, was saved.
The year 1818 was partly spent by Harmon in
preparations to return to his native land, on which
he was now fully determined. To this end George
McDougall in February 1819 took his place at Stuart
Fort, where of late he had been stationed, while Har-
mon himself proceeded to McLeod Fort, and thence
the following summer to Montreal and Vermont.
3 For full accounts of all the aborigines of this locality, see Native Races, i.
114-37, 146.
4 This George McDougall came out from Canada to Red River the summer
previous with Lord Selkirk's party. Becoming dissatisfied with the treat-
ment of John Clarke, his superior, he left the settlement, and joined his
brother James McDougall west of the mountains.
PETEB SKEEN OGDEN. 2S7
I have beeD thus minute in giving the somewhat
tame events from Harmon's journal, from the fact
that it is the only historical record we have of this
region during this period; and as the time was of
ill-' earliest, incidents assume importance, which at a
later date would be deemed insignificant. One crown-
ing noble act this man Harmon did on emerging
from the wilderness, which partners with nnore gen-
tlemanly pretensions might well have followed. His
uncouth children with their Indian mother he did not
desert, hut took them all with him to his old home,
made the woman his lawful wife, and educated his
children in all his own high and holy principles.
Events call us once more to Fort George. The
attention of the magnates there in charge was di-
vided between the receiving and disbursing of the
annual outfits, and the cultivation of trade with the
aboriginals of the Willamette and the Cowlitz. Keith
was in many respects an excellent man, but he pos-
sessed a remarkable faculty for bungling business. I
will cite an instance :
Oskononton was an Iroquois, one of the twenty-
five who had revolted from McKenzie. He crept
hack an emaciated penitent to Fort Walla Walla, and
from there was sent down to Fort George. Shortly
afterward he joined a party of his countrymen to trap
on the Cowlitz, where, in attempting with some of
his wild comrades to force the women, he was killed.
The party returned to the fort and represented the
affair as an unprovoked murder, whereupon Keith
sent thirty Iroquois, under Ogden,5 to investigate the
rea somewhat conspicuously in Northwest Coast
affairs. He was a son of Chief Justice Ogdcn of Quebec, ami joined the
Northwest Company in 1811. Tfia earlier days
. ith occasional visits to California. Rising i i
in the II I bmpany, in 1831 he left the Snake country, and in 1835
: factor in charge "t the district <>t New Caledonia. A1 fch
sixty lie died at Oregon City, in the. house of his son-in-law, Archibald Mc-
Kinlay. in 1854. McKinlay's A'»;-.. MS., II; Andersoi MS., 23;
Portland Oregonian, Sept. 30, L854. Allen, /A///.. MS., • den had
been .-i \\ ild youth, and though possessing much ability, was still fond of tricks
,in later years.'
2S8 HARMON IX NEW CALEDONIA.
matter, a choice of instruments which no competent
manager could by any possibility have made. Arrived
at the Cowlitz camp, without awaiting orders from
their leader, these eastern barbarians raised their guns
and fired, bringing down men, women, and children.
Twelve persons wholly innocent of any crime were
killed before the eyes of the Cowlitz chief. Howhow,
who that moment was assisting Ogden to find the
murderer, was sickened, enraged, as well he might be.
Ogden attempted to pacify him, begged him to visit
the fort where all should be explained and rectified,
but all to no purpose. Every other effort proving
unavailing, a husband from among the white chiefs
at the fort was promised Howhow's beautiful young
daughter. This Avas more than the fond father could
withstand. A guard was promised him to and from
the fort, as he would have to pass over the lands of
his enemies, the Chinooks. The princess was brought
to the fort and happily married. After the days of
rejoicing were over, Howhow was permitted to leave
the fort to return without a guard, being attended
only by his own immediate followers. The conse-
quence was, before they had proceeded three hundred
yards, the Cowlitz were fired upon by some Chinooks
in ambush. The stupid sentinel cried out that the
fort was attacked by Howhow and his men, and
against them the guns of the bastion were discharged,
wounding two of the Cowlitz. Soon the mistake was
discovered and Howhow brought into the fort. Keith
attempted to explain, but Howhow was a changed
man. In stern and sulky meditation he took leave of
his white son-in-law, loaded with presents, but yet
suspicious and revengeful.
Thus driven by their own misconduct and stupidity
from the Cowlitz, fresh attention was directed toward
the Willamette. Already there were trappers enough
in that quarter, but the graceless Iroquois must have
a hunting-ground somewhere. Hence, sixty men,
under two half- breed Canadian clerks, ascended the
DARK DOINGS AT UMPQUA. 2S9
Willamette, and crossed over to the Umpqua. The
natives were peaceful and timid. They did not ob-
ject to the trapping on their premises, but they did
not wish to barter furs, exchange horses, or seii wives.
As the white men encroached upon their privacy, the
natives retired. One day as the latter ww<> breaking
up camp in order to escape their persecutors, the
trappe*rs seized the horses of the Indians in order to
insure their return. The owners resisted, whereupon
the trappers fired upon them, killing fourteen innocent
and inoffensive persons, who had not even drawn an
arrow in self-defence. The survivors tied, the hunt-
ers pursuing. How many more were killed in the
flight was never known.6 A guilty fear then seized
the wretches, and falling back upon the Willamette,
four of their number were sent to Fort George to
tell how they had been attacked and well nigh massa-
cred by the treacherous and blood-thirsty savages of
the Umpqua. Retribution, however, was at hand.
Camping while en route at Oak Point, the four mes-
sengers were murdered by five Tlatskanai, of the
same band as that which in 1811 had killed three
of the Pacific Company's men. As soon as the Oak
Point murder was known at the fort, a party was
sent in pursuit of the assassins, who wTere captured
and tried, and four of the five convicted and executed.
By these and like mismanagements the returns at
Fort George were this year, 1819, reduced 4,000
beaver, equivalent in money to £G,000.
Another year was spent by Donald McKenzic in th
Snake country, closing on his return to Fort Walla
Walla, the 10th of July 1821. Next year he crossed
the mountains to York Factory, and was sh< >ri ly alter
cTt is with heart-felt Borrow that Iftnd it my duty to register so dastardly
an outrage perpetrated under Northwest Company rule. would
be that the friends who did it were eastern savages, [roquois, whom they
found it extremely difficult to control. We well know that such deed
disavowed and lamented by the members of the Northwest Company, most
of all men.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 19
290 HARMON IX NEW CALEDONIA.
made governor of the Red River Colony, a position
second only to that of governor-in-chief. After filling
that office for ten years, he removed with his family
to Mayville, New York.
In the summer of 1818, there arrived at Astoria
the remnant of a party of twenty-five led by Louis
Pichette from Canada the year previous, and who
had wintered on the plains. Seven of the company had
died upon the way. After spending several years each
at Forts Vancouver, Colville, and Hall, Pichette finally
took a farm at Champoeg, where he died in 1876.7
By the treaty of peace between Great Britain and
the United States signed at Ghent the 24th of Decem-
ber 1814, it was agreed that all territory and places
taken by either from the other during the war should
be immediately restored. In pursuance of this agree-
ment, on the 18th of July 1815, James Monroe,
secretary of state, notified Mr Baker, charge d'affaires
of Great Britain to the United States, that measures
would be taken to reoccupy the post of Astoria, on
the Columbia River, without delay, at the same time
asking a letter to the person in charge, giving orders
for its restitution.
Mr Baker replied that he had no authority from
his government to furnish such a letter, and referred
the secretary to Vice-admiral Dixon, of his majesty's
naval forces on the Brazil station, whose command
included the Pacific. There the matter rested until
September 1817, when the sloop of war Ontario was
ordered to the Columbia peaceably to assert the
sovereignty of the United States in the territory ad-
jacent. The captain of the sloop, J. Biddle, and J.
B. Prevost were appointed joint commissioners to
carry these instructions into effect.8
7 The Salem Statesman, Dec. 22, 1876, claims for him that he was the first
white man to settle in Marion county. There are so many claimants to the
honor of first settler here and elsewhere, that it is not always easy to de-
termine the truth.
8 Annals Cong., 1822, app. ii. 2130-1 ; President's Message, April 15, 1822;
GreenJww's Or. and Cal., 307; Evans'' Hist. (Jr., MS., 103.
ASTORIA RESTORED. 291
Pre vest and Biddle had not been many days absent
on their mission when Mr Bagot, the British minister
at Washington, addressed inquiries to Mr Adams.
secretary of state, relative to the destination of the
Ontario, and the purpose of her voyage, which being
answered, Bagot remonstrated, saying thai the North-
west Coast was early possessed by Great Britain as
part of her dominion, and that the post upon the
Columbia was not captured during the war, but was
sold by one commercial company to another for a fail-
consideration, and did not therefore conic within the
provision of the first article of the Ghent treaty.
Mr Bagot lost no time in communicating to his
government the state of affairs, which immediately
became a matter of discussion between Lord Cas
reagh, British secretaiy for foreign affairs, and Mr
Rush, United States minister in London. Castlen sag] i
regretted that the British government had not been
notified of the intended occupation of the Columbia by
the United States before the sailing of the Ontari
Great Britain claimed dominion over that territory.
He now proposed to submit the matter to arbitration.
To this Mr Bush objected. He would not admit
that there was any ground for an arbitration, any
just ground upon which England could claim dominion.
Y\ as not the territory in the possession of the United
States before the war? he asked. Did it not fall by
belligerent pressure? How, then, under treaty stipu-
lations requiring mutual restitution could possession
be withheld? Castlereagh admitted the right of tic
1 nited States as the party in possession pending ne-
gotiations. He lamented only the manner of ol Gaining
possession, fearing disturbance in consequence. To
prevent misunderstanding in this transfer, lie requested
the colonial secretary, Lord Bathurst, and the Lords
of the admiralty to expedite the proper orders to the
person in charge of the fort, which was done. I udeed,
the British government displayed a magnanimous de-
sire to avoid any hostile collision between the repre-
292 HARMON IN" NEW CALEDONIA.
sentatives of the respective governments in these
distant parts.
Continuing her voyage the Ontario reached Valpa-
raiso in February. No orders had yet been received
from the British government for the delivery of Fort
George, and it was now evident that no British officer
nor any agent of the Northwest Company would as-
sume the responsibility of voluntarily relinquishing
the post. Yet the orders of the United States govern-
ment must be obeyed. And the Ontario must com-
plete her mission so far as possible. It was clearly
evident, however, that what was now done at the
Columbia Biver would be empty form, whereas some-
thing might be gained by further conference with
British powers. In view of these several aspects of
the case, it was finally arranged that while Mr Prevost
remained at Valparaiso, Captain Biddle should pro-
ceed to the Columbia in the Ontario, and take formal
possession of Fort Astoria, which was done on the 9th
of August. The Ontario then returned to the South
Pacific.
Meanwhile Lord Bathurst's order9 for the surren-
der of Fort George to the United States had reached
Bio cle Janeiro, and was sent by Commodore Bowles,
commander of the British naval forces in the South
Sea, to his senior officer in the Pacific, Captain Sher-
iff. Prevost was still at Valparaiso, and Captain
Sheriff immediately informed him of his receipt of
the order, at the same time offering him conveyance
9 Which was in these words :
' To the partners or agents of the Northioest Company residing on the Columbia
River:
'Intelligence haying been received that the United States sloop of war
Ontario has been sent by the American government to establish a settlement
on the Columbia River, which was held by that state on the breaking out of
the last war, I am to acquaint you that it is the Prince Regent's pleasure-
without, however, admitting the right of that government to the possession
in question — that in pursuance of the first article of the treaty of Ghent, duo
facility should be given to the reoccupation of the said settlement by the
officers of the United States; and I am to desire that you would contribute,
as much as lies in your power, to the execution of his Royal Highness' com-
mands. I have, etc., etc.,
'Bathurst.'
CHANGE OF FLAGS. 293
to the Columbia, which was thankfully accepted. The
1 chosen for this errand was the British frigate
Blossom, ( laptain I [ickey.
The Blossom entered the Columbia the 1st <»f Octo-
ber, and on the 6th the surrender was made.
British flag was lowered, and that of the Urn
Stateswas hoistedin its place.1" Placards declaratory
of the surrender were placed on either side of the en-
trance to the river, one on Cape Disappointment, and
another on Point Adams. These were afterward
moved by the natives.11 Mr Keith then addressed
inquiries to Mr Prevosl respecting the position and
imercial interests of the Northwest Company on
the Columbia, to which Mr Prevost replied that the
action of his government he could not determine, but
that the Northwest Companymight restassured that
their rights would be respected, and that no necess
existed for the immediate abandonment either of the
Columbia River or of Fort George.12
10 House Com. Bep't, No. 1<>1, 25th Cong. 3d. Sess., p. 7.
"Prom Monterey, Mr Prevost wrote the secretary of state the 11th of
November 1818, with copies of the acts of delivery and acceptance, all oi
which documents accompanied President Monroe's message to Cod
April 17. \^22. The act of delivery by the British Commissioners is in
these words:
' In obedience to the commands of his Royal Highness the Prince
at, signified in a despatch from the Right Honorable Earl Bathurst,
Bed to the partners or agents of the Northwest Company, hearing
date the 27th of January 1818, and in obedience to subsequent ord
2 ith of July last, from William H. Sheriff, Esq., captain of his maj
ship A we, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article
of the treaty of Ghent, restore to the government of the United States,
through its agent, J. B. Prevost, Esq., the settlement of Fort < reorge on the
River < iolumbia. (liven under our hands in triplicate at Port George, Colum-
bia River, this 6th clay of October, 1818.
'P. Hickey, Captain of his Majesty's ship Bl
' James Keith, of the Northwest Company.'
The act of acceptance by the United States Commissioner reads as follows:
'I do hereby acknowledge to have this day received, in bi half of
ernment of the United States, the possession of the settlemenl
. in conformity td the first article of the treaty of Ghent. G
md in triplicate, at Fort George, Columbia River, this 6tb d
ber 1818. J. B. Pbevost, agent for the TJ\
12 This correspondence should be given in full.
Mr Keith to Mr Pn
'FoetGeoege, Columbia River, October 6, I
Now that the restitution and the settlement have been ma dr. and that
the Northwest Company are still allowed to occupy it in the prosecution of
294 HARMON IN NEW CALEDONIA.
The purchase of the Pacific Company by the North-
west Company was not known by the plenipotentiaries
at the treaty of Ghent, yet provision to meet such an
emergency had not been neglected. Such an event,
or rather the capture of Fort Astoria by the British
forces in the Pacific, likely enough had occurred during
the war, in which case, or in any case, no claim that
might be set up by the British government to the
Northwest Coast, or any part of it, should for a
moment be recognized.13 The Ghent commissioners,
their commercial pursuits, permit me to submit to you the following important
queries, to which I recpiest a candid and explicit reply: Whether or not you
feel authorized on behalf of the United States, to tender me any assurance,
or to afford any security that no abandonment or relinquishment of said set-
tlement will be claimed by your government in favor of any of its subjects,
to the ejectment and exclusion of said Northwest Company, prior to the final
decision of the right of sovereignty to -the country between our respective gov-
ernments? And pending such discussion, as also in the event of such sov-
ereignty being confirmed to the United States, may the Northwest Company
implicitly rely on the justice and equity of your government, that adequate
allowance will be made for any extension or amelioration of aforesaid settle-
ment, or of the trade dependent thereon, of which circumstances may from
time to time suggest the propriety ? I have the honor, etc. ,
' James Keith,
'J. B. Prevost, Esq. Acting for self and Northwest Company.'
Mr Prevost to Mr Keith:
'Fort George, Columbia, October 6, 1818.
'Sir: In answer to your note of this morning I have the honor to state
that the principal object of the president in sending me thus far was to obtain
such information of the place, of its access, and of its commercial importance,
as might enable him to submit to the consideration of congress measures for
the protection and extension of the establishment. From hence you will per-
ceive that, until the sense of the government may be taken upon my report,
any assurance I might offer to meet the wishes expressed by you, would be as
unauthorized as unavailing. I, however, sir, have no hesitation in saying
that should it hereafter comport with the views of the nation to foster the
settlement, any claim of the Northwest Company, justified by the usages of
nations, will be liquidated with great liberality; and that, should its policy
induce a system of exclusion, it will never extend to your removal without
sufficient notice to prevent loss and injury to the company. I cannot take
my leave, sir, without expressing my approbation of the manner in which an
establishment so precarious has been managed, nor without offering a. hope
that the same judicious course may be pursued, under the change of flag, for
its success, until the pleasure of the president can be known.'
'James Keith. J. B. Prevost.'
13 Under date of 22d of March 1814, James Monroe, secretary of state,
wrote the plenipotentiaries of the United States, that in the event of a treaty
with Great Britain, and a reciprocal restitution of territory, they should have
it in recollection that the United States had in their possession at the com-
mencement of the war, a post at the mouth of the river Columbia, which
commanded the river, which ought to be comprised in the stipulation, should
the possession have been wrested from us during the war. 'On no pretext can
THE TREATY OF GHEXT. 295
on behalf of the United States, had been instructed to
recognize no British claim to territory south of the
forty-ninth parallel. On the other hand, in the relin-
quishment of Fort George, the British government
by no means acknowledged the right of the United
States to the Oregon territory. By the present trans-
fer matters were simply placed as before the war, with
boundary and title yet to be determined.
Among ether questions growing out of the treaty
of Ghent, yet unsettled, was that of the partition line
between the British American possessions and the
United States, west of the Rocky Mountains. An
agreement was drawn up between the powers that all
differences should be settled by convention, which was
signed in London the 20th of October 1818. Then it
was agreed that the Northwest Coast, by whichsoever
claimed, should, for ten years from the date of the
convention, be open to subjects of both nations; nor
was this agreement to be to the ultimate prejudice of
the claim of either to any part of that territory. The
settlement of the boundary question was simply post-
poned, it being inconvenient and unnecessary to de-
termine it at that time.14
the British government set up a claim to territory south of the northern
boundary of the United States. It is not believed that they have any claim
whatever to territory on the Pacific Ocean. You will, however, be careful
Bhould a definition of boundary be attempted, not to countenance in any man-
in ir or in any quarter, a pretension in the British government to territory
south of that line.' See Annals of Congress, 1814-15, app., 1375.
liAnnals of Congress, 1822, i'i. 2130-42; Am. Strife Papers, For. Bel., v.
582; Barton'sDeba • ?, v. 399, x. 301; President's Messages, Dec. 29, 1818, Feb.
•22. 1819, April 15, 1822, Jan. 31, 1826, and Accompanying Dor.; Evans' Or.,
MS., 101 l: GreenJtow's Or. andCal., 306-14; Gray's Hist. Or., 20, 37; Vic-
tor's Riv> r of the West, 32-3; Dix's Speeches, i. 47; Anderson's Northwest Coast,
M.S., 4, 100.
CHAPTER XIV.
UNION OF THE NORTHWEST AND THE HUDSON'S BAY COM-
PANIES, AND THE SUBSEQUENT CHARTERS.
1803-1846.
Title of the Hudson's Bay Company to Rupert Land— Boundary, not
Title, the Question in Dispute — Jurisdiction of Courts — Ruin
from Rivalry Imminent— The Northwest Company's Opposition to
Lord Selkirk and his Colonization Scheme — The Two Companies
before Parliament — The Ministry Interpose Mediation — The
Question of Compromise Debated— Terms of Union— Passage of
the Act Empowering the Crown to Grant Exclusive License of
Trade— The Grant of 1821 — The Assignment in 1824 of the North-
west Company — The Deed-Poll of 1834— The Renewal of License
in 1S38— The Settlement of the Boundary Question in 1846— The
Grant of Vancouver Island in 1849.
It lias been many times mentioned that in 1821
the Northwest Company and the Hudson's Bay
Company became one corporation ; how the companies
were united has nowhere been told. After quiet oc-
cupancy for a hundred and fifty years, the title of
the Hudson's Bay Company to Rupert Land might
scarcely be questioned by a rival association. Al-
though France claimed the country when the charter
of Charles II. dated the 2d of May 1670 was made,
and although the grant never had been permanently
ratified by parliament, the claim of the adventurers
of England had been tacitly acknowledged by govern-
ment in various ways.
In the first place, the incorporators and their suc-
cessors were made lords proprietors of the lands
granted, which were to be held in free and common
socage, and not in capite, or by knight's service. It
THE CHARTER. 297
was a five and absolute gifi . subject to revocation only
by the power that made it, exclusive in its terms,
and requiring the recognition of royal authority only
by a promise to pay the grantor or his successors two
elk and two black beaver, whenever one of them
should enter the territories so granted. The com-
pany might colonize wherever they chose, appoint
mors, make laws, and administer justice. Over
the natives of the granted territory their power was
absolute, involving life or death; their own people
they might punish in minor matters, or even for high
offences if no appeal was made to England. It' such
appeal was made, the company must send prisoners
thither; likewise subjects of Great Britain, other
than those employed by the company, found within
the territory, might be arrested and sent to England.
The fact that King' Charles might as righteously
have granted his cousin Rupert land in Fiance, or
Italy, or Saturn, or the sun, as round Hudson Bay,
made no whit difference, so long as the protection
which backed his gift was strong enough to break
down opposition.
The chief question in dispute between the adven-
turers of England and the merchants of Montreal was
not one of title to Rupert Land, although the North-
west Company did claim that the grant of Charles
II. was invalid, lacking the sanction of parliament.
An act confirming the charter was passed by Parlia-
ment in 1G90, but for seven years only, and no longer.1
An attempt was made to renew the charter at the ex-
1 .Martin, TJie Hudson's Bay Territorit s, 45, asserts that thisact makes the
grant perpetual, yet in the same breath lie admits that it expired at the end
a years. 'MrM. Martin says "forever." Heputsth
and would leave readers who do not n i at the font of a page, in
small type, with the belief that the charter of the Hudson's Bay I
confirmed by Parliament forever. There cannot be anything more grossly un-
true.' Fitzgerald's I'. /..!)::. The truth of the matter is thai the bill was
drawn making the charter to hold forever. The Mouse of < !ommons decided
it should be valid but for ten years. The House of Lord down
i years -and no longer.' Tims it becamea lav. ; awing
a new bill, a. rider was attached limiting the time to seven years. Tims Mr
Fitzgerald's criticism is just. Mr Martin obviously wished to deceive, and like
all who deal in untruths, he made a bungling affair of it.
293 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
piration of the seven years. A bill was introduced,
but the company seeing it was going against them
withdrew it, lest they should be ruined by defeat.
Nevertheless, government regarded the corporation
with no special disfavor, recognizing the claims of the
adventurers of England when such recognition was
almost equivalent to a renewal of the charter.2
While the adventurers of England exercised
almost sovereign power round Hudson Bay, in the
Indian countries, as the region west of Rupert Land
was called, their authority was questioned. In order
to determine the matter, on the 11th of August
1803, that is to say, in the forty -third year of the
reign of George III., an act was passed by parlia-
ment for extending the jurisdiction, not of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, but of the Canadian courts
of justice over this territory. By this act justices
of the peace for the Indian countries might be
created by the governor of Lower Canada, who should
be empowered to commit offenders until they could
be conveyed to Canada for trial. Minor offences, and
all offences committed in the Indian countries, were
to be tried in the same manner as if committed in
Canada. This act remained in force until the union
of the Northwest and the Hudson's Bay companies.
But it was disputes concerning boundaries rather than
those of title, which brought on the bloody conflict
between the two companies. Until their fellow-coun-
trymen, following north-westward the pathway of the
great lakes, had penetrated beyond Superior, and even
2 Recognition is found in the treaty of Utrecht in 1713; in the treaty of Ore-
gon 1846; in various acts of Parliament— as, for example, the 2 William and
Mary 1690; 6 Anne, cap. 37; 14 George III., cap. 83; and 1 and 2 George I\ .,
cap. 66. On the other hand, we might say that the territory granted did not at
the time, under the then recognized law of nations, belong to England, and
was not so determined until the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. The treaty of
Utrecht does not guarantee the company's privileges, but only remunerated
them for their losses. The treaty of Ryswick, signed in September 1697. pro-
vided for the appointment of commissioners to determine whether Rupert
Land belonged even then to France or to England. A portion of the Red
River territory claimed by the company, the government did not hesitate to
yield to the United States, thereby admitting the absence of title.
RIVALRY AND WAR. 209
Winnipeg, the adventurers of England scarcely left
the shores of Hudson Bay. Bui suddenly their pre-
tensions assumed broad proportions. At first they
were satisfied with the lands drained by streams flow-
ing immediately into Hudson Bay. l>ut afterwards
I'm. I'm-- rivers having their sources a thousand miles
away, falling into lakes which fed the streams flow-
ing immediately into Hudson Bay, they thereupon
claimed territory equal to twice their original domain,
and finally the I 'acific and Arctic oceans alone bounded
their avarice.
To the Red River country and the region wesi
and north-west of lakes Winnipeg and Athabasca,
the Northwest Company deemed their righi quite
as good as that of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
latter was satisfied with nothing short of absolute
and unlimited monopoly. Upon these conditions
alone could they at once preserve the game and
regulate1 the fur market of the world. There were
no doubt advantages arising from such a policy,
provided this whole region was to be forever kept
alone for fur-producing purposes. Only by some
such method could the diseases and demoralizations
of civilization be kept from the natives. If under
any conditions the existence of a grinding monopoly
can be aught else than a curse, it was here, where
competition signified intoxicating drink and exter-
mination of animals.
For some time past it had been clearly evident that
if the hitter rivalry of the two great companies was
continued much longer, both would be ruined by it.
Obviously one would succumb before the other; bul
victory would come too late Each was inflicting a
mortal wound, and success was as fatal as failure. In
this emergency the friends of both compani
measures for a reconciliation. Following the Red
River affray, attempts were made to bring the more
conspicuous among the belligerents on both sides I i
trial, though without much success, li was extremely
300 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
difficult for the courts of Canada or of England to
reach these wars in the distant wilderness. It was
almost impossible to apprehend offenders, or to find
witnesses when the persons sought did not choose to
be found. In the unexplored west were millions of
hiding-places safe to the fur-hunter, but fatal to his
pursuer.
The Northwest Company, as we have seen, was
exceedingly wide-awake and enterprising, and by its
superior talent and energy it gradually undermined
even the solid foundation of the adventurers of Eng-
land trading into Hudson Bay. While at the height of
their rivalry, before the Hudson's Bay Company had
scarcely crossed the Rocky Mountains, the Northwest
Company had a thriving establishment on the bank of
the Columbia., with a chain of posts extending from
Lake Superior, and trade established on the shore of
the Pacific southward to California and northward to
New Archangel. By 1817 more than three hundred
Canadians were in their service on the western slope
alone, and three ships had brought them supplies
round Cape Horn, returning with rich cargoes of furs
to Canton and London. During the war of 1812
they opposed the United States with a company of
their voyageurs, commanded by officers of the com-
pany, who not only served without .pay but furnished
their own outfit and stores.
Lord Selkirk's Red River colonization scheme they
felt to be as unjust as it was insulting, and they deter-
mined to resist it to the death. Nor did they attempt
to shirk the responsibility of their actions, or the
acts of their agents after they had brought matters
to a bloody issue. They believed themselves still to
be right, and upon their conviction they were willing
to stake their lives.
Fortunately, however, for all concerned, there was
yet remaining one feature favorable to reconciliation.
Red River colonization was the project of Selkirk,
and not that of the directors of the Hudson's Bay
EED RIVEE AT! 30]
Company: and although his lordship with his m<
could buy shares which would enable him to outvote
his associates in council, their influence with the gov-
ernment outweighed his.8
Throughoul their entire disagreements each com-
pany was eager to have its side of the story properly
placed before government. The Hudson's Bay Com-
pany was never without its influence in politics, and
there were able men in England to represenl the
Northwesl ( lompany.
During the war with the United States the prop-
erty and hunting-grounds of the Northwest Company
were much more exposed than those of the Hudson's
Bay Company. Hence in February L814 a memo-
rial was presented the secretary of state for the colo-
nics, asking that direct communication might be
opened with their posts through Hudson Bay. At
the same time Selkirk was begging the protection of
ernment against dangers threatened by the Ind-
ians , -it the instigation of the Northwest Company.
In 1815 the government expressed its desire to do
justice on both sides, hut it felt the subjed to he «>n<-
of great difficulty. Then followed the affray at Red
River, when it became absolutely necessary for gov-
ernment to take action in the matter. Inamored
nite form than ever before, the proceedings of the
rival associations were broughi before parliament in
June 181*.), and their affairs closely investigated. In
1820 Lord Selkirk died, and thus was removed
main instrument in the late dissensions.
The question of a settlement of difficulties was
thoroughly debated in parliament, hut without much
success. The breach could never he healed by stat-
- which could never be enforced. Finally the min-
•TheNorthwi i were not di r rivals on this
scon. I in it all but one objeel said they, which was ' to di
Northwest < 'ompany from the trade and obtain the monopol) •■• it; and bow-
i ■ incere Lord Selkirk may originally have been in his plans of coloniza-
tion, the colony was subsequently converted into an < t this object,
Canadian from the Indian country. N>
1-7.
302 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
istry, deeming the matter of sufficient importance to
interpose its mediation, effected a compromise by
which the two companies became united under one
head.
First of all, an agreement of partnership was entered
into on the 26th of March 1821, whereby the two com-
panies should share equally the profits of the trade for
a term of twenty-one years, beginning with the outfit
of 1821. Each company was to furnish an equal
amount of capital, and the profits were to be equally
divided.4 Although it was less a merging of one into
the other than a union upon equal terms, the name
of the older and chartered company alone was retained,
thus giving the new association whatever respectability
or benefits attached to it. The interests of the con-
solidation were divided into one hundred shares, forty
of which were held by the chief factors and the chief
traders, and the remainder by partners or share-
holders in Canada and Great Britain. The forty
shares, belonging as they did to the active workers of
the association, were in some respects privileged; for
instance, should loss occur in one year, it was to be
made good out of the profits of the following year. A
general account accompanied by an inventory was to be
made out annually on the 1st of June, and such profits
as were not paid to shareholders within fifteen days
were to draw five per cent per annum interest. No
expenses for colonization purposes or for any other
schemes apart from trade should be a charge upon the
new association.
The governor and directors of the consolidation,
henceforth to be known only as the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, were empowered to appoint district governors
who should preside at the councils of chief factors,
4 Each contributed either in money or in stock £200,000. The capital stock
of the Hudson's Bay Company at this time was but £100,000, and they were
obliged to call in a like amount to make their contribution equivalent to that
of the Northwest Company. After the union, profits were added to the prin-
cipal after paying ten percent dividends annually, until the capital stock was
£500,000. See House Commons Rept., 345.
ACT OF PARLIAMENT. 303
and see executed all the acta authorized or imposed
by parliament. Three chief factors, in addition to the
president, should constitute a council: and in the
absence of chief factors, the number mighi be com-
pleted by senior chief traders. Two of the three coun-
cillors should decide any question noi vetoed by the
governor.
The appointment of twenty-five chief factors and
twenty-eight chief traders was rendered necessary
by the terms of this deed. These were named from
the former servants of each company alternately.
Thus in every respect the two companies came to-
gether upon an equal footing. Eighty-five [.arts were
made (.('the forty shares to be divided among the chief
factors and the chief traders, of which subdivisions
two were given to each chief factor, and one to each
chief trader. The seven shares left were again sub-
divided, and distributed as awards among the old and
meritorious servants of both associations.
The terms of union being thus agreed on, the next
step was to obtain an act of parliament empowering
the crown to grant to any person, or body corporate,
the exclusive privilege of trading with the natives of
any part of hyperborean North America not already
granted to the Hudson's Bay Company, and noi being
any part of the United States, or any part of* the ter
ritory west of the Stony Mountains, which, by the
convention of 1818, it had been stipulated should be
open to the subjects of both powers for ten years, or
any of the provinces of North America. Thus under
the new rSgime the old question of title was to 1"'
firsi and forever settled.
This ad was passed the 2d of July 1821. It was
constructed to fit the emergency, and with the Bole
object of consummating the union of the rival com-
panies. The license which, under the provisions the
crown might grant, should not run for any longer
period than twenty-one years. For the first twenty-
one years no rents should be received; afterthat time
304 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
the government might demand whatsoever rent might
be deemed just.5 A record of the names of all persons
employed by the company should be sent the secre-
tary of state each year; and the company should give
bonds for the proper delivery for trial of any charged
with criminal offence, as well as for the fulfilment of
any other stipulation. All minor offences were to
be tried by magistrates appointed by the crown.
Criminal cases, involving capital punishment and civil
suits, where the sum involved should be over two
hundred pounds, were to be brought for trial before
the court of Upper Canada. Last of all, nothing in
this act should affect the rights of the Hudson's Bay
Company under their former charter.
All being thus duly prepared, on the 21st of De-
cember 1821 the king granted the united companies
exclusive trade with the Indians of North America
according to the provisions of the act of the 2d of
July. The grant was made to the Company of Ad-
venturers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, and
to William McGillivray, Simon McGillivray, and
Edward Ellice on behalf of the Northwest Company.
The servants of the company were commissioned jus-
tices of the peace, and the jurisdiction of the courts
of Upper Canada was extended to the shore of the
Pacific. Thus was secured to every British subject
west of the Rocky Mountains the protection of Brit-
ish law.
Whatever rights or interests yet remained to the
Northwest Company were in 1824 formally assigned
to the Hudson's Bay Compairy, in whose name alone
the business was thereafter conducted. A deed-poll
for ascertaining the rights and prescribing the duties
of chief factors and chief traders and for the general
management of the business was made the 6th of
June 1834.
5 By the actual tonus of the grant, no rent was required for the first four
years; for the remainder of the term of '21 years, five shillings were to be
paid yearly on June 1st, 'into our exchequer.' Greenhow, Or. ami L'uL, 47o.
RENEWAL OF LICENSE. 305
About this time attention began to be once more
directed to the question of a north-wesl passage,
which bwice before since the charter to Prince Rupert
had broken ou1 in spasms; once in L719, when Cap-
tain kniivit endeavored to sail the frigate Albany and
the sloop Discovery from Churchill Factory through
the Strait of Anian in order to load them with the
gold of California; and again in L 769 when Hearne
found the Frozen Ocean. Now come forward Simp-
son, Dease, and Back and talk of explorations. Al-
though the subjecl had always been distasteful to the
company, they could not ignore it because it was one
of the specified objects of the charter, this and the
conversion of the natives to Christianity. But if in-
vestigation into the nature and extent of contiguous
domain was to be made, they would rather make it
themselves. It was better they reasoned, and cun-
ningly, that the company should do the seeing and re-
porting.
A general awakening followed. Arctic explorat i< >ns
wer taken under the company's wing; the supply of
spirits to the natives was reduced; missionaries were
called for, signs were hopeful. Patriotism, piety, and
enterprise were all employed by the monopolists as a
feint which should guard their privacy. Gathering
strengthwith a renewal of righteousness, the company
deemed this opportunity as good as another for the
renewal of their charter. Parliament had invested the
crown with power, as we have seen, to granl a license
elusive trade for a term of twenty-one years
only. Since the last grant, seventeen years ha 1
passed, leaving but four years to run. The end was
rapidly approaching. Seeing that the time was favor-
able to their purpose, they determined to avail them-
selves of it. Whal mighl be the condition < f things
four years hence no one could tell. They could now
p,,int to their benefactions. J )oing good was tiresome
and expensive; they could nol long exist under the
strain. Besides, explorations and conversions broke
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 20
30G UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
exclusivencss and interfered with trade. Taking in
view all these considerations, the company determined
at this time to apply for a renewal of their license,
instead of awaiting the expiration of the full term.
And they were successful. Upon the surrender of
the former grant a royal license of exclusive trade
with the Indians in certain parts of North America
for a further term of twenty-one years was issued to
the Hudson's Bay Company the 30th of May 1838.
After reciting the terms of the grant of 1821, the
new license invests the company with all its former
powers and privileges, the conditions as to rent re-
maining unchanged. Right was reserved, as in the
former grant, to revoke the grant in so far as the
same extended to territories subsequently to be colo-
nized. This reservation gave the crown the right
at any time to form colonies within the territories
granted, to establish such government as it should
deem best, withdrawing from the control of the com-
pany such territory as should be necessary for that
purpose.
At this time the boundary between the United
States and British America west of the Rocky Moun-
tains was still unsettled. By treaty of the 15th of
June 1846, however, the forty-ninth parallel was made
the dividing line, thus obliging the fur company to
abandon its twelve posts south of that bound.
On condition of promoting its colonization, the Hud-
son's Bay Company, in 1849, obtained a crown grant
of Vancouver Island, particulars of which will be treated
elsewhere. At the expiration of its second charter
in 1859, the license of exclusive trade was not renewed;
British Columbia was erected into a crown colony,
and the great monopoly took its place among the rest
as a private trading corporation.
DEED POLL
' !. r.V Tin: GOVERNOR LND COMPANY. OF HUDSON'S BAY, WITH
» TBEm Chief Factors and Chief Traders forConj
Tin-.n: Trade in Rupert's Land \m> North America, and roi
taining Tin: Rights and Prescribing thj Duties ot those Officers.
To all to whom these presents shall come. The Governor and Company of
Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Kay. Bend greeting. Whereas,
his majesty, Bang Charles the Second, did, by his royal charter, constitute
rnorand company of adventurers of England trading into Hudson's
Bay into a body corporate with perpetual succession, and with pow< r to elect
a governor and deputy-governor and committee for the management of their
trade and affairs. Now, know ye that the governor and companj of adven-
turers of England trading into Hudson's Bay, commonly called the Hudson's
Bay Company, being duly assembled according to the provisions of Baid
charter, do make, ordain, and constitute the following lows and ordinances,
rules and regulations, and direct them to be observed by all governors, chief
factors, chief traders, and other officers and persons appointed bj the said
governor and company to conduct and superintend the trade of the said gov-
ernor and company in their territory of Rupert's Land, or in other places in
North America, and they do hereby direct that the said trade shall in future
be carried ou and conducted under and subject to the articles, provisions,
rules, and regulations hereafter mentioned and contained, that is to say:
ARTICLE I. The present and the future chief factors tor the time be
■wholly employ themselves in the superintendence of the trade with the Ind-
ians and other persons, and also of all business relating to the said tra
whether within the territory of the said governor and company .ailed Ru-
pert's Land, or in other places in North America where the said governor and
company have the power of carrying on trade with the Indians or other p< r-
Bons in furs or other articles.
II. The present and future chief traders for the time being shall wholly
and exclusively act as traders and conduct the business as such in their
respective departments and under the orders and regulations to be from time
to time given to them respectively by the respective governors in council i i
the respective districts, but without entitling any chief trader to sit as a mem-
ber of council, or to have any vote therein in respect of any
discussed except in such special cases as are hereinafter mentioned.
III. The chief factors for the time being duringtheir continuance in office
gether with any governor or governors to be from time to time
appointed by the said governor and company, and in case more than one sm h
governor shall be there present, then together with the senior of
emors, or in case of the absence of all such governors, then
with other p r on or persons who may be specially appoint
governor and company, as president thereof, constitute the councils for
regulating the trade and affairs of the said governor and company, as well
without as within the limits of their territory; but to constitute a council
not less than seven members, whereof three at least Bhall b
shall be pr< Bent, besidi a the governor or president ; and in case at any time
30S UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
there shall not be present seven chief factors to constitute such council, then
the deficiency in the number of chief factors, over and above three, shall
be made up and supplied at the time by or out of the senior chief traders
(according to the duties of the commissions), who shall be present at the time
and place where the council is intended to be Iiolden, and they shall be sum-
moned accordingly, and shall or may set and vote as members of the said
council. It being, nevertheless, expressedly understood that in ordinary cases
no council shall be deemed to be lawfully constituted unless three chief
factors, at least, are present, besides the chief factor, if any, acting as
president.
IV. Each council to be constituted as aforesaid, shall make arrangements
with respect to the trading posts and stations, and the respective outfits for
carrying on the trade, and the wintering residence of the chief factors and
chief traders, and of the clerks, and others in the service of the said company
in the territories and places aforesaid, as well under the charter of the said
governor and company as otherwise, and the same shall be fixed and settled
by the respective governors and council in their respective departments.
V. Each council, constituted as aforesaid, shall, in its department, ascer-
tain the result of the preceding year's trade at each post within such depart-
ment, and be guided thereby iu regulating the outfit for the then following or
current season.
VI. All matters whatsoever, which may be determined upon by each
council, constituted as aforesaid, shall be distinctly and fully minuted in the
book to be kept for that purpose, to be called 'The Council Minute Book,'
and a copy of such minutes shall be made out, and signed by the said gov-
ernor or president and members present at the council, vouching the same to
be a faithful copy of the minutes made at such council, which copy shall
be annually transmitted by the governor or president to the governor and
company in England, or their committee.
VII. Each council so constituted as aforesaid, shall be authorized to
make rules and regulations for the management and conduct of the trade, and
otherwise relating thereto, from time to time, as they may think fit; and such
rules and regulations shall remain in force until objected to by the governor
and company in England, or their committee, according to the provision here-
after contained.
VIII. Each council so constituted as aforesaid, shall have full power
and jurisdiction to inquire or cause inquiry to be made into the conduct cf
the chief factors, chief traders, clerks, and servants, in the territories and
place aforesaid, or of any one or more of them, and to impose such mulcts and
fines for misconduct, as the said council shall from time to time think fit, but
such mulcts and fines so imposed may be varied by the governor and com-
pany, or their committee, and shall not be enforced until ratified or varied by
the governor and company, or their committee.
IX. If, owing to death or other cause, the governor, or other president
appointed by the said governor and company, shall not be present, or if there
shall be a want of sufficient members, or on any other account, the persons
who may have met together in council, may adjourn from time to time.
X. In case of the death or absence of all the governors, and of any other
OX GOVERNORS AND CHIEF FACTORS. 309
pecially appointed to preside by the governor and company, i
said, the senior chief factor of each district, and w ho Bhall for the time being
I..- present, shall temporarily preside at such respective council, and if the
number of chief factors hereby required to form such respective lull council
cannot, from the intemperate state of the Beason, or from any othi
ordinary circumstance, assemble within any given period fixed by the said
governor and company, or their committee, at the usual places respectively
appointed for holding the councils, whether original or adjourned,
many of the chief factors of each district ordepartment as can assi mbl
assisted bj as many of the chief traders of the same district or department,
as, for the time being, can conveniently be assembled for the purpose, re-
spectively form a temporary council, to determine the necessary outfits and
and siuh temporary council may adjourn, from
occa si tay require; subject, nei
by the original council, in case the same can lie assembled during the Bitting
or adjournment of the temporary council.
XI. [f any chief factor or chief trader misconduct or misbehave
so as to injure the said trade in any manner howsoever, and shall tic reoi be
convicted by proof to the satisfaction of tic governor and council, or the
majority of the members thereof within the district to which th
ing shall belong, ami which governor and council shall have power to hear
and determine all charges of that nature, tin- governor, with the
of the majority of the council before whom such charges shall I"
-hall have power to expel or remove the chief factor or chief trader so offend-
ing; and the share or shares belonging to the chief factor or chief trader so
offending shall be forfeited; and the same shall thereupon beci
in such manner, for the benefit of the succeeding chief factoror chief trader to
he substituted in the room of the offending party, as the said govei
company, or their committee, shall think fit, provided, nevertheless, no chief
factoror chief trader shall he so removed or expelled by th
and council unless a. majority shall concur in the sentence, aid im
]■ moval or expulsion shall be subsequently ratified by the governor an.l com-
pany, or their committee.
XII. It shall not be competent to any governor or council to dismiss any
clerk for misconduct, without first obtaining the sanction of the governor and
company, or their committee, in that behalf, except in cases of habitual intox-
ication or fraudulent or wilful misapplication of property intrusted to him, in
either of which lasl mentioned cases it shall be competent to th \rernorand
council of the department wherein such misconduct maj arise, i I their own
authority to dismiss such clerk at once, and in all other cases of misconduct
the governor and council Bhall or may suspend him from his situation until
the pleasure of the governor and company, or their committi •
I known.
XIII. The chief factors or chief traders who Bhall from time to time
winter in the Indian country, shall delivei aorand council
of the district \\ herein Mich chief factors or chief traders Bhall respectively
act, and every year or oftener if required, a true ace, nut and invent
the goods, provisions, o i in hand, an
310 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
the furs, peltries, and of all debts due by Indians and canoemen, and also true
accounts of the expenditure of goods and effects committed to their respective
charges ; and also such information as may tend to elucidate the state and
condition of the trade under their respective management at the time.
XIV. The chief factors and chief traders shall not on their separate
account, distinct froni the said trade, enter into any trade, business, or com-
merce whatever, neither directly nor indirectly, or be in any wise concerned
or interested therein, neither with Indians nor with any other person whom-
soever; and every such chief factor or chief trader so offending, shall for each
such offence pay the sum of £1,000 to the governor and company as stated,
or liquidated damages.
XV. The present and future chief factors and chief traders during their
continuance to fill such office, and as a compensation for their performance
of the duties imposed, or to be hereinafter imposed, on him or them as such
chief factor or chief trader, shall have, or be entitled to, such share or shares in
the gains and profit of the said trade as are hereinafter specified,
XVI. That for the purpose of ascertaining from time to time the true
state and condition of the stock and capital, and of the gains and profits of
the said trade, inventories of such trading goods, provisions, and stores as
on the 1st day of June 1834, or the usual period of closing the spring trade
of the outfit of 1833, and on the same day or usual period in every succeed-
ing year during the continuance of the said trade, may remain on hand at the
several depots, stations, or posts, in the territories and places aforesaid, occu-
pied in carrying on the said trade, as the part undisposed of to the Indians,
of the outfit of the year then immediately preceding, shall be made out as
soon as may be afterwards, and that thereupon the same shall be valued at a
tariff, to be from time to time determined upon by the said governor and
company ; and the amount of such valuation shall be allowed as a credit in the
account of the outfit of the year immediately preceding, and shall be made a
charge in the accounts of the outfit of the year then next following ; and the
same goods, provisions, and stores shall be considered as a part of the outfit of
the year then next following, provided always, that in such inventories and
valuations shall be included all debts which on such first day of June, or such
usual period, may be owing to the said trade from traders, clerks, guides, inter-
preters, canoemen, and laborers or other persons, except Indians, for ad-
vances and supplies; but debts due from Indians shall be included without
any valuation being put thereon. And a general account shall on the first
day of June 1836, and on every succeeding first day of June during the con-
tinuance of the said trade, be stated and made out in the manner following,
that is to say, in stating and making out such account on the first day of
June 1836, there shall be placed on the debit side of the said account, the
amount of the valuation to be made as before mentioned, of the goods,
provisions, stores, supplies, debts, and other articles, of which inventories
are to be taken as before mentioned, and which are to form part of the
outfit of the year 1834, together with interest at five per cent per annum on
such amounts, from the first day of June 1834 to the 1st day of June 1836,
and also the amount of the charge for the goods, provisions, and stores,
ordered and to be ordered for the outfit of the year 1834, together with
OX KEEPING THE ACCOUNTS. 311
interest at bhe a the sums forming Buch amount, from the re-
spective times of the payment of bhe same sums to the I t daj of Jum L836,
and also the amount of the valuation to be made of the Hudson's Bay House
in London, \\ i t U Its appointments, including the furniture therein, and of
the ships which Bhall on the same 1st day of June 1834 belong to the said
governor and company, together with interesl at the Bamerate on such amount
for the period last aforesaid; and also the amounts of such of the <■ |
be incurred up to the 1st day of June 183.~>, in respect
of the said governor ami company, together with interest at the same rate, on
the amount of such expenses from the respective times of the payment thereof
up to the 1st .lay of June L836. And there should be placed on the credit side
of the said account, the amount of the valuation to be made before mentiom d
of such trading goods, provisions, and stores, as on the 1st day of June 1835,
or the usual period of closing the spring trade of 1835, might remain on hand
at the several depots, stations, or posts, as aforesaid, and of I
included in such « alua I i< in i as af< >resaid,and also the amount of the then value of
the Hudson's liay House for the time being in London, with its appurtenances,
and the furniture therein, and any other property which shall b
the trade on the 1st day of June 1835, together with interest at the rate afore-
said on both amounts from the 1st day of June 1833 to the 1st day of June
1S3G, and also the net amount to arise from the sale of the furs, peltries, and
other articles, to be received as the returns of the outfit of the year 1834, after
deducting all expenses attending or relating to the sale thereof, together with
interest at the same rate on the sums forming such net amount, from the re-
spective prompt days of the sale of the said furs, peltries, and other articles,
till the 1st day of June 1S36, an^ that the balance of the said general account
shall, in the event of such balance being on the credit side of the said account,
be deemed to be the gains and profits in respect of the outfit of the year 1 834 ;
and that the general account to be settled and made out on the first day of
June 1S37, and on every succeeding first day of June during the continuance
of the said trade, shall be stated and made out, adjusted and settled upon the
like principle as the account to be stated and made out on the first day of
June 1S3G, and in the same manner as far as circumstances will admit, in re-
gard to the details or particulars thereof.
XVII. The clear gains and profits arising from the said trade so to be
ascertained as aforesaid, shall be considered as divisible into one hundred
equal shares, whereof forty shares are and Bhall be appropriate -1 to such person i
as now are chief factors and chief traders, and hereinafter mentioned in articles
xix. and x\'., and to such persons as shall from time to time hereafter be ap-
pointed by the said governor and company, chief factors and chief traders to
succeed them, or as a temporary provision to chiei chief traders,
already retired, and as named in article xxi., and BUCh | nay liere-
d on the retired list, as hereafter mentioned.
XVIII. The said party shares of gains and profitsare and shall be sub-
divided into eighty-five Bhares of equal amount.
XIX. Each of the present chief factors, namely, Colin i: ibertson, John
George McTavish, Alexander Stewart, John Clarke, I leorge Keith, John Dugald
i. John (diaries, John Stuart, Edward Smith, John McLoughlin,
312 UNION OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
James Keith, Joseph Brioley, Angus Bethune, Donald McKenzie, Alexander
Christie, John McBean, William Mcintosh, William Connolly. John Rowand,
James McMUlan, Allen McDonnell, Peter Warren Dease, John Lee Lewes,
Roderick McKenzie senior, and Duncan Finlayson, and also the future chief
factors for the time being, and holding a commission as such, and while he
shall continue to fill the office of chief factor, shall have, or be entitled to,
two of the said eighty-five shares of gains and profits, as a compensation for
his performance of the duties appertaining to the office of chief factor.
XX. Each of the present chief traders, namely, Jacob Corrigal, Thomas
McMurray, Donald Mcintosh, John Peter Pruden, Hugh Faries, Augustus
Cameron, Simon McGillivray, John McLeod, Alexander Roderick McLeod,
Alexander Fisher, Samuel Black, Peter Skeen Ogden, Cuthbert dimming,
Francis Heron, John Steveright, Robert Miles, Colin Campbell, Archibald Mc-
Donald, John Edward Harriet, Robert Cowie, Donald Ross, John Work, Will-
iam Tod, James Hargrave, Nicar Finlayson, Richard Hardisty, John Tod,
John McLeod junior, and Murdoch McPherson, half shares, and also of the
future chief traders for the time being, and holding a commission as such, and
while he shall continue to fill the office of chief trader, shall have, or be en-
titled to, one of the said eighty-five shares of gains and profits, as a com-
pensation for his performance of the duties appertaining to the office of chief
trader.
XXL The remaining six and a half shares shall be applied for the benefit
of James Keith, Alexander Kennedy, Alexander McDonald, John Spencer,
Robert McVicar, Joseph Felix Laroche, Roderick McKenzie, John Warren
Dease, Emilius Simpson, Alexander McTavish, and Joseph McGillivray, being
chief factors and chief traders who have retired from the service, or their
representatives, and to fulfil the condition entered into by the said governor
and company with them, and the said shares as they fall in shall from time to
time be applied by the said governor and company according to article xxx.
XXII. The chief factors and chief traders who winter in the interior
shall be allowed out of the general stores belonging to the said trade, such
articles of personal necessaries as have been customarily allowed, without being
charged for the same, and in addition to their respective interest in the trade,
and according to the present scale of allowance, as appi-oved by the governor
and company, or their committee, and all other articles consumed by the
party, or improperly expended by him, shall be charged to the private account
of the party by whom the same shall have been consumed, or improperly
expended.
XXIII. Any one, or more, of the present or future chief factors and chief
traders for the time being, may retire at any time hereafter, upon the
following terms, that is to say:
A chief factor for the time being, entitled to two eighty-fifth shares, and
a chief trader for the time being, entitled to one eighty-fifth share, shall be
permitted to retire upon the following allowances, that is to say, after having
held his commission four years, he shall be allowed to hold his share or shares
as the case may be, for one year next after his retirement, and half of his share
or shares for the next succeeding six years, or which shall, or may be, respec-
tively held by him or his representatives respectively during the respective
SHARES AND MEMBERS. 313
period mentioned in this article, and in the computation of service a
the present chief factors and chief traders shall be included the r<
times for which they have already served; but uo more than thn
: ;■ twochief factors and twochief traders, shall beallowed to retire in
a, unless he or th< y i
shall have given on i year's pn \ Lou - notii e in writing to I
. a,! the option of retirement shall only be seniority in each class, ac-
cording to the dates of their respective commissionsj provided always, that
whenever there are chief factors an 1 chief traders on the re: ire, I list who shall
hold to the extent of twenty-one shares, then and in such
; ; factor or chief trader shaU.be allowed to retire and receive the
allowances provided under this article until ther* y by the falling
in of a sufficient bhatp
and company, or their committee, shall think lit.
XXVII. Three chief factorsand two chief traders shad be allowed to
leave the territory, or place aforesaid, ou furlough in each
lated at an annu Lve council of each d
ing to a rotation list, and each such furlough, for the time being, is not
I one j ear without the express consent of the governor and company,
or their committee, or unless the party be prevented from returning at tho
m of his furlough from severe illness, and any factor or trader
absenting himself after the expiration of such furlough, without leave of tho
governor and company, or their committee, except from severe illness, to bo
proved to the . l oi the governor and company, or their committee,
shall he deemed and considered as having retired or vacated his situation or
XXVIII. The chief factors or chief traders not taking advantage of rota-
tion shall not be entitled to any furlough till i: ■ to their turn,
but they may exchange their rotation with any other chief factor or i hi< f
trader upon obtaining nevertheless the previous consent of the governor and
, ive districts.
XXIX. The governor and company, or their committee, shall be at lib-
. my time, upon or after the first day of June 1839, to place upon tho
retiring list the present chief factors and chief traders, or any one or more of
them, and from time to time, upon and from the first day of June I
any subsequent years; and also any chief factor or chief trader who
shall he hereafter appointed, and who shall have served for the space of four
id as to each or any of them, upon and from the first da;
which shall first happen next after the expiration of such his or
tivc four years' bi n ice, or upon and from the first day of June of an
but then, and in ever ' • whether
i led tohold, I i
beingpla h retired fist, under this article, the v
next SUCC ars the One half of his share or shares, according as
•
trader, it being intended that every chief factor and chief trader shall, in
case he lives and fills the office, have, for five years a1 least, his full
. and one half share or shares for the six next succeeding years.
314 UNIOX" OF THE TWO COMPANIES.
XXX. That upon the falling in of any of the said eighty-five shares held
by any of the chief factors or chief traders or their representatives or parties
claiming under them, and mentioned in article xxi., and the said governor
and company shall appoint a person or persons to such share or shares, when
the said governor and company, or their committee, shall think it expedient
so to do ; and in case of their appointing a chief factor or chief factors, or chief
trader or chief traders, then the person or persons to be appointed as chief
factor, or as chief factors, shall be selected from the persons then holding
the situation of chief traders, and the person or persons to be appointed chief
trader or chief traders, from the then clerks of the said governor and com-
pany.
XXXI. Regular sets of accounts, made up the preceding 1st day of
June, shall be sent out annually by the outward-bound ships of the season, to
to be laid before the councils of the said company, and if no objections iu
writing to the same be transmitted by the homeward-bound ships belonging to
the -said company in the following year, such accounts shall be considered as
approved, and be thenceforth binding and conclusive as a settled account.
XXXII. By the same, or like, outward-bound ships of the season, each
chief factor and chief trader and each clerk respectively in the service shall
have his private account transmitted to him, and the balance shall be either
paid to him by bills drawn by him and made payable in London on every loth
day of April, or be paid to any person authorized by him as agent to receive
the same and to settle the account or accounts for the time being, in respect
of such balance, on the same being made up on the 1st day of June as afore-
said, or if the said party prefer to leave such balance in the hands of the said
governor and company, and notify the same to them, the governor and com-
pany will either allow him interest for the same as may be agreed on, or at
the option of the said governor and company invest the same in the purchase
of parliamentary stock, and receive, and when received credit, his account with
the dividend thereof.
XXXIII. No chief factor or chief trader who may retire, nor the repre-
sentatives of a chief factor or chief trader, shall after such retirement or
death be at liberty, or have any right to respect or question the accounts
mentioned in article xxxi., but shall respectively be concluded by the certifi-
cate of the governor and company, or their committee, testifying to their
correctness as far as respects their shares and interests therein.
XXXIV. No person becoming entitled as assignee of the share or shares
of a retired chief factor or chief trader, or the representatives of a deceased
chief factor or chief trader, shall be entitled to derive any benefit therefrom,
as such assignee or representative, unless such person within eighteen cal-
endar months, respectively next after his respective title or claim shall occur,
shall give notice thereof to the said governor and company at the Hudson's
Bay House in London, or their house in London for the management of
their concern ; and cause the several instruments under which he respectively
derives title as such assignee or representative to be then duly registered in
the books of the said governor and company.
XXXV. The chief factors and chief traders now appointed, and every
chief factor and chief trader, from time to time to be appointed by the gov-
DEED -TOLL DAMAGES. 315
ernor and company, for the superintendence and management of the Bald
trade or concern, shall -within eighteen calendar months, next after the date
hereof, with respect to the present chief factors and chief traders here before
named, and with respect to all future chief factors and chief traders, shall
within twelve calendar months next after the date of their respective com-
mission, enter into a covenant or agreenu ol w Lth the said governor and com-
pan\ . for the due observance and performance by them, the said chief factors
and chief traders, of all conditions, agreements, ordinances, rules, regulations,
mentioned and contained, and also all other ordinances, rules, and regu-
lations, to be from time to time duly made, ami the termsthereof as tar as the
same are, <>r shall he. applicable to them respectively, and for payment to the
Baid governor and company of the sumof Ml, 000 as liquidated damages for every
wilful breach of each such condition-, agreements, rules, and regulations by
the parties respectively covenanting, and for the acceptance by them respec-
tively of the several provisions hereby made, or to be made, for them, and
every such appointment shall be voidable in case the appointee therein named
shall omit or refuse to enter into such covenant or agreement within the time
hereinbefore mentioned on that behalf.
And lastly, the said governor and company shall be at liberty, eith
by-law of the said company or in any other manner, to set aside ami deter-
mine, or alter or vary from time to time, any one or more of the several arti-
cles hereinbefore contained, and either wholly or in anyone or more of the
particulars therein mentioned, provided always that the same shall not in
any wise disturb nor affect any right to which the person or persons who for
the time being shall be chief factor or chief trader of the said governor and
company, and in their actual employment at the time, or who having been
chief factors or chief traders of the said governor and company, shall for the
time being be upon the retired list of the said company or their representa-
tives or assignees, may be entitled under articles xvii., xviii., xix., xx., xxi.,
xxiii., xxiv., xxxi., or xxxii., with the consent of the person or persons whose
rights shall be so affected, in writing, first had and obtained, hut in either
respects all and every such determination, alterations, ami variations to bo
made as aforesaid, shall or may take affect and be carried into execution, any-
thing hereinbefore contained to the contrary notwithstanding. In witness
whereof the said governor and company have caused their common seal
hereunto affixed, this sixth day of June, in the fourth year of the rei
our sovereign, Lord William the Fourth, by the grace of God of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland king, defender of the faith, and in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty four.
CHAPTER XV.
THE OREGON QUESTION.
1818-24.
Introduction; — Chronological Resume of Title-foundations — Epochs of
Discovery, Exploration, and Fur-trade— Overland Occupation-
Treaties, Controversies, and Comments— Merits of the Case before
Discussion — Statement of Claims, 1S17 — Rush and Gallatin versus
Robinson and Goulburn — Treaty of 1818— Joint Occupation— Its
True Meaning — Boundary Treaty of 1819 between Spain and the
United States — The Northwest Coast in Congress, 1820-2 — Debates
of 1823 — Mr Benton's Warning in the Senate — United States and
Russia — Treaty of 1824— Statement of American Claims— Congres-
sional Debates of 1824 — Bill for the Occupation of the Columbia —
Monroe Doctrine.
What was to be the national ownership of the
Northwest Coast ? This was the famous Oregon
Question, first raised between Great Britain and the
United States in 1818, and finally settled by a treaty
establishing boundaries in 1846. It was a controversy
which throughout the period mentioned, particularly
in its later years, was a subject of constant popular
agitation, besides giving rise at intervals to diplomatic
negotiations and arguments between representatives
of the two nations. As the trouble approached solu-
tion volumes were written and printed on its merits.
Since the cooling of partisan strife, less has been
said upon the subject; yet it is one that richly merits
our careful study, one that cannot fail to interest the
reader of north-western annals, and one that may now
be treated clearly and with all due comprehensiveness
in a comparatively brief space. In contemporary dis-
cussions not a few of the arguments employed on both
(31G \
INTRODU< TORY. .".17
sides were weak, including a large amount of irrelevant
matter which may now be profitably eliminated. All
the facts on which the resped ive nal ional claims were
made to rest, except a few so slightly and indirectly
connected with the history of the Pacific Statesasto
require only brief mention, are elsewhere pul bef re
the reader with all desirable detail and explanation,
notably in the first chapters <>!* the preceding volume
devoted to the subject of maritime exploral ion. Yei I
deem it essential to give here, as an introduction to the
Oregon Question, in a compacl and chronologic order,
such facts as figured prominently in the controversy,
with such brief comments <>n their significance as will
save repetition and confusion in the pages that follow.
The quality of right, it is needless to say, was based
on relative rights, on the conventional and interna-
tional codes, and had little to do with inherent or
natural right vested alone in the natives.
In 1543, in the interest of Spain, Ferrelo, of Ca-
brillo's expedition, sailed up the coast to the latitude
of 44 as he reported and believed. In 1570 Drake, an
Englishman, reached, according to his belief and that
of hi- companions, a latitude between 40° and 48°, the
best supported interpretation of their opinion fixing
the limit at 43°. In L603 Aguilar, commanding one
of Vizcaino's Spanish exploring vessels, also reached
a point which by his observations was in 43°. These
latitudes were not questioned in early times, and
indeed there was then no good reason to doubl
accuracy. Jn this first epoch of exploration, therefore,
Spain was entitled, so far as discovery could give a
title, to about one hundred miles of the Northwest
( loast. To-day there is reason to doubt t hal either of
the three ] ui \ i g ,-i t ,,fs named really passed the latitude
of 42°; if the doubt is less in the case of 1 >rake than of
the others, it is chiefly for want of evidence to the
contrary: and the difference, so far a- title i> con-
cerned, i.s in a - nse counterbalanced by the doubt
318 THE OREGON QUESTION.
whether the discoveries of Drake as a freebooter, or
outlaw, could confer any territorial rights whatever
upon his nation. As a matter of fact, not much im-
portance was attached in later discussions on national
title, to the discoveries of these earliest voyagers.
The topic was vague, and full of difficulties; neither
England nor Spain could derive any definite advantage
from it; and it is as well for us to regard the coast
above 42° as an undiscovered country throughout the
seventeenth century and three fourths of the eigh-
teenth.
The second epoch of discovery and title-founding
included, like the first three expeditions, two Spanish
and one English; but unlike the first its events are
clearly recorded, and leave no room for doubt or dif-
ficulty respecting results. Perez in 1774 sailed up
to about the latitude of 55°, noted the present Dixon
entrance and the islands and points about that strait,
followed the coast southward, anchored at Nootka
Sound, and sighted the coast at several different points
both above and below Nootka. In 1775 Heceta and
Cuadra, in two vessels, extended the Spanish explora-
tion up to 58°, saw from a short distance nearly the
whole extent of the Northwest Coast, discovered the
mouth of the Columbia River, and landed to take
formal possession in latitude 47° 20', and at twTo points
on the Alaska coast, besides exploring the harbors of
Trinidad and Bodega on the California coast. In 1778
Captain Cook, in command of a British exploring
expedition, touched the coast in latitude 44° 55', and
made observations for a hundred miles below, subse-
quently sighting Cape Flattery, making a careful
survey of Nootka, and then proceeding to make an
extended exploration of the Alaska coast, already dis-
covered by the Russians. I think that there can be no
doubt that the explorations of 1774-5 gave to Spain
as valid a title as mere discovery could give to all the
Northwest Coast, and that Cook's later survey, less
extensive but in several respects more accurate, gave
SUMMARY OF VOYAGES. 819
to England no title whatever. A country can be dis-
covered but once. If accuracy of Burvey is fco be
taken into the account, large portions of the country
in question arc still undiscovered. English writers
and diplomatists would perhaps never have ventured
to base any territorial claims on Cook's voyage if the
Spanish voyages had been satisfactorily recorded. Yet
no1 only wore the Spaniards the true discoverers, luit
a printed narrative in English of Heceta's expedition,
with allusions to that of Perez, was in circulation
before Cook's narrative appeared.
Meanwhile the Russians from the north had dis-
covered America, and in 1741 had touched the coast
as low as latitude 56°. There was never any definite
settlement of boundaries between Spain and Russia.
The former claimed that her possessions extended to
Prince William Sound, and the latter at times ex-
tended her claims to the Columbia; but the respective
claims were not zealously urged, and resulting contro-
versies had very slight bearing at any time on the
present subject.
Also preceding the Spanish discovery of 1774-5
were certain acts affecting international boundaries
east of the Rocky Mountains, which were made to
figure beyond their merits in the Oregon Question.
In 1762—3 Canada and all French possessions east of
the Mississippi were ceded to great Britain; while the
rest of Louisiana — that is of French territory west of
the Mississippi— was ceded to Spain. No boundary
had ever been established between the French and
English possessions. By the treaty of Utrecht in
1713 commissioners were to fix such a boundary so as
to give to England all rivers and places belonging to
Hudson Bay, that is presumably along the heights
separating waters flowing into that bay from those
tributary to the St Lawrence and the .Mississippi;
but no such line was established. No boundary was
needed east of the river after 1763, all being English
territory. Neither had any western limit ever been
320 THE OREGON QUESTION.
fixed or needed for the English or French possessions.
But Louisiana may naturally be regarded as having
included all lands drained by western tributaries of
the Mississippi. Writers have indulged in long dis-
cussions respecting some of these points, but I have
no room for the differences of opinion, which do not
materially affect the question at issue.
By the treaty of 1783, acknowledging the inde-
pendence of the United States, the north-western
boundary was defined by a line running clue west from
the most north-western point of Lake of the Woods
to the Mississippi, and thence down that river. This,
though sufficient for the needs of the time, was no
boundary at all; for the head-waters of the river are
some eighty miles directly south of the lake, to say
nothing of the difficulty of finding the most north-
western point of a lake of such peculiar shape.
Whether the dominant idea of the makers was a line
between latitudes 49° and 50° or a direct line from
the lake to the river at its nearest point was an enigma
left for future diplomac}^ to solve.
In 1785 the English fur-trading vo}rages began
with Hanna's trip. About forty British traders vis-
ited the coast before 1800. Their local discoveries
were extensive in the aggregate, but results were im-
perfectly recorded. A few details made to figure in
later discussions will be noted in their order. These
traders founded no settlements or permanent trading-
posts which could serve as a base for national claims.
In 1786 La Perouse, in the French interest, sailed
along the coast from north to south. In its bearing
on the matter of title this exploration is similar to
that of Cook.
Barclay, in a vessel from Ostend, under the flag of
the Austrian East India Company, discovered but did
not enter the strait afterward called Fuca, in 1787.
Duncan, an English trader, was the first to sail
through the passage between Queen Charlotte Island
and the main in 1787-8.
DISCOVERY TITLE. 321
In 1788 the American fur-trade began with the
voyage of Kendrick and Gray. Before L800 about
forty vessels had visited the coast, and later the Amer
icans monopolized the trade. My remarkson the Eng-
lish traders apply equally to the Boston men so far as
discovery and settlement are concerned.
[t was also in L 788 thai Meares, an English trader,
whose vessel for special purposes was under Portu-
colors, erected a small building at Nootka for
temporary trading facilities, though he claimed to
have purchased lauds from the Dative chiefs. Meares
also built and launched this year at Nootka the firsl
vessel ever constructed on the Northwesl Coasl ; and
lie was the first to enter the strait discovered by
Barclay, to which he gave the name of Juan de Puca.
Furthermore he visited the mouth of Heceta's great
river, and decided that no river was there. He
claimed to have taken possession of the strait for
Great Britain, but there is some reason to doubt his
cent.
In 1789 Spain sent an expedition to take formal
possession of Nootka, to erect a fort, and to found a
permanent settlement. This Spanish establishment
was maintained for six years, receiving supplies regu-
larly from San Bias.
This same year Meares and his English company at-
tempted to found a permanent trading-posi at or near
i, but were not permitted by the Spaniards to
do so: and in the ensuing quarrel three English ves-
r< taken as Spanish prizes.
1 1 was claimed that in 1789 Kendrick the A
can trader, not only penetrated the Strait of Euca,
but sailed through into the Pacific above. The evi-
dence is uot, however, sufficient to establi h t':: fact.
\i Britain in 1 790 not only dema ided from
Spain a restoration of such property as had been
■;i Nootka, but protested against the Spanish
claim to exclusive ownership of the Northwe I ( 'oast.
Spain had to yield both points, and by the C0n->
IIist. N". w. 6oABT, Vol. II. \ii
322 THE OREGON QUESTION.
vention of October 28, 1790, it was agreed that
in future the whole coast above the places already
occupied — that is in spirit, above San Francisco, but
literally perhaps above Nootka — should be free to
both nations for trade, navigation, and settlement,
each nation having also free access to all establish-
ments of the other.
As to the territorial rights bestowed by mere dis-
covery, there are many differences of opinion among
competent authorities. Most writers hold that dis-
covery must be followed within a reasonable time by
steps toward occupation in order to create a title which
other nations are bound to respect. But whatever the
nature of the discovery title, it evidently belonged to
Spain alone, down to 1790; and it is equally evident
that after the Nootka convention Spain relinquished
her right to exclusive ownership. She could regain
it only by actual occupation of the coast, or by obtain-
ing a voluntary or enforced acknowledgment of her
right from other nations.
From 1790 to 1792 Spain in three successive ex-
plorations, those of Quimper, Elisa, and Galiano, en-
tered the Strait of Fuca, and made a thorough survey
of the inland waters. In the last year the English
explorer, Vancouver, made a like exploration, being
for a part of the time in company with Galiano, and
being the first to emerge into the Pacific, proving the
Nootka region to be an island. Vancouver extended
his survey further north; and northern explorations
were also made for Spain by Fidalgo in 1790, by
Malaspina in 1791, and by Caamaiio in 1792. The
operations of these three years, especially those of
the English explorer, which were more fully made
known to the world than the others, were vastly im-
portant for the advancement of geographical knowl-
edge; but they had no importance as bases for national
claims to the Northwest Coast. Both English and
Spanish explorers took formal possession in the name
of their respective sovereigns at several different
THE COLUMBIA RIVER.
points; but obviously under the convention of L790
ceremonies had no possible force.
1m 179] Captain Kendrick purchased from the
chieftains, taking i\rn\^ signed with their marks
and duly \\ itnessed, large tracts of land in the Nootka
region. It is remarkable thai in later discussions so
littl ■ prominence was given to ELendrick's purchas
as an element of United Stales title. On it migh
have been founded a stronger argument, to say the
. than some that were persistently urged. This
same year the Americans 1 milt a house for winter
rs at Clayoquot; and built a schooner, which
was launched the next spring.
In 1791 Fidalgo founded a Spanish post at Port
z Gaona, or Neah Bay, within the strait; but
it was abandoned before the end of the year.
bh Gray and Vancouver in \7\)-2, as Hcceta and
Meares had been before, were at the mouth of the
Columbia. The Englishman convinced himself that
there was no river, or at least no safe navigable open-
ing there; while the swift current prevented the
American ('rem entering. But in May of the same
year Gray returned and crossed the bar, being the
firsl to enter the river, which he ascended some twen-
miles, bestowing on it the name of his vess I
the Columbia. From the American point of view in
years this was the discovery of the river and
'!_' -i clement in the United States title I i
the coast. The river had, however, been discov-
"Venteen years before, and Gray's act, though
in reality a re-discovery, musl not be allowed to as
sume a too great or overwhelming superiority over
fHeceta. However this may be, ] havealready
! my conviction that in 1702 there was no
this c >as1 for such discovery as could
give national sovereignty. Gray's ad might under
certain circumstances have been regarded as a
toward occupation conferring title; that isj if he had
gone to Boston, and on returning with an American
324 THE OREGON QUESTION".
colony for the mouth of the Columbia, had found an
English post established there by men who had known
his plans, his government might plausibly have claimed
an exclusive right to settle at that point.
In November of the same year Broughton of Van-
couver's expedition also entered the Columbia, and
followed its course much further than Gray had done.
This navigator, making a fine distinction between the
river and its estuary, advanced a theory beside which
the assurance of the American discovery dwindles
into modesty itself: namely, that Gray had never seen
the river nor been within live leagues of its entrance.
English diplomats, however, did not found their claims
to any great extent on this theory.
In 1793 was accomplished the first overland expe-
dition to the Pacific, by Alexander Mackenzie, an
English explorer and fur-trader. His route was up
the Peace Eiver and down the Fraser — believed then
and later to be the Columbia — crossing from the river
to the coast just above latitude 52°.
A treaty of 1794 between Great Britain and the
United States provided for a joint survey to regulate
the boundary line of 1783, in the region of the upper
Mississippi and Lake of the Woods, the geographical
absurdity of that line having become somewhat ap-
parent; but nothing was done in the matter.
In 1794-5 the Nootka controversy in its last phases
was settled. The Spanish commissioner had taken
the ground that as no property except the ships had
been taken from Englishmen in 1789, therefore there
was nothing more to be restored; but the Englihs
commissioner had demanded that the port of Nootka
should be given up. By the treaty of 1794, both
nations agreed to a formal abandonment of the place,
and it was formally abandoned by representatives of
both nations in 1795. After this time either Spain
or England might settle on, and thus acquire title to,
any part of the coast except Nootka. Neither power
ever took any steps toward the formation of such
SPAIN AND ENGLAND. 3-r»
settlements; neither power gave any further attention
officially to the coast j and soon the region was prac-
; n by all but American fur-traders.
r between Great Britain and Spain broke out
in L 79 6, lasting practically until L809. The effect of
this war on the Nootka treaty has been the subject
tuch discussion. It is generally admitted thai as
a rule treaty obligations are ended by war between
the parties; but also that recognitions of right in a
ay be perpetual, and that various conventions
and compacts may be from their very nature indo-
or Avar. On the pari of England it
laimed that the Nootka convention, recognizing
the right of British subjects to settle on the N
west :v loasi , was permanent in its nature, and could not
be affected by a war, unless in that war Great Britain
should be forced to definitely relinquish her right. In
the American view on the other hand, the convention
was but a series of concessions by Spain, England
obtaining merely the privilege of establishing p
for temporary purposes of trade in Spanish territory.
By this view Spain's exclusive sovereignty and owner-
ship remained unimpaired, and the privilege of course
expired with the declaration of war. Yet the privi-
lege must not be regarded as a purely commercial one
by Americans, because in 181-1, before the United
■ s became a party to the question, all commercial
treaties in force before 1796 between Spain a]
land were restored. These two countries never had
controversy on the subject; and the only point at
is the validity of the title subsequently trans-
mi ! by Spain to the United States.
Tho discussion is of interest I do not deem
it necessary fco present its intricate complicate
b 'i e the decision, whatever it may be, has no real
bearing on the question of title If the NTootka con-
ined in f r I 796, of <• »u]
had no exclusive title to transmit to a third pow
but if the convention was (ado I by the war, it by no
326 THE OREGON QUESTION.
means follows that Spain had such a title, or that
England had lost her right to settle on the coast.
Spain's title was at its best in 1789. She had then
all the title that discovery alone could give, supple-
mented by actual occupation of Nootka. The discovery
title alone was of doubtful validity in the eyes of the
world. The occupation of Nootka, though valid and
legitimate at the time, was not really intended as the
beginning of a permanent and wide-spread extension
of Spanish settlement northward, but rather as a
temporary expedient to keep foreigners away until the
country's value could be ascertained. With the lapse
of time, even if Nootka were still held, the purpose of
Spain would become apparent, and the nations would
by no means admit her right to exclude foreign settlers
from a long stretch of coast which she neither occupied
nor had any immediate intention of utilizing. Such
being the case, what shall be said of Spain's title, when
instead of enforcing her exclusive claims she by treaty
admitted England to equal rights with herself? when
.she not only did not extend her posts but abandoned
her only establishment on the coast? when she not
only failed to exercise her rights of navigation and
commerce under the convention, but saw without pro-
test the fur-trade of the north-west monopolized by
Americans ? when high Spanish officials made no secret
of the fact that there was no intention to occupy the
country? Will the most ardent supporter of the dis-
covery title claim that its validity could have endured
through all this? Can any one believe, for instance,
that Spain had a right to prevent the Winships in
1810, or As tor in 1811, from establishing a post on
the Columbia?
In 1797 Finlay crossed the mountains by Peace
River in about 56°, giving his name to a branch of
that stream.
From 1800, as has been stated, the coast fur-trade
was almost exclusively in the hands of Americans
without official protest from any other nation.
INLAND EXPLORATIONS. 327
Tn 1800, Louisiana, in all its original extent west
of the Mississippi, but without specified boundaries in
the north-west, was m\rd by Spain back to France.
In 1803 the same territory was ceded by France to
the United States. As the boundary on the west
was presumably the Rocky Mountains, this acquisi-
tion gave the United States a new interest in the
Pacific territory, now in a sense adjoining her own
ions. It also gave a new importance to the
matter of a northern boundary.
In a convention of 1803, never ratified, it was
agreed that the boundary between English and Amer-
ican territory should be from the Lake of the Woods
to the Mississippi River by the shortest line.
Spain by no means, however, admitted that the
Louisiana lately purchased by the United States
extended to the Rocky Mountains, as appeared from
negotiations on the subject in 1804, which led to no
result, but only to hopeless disagreement.
Fraser and Stuart, for the Northwest Company,
crossed the mountains, and founded on McLeod Lake
the first British post in the territory.
Lewis and Clarke, in 1804-6, accomplished for the
United States, what Mackenzie had done before for
England, that is, they made an overland exploration
to the Pacific. Their route was down the Clearwater,
Snake, and Columbia rivers, touching also the Salmon
and Clarke branches in the Pocky Mountains, and
reaching a latitude somewhat above 47° in the interior.
Having spent the winter from November to March
in camp on the south bank of the Columbia near its
mouth, they returned in 180G by way of the head-
waters of the Missouri to the eastern states. This was
an official government exploration, but that il
an announcement to the world of the intention oi
the American government to occupy and settle the
countries explored/7 as one writer declared, may be
questioned. It gave the same kind of a title that
Mackenzie's expedition had given to further
328 THE OREGON QUESTION.
north, that is, no title at all, unless followed by actual
occupation.
In 1806, Russian officials of high rank favored the
founding of a post on the Columbia, to prevent that
region from falling into American hands, but nothing
was accomplished in this direction.
In 180G-7 the boundary east of the mountains was
again the subject of negotiation; and by a treaty, like
the preceding ones never ratified, though approved b}>-
both governments, it was fixed on the parallel of 49°,
as far westward as the possessions of the respective
parties might extend, but not to the territory claimed
by either beyond the Rocky Mountains. It is notice-
able that President Jefferson objected to the last con-
dition as "an offensive intimation to Spain that the
claims of the United States extend to the Pacific
Ocean." The choice of 49° seems to have originated
in an erroneous impression from certain old maps that
such was the line fixed between French and English
possessions in 1713.
In 1806 two forts were established on Fraser and
Stuart lakes respectively, and having founded Fort
George in 1807 at the confluence of the Stuart and
Fraser rivers, in 1808 the two adventurers who had
named those streams went down the latter to its
mouth, in latitude 49°.
It was also in 1808 that Russia made some com-
plaints respecting the movements of American traders;
and in the negotiations which resulted, it was Stated
that the Russian American fur company claimed the
whole coast to and beyond the Columbia.
The Missouri fur cornpairy having been organized in
1808, Henry, one of its agents, founded in 1809 a
trading-post on the Henry branch of Snake River in
about 44°. This was the first establishment by citi-
zens of the United States west of the Rocky Moun-
tains; but on account of Indian hostilities it had to be
abandoned in 1810.
The Yvinships of Boston attempted in 1810 to estab-
INTERIOR POSTS. 329
lish a trading-posl on the south bant of the ( lolumbia,
aboi ove its mouth : but the scheme was
abandoned on account of the hostile attitude of the
natives.
In I 8 LO Thompson, of the Northi
exploring I lie river that bears his Dame, \ tear
the junction of Canoe River and the main Columbia
in nlx.nt 52 . In the spring of L811 he continued his
journey down the river, taking poss< ion by raising
i ;m various points, to I lie ! pokane in
and there a posi was established b; or Mc-
] >onald, in what month does n< ■ Thorn]
\. ■ :plore the main ( lolui ib i he
moi • Snake. He doubtle intended to I
i for his company and for ! at the
month of the Columbia, where he arrived in July; but
ho was too la1 .
The 'ur Company of New York, org;
by Aster in 1810, sent out by sea a party which in
March 1811 founded the post of Astoria on the south
bank of the Columbia near its mouth. Later in the
year this company sent men up the river to found a
posl at the mouth of the Okanagan in about 48°; and
q the Clearwater and Willamette were occu-
pied for a time as stations by parties of trappers.
The most, that can be claimed for t lie aci s of Astor's
pany is that they gave to the United States the
f territorial rights as England had gained
from the founding of forts Fraser, Stuart, i nd others
in the north; that is, that the founding of Astoria
ate aci of occupation, giving a national
title — permanent if the settlement should not be
abandoned — to a certain territory, the< .tent of which
would depend on subsequent operations of this com-
pany and others. There was nothing in what had
be< . arily prevented eitherthi i 'acific
or I mpanies from extendin ; their posts
n< rth or outh, leaving the question of boundari< - to
be ettled lal
330 THE OREGON QUESTION.
In admitting this American claim founded on
Astoria, however, it is necessary to overrule some
very plausible objections on the English side, to the
effect that the Pacific Fur Company was merely a
mercantile firm, and as such was not definitely author-
ized by government to establish posts west of the
Rocky Mountains; that a majority of the partners
were British subjects, Astor himself being a German
by birth; that the British partners obtained from the
minister of their nation an assurance that in case of
war they would be respected as British subjects and
merchants; and that Astor before beginning active
operations offered to the Northwest Company a share
in the enterprise. Yet whatever force these objections
may have had seems to have been lost by the failure
of Great Britain to insist on them when, as will be
seen, an opportunity presented itself for doing so.
That the establishment of the northern trading-posts
gave to either of the respective nations any claim to
exclusive ownership of the whole coast, or of broad
sections of it apart from the points actually occupied,
cannot be admitted.
In 1812 the Russian American Fur Company es-
tablished a post near Bodega on the California coast.
This was done without the consent of Spain or of
any Spanish official; and the establishment was kept
up for about thirty years in spite of oft repeated pro-
tests from Spain and Mexico. Russia, however, never
laid claim to any territorial possessions in California
by reason of the company's settlements at Bodega and
Ross.
By the terms of partnership the Astor company,
if successful, was to continue for at least twenty years,
but if unprofitable might be dissolved by the partners
at any time within five. In 1813 it was contemplated
by members at Astoria to abandon the enterprise on
account of the war between England and the United
States, and the consequent impossibility of obtaining
supplies or protection from New York. Later in the
OCCUPATION OF ASTORIA. 331
■ year it was determined, however, instead of
simply abandoning the posl and dissolving the com-
pany, to sell out the property to fche NTorthwesI
Company; and the bargain was concluded, the price
being $80,500. [mmediately after the sale the British
man-of-war Raccoon appeared, and the British flag
was raised over Fori George, by which name Astoria
was now for a time to be known.
It has been charged thai the nationality of the
idenl partners had an influence in this transaction,
though I doubt it. But whether they acted for the
besl interests of their company, or in good faith
toward Astor, is a question that lias no bearing on
the present discussion, and is fully considered else-
where. Had they been Americans by birth and in
feeling, they might or might not have refused to
negotiate a sale, and have held Fort Astoria until
forced to abandon it, but I think it would have made
little difference. Such action, however, could only
have had an influence on the question of title eventu-
ally, by their success in maintaining themselves in
possession of the interior for several years, and a
consequent readiness to reoccupy Astoria, and con-
tinue the original enterprise from 1818. That they
would or could have done this seems to me on fche
le improbable; but the point is not an esse itial
one, as will presently appear.
Air it tion of sonic interest,th -
which was greatly lessened if net remo1 ub-
sequeni m , was whether the .\
could by a sale of its property transfer th< sovereign-
(Jnited States to England. Apj
not if the original founding had be<
\y. 1 by 1 nmenl wit h a
but it wa ich an act; it
a purp i se; and the permanent aha I
post would have put it in the
ary and Winship, so f. con-
cerned.
332 THE OREGON QUESTION.
By the treaty of 1814 Great Britain agreed to
restore to the United States all places taken during
the war. There was no allusion to territory west
of the Bocky Mountains, or to boundaries; though
the American plenipotentiaries had been instructed
to consent to no claim on the part of England to terri-
tory south of latitude 49° in the region of the Lake of
the Woods.
From 1813 until 1818 the Northwest Company
remained in undisturbed possession of Fort Astoria.
In 1817 the United States took steps to assert their
claim to the post under the treaty. The British
minister remonstrated to the effect that the place was
not captured during the war, but that it had been
abandoned by the Americans who voluntarily sold the
property to an English company, so that no claim for
its restitution could be founded on the treaty of 1813.
The American government insisted, however, on its
right to Astoria, and after some discussion both at
Washington and London, Great Britain yielded the
point, and admitted the American right to be rein-
stated and to be the party in possession while treating
on the title and negotiations on the subject and that
of the boundaries were about to be commenced. Ac-
cordingly Fort Astoria was formally restored, and
the flag of the United States was raised in Novem-
ber 1818, though the English company remained for
many years in possession.
That the United States had a right to require and
that Great Britian was under a legal obligation to
make this concession has been doubted by some, but
this doubt has no special bearing on the present topic.
It is enough that the restoration was made.
It is important, however, to understand the exact
purport of the act, since there was a manifest tendency
in later years to exaggerate its importance. It was in
no sense a recognition of the American title to the
Northwest Coast, or to that part of it lying south of
the Columbia. It was merely, as stated, an admission
SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE. 333
of a right of the United States to be the party in
possession at Fort Astoria while treating on thetitle.
!t had do bearing necessarily on any territory beyond
the precincts of Astoria. It was at mosl an agree-
ment thai if the United States should after investiga-
tion be deemed by the founding of Astoria or by other
earlier acts to have acquired an exclusive ownership
of thecoasl or any pari of it, England would nol urge
the transfer of L813 as destroying thai title; and it
implied on the other hand thai if the exclusive title
was found to belong to England, the United States
could nol urge the retransfer of 1818. Or to look at
the matter from another poinl of view, if the Amer-
icans should renew their fur-trading operations, estab-
lishing posts or settlements as they had a right to do,
they could not be deprived by their rivals of the
desirable position at the mouth of the Columbia.
Thus in the form of an introduction the Oregon
title has been brought down to the date of 1818 when
controversy began. I have disposed of each subdi-
vision briefly, because each expedition has been de-
scribed in detail before. If in my comments I may
seem to have decided in advance the whole question
at issue, dismissing somewhat too summarily the
lengthy arguments of abler men on several phases of
the question, I have to say that this course has been
taken deliberately with a view to economize space and
avoid useless repetition in what is to follow — in chap-
ters, not volumes — where the tenor of the arguments
will necessarily appear. It is well also to remind the
reader thai during the discussion from 1818 to 1846,
many of the facts in the case were by no means so
i known as now. Both parties repeatedly based
some of their conclusions on inaccurate statements of
fact. And above all it should he remembered that the
many able men who wrote on this question were
without exception advocates and partisans on one
side or the other, whose real opinions we have d -
334 THE OREGON QUESTION.
means of knowing, and whose only aim was to win
their case.
In 1818 the Northwest Company were the only
occupants of this broad territory, where they had sev-
eral forts, or trading -posts, to the possession of one
of which, however, by the voluntary act of Great
Britain, the United States was entitled. Neither
nation had any just claim to exclusive ownership of the
whole or any large part of the territory between 42°
and 55°; both had the right to hunt or settle at any
unoccupied point ; each had a rightful title to the posts
it had already established, and might rightfully found
others; either nation might interfere to protect its
subjects if wronged in local quarrels; and finally, if
neither party withdrew, there must arise a Question
of National Boundary, to be settled solely by the ter-
ritory occupied at the time. Such was the state of
affairs in equity before 1818; such it became more
practically, and in a sense legally, after that date, as
we shall see.
While the correspondence of 1817 was not strictly
speaking a part of the main controversy — since the
United States demanded and England conceded the
restoration of Astoria, not because of a just title to
that region, but simply because the place had been
occupied by Americans, and had been taken during
the war — yet this negotiation was in a sense the
beginning of that controversy; for the American
commissioners to Fort Astoria were instructed to
" assert in a friendly and peaceable manner the claims
of the United States to the sovereignty of the
adjacent country ;" and the British minister in his
turn protesting, affirmed that "the territory itself
was early taken possession of in his Majesty's name,
and had been since considered as forming part of his
Majesty's dominions." Moreover, England at the same
time in instructions to her representatives declared
herself " not prepared to admit the validity of the
title of the government of the United States to this
UNDEB I>: • C7SS] IN. 335
and the representative in consenting to
the restoration of the post held by the United States
at the outbreak of the war was to "assert in suitable
3 the claim of Great Britain to thai territory, upon
which the A.merican settlement must be considered
icroachment." Thus were the respective claims
first asserted, though somewhat vaguerj ; and argu-
ments were reserved for the future.1
vera! distinct subjects inv< Ived in the
international negotiations of these years, and settled by
the treaty of I sis, only two of which, however, have
any connection with the subject under consideration,
and those deemed the least important of all. They
were the questions of title to the Northwest Coast,
and of iliv boundary west of Lake of the Woods, and
both were treated practically as one matter. Richard
Rush and Albert Gallatin represented the United
States by President Monroe's appointment of May
'On the restoration of Astoria to the United States and the i
, the authorities are as follows : President's Mess, and />■■■.. Dec.
29, 1 118, April 1">. 17. 1822, the last and n ag found in
p. Z?eZ.,iv.85] S;aAaoinAnnalsefCongress,17thCong.,
I Addington's British 26,iald.,\i.
L826, in Id., vi. 670; Brit;
. I }19 20, Iv'l 2, as cited by Twiss, Or. Quest.,V,
: or last named, also Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 306 16,452 3,
give a very satisfactory account of the Mimic subject. 'J lie E
tract : iry Adams' letter of May 20, ISIS, to Mr Hush. theAmerican
. is interestir. ag the attitude of the United Sti
was o pated that any di -ted in the Bi
■ t title with us on the bord
moti for reserve or concealment. I a
to Lord Castlereagh, rather in conversation than in any formal mi oner,
k the minuteness of the pi 5ts either to '
Britai I , involved in this concern; and the unwilling-
for that reason, of this government to include it among I
Berio i with them. At the same fci at give him to un-
oot unless in a manner to avoid i n in the
Erom the nature of things, it in the •
shou! 3 importance to t n
iposi d that < rreat Britain would 6
•
States leave her in undisl E all her holds upon I
and . all h< r actual possessions
fairly expect that she will not think
y and alarm
I dominion in North Amei i
Bolid ; '.vent until all possibility of hi r pn v< ating ii hall have
vanished.' .1- / .
336 THE OREGON QUESTION.
22, 1818; while the interests of Great Britain were
intrusted to Frederick John Robinson and Henry
Goulburn. The United States, so far as may be
judged by Mr Adams' instructions, did not deem
present action on either of the two matters as of
pressing importance, especially the determination of
lights and boundaries on the Pacific, now that its
right to the Astoria post was admitted. Indeed, he
declared that in that region, "save pretensions, there
is no object to any party worth contending for;" but
"from the earnestness with which the British govern-
ment now returns to the object of fixing this boundary,
there is reason to believe that they have some other
purpose connected with it, which they do not avow,
but which in their estimation gives it an importance
not belonging to it, considered in itself."2
The topics that interest us first came up at the
third conference in London on the 17th of September.
Each party was disposed to think its nation had the
better title to the Northwest Coast; but the arguments
submitted were brief and superficial. As reported by
Gallatin and Rush, "the British plenipotentiaries
asserted that former voyages, and principally that
of Captain Cook, gave to Great Britain the right
derived from discovery ; and they alluded to purchases
from the natives south of the Columbia River, which
2 Adams to Gallatin and Rush, July 28, 1818. He adds that England having
given up her claim to a line to the Mississippi, and even to the navi-
gation of that river, the north-western boundary would seem of no importance
to her ; but 'the new pretension of disputing our title to the settlement at the
mouth of the Columbia either indicates a design on their part to encroach,
by new establishments of their own, upon the 49th parallel of latitude,
south of which they can have no valid claim upon this continent ; or it mani-
fests a jealousy of the United States, a desire to check the progress of our set-
tlements. Their projects . . .in 1806. . .and 1814 were to take 49°. . .west, as far
as the territories of the United States extend in that direction, with a caveat
against its extension to the South Sea, -or beyond the Stony Mountains, upon
which two observations are to be made. . .secondly, that they always affected
to apply the indefinite limit of extension as far as the territories extend, to the
territories of the United States, and not to those of Great Britain, leaving a
nest-egg for future pretensions on their part south of latitude 49°. The coun-
ter-projects for the line on our part therefore were. . .along that parallel, due
west, as far as the territories of both parties extend in that direction, and
adopting the caveat against extension to the Pacific'
BOUNDARY PI
they alleged to have beeD made prior to the American
revolution;" and the Americans, "so far as discos
gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters
of the Columbia River was indisputal ; had
derived its name from thai of the American ship com-
manded by Captain Gray, who had first discovered
and entered its mouth. It was first explored, from its
sources to the ocean, by Lewis and ( Jlarke, and before
the British traders from ( Janada had reachedany of its
waters. The settlement at Astoria was also the first
permanent establishment made in that quarter;" still
"we did not assert that the United States had a per-
fect right to that country, but insisted that their claim
rood against Great Britain." The Brit-
ish plenipotentiaries showed a desire during the whole
negotiation to unite the two subjects, being unwilling
to agree to a boundary east of the mountains, unless
an agreement could be made respecting the western
region. Accordingly, the Americans proposed an
tension of the line due west on the parallel of 49°
to the Pacific Ocean.3 This Robinson and Goulburn
would not accede to, intimating that the Columbia
River would be the most convenient boundary, and
declaring that they would agree to none that did not
give them the harborat the river's mouth in common
with the United States. This meeting with no favor,
proposed at the conference of October 6th that
aountains the territory between latitudes
45° and 49 should be free for purposes of trade to both
nations, neither to exercise sovereign authority within
those limits, but this agreement was not to prejudice
the claim- of cither or of any other power.1 Rather
than assent to this, the Americans preferred to leave
3 Annex B. to protocol of third conference. This was to affect i
. 3 w ithout reference to the claims of any other nation. 'I he
subjects of both p also to have fi * and
. I equal privileges of trade, in all i >n '1"'
Northwest Coast, and the naw
intersected by the boundary wae
i of fifth confi ■ itli tho
; i it stipulated forfree navigation of th Riv< r.
Hist. N.W. Coast, Vol. II. 22
33S THE OREGON QUESTION.
the whole matter on both sides of the mountains in
abeyance; but at the next conference they proposed
amendments, making the whole western region free
for trade instead of that portion between 45° and 49°.
The proposition thus amended with other verbal
changes was again presented by the Englishmen on
October 13th, and after another amendment submitted
by the Americans at the eighth conference, by which
the agreement was limited to the period of ten years,
it was approved by both parties, and the treaty was
signed on October 20, 1818.
By this convention, or treaty of joint occupation,
the Northwest Coast became free to subjects of Great
Britain and the United States for a period of ten
years. The question of title or national sovereignty
was left exactly as it stood before. As far west as the
Rocky Mountains the parallel of 49° was made the
permanent boundary.5
As I have previously remarked, the treaty of 1818
left the two nations in respect of their rights on the
Northwest Coast exactly where they stood before, the
natural and equitable right of English or American
subjects to trade, hunt, and settle where they pleased
being now formally acknowledged. Each party merely
reserved the right to prove, or insist on, ten years
later, an exclusive ownership, founded on events pre-
ceding 1818, not to be affected by anything done by
either side after that date. There was no quarrel;
5 The treaty negotiations and preliminary correspondence are given in
full in the President'* Mess, and hoc, Dec. 29, ISIS, 15th Cong., 2d Sess.,
under heading Great Britain, Conventionof October 20, 1S18, in American State
Papers, For. Bel., iv. 348-407. The parts relating particularly to the sub-
ject are on pp. 371-2, 374, 376-7, 380-1, 3S4, 391-3, 395, 397, 40G. 'Art. 3.
It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party ou the
Northwest Coast of America westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together
with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the
same be free and open, for the term of ten years from the date of the signature
of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two
powers, it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed
to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties
may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the
claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country ; the only
object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent dis-
putes and differences among themselves. '
JOINT OCCUPANCY. 3CJ
but each party reserved the right to quarrel af a
later date, and under favorable circumstances, should
the country prove worth the trouble. Neither at-
tached greal Importance to the subject at the time;
neither had much faith in its own exclusive right,
;m1 a vague idea that it was at leasi equal to that
the other. Neither really expected ultimately to
prove the validity of its old exclusive title, unless
possibly it might sometime be enforced by war, or
to avert war: but should it appear in the end- and
they mere than suspected perhaps what the reader
knows, that it must so appear — that there was no
exclusive title on either side in 1818, then subsecp'
acts of occupation would become potent, and in this
respect each was willing to trust the future. It was
not expected, however, that ten years would make
any radical change in the situation, and each party
hoped for some advantage from the slight modifica-
tions likely to occur.
England saw the territory in the actual possession
of the English Northwest Company, who would nat-
urally extend their operations; it wTas doubtful if
Astor's, or any other American company, would
reenter the field as rivals; it was not likely that set-
tlers would be attracted to this distant country \'m-
many years, especially while the title remained unde-
termined; and still less likely that the United States
government would maintain posts in advance of com-
mercial and agricultural occupation. The America
on the other hand, had little fear that any other E
lishmea than fur-hunters would occupy the coasl ;
they believed the Pacific Company would renew its
operations; they hoped settlers mighl be induced to
3S the continent; at any rate they had unlim-
ited faith in the future development n[' their nation,
and were content to leave their rights in abeyance
until such time as they might be ready 1" exer<
them. The decision was a wise and equitable one for
both pan i
340 THE OREGON QUESTION.
Throughout the ten years named in the treaty the
English fur-hunters remained in possession of the
territory, their rivals failing to exercise the privileges
conceded to them. Meanwhile there occurred a series
of events which had an influence on this subject, though
the importance of some of them in this respect has
generally been exaggerated.
The first was the signing of the Florida treaty
between the United States and Spain on Feb. 22,
1819. The negotiations preceding this treaty were
long and complicated; but the boundary in northern
regions was an unimportant feature in the discussions.
In 1805 the United States had proposed a line run-
ning north from the sources of the Red River; while
Spain had preferred a boundary commission to explore
the unknown region north of Red River and investi-
gate documents bearing on the title; but nothing
was done.6 At the beginning of 1818 the Spanish
plenipotentiary, Luis de Onis, wrote: " The right and
dominion of the crown of Spain to the Northwest
Coast of America as high as the Californias, is not
less certain and indisputable, the Spaniards having
explored it as far as the 47th degree, in the expedition
under Juan de Fuca, in 1592, and in that under the
Admiral Fonte to the 55th degree in 1640." That
the Spanish claim was thus founded on the fictitious
discoveries of Fuca and Fonte shows how little was
known or cared about the matter; the claim was not
disputed, and the subject was dropped until the ques-
tion of boundary came up near the close of the nego-
tiation. Spain had wished in exchange for Florida
to obtain everything west of the Mississippi; but
attention was given almost exclusively to the south.
On October 31st Mr Adams proposed as a bound-
ary the Red River, Rocky Mountains, and the line
of 41° to the Pacific. This was the first intimation of
6 President's 3Iess. and Doc, Dec. 6, 1805, Sth Cong. 2d Sess., in American
State Papers, For. Bel, ii. 662, 665; Twiss, Or. Quest., 231, also cites British
and Foreign State Papers, 1817-18, 321, but gives the date of a document
cited incorrectly.
SPAIN AXD THE UNITED STA 841
a claim to territory west of the mountains; and ai
first Spain would not listen to anything of the kind.
but soon viewed the idea more favorably. In Jan-
uary L819, Onis proposed a line from the source of
the Missouri to the Columbia, and down thai stream
ie Pacific. This being rejected, he proposed the
upper Arkansas and line of 41 to the Multnomah,
or Willamette, and down the river to the ocean.
in respon d the upper Arkansas and
line of 41° to the Pacific, whereupon Onis suggested
from the Arkansas to the Multnomah, and 43
from the latter stream to the ocean. Finally Onis
for Spain proposed 42° from the Arkansas to the
Pacific, and Adai 1 to this in behalf of the
United States. The treaty was signed according
By this treaty "His Catholic Majesty rvdr^ to the
United States all his rights, claims, and pretensions
to any territories cast and north of the said line,
and. . .renounces all claim to the said territories for-
ever." That is, the United States acquired the Spanish
title to the Northwest Goad above the latitude of
. I have already shown that Spain had no rights
in that territory except that of making settlements in
<iate Papers, For. /,'</., Lv. 455, 530-2, 615-23, b
1819., 15th Cong., 2d Seas.;
13, cites also the British am vpers of L617
contii 'Art. :i. The boundary li
the two countries, west of the Mississippi, shall begin on the Gulf of Mi
at the mouth of the rive:' Sabine, in the sea, continuing north al a
.!; of that river to the 32d degree of latitude; then©
due north, to of latitude where it strikes the Rio Roxo
en following the course of the R
e of longitudi I ad 23 from \.
then crossing the said Red River, and running thence by a line due -
river Arkansas; thenee following the course of the southern
source, in latitude- [2 north; and thence
i :' latitude to the South
•
But, if th(
River shall or south of latitude 42 <
He Bhall run from the said bo
may I aid ] arallel
prop" also to be ac<
but there was no rooi
■ i.tly ratified by Mexico in
342 THE OREGON QUESTION.
unoccupied spots, even her 'claims and pretensions'
having been virtually abandoned since 1795. The
validity of the title acquired in 1 8 1 9 was, however, the
subject of much argument in later years, as we shall see.
Immediately after the signing of the treaty, in
1819-20, an exploring expedition was sent out by the
United States to the great west.8 "One most impor-
tant fact, in a political point of view," says Greenhow,
"was completely established by the observations of
the party; namely, that the whole* division of North
America drained by the Missouri and the Arkansas,
and their tributaries between the meridian of the
mouth of the Platte and the Rocky Mountains, is
almost entirely unfit for cultivation, and therefore
uninhabitable by a people depending upon agriculture
for their subsistence. • And late observations have
shown the adjoining regions, to a great extent west of
those mountains, to be still more arid and sterile. These
circumstances as they became known through the
United States, rendered the people and their repre-
sentatives in the federal legislature more and more
indifferent with regard to the territories on the north-
western side of the continent. It became always
difficult and generally impossible to engage the atten-
tion of congress to any matters connected with those
countries; emigrants. from the populous states of the
union would not banish themselves to the distant
shores of the Pacific whilst they could obtain the
best lands on the Mississippi and its branches at
moderate prices; and capitalists would not vest their
funds in establishments for the administration and
continued possession of which they could have no
guarantee. From 1813 until 1823, few if any Amer-
ican citizens were employed in the countries west of
the Rocky Mountains, and ten years more elapsed
before any settlement was formed or even attempted
in that part of the world."9
8 Long's Account of Exploring Expedition, 8vo, 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1S23.
9 Greenhow's Or. and C'al., 322-3.
RANDOM STATEMENTS. 343
In 1 he Nortl I ( iompany was merged in
the Hudson's Bay Company, the latter remaining in
; don of the western country. The change had
i. i bearing whatever od the question of title.
At theendof L820 the Northwesl ( Joasl ma lei
appearance in th js of the United States. "On
motion of Mr Floyd a committee was appoinl
inquire into the situation of the settlements upon the
Pacific Ocean, and the expediency of occupying the
Columbia River." This was on December L9th, and
on January 25, L821, the report of the committee was
read in the house. In this document the question of
title wi I some length with frequent allu-
sions to facts of doubtful accuracy. For instance
congress was told that "in the year 1785-6
lishment was made at the mouth of the Columbia
River by Mr Hendricks;" that Lewis and Clarke
"built Fort Clatsop, yet to be seen" — really the ex-
plorer's winter camp — those events being at a time
when the Spanish settlements were "in lai
north upon the Colorado of California;" and that five
posl i besides Astoria had been established by A
company. Great force was given to the Spanish exclu -
sive title, which even England had virtually acknowl-
edged in 1790 by her willingness "to treat for the
enjoyment of privileges on that coast." That the
United States through Spain, France, and her own
establishments had the undisputed sovereignty of the
coast from latitude G0° down to 36 there could be no
doubt; and it was equally clear that the occupation of
late territory would be most profitable.
Accordingly a bill was introduced in twelve sections
for the occupation of the Columbia, grant of lands to
settlers, and regulation of Indian affairs.10 The bill
was referred to a committee. At the end of the
year, on motion of Mr Floyd, another committee was
10 Ann
■ . Jan. 25th, in Id.,
Benton's Abridg. Debates in Congress, viL 74-81.
344 THE OREGON QUESTION.
appointed to "inquire into the expediency of occupying
the Columbia River and the territory of the United
States adjacent thereto;" which committee reported
in January 1822 with a bill probably like the former,
which was read twice and committed as before.
Meanwhile a resolution had also been adopted calling
for information from the secretary of the navy re-
specting the expense of surveying Pacific ports of the
United States and of transporting artillery to the
Columbia.11
At the end of the year, Dec. 17th to 18th, the mat-
ter came up for discussion in committee of the whole,
and after a long speech by Mr Floyd, other members
showing no disposition to speak, the bill was reported
to the house. In the following debate two members
spoke in its favor and one against it; but the house
was apathetic and further consideration Avas deferred.
A remarkable feature of the debate was the absence
of allusion to the treaty of 1818. There was not the
slightest doubt expressed as to the title of the United
States to the Northwest Coast. Those that favored
the measure dwelt on the value of the fur-trade and
the whale-fishery, and the grandeur of a republic
stretching from sea to sea; while Mr Tucker opposed
it simply because he did not wish to accelerate the
inevitable progress of the population westward, believ-
ing that the peoples east and west of the mountains
"must have a permanent separation of interest."12
The Columbia project was again discussed in the
house of representatives in January 1823, and increased
interest was manifested, though not enough to pass
the bill. The debate doubtless had its eifect in edu-
cating the American people into an implicit faith in
the validity of their national claim to the Northwest
Coast; for as before, no opponent of the measure ex-
11 Annals of Congress, 17th Cong., 1st Sess., 529, 553, 560-1, 744.
12 Benton's Abridg. Debates hi Congress, vii. 30-2-407; Annals of Co?igress,
17th Cong., :.'</ Sess., 355, 396-424, 430. According to amendments it was
proposed to occupy the country ' with a military force, ' and a salary was
named for the ' Governor of Oregon.'
BEFORE CONG]
pressed doubt of the perfect right to occupy. They
doubted the value of the territory in question; dwell
on its distance from American civilization; objected
to anything like colonization under a republican govern-
ment; deemed the occupation practicable bul inex-
pedient, at least for the present; and alluded to the
Rocky Mountains as a natural boundary, across which
no line of commercial communication could ever extend.
The advo the other hand affirmed, instead of
silently assuming as before, the validity of the title;
bul no arguments were wasted in proving what nobody
doubted; and their eloquence was expended in show-
rious, profitable, and politic a thing it
would be iiow to extend the republic across the w!
continent, I append a few extracts from the deba
The bill was tabled; and by a vote of one hundred I >
sixty-one the house refused to take it up again. In
all this there was not a hint at the rights of England
p the treaty of joint occupation.
In February,' Mr Benton brought the matter up in
the senate, with a motion and a speech. The moti< m was
"that the committee on military affairs be instructed
18 ' The only nations on earth who have ever made any claims to these regions
ipain, Russia. . . Spain never had any prel rthan
ised by her province of Louisiana,' and her rights were trans-
fco the Unit ' . 'The emperor of Russia will
quarrel with us for anything we may do south of his latitude of 51 .' England
had anyposs< I b lieve never pretended to any ti
:' the Columbia. T> territory n
'would have continued, it maybe presumed,
the boundary between us beyond the Rocky Mountains, if
'.' 'She restored to us possession of our settl
mouth of the Columbia, without the least intimation in all berm
tions on the subject of any question as to our ti
shoal I by us, can we believe that other nations will]
? If they do: I Learn
land had poa
of the Columbia, what should we do? We should then b
ourri ity of our territory. \.
id cannot abandon any part of it
A'. )". ' How oftenarewe n mind< I ol Amer-
I is made a coi inned
- our own domain I* Vt. ' For bis part
]u. AV; ettlement woi made
in any period of time to which a
men \ d our views.1 'To my mind, sir. no
more visionary than that of an internal comm i and
346 THE OREGON QUESTION.
to inquire into the expediency of making an appro-
priation to enable the president of the United States
to take and retain possession of the territories of the
United States on the Northwest Coast of America."
Benton's motives and methods of treating the sub-
ject were radically different from those of congressmen
who had spoken before. His aim, he said, "was to
prevent the country in question from falling into the
hands of another power." He knew that the public
mind was tranquil upon this point; but he believed
that this tranquillity arose, not from an indifference to
the loss of the Columbia River and the great country
drained by its waters, but from a belief that our title
to it was undisputed, and the possession open to our
citizens whenever the government would permit them
to enter upon it. The contrary of all this he held to
be the fact, and he w^ould undertake to show to the
senate: "First, that our claim of sovereignty is dis-
puted by England. Second, that England is now the
party in possession. Third, that she resists the pos-
session of the United States. Fourth, that the party
in possession in 1828 wTill have the right of possession
under the law of nations until the question of sov-
ereignty shall be decided by war or negotiation."
In support of these propositions Benton referred to
documents with which the reader is familiar; he re-
garded the nominal restitution of Fort Astoria as by
no means a relinquishment of the English title ; and in
Columbia. The God of nature has interposed obstacles to this connection,
which neither the enterprise nor the science of this or any other age can over-
come.' ' He was ready to admit that neither England, Spain, nor Russia had
the right, or probably would have the disposition, to complain of the measure/
' The measure is not called for by any great public interest.' Tracy of N. Y.
Mr Mallary offered an amendment, or substitute, of which the first section was:
' That the president be authorized and required to occupy that portion of the
territory of the United States on the Pacific Ocean, north of 42J, and west of
the Rocky Mountains, with a military force, and to cause a suitable fort to
be erected on the Oregon River. . .which tract of country is hereby declared
to be the territory of Oregon.' 'Gentlemen are talking of natural boundaries.
Sir, our natural boundary is the Pacific Ocean. ' Baylies of Mass. ' The spirit
of migration should rather be repressed in your citizens than encouraged.'
Breckenridge of Ky. Mr Little of Maryland presented a petition of farmers
and mechanics in favor of the bill. Annals of Congress, 17th Cong., 2d Sess.,
5S3-G02, 078-700, 1077-1206.
POSITION OF AMERICAN STATESMEN. 347
support of this third point ho noted that the British
minister in two interviews with the secretary of state,
referring to the bills for the occupation of the Colum-
bia "suggested thai ( rreat Britain had claims on the
north-west coast of America, with which lie conceived
that such occupation on the part of the United States
would conflict ; and requested to be informed what
were the intentions of the government of the United
States in this respect."14
While the reader who is acquainted with the facts
may not be unduly influenced by the assurance with
which American statesmen assumed the unquestion-
able validity of their count it's exclusive title and
ridiculed Great Britain's 'pretensions,' and while it is
true that the measure urged in some of its features
was contrary to treaty obligations, yet it must be
borne in mind that the measure was defeated, and
that the agitation at this time was in certain respects
a legitimate and necessary one. The United States
had no title, it is true, but citizens had a right by
occupation to lay for their country the foundation of
Abridg. Debates of Congress, vii. 363, 3GG-9; Annals of Con-
, 235, 248-51, 27t. The committee of foreign rclas
tions having been substituted for that of military affairs, the motion war
I to; but on February 25th, that committee was discharged from furthes
consideration of the matter. A few additional quotations from Mr Iknton't
speech may be necessary to show his spirit. 'This' — referring to the
quotation in my text — 'is resistance and resistance in the most imposing form-
It goes the whole length of unqualified opposition. . .England has virtually
to arrest the progress of a legislative act in the congress of the
United States — an attempt which, if I am not greatly mistaken in the temper
of the American people, will accelerate the measure it was intended to im-
pede.' In the case before the senate the United States have a right oi
session under the treaty of Ghent' — really only to Astoria by the terms of the
restoration — 'and a right of entry under the treaty of 1818; but the latter
is already half run out, and the former must be considered as abandoned if
not renewed and effectually asserted.' He speaks of two wide-spread i
that the English recognized the 49th degree as the boundary I
; and second, that the United States granted to her the use of the
I and the trade of its inhabitants for the period of ten years. The
tains possession by virtue of his own cl
and each agrees to tolerate the possession of the other for ten years.' ' I
the linger of Russia in the trc; I y of
E nd, securing to herself the means of strengthening 1 osions
by joining to them the "claims" of all other "powers and states."' 'The
republic, partly through its own remissness, partly from the concessions of
our mi London, but chiefly from the bold j ad, is
in imminent danger of losing all its territory beyond the Rocky Mountains.'
343 THE OREGON QUESTION.
a legitimate title to a large part of the territory ; and
it was important that the people should not be caught
napping, and so permit their prospective title to go by
default. There doubtless was such a popular impres-
sion as Benton's warning was intended to remove.
His four points were all well made and timely. More-
over, it was well to create a public sentiment for the
time when negotiations for a new treaty would be in
order. But for many }Tears the question attracted
very little popular attention either in the United
States or in England.15
Meanwhile, in 1821-4, there were in progress
certain negotiations between the United States and
Russia which should be noticed here.
A dozen years earlier there had been some unsuc-
cessful negotiations for the regulation of trade, during
which the Russians had implied that their possessions
rightfully extended at least down to the Columbia,
while the United States gave expression to the idea
that the Spanish title probably had extended up to
60°. Now on September 4, 1821, the emperor, in a
formal edict approving certain rules of the Russian
American fur company, declared that the Northwest
Coast down to latitude 51° belonged exclusively to
Russia, and prohibited all foreign vessels from ap-
proaching within a hundred Italian miles of an}*- part
of that coast. In February 1822, Secretary Adams
called on M. Poletica, the Russian envoy, for an ex-
lbNUes' Register, always reflecting very fully the spirit of the American
press, has little on this topic of Northwest Coast occupation before 1S30. In
1821, however, xx. 21-5. it takes from the National Intelligencer a communi-
cation from William D. Robinson dated Jan. 1.3th, giving an account of the old
explorers, urging the importance of further exploration by the United States,
and dwelling also on 'the policy and necessity of our government fixing on a
place on the Pacific Ocean for a commercial and military post.' To it is joined
a shorter article on the same topic written by Commodore Porter in 181.3, in
which he says, ' We possess a country whose shores are washed by the At-
lantic and the Pacific.' And as late as 1S25 the Register, xxix. 151, says : ' The
project of establishing a chain of military posts to the Pacific, and of building
up a colony at some point near the mouth of the Columbia River, is again
spoken of in the newspapers. We hope that it will be postponed yet a little
while. It is the interest of either the old Atlantic, or of the new states in the
west, that a current of population should now be forced beyond the present
settled boundaries of the x'epublic. '
THE RUSSIAN SIDE OF IT. 349
planation of that extraordinary edict. In reply, that
official defended the right of his nation to the terri-
tory claimed, on the grounds that tin- discoveries of
Bering and Chirikof in 1741 had extended to 40°;
that Haro, in 1789, had found eight Russian estab-
lishments in latitudes 48° and 49°; and that 51° Was
midway between Sitka and the Columbia, besides the
usual protestations of undisputed rights of discovery
and possession. The first two statements were not
true, and the third not relevant; to say nothing of
there being no possible defence of the hundred-mile
prohibition. Mr Adams alluded to the fact that the
charter of the fur company did not extend Russian
claims below 55°, and trusted that an interdiction
manifestly incompatible with American rights would
not be enforced; while M. Poletica, with a warning
against trouble for which American traders could only
accuse their own imprudence, promised to refer the
er to his emperor.10
Resulting negotiations between Russia and the
United States were carried on in 1823-4 by Mr Mid-
dleton and Count Nesselrode at St Petersburg. Rus-
16 President's Mess, and Doc, April 17, 1S22, in Annals of Congress, 17th
- is., 2130-59; also in Ameri < 'or. Bel., iv. 856-64.
Quarterly /'■ m w, xxvi. 3-43-G, of January IS--''-', some comments woo
made on the Russian policy ami the edict of 1821: 'Whether this wholi
usurpation of 2,000 miles of sea-coast, to the greater part of which Russia can
have no possible claim, will be tacitly passed over by England, Spain, and the
United States, the three powers must interested in ir, we pretend not to
know; but we can scarcely be mistaken in predicting that his Imperial Majesty
will discover, at no distant period, that he has assumed an authority and
1 a principle which ho will hardly be permitted to i Two
somewhat carious admissions by this English writer are the following: (0n
the ground of priority of discovery it is si lear that England
has if claim to territorial possession. On this principle ii woul I jointly
belong to Russia and Spain;' and 'the whole country from lat. -"ii 30' to tin;
boundary of the United States in latitude is , or thereabouts, is now and has
sen in the actual possession of I mpany.' in
tin- North American Rem 22, xv. 370-401, wasalso published an
mation of the Russian claims to the Nbrthwi i oi America,'
written apparently by Captain William Stui is a sound
one, but does not cl ity for the United dythe
privilege of tier to .din
the British parliament, and appears to have created considi rabl i citement.'
July 27. 1822, xxii. 349, contains i
Times and the Liverpool Mercury. The former says: 'So sunk has the country
been by its misfortunes that the imperial document has been permit
350 THE OREGON QUESTION.
sia made a feeble effort to substantiate her claims as
based on discovery; tried to avoid the issue by the
assertion that the boundary question was one between
herself and England, in which the United States had
no interest; even set up the plea that the treaty with
Spain gave the United States a right only to territory
north of 42°, and not to anything west of the merid-
ian where that line touched the coast; struggled some-
what earnestly against every proposition involving
free trade on her coasts; and finally consented to a
treaty on reasonable terms. So far as her exclusive
pretensions below 55° were concerned, Russia was
altogether in the wrong, even if her rival was not
entirely in the right; and the intricacies of the nego-
tiation have but slight importance in history. The
treaty was signed on April 5th ( 1 7th), 1824. By it the
boundary was fixed at latitude 54° 40', beyond which
neither nation was to found any establishment or to
resort without permission to those of the other; though
for a period of ten }-ears the vessels of either nation
were to have free access for trade and fishery to all
interior waters of the other's territory. Thus Russia's
claims below 54° 40' were relinquished, as had been
those of Spain above 42°, to the United States; and
the field of controversy between the latter and Great
Britain was clearly defined.17 In February 1825 a
treaty was concluded between England and Russia,
by which the latter again relinquished her claim not
only to the region below latitude 54° 40', but to the
broad interior up to the frozen ocean.13 The United
pass without one individual of the British parliament having ventured to
observe upon it. Luckily for the -world the United States of America have not
submitted with equal patience to the decrees of the autocrat.' The Register
of 1S23, xxiv., lias references to the matter on pp. 16, 112, 146, 245, 2S1, 310.
This subject attracted much more popular attention than the dispute with
Great Britain. In the last item alluded to the debate in the English parlia-
ment is described, when in regard to a question of Sir James Mcintosh, Mr
Canning replied that his government had protested against the Russian ukase,
and that negotiations were still pending.
17 All the correspondence, etc., including the treaty, is found in the Presi-
dent's Mess, and Doc., Dec. 15, 1824, in American State Papers, For. Eel., v.
432-71.
18 The boundary was 54° 40', Portland Channel, to 56°, summit of coast
ENGLISH PRETENSIONS. 351
States made do formal objection, though that power
had protested in advance that it, would not be bound
by any convention made by England separately.
Bui the record of these negotiations, while unim-
portant so far as the Russian aspepts of the matter are
concerned, had much importance in its bearingon the
English pretensions; because, in the first place, it con
tained incidentally a much fuller statemenl of the early
title-giving transactions than had before been extant ;
and secondly, it included vrvy definite assertions, not
only of an exclusive claim on the part of the United
3, but of the principles constituting what was
known later as the Monroe doctrine. It was the desire
of the United States, since English interests as well as
Americanwereat stake, that a joint convention between
the three powers should be formed, similar to that of
1818; and a clause was also suggested to the effect that
Russia should found no establishments south of lati-
tude 55°, the United States none north of 51°, and
Great Britain none north of 55°, or south ol 51 ",
though there was indicated a willingness to accept
49° instead of 51°. After some hesitation England
refused to join in the negotiations, partly, as we may
suppose, because of the latitude suggested, but eh icily
because of the recent action of the American congress
and promulgation of the Monroe doctrine, which not
only was displeasing to Great Britain, but was likely
to be equally so to Russia, and might cause a kind of
defensive alliance between the two powers against
American pretensions. I append a series of brief
quotations, to illustrate the position now assumed by
the United States.19
mountains, and 141st meridian north to the ocean. On
claims, pp. 34-2-3, that this treaty virtually annulled
: noted that in the former, Russia had merely agreed
not tos< the line; while in the latter that line is called ljthe line
□ between the possea ions oi the tu
of the United States from I- to m on ! ' >cean we
0f ,],,. , i Loration, and the i ttlement oi Asto-
ria. •'!!.; territory is to the United States of an impoi ance which do pos-
session in North America can be to any European nation.' ' It is not to be
352 THE OREGON QUESTION.
In congress the matter was again brought up at
the end of 1823, by a motion of Mr Floyd to "inquire
into the expediency of occupying the Columbia or
Oregon river," and by the committee then appointed
a bill was reported in January 1824. An estimate of
expense for the transportation of troops was obtained
from the quartermaster -general, the amount being
$30,000. In April a letter was submitted from
General Jesup on the advantages and difficulties of
the proposed occupation. This officer strongly favored
the measure from a military point of view; expressed
the opinion that there should be at least three posts
on the Columbia; and added: "They would aiford
present protection to our traders, and on the expi-
ration of the privilege granted to British subjects to
trade on the waters of the Columbia, would enable
doubted that long before the expiration of that time (ten years) our settlement
at the mouth of the Columbia River will become so considerable as to offer
means of useful commercial intercourse with the Russian settlements. ' The
principle of the convention of ISIS was that the Northwest Coast ' could not
be considered as the exclusive property of any European nation.' ' With the
exception of the British establishments north of the United States, the remain-
der of both the American continents must henceforth be left to the manage-
ment of American hands.' ' The right of the United States to the Columbia
River, and to the interior territory washed by its waters, rests upon the dis-
covery ' by Gray, exploration by Lewis and Clarke, settlement of Astoria, and
acquisition of the rights of Spain, ' the only European power who, prior to
the discovery of the river, had any pretensions to territorial rights . . . the
waters of the Columbia extend by the Multnomah to 42°. . .and by Clarke's
River to 50° or 51° . . . To the territory thus watered, and immediately contigu-
ous to the original possessions of the United States . . . they consider their
right to be now established by all the principles which have ever been applied
to European settlements on the American hemisphere. ' . . . ' It is not imaginable
that in the present condition of the world any European nation should enter-
tain the project of settling a colony on the Northwest Coast. That the United
States should form establishments there with views of absolute territorial right
and inland communication, is not only to be expected, but is pointed out by
the finger of nature, and has been for many years a subject of serious delibera-
tion in congress. A plan has for several sessions been before them for estab-
lishing a territorial government on the borders of the Columbia River. It
will undoubtedly be resumed at their next session, and even if then again
postponed there cannot be a doubt that in the course of a few years it must
be carried into effect. ' ' The American continent henceforth will no longer
be subject of colonization . . . the application of colonial principles of exclusion,
therefore, cannot be admitted by the United States as lawful upon any part of
the Northwest Coast, or as belonging to any European nation. ' Adam*, July 22,
1S23. ' It appears probable that these two nations (Spain and England) have
not now any possession upon the Northwest Coast between 42° and 60°.' M'al-
dleton. ' Great Britain, having no establishment or possession upon any part
of the Northwest Coast of America, she can have no right or pretension, except
.such as may result from her convention with Spain.' Id., Report to Adams.
r i ONGRESS AGAIN.
us to remove them from our territory and to Becure
the who],' to our citizens.'
In the discussions of I December some slighi allusion
was made to English rights under the treaty, but
alwavs to temporary rights only, there being no doubt
expressed of the title of the United States. Mr
Buchanan thought that the free-trade of the treaty was
diametrically in opposition to the establishmeni of the
proposed port of entry. Mr Smyth admitted thai Eng-
land had a military post at the mouth of the( Jolumbia,
and a righi to retain it until the expiration of the term
of ten years. Mr Trimble held that "our rights will
erase at the end often years; and. instead of our people
having the exclusive right to trade there after October
we shall he excluded from the trade entirely;
whereas if we take possession now as we ought to do,
and have a char right to do, the rights of the British
traders and navigators there will cease in October
! 28. England has only the color of a claim, hut to
this she has wrongfully superadded an actual posses-
sion: and we must speedily reoccupy the country, or
we shall have to treat for its reclamation at an obvi-
ous disadvantage." Mr Cook even "wished to press
upon the house the question whether the establisl Lment
of the contemplated post, taking formal and effectual
possession of that region, would not be viewed by
England as an infraction of the treaty." But for the
mosl part the discussion, as before, related to the
expediency rathei- than the right of occupation, some
members also favoring a. colony and a territorial gov-
ernment for Oregon, while others preferred a mere
military post. The bill was passed December 23,
L824, by a vote of I L3 to 57. As it never became a
law it is not necessary to notice its features more
fully.21
78, 1203, L622,
"234."). Ji ited April "_!<■. 1824.
" Annals of Congress, 18th Cong., U St .. M 27, 36 61; B ' Abridg.
DebaU j ofCongn ss, viii. 202 21. Mr FI03 L called attention to the Columbia
region "as the only point 1 0 rh< re a naval powi r can reach tli«'
III- 1- N.'\V. COAST. \. .- II
354 THE OREGON QUESTION.
In his message to congress of December 1823,
President Monroe had said, referring to the negotia-
tions affecting the Northwest Coast: "The occasion
has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in
which the rights and interests of the United States
are involved, that the American continents, by the
free and independent condition which they have as-
sumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con-
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any
European powers." This was the subsequently famous
' Monroe doctrine.' Of course this announcement had
no effect on the respective rights of Great Britain and
the United States ; but it naturally offended the former
power, and, as supplemented by the policy of congress,
and especially by Jesup's proposition to "remove
British subjects" at the expiration of the ten years,
was a most formidable obstacle to the success of the
negotiations to be recorded in the next chapter. In
his message at the end of 1824, President Monroe
suggested "the propriety of establishing a military
post at the mouth of the Columbia, or at some other
point in that quarter within our acknowledged limits,"
recommending an appropriation to send a frigate for
the necessary exploration.22
East India possessions of our eternal enemy Great Britain. ' By occupying it
'we take the strongest and surest security of Britain for her future good-
behavior.' We also 'procure and protect the fur- trade, worth to England
three millions of dollars a year.' England 'wants nothing now, to give her
the entire control of all the commerce of the world for ages to come, but a
position on our western coast, which she will soon have unless you pass this
bill.'
22 American State Papers, For. Bel., v. 246, 35S.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
1824-1829.
Negotiations of 1S24— HrjsKissoN and Canning— Adams' Instructions
io Rush— Statement of the American and British Claims— Prop-
ositions Rejected— Merits of the Case— Monroe Doctbine— Occu-
pation of Oregon in the Senate, 1825— Views of Benton and
Others— Key-note of American Sentiment — Baylies' Report, 1S2G —
Negotiations of 1826-7 — Gallatin versus Huskisson and Adding-
ton— Claims and Counter-claims— Exclusive Title of the I
States, with British Objections — Discovery— Settlement— Con-
tiguity—Spanish Title— Nootka Convention— Cumulative Title-
United States Offer 4'J3 and Navigation of the Columbia— Eng-
land Offers the Columbia and Southern Shore of Fuca Strati
Not Accepted— Joint Occupancy Indefinitely Extended— Gali \-
tin's Suggestions of Policy— Congressional Discussion of 1828-9.
In the negotiations of London, 1824, England was
represented by William Huskisson and Stratford
( '.inning, and the United States by Mr Rush. The
instructions of Secretary Adams to the latter have
already been cited at some length.1 In them it is
stated as a reason for opening negotiations so long-
before the expiration of the existing treaty: "This
interest is connected in a manner becoming from day
to day more important with our territorial rights;
with the boundary relations between us and the Brit-
is! i North American dominions ; with the whol< i sysl em
of our intercourse with the Indian tribes; with the
fur-trade; the fisheries in the Pacific Ocean; the com
merce with the Sandwich Islands arid China; with our
boundary upon Mexico; and, lastly, with our political
1 See note 19 of the preceding chapter.
356 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
standing and intercourse with the Russian Empire."2
After Great Britain's refusal to treat for a joint conven-
tion with the United States and Russia, the American
envoy continued his efforts to secure a separate treaty,
combining this subject with several others respecting
which negotiations were pending. It came up first
at the eleventh conference on April 1, 1824, and was
discussed, verbally for the most part, at several subse-
quent conferences, until July 1 3th. The spirit of the
discussion on both sides was shown in Mr Rush's
report of August 12th, in which he announced the
failure of his efforts.3
Mr Rush, in accordance with his instructions, made
a definite announcement of his government's claim to
exclusive ownership of the Northwest Coast. From
Spain the United States had obtained in 1819a right
"surpassing the right of all other European powers on
that coast," Spain having lost "all her exclusive colo-
nial rights recognized" by the Nootka convention of
1790, both because of the independence of the Spanish
American States, and of her renunciation of all claims
above latitude 42°. But apart from the right acquired
from Spain, "the United States claimed in their own
right and as their absolute and exclusive sovereignty
and dominion the whole of the country west of the
Rocky Mountains from the 42d to at least as far up
as the 51st degree of north latitude," a right de-
pending on the discovery of the Columbia by Gray
from the sea and by Lewis and Clarke from the inte-
rior, and on the Astor settlement. Moreover, he an-
nounced the Monroe doctrine, that no part of the
American continent was longer open to colonization
by foreigners. Having thus clearly set forth the
2 The instructions of July 22, 1S23, are given also in American State Papers,
For. Pel, v. 791-3.
3 American State Papers, For. Pel, v. 553-64, 5S2, being the report of
Rush, protocols of those conferences at which the Northwest Coast was con-
sidered, and a few other papers on the subject. The whole correspondence on
six topics of discussion, of which the Northwest Coast was only one, and not
a prominent one, is found in Id., 510-82, being the President's JIcss. and Doc,
Jan. 20, 1S25.
PROPOSALS REJECTED. 367
principles involved, the American envoy proposed as
a settlement of the question, an extension of article
3 of the convention of 181s for an additional period
often year-, with a stipulation that during thai time
no settlements should be made by the subjects of
Greai Britain south of latitude 5 I , or by Americans
north of that line.
The English commissioners refused to accept either
principles or proposal. "They said that Great Brit-
ain considered the whole of the unoccupied parts of
America as being open to her future .settlements in
like manner as heretofore, as well that portion of
the Northwest Coast between the 42d and the 51st
degrees as any other parts. She had not, by her con-
vention with Spain in 1700, or at any other period,
conceded to that power any exclusive rights on that
coast where actual settlements had not been formed.
She could not concede to the United States, who held
the Spanish title, claims which she had felt herself
obliged to resist when advanced by Spain." Nor would
Great Britain admit the validity of the discovery by
Captain Gray; or that the entrance of a private indi-
vidual into a river, even if it were the discovery, could
give the United States a claim up and down the coast
to regions that had been previously explored I > v offi-
cially despatched British expeditions like that of Cook.
It was added, in part erroneously, that "on the coast,
a few degrees south of the Columbia, Britain had made
purchases of territory from the natives before the
United States were an independent power, and upon
that river itself, or upon rivers that flowed into it. her
subjects had formed settlements coeval with, if not
prior to. the settlement by American citizens a1 its
mouth." Drake's exploration up to is was also al-
luded to, the America us in reply setting the limit at
43°, and referring to Fuca's voyage and Aguilar's up
to L5°. The Englishmen denied mosl emphatically
thai the restoration of Fort Astoria under the treaty
of Ghent had any bearing on the title; and also that
358 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
the Nootka convention had recognized or implied any
exclusive title belonging to Spain.
Great Britain proposed, however, pretending con-
cession, to accept as a boundary the line of 49° from
the mountains to the north-east branch of the Colum-
bia, known as McGillivray River, and down the river
to the sea, neither party to found establishments be-
yond this line, but those already founded not to be
disturbed for ten years, the whole region to be free
for trade to both parties for the same period, and the
navigation of the Columbia to be forever free to the
vessels of both nations. This was rejected, as was
in its turn the amended proposition of the Americans
offering the latitude of 49° instead of 51° as a boun-
dary. Thus nothing was effected by the Americans,
and the convention of 1818 remained in force. Mr
Rush found the British representatives very inde-
pendent in their tone, and by no means disposed to
be conciliatory, but rather to complain of the attitude
recently assumed by the United States.
Thus the United States openly asserted exclusive
ownership of the Northwest Coast. The title resting
on the Spanish claim and on the operations of Gray,
Lewis and Clarke, and Astor was now deemed per-
fect. Apparently each of the two elements consti-
tuted about three fourths of a title, the two combined
amounting to a title and a half; whereas if either had
been perfect, and the other consequently nothing, the
sum total would have been only one title. Thus each
element was ingeniously left weak enough to give the
other strength. Great Britain disputed the exclusive
title of the United States, but claimed none for her-,
self.
Though not presented in its full strength by Hus-
kisson and Canning, who made more blunders than
Rush, the position assumed was a sound one, how-
soever the proposition to adopt the Columbia as a
boundary might be regarded. That Gray's entry
into a river previously discovered, on a coast repeat-
FUR-HUNTERS AND SETTLERS. 350
edly explored by vessels of different nations, even
as supplemented by Lewis and Clarke's exploration
of eastern branches up to 47°, could give to the
United States a title to the whole coasl north and
south to the supposed head-waters of the main ( lolum-
bia, first explored for hundreds of miles by British
subjects; and of the Multnomah, explored by Eng-
lish hunters if at all, is a proposition thai cannot
wholly be sustained.4 The right of Great Britain
rested solely on the actual occupation by her fur-
hunters of several points in the territory; but occupa-
tion by fur-hunters is quite different from occupation
by settlers. The right of the United States rested
on the occupation of Fort Astoria and a few other
points, the validity of which had been conceded by
England. How long the validity of such a possession
would continue without actual occupation is a question
that seems never to have been discussed; perhaps
until the expiration of the ten years. Neither right
amounted to anything like an exclusive title, but the
British was a little less absurd than the American.
Had each claimed the right to exclude the other,
they would have been about upon an equality. I
cannot think that the United States possessed the
right to exclude English settlers south of the Colum-
bia, or that the English had the right to exclude the
Americans north of that line; indeed the latter claimed
no such right. At this stage of the proceedings and
for these many years it was simply a matter for arbi-
tration.6
*It should also be noted that Fraser Paver, discovered by the Spaniards in
or before 170-'. Mas explored for some distance by Mackenzie in 1793. This,
accordin,' to 1 1 1 « ■ American theory of 1824, would certainly give England a
better title down to 49° than Lewis and Clarke's later operations could
the United States above that latitude. Twiss, Or. Quest., 284 ■">. points out
the inconvenience of Rush's theory as applied to such streams as the Columbia
and Fi
5 Mr Greenhow, Or. and CaJ., 340-1, comments as follows on one phase of
the negotiation: 'The introduction by him (Mr Rush) oi the Nootka conven-
tion as an element in the controversy was according to express instructions
from his government. It appears to have been wholly unnecessary, ami was
certainly impolitic. , No allusion had been made to that arrangi ment in any
of the previous discussions with regard to the north-west coasts, and it Mas
360 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
The announcement of the Monroe doctrine had, of
course, no bearing on the merits of the question, or
on the rights of European nations. The United
States had a right to announce and maintain this pol-
icy of self-defence, and by force or a standing threat
to employ force, to prevent European colonization on
the Northwest Coast, or in any other part of Amer-
ica, if they possessed the power.6
At the end of 1824, as we have seen, the lower
house of congress had passed a bill for the occupation
of the Oregon Territory, and President Monroe had
recommended the measure in his last message. In
February 1825 the bill was discussed in the senate,
chiefly by Barbour of Virginia, Dickerson of New
Jersey, and Benton of Missouri. The two questions
considered by Mr Barbour were, Have the United
States a right to the territory proposed to be settled?
and, Is it politic now to occupy it in the way proposed
by the bill? Both of these questions he decided most
emphatically in the affirmative, without entering very
fully into detail, but referring with approval to the
arguments of Mr Rush in the recent negotiations.7
doubtless considered extinct ; but when it was thus brought forward by the
American government in connection with the declaration against European
colonization, as a settlement of general principles with regard to these coasts,
an argument was afforded in favor of the subsistence of the convention of
whiclT the British government did not fail to take advantage, as will be
hereafter shown. If the Nootka convention were, as asserted by the secre-
tary of state, a definitive settlement of general principles of national law
respecting navigation, etc., it would be difficult to resist the pretensions of
the British plenipotentiaries with regard to the territories west of the Bocky
Mountains.'
G The Monroe doctrine is believed to have been devised secretly by repre-
sentatives of the United States and England as a measure against the Holy
Alliance, to prevent the re-occupation by Spain of her former American col-
onies. To assert it against England so soon and in so petty a matter was, to
say the least, a very peculiar pnase of American diplomacy.
7 ' If,' as Mr Barbour bebeved, 'America in the spirit of friendship and for-
bearance had made a sacrifice to Bussia of five degrees of her just claims on the
Northwest Coast, and in the same spirit had been willing to make an equal
sacrifice to Great Britain ( ! ), ' he hoped ' on her part she would eagerlv seize this
proof of good-will, and close with the terms proposed. Be that as it may, the
United States can yield no further. As a consequence our claim must be held
as unquestionable many degrees to the north of the proposed settlement. As
a matter of curiosity, and indeed as connected with the question in hand, one
may be permitted to recur to the pretensions of the European nations to the
o
FRESH DISi OSSIONS. 361
Mr Dickerson in opposing the measure did not
doubt the validity of his nation's title, though he
more aearly took that ground than any American
speaker that had preceded him. " It is true," he said,
"by the operation of certain causes we have acquired
thai territory; but that circumstance surely imposes
upon congress no obligation to provide for its occupa-
tion or population, unless the interests of the United
States should require it;"8 and this he denied. "Ore-
gon can never he one of the United States. If we
extend our laws to it, we must consider it as a colony."
And he expressly declared that the adoption of the
measure "would interfere with existing relations
between the British government and ours." "This
treaty expires in 1828, until which period it will be
highly improper to take possession of this territory
by military force, or to establish a port of entry there ;
or indeed to exercise any act of possession or occupa-
tion we did not exercise at the period of making this
treaty; more especially in that part of the territory
to which the British government laid claim, however
unfounded." The measures could but provoke a col-
lision needlessly; at any rate, diplomatic methods
should fir.st be exhausted; and "should the negotia-
tions occupy many years, it ought to excite no regret .
as it would give the unhappy natives of that region a
little more time to breathe upon the face of the earth,
before the final process of extermination. If the
two governments would make a perpetual treaty, to
different portions of the new world. Spain, under w bom we claim (?), baa un-
questionably the undivided credit of its first discovery, and to the extent to
wbich this fact goes, the best title, to which she has superadded the
the head of the Christian world, in the person of the pope; and however
ridiculous the latb r may seem at this time, at the time of the exercise oi this
high prerogative it was respected by the civilized world.'
lie describes the hill as follows-. 'By the present hill, that portion of
country lying on the Pacific Ocean, uorth oi the I2d degree, and w
i [us, is to 1'- erected into the territory of Oregon, without
defining its northern boundary. The president I «upy the same with a
military force, and cause a suitable fortification to be erected. The Indian
I for a tract uoi exceeding 30 miles square. I
port of entry. . .whenever he shall think the public good may requin
to appoint officers,' etc
362 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
take no further possession of that territory than they
now have, they would do more for the cause of
humanity than has been done in the present age."
On this senator's motion the bill was laid on the table.
But it was taken up again a few days later, though
it appears from remarks made at the time that there
was no intention of passing the bill during this session,
in order to give Mr Benton an opportunity of exjDress-
ing his views. The senator from Missouri regarded
Mr Dickerson's speech as "a general assault upon the
principle, the policy, and the details of the bill;" and
his own avowed purpose was "to expose and confute
those parts of the gentleman's argument in which he
had favored the pretensions of Great Britain at the ex-
pense of the rights and interests of his own country."
Beginning with the false assumption that Dickerson
had admitted the validity of the English title north
of the Columbia, the speaker proceeded to indulge in
a series of brilliant misrepresentations of the question
at issue. The spirit of his remarks and the accuracy
of his statements are clearly illustrated by the appended
extracts from his speech.9
9 'The moment we discovered it [the Columbia] she [England] claimed it;
and without a color of title in her hand she has labored ever-since to overreach
us in the arts of negotiation, or to bully us out of our discovery by menaces
of war. In 1790 Captain Gray of Boston discovered the Columbia; and in
1803 Lewis and Clarke were sent to complete the discovery of the whole river,
and to take formal possession in the name of their government. ' No such
possession was taken, to say nothing of the inaccurate dates. 'In 1793 Mac-
kenzie had been sent to effect the same object; but he missed the sources of
the river. . .and struck the Pacific 500 miles north of the Columbia.' Yet he
found a river flowing into the Pacific farbelowthe head-waters of the Columbia,
as Mr Benton does not add. Having at first alleged the discoveries of Cook and
the purchase of lands from the natives, 'in subsequent negotiations the British
agents further rested their claim upon the discoveries of Mackenzie in 1793,
the seizure of Astoria during the late war'— no such point had been urged —
' and the Nootka Sound treaty of 1790,' which in fact had as yet been mentioned
only by the United States. ' Such an exhibition of title is ridiculous, and would
be contemptible in the hands of any other power than that of Great Britain. Of
the five grounds of claim which she has set up, not one is tenable against the
slightest examination. Cook never saw any part of the Northwest Coast in
the latitude of the Columbia'— but, yes, in latitudes claimed by the United
States. As to the sale of lands, the natives 'are said to have residedto the
"south" of the Columbia; by consequence, they did not reside upon it, and
could have no right to sell a country of which they were not possessors; ' yet
the land was still within the United States claim, or would have been had
not the sale and land been entirely mythical. Mackenzie's trip has been
CLAIM TO EXCLUSIVE OWNERSHIP 363
The argument, like many another presented in later
years, derived its force or plausibility from the un-
founded assumption thai England like the United
States claimed an exclusive title to the Northwest
( !oast. Moreover, attention was drawn almost wholly
to the mouth of the Columbia and to the post of
Astoria. It was not difficult to show thai England
had no right to expel the Americans from Astoria;
already mentioned. On the seizure of Astoria Mr Benton says: 'Mr B
[iu 1817] was remonstrating against the occupation by the United Stal
the Columbia, and reciting that it had been taken possession of in his ma]
oame, during the late war. "and had since been considered as forming a part
of his Majesty's dominions." The word "since" is exclusive of all previous
pretensions; and the Ghent treaty, whirl, stipulates for the restoration of all
the captured posts, is a complete "extinguisher to this idle pretension.1 Now
tins is a deliberate misrepresentation. Instead of the words 'during the late
war/ Mr Bagot had used the word 'early,' referring to a period Ion- pre-
ceding the war, as Mr Benton well knew. The clause of the Nootka con-
vention relied upon by England 'is that which gives the right of landing i a
parts of the Northwest Coast not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying
on commerce and making settlements. The first inquiry is whether the i
in the latitude of the Columbia was unoccupied at the date of the Xootka
treatv. The answer is in the affirmative. The second is, whether the English
landed upon this ci >ast while it was so unoccupied. The answer is in the nega-
tive'—this is not true unless by latitude of the Columbia its mouth only is
considered— 'and this answer puts an end to all pretension of British claim
founded upon this treaty, without leaving us under the necessity of recurring
to the fact that the permission to land and make settlements, so far from con-
templating an acquisition of territory, was limited by subsequent restrictions. '
There were no such restrictions to the erection of temporary huts for the per-
sonal accommodation of fishermen and traders only. 'The truth is, Mr Presi-
dent, Great Britain has no color of title to the country in question. She
up none. There is not a paper upon the face of the earth in which a British
minister has stated a claim . . .the claim of Great Britain is nothing but a naked
pretension, founded in the double prospect of benefiting herself and injuring
aited States. The fur-trader, Sir Alexander Mackenzie, isat the bottom
of this policy.' Mr Benton inaccurately stated that the line of 49 ' was fixed by
commissioners under the treaty of Utrecht. ' This boundary was acquiesced in
for a hundred years. By proposing to follow it to the summit of the Rocky
Mountains the British government admits its validity; by refusing to follow
it out they become obnoxious to the charge of inconsistency,' etc. Benton
would not "consume the time of thesenate in tracing the titles of Spain. They
universally known to have been valid against Russia to latitude 58 .and
against England throughout its whole extent. Having dif ques-
tion of title, Benton took up that of possession. On this point he took
four positions: '1. That the United States bad the rigl it oi True
only bo i;iv as the postof Astoria was concerned. '2. Thai I Q had
the' actual possession. 3. That she resists the possession of the United S
—not the possession of Astoria. '4. That alter 1828 the part] in po
will have the right of possession until the question of title shall be d<
by arms or negotiation.' But for some gross exaggerations of Dickerson's
positions, the arguments on these points were simil
Benton in an early session, as already noted. Finally he presented an argu-
ment in favor of the desirability and expediency of occupying the territory.
364 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
that she claimed no such right was left entirely out
of sight. The real question, the right of the United
States to exclude British subjects — who had preceded
the Americans on the coast both as explorers and
traders, who had been the first to explore a large
part of the Columbia, and who were in fur-trading
possession of the country — from the. broad tract of
coast and interior stretching northward to the head-
waters of the Columbia, a right resting on the facts
that Americans had been first to enter the river,
to explore its eastern branches, and follow its main
course to the sea — this question was not discussed
at all. I am well aware that it is not my duty to
reply to partisan speeches in congress; but I have
noticed this one at considerable length because in
it was struck the key-note of what became later
the prevalent American sentiment, one of unintelli-
gent, but for the most part honest, derision of the
British 'pretensions' on the Northwest Coast, which
made it well nigh treason to doubt the perfect validity
of the United States title. Mr Benton concluded
by stating that whatever use the republic might
eventually decide to make of her Pacific territories,
"there were certain preliminary points on which he
believed that both the senate and the people of the
United States would cordially agree, namely, neither
to be tricked nor bullied out of their land, nor to
suffer a monarchical power to grow up upon it." Then
the bill was again laid on the table.10
President Adams in his message of December 6,
1825, renewed the recommendation of his prede-
cessor, alluding to the plan of military occupation as
"already matured in the deliberations of the last con-
gress."11
The only other congressional allusion to the subject
in 1825, was a resolution introduced in the house
10 Annals of Congress, ISth Cong., 2d Sess., 684-714j Benton's Abridg. De-
bates of Congress, viii. 183-98.
11 American State Papers. For. Bel., v. 765.
IMPERFECT STATEMENT?. 365
by Baylies of Massachusetts to employ the sloop-of-
war Boston to explore the Northwest Coasl between
latitudes 42e and 49°.12
That portion of the president's message relating to
tlic establishment of a military post at the mouth of
the Columbia was referred by the house to a select
committee of which Mr Baylies was chairman,18 and
which presented two M>niewJiat lengthy reports dated
January 16 and May 15, 1826. u The former was
mainly filled with details respecting the country, its
geography, soil, climate, productions, the value of its
fur -trade, and the probable expenses of its occupa-
tion. The second contained some additional and, to us,
rather startling details of north-western geography,
derived from one Samuel Adams Ruddock, who in
1821 made a trip overland to New Mexico and thence
to Oregon. Suffice it to say of Ruddock's trip, that
his route was by Lake Timpanogos, in latitude 42 , the
principal source of the River Timpanogos, the Mult-
nomah of Lewis and Clarke, and down that river to
the Columbia!
But this report was chiefly filled by a narrative of
the early voyages of discovery and exploration, and an
examination of the question of title. The narrative
was naturally not free from petty errors, which I have
no space to chronicle. Gali, Fuca, and Fonte are
given a place as discoverers whose statements can no
longer be questioned, the discoveries of the first
extending to 57° 30'. The most important errors were
the statements that down to 1792, "that long range
of coasl stretching from 44' 33' to 47° ;V. was wholly
unknown; it had not even been descried,'"' making
Gray the only discoverer; that no British subjects
12 Benton's Abridg. Debatt j o/Congrrew, viii. 600-3; Cong.DebaU s,19thCong.,
■ 15. An amendment urged was to include in tl
cry of the north-"« ■
ntinent (Lewis and Clark ■ called for in the house. /
862.
ibably on Dec. 7, 1825. Cong. Debates, 19th I - ,797.
li Northwest Coast of America, Reports of Special >
1826,in U. 8. Gov. Doc., 19th < ong.,1 tSess., II. 1: , 213.
366 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
had any posts whatever on the western side of the
mountains before the founding of Astoria; and that
consequently all the posts of the united Northwest
and Hudson's Bay companies "for all national and
legal purposes are now and have been for several
years in the possession of the United States." With
this view of the facts it is not strange that the
committee decided the American title to be indis-
putable; while as to the British claim, "never was
a great nation driven to such miserable expedients
to cover that inordinate ambition which, not satisfied
with half the world, seeks to add this little territory
to her unwieldy colonial empire." Drake's voyage is
the only element of the English title that is deemed
worthy of serious consideration, and naturally presents
but few difficulties. "After a careful examination of
the British claim the committee have unanimously
come to the conclusion that it is wholly unfounded.
Neverthless, the minute examination which has been
made by the English navigators of parts of this coast,
ought perhaps to secure to the nation who patronized
them something more than could be claimed as a
positive right; but we think the offer of Mr Bush to
continue the boundary along the 49th parallel of
latitude was as great a concession as would be com-
patible with our interests, our honor, or our rights."
And the report concludes as follows: "The indiffer-
ence of America stimulates the cupidity of Great
Britain. Our neglect daily weakens our own claim,
and strengthens hers; and the day will soon arrive
when her title to this territory will be better than
ours, unless ours is earnestly and speedily enforced."
With these reports a new bill for the execution of the
proposed measures seems to have been introduced,
but if so it was laid on the table; and there was no
further action on the subject till the end of 1828.15
15 The report of May loth is indorsed as 'referred to the committee of the
whole house to which is committed the bill,' etc., showing that there was
such bill. And Greenhow, Or. and Gal. , 344, says a bill was introduced and
AN AGREEMENT DESIRABLE. 367
There were several special reasons why a definite
settlement of the Oregon Question at an early date
was desirable to both parties. England looked with
much anxiety upon the agitation in congress, indi-
cating a disposition on the part of the United States
to occupy the territory in spite of the treaty. Should
such a step be taken it would be necessary either to
relinquish, in a manner repugnant to British pride,
lights well founded and often boldly asserted, or to
use force in defending the possession of a country not
worth fighting for. Neither was a collision desirable
to the United States. However, there was the warn-
ing of Senator Benton that after 1828 by the law of
nations Great Britain would be the party rightfully
in possession if no steps of occupation were taken
before that time. But it had become apparent to
statesmen that such occupation as the treaty justified,
that is the founding of posts at unoccupied spots
giving only local title, was not practicable for the
government, while no individuals or companies were
likely now to enter the field of commerce as rivals of
the English company. Settlers might cross the moun-
tains in time, but not yet. The only way to avoid an
undesirable, costly, and disadvantageous quarrel Mas
to obtain from Great Britain an acknowledgment of
American rights by a settlement of boundaries, or,
that being impracticable, to secure a continuance of
the joint occupation of 1818.
Canning, British secretary of foreign affairs, made
known in April 1826 to the United States minister,
King, the disposition of his government to resume
negotiations, and in June Clay sent Gallatin his in-
structions. He was authorized to offer an extension
of the line of 49° to the Pacific as a boundary.
laid on the table. But in the printed record of congressional di bat I
not the slightest record of any such bill, nor even of the reception and refer-
ence of Baylies' reports. And when the matter came up in 1828,1 -
begins abruptly with the consideration of 'a bill,' etc. Mr Greenhow is evi-
dently somewhat confused in the matter, for he does not mention th<
of the bill in 1824.
368 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
" This is our ultimatum, and you may so announce it.
We can consent to no line more favorable to Great
Britain."16 If no boundary could be agreed upon, the
treaty of 1818 might be continued in force for an-
other term of ten years. Huskisson and Addington
represented the British government, and the first
series of negotiations took place in London in No-
vember and December 1826.17
In these negotiations, as recorded in the protocols
of the different conferences, in the various proposi-
tions offered on one side or the other, in Gallatin's
reports to his government, and in the formal state-
ments of national claims presented by both parties,
the Oregon Question was much more fully and satis-
factorily discussed than ever before. Errors of fact
were largely eliminated, and missing links in title were
supplied as a rule by complicated arguments on points
of international law, usage, and justice, rather than
by misstatements of early explorations. I shall attempt
to give as complete a view of the respective claims as
is possible without undesirable repetition of what has
been said in preceding pages.
For the United States was claimed as before an
exclusive ownership of the north-west, founded, first,
on the discovery and exploration of the Columbia
River by Gray, and Lewis and Clarke.13 On the
16 Yet if the line should be found to cross the Columbia or any of its
branches below the head of navigation, British subjects may have the right of
navigation to the ocean. Five years may be allowed for removing any set-
tlements existing beyond the line.
"President's Mess, and Doc, Dec. 12, 1S27, 20th Cong., 1st Sess., in Amer-
ican State Papers, For. Eel. , vi. 639-706. Two other topics were negotiated at
the same time, a commercial convention and one respecting the north-eastern
boundary.
18 By these discoveries the United States had a right to claim against
Great Britain and every other nation the whole territory drained by that
river and its various branches ; together with a certain portion of the coast
north and south of the river, citing the usage of England and other nations
in granting charters to all territory watered by certain rivers. ' The extent
of territory which would attach to first discovery or settlement might not in
every case be precisely determined ; but that the first discovery and subse-
quent settlement within a reasonable time of the mouth of a river, particularly
if n«ne of its branches had been explored prior to such discovery, gave the
right of occupancy, and rdtimately of sovereignty, to the whole country drained
by such river and its several branches, has been generally admitted.'
LATE?. ARGUMENTS. 3C9
other hand it was denied thai Gray's entry into the
river's mouth was anything more than "a step in the
progress of discovery," since other aavigators, par-
ticularly Meares, had preceded Gray on thai pari of
the coast, and had even visited and named the bay
which the river flows; while Broughton, imme-
diately after ( rray, made much more extensive explora-
tions. Ami especially was it denied that Gray's act,
even if it had been the real discovery, could confer a
title i;i exclusive sovereignty to such a vast extent of
territory as was claimed. The argument was not a
conclusive one, though it might have been strength-
ened by an allusion to Heceta's discovery of the
mouth of the Columbia.19
The title of the United States was founded, sec-
ondly, upon the establishing of Fort Astoria, preced-
ing that of any other power on the river. On behalf
of England it was claimed that some of Thompson's
posts on the Columbia were built before Astoria, which
was not proven. It was admitted that the United
States had a right to Astoria, but denied that such
a post at the mouth, any more than Gray's entrance,
could give title to so vast a territory. In this con-
19 The charters cited by the United States were declared to be valid only
•linst other subjects of the power granting them. That is, 'Had the
United States thought proper to issue in 1700, by virtue of their national
authority, a charter granting to Mr Cray the whole extent of country watered
directly or indirectly by the river Columbia, such a charter would no doubt
been valid in Mr Gray'a favor as against all other citizens of the United
3. But can it be supposed that it would have been acquiesced in by
either of the powers — Great Britain and Spain — which in thai simp yea
preparing to contest by arms the possession of the country'' 'As I
to discoveries,' says Gallatin, 'they refer to Meares' and Dixon's voyages to
prove that the prior right, as respects the Straits of Puca or Gulf of Georgia,
contestably theirs, several English vessels having entered them
i ain I rray did. The inference which I understood them to <h
bo far as the United States and British discoveries could constitute a tit:
could establish none along the sea-coast north of the Columbia, the whole
coast having, without reference to Drake or Cook, been explored by British
aavigators prior to the date of any American discovery.' I ■ ' rray a
act as the Americans alleged that 'the fact of the coasi extending
from 42 to 50 being once known, the sole object of discovery for subsequent
.tors was the entrance of straits, or of a large river communicating with
the interior of the country. It was what Meares sought and what he failed
had been the case with Maurelle, and others of his predecessors, and
as also the case with Vancouver, who had in his journal recorded the
fact.'
Hist. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 21
370 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
nection the Americans claimed that the restoration
of Astoria in 1818 was a recognition of the validity of
their title, while the others held that the post had
been restored under the treaty of Ghent, and had no
bearing implied or expressed on the title of adjoining
territory. This had been clearly enough expressed
verbally and in instructions at the time; but Gallatin
considered rather the absence of any written and for-
mal reservation from the act of restoration.
A third ground on which Gallatin based his country's
claim, \tas that the territory in dispute if not a part of
the Louisiana acquired in 1803, was at least contiguous
to that region, and therefore belonged more naturally
to the United States than to any other power. Occu-
pants of Atlantic frontage or undefined inland area
usually claimed back to the Pacific. Moreover, the
destiny of Oregon to be settled from the United States
rather than from Europe, was made an element of a
kind of natural title. Addington denied that Louisi-
ana had ever extended to the Pacific, nor would he ac-
cept the theory that contiguity and destiny were to be
deemed as solid foundations of exclusive sovereignty.20
Fourthly — I pay no attention to the original
order of the propositions — the United States title
was that derived from Spain by the treaty of 1819, a
20 ' The United States claimed a natural extension of their territory to the
Pacific Ocean, on the ground of contiguity and population, which gave them a
better right to the adjacent unoccupied land than that of any other nation.
This was strengthened by the doctrine admitted to its fullest extent by Great
Britain, as appeared by all her charters, extending from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, to colonies established then only on the borders of the Atlantic. In
point of fact the occupancy on which Great Britain principally relied was
solely owing to that westwardly extension of their trading settlements of
Hudson Bay and its waters.' 'It will not be denied that the extent of con-
tiguous territory to which an actual settlement gives a prior right, must
depend in a considerable degree on the magnitude and population of that settle-
ment, and on the facility with which the vacant adjacent land may, within a
short time, be occupied, settled, and cultivated by such population as com-
pared with the probability of its being thus occupied and settled. ' ' By refer-
ring to the most authentic French maps it will be seen that New France was
made to extend over the territory drained, or supposed to be drained, by rivers
emptying into the South Sea.' From 1717 Louisiana 'extended as far as the
most northern limit of the French possessions in North America, and thereby
west of Canada or New France. The settlement of that northern limit still
further strengthens the claim of the United States to the territory west of the
Rocky Mountains;' how, is not very apparent.
THE SPANISH TITLE. 371
title regarded as perfect against thai of any other
European power at the time of transfer, and for a
territory extending up to latitude 60 * But England
denied that Spain had in 181!) any title whatever. If
the matter had uot otherwise been sei at rest, said Mr
Huskisson, "nothingwould be more easy than to demon-
strate that the claims of Great Britain to that country
as opposed to those of Spain, were so far from vision-
ary or arbitrarily assumed, that they established more
than a parity of title to the possession of the country
in question " either as against Spain or any other
nation." This was hardly true; but Great Britain
could not be expected now to admit the validity of a
title about which she had been ready to fight thirty-
six years earlier.
However, the whole question had, it was claimed —
and this was the key-stone of the British position in
the negotiations of 1826-7 — been definitively set at
rest by the Nootka convention of 1790. " Whatever
the title may have been, either on the part of Great
Britain, or on the part of Spain, prior to the con-
vention of 1790, it was from thenceforward no longer
to be traced in vague narratives of discoveries, several
of them admitted to be apocryphal, but in the text
and stipulations of the convention itself." "
Previously to that time Spain had asserted an ex-
clusive right, which England had disputed; but by
the treaty the Northwest Coast was thrown open to
the subjects of both powers, and practically to those
of other nations, for all purposes of commerce and
settlement, the sovereignty remaining in abeyance.
This convention preceded not only Gray's discovery,
21 Mr Clay says: ' By the renunciation and transfer contained in thi I
with Spain of 1819, our right extended to the 60th degree of north latil
And Gallatin: 'Byvirtneof their treaty with Spain, the United States claimed
all which Spain might have lawfully claimed north of 42 , eitb< r aa derived
from Spanish discoveries or by virtue of rights of sovereignty acknowl
by other nations, and by Great Britain particularly;' and again: 'The United
States have an undoubted right to claim both byvirtueof fixe Spanish di
I their own.'
^Huskisson and Addington'e Statement, i:<v.',. This statement and QotUattn t
Counter-statement are reproduced in Qreenhoufa Or. and Col., 1 1G-05.
372 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
but the Spanish transfer of Louisiana, and the later
quitclaim above latitude 42°. Therefore with the rights
acquired in 1819, they said, "the United States neces-
sarily succeeded to the limitations by which they were
defined and the obligations under which they were to be
exercised. From these obligations and limitations, as
contracted towards Great Britain, Great Britain cannot
be expected gratuitously to release those countries
merely because the rights of the party originally bound
have been transferred to a third power." *
This position was a new one, and one to which the
American envoy was not prepared to make a full
reply. His objections, besides the evasive one that
this plea could affect only one of the several elements
of the American title, were, however, threefold. First,
that the Nootka convention was an instrument merely
of a commercial nature, by which Spain without re-
linquishing her exclusive rights or acknowledging any
rights on the part of England, made a series of tem-
porary concessions in return for others made by Eng-
land, the settlements permitted being temporary posts
for trade with the natives. Second, that even if the
word 'settlement' was meant in its most unlimited
sense, the stipulations were not made with a view to
the ultimate territorial claims of the parties; the
promiscuous and intermixed settlements, each free to
subjects of either nation, were declared " incompatible
with distinct jurisdiction and sovereignty;" and indeed
the exclusive dominion was expressly left in abeyance.
In other words, the right of exclusive sovereignty
23 Or, as Mr Gallatin puts the British claims: 'The United States cannot
claim under their treaty with Spain, any greater right than Spain then had;
and as the Nootka convention has no reference to the discoveries, and is un-
limited in its duration, they cannot resort to any Spanish discovery in support
of their presumed title to any part of the country. This convention must be
considered generally as having become an international law, at least for the
Pacific; superseded* the claims ascribed to mere prior discovery; set aside the
exclusive pretensions of Spain to the north-west part of America, and opened
it to the commerce and settlements of all countries whatever, including the
United States. Actual occupancy and regard to mutual convenience are,
therefore, the only basis of any arrangement for the establishment of a boun-
dary, for the partition, between the only powers having settlements or laying
claims thereto, of a country which was heretofore held in common.'
EFFECT OF THE NOOTKA CONVENTION. 373
was simply suspended instead of extinguished, on both
sides; so that when the question of ownership should
finally come up, cadi claimant must refer not to the
settlements founded since and under the convention,
but to the original rights before the convention.
Third, the Nootka convention, unless of the purely
commercial character indicated above, was terminated
by the war between Spain and England.
As to the first objection, that the convention of
1700 was a mere commercial and temporary concession,
implying an exclusive title on the part of Spain rather
than destroying it, and also that the settlements per-
mitted were not compatible with the exercise of local
sovereignty, I have already expressed decided opinion,
and said perhaps all that is needed respecting the
Nootka convention in all its aspects. The second
objection involving the true meaning of the stipula-
tion which left the sovereignty in abeyance, and the
third, that the convention, not being such an acknowl-
edgment of rights as the British deemed it, was ter-
minated by war, might give rise to a verycomplici
discussion on points of international law. The qu
tions involved arc such as cannot be decided positively.
I excuse myself, however, from the discussion, with
its confusing net-work of citations from numerous con-
flicting authorities, because I do not deem the decision
in any sense essential. If the Nootka treaty was still
in force in 1819, Spain clearly had no exclusive title
to transfer to the United States; but if, on ace
of the war, it was no longer in force, it by no m<
follows that she had such a title. Whatever may be
the interpretation of the treaty, I cannot admit, nor
do I beli V any intelligent man will claim at this date,
that Spain's title resting on discovery wa trong
enough to remain intact and merit unlimiti
from the nations after formal abandonmenl of I he ter-
ritory in 1795.24 Spain had the right, in common with
a Mr Greenhow, Or. and Col., 321, admits,
stances the title of Spain to the countries north of the bay of Sun i'runcisco,
374 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
other nations, particularly England, to settle on un-
occupied parts of the Northwest Coast. This was all
the right the United States could obtain from her in
1819; and it was worthless, because that right was
already possessed.
Finally Gallatin urged that if no one of the ele-
ments of United States title was quite perfect, alto-
gether they had a cumulative force amply sufficient
to constitute an exclusive ownership.25 On the other
side it was held that one only of the three claims, those
based respectively on discovery, acquisition from Spain,
and contiguity, could be valid. " They are, in fact,
claims obviously incompatible the one with the other.
If, for example, the title of Spain, by first discovery,
or the title of France as the original possessor of Lou-
however strong it may have been in 1790 or 1796, in virtue of discoveries and
settlements, must be allowed to have become considerably weaker in 1819
from disuse, and from submission to the acts of occupation by other powers.
Thus whilst it may be doubted that either of those powers could in justice
claim the sovereignty of the country occupied by its subjects without the con-
sent of Spain, the latter could not have claimed the exclusive possession of
such country, or have entered into compacts with a third power respecting
trade, navigation, or settlement in it agreeably to any recognized principle of
international law. Still less could Great Britain have claimed the right to
exclude other nations from the sovereignty of the regions traversed by the
Columbia, in which her subjects had made no discoveries, and which had been
first occupied by the United States, unless upon the ground of conquest during
war, barred by the treaty of Ghent. ' Thus whilst the title . . . derived by the
United States from Spain. . .was undoubtedly imperfect, though not from any
possible effect of the Nootka convention, yet that title, in addition to those
previously possessed by the Americans . . . appears to constitute a right in their
favor, stronger than could be alleged by any other nation, if not amounting
to an absolute right of sovereignty.'
25 ' To each of them, taken by itself, objections might be made, tending to
show that it did not constitute a complete right of sovereignty. Considered
together, and supporting each other as they did, they appeared to us to estab-
lish our claim on the most solid foundation.' ' But it is the peculiar charac-
ter of the claim of the United States that it is founded on both principles,
which in this case unite both in its support, and convert it into an incontes-
table right. It is in vain that, in order to avert that conclusion, an attempt
is made'to consider the several grounds on which that right is urged as incom-
patible one with the other, as if the United States were obliged to select only
one and to abandon the others. In different hands the several claims would
conflict one with the other; now, united in the same power, they support each
other. The possessors of Louisiana might have contended, on the ground of
contiguity, for the adjacent territory on the Pacific, with the discoverers of the
coast, or of its main rivers. The several discoveries of the Spanish and Ameri-
can navigators might separately have been considered as so many steps in the
progress of discovery, and giving only imperfect claims to each party. All those
various claims, from whatever considerations derived, are now brought united
against the pretensions of any other nation.'
CUMULATIVE TITLE. 375
isiana be valid, then musi one or the oilier of these
kingdoms have been the Lawful possessor of thai I
ritory at the moment when the United Stat< - claim
to have discovered it. If, on the other hand, the
Americans were the firsi discoverers there is aeces-
sarily an end of the Spanish claim; and ifpriority of
discovery constitutes the title, thai of BVance falls
equally : ground." The objections semi well
taken, notwithstanding the ingenious American d< •
of" admitting one element to bo not quite perfect in
order to give some value to others, and secure a large
and more than perfect aggregate.
The following quotations from the statement of
Huskisson and Addington will put the British position
in a clear light, their arguments in opposition to the
American claim having been already presented. "It
is highly desirable to mark distinctly the broad differ-
ence between the nature of the rights claimed. Over
a large portion of that territory, namely, from the 4 2d
to the 49th degree, the United States claim full and
exclusive sovereignty. Great Britain claims no ex-
clusive sovereignty over any portion of that territory.
Her present claim, not iu respect to any part, but to
the whole, is limited to a right of joint occupancy in
common with other states, leaving the right of exclu-
sive dominion in abeyance. In other words the pre-
tensions of the United States tend to the ejection of
all other nations, and among the rest, of Great Britain,
from all right of settlement. The pretensions of Gr< at
Britain, on the contrary, tend to the mere maintenance
of her own rights." " It only remains for Great Brit-
ain to maintain and uphold the qualified rights which
she now possesses over the whole of the territory in
question. Tic le right&are recorded and defined in the
convention of Nootka. They embrace the right to
navigate the waters of those countries: the righl to
settle in and over any part of them; and the righl
freely to trade with the inhabitants and occupiers <>f
the same. These right- have been peaceably exerci
376 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
ever since the date of that convention — that is for a
period of nearly forty years. Under that convention
valuable interests have grown up in those countries.
It is fully admitted that the United States possess the
same rights, though they have been exercised by them
only in a single instance, and have not since the year
1813, been exercised at all; but beyond these rights
they possess none. To the interests and establish-
ments which British industry and enterprise have
created Great Britain owes protection. That pro-
tection will be given, both as regards settlement and
freedom of trade and navigation, with every attention
not to infringe the coordinate rights of the United
States. Fully sensible at the same time, of the
desirableness of a more definite settlement, the British
government will be ready at any time to terminate
the present state of joint occupancy by an arrange-
ment of delimitation. But such arrangement only can
be admitted as shall not derogate from the right of
Great Britain as acknowledged by treaty, nor prejudice
the advantages which British subjects, under the same
sanction, now enjoy in that part of the world."26
Such were the respective views entertained as to
title. Mr Gallatin's offer in behalf of his country was
26 ' It is a fact admitted by the United States, that -with the exception of
the Columbia River, there is no river which opens far into the interior on the
whole western coast of the Pacific Ocean. In the interior the subjects of
Great Britain have had for many years numerous settlements and trading-
posts; sevei-al of these posts on the tributary streams of the Columbia itself ;
some to the northward, and others to the southward of that river; and they
navigate the Columbia as the sole channel for the conveyance of their prod-
uce,' etc. Mr Gallatin in reply denies 'that the trading - posts of the
Northwest Company give any title to the territory claimed by America, not
only because no such post was established within the limits claimed when the
first American settlement was made, but because the title of the United
States is considered as having been complete before any of those traders had
appeared on the waters of the Columbia. It is also believed that mere
factories, established solely for the purpose of trafficking with the natives,
and without any view to cultivation and permanent settlement, cannot of
themselves, and unsupported by any other consideration, give any better title
to dominion and absolute sovereignty than similar establishments in a civilized
country.' Mr Twiss, Or. Quest., 316, cleverly points out that this would
iitterly undermine any claim of the United States resting on the Astoria set-
tlement.
SO-CALLED CONCESSIONS. 377
the line of 49° as a boundary from the mountains to
the ocean, together with navigation of the Columbia
should thai river or any of its branches prove to be
navigable above the lino.-7 This offer was made "ina
genuine spirit of concession and conciliation;" since
by accepting it England would get a clear title to five
degrees of latitude on the Pacific, over most of which
the United States title properly extended. The only
modification of this offer which Mr Gallatin showed
any disposition toallow,thoughitwasnot formally pro-
posed, was to give up the southern end of Vancouver
Island, or the mouth of Eraser River if it should
prove to be below latitude 49°, in return for regions
above the line in the interior; but this was not
approved by Mr Clay.
The British offer was to make the Columbia the
boundary up to latitude 49°, accepting that line be-
tween the river and mountains. The navigation of
the- river was to be forever free to vessels of both
nations.-3 This also was offered as a concession,
because "to carry into effect this proposal Great
Britain would have to give up posts and settlements
south of the Columbia, On the part of the United
States there could be no reciprocal withdrawing from
actual occupation, as there is not. and never lias been,
a single American citizen settled north of the Colum-
bia." Mr Gallatin objected that this division would
leave England in exclusive naval command of the
: since the harbor at the river mouth was fitted
only for commercial purposes, while north of Fuca
Strait the coast abounded with deep ports for naval
station-. Whereupon Mr Huskisson, admitting the
blished within fifteen years, and meanwhile tlie
! It was anticipated I
ie a, perpetually fri <
doubt that the river was navigable above 19°. There wa
to what should be considered a u an.
-sOn the Americans objecting that the channel of the Columbia
mouth was so close to the northern hank as to give the i-. iommand
ered a stipulation that no work
at the mouth or on the banks of the river to hinder I
tion by vessels or boats of either party.
378 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
force of the objection, offered to concede a detached
territory, namely the peninsula formed by the Pacific
above Gray Harbor, the Strait of Fuca, Admiralty
Inlet, and Hood Canal, including the fine harbor of
Port Discovery.
Naturally with views of national rights so radically
different, neither party would accept the offers of the
other ; and it soon became apparent that no boundary
could be agreed upon.29 Accordingly the other alter-
native, a continuance of joint occupancy was con-
sidered. On account of certain conditions desired by
England this matter had to be referred to the gov-
ernment at Washington; and the negotiation was
consequently suspended until June 1827, when the
conferences were resumed, continuing until August.
Charles Grant took Huskisson's place before the
matter was concluded.
In negotiating for a continuance of joint occupancy
the Americans preferred a simple renewal of the
treaty of 1818 for an additional period of ten years,
without any other alteration than the omission of the
clause relating to the claims of other powers, both
Spain and Russia having relinquished their claims
since the date of the treaty. The British government
preferred a longer period, and earnestly contended for
the addition of certain conditions. The following
additional clause was first proposed : " It is further
agreed that, during the said term of fifteen years,
neither of the contracting parties shall assume or exer-
cise any right of exclusive sovereignty or dominion
over any part of the said country, nor form therein
any establishment in support or furtherance of any
such claim."30 Subsequently the latter part of the
29 A settlement of title on parts of the territory, leaving an intermediate
space for joint occupancy, Avas informally proposed by Gallatin, but was not
favorably received either by the British representatives or by the United
States Government.
30 Says Gallatin : ' The second article is intended not only to prevent the
establishment of a territorial government by the United States, but also to
establish the general doctrine that no exclusive sovereignty can be assumed or
JOINT OCCUPANCY A< I A I N. 379
clause was modified to read: "Nor shall any settle-
mem* which may now exist, or which maybe hereafter
formed therein by either party during the said term
en years, be at any time adduced in support
or furtherance of any claim to such sovereignty or
dominion." And finally Addington contended for the
insertion in the treaty of some article defining the
rights of the parties under the joint occupancy, or at
least for an expression in the records of the English
view respecting those rights. But Gallatin declined
to accept anything of the kind. If there was any
doubt respecting the rights of his nation under the
l reaty, that doubt must not be removed.
In these propositions and refusals both parties had
in view the action of the United States congress.
The proposed occupation of the Columbia was con-
trary in several respects to the spirit of the treaty,
as was well known to both parties; therefore Great
Britain desired and the United States opposed an
agreement on what steps the latter might legally take.
Gallatin clearly thought it might be advantageous for
his country in the near future to consider what Eng-
land would permit rather than what might be right-
fully claimed. In the verbal discussions, however, he
made one good point in defence of the proposed i
lishment of a territorial government; namely, thai as
England had already extended her criminal juris-
diction over the territories occupied by the trading
companies, the United States would be obliged to
establish some form of government, having no other
way of exercising a similar jurisdiction for the pro-
tection of subjects.31 It was also maintained, and
1 over any part of the country in its present situation, and, by implica-
ction may be exercised sufficient to pre erve ord< c
ders.'
Mr Clay: 'The form of territorial governmi which is
most approved by our i a a govemmenl m lit be considered
ible with the second article if it wi easimple
of the third articleof the convention of 1818, Greal Britain will have
abundant security in the good faith of the United St olfilment
of all its stipulations.' Ami Gallatin: '1 understood it to be the opinion
of the- British plenipotentiaries that there could I
380 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
plausibly, that the proper medium for either party to
express its view as to what would be an infringement
of the treaty was neither the treaty itself nor the
records of the conferences, but a diplomatic note
through the ordinary channels.
The English plenipotentiaries refusing their assent
to a renewal of the treaty for a fixed period without
conditions, and the Americans declining to accept any
conditions whatever, a compromise was agreed to at the
conference of July 27th, to the effect that the treaty
of joint occupation should be indefinitely renewed sub-
ject to abrogation at any time by either party on
twelve months' notice ; and this convention was signed
on the 8th of August.32
Thus the question at issue was left exactly in its
lishment of military posts, or to a jurisdiction confided by each power to its
own citizens or subjects, and that any outrages committed by either such
citizens or subjects on those of the other nation ought not to be considered as
acts of»national aggression unless authorized by government.' 'Any impedi-
ment to the free navigation of harbors and rivers, the laying duties or
establishment of any custom-house, the removing or disturbing any British
settlement, and the exercise of any jurisdiction over British subjects, would
be considered as infractions of the condition. But it must be observed that
they would be equally considered as infractions of the existing article without
tin- additional condition.' 'The establishment of a distinct territorial gov-
ernment west of the Stony Mountains would also be objected to, as an attempt
to exercise exclusive sovereignty. . .It was suggested, and seemed to be
acquiesced in, that the difficulty might be obviated, provided the erection of
a new territory was not confined exclusively to the west of the mountains ;
that it should be defined as embracing all the possessions of the United States
west of a line that should be at some distance and east of the Stony Moun-
tains.' ' By the act of parliament of July 2, 1821, Great Britain has assumed
such jurisdiction as suited her own purposes. The United States on their
part have not assumed or exercised auy sovereignty or jurisdiction. When-
ever this may become necessary, they have the same right to do it in the
manner most suitable to their institutions and to the pursuits of their subjects.
The same reliance may bo placed on their violating no existing agreement. '
32 'Article 1. All the provisions of the third article of the convention on
the 20th of October ISIS, shall be, and they are hereby indefinitely extended
and continued in force, in the same manner as if all the provisions of the
said article were herein specifically recited.
' Article 2. It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting
parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20lh of October
1S2S, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to
annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall in such case, be accordingly
entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said term of notice.
' Ai'ticle 3. Nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of
the convention of the 20th of October 1818, hereby continued in force, shall
be construed to impair or in any manner affect the claims which either of the
contracting parties may have to any part of the country westward of the
Stony or Rocky mountains.'
NATIONAL PRIDE, NOT UTILITY. 3S1
former state. Both nations formally reserved the
right to assert their full claims in future unaffected by
offers made during the negotiations. The remarks
made in the preceding chapter about the settlement
of 181s will for the most part apply equally well to
that of 1827. "No unworthy concession was made,
no loss of dignity or right was sustained on either
side; and to break the amicable and mutually profit-
able relations then existing between the two count ries,
<ni a question of mere title to the possession of terri-
tories from which neither could derive any immediate
benefit of consequence, would have been impolitic and
unrighteous," says Grecnhow.33 The nature of the
respective claims being alone considered, the result
was a triumph for Great Britain. That nation had
also the advantage of actual possession and of pros-
pective profits in the fur-trade. But so far as per-
manent possession was concerned, the advantage was
on the side of the United States; for under the
arrangement they might defer the final assertion of
their pretended exclusive rights until the circum-
stances should be favorable, permanent settlers being
much more likely to come with time from the United
States than from England.
Thus each nation obtained what most favored its
own real interests. For it was clearly evident from
the spirit of the whole negotiation, and particularly
from the offer, that neither existing settlements, nor
others formed during a period of fifteen years, should
ever be adduced in support of title, that Great Britain
did not look forward to a permanent possession of the
Northwest Coast. Indeed, according to Gallatin's
report to Clay, Huskisson in the course of the discus-
sion several times repeated that there was no inten-
tion to colonize the country. "They have certainly
no other immediate object than that of protecting the
S3Or. and Col. "."il. 'No settlements could' (were likely to?) 'be formed
in the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains, by which it could acquire a
population, while the arrangement subsisted.'
382 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
Northwest Company in her fur- trade." In every other
respect the question appeared to be with them rather
one of national pride than anything else.34 Again,
and exactly to the point: "National pride prevents
any abrupt relinquishment of her pretensions; but
Great Britain does not seem indisposed to let the
country gradually and silently slide into the hands of
the United States, and she is anxious that it should
not, in any case, become the cause of a rupture between
the two powers."35
In his report of August 10, 1827, in which, as
already cited, he explained the national feeling of
England respecting the territory in dispute, Mr Gal-
latin also took the liberty of making some very perti-
nent suggestions on the policy that should be observed
by the United States under the renewed treaty; that is,
as to what steps of occupation might be taken without
causing a collision with Great Britain. That nation
would, he believed, insist on three restrictive condi-
tions. First, "that no custom-house should be erected,
34 It was doubtful if the offer respecting the settlement was not intended
'to establish clearly, and to impress on their subjects that Great Britain
neither now nor hereafter means to claim such exclusive sovereignty.' 'Not
only from them, but from several other distinct quarters, it is certain that
their pride was sorely wounded by that part of the late president's message
which declared that America was no longer open to European colonization.
Those parts of the second report of a committee of the house at the last
session. . .gave great, fresh, and additional offence. I think it not improbable
that we might have come to an arrangement had it not been for those causes.
The Northwest Company is also very inimical, and has no inconsiderable
weight.' Mr Huskisson said that 'the removal by the United States of any set-
tlement made by British subjects would be considered as an act of aggression ;'
but Astoria was considered as in possession of the United States, and had
indeed been abandoned in favor of Vancouver across the river. ' In making a
final agreement with the United States she considered the whole country as
still open equally to both parties, and to be divided as such and on that
principle.' ' There was in the course of the conversation more susceptibility
shown by the British plenipotentiaries than was called for by my observations.
That the United States had no light to dispossess a single British subject, or
in any way to exercise jurisdiction in any part of the territory in question
was again repeated, saying, however, that they claimed no such right on their
side. The latter part of the conversation was more conciliatory. '
35 1 have been unable to find 'the gross misstatements with regard to the
discoveries of the Americans, the extravagant and unfounded assumptions,
and the illogical deductions in the document presented by them (the British
plenipotentiaries) to Mr Gallatin,' mentioned by Mr Greenhow, Or. and CaL,
349.
CONDITIONS. 3S3
nor any duties or charges on tonnage, merchandise, or
commerce, be raised by either party in the territory
of the Rocky Mountains." And this, indeed,
would favor the United States by promoting settle-
ment, especially as, with duties on articles for trade
with the Indians, Americans could not compete with
the English company. Second, "that the citizens and
subjects of the two powers residing in or resorting to
the' territory in question should be amenable only to
the jurisdiction of their own country respectively."
This subject should be determined by a positive com-
pact, as might readily be done.38 Third, "that no
military post should be established by either party in
the territory." That is, the right of the United
States to establish such posts was not denied, but if
the right were exercised Great Britain would be
obliged to found similar posts ; and with such forts ex-
isting on both sides, the dangers of collision and the
probable difficulties of a peaceful arrangement would
be greatly increased. This was as clear from the
American as from the British standpoint. "Its real
difficulty," says Gallatin frankly, "consists in that
Great Britain having a much larger military estab-
lishment than the United States, may, with no greater
inconvenience, make larger detachments for any ser-
vice of this kind; and that if she once takes posses-
sion in this way, independent of the collisions it may
occasion, it will render an ultimate relinquishment of
that portion she would naturally occupy much more
difficult on her part." The United States would have
preferred that the American military posts should be
deemed a kind of equivalent of English trading-posts
36 Respecting the jurisdiction at Astoria, the post naturally to be first occu-
pied, Mr Gallatin BUggests 'that the settlement and restitution of Astoria
may be forcibly urged as strengthening the claim of the United States to the
whole territory; but that it would be dangerous to adduce those incidents as
giving a stronger claim to the absolute sovereignty over thai Bpot than on any
other part of the territory. As there can be no higher title or right than
that of such sovereignty, the argument could not be pressed without acknowl-
edging that the right of the United States to the residue of the territory was
something less than one of absolute sovereignty. '
384 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
for the protection of subjects and citizens; but Great
Britain was not likely to appreciate the benefits of
such an arrangement.
It was believed by Gallatin, with much reason,
that all these conditions might be arranged to the
satisfaction of both parties; that of the military posts,
presenting the greatest difficulties, by "the erection
of a territory having for its eastern bound a line within
the acknowledged limits of the United States, and
describing the country over which the jurisdiction
was to extend, generally, or in terms similar to those
used in the act of parliament." The chief prospective
obstacle to the success of this moderate policy, and
that which these suggestions were doubtless intended
to aid in removing, was the policy of an over-patriotic
and excessively anti- British minority in congress.
Could these men be kept in the minority by the con-
tinued union of members who saw the subject in its
true light and those who did not believe Oregon to
be worth the occupation, the prospects of the United
States on the Northwest Coast were very bright.
Before the treaty and negotiations of 1827 were
published, there was reported by the congressional
committee on the Oregon Territory, of which Floyd
was chairman, "a bill to authorize the occupation of
the Oregon Biver," which came up for discussion
after the treaty was made public, and occupied the
attention of the house of representatives almost ex-
clusively from Dec. 23, 1828, to Jan. 9, 1829.07 This
bill provided for the military occupation of the North-
west Coast from latitude 42° to 54° 40', and the erec-
tion of a fort; for the establishment of a territorial
government over that extent of country, including the
appointment of civil officers; for the establishment of
a port of entry, with custom-house, revenue officials,
37 Congressional Debates, 20th Cong., 2d Sess., 125-95; Benton's Abridg., x.
273-315. Of this bill, before its appearance in committee of the whole on
Dec. 23, I find no record whatever; not even a copy of the bill itself in it3
original form, its purport having to be made up from the debate.
VALIDITY OF TITLE. 385
and enforcement of United States revenue laws; and
for grants of lands to American settlers."8 It appeared
thai petitions were extanl from companies iD different
states composed of men who were willing to emigrate
to Oregon if assured of protection and favored with
certain privileges. Accordingly, at an early stage of
the debate, an amendment was proposed to -rant large
tracts of land to these associations, and to a certain
extent to take their proposed establishments under
government protection.
As to the perfect validity of the United States
title to the Northwest Coast no speaker expressed
the slightest doubt; but beyond this point there was
hopeless divergence of opinion. Floyd, as in earlier
times the chief defender of the measure, in several long
speeches, with two or three associates, maintained that
Oregon was a very desirable possession in every
respect; that it rightfully belonged to the United
States; that Great Britain would not fight in support
of her unfounded pretensions; and that if she did re-
sist the righteous claims of the republic, so much the
worse for Great Britain. They also tried to make it
appear that the proposed occupation was not contrary
to the spirit of the treaty, being no more than Eng-
land had already done by the establishment of trading-
posts which were really forts, and by extending the
jurisdiction of Canada over those regions.39
38 Some friends of the measure claimed, that as no definite time was speci-
fied for ita being carried into effect, it practically provided for the previous
abrogation of the treaty by the required notice of twelve months. This was
not admitted by its opponents.
3aMr Floyd said: ' There is nothing more clear than that the title of the
United States was pond to all the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, from
36 t" 61 .' 'It is tli tlypoint on the globewhere a strong power canstrike
at the British possessions in the East Undies.' 'Js it possible for an American
congress to submit not only to the murder of our citizens in those regions, but
to the darinj the British parliament in passing a law extending
the jui the courts of upper Canada over the whole Lndian country?
Sir, my country ought qoI to submit to this for a single m >ment. [f England
has not yet learned to re ped the sovereignty and rights of the confedi
she must he taught that lesson; and, sir, it must and shall be taught her; and
that, too, at oo distant day, in a way which she will not easily forget.' Mr
Richards. .n deemed the title indubitable, and the country well worth the
probable cost. He would beashamed to favor the surrender of such a country
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 26
386 THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
But few congressmen, however, took this radical
ground; and they were apparently outnumbered hy
those who regarded the Oregon territory as worthless,
not worth occupying even if there were no opposition.
Let Great Britain have it if she cared for so barren
and inaccessible a tract, which was doubtful. More-
over, they dreaded any future extension of a republic
that was already large enough. Bates of Missouri
"could not repress the utterance of his solemn wish
that the base of the Rocky Mountains were an ocean
bounding the United States, instead of the vast wil-
derness that extended beyond them." That Oregon
could ever be a state in the union was not admitted
for a moment. Mitchell of Tennessee opposed the
measure as involving useless expense, besides the risk
of complications with England.
Polk of Tennessee made an able speech to prove
that certain portions of the bill — that is, the estab-
lishment of a territorial government, the enforcement
of revenue laws, and the granting of lands to set-
tlers, were contrary to the treaties of 1818 and 1827,
and a violation of the national faith. In this incon-
trovertible position he was supported by Strong and
Storrs of New York, and b}^ others. Some of these
men, if not convinced that the bill was a violation of
the treaty, did believe it would be so regarded by
Great Britain, leading to a useless collision; and they
evidently appreciated the advantages of "lettinorwell
enough alone," being like Gallatin assured of Eng-
to Great Britain; but he did not believe England would 'readily wage war
with the United States to make conquest of that country;' it would be too
risky. Mr Gurley said: The convention 'confers reciprocal rights, and im-
poses reciprocal obligations. Great Britain has given a practical construction
of the convention. She has erected forts, and in 1821 extended her laws and
civil jurisdiction over the country.' He thought the United States might do
the same. ' If Great Britain had violated the convention, it was no longer
binding upon us; if she had not, neither should we by the passage of the bill.
...We would not abandon our rights even at the expense of war. Great
Britain had as much to lose by a war as we had, and she had too much prudence
and foresight to engage in it imnecessarily. We had come out of two wars
with that nation with honor both at home and abroad; and if it was the will
of heaven that we should again be involved in that calamity, the same result
would follow. '
PROPOSED SETTLEMENT. 3S7
land's disposition to let the country "gradually and
silcntlv slide into fche bands of the United States;" or
at least they believed it hut right to give the required
notice of twelve months before taking any steps what-
ever toward occupation.40
There was a strong opposition to the project of
granting lands with special protection and privileges
to companies, on the ground that such action would
promote monopoly, proprietary government, coloniza-
tion, and injustice to the mass of immigrants.41 This
amendment was therefore defeated; the features ob-
jected to by Mr Polk were dropped, and other amend-
ments were adopted ; so that the bill was completely
changed from its original form when finally submitted
to vote. It now provided that the president should
be authorized to erect one or more forts west of the
mountains, and between latitude 42° and 54° 40', and
to garrison them with troops for the protection of citi-
zens engaged in commercial or other pursuits; that he
should cause the country to be explored before sending
troops, if he deemed it best; and that the jurisdiction
of United States courts should be extended over the
country in such a way as to punish all crimes com-
mitted there. The sum of $25,000 was to be appro-
priated to carry into effect the provisions of the act.
The measure was now in its strongest form. Ther< •
was nothing in the bill which the United States might
not -do in accordance with the treaty; and there were
many who felt that the United States ought to make
some use of the privilege of joint occupancy, instead
of leaving the British in sole possession. So firmly
had the Hudson's Bay Company become established
in the country that do great American company was
likely to enter the field against them. If the country
*°Gorham of Massachuseti , y forcibly thai
this time no oot ■i"- value <>t the < br . i
actio i -t England, and no □
v for any change of policy by the United States.
;1 Mr Weems also objected, on the ground of the injustice to be ■lone to
the Indians.
3SS THE OREGON QUESTION CONTINUED.
was to be occupied at all it must be by individual
hunters and small associations. There were absurd
reports afloat that American hunters had recently been
killed by or at the instigation of the English com-
pany;42 few perhaps really believed such reports; but
it was obviously essential to afford protection for the
lives and rights of Americans if they were expected
to occupy the country, even if danger from Indians
or from each other only was to be apprehended.
And there were but few who opposed exploration.
The difficulty was, as Gallatin had suggested, that
while the United States had a perfect right to estab-
lish military posts, Great Britain had the same right,
with superior advantages. With garrisoned forts on
both sides the chances of a peaceful settlement, and
especially of a peaceful abandonment by England
would be much diminished. This view of the matter
doubtless influenced many to join their votes to those
of the members who did not want Oregon at any price.
By a vote of ninety-nine to seventy-five, the house
refused to order the bill to its third reading, and thus
defeated it.
In negotiations and discussions of later date no new
light whatever was thrown on the Oregon Question ;
but its real merits were rather obscured by the popu-
lar excitement in America. It will therefore be no
longer necessary, as in my limited space it would be
impossible, to give a detailed resume of discussions in
congress and in the public journals, though both
speakers and writers succeeded in twisting the subject-
matter'into a variety of interesting forms.
42 Said Everett: 'The truth is, something should be done to keep pace
with the British settlements, and to protect our hunters and trappers. The
territory is now overrun with the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company.
Under a nominal joint occupancy they monopolize it. They are there in great
numbers ; armed of course, supported by a chain of forts, and whenever the
American trappers, comparatively few in number, and unsupported by any
forts, make their appearance they are driven off, and if they make resistance,
are killed.' He had lately heard from reliable sources 'that eight Americans
Lave been shot by the British hunters,' and others to the same effect. Dray-
ton, Cambreling, and Ingersoll were among the most prominent in urging the
measure for protection alone.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
1830-1 sl(i.
A Popular Question— Ami:i:h'\vTi;\im-krs- Tin: Mission series TheGov-
eunment Seeks Information— Reports on the Oregon Territory—
The Agitation Renewed en Congress, 1841 — Senator Linn's Ef-
forts— Presidents' Messages — Congressional Debates— Patriot
Faith in the Title— Political Campaign of 1844 — Polk's Policy
The Question in Parliament— Hostile Rumors— Speeches vnd Kii \ >
of 1844-5 — Final Debate— A Resolution Passed to Annul the
Treaty— Pamphlets Circulated — Diplomatic Settlemeni Great
Britain Yields- Treaty of 1S46— Authorities Cited— Greenhow,
TWISS, AND OTHER WRITERS ON THE OREGON QUESTION.
For about ten years after the discussion noted al
the end of the preceding chapter, nothing was said of
the Oregon Question in congress; and the topic was
much longer neglected in diplomatic circles. Nor did
anything occur during this period to affect in the
slightest degree the rights of the respective parties to
the controversy. Yet though congress, absorbed in
other matters, no longer paid attention to the Oregon
Question, the people had taken it up, to some extent.
Colonization and trading schemes were often pro-
posed, and so far as the latter were concerned, some-
times carried out.
The American fur companies, under several nanus,
explored the Rocky Mountains, and ventured to com
pete with the Hudson's Bay Company beyond them.1
1 The relinquishmenl of the Oregon Territory to the Hudson's Bay < fcrarpany
was voluntary on the part of the firsl American companj thai of Smith,
Sublette, and Jack ent into it. Smith having been attacke
the Qmpqua River by [ndians, escaping only with his life, and an
at Fort Vancouver in a destitute and Buffering condition, late in the autumn
i as'J )
390 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
though inconsiderably for a period of years, or until
the increasing number of companies forced all into
active rivalry with each other. Of the adventurers
who tried their fortunes in this field, Wyeth and
Bonneville were conspicuous examples, and failures.
Their exploits are elsewhere recorded. Of those who
ventured to attempt colonization was Kelley, whose
schemes ended in even more disastrous failure. It
was not until American missionaries entered in and
possessed the country as neither traders nor colonizers,
though in reality very willing to become both, that a
foothold was gained for the occupation of Oregon by
American settlers. For the history of this move-
ment, and the subsequent emigration to Oregon, the
reader is referred also to the History of Oregon. From
the time the missionary reports commenced to reach
the United States from Oregon, together with the
petitions of these and other first settlers in the val-
ley of the Willamette, congress was frequently re-
minded of the expectations of the people, up to the
time when the first real emigration party set out to
cross the plains for the Columbia River.
Though congress had for some time ceased to discuss
the Oregon title openly, the government had not been
idle, but was collecting information from every source,
and placing it within reach of the people, in the form
of congressional documents.2 Such w^as the report of
of 1829, was kindly entertained through the winter, his furs recovered and
purchased from him by the Hudson's Bay Company, and he assisted upon his
return to the rendezvous in the mountains. Later, a keen competition was
carried on all over the middle ground between the head-waters of the Lewis
or Snake river and the main Columbia. The story of Jedediah Smith is
fully told in chap. xix. this volume. See also Hist. Cal, this series; also
Hist. Or., passim.
-In a note to Greenhow's Or. and Cal, 377, he names several of these gov-
ernment documents, as the following: 'Report to Senate, with maps, and a
Bill for the Occupation of Oregon, presented by Mr Linn, June 6, 1838;'
' Reports of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, of the House of Representa-
tives, respecting the Territory of Oregon, with a map, presented Jan. 4 and
February 16, 1839, by Mr Gushing, accompanied by a bill to provide for the
protection of the citizens of the United States residing in that territory, or
t ading on the Columbia River, and various documents in proof '—from which
I have made several extracts in other parts of this history; 'Memoir, His-
torical and Political, on the Northwest Coast of North America, and the
THE CONGRESSIONAL VIEW. 391
the cbmmittee on foreign affairs, by Mr Cushing,
which contained the reports of Wyeth, Slacum, and
Kelley, the letter of Jason Lee, the first petition of
the Oregon settlers, and other matter. From this
time, Mils were annually brought before congress,
having for their objed the civil and military posses-
sion of the country. They came up in every shape,
i,, l,(.th branches of the national legislature, and ema-
nated, qo1 as formerly, from one or two individuals,
but from many.
In 1842 Lord Ashburton arrived in the United
States, furnished with instructions and powers for the
settlement of certain questions long pending between
tli.' United States and Great Britain; and the im-
pression generally prevailed both in Great Britain
and the United States, that the Oregon Question
would be disposed of with the others. In this, how-
ever, the people were disappointed. The introduction
of this subject being known to be prejudicial to nego-
tiations at that time very important to the nation in
other respects, the president regarded it as most
advantageous to waive this one, which, though equally
important, was not so pressing.3 The exclusion of the
Oregon Question from the treaty of August 1842,
increased, says Greenhow, the excitement respecting
that country in the United States, and an excitement
was soon after created in Great Britain.4
As early as January 8, 1841, Linn of Missouri in-
troduced in the senate a joint resolution to authorize
the adoption of measures for the occupation and set-
tlement of the territory of Oregon, and for extending
adiacent countries, with a map. and a geographical view ntries,
by Robert Greenhow, Translator and Librarian to the Dej 3tate,
presented Feb. 10, L840, by Mr J. inn: 'Reportof Hon. J. Et. Poinsett, Sec-
retary of War, in relation to the establishment of a line of Military Posts
from the Missouri River to the Columbia, L840;' 'Reporl oi the Military
Committee of the Eou - of l:> presentatives, on th<
tion and Defence oi the Columbia Countries,' presented '<■., Mr Pendleton,
Mav -J-. 1842.
nt M' »., I ■ 6, 1842.
ftow't Or. and ' '"/., 379.
392 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
certain portions of the laws of the United States over
the same. At the beginning of the second session of
the same congress he introduced a bill providing for
its occupation and settlement; and again in December
he reported another bill for the same purpose, making
a speech in its support April 13, 1842, and contin-
uing to bring it up at every opportunity during
the session, notwithstanding the pending negotiations
concerning the north-eastern boundary, which other
senators urged as a reason for remaining silent on this
question. This bill, which I have occasion to notice
elsewhere, passed the senate early in February 1843,
and had the effect of stimulating emigration to Oregon.
Many went to Oregon in the belief that they were to
receive not only government protection, but a gift
of land also, as a reward for occupying the country
for the United States in opposition to Great Britain
as represented by the Hudson's Bay Company. The
failure of any bill to pass both houses left the people
of Oregon in that anomalous condition which makes
their history unique among the other states of the
union.
But every year that now passed added to the
interest of the subject. It was not only talked of
in congress,5 but in the public prints of England
5 President Tyler, in his message of December 5, 1843, informed that body-
that the United States Minister at London had, under instructions, again
brought the subject of the Oregon boundary to the notice of the government
of Great Britain, and that ' while nothing would be done to compromise the
rights of the United States, every proper expedient would be resorted to, in
order to bring the negotiations in progress of resumption to a speedy and
happy termination.' Gong. Globe, 28th Cong., 1st Sess.. pt. i. 6. On the 11th
of December Hughes of Missouri gave notice of a bill for the organization of
a territorial government, to be called the Oregon Territory; and also a bill
for surveying and constructing a military road from Fort Leavenworth to the
mouth of the Columbia River, and for establishing military posts on the same.
/'/., 41. Several attempts were made to have that portion of the president's
message that related to Oregon, referred to the committee on territories, in-
stead of the committee on military affairs, whei*e it made no progress. Dec.
20th Wentworth of Illinois introduced a resolution, 'That the president
should be requested to furnish the house, if consistent with the public interest,
all the correspondence between the United States Government, or any other
power,' in relation to the discovery, possession, title, and boundary of the
Oregon Territory. Id. , 54. The correspondence here asked for was afterwards
furnished by President Polk to congress, in February 1846, and is to be found
CONGRESSIONAL DISCUSSION. 393
and the United States, as also in those of France and
Germany; and on both sides of ijhe Atlantic books
and pamphlets appeared arguing the Oregon title,
in the Cong. Globe, xv. 333-5. On Jan. 4, 1844, Owen of Indiana intro-
duced a resolution in the bouse, that the presidenl be required I i give bh<
twelve months' notice to Great Britain required by the second article of the
convention of 1827, and that on the expiration of that time the United states
should annul and abrogate the said convention. Id., ?8th Cong., IstSess., pt.
i. 103. The same day Hughes introduced the bill for the organization ol
Oregon Territory of which he had given notice, which was referred to the
committee on territories, and ordered to be printed. On the same day
Wentworth's resolution asking for information of the presidenl on the Oregon
Question, was considered and adopted. To this request tin: president replied,
on the L8th, that 'all such correspondence bad from time to time been laid
before congress, except some recent correspondence with our minister near
the court of St James, which it was not deemed expedient to lay before con-
gress on the eve of the arrival of a minister from England, with whom
negotiations would be opened at an early period.' Id., 163. Hughes, on
the -2dth, offered a resolution similar to Owen's, requiring the president
to give the twelve months' notice, which resolution was negatived. Id.,
168. On the 23d Ingersoll, from the committee on foreign relations, to
which Owen's resolution had been referred, returned answer that it was
considered inexpedient for congress, at that time, to act in any manner
upon the subject referred to in the said resolution. Id., ITS. On the
following day Owen made a speech on the Oregon boundary, in which
he animadverted upon the practice of senators and others in letting fall
remarks which might prejudice the claim of the United States, and quoted
a sentence from one of Calhoun's speeches, in which that gentleman bad
said that 'the portion of territory really in dispute between the two countries
was about three degrees of latitude, that is, about one fourth of the whole.'
This, he thought, was leading to an admission concerning the extent of terri-
tory claimed. Did any one imagine that Packington had not read that speech,
or doubt that he would come prepared to take advantage of it? He advocated
a more independent position toward Great Britain, and made an eloquent
appeal for protection for the Oregon settlers, drawing at the same time a
striking picture of the frontiersmen who were taking possession of the country.
'Oregon will soon be occupied — an armed occupation, too. And occupied by
whom? Not by smooth-chinned, trim-uniformed cadets from West Point, but
by veteran pioneers, from whom old age itself, though it whitens their locks,
cannot steal their strength and their fire, by fierce young hunters of the fron-
tier who heard the warwhoop in their cradles, and who burn to emulate the
exploits — to avenge the death, perhaps, of their fathers; by a partisan army,
in short, of Nimrod warriors, who, with their knives at their belts, and their
long rifles on their shoulders, fear nothing, red or white, in the form of a
man.' He urgently advocated passing a 'notice' bill, after which it would be
unquestionably proper to do for Oregon what its people had a right to expect.
II.. 1SG. On the 11th of March, Brown of Tennessee, chairman of the com-
mittee on territories, reported a bill extending the civil and criminal juris-
diction of the courts of the territory of Iowa, south and west of said territory
to the Pacific, which was ordered to be printed along with the reporl ol the
committee. The bill extended jurisdiction west of the Rocky Mountains,
from latitude 42 to 54° 40* north. It gave 640 acres of land to each inhab
of any state or territory who might have already remdved, or might there-
after remove to that country and cultivate and use thi tm foi five years.
Also 16 I acres for the wife of such inhabitant, and the like quantity to each
child taken there, or born in the country. It further provided for another
judge to be appointed for the territory of Iowa, who should resid
and also for tiie appointment of justices of the peace. The sum of (100,00 I
394 THE OREGON QUESTION (jONCLUDED.
some of which I shall notice presently. It was made
the issue on whicl} the presidential campaign of 1844
was founded. Congress had given the initiative to
was appropi'iated to build forts on the main pass to Oregon, and within it,
and to carry into effect the other provisions of the bill. Id., 366. Meantime,
the subject was not left out of consideration in the senate. A lengthy debate
took place on the 8th of January in which Benton as usual took a conspicuous
part, and in which Crittenden and Morehead of Kentucky, Archer of Vir-
ginia, Berrien of Georgia, Allen of Ohio, Woodbury of New Hampshire,
Buchanan of Pennsylvania, and others participated. The debate was princi-
pally upon the subject of the pending negotiations, and was consequent upon
a resolution offered by Allen some time before, that the president should
be requested to lay before the senate, if in his judgment the public in-
terests would not be prejudiced by his so doing, a copy of any instructions
■which may have been given by the executive to the American minister in
England on the subject of the title to, and occupation of, Oregon since
the 4th day of March 1841, with a copy of any correspondence which might
have passed between the United States government and that of Great
Britain in relation to that subject since that time. Id., 28tk Con;/., 1st Sess.,
pt. ii. 9S-104. The tone and manner of this debate show a jealousy in the
senate of the power of the executive to place the nation in a certain position
toward another power of which it might not approve. Allen referred to a
declaration of Lord Palmerston in the house of commons, March 21, 1S43,
that if the senate had passed a bill, as reported, 'for immediately taking
forcible possession of the whole territory of Oregon ; and if the senator who
brought in the bill had expressed his conviction that the American claim
would immediately be acquiesced in by Great Britain, if it was only urged, in
what he was pleased to call a proper manner, it is impossible, I conceive, that
this lull should pass the other branches of the legislature ; but if it were to
pass, and to be acted upon, it would be a declaration of war.' In partial
opposition to this Allen also quoted from Sir Robert Peel, who had reminded
Lord Palmerston that he had ' made no allowance for the position of a govern-
ment so open to popular influence as that of America. We, however, deal
with the executive government and not with the senate. We have proposed to
that government to consider the means of effecting a conciliatory adjustment
respecting the Oregon Territory, and have met with no repulse, but have
received assurances in reply to our proposition, that the executive govern-
ment of the United States is anxious to come to an adjustment of that ques-
tion; and we have every reason to hope that unless we revive the former
animosity, and embitter the feelings between the two countries, an attempt
to settle the question by negotiation will be satisfactory. The noble lord says
the senate has passed a bill which I believe it has not passed. [Linn's bill,
passed February 6, 1S43.] I think the votes were equally divided; but what-
ever the senate may do, it is impossible for the executive government to ap-
prove of such a bill, after having expressed a desire to negotiate. The noble
lord says the adoption of that bill would be a cause of w^ar. I will not discuss
hypothetical causes of war, when, as I have said, the executive government
has signified to us its desire to maintain peace, and to effect a satisfactory
adjustment of the question of the Oregon Territory. I trust in the assurances
of the executive government, and I will not believe that it will give its
consent to a legislative measure at variance with those assurances.' 'The
president is here told,' said Allen, 'that he has already so far pledged this
government to that of England, on the Oregon Question, as to render it im-
possible for him to sanction such a bill as that which passed the senate. Con-
gress is here told that its action will be unavailing, as the president stands
pledged to Great Britain to interpose the veto power. Now, sir, this declara-
tion of the English minister is either true, or the contrary; and in either case,
and for equal reasons, the president should inform congress of the actual state
THE PRESIDENT'S COURSE. 395
the people in censuring President Tyler's course
towards Great Britain, as weakly conciliatory. They
wanted an executive qoI afraid to assert the right of
the United States to the whole of Oregon,8 and were
of the facts; because, whether true, or the contrary, it equally relates to
the action of congress.1 Allen referred to the sacrifices made of territory in
the recent settlement of the north-eastern boundary, from fear of disturbing
the harmony of the two countries, and the same sacrifices were likely to occur
in the contemplated negotiations. Archer considered Allen's remarks as
tantamount to a determination to have war, rather than yield an acre > I
territory, and thought, that since England wished to negotiate at our own
door, dining the period of a peace mutually agreed upon, it was an attitude
that ought not to be maintained. Mr Morehead considered it only proper
under the circumstances, to leave the president to the exercise of his legiti-
mate functions, and the senate to theirs. He was not so sensitive as the
senator from Ohio, to the declarations of the British parliament; they were
worth as much as those of the United States senate, and no more, and neither
bound their respective governments. Benton spoke in favor of the resolu-
tion; and contended that the senate had a right to assist in the formation of
a treaty before it was made, and consequently a right to know the state oi
every negotiation before it was concluded. The constitution said the presi-
dent was to make treaties by and with the advice and consent of the senate.
President Washington had given the example of consulting the senate, of
which Benton adduced examples. The practice had, however, been departed
from. The treaty of 1842 was an example of this departure; but the treaty
was made and ratified, as it would not have been if the senate had been con-
sulted beforehand. 'In this way a treaty was carried through this body , which
was, in fact, almost unanimously disapproved, and Which has since subjecti d
us to the keenest ridicule of the British parliament.' A similar case was now
pending, and the president had asked no advice; the senate had offered none.
There was a bill before the senate, the same as had before been passed, which
Mr Robert Peel had pronounced impossible for the president to sign. Why
could not the president sign it, if it passed both houses? The facts should be
known, if the president is really committed to Great Britain on this point.
As regarded the resolution, the right to information was clear. .Mr Berrien
denied the right of the senate to call for any information relative to the presi-
dent's negotiations with foreign powers, or to throw upon him the responsi-
bility of refusing it. The right was not expressed in the resolution, which
requested the president, if in his judgment he thought best, to furnish the
information. The practice of the first president had long since hern discon-
tinued, and would at present lie inexpedient. To make public the instn.<
to tin- American minister, would have an injurious influence on the prop «i d
negotiations. The instructions of the British government would remain
while those of the United States would be exposed. He urged the senate, in
case the resolution was not withdrawn, to reject it. A sharp disi u don fol-
lowed on the propriety of passing the resolution. Mr Crittenden thought it
the right of the senate to do so. if they thought proper, bu1 thai
pedient. Mr Buchanan would vote advice to the president, if he should find,
the instructions had been received, that this was neo
tie- country from any improper sacrifice. He hoped the author of tin- resolu-
tion would permit it to he laid upon tin- table, and thai Q< v !
similar one in executive session. The question being taken on thi a lop
the resolution, it was rejected by 31 nays to 14 yeas. I
1st S 88., pt. 'J. !IS 104.
6 An election trad published by the Democratic Association of Wash-
ington City, and entitled Oregon, commences : 'Whether Oregon shall remain
393 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
willing and anxious to support him in doing so. The
election of Mr Polk to the presidency having been
secured, increased and strengthened the excitement
concerning the title to Oregon, and at the commence-
ment of the second session of the twenty-eighth con-
gress,7 the question came up almost immediately, in
ours, or is to be surrendered to Great Britain, is one of the questions to be
settled in the presidential election of 1S±4; for whilst James K. Polk is
pledged to retain the whole of this great territory, Henry Clay is also
pledged to surrender nearly one half of it to England. In his letter of April
'23, 1844, James K. Polk declared that 'the authority and laws of the United
States be established and maintained' in the Oregon Territory, and 'let the
fixed policy of our government be, not to permit Great Britain, or any other
foreign power, to plant a colony, or hold dominion over any portion of the
people or territory.' The democratic national convention of Baltimore, which
nominated Mr Polk for the presidency, unanimously resolved ' that our title
to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable; that
no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or any other power. '
On the other hand it was urged against Mr Clay, that in 1826, while secretary
of state, in his instructions to Mr Gallatin, he first declared that Groat Brit-
ain had not, and could not make out ' even a colorable title to any portion of
the Northwest Coast.' Yet in the same communication he had authorized
Mr Gallatin to 'propose the annulment of the convention of 1818, and the
extension of the line on the parallel of 49°, from the eastern side of the
Stony Mountains, where it then terminated, to the Pacific Ocean,' together
with the free navigation of the Columbia, should the 49th parallel cross any
navigable branch of that river. The writer held that by this official commu-
nication Mr Clay was pledged to give up all north of 49°, and hence was not
a suitable representative of the nation. On such unexpected events do
the fortunes of men turn! There is much more in the tract, for which I have
not room.
7 Mr Atchison on Dec. 19, 1844, introduced a bill to ' organize the govern-
ment of Oregon, and for other purposes.' A debate ensued, on an attempt
being made to refer it to the committee on foreign relations, which was
known to be unfriendly to any bill of like import; Atchison, Benton, and
Bagby of Alabama, urging its reference to the committee on territories, while
Archer, Morehead, and Woodbury opposed it. The bill was finally referred
to the committee on foreign relations, where it seems to have been quietly
disposed of. Cong. Globe, 28th Cony., 2d Sess., 38, 48. On Jan. 13, 1845, a
petition was presented to the senate by Allen of Ohio, with the proceedings
and resolutions of a meeting of the citizens of Zanesville, Ohio, in favor of
the annexation of Texas to the United States, and for the extension of the
laws of the United States, by the erection of a territorial government over the
territory of Oregon. The petition was referred to the committee on foreign
relations. Id., 128. Meantime the house sent in a bill, which was reported
back with an amendment. In February, another bill from the house, for the
organization of a territorial government over Oregon, was presented in the
senate, and reported back with an amendment, like the former. Id., 256. On
the 3d of March, Atchison moved to postpone previous orders, and take up
the house bill (439) to organize a territorial government in the Oregon terri-
tory, and for other purposes. A debate on the propriety of considering such
a bill during the pending negotiations and on the last day of the session fol-
lowed, in which it was evident the measure would be crowded out, as it had
bciii postponed during the session. On the motion to postpone previous or-
ders, and take up the Oregon bill, the vote stood 21 for, and 23 against it.
Id., 3S7-S.
POLK'S MESSAGE. 337
both houses, though in the senate it was not permitted
to go beyond an occasional debate on the propriety of
discussing the question at all, during the consideration
of it by tlie plenipotentiaries.
All scruples of the nature professed by the senate
were weakened, if not removed, by the inaugural
address of President Polk, who asserted it to be his
duty to "maintain, by all constitutional means, the
right of the United States to that portion of our ter-
ritory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our
title to the country of Oregon is clear and unques-
tionable; and already are our people preparing to per-
fect that title by occupying it witli their wives and
children." He declared it the duty of congress to
protect the Oregon emigrants; and that the laws of
the United States should be extended over them in
the distant region they had selected for their homes,
and that every obligation imposed by treaty or con-
ventional stipulations should be sacredly respected.8
It is not to be supposed that the agitation in the
United States was passing unobserved in England.''
Mr Roebuck asked Sir Robert Peel, in the house of
commons, what measures had been taken to counter-
act the efforts in the United States congress, to annex
Oregon; asserting with a spirit even more partisan
than that of the Oregon emigrants, that the United
States had no rights west of the Rock}^ Mountains."1
Lord John Russell also reviewed the title to Oregon,
in the house of commons, April 4, 1845, on the ground
taken by Falconer, citing also Farnham and Wilkes;
saying that he had been informed that there were
twenty thousand persons in the Oregon Territory,
8 Conn. Cfobe, 1844-5, 39a
9 Tin; London Times said that 'President Polk's messagi terms
of war, or conclusive negotiation. War was too mon bro to bi thoughtof,
except after every effort at a compromise had been exhausted,' etc. Or. -
tutor, Sept. :;. 1846. 'The president".- message met \\i:Ii v( ■ . g< Q( ral favor,
and was considered a fair and statesman-like document, both at home and
abroad.' Id., Sept. 17. 1846.
10 Hansard's Pari. D<J>'0<<, 7s, IZo-G.
398 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
scarcely one hundred of whom were Americans. He
asserted moreover, that there was no port in all Ore-
gon except the Columbia River, and gave a history of
the negotiations of 1824, referring to the declaration
of President Monroe, that colonization would not be
thereafter allowed on the American continent; which
position, as well as the right of the United States to
the whole of Oregon, he said the British commission-
ers had denied, and should continue to deny.11
In answer to a call for information on the subject
of the pending negotiations, Sir Robert Peel replied,
as he had replied to Mr Roebuck, by professing igno-
rance of the state of affairs, as the correspondence
had not yet been made public.
On the same day, the subject being under discussion
in the house of lords, it was inquired by Lord Claren-
don what course her majesty's government would
pursue, under the circumstances,12 and answered by
11 The boundary proposed by Mr Canning in 1824, Lord Russell declared
with much reason to be ' giving a very considerable territory to the United
States. It was giving them a valley watered by a river as large as the Colum-
bia where it joins the McGillivray, called the Willoughley (Willamette? i. and
all the territory south of the Columbia, and between the Columbia and the 42d
parallel, where the British possessions commenced. ' This, Lord Russell thought
as fair as the United States could reasonably expect; and it had been rejected,
while the United States, instead, claimed the whole; and the president had
called upon the people, with their wives and children, to go and occupy it. '
No offer should be made granting more than Mr Canning had proposed. Han-
sard's Pari. Debates, lxxix. 17S-201; Id., 1323; Id., lxxi. 402; Id., lxxii. 229.
lL' Lord Clarendon resented the tone of Mr Polk's inaugural, on the question
of the Oregon boundary, and spoke of this, and other indications, as ' cir-
cumstances which seem but too probable from the extraordinary tone of the
president's address, and the apparently studied neglect of that courtesy and
deferential language which the governments of different countries are wont to
observe when publicly treating of international questions. It is hardly
possible to believe that any negotiations upon this subject are pending, or
that they have ever been commenced, or even proposed, if we are to draw
from the president's speech the inference which it must naturally suggest; for
not only does he not make the slightest allusion to them, but he formally
announces that the right of the Americans to the Oregon Territory is clear
and unquestionable ; and it is consequently difficult to understand upon what
ground he could justify the right of their government to negotiate at all upon
a matter not doubtful; for whatever predilection they may have for acquiring
what does not belong to them, they certainly exhibit none for giving up what
is indisputably their own; and if their government accordingly did consent to
negotiate, it would seem that it could only be upon the basis that England
was unconditionally to surrender her pretensions to whatever might be
claimed by the United States.' Lord Aberdeen, to whom the inquiries of
Lord Clarendon were addressed, declined going into explanations, but said,
IN PARLIAMENT. 309
Lord Aberdeen, that "England had her rights and
dare maintain them," as the sentiinenl was repeated in
( )regon by Lieutenant Peel.
It must be understood that while the diplomatic
representatives of both nations expressed their views
always calmly and with courtesy, though using all
their skill to keep out of sight the weak points in
their respective arguments, outside of these negotia-
tions such moderation was by no means observed. We
have presented some specimens of the tone in parlia-
ment and in congress, and that of newspaper arti-
cles may be easily imagined. There can be no doubt
that many Englishmen and many Americans believed
in the justice of their country's exclusive right to
Oregon; and it is therefore not strange that there
was much popular declamation, threatening, and even
bluster. The Americans proposed to take possession
of a country that belonged to them; any hint from
English sources at possible resistance was received as
an insult and a wrong, and vice versa. The most
preposterous rumors of intended outrages on settlers
'I -wish to state that the negotiation which has taken place, and is still pending
upon this subject, was commenced immediately after the signing of the 1 reaty
Oi Washington in 1842, ' and adverted to President Tyler's answer to the senate,
given on February 19, 1S45, that the negotiation was being carried on in a very
amicable spirit, and there was reason to hope that it might be brought to a
close within a short period. This was the latest information he had on the
subject. The new cabinet was not yet formed, and nothing Mas known of its
temper. As for Great Britain, her position was the same as in 1818.. 'I am
accustomed,' said Lord Aberdeen, 'almost daily to sec myself characterized as
pusillanimous, cowardly, mean, dastardly, truckling, and base. I bopi I
need no1 say that I view these appellations with indifference. I view them,
indeed, really with satisfaction, because I know perfectly well wli.it they
mean, and how they ought to be, and are translated. I feel perfect ly satisfied
tii.it thes vituperative tern is are to be translated as applicable to conduct con-
i ii nt w it ii jus, ire, reason, moderation, and common-sense. My lords, I consider
war to ]>,■ t ho greatest folly, if not the greatest crime of which a country could
be ml' . i ttered into.' His Lordship concluded bj saying that
'we possess rights, which, in our opinion, are clear and unque tionable; and
by thi God, and your Bupport, those rights w< ire
to maintain.' Hansards fur/. Debates, Lxxix. 115-24. Lord Clarendon
quoted tin' langui i President Polk concerning emigration I ■ '
li that Great Britain was not actuated 'bj a d< ire for
andizement, but by a sincere love of peace, and i most Lendly
i ited States.1 But, on the other band, hi wa equally
sure i!i i E Great Britain would be determined nol I
own undeniabl bments, or clamor, or menace. Id.
400 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
by British trappers and their savage allies were widely
credited. Errors in statement of historical fact, so
common on both sides in the earlier stages of the dis-
pute, were pointed out as deliberate falsehoods, and
corrected with an air of triumph. In congress a Mon-
treal paper was quoted, to the effect that but a 'small
meal' would be made of the troops of the 'free and
enlightened;' and an old Indian, that the "crows will
soon be picking out their eyes."13 In England less
was said and written on the subject, and in a quieter
tone; yet the friends of the fur company were not in-
active; and in the little that was said on this topic
there appeared from time to time the insulting sneer
by which the Briton delights to make himself offen-
sive, above all men who dwell on earth.
The twenty-ninth congress opened with a message
from President Polk, that promised the advocates of
'all of Oregon or none,' the consummation of their
hopes. He gave a full history of the past negotia-
tions with Great Britain, and declared that the civil-
ized world would see in these proceedings a spirit of
liberal concession on the part of the United States,
and that their government would be relieved from all
responsibility which might follow the failure to settle
the controversy.14
13 Cong. Globe, 2Sth Cong., 1st Sess., ii. 244.
14 'All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of con-
gress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security
and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit,
Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory. In adopting
measures for this purpose, care should be taken that nothing be done to violate
the stipulations of the convention of 1 S27, which is still in force. . . . Under
that convention, a year's notice is required to be given by either party to the
other, before the joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either can
rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion cf the ter-
ritory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give; and I
recommend that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, and
terminating, in this manner, the convention of the Gth of August 1827. It
will become proper for congress to determine what legislation they can in the
mean time adopt, without violating this convention. Beyond all question, the
protection of our laws, and our jurisdiction, civil and criminal, ought to be
immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon. They have had just
cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have, in conse-
quence, been compelled, for their own security and protection, to establish a
'FIFTY-FOUR FORTY OR FIGHT.1 401
There is a statemenl by Eolmes of South Car-
olina, thai it was a speech by Calhoun in the senate,
thai caused "public opinion fco wane from its high
tone, the pulse of warto beal fainter and fainter, until
;,t Lasi the presidenl perceived there was an energy
in the people that must com.' down like a voice of
thunder againsl his measures;" thus throwing the
'fifty-four forty' party measures upon the shoulders of
Polk, instead of upon the people, whom he was trying
tO follow.
Ee recommended that notice should be given to
Great Britain of the abrogation of the then existing
convention, that the laws of the United States should
be extended over Oregon, with as little delay as pos-
sible; thai laws governing their intercourse with the
Indian tribes of the plains should be extended beyond
the Rocky Mountains, and an Indian agency be es-
tablished in Oregon; that for the protection of emi-
grants, a suitable number of stockades and block-houses
for forts should be erected along the usual route be-
tween the Missouri frontier and the Rocky Mountains,
and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be
raised to guard and protect them on their journey.
He recommended also the establishment of an over-
land mail, to be carried once a month. Whether
more than this could be done before the expiration of
the year's notice, he left it for congress to decide. He
avowed it as his opinion that the pioneers of Oregon
should receive donations of land; that to doubt that
this would be done as soon as the convention was
annulled, was to doubt the justice of congress; and
pending the year's notice, it was worthy of considera-
tion whether such a promise might not be made to
emigrants.
••At the end of the year's notice," said Polk,
provj imenl for themselves. Theyare anxious to haveourlaws
.:,,[ over them, and I recommend that this be done bj congress, with
as little deL e, in the fall extent to which the British parliament
have pi sded in regard to British subjects in that territory, bj theu
July 2, 1821. I
Hist. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 20
40-2 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
should congress think proper to give that notice, "wo
shall have reached a period when the national rights
in Oregon must either be abandoned, or firmly main-
tained. That they cannot be abandoned without a
sacrifice of both national honor and interest, is too clear
to admit of doubt." 15
Congress took the president at his word. The first
business brought before the house was the considera-
tion of a petition from the legislature of Oregon.16
The petition asked for all those things which the
president had suggested granting, and more. It called
for lands to be surveyed as well as donated ; for navy-
yards, and for the establishment of commercial regula-
tions that should enable them to compete successfully
with the Hudson's Bay Company. The petition was
ordered to be printed, and was afterwards referred to
the committee on territories.
On the 19th of December, Douglas of Illinois re-
ported a bill in the house to protect the rights of
American settlers in the territory of Oregon, until
the termination of the joint occupancy of the same.
Bowlin of Missouri also submitted a number of reso-
lutions, for surveying the waters of Oregon and explor-
ing it by land; for sending troops to aid and protect
the emigrants; for establishing an Indian agency, and
providing for the gradual extinguishment of the Indian
title; for commencing the public surveys; for organ-
izing the militia of Oregon, and arming it for self-de-
fence; and for establishing a mail to Oregon by means
of small detachments of otherwise unemployed soldiers.
The resolutions were laid over for debate.
The memorial from the legislature of Oregon was
ordered to be printed for reference to the committee
of the whole on the state of the union. Douglas on
13 Cong. Globe, xv. 7. Mr Polk here enunciated the doctrines of the demo-
cratic party of that period. ' The United States, sincerely desirous of pre-
serving the relations of good understanding with all nations, cannot in silence
permit any European interference on the North American continent, and
should any such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it, at any
and all hazards.' /(/.
lu Cong. Globe, xv. 12.
BRITISH STATESMEN". 403
the following day offered some resolutions in relation
to Oregon." On the 9th of January L846, Bowlin
introduced a bill in the house for the organization of
a territorial government in Oregon.
The position of affairs with regard to the Oregon
Question at the opening of congress, was such that, do
whal they would, the national legislators could nol well
make it worse. Negotiations were suspended, owing
to the wholly irreconcilable views of the plenipoten-
tiaries. One party or the other would have to yield,
or the question would have to be submitted to arbi-
tration. This the United States government declined/8
and democratic senators denounced.
Nor were the members of the British parliament
silent in those days. Lord John Russell, the leader
of the whig party in England, and others, spoke
somewhat freely on the subject, so much so as t i
17 ' 1st. Resolved, That the title to any part of the Oregon territorysouthi »f5 1"
40' of north latitude is not open to compromise so as to surrender any pari i f
said territory. 2d. Resolved, That the question of title to that territory should
not be left open to arbitration.' Laid over for debate. Cong. Globt . K\ . 86.
18 'There are obvious considerations into "which I need not enter here, grow-
ing outof the relative situation of that country and ours with those powers
i t Europe from \\ limn an arbitrator would almost necessarily be selected, and
out of the influence she possesses over their counsel, and, 1 may add. grow ing
out of the nature of our institutions, and the little favor these enjoy at present
upon the east, in continent, which may well have made the governmi n1 I- ■
tate fcosubmit important interests, at this particular juncture, to such a. tribu-
nal. It may well have thought it better to hold on to our right, and to hold
on also to our remedy, rather than commit both to a royal arbitrator. War is a
great calamity, and ought to be avoided by all proper means: but there are
calamities greater than war. and among these is national dishonor.1 I
the senate. Cong, Globe, 29th Cong., lslSess.,45. 'I am sure there is no
party, and I trust there are few individuals in this country who are prepared,
even in an extreme spirit of compromise, to accept the st Liberal offer that
England has yet made. Her pretensions and ours are so widely sep
thatr no middle ground on which to meet. Our mo
claim, and her most liberal offer, Leave the parties asunder bj si ven di
of Latitude, and by a large portion of the territory in question. What then
is our condition ? Canwerecede? Can we stand still ; ormust •
.\- to receding, it i- neither to be discussed nor though! of. I refer to
to denounce it a denunciation which will find a response in everj Ami
bosom. Nothing is ever gained by national pusillanimity. And the ©
which seeks to purchase temporary security by yielding to unjusl pn
, . buys present ease a1 the expense of permanent honor and
thewind toreap the whirlwind. Ihave i
here, that it is better to fight for the first inch of national ten it
the last. It is better to defend fche door-sill than the hearth-stone the pop h
than the altar.' Id.
404 THE OREGON" QUESTION CONCLUDED.
render justifiable in the eyes of many the belligerent
tone of the twenty-ninth congress.19 The remarks of
Cass were made on his introducing some resolutions
in the senate, inquiring into the condition of the na-
tional defences. Mangum of North Carolina, in dis-
cussing the resolutions, said, that though he should
deplore a war, it was to be preferred to surrender-
ing the rights of the United States or compromising
their honor.'20 He, however, thought the resolutions
unnecessarily pressed on the senate, and was willing
to leave everything with the executive. Allen hoped
19 'The president of the United States has made, as I have already read to
the house, a peremptory claim to the whole of this territory. He has claimed
the whole possession of it for the United States, and has in an unusual man-
ner called upon the people of the United States, with their wives and chil-
dren, to occupy that territory. That district is becoming, on account of the
ports on the Columbia Eiver, more important every year. After that state-
ment of the president of the United States, I consider it impossible that her
majesty's government should not endeavor to obtain a speedy solution of this
question. I am sure they will find it impossible to allow the present unde-
fined and unsettled state of relations between the two countries to continue
without danger; that the people of the United States, acting upon the sugges-
tions of the president, may endeavor to disturb British subjects in rights which
they hold in virtue of existing treaties, and may produce a state of things
dangerous to the peace of the two countries. For my own part, I will say, in
all moderation, that I am not prepared to say that this country ought to put
forward any arrogant pretensions. I do not pretend to define — what it properly
belongs to her majesty's advisers to. define — the diplomatic proposals that
should be made, I will not pretend to say what line ought to be laid down;
but this I will say, that I do not think we can make any proposal which will
be less than the proposal made by Mr Canning [that was the line on the parallel
of 49°, to the Columbia, near its mouth], with any regard for our own interest
or our own honor. [Bringing the 49th parallel near the mouth of the Columbia
shows the geographical knowledge of his lordship.] I may be told that it does
not matter if this rocky and barren territory should be claimed or occupied
by the United States. Yes, sir, I must say it does matter. It cannot be a
matter of indifference that a large territory, to which we have a better and a
j uster title, should be yielded to what I must call a blustering announcement
on the part of the president of the United States.' London Morning Chronicle,
April 5, 1845, Report o/Parliamt ntary Pro,:, edings. Sir Robert Peel also said
on the same occasion: 'We trust still to arrive at an amicable adjustment of
our claim; but, having exhausted every effort for the settlement, if our rights
shall be invaded, we are resolved, and we are prepared, to maintain them.'
Id., Cong. Globe, xv. 49, Lord Ashburton was of opinion there would be no
war. 'It would be madness,' he said, 'to become involved in war for a
country worthless in itself, and for a mere question of honor, for it was im-
possible to deny that both countries had pretensions to the territory in dis-
pute.' Hansard's Pari. Debates, lxxxiv. 1112-20.
20 Whenever that extreme measure shall have been determined on, and the
vote by yeas and nays recorded on our journals, he believed there would not
be found in the senate, or in the country, a single anti-war man. 'No, sir;
differ among ourselves on all minor questions as we may, whatever collisions
of opinion there may be among us on mere party topics, or subjects of domestic
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 403
the resolutions would pass without the obstruction
of a solitary vote. To rejed them would be to vir-
tually declare that they would not prepare for any
emergency that might arise from their foreign re-
lations, a position which the United States should
ii. .1 assume. "Great Britain," he said, "is a power
whose policy is known throughout the civilized world,
and need not be defined. Great Britain is a power
who conducts her negotiations with a fleet upon the
coast of the power with whom she negotiates; ever
ready to settle questions that cannot be settled by
words, by resorting in practice to the ancient Gallic
maxim of casting a sabre into the scale." On the other
hand, the United States, by the very nature of their
institutions, wore always unprepared for the terrible
emergency of war, having no standing army to depend
upon. We have, however, he said, a standing militia,
a nation with a military organization.21
The resolutions of Cass continued to be debated
for several days, the only opposition made being in
the form of a protest from Webster, Archer, Berrien,
Clayton, and others, against their being considered as
a war measure, instead of a peace measure.
On the 16th of December they were put to vote,
and adopted unanimously. Correspondence was en-
tered into with the navy department. Several bills
were introduced for the building of steam frigates.22
An increase in the army was attempted, and the as-
pect of affairs was decidedly warlike throughout the
first session. Getting bills as far along as a second
reading is comparatively easy, when the topic is a
popular one; but passing them, when they involve
cither money or blood, is a matter of much delibera-
tion; hence all the bills originating in the Oregon
policy, whenever a proud, arrogant, and, he would add, grasping enemy,
strikes a blow at us, or by trampling on our rights or honor, compels as
to assume a belligerent position, we shall all be found a I • ■ and
presenting an unbroken phalanx, merging all party opposition, and deter-
mined to resist tin- aggression.1 ' ".••;/. Qlobt , xv. 47.
-' < ;,.,,/. Gloh . xv. 49.
**C<mg. Globe, xv. 226, 252,
406 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
controversy were put off, on one pretence or another,
though hardly a clay passed during the session, that
the Oregon Question was not brought up in some
form.
On the 10th of February 1846, the president of the
senate announced for debate a series of resolutions.
First a joint resolution advising the president of the
United States to give notice to the government of
Great Britain annulling the convention of the 6th of
Auo-ust 1827. An amendment accompanied the reso-
lution, reported January 8, 1846, striking out all after
"joint resolution," and making it read " to annul and
abrogate the convention of the 6th clay of August
1827, between the United States of America and
Great Britain, relative to the country westward of the
Rocky Mountains."
Another joint resolution offered January 26th by
Crittenden set forth in very measured terms that
a convention had been formed, which it was now
desirable to terminate, in order that the territory in
question might not longer suffer the evils of a divided
allegiance, and that therefore now the necessary steps
should be taken to abrogate that convention; and in
his resolution authorized the president of the United
States, at his discretion, to give the British govern-
ment the notice required; but provided, that in order
to afford ample time, such notice ought not to be
given till after the close of the existing session of
congress. Other resolutions were submitted on the
subject of the recent negotiations, approving the terms
i ilered by the president, as proper for him to make,
in the spirit of peace and compromise; and others to
the effect that the country included within the parallels
of 42° and 54° 40' was the property and part and
parcel of the United States, and that the abandon-
ment or surrender of any portion of territory of Ore-
gon would be an abandonment of the honor, character,
and best interests of the United States.
COXIIRKSSIOXAL DEBATES. 407
Mr Allen of Ohio opened the debate with a few
remarks on the conduct of Great Britain toward the
United States since the treaty of peace of 1783, and
the unfriendly feeling in Europe toward the United
States and free institutions. Whether the notice
they were about to give Great Britain should Lead to
Avar, was not a question to be taken into considera-
tion; he did not believe she would go 1<> war in this
case; her statesmen were too wise for that.23
The discussion of the joint resolution giving notice
to Great Britain of the abrogation of the convention
of 1827 was carried on until the 27th of April, when
the resolution was signed by the speaker of the house
of representatives and the president of the senate,24
after considerable controversy concerning its form.
23 The limits of this history will not permit even a partial review of the
speeches made on the Oregon Question during the first session of the twenty-
ninth congress. They were by every man of any note in either house, 25
senators and 80 representatives.
'-''The joint resolution, as passed, was as follows: 'Whereas, by the con-
vention concluded the 20th day of October 1818, between the United States
of America and the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and
continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the
6th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1827, it was agreed that any
country that may be claimed by either party on the Northwest Coast of
America, westward of the Stony or Uocky mountains, now commonly called
the Oregon Territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and
tin- navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open to the vessels,
citizens, and subjects of the two powers; but without prejudice to any claim
which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and witli
this further provision in the second article of the said convention of the 6th
of August 18-27. that either party might abrogate and annul said convention
on giving notice of twelve months to the other contracting party. And
whereas, it lias now become desirable that the respective claim., of the
United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said
territory may no longer than need be remain subject to the. evil consequences
of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the
confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished
peace and good understanding of the two countries. With a view, then
that stej.~ be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the 6th of
August 1827, in the- mode prescribed in its second article, and that the att< is
tion of the governments oi both countries may be more earnestly directed to
the adoption of all pro] er measun s for a speedy and amicable adjustment of
the .. d disputes in regard to said territory: Resolved bytfo &
of. and ll< oj R pri entatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, That the president of the United Stab ■ be, .Mel he La I
authorized, at his discretion, to • ive to the governnv nl i
notice required by the Becond article of the said convention of the Gth of
August li>27, for the abrogation of the same.1
408 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
Those who believed the title of the United States un-
questionable from the 4 2d parallel of north latitude
to 54° 40', were unwilling to leave it to the discretion
of the president, but wished the president to be re-
quired by congress to give notice to Great Britain of
the abrogation of the convention, and at the same
time that measures should be taken to enforce the
United States claim at the expiration of the period
of twelve months. More moderate counsels, however,
prevailed, and the resolution was passed as stated, and
immediately approved by the president, who caused
McLane, the American minister at London, to be
instructed to give the requisite notice to the British
government; which was done the 22d of May.
Congress and the people understood, at this time,
the actual position of affairs between the two govern-
ments, the late correspondence of the plenipotentiaries
having been laid before the house of representatives
by the president on the 7th of February 1846, and
published.25 Mr Faran of Ohio, in a speech deliv-
ered April 14th in the house of representatives, pre-
sented the case as it stood, very clearly.26 He showed
that in the offers of Great Britain, she had not moved
from the position of claiming the Columbia River for
the boundary line. This was in fact the real subject
of the dispute. To possess the Columbia in whole or
in part had been the determination of both govern-
ments from the commencement of negotiations. A
climax had now been reached in the struggle, when
one or the other must recede from its position.
The conciliatory language of the joint resolution,
25 Cong. Globe, xv. 333-5.
26 The offers made in the recent negotiations of 1844-5, in addition to what
had been offered in earlier years, were as follows : British offer of August 26,
1844 : 'In addition to the previous offers of July 13, 1824, and December 1,
1826, to make free to the United States any port or ports that the United
States might desire, either on the Mainland or on Vancouver's Island, south
of latitude 49°. Rejected. United States offer of July 12, 1845: To divide
the Oregon Territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude, from the Rocky
Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and to make free to Great Britain any port or
ports on Vancouver's Island, south of this parallel, which Great Britain might
desire. Rejected.' 29th Cong., 1st Sess., Cong. Globe, app.
ENGLISH IGNORANCE. 409
as adopted by congress, and approved by the president,
had a <2ood effect in England,-'' when- the war feeling
in the United States, and the numerous publications
on the subjeet of the United States title, had begun
to be viewed with some alarm.'28 The number of the
latter was very great. Many of the speeches of both
senators and representatives were printed in pamphlet
form, and circulated wherever the United States mail
was carried.29
In addition to the congressional documents with
which the people were liberally supplied, a number
of writers took up the question and discussed it in
a variety of forms, which I notice elsewhere. The
nature of the subject precluded the possibility of add-
ing any new facts to those already known. The object
of the writers seemed to be to keep the subject be To re
the people, and impress upon them their right to the
country in dispute. In this respect the institutions
of the United States gave them an advantage over
Great Britain. While Englishmen did not disguise
their contempt for a government in which the people
had a controlling influence,30 it was none the less true
that this very intimacy of the people and the govern-
27 Hansard's Pari, Debates, 86, 1424.
28 Lord Clarendon asking for information from the secretary of foreign
affairs, on the subject of the negotiations going on in Washington, March 17,
L846, said: 'Your lordship will bear in mind that although the langua
the two governments, as far as we are acquainted with it, has been inspired
by public sentiment ; and although the information which reaches us from
America is of the same character, yet we cannot disguise from ourselves that
the two countries appear to be gradually, but involuntarily, drifting towards
war,' to which Aberdeen replied, that from papers in his possession, 'an
inference might fairly be drawn not favorable to the probable future r<
oi the negotiations.' Hansard's Pari. Debates, lxxxiv. 1112-20.
29Some of these congressional documents, stained by time, are before me:
<hr< ,,'.- ■'/'/>< i)rrlrpationofOregon,Jan.23-4,l$<L&i Crittenden's Speech on tlu ",-.
gonQm stion, April 10, 1846, 10 pages; A 'ties' Speech on the <) rc\p> u V" *'""'. March
]'.K 1846, II pages; Barrow's Speech on the Oregon Question, 30th of March
1846, 16 pages; U'iek's Speech on the Oregon Question, Jan. 30, 1846, 7 p
Weiitirnrth's I!* -.marks on the Oregon Hill, Jan. '27, 1845, 6 pages; Id., Speech,
Jan. 24, 1S44. A conciliatory speech of Webster's, delivered at Boston, on
the Oregon Question, is quoted in the Polynesian oi March 1 I, 1846.
.'•Roberts, in his Recollections, calls this *a government from below.' Ee
was annoyed and injured by the way in which American institutions conflicted
with personal rights derived from a decaying corporation, toward which they
entertained a national antipathy,
410 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
ment was what defeated the pretensions of Great
Britain in the settlement of the Oregon Question.
While the people and the parliament of Great
Britain were far less well informed on the merits and
the progress of the question than the Americans, they
also had their writers who took up the subject with
partisan zeal, and discussed it with some ability,
though with a small degree of fairness.
In the midst of this excitement the question was
suddenly brought to a close. On receipt of the notice
and joint resolution, the British government, without
loss of time, instructed its plenipotentiary, Packington,
to make a new proposition for the settlement of the
controversy,31 which was accepted with as little loss of
time by the United States.
The treaty offered by Great Britain was considered
by the senate, to whom the president sent it for advice
on the 18th of June,32 when Benton made a speech
31 Lord Brougham again desired to know of Lord Aberdeen whether the
reports in circulation in the American and English public prints, that the
Oregon boundary questions had 'been brought to an amicable conclusion, and
one honorable to both parties,' were true. Aberdeen replied that they were,
and said that when he saw that congress had adopted resolutions of such a con-
ciliatory and friendly disposition he "did not delay for a moment, but putting
aside all ideas of diplomatic etiquette' prepared a draft of a convention which
was sent by the packet of May 18th to Packington, to be proposed for the
acceptance of the United States government. Packington had written that
his proposal had been submitted to the senate by the president, who was
advised by that body, after a few hours deliberation on three several days, by a
vote of 38 to 12, to accept. The president had immediately acted on the
advice, and Buchanan had sent for and informed Packington that 'the condi-
tions offered by her majesty's government were accepted without the addition
or alteration of a single word.' Hansard's Pari. Debates, 87, 103S.
32 Treaty between the United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, concluded at Washington
on the 15th of June 1S46.
Article I. From the point of the 49th parallel of north latitude where
the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great
Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the
territories of the United States and those of her Britannic Majesty shall be
continued westward along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of
the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island, ami thence
southerly, through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca's Straits, to the
Pacific Ocean. Provided, however, that the navigation of the whole of the
said channel and straits south of the 49th parallel of north latitude remain
free and open to both parties.
Article II. From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude
shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the Columbia River,
the navigation of the said branch shall be free and open to the Hudson's Bay
THE FORTY-NINTH PARALLEL. 411
upon its ratification. The view taken by the senator
was, that the 49th parallel was the real Line of right
and convenience between the two powers; the one
offered Great Britain since the time of Jefferson; and
wonderfully adapted to the natural divisions of* the
country, and the actual possessions of the two countries.
It parted the two systems of water — those of the
Columbia and Fraser rivers — as naturally and com-
modiously on the west of the mountains, as it parted
on the east side of the same mountains the two systems
of waters which belonged, on the one hand to the
gulf of Mexico, on the other to Hudson Bay; and on
both sides of the mountains it conformed to the actual
discoveries and settlements of both parties. There
was not on the face of the earth, he said, so long a
line, and so straight, and so adapted to the rights of
the parties and the features of the country. Jefferson
had offered it in 1807; Monroe in 1818, and again in
1824; Adams in 1826; Tyler in 1842; and Polk in
( lompany, and to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where
the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence do\i a the
said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river
or rivers : it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thu i
described shall, in like maimer, be free and open. In navigating the said river
or rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on
the .s.uue footing as citizens of the United States; it being, however, always
understood that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or
intended to prevent, the government of the United States from making any
i. emulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers not inconsist-
ent with the present treaty.
Article III. In the future appropriation of the territory south of the
49th parallel of north latitude, as provided in the first article of this treaty,
the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and of all British sub-
jects w ho may be already in the occupation of land or other property lawfully
acquired within the said territory, shall be respected.
Article IV. The farms, lands, and other property of every description
belonging to the Pugel Sound Agricultural Company, on the uorl b i ide ol the
( lolumbia River, shall be confirmed to the said company. En case, howev<
situation of those farms and lands should be considered by the United St
be of public and political importance, and the United States government
shoidd signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or i E any part
f, the property so required shall betran ferred to the said overnment
to be agreed upon between the | a
Article V. The pi ball 1" ratified by the presidenl of the
United Mates, bj and with t la • advice and consent, of thi
by her Britannic majesty; and the ratification shall be exchanged at London
at the expiration of six months from the date hereof, or sooner if DO
Greenhow'a Or. and Cal., 482; Oregon Spectator, March 1. 1847; Tribum Al-
manac, lo47, 10; Oregon, Organic Law and Treaty Limits, i>4-0.
412 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
1845. Thus for a period of about forty years the United
States government had tendered this boundary to the
government of Great Britain.
The deflection through the Strait of Fuca, leaving
out Vancouver Island instead of dividing it, was right
and proper also.33 It left the United States all they
desired in the waters of Puget Sound and all the bays
and inlets connecting therewith; and with them the
small cluster of islands, probably of no value, between
the Haro channel and the continent.34
Of the second article of the treaty, with regard
to the free navigation of the Columbia, Benton said
that it fell so far short of what Great Britain had
previously demanded, and the United States offered,
that it amounted to a relinquishment of the whole
pretensions with regard to that river. The navigation
was to be free to a few British subjects during the
term of the Hudson's Bay Company's present charter,
who were to be subject to the laws and regulations
applying to United States citizens.35
Respecting the third article of the treaty which
regarded the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay
33 Benton held that the island was worthless, and not necessary for a port,
since the mouth of the Columbia was better known as a good harbor; and that
there was no necessity 'to go north three hundred miles to hunt a substi-
tute port in the remote and desolate coasts of Vancouver Island. That island
is not wanted by the United States for any purpose whatever. Above all, the
south end of it is not wanted to command the Straits of Fuca. It so happens
that these straits are not liable to be commanded, either in fact or in law.
They are from fifteen to thirty miles wide — rather too wide for batteries to
cross their shot — and wide enough, like ail the other great straits of the
world, to constitute a part of the high seas, and to be incapable of appropri-
ation by any nation. We want nothing of that strait but as a boundary,
and that the treaty gives us. With that boundary comes all that we want in
that quarter, namely, all the waters of Puget's Sound, and the fertile Olympic
district which borders upon them.' Cong. Globe, app., 1846, 867.
3iCong. Globe, app., 1846, 867. Mr Benton did not foresee the strife that
in a few years was to grow out of the adverse claims to these islands.
He also remarks 'neither the Spanish discoveries, nor our own discovery and
settlement of the Columbia, would have given us those waters. Their British
names indicate their discoverers, and the line of 49° gives them to us.' Mr
Benton, in his desire to have the treaty confirmed, was willing to sacrifice both
Spanish and American discoverers, when at another time he might be at great
pains to defend their claims.
35 This clause in the second article was overlooked by the British plenipo-
tentiary, and even Mr Benton does not refer to it in the sense in which it after-
wards became objectionable to the Hudson's Bay Company, when they were
FINAL TREATY. 413
Company and all British subjects who might be in
the occupation of land or other property lawfully ac-
quired within the said territory Denton thought that
the limitation of a 'lawful acquisition,' to property
within the territory, would exclude the company alto-
gether, as neither the United States laws nor those
of Great Britain admitted the validity of Indian sales
to individuals; and possessory rights under the joint
occupation convention could only continue till the end
of the company in 18G3. The article, he thought, was
meant for the quiet of the company until they could
remove.30
The fourth article, treating- of the Puget Sound
Agricultural Company, was considered by Benton
as leaving it optional with the United States to con-
firm the lands to the company or to pay for the
improvements upon tliem at an equitable valuation,
there being no doubt of the action of the United
States in this matter, the government not being likely
to consent to the presence of a foreign company on
the waters of Puget Sound. Hence the treaty, as a
whole, was favorable to the United States, and he, as
a constitutional adviser of the president, should urge
its ratification. The country at large, and Oregon in
particular, required that the long debated question
should be settled.
On the vote being taken in the senate, forty-one
members were for and fourteen against the ratifica-
tion of the treaty, one member being absent.37 The
called upon to pay duties on goods imported from England. Roberts, in hia
Recollections, 6, Bays: 'The treaty was very lame, so far as the company was
concerned. They never contemplated paying duties at Vancouver; this,
coupled with the disorganization and demoralization of their men, was the
doM 11 7 .1 11 of the company.1
3G'I am willing to understand the article liberally and to exeeul.
erouslj ; but in strictness there can be no law nil possessions in ( Oregon < i
the defunct treaty would impart thai character), thi persons] tx ing
in the eye of our law intruders and trespassers.' Gong. Globi . a pp., LJ 16, 868.
i - the doctrine of the American settlers in Oregon from thi
The treaty was signed by Messi - Packington andBuchanan on the L5th of
June, the advice of tin- senate being given on the 1.3th, and the presidenl
ing it on the 18th, immediately after its confirmation by thi 1; was
signed by the queen of Great Britain on the 17th of July, L846.
414 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
president without delay acted on the advice of the
senate, and in a month from that time the Oregon
Question was finally settled by the consent of the
queen of Great Britain to the treaty as ratified by
the president of the United States.33 The exclusive
claim of the United States was not altogether sound ;
but the people had been educated into a belief that
it was so; they were ready or nearly so, to resort
to force in defence of their rights ; and England did
not deem her own actual right in the matter worth
fighting for. Therefore the country between the
Columbia and latitude 49° was peacefully surrendered
to the United States.
38 Authorities consulted on the subject-matter of this chapter, not already
quoted, are: American StatePapers, xiii. 623-4, xiv. 745-6; Cong. Globe, 1S3S-9,
7, 15; Id., 1837-8, 10-2-2, app., 565; Id., 1839-40,6; Id., 1840-1,71, 89, 90, 100,
app., 105; Id., 1S41-2, vi., app., 736; Id., 1JJ41, vi.; Id., 1842-3, vii., app.,
iii. 132; Id., 1842-3, vii. xiii. app., iii. iv.; Id., 1843-4, ix. xix. app., v.; Id.,
1844-5, vii. xiii. app., 419; Id., 1845-6, xii. xxix. xxx.; Id., 1845-6, 145, 153;
Niks' Beg., xxxiii. 213; lvi. 234-9; lxx. 341; Id., lxviii. 151-2. 1S4, 205-7,
213, 224, 236-9, 252, 364; Cushing's Kept, on Or. Tcr., 1839, 26-51; Hansard's
Pad. Debates, Lxxxiv. 1277-9; lxxxviii. 88, 978, 989, 993; Poussin's Question
cle VOreqon, 87-88 ; U. S. Charters and Constitution*, ii. 1482-3 ; Irving's As-
t Ha, 497; Evans1 Hist. Or., MS., 113, 294; Butter's Wild North Land, 350;
Cushing's Treat// of Washin</ton, 211-14; North American Review, vi. 453;
Id., xxvii. 490-512; Id., lvi. 453-490, xviii. 496-512, Jan. 1840, 94, 103-09,
132-44; Id., xv. 370-94; Edinburgh Review, lxxxii. 238-265; Southern Quart.
Review, July 1845, 217-43; Perkins' Annals of the Wed, vii. xxiii.; Robertson's
Right and Title to Or., app., i-xxiv.; Saxton's Or. Ter., 30; Sargent's Life of
Dr Linn, 195; Pines' Ex. to Or., 365-375; Rept. Com., No. 31, 27th Cong., 3d
Sess.j Victor's Or., 9-34; Tribune Almanac for 1S46, 17-43; 1847, 6-7; Farn-
ham's Hist. Or., 51: McKay's Recoil., 3; Laplace, Campagne, vi. 1-39, Zava-
lishin, 6-7; Giddini/s' Speeches, 14S-63; Simpson's Nar., i. 262-6; Humboldt's
New Spain, Blade, Trans., ii. 316-18; Winthrop's Speech Or. Quest., 16; Kd-
by's Colonization of Oregon, 17, 42-51; Letter of J. II. Kelley in Thornton's
Hist. Or., MS., 84-93; House Rept., No. 830, 27th Cong., 2d Sess.; Senate
Repjf., No. 470, 25th Cong., 2d Sess.; Evans' Northwest Boundary, 1-S; Thorn-
ton's Or. and Cal. , 30-1 ; Papers Relating to the Treaty of Washington, v. 39-44;
Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS., 260; President's Mess., and Doc, 20th
Cong., 10-14, 139-93; Hastings' Or., 23; Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc,
1863-4,457; Dix's Speeches, 17-59; Pac. R. R. Explor. and Survey, 26; Oregon
Spectator, April 1, 1847; Messages and Documents of J. K. Polk, 1846, 1-33;
Cong. Globr, 1845-6, 20th Cong., app.; Cong. Globe, 1846-7, app; Das Oregon
Gi biet; or the Official Correspondence on the Oregon Question, complete, 1-114;
S. I. Frit, id, v. 28-9; Nicolay's Or. Ter.; L.F. Grover, in Trans. Or. Pioneer
Assoc, 1874, 33-9.
Among contemporaneous writers on the Oregon Question, and on the
events of Oregon history on -which that question depended, Robert Greenhow
should deservedly be mentioned in the first place. He was a native of Vir-
ginia, educated for the medical profession, in 1S38 established the Tricolor, a
ROBERT GREENHOW. 413
republican paper, in New York, and later became translator and librarian to
tlie United States depart men t of state. While so engaged he wrote his Mi moir,
Histori ■ ■'■ Political, of the Northwest Coast of America, and ike Adjacent
illustrated by a Map andOeograpIacalVu w of those ( 'ountries. Wash-
ington, 1S40, 8vb. xii.. 228 pages. This work was written by direction of the
try of state, ami published by order of the Benate at the request of
Linn, the great champion of Oregon settlement. U. S. (loci. Dm-., 26th < 'ong.,
IstSess., Sen. 1><»-., No. 174. I'"1"" years later this work, much i laborated,
and increased in size, was published as The History of Oregon and ( >i ifornia,
ami the other T< rrttotieson the Northwest Coast of Ann rica\ accompanit I by a
•aphical View and Map of those Countries, and Number of Documents as
Illustrations of the History. Boston, 1844. 8vo, xviii., 4 l \
It Mas also issued the same year in England with a London title-page; and a
d, third, and fourth editions were published in 1845 and 1847. The last
edition contains some additions. The first xviii. ll'O pages of this work were
separately printed and issued as The Geography of Oregon and California,
etc. Boston, L845; X. Y., 1843. The same author also published in 1845 an
Answer to the Strictures of Mr Thomas Falconer of Lincoln's I mi, <>,, th II
of Oregon and California. Washington, hs4.">, Svo, 7 pages, lie subsequently
vent to California as associate law-agent of the United States before the land
commission, and died in San Francisco iii 1S54, at the age of 54 years.
Mr ( rieenhow was an accomplished man and a writer of ability and in-
dustry, not without a certain brilliancy of style. Those parts of his works
devoted to historical and descriptive matter are worthy of the highest praise ;
indeed, in many parts they can hardly be improved at this date, occupying,
legitimately in certain respects, the place of standard history. As an argu-
ment on the title question, the work also deserves praise as the strongest
possible presentment of the cause. It was to all intents and purposes a
brief in behalf of the United States, though the author denies this in the
preface to the last edition in reply to English criticisms in the Quarterly /.'< vit "•,
1845 '>. 567; yet for a production of this class it was remarkably free from
! pleading and partisan unfairness. The Quark, rly's charge that Green-
how had displayed 'more art and diligence than candor and accuracy,'
being an 'unsafe if not faithless guide,' was exaggerated; yet it is hardly
ble that so intelligent a man so well acquainted with the subject should
really have believed in all that was claimed by the United States in regard
to the Northwest Coast.
Trav« is Tv.iss, D. C. L., F. R. S., "professor of political economy in the
university of Oxford, and advocate in doctors' commons," published after the
appearance of Greenhow's work, The Oregon Question examined in retpect to
■ml th- Law of Nations. London, 1846, 8vo, ix. 391 pages. Itwasrepub-
lished as The Ore<jon Territory, its History and Discovery, etc. V ■■■■. York,
1846, I2roo, 264 pages. Dr Twiss was in every respect the equal of the Amer-
ican eham; ion, inability, knowledge, and freedom from extreme partisanship.
In the technicalities of international law he was superior; he had also the
benefit of all Greenhow's researches in addition to his own; and he had,
besides, the le.-s ultra side of the argument. As a history
Coast his work is not equal to Greenhow's; but as an argum< ni on th
416 THE OREGON QUESTION CONCLUDED.
gon Question it is in all essential points fairer, in fact a good work of its class.
It contains many mistakes in minor historical points to be corrected ; but like
Greenkow's work it is in comparison with those of other writers more free
from such errors.
The subject is treated less exhaustively, and in most cases with a more
pronounced spirit of partisanship, in the following works : The Oregon Ques-
tion; or a Statement of the British Claims, etc., by Thomas Falconer, Esq. Lon-
don and New York, 1845, three editions. The same author wrote On the
Discovery of the Mississippi, and on the Southwestern, Oregon, and Northwest-
ern Boundaries of the United States, London, 1S44; and Mr Falconer's Reply to
Mr Greenhow's Answer, with Mr Greenhow's Rejoinder. Washington, 1845.
We have also from the pen of the United States plenipotentiary in the nego-
tiations of 1826-9, Letters of Albert Gallatin on the Oregon Question, Wash-
ington, 1846, 8vo, 30 pages; and The Oregon Question, Nos. 1-5. New York,
1846, 8vo, 78 pages. ' An ex-officer of the Hudson's Bay Company wrote The
Oregon Territory, Claims thereto of England and America considered, by Alex-
ander Simpson. London, 1846, Svo, 60 pages. See also Robertson's Oregon, our
Right and Title, Washington, 1846, Svo, 203 pages; Murdoch's Our True Title to
Oregon — that is resting on the Virginia charter; Oregon, the Cost and the Con-
sequences, Phil. 1846; Tucker's History of Oregon, Buffalo, 1844, made up for
the most part from Greenhow; Sturgis' Oregon Question, Boston, 1845, a lec-
ture; Farnham's History of the Oregon Territory, 1844; Will there be War"! By
an Adopted Citizen, 1846; also Hall J. Kelley's pamphlets. The British comic
papers of the time also presented the great cpuestion in cartoons.
CHAPTER XVIII.
OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
1820-1830.
"Is Oregon Worth Having?" — Configuration, Soil, and Climate —
Relations with China— A Terra [ncogntta— England to India, by
way of the Columbia River— Irreconcilable Opinions— Preparing
to Emigrate Proposal to Make Over the Territory to the [ndians
—The Whale-fishery— A School for Seamen— Conflicting State-
ments—A Hesitating Government— Why the British Monopolized
the Trade — McLoughlin Succeeds Keith at Astoria— Personal
Appearance and Character of McLoughlix — His Administration
of Justice— He Explores for the Site of a New Post — Fort Van-
couver Founded — Agriculture and Commerce — Amalgamation of
Fur Companies — Perils of the Fur-trade.
" Is Oregon worth having ?" This was a question
which first assumed importance in 1820, and thencefor-
ward during ten years exercised the collective wisdom
of congress. Many and various were the opinions of
legislators who took part in the debates on this sub-
ject. Many members were entirely unused t<> the
consideration of vast national interests, while not a
lew were profoundly ignorant of the history mid con-
ditions of the region under consideration. This lack
of exact information had its effect in furnishing mate-
rial for the pleasantry of the better informed mem-
bers, and endued with unwonted entertainment the
usually somewhat dull pages <»i* the Annals of Con-
The political aspect of the question has already
been considered; it may not be withoul inter,
however, in this place to cast a retrospective glai
over the ideas of more than half a century ago con-
cerning the nature of the now north-west.
Hist. X. \V. Coast, Vol. II. 27 (117)
418 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
Configuration, soil, climate, and other conditions
governing population were among the most important
points upon which both speculation and argument were
founded. As early as 1821 it was confidently as-
serted that " the coast of the Pacific is in its climate
more mild than any part of the continent in the same
parallel, and many vegetables on that shore grow in
great abundance in the native forest which are like-
wise natives of China."1
The mention of China is in this connection not
inappropriate, for in all phases of the Oregon prob-
lem that empire claims a large share of prominence,
whether as a mart for the distribution of coast prod-
ucts, or a means of peopling the coast itself. "It is
believed that population could be easily acquired from
China, by which the arts of peace would at once
acquire strength and influence, and make visible to
the aborigines the manner in which their wants could
be supplied . . . And, though the people of that country
evince no disposition to emigrate to the territory of
adjoining princes, it is believed they would willingly,
nay, gladly, embrace the opportunity of a home in
America, where they have no prejudices, no fears, no
restraint in opinion, labor, or religion."2 The same
congressional committee who enunciated the above
sentiments supplemented them with the devout hope
that an establishment on such conditions "would essen-
tially benefit the natives, whilst it would give this
country the advantage of all its own treasures, which
otherwise must be lost forever, or rather never enjoyed ;
and from all that can be ascertained relative to its
present and increasing value, of more profit to this
country than the mines of Potosi."3
Trade with China, which when carried on- with
iAnnals of Cong., ICtli Cong., 2d Sess., 956.
2/</., 956-7.
3 Id., 957. The vexed question of the Chinese on the Pacific coast finds a
place in another volume, but it may be opportune to remark here that the
example of Chinese industry has not affected the aborigines very appreciably,
while the immigrants themselves tan no longer complain of the absence of
prejudice and restraint.
VERY FAR AWAY. 41.)
eastern seaports involved so long, circuitous, and
perilous a voyage, was always confidently pointed to
as the most valuable incentive to the development of
the region adjacent to the Columbia River.
In December 1822, Floyd of Virginia, one of the
warmest advocates for the occupation of the territory,
remarked: "The settlement on the Oregon, as con-
templated by this bill, connecting the trade of that
river and coast with the Missouri and Mississippi, is
to open a mine of wealth to the shipping interests
and the western country, surpassing the hopes even
of avarice itself. It consists principally of things
which will purchase the manufactures and products
of China at a better profit than gold and silver; and
if that attention is bestowed upon the country to
which its value and position entitle it, it will yield a
profit, producing more wealth to the nation than all
the shipments which have ever in any one year been
made to Canton from the United States."4
Much legislative inaction and apparent coldness to
the new-born enthusiasm for Oregon, must be credited
to the lack of reliable specific information.5 Its ex-
treme remoteness, too, appears to have had an appall-
ing effect upon most minds, though here and there
was found an ardent devotee whose advanced ideas
triumphed over time and space. " It cannot be denied,"
says one of these, "that the distance between the seat
of government and the mouth of the Columbia is
very great. But in reference to the facility of com-
munication between the places, the distance must not
be estimated by miles, but should be computed by the
time required to pass from the one place to the other. I f
steam-boats were established in all the waters 1 »< t wee] i
this and the mouth of the Columbia capable of steam-
boat navigation, the journey might be made, I do not
doubt, in less time, and with greater ease, than tin'
i Annals of Cong., 17th Cong., 2d s, 88., 398.
5 'All this space of tin- western shores of our territory is perfectly unknot :i
to us, and is as much /< rra incognita as the wilds of A
17th Cong., 2d Sess., oSo.
420 - OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
representative from Missouri, now on this floor, could
have come, unless by sea, from his state to this city,
only ten years ago."6
The aspirations of such advocates, though neces-
sarily limited to existing means, contemplated a brill-
iant future for the unbuilt city of the Columbia.
She was to be more than a mere port of entry, a
haven for the whalers battered in an Arctic tempest,
an emporium of furs destined for the trans-Pacific
trade; she should be the entrepot of European trade
with India and China. " We must tak$ into consid-
eration a trade which, at no distant day, must grow
out of the great improvements we have made, and are
daily making, in the means of communication and
transportation ... I do verily believe, that, in twenty
years, and if not in twenty, in fifty years, a person
setting out from London to go to India, will find New
York, Albany, and Sandusky, post-towns on his route.
By pursuing, continually, nearly a west course, he
will cross the Atlantic, reach Albany, follow the New
York canal, embark on Lake Erie, pass through the
Ohio canal, and pursue the Ohio, Mississippi, and
Missouri, to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, over
which he will traverse a turnpike of only seventy-five-
miles, which will bring him to the waters of the
Columbia; upon these he will reach the Pacific, and
from thence he will cross a ferry to the Asiatic con-
tinent, a ferry of some two or three thousand miles,
I admit, but one which, in reference to steam-boat navi-
gation, for which those seas are particularly adapted,
would be no more than so many hundred miles would
have been some few }Tears since ... Is it not reasonable,
then, to suppose that, at some period, not very remote,
the eastern trade may be pursued in the course I have
designated?"7
So rose-tinted a view could not long hold its own
unchallenged. Whatever natural advantages the ter-
6 Annals of Cong., 17th Cony., 2d Sess., 5S6.
7 Id., 5S5-G.
IMPORTANT THOUGH RUGGED. 421
ritory might or might not possess, its friends were
Dot destined to have matters all their own way.
Meagre as were the tacts known, they appeal' to have
been equally distributed between the pros and cons,
and no sooner had a partisan exhausted plausibility
in depicting the resources of the new country, than
his opponent was ready with a new array of tacts, or
the old ones transposed, to controvert his arguments.
We now find this much-debated land painted in Rem-
brandtesque colors by one who claimed to be possessed
of some reliable information, though it was "neither
extensive nor precise." This knowledge had been
obtained from gentlemen who had spent some time on
the Columbia, and was in every way trustworthy.
" The coast in the vicinity of the mouth of the Colum-
bia," said he, "is high, rugged, and to use the techni-
cal phrase of sailors, iron-bound. The entrance into
the river, or rather into the estuary into which the
liver disembogues, is difficult and dangerous, owing
to the bars and shoals which stretch out from capes
Disappointment and Adams, the two points which
form the bay. These shoals approximate so much as
to leave the channel between them too narrow to
allow vessels to pass through with safety.8
8 J. B. Prevost, United States commissioner at the surrender of Fort
George, in his letter to John Quincy Adams, bearing date November 1 1. 1818,
writes concerning the estuary of the Columbia: ' The bay is spacious; contains
Beveral anchoring places in a sufficient depth of water; and is by no means
nil of ingress as has been represented. Those enjoying the ex. :.
commerce have probably cherished an impression unfavorable to its continu-
ance, growing out of the incomplete survey of Lieutenant Broughtmi. ina.lo
under the orders of Vancouver in 1792. It is true that there is a bar extend-
ing across the mouth of the river, at either extremity of which are, at I
appalling breakers; but it is equally true that it offers, at the low
depth of 21 feet of water through a passage, exempt from them, of w
league in width. The Blossom, carrying more guns than the Onto
tend a change of wind while in the channel; was ■ o Lei go her
anchor; and. when again weighed, to tack and beat, in order to reach the
harbor; yet found a greater depth, and met with no difficulty either th(
ing the bay. . ,The bearings, distances, and soundin I ■ a l>y
Captain Sickey, who was kind enough to lend himself to the examination,
and to furnish me with this result, ft is the more interesting, as il mows
that, with the aid of buoys, the accest I anj tonnage may
be rendered ecure.' /</.. 1207. Captain Hickey was in command ol
Britannic majesty's sloop-of-war Blossom. Prevost's letter was communi-
cated to the house of representatives, January 27, lb'23.
422 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
" It is only, therefore, with a fair and free wind
that a ship can enter; for, without a leading wind, the
strong tides which set here, at the rate of five or six
miles an hour, would strand her on one or the other
of the capes, as the tide should happen to be either
at flood or ebb. The anchorage within is tolerably
good, except that the great action of the tides is
calculated to make the anchors foul, and render much
labor necessary to keep the vessel safe at her moorings.
" But as the winds which prevail on the coast are
principally from the west, the difficulty in going out
is much greater than that of entering. Vessels in
the harbor would often be detained for weeks before
an opportunity would present for putting to sea.
Upon the whole, the harbor must be considered, at
all seasons, bad, and during the winter months almost,
if not altogether, impracticable. The climate, instead
of being, as I have heard it described, bland and salu-
brious, is bleak and inhospitable. It is true that deep
snows or severe frosts are seldom known during four
or five months of the year, but the vapor arising from
the ocean, which is driven by the constantly prevail-
ing west winds on the high mountains, is condensed
by the cold, and descends in drenching rains almost
unremittingly.
"A dry day at this season is a luxury rarely enjoyed,
and the cheering ray of a sunbeam scarcely ever ex-
perienced. As you ascend the river the period of the
rainy season diminishes, and at the first spurs of the
Rocky Mountains, a distance of four hundred or five
hundred miles, it is almost unknown. But the climate,
owing to this excess of humidity at one season, and
the feeble influence of the sun in the other, is believed,
from experiments which have been made, to be inca-
pable of nourishing many of the valuable products
which are cultivated with success in the corresponding
latitudes of the Atlantic. The attempts which were
made to cultivate maize wholly failed; and, although
turnips, cabbages, and some other culinary vegetables
A LITTLE GOOD LAND. 423
have succeeded, the prospects for wheat, rye, oats,
etc are miserable indeed. The face of the country,
for some distance from the ocean, although presenting
a Strom.- and deep soil, is rugged, broken, and covered
with impenetrable forests of hemlock, spruce, and
white-cedar, of prodigious size, and affording the
most discouraging prospects to the settlers.
" The country o-enerally continues of this character
until you reach the Wallamut River, which enters the
Columbia about one hundred miles from the sea. in
this distance there are occasionally some small tracts
of alluvial land, which, being level and less burdened
with timber, might be more easily fitted for cultiva-
tion than the broken uplands; but even these are
often subjected to inundation in summer, when a dis-
solution of the mountain snows swells the river. _ It
is true, spots might be found above the reach of high
water but they are too insignificant in extent to be
considered in relation to this object of forming a com-
pact and important settlement. There are places
along the Columbia where a few famdies might sit
down together, but they are not numerous, nor is
there any spot sufficiently large for a considerable
population throughout the whole timbered country,
which extends a distance of about two hundred miles
from the sea. Between this point and the spurs ot
the Rocky Mountains forest-trees totally disappear,
and nothing larger than the common willow is to be
seen This whole intervening tract is one of gravel
and sand, with just soil enough to sustain a scanty
covering of grass. On the Wallamut, a tract of coun-
try of moderate extent is found, which affords some
advantages of soil and climate superior to those which
have just been mentioned; and it is here, and here
only, that the least prospects for an agricultural set-
tlement can be found."9 _
He readily disposed of the question of the Colum-
bia becoming a link in the chain of communication
»Id., 591-3.
424 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
between Europe and the orient, treating it as an im-
possible absurdity which could not happen in any
case "until the knowledge of ship-building was lost,
and the art of navigation forgotten." " When we re-
flect/' continued he, " that the interposition of the
narrow isthmus of Suez, between the Mediterranean
and the Red Sea, although nothing but a level plain,
has interrupted the former intercourse with India,
and has for ages turned the whole commerce of Europe
with that country into a circuitous voyage of many
thousand miles, how can we fancy that we shall ever
overcome the infinitely greater obstacles which are
presented in this imaginary project?. . .The God of
nature has interposed obstacles to this connection,
which neither the enterprise nor science of this or
any other age can overcome."10
As time went on and open discussion thoroughly
ventilated the question, the public mind became inter-
ested. Persons were found so convinced of the feasi-
bility of a settlement that they were prepared to
emigrate thither with their families,11 undeterred by
any evil report they may have heard concerning
natives, soil, or climate.12
10 Id., 590. This speech was delivered in January 1823; the Pacific Pail-
way was an accomplished fact in May 18G9; and the Suez Canal was opened
in November of the same year.
11 ' Eighty enterprising farmers and mechanics,' citizens of Maryland, pre-
sented a memorial to congress through their representative, Mr Little, pray-
ing for legislation on the matter of the Oregon settlement. Annals of Cong.,
17th Cong., 2d Sess., 1077.
12 One pro-Oregon debater compares the winter rains favorably with the snows
of the Atlantic coast, declares the climate one of the best on the globe, and con-
cludes: 'The humming-bird, one of the most delicate of the feathered tribe,
is found on this coast as high as latitude 00°.' Id., 084. Prevost writes thus in
his communication to the secretary of state: 'It has been observed, by
exploring this coast, that the climate, to the southward of 53 degrees,
assumes a mildness unknown in the same latitude on the eastern side of the
continent. Without digressing to speculate upon the cause, I will merely
state that such is particularly the fact in 40° 10', the site of Fort George. The
mercury, during the winter, seldom descends below the freezing-point; when it
does so, it is rarely stationary for any number of days; and the severity of the
season is more determined by the quantity of water than by its congelation.
The rains usually commence with November, and continue to fall partially until
the latter end of March or beginning of April. A benign spring succeeds;
.and when the summer heats obtain, they are so tempered by showers as sel-
dom to suspend vegetation. I found it luxuriant on my arrival, and, during a
GOING AGAINST NATURE, 425
Still, despite the very evidenl wishes of the people
at large, congress would sanction no scheme of coloni-
zation in accord with the spirit of the many memorials
and petit ions addressed to that body. The matter was
doubtless more complex than the public realized.
Though it found much earnest and zealous support,
then' was still a preponderance of opinion adverse to
any official action. The subject of inaccessibility was
revived, and treated with a certain amount of sarcasm,
notably by Senator Dickerson of Xew Jersey.13
It was also gravely proposed to secure the territory
permanently to the native tribes. "If they were made
secure in the possession of this territory, their popu-
lation would increase. . .The British government are
famed for their magnificent plans for ameliorating the
condition of the human race. Would they not readily
join the government of the United States in any
measure that might be necessary to secure the whole
territory claimed by both parties west of the Rocky
fortnight's stay, experienced no change of weather to retard its course. The
soil is good; all the cereal gramina and tuberous plants may he cultivated with
advantage; and the waters abound in salmon, sturgeon, and other varieties
of fish.' Id., 1208. Prevost arrived in the Columbia on October I. L818.
13 ' The distance from the mouth of the Columbia to the mouth of the Missouri
is 3,555 miles; from Washington to the mouth of the Missouri is 1,160 o
making the whole distance from Washington to the mouth of the Columbia
Paver 4,703 miles, but say 4,630 miles. The distance therefore, that a member
of con state of Oregon would be obliged to travel in coming to
the seat of government and returning home, would be 9,300 miles, this, at
the rate of eight dollars for every twenty miles, would make his travelling
expenses amount to $3,720. Every member of congress ought to see his con-
stituents once a year. This is already v< iry difficult for those in thi
remote parts of the union. At the rate which the members of congress travel
law — that is, 20 miles per day — it would require, to come to the
• government from Oregon and return, 4G."> days; and if he should lie by
for Si 66, it would require 531 days. But if he should travel at
miles pi r day. it would require 300 days. Allow for Sim
44. it would amount to 350 days. This would allow the member a fortnight
himself at Washington, before he should commence his journey home.
This rate of travelling would be a hard duty, as a gn ay is
ingly bad, and a portion of it over rugged mountains, w here Lew is and
Chnke found b< veral feet of snow in the latter part of dune. Yet a young,
able-b ■<• travel from Oregon to Washington and I
year; but lie could do nothing else. It would lie more expeditious, however,
to come by water round Cape Horn, or to pass through Behring's Straits round
the north coa t of this continent to Baffin's Bay, thence through I1
to the Atlantic, and so on to Washington. It is true, this passage is not yet
discovi • upon our maps; but it will be as soon as Oregon .-hall 1 a
state.* Congressional Debates, 1824— .3, i. 692.
426 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
Mountains to the present possessors of the soil? It is
an object worthy of the united exertions of the two
governments, of the united exertions of Europe and
America. . .As to the Oregon Territory, it can never
be of any pecuniary advantage to the United States,
but it may be made the means of promoting, in a most
signal manner, the cause of humanity. "H
In 1 828, after eight years continual agitation, another
determined effort was made to obtain government pro-
tection for emigrants to Oregon. At that time there
© . , ©. . . .
were three associations, one in Louisiana, another m
Massachusetts, and one in Ohio, each prepared to set
out for the far west on the most meagre official assur-
ances. That of Massachusetts comprised "three thou-
sand individuals, respectable farmers and industrious
artisans." Each association had friends in congress,
straining every nerve to secure land grants, and the
extinction of the Indian title within a certain area.
Floyd of Virginia was, as ever, foremost in the cause
of the intending emigrants. He was armed with a
formidable mass of arguments, facts, and statistics;
but the opposition was too powerful. The tide of
emigration westward was to flow without the fostering
of official power. The enterprise of individuals was
to accomplish unaided that which their most ardent
champions failed to extort from government.
Even the enormous interests involved in the whale-
fisheries of the Northwest Coast were powerless to
stir the stagnation, though Floyd made a most stirring
appeal in their behalf. " In the year 1818, there was
exported of spermaceti oil, 208,464 gallons; of whale-
oil, 986,252 gallons, worth $500,000; 305,162 pounds
of spermaceti candles; 9,300 pounds of whalebone;
11 Congressional Debates, 1824-5, i. 694-5. Senator Benton said of these
same natives: 'These Indians are estimated at 140,000 souls, possess the finest
horses, and are among the best horsemen in the world. The present age has
seen the Ccssacs of the Don and Ukraine, ravaging the banks of the Seine and
the Loire; the next may see the Cossacs of the Oregon issuing in clouds from
the gorges of the Bocky Mountains, and sweeping with the besom of desola-
tion the banks of the Missouri and Mississippi.' Id., 709.
STATISTICS. 427
534,129 pounds of ginseng; of skins and furs, $808, 133
worth; all succeeding years nearly the same, except
the exportation of whale-oil, which, in L823, was
1,453,126 gallons, and in 1824 and L825, upward of
1,000,000. This document exhibits the articles and
their value exported from the United States to the
western coast in prosecution of this trade, giving a
practical illustration of my ideas of the balance of
trade, as exhibited in the original report from the
committee, which I had the honor to present to the
house many years ago. Thus it appears, we only, in
the year 1824, exported to that coast $0,703, for
which we got in return what I have already stated,
the rest being labor. This may be considered a branch
of business which rather creates a revenue than yields
a profit, in a commercial point of view. The ship sails
from the United States with nothing or but little to
sell; that ship goes into the western ocean, where the
crew after taking whale, and catching seal, and cutting
sandal- wood, go to Canton with the result of their
labor, where it is sold for hundreds of thousands of*
dollars; and yet statesmen are foolish enough to talk
about the balance of trade being against us, because
we import more than we export. Again, we may look
to this branch of commerce to be as well, if not bet-
ter, calculated to bring up seamen for our navy, than
even the cod fisheries, which have been so unwarrant-
ably fostered at the expense of the treasury and the
India trade. One voyage to this ocean will make a
man a complete seaman who never before had sailed.
The Canton and this trade gives employment fcothre<
thousand and upwards of seamen, and brings greai
wealth home, even though, by act of congress, it pays
twenty per em! higher upon any goods from the ( 'ape
of Good Hope and beyond it, than for the same arti-
cles from Europe, or anywhere else."16
All these years of wrangling discussion bad qo1 been
sufficient to place the Oregon country within the pale
*>C<mg. Deb., v. 104.
428 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
of explored lands. " Nineteen twentieths of the space
between the Missouri and the Pacific Ocean, beyond
the culturable prairies, which were not above two or
three hundred miles, was a waste and sterile tract, no
better than the desert of Zahara." "It is not merely
an extensive region, but ... a fertile one. If there are
rough and barren portions, as there naturally must
be in so extensive a tract of countiw, bounded by
one lofty ridge of mountains, and traversed by another
parallel" to it; there can be no doubt, even if we had
not, as we have, abundant testimony of the fact that
other portions, the banks of the rivers, some of its
numerous islands, and the valley between the two
ranges of hills are fertile. In that part of the globe,
and in that vicinity to the ocean, if the region be as
sterile as it has just been described, it is without ex-
ample in geography." "It could not be pretended . . .
that our country is oppressed by an excessive popula-
tion, too dense for the extent of our territory, and
hence that it has become necessary to give an outlet
to those restless spirits, who, as appears, are willing to
go into that sterile, snowy, and mountainous country,
St only for the abode of mountain-goats and wild
beasts, the most ferocious — a country inhabited by the
most degraded of human beings; . . . where nothing
awaited the infatuated adventurers who visited it
but wretchedness and ruin, and all the horrors of
savage life." "The soil for the most part is a light
sandy loam, in several places of very considerable
depth, and abundantly mixed with decayed vegeta-
bles. The vigor and' luxuriance of its productions
prove it to be a rich, fertile mould. This country,
regarded in an agricultural view, I should conceive, is
capable of high improvement." "The cove is a large,
commodious harbor for a fleet; the shores most beau-
tiful; soil, where the bears had turned it up in search
of roots, ready to melt in its own richness; game in
absolute profusion." "The ocean teems with otter, the
seal and the whale; while the mainland affords, in in-
TOUCHING TATHOS. 429
numerable quantites, the common otter, the bear, the
buffalo, and the whole variety of deer."
"Admit that you shall succeed in planting the pro-
posed colony. After you have planted it you will be
compelled to protect, it against war, famine, and pesti-
lence. You must protect it against war with that
great bod}' of armed hunters who arc there prosecut-
ing the fur-trade, and the wretched Indian hordes.
Will you be able to sit coolly by, and see the blood of
your fellow-citizens streaming from every pore, and
attempt to 1cm id them no assistance? Sir, it is impos-
sible. The spirit of the nation forbids it; and wo
must attempt their aid, cost what it may. I say you
must defend them against famine. How will they be
situated? Among mountains, covered through the
.winter with masses of snow, which nothing could thaw-
but the endless torrents and floods of rain which fall
there in the spring and early part of the summer.
Then these valleys are perfectly inundated; all the
works of man are swept away; and when the waters
have at length subsided, the remaining season is so
short that there is no time to bring anything to per-
fection. You will therefore be compelled to furnish
these people with provisions, by vessels going around
Cape Horn; and after such a voyage, half the pro-
visions would be putrid when they got there. Sir,
they will suffer by famine, and famine will quickly
bring pestilence in its rear. A barren soil, an inclem-
ent sky, the want of all things, will soon reduce these
people to a situation in which pestilence will take
what war and famine have left, and you will soon
a destruction of human life unparalleled in the annals
of history."
Such were some of the conflicting opinion
ments through whose mazes the colonists of Oregon
threaded their way, led by the clue of shrewd common-
sense.
Sagacity after the evenl is easy. It would be ob-
viously unjust to expert of any statesman of the era
430 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
under consideration an approximate conception of the
present propinquity of the region of the Columbia to
the east, a provision of those incomparable though yet
imperfect triumphs of science by which the conditions
of time and space have been dominated. As a vague
problem, an untried experiment, this new territory
had terrors for a government which did not exist for
individuals, and it was individual action which event-
ually forced the hands of congress. Within the bound
of modern history seldom has a government shown
hesitation to acquire territory. The deliberation of
the republic is conspicuous.
True descendants of the horse-leech, the kingdoms
of the earth are but too prone to the lust of annex-
ation. It matters little whether the coveted spot is
a terrestrial Eden, or an arid desert, a Goshen of
flocks and herds, or a polar waste.
Where legislators may, perhaps, be most justly
blamed is in underestimating the importance of the
then existing and rapidly increasing interests on the
Pacific, where the China trade and the fur-trade
demanded the establishment of a naval station in the
vicinity of their great ocean highway.
Again, they failed to realize the energy and perse-
verance of their own countrymen, who, without the
allurement of the precious metals which lends a fever-
ish lustre to subsequent emigration westward, dared
with their wives and little ones to confront the terrors
of the desert journey to the western shore, where
they made good their settlement in spite of the oppo-
sition of foreign trade monopoly and autochthonous
savage.
All honor, then, to the hardy emigrants who won
for their hesitating country a dominion west of the
Rocky Mountains, imperial in its extent, and price-
less in its intrinsic wealth and its influence upon
oriental commerce.
Meanwhile, the Oregon trade was entirely in
the hands of British subjects, but simply from the
FOUNDING OF FORT VANCOUVER. 431
fact that Americans had not elected to emigrate
thither.16
While time was being wasted in discussion, the
great fur monopoly was quietly gathering in its annual
harvest in the distant north-west, reaping where it
had not sown, and regarding with a jealous eye any
interference with its traffic. If the country was not
under the exclusive control of the fur gatherers, the
trade should be so as far as they could command
events. I will now proceed to sketch their position
and influence subsequent to 1821, that which I have
hitherto said being descriptive of their inner workings
rather than a history of their external relations. And
to this end we must return and continue that side of
our stor}^ from the time of the union of the two great
associations, the Northwest and the Hudson's Bay
companies.
Among the first things to be considered subsequent
to the harmonizing of ancient antagonisms, was a
new organization, and a new metropolitan post. The
former was achieved b}7 George Simpson, and the lat-
ter by John McLoughlin. As I have before observed,
the most desirable elements from both companies were
united in their common successor, and those who went
their way disaffected and engaged in rival enterprise,
either as free trappers or as associations like the
Columbia Fur Company, the North American Com-
pany, the Missouri Company, and the Kocky Moun-
tain Company, were not strong enough ever greatly
16 It must be borne in mind that the Hudson's Bay Company was present
on the Pacific coast by a license to trade, and not by virtue of conquest,
purchase, or ownership. Their charter gave them legal existence in perpetuity,
and clothed them with corporate powers, but it was only on the east side of the
mountains and round Hudson's Bay that any absolute grant or title to land
was ever pretended to have been made. Under the treaty of ISIS, however,
being incorporated, they might as British subjects enter the Oregon Territory,
ami secure a license of trade which should exclude all other British subjects.
Their foothold once secured, their policy thenceforth Mas first to hold in
intellectual and moral subjection the native nations, that they might minister
as long as possible to their cupidity; and secondly, when settlemenl became
evident, to bring into the country as many as possible of their countrymen,
so that the territory might eventually he .British.
432 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
to interfere with the plans of the formidable Hudson's
Bav Company.
James Keith17 was succeeded at Fort George by
John McLoughlin, who had entered the service of
the Northwest Company early in the century, and
after having spent some years at various eastern posts
was appointed in 1823 from Fort Frances at Rainy
Lake to take charge of the Columbia District.18
It was not, however, until the spring of 1824 that
McLoughlin reached his destination, having waited
for Governor Simpson, who had determined to accom-
pany him for the purpose of newly organizing the
Pacific department.19
At an early day in McLoughlin' s career a natural apti-
tude for business was manifest, which gradually threw
into the shade his professional pretensions. While
doctoring for the Northwest Company at Fort Will-
iam he was frequently given, during winter, little com-
missions to different trading-posts, which were so well
executed as to gain the confidence of McGillivray and
Kenneth, and when Mackenzie was lost in Lake Su-
perior, McLoughlin ruled at Fort William, the duties
17 While partner in the Northwest Company James Keith was at one time
stationed at Athabasca, and afterward appointed to Fort George. After the
coalition he was given the superintendence of the Montreal department with
his head-quarters" at Lactone House. Returning to Scotland with a large for-
tune he married, and after all his perilous wanderings by sea and land, linally
died in his native town of Aberdeen, from so trivial an accident as slipping
upon an orange peel thrown upon the pavement. George Keith, his brother,
likewise partner in the Northwest Company and chief factor in the Hudson's
Bay Company, was in 1S32 stationed at Lake Superior in charge of the dis-
trict. Anderson's Northvest Coast, MS., 55.
18 ' He was probably about forty- five at that time. . .He Mas to the last an
active man.' Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS., 16. See Hist. Or., i. chap, n.,
this series. ,. , . . . . ,
19 There has been no place in this history where I have found the evidence
so obscure as in this first journey of George Simpson and John McLoughlin
to Astoria, and the subsequent founding of Fort Vancouver. Nothing could
be made of it from the matter in print. A comparison of authorities tended
only to greater confusion. They were vague, contradictory, and wholly erro-
neous. Nor was the evidence of those now living in various parts of the
country, and with whom I placed myself in active correspondence, at the first
much more satisfactory. Memories were treacherous. There were none now
living who knew the facts from observation, or if there were any they were then
children. There is great satisfaction, however, in being able to assure the
reader that the facts and dates finally arrived at are correct and reliable
beyond a peradventure.
JOHN McLOUGITLIX. 433
of trader thus for the most part absorbing those of
physician.20
I shall speak but little hero of his personal qualities,
as these will be portrayed as the history progresses.
The man is known by his works. Suffice it to say,
that he was of an altogether different order of hu-
manity from any who had hitherto appeared upon
these shores. Once seen, he was never forgotten.
Before or after him, his like was unknown; lor he was
far above the mercenary fur-trader, or the coarse, illit-
erate immigrant. As he appeared among his pygmy
associates, white or red, there was an almost unearthly
grandeur in his presence. Body, mind, and heart
wTere all carved in gigantic proportions. His tall,
powerful figure, over six feet in height, and broad in
proportion, was usually arrayed in black, and crowned
with long snow-white locks, falling over his shoulders
after the fashion of the day, which made the name
White Eagle the natives gave him singularly appro-
priate. Likewise he wTas their King George, while
his tramontane associates styled him the Emperor of
the West. His eye was indeed that of an eagle, save
that there was no murder in it. He was hasty in
temper, and yet he seldom forgot himself; on some
occasions he would burst into a passion which was
harmless and quickly over, then again he was often
calm under the most provoking circumstances; nor
would he permit profane or ribald language in his
presence.21
20 Harvey's Lift of McLovghUn, MS., 28-9. Mrs Harvey's dictation make-;
a manuscript of thirty-nine pages, composed chiefly of notes and incidents
regarding her father, and life at Fort Vancouver. Though sometimes a little
uncertain about her dates, a common fault even of the most practical minds,
her statements are generally clear and decided. The daughter of such a
father could not but kindle into enthusiasm in calling t<> mind pasl
and reciting noble deeds. Besides delivering to me her dictation, Mrs Harvey
placed in my hands a bundle of her father's private papers, containing, among
other things, full accounts of the founding of Oregon City, ami Mclaughlin S
troubles with the missionaries. These documents are quoted as McLottglum 8
Private Papers, 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th series. See Ui*t. Or., chap, ii., this
series.
-'Applegate in Saxton's Or. Ter.,~MS., 131-41; Allan's Rem.,M8.,4; Town-
send, Noli:, 169, writing in 1834, calls him 'a large, dignified, and very noble-
looking man, with a line expressive countenance, and remarkably bland and
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 28
434 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
A strict disciplinarian, whose authority was absolute,
his subordinates knew what to expect. In the manage-
ment of forts and the business of the department, not
the slightest deviation from fixed rules was allowed.'22
Indeed so determined was he in character, so bent
upon having his own way, that it was with difficulty
the directory in London could control him.23 Origi-
nally a member of the church of England, Father
Blanchet professes to have converted him to Jesuit-
ism in 1841.24
His influence over the savage mind was most re-
markable. Before his coming to the Northwest Coast,
as we have observed, it was not safe for white men to
travel far except in armed bands. We shall soon see
a different state of affairs in this respect under his
benignant rule. We shall see achieved by his wise
and humane policy a bloodless revolution, savage
foes metamorphosed into steadfast friends, a wilder-
ness teeming with treachery into a garden of safe
repose.
His success in this regard was due to a just appre-
ciation of Indian character. In his eyes a savage was
not a monster but a man, the offspring of our common
mother nature, possessed of all the conflicting attri-
butes of humanity, with an intelligence undisciplined
by civilized training, and manners untrammelled by
European conventionalities. Being in reality their
pleasing manners. ' His outbursts of passion were so harmless as to be no more
than half play, and yet they so frightened the natives as to render them abso-
lute in their obedience. For example — savages, speaking generally, value only
what they can eat or wear, or whatever tends directly toward securing these
comforts, yet they can learn to estimate gold or anything they see their civil-
ized preceptors covet. It happened on one occasion in the early history of
Fort Vancouver that a ship required ballasting before sailing, and stones were
gathered for that purpose; the natives stood by watching for a time this
process, which was utterly beyond their comprehension, when suddenly the
scattered rocks upon their domain assumed great value, and they demanded pay
for them. This McLoughlin regarded as the most unjustifiable impudence he
ever encountered, and he was mildly furious. Seizing a stone and thrusting
it into the mouth of the chief, he shouted, ' Pay ? pay ? eat that, you rascal,
and then I will pay you for what the ship eats ! '
22 <My father was very particular about ploughing straight.' Harvey's Life
of McLoughlin, MS., 16.
^Finlayson'sHist. V. I., MS., 28, 70.
2iCath. Ch. in Or., 9,
CHIEF FACTOR AND RULER. 435
superior, McLoughlin conducted himself as such,
treating them as children, kindly, firmly, and dealing
with them honestly as became a father. When they
did wrong he punished them, if not severely, none the
less surely; when they did well he praised and re-
warded them.26 On one occasion he bought the entire
cargo of a Yankee skipper, in order that tire liquor
portion of it might not fall into the hands of the
natives.26 ,
His humaneness was in no way more manifest than
in the certain punishment of crime, whether perpe-
trated by white man or red. One of tin- first casi -
which came under his jurisdiction was that of Mc-
Kay, a trader, killed by a native near the mouth of
the Columbia. The fact being reported at Fort Van-
couver by a friendly Indian, an expedition was de-
spatched to the camp of the murderer, whose person
was demanded. A shower of arrows was the reply,
which was answered by shots from the attacking party,
killing one and wounding several of the natives. The
culprit was then surrendered and taken to Fort Van-
couver, tried, and hanged. The murderers of Young,
who lost his life in the Rogue River country, were
likewise speedily captured and executed.27
When McLoughlin first arrived at Astoria-8 it was
in the capacity of chief trader,29 but when fairly in
charge, the title of chief factor soon followed. Nor
-■"' 'I always heard that my father had a good head. He wasquick in trad-
ing with the Indians, and could get on well with them. afraid of
him.' Harvey's Lift of McLoughlin, MS., 30.
26Applegate in Saxton's Or. Ter., MS., 139. The ship was tin- Thomas
Perkins, Captain Vanity, which entered the Columbia in 1841. 'I'
spring 184G in store at Vancouver.' McLaughlin's Private Papers, MS., 2d
ser. I<>.
-: // vy ■' '■ I. Indians, v. 203.
'-'• Mr.- ll.uv. y. Lift of McLoughlin, MS., 1, 2, states that when Ml.
lin first came, 'Sir George Simpson, accompanied bj Dr McLoughlin, left
York Factory, crossed the R,ocky Mountains, and wenl dov. athi « olumbia to
A ten this statement was first made to me 1 found twenty per-
mtradictit. I continued diligently, however, to search ou1 I
until I found it, and found Mrs Eai \<-\ to be right, although she might easily
lea mistake about it. as she was then but a child, and her father was
not in the habit of discussing business affairs with the family.
28 Following his daughter Mrs Harvey, Life of McLo igh 'in, MS., 5. IV
gerald, I /., 13, states that he was made factor in 1821.
436 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
was it long before the position of governor of all the
Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west of the Rocky
Mountains was accorded him, with power and impor-
tance constantly increasing, until finally his dealings
direct with London overshadowed his accountability
to the magnates of the Eastern American slope.30
Among the first necessities of this department, in
the opinion of both Simpson and McLoughlin, was a
new post to supersede Fort George. Several reasons
existed for a removal. In the first place, as inter-
national affairs then stood, Astoria did not belong to
the Hudson's Bay Company. Though their predeces-
sors had bought and paid for it, yet the United States
had compelled them formally to relinquish any exclu-
sive right to it to which they might pretend. Better
for them to choose some spot less open to dispute.
Should the Columbia be finally fixed as the dividing
line between the possessions of Great Britain and those
of the United States, of which event there was then in
the minds of the fur company no small probability,
the northern bank rather than the southern would
be the proper side upon which to plant improvements
and means of defence.
Again, both from commercial and agricultural points
of view, some locality other than Astoria would he
preferable for the metropolitan post. Some point
higher on the river would be more accessible from
the interior; and it made little difference to sea-going
vessels if once obliged to cross the bar, whether their
anchorage was at the mouth of the river or at the head
of ocean navigation. As to agriculture, although there
had been some small farming. at Astoria, there were
places where both soil and climate were better adapted
to this purpose.31
30 Mrs Harvey asserts, Life of McLoughlin, MS., 5, that while Simpson
remained governor on the other side, McLoughlin was independent of every-
body, and responsible only to London ; but in this she errs. The title of gov-
ernor never was properly applied to McLoughlin. He was chief factor in
charge of a department.
31 See Cushing's Eept., House Sept. 101, 25th Cong., 3d Sess., Feb. 1839,
14-17.
SELECTION OF A SITE. 437
Entertaining such views McLoughlin immediately
set about their execution. He carefully surveyed the
Columbia in small boats, particularly the northern
bank, from its mouth to the bluffs of the Cascade
foot-hills.32 He then explored the interior, and made
himself familiar with the configuration of the country
for one hundred miles and more northward: after which
he drew a map of the entire region, and placed the
result of his investigations before the governor. The
place, which united to the fullest degree the thr< e
chief requisites of being at once central, agricultural,
and approachable by sea-going vessels, was the depres-
sion on the north side of the Columbia corresponding
to that on the south side, through which flows the
Willamette River. This, therefore, was McLough-
lin's selection, and as such placed before Simpson
with the map that had been drawn. After full and
frequent discussion, it was finally decided that a fort
should be built on the north bank of the Columbia,
some six miles above the mouth of the Willamette."5
The spot chosen was some distance from the river,
on the bench about a mile easterly from the present
site. In the spring of 1825,S1 all these preliminaries
33 If our latter-day scientists are willing to accept Indian tradition, they
must know that once navigation at the Cascades was uninterrupted, a
river flowed peacefully under the mountain through a tunnel which was
1 by an earthemake, and the debris form the present obstruction.
33 The Columbia at that time was navigated v\ ith ease by sea-going vessels,
though its character in this respect has since somewhat changed. Simpson
and .McLoughlin may or may not have been aware of the navigability of the
Willamette for some distance. A knowledge of that fact would have made
no difference to them in determining the site.
"Mrs Harvey, Life of McLoughlin, MS., 2, 3, places the time of moving
into the old fort in March 1826. in his Private Papers, 3d ser., 1 L, McLough-
lin himself says, speaking of matters pertaining to Oregon City, ' To me, who
have been in the country since 1824,' etc., from which expression we maj i
clearly infer the correct date. The statements of tourists and those w bo dic-
tate from memory are somewhat wavering. Tims Pai wing Tour,
184, says: 'This establishment was commenced in the year L824.' Dunn,
The Or. Ter., I M. Btates: 'It was founded in 1824 by Governor Simpson.'
On page 5 of I i //■' ' ry of th Northwest Coast, Mr ! ■ lessly
places the date of removal 1823, and on page 88 says thai Fori Vancouver was
founded in l \rch in Or., 8, places the d
the establishing of Fori Vancouver 1824, while De Smet, Or. Miss., 17, says
that McLoughlin ' went to Oregon in 1824.' We are very sure he did not
43S OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
being fully determined, men were put to work, timber
cut, and before the year expired a portion of the build-
ings and palisades were erected, constituting what
was later known as the old fort. The post was aptly
named after the famous English navigator, Vancou-
ver. Thither during the year 1825 were removed
from Astoria the stock and effects of the company,
the work of building going on all this time, and
indeed, at intervals, to a much later period. Fort
George was not altogether abandoned; the houses
and fortifications were preserved, but the place was
reduced to a lookout station. Three or four men
in charge of a clerk were usually living there, who
held in subjection the neighboring tribes, gave notice
to the interior of the arrival of ships, and assisted in
piloting vessels over the bar. But little attention
was paid to defence, and trade was insignificant.
Notwithstanding the fact that portions of the tract
of low ground between the river and the upland were
subject to overflow, so inconvenient was the situation
of the old fort at such a distance from the landing35
build the new fort and move Astoria into it the year of his arrival. From all
this there can be no doubt that it was 1S26 before the removal of the entire
effects from Astoria was consummated. In Work's Journal, MS., 1-48, we
find a party of forty men in three provisioned boats embarking from Fort
George on an exploring journey to Fraser River, and returning the 30th of
December 1824 to the same place; which would hardly be the case if every-
thing had been then removed to Fort Vancouver. But what settles the mat-
ter conclusively in my mind are two statements from two reliable sources, one
by David Douglas, the botanist, who writes in 1825: ' I arrived at Fort Van-
couver on August 5th, and employed myself until the 18th, in drying the
specimens I had collected, and making short journeys in quest of seeds and
plants; my labors being materially retarded by the rainy weather. As there
were no houses yet built on this new station, I first occupied a tent, which was
kindly offered me, and then removed to a larger deerskin tent, which soon,
however, became too small for me in consecpience of the augmentation of my
collections. A hut constructed of the bark of Thuj" < «ak) was my
next habitation, and there I shall probably take up my winter-cuiarters.' See
Orn-ht.nd Monthly, Aug. 1871, 109. This proves beyond a doubt that at the
time named the place was occupied, but that there were no buildings yet
erected. On the other hand, Mr Roderick Finlayson of Victoria, whose
evidence is second to none, writes me under date 18th Oct. 1879, ' Sir George
Simpson visited the coast in 1824.' The contrary having been told me at
least twenty times. Also, ' Fort Vancouver was built by Dr McLoughlm in
1825,' and 'The property at Astoria was removed to Fort \ ancouver in 1825.
S5 Besides being so far for the transportation of goods, it being a mile from
the river, ' there was a great difficulty about water.' Harvey's Life of Mc-
Loughlin, MS., 2, 3.
REMOVAL FROM FORT GEORGE.
439
that after a residence there of three or four years36 a
new fort was erected about a mile westerly from the
old fort. The new establishment, which remained as
tin- head-quarters of the Hudson's Bay Company dur-
ing their occupation of the ( Oregon Territory, and was
finally established as a United States military posi in
1849, was situated five or six miles cast of the conftu-
The Lower Columbia.
ence of the Willamette, and one hundred and twenty
miles from the mouth of the Columbia.31
' of McLovgMin, MS., 2, 3, m I cupation of the
old fort four years from 1826, which places the building of the new fort 1830.
In this statem* nt -he is alone, bui she cannot be far from i
Rept. Hygiene U. S. Army, An. No. 8, War Dept., 188. ; I
couver stands on a point near which Lieutenant Broughton, oneoJ \ ancouver s
officers, turned back from his boat exploration in 1792, and from ti
of its position, with Mount Hood in full view in the distance, named it
Bellevue Point.' Anderson'i Noi ' {, -MS., 90.
440 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
The new post is fully described elsewhere.355 It
was well planned and solidly built, and fulfilled its
purpose in every particular. Within the picket-wall,
which was twenty feet in height, and composed of
large and closely fitting beams placed upright, was an
enclosure 450 by 750 feet, containing dwellings, halls,
machine-shops, and stores with all the requisite supplies
for comfort, and implements of defence. Orchard and
garden were in the rear, and grain and pasture-fields
beyond. In due time a little village populated by
natives, half-breeds, emigrants, and the servants of the
fur company and their descendants, sprang up, which
increased with the settlement of the country, and
finally developed into the beautiful and thriving town
of to-day.39
Among other improvements, McLoughlin, more
than any one before him, turned his attention to agri-
culture. With an abundance of good land and idle
men enough to cultivate it, he wondered why Euro-
peans should content themselves on wild meat and
fish. It would seem a small matter for so powerful a
company to scatter seeds among its servants, to send
them breeding animals, and so have horses, and cattle,
and grain, and vegetables, in abundance. But so ab-
sorbed were they all in gathering furs, so migratory
had they become in their business, that little attention
had thus far been paid to cultivating the soil on the
Pacific slope.
Hitherto the impression had been prevalent on the
Xorthwest Coast, as it was at a much later period in
California, that to attempt agriculture on the Pacific
coast would be folly. Some land was woody, some
sterile. All was wild. It was well enough for savages,
38 See Hist. Northwest Coast, vol. i. chap, xv., on Forts and Fort Life.
39 See Kane's Wander!)/;/?. 171; Whites Or., 65-6; Townsend's Act/-., 171;
Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 185-6; Iline's Ex. Or., chap, vii.; Dunn's Or., chap.
xL; Farnham's Trav., 449; Finlayson's V. I., MS., 65-6; Anderson's North-
west Coast, MS., 88; SUliman's Journal, Jan. 7, 1834: Martin's H. B., 64-8;
Parker's Journal, 148; Douglas' Private Papers, MS., 1st ser., 7; Allan's
Bern., MS., 2; History of Oregon, i. 7, this series.
FRUITS AXD FARMING. 441
and fur-bearing beasts, but it was unfit for civilized
cultivation.
Keith, McLoughlin's predecessor, when asked by
the London directory if bread-stuff could not be raised
there, answered " No; if you stop supplies from beyond
the mountains, you will have to ship provisions round
Cape Horn. There is no alternative. This is no agri-
cultural country."40 But McLoughlin's was a mind
above the trammels of fixed impressions. He thought
for himself, and then acted upon his judgment.
The first fruit-tree grown on the Columbia sprang
from the seed of an apple eaten at a dinner-party in
London. The dinner had been given to Captain
Simpson, of the company's coast service. One of the
ladies present, more in jest than in earnest, took from
the apples brought on with the dessert, the seeds ; an< I
dropping them into Simpson's pocket, told him to plant
them when he should reach his Northwest wilderness.
The captain had forgotten the circumstance until
reminded of it while dining at Fort Vancouver in 1827,
by finding in the pocket of the waistcoat which lie laid
worn last in London, the seeds playfully put there by
his lady friend. Taking them out he gave them to
Bruce, the gardener, who carefully planted them; and
thence within the territory of Oregon began the growth
of apple-trees.41
40 'I had heard myself,' writes Finlayson of a much later period, V. I.,
MS., 72-3, 'that the Columbia region wasa bad, barren country; and that the
port of San Francisco was possessed with a bad entrance for vessels.'
"Sec Hist. Or., i. 9, this series; Kept. Committee, 27th Cong., 3d -
Rept. 31, 56; Parker's Ex. Jour., lS4-^5; Allan's Rem., MS., I-.-!.' 'My father
andMr Pambrun and Simpson were together, and theythree planted them in
little boxes. They kept little boxes in the store somewhere whi re they could
touched, and put glass over them. I do not know how long the j
By and by my father came to me and said, " Now, come and see; we
are going to have some apples." They were all green, and by and by we got
apples. Mr Pambrun was Mrs McCracken's father. My father used to
watch the garden so that no one should touch them. A1 Qrst there was
only one apple on it, and that every one must taste. Lady Douglas will
remember that. The second year we had plenty. They had no apples at
Fort William that I can remember. The nrst one was not a red apple, but
the second year we had red apples. It was ripe; the only apple on the littlfl
tree. It wa I . for everybody had just a little slice. There wer«
a good many it had to go round among.' Harvey's Life of McLoughlin, MS.,
8, 9.
442 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
Astoria stood in the midst of thick woods, while
round Fort Vancouver there was good arable open
land. After McLoughlin's wise improvements, in-
stead of the heavy expenses attending the shipment
of provisions from England round Cape Horn, laborers
were brought from the Hawaiian Islands, from Great
Britain, and from Canada, the axe and plough were
put to work, corn and cattle were cultivated, and soon
enough was produced not only to increase the com-
forts of the British fur -traders, but to supply the
Russian posts also. Soon a flour -mill propelled by
oxen was set up behind the fort, and later grist and
saw mills were erected and put in operation on Mill
Creek five miles above.42 In 1835 twelve saws were
running and producing 3,500 feet of inch boards every
twenty-four hours. There was likewise raised this
year 5,000 bushels of wheat, 1,300 bushels of corn,
1,000 bushels each of barley and oats, and 2,000
bushels of peas, besides a large variety of garden
vegetables. There were also in 1835 at this post 450
neat cattle, 100 horses, 200 sheep, 40 goats, and 300
hogs.
In February 1829, the brig Owyhee, Captain Domi-
nis, entered the Columbia, and opened trade with the
natives. A month later the Con voy, Captain Thomp-
son, appeared in the river. Both of these vessels
were from Boston. During the summer they made
a voyage up the coast. In the autumn the Owyhee.
returned and wintered in the Columbia, while the
Convoy proceeded to Oahu, wintered there, and joined
the Owyhee the following spring.43 Both ships then
** Douglas' Private P>>p><rs, MS., 1st ser., 7; Mnlayson's Hist. V. I., MS.,
28. In 1S33 Mr Allan was in charge of the farms at Fort Vancouver. There
were then 700 acres under cultivation, including apple and peach orchards.
'My duty as superintendent of the farms,' he -writes, 'consists mainly in
seeing the orders of the gentlemen in charge of the establishment carried into
effect, and I am therefore almost constantly on foot or horseback during the
day.' Allan's Rem., MS., 3, 4.
43 McLougMin's Private Papers, MS., 2d ser., 2; House Kept. 101, 25th
Cong., 3d Sess., 34; Thornton's Or. and Gal., ii. 15; Applegate in Saxton's
Or. Ter., MS., 98.
CATTLE AND HOGS. 443
took their departure, and were seen in these waters
no more.
On his voyage out Captain Dominis touched at
the island of Juan Fernandez and brought thence
peach-trees which were planted in Oregon. Like-
wise his vessel was the first that took salmon from
the Columbia River to Boston. During a coast and
river traffic of nine months, Dominis secured a cargo
valued at $96,000. The fever which this year, 1829,
broke out and which subsequently desolated the banks
of the lower Columbia, was thought by the natives to
have been brought by the Owyhee.
When cattle were wanted that their increase might
overspread the rich pastures which lay illimitable on
every side, for a beginning Captain Dominis was re-
quested to bring some sheep from California. The
captain was a better sailor than stock-raiser. True,
he brought the sheep according to orders, a fine large
lot of them, and in good condition, but when they .
were turned ashore and told to multiply, it was dis-
covered they were all wethers.
It was coarse-wool sheep that were first brought
up from California, afterward finer breeds were im-
ported from Australia. China and the Hawaiian Isl-
ands furnished hogs, and the Russian settlement at
Fort Ross the first cattle. These were driven up along
the shore, and considering the inlets, bays, rivers, and
mountains, to say nothing of the natives, it was an
extremely hazardous undertaking.
The trade of the Columbia during this period of
its incipiency, besides peltries consisted offish, lumber,
and agricultural products. Salmon sent to London
did not at first prove profitable, but part of a cargo
collected by the brig May Dacre, in 1835, brought at
the Hawaiian Islands twelve dollars, and at Boston
seventeen dollars, a barrel. A few hundred barrels of
flour were sent to the Islands and to San Francisco,
the price received being from ten to twelve dollars.
Besides spars and other timber for ships the Hudson's
444 OCCUPATION OF THE COLUMBIA.
Bay Company sent several cargoes of sawn lumber to
the Islands, which brought about fifty-five dollars a
thousand feet.44
The vessels employed by the company were from
two to three hundred tons burden, and armed with
from six to ten nine-pound carronades in the waist,
and a few swivels and musketoons. Coasters were
provided with a ten-foot ratline net and chain, en-
closing the deck. A few boxes of hand-grenades were
always within convenient reach. As a rule native
women were freely admitted on board, the canoes
which brought them returning for them after their
errand had been consummated.45
Failing to convince the United States government
that its interests lay in assisting his speculations,
after the downfall of the Pacific Fur Company Astor
abandoned his efforts on the Pacific, but continued
operations about the head-waters of the Missouri
under the name of the North American Fur Com-
pany. In 1822 the discarded and disaffected members
of the late Northwest Company and of the Hudson's
Bay Company united and formed the Columbia Fur
Company. This association was finally absorbed into
the North American Company.
It was a perilous occupation, this constant contest
with wild men and beasts, and made doubly so by the
recklessness of the hunters. In 1820 Henry lost six
men and fifty horses on the Missouri; in 1823 the
Missouri Fur Company lost seven men and $15,000
in merchandise on the Yellowstone. Between 1825
and 1830 two fifths of all the men hunting and trading
in these parts were killed by Indians or accident.
44 In 1833 besides oats, barley, peas, and potatoes in large quantities, there
was raised at Fort Vancouver 4,000 bushels of wheat. The several plantations
of the retired servants of the company on the Willamette and elsewhere raised
but little in excess of their immediate wants. See Gushing' s Sept., No. 101,
25th Cong., 3d Sess., Feb. 1839, 17.
ia Roberts' Eec., MS., 14; Burnett's Rec., MS., i. 291; 'Salem Unionist,
April 1869.
COMMERCE AND AGRICULTURE. 445
Owing to rivalry, lack of system, impositions, and
the sale of intoxicating drinks, the loss of life on the
United States frontier was fourfold greater than
within the territories of the English and Scotch com-
panies north of the 49th parallel.
CHAPTER XIX.
EXPLORATIONS OF UXITED STATES TRAPPERS.
1821-1830.
Ruddock's Journey — Ashley's Operations — Green* on* the Colorado-
Great Salt Lake — Utah Lake — Beckworth's Adventures — Jede-
diah Smith Enters California and Journeys thence to the Colum-
bia River — His Discomfiture at the Umpqua— How Black and Tur-
ner Escaped the Massacre — Jedediah Smith at Fort Vancouver —
McLoughlin's Treatment of Distressed Strangers — Return of Smith
to the Shoshone Country — Peg-leg Smith — Tarascon's Trip-
Joseph L. Meek's Adventures — Pilcher's Expedition — Jackson, Sub-
lette, and Smith Send the First Train of Wagons to the Rocky
Mountains— Rendezvous.
Samuel Adams Ruddock claims to have made the
circuit from Council Bluffs, by way of Santa Fe, to
the mouth of the Columbia River in 1821. He was
one of a trading party which set out the middle of
May, forded the Platte just below its fork, and
turning southward reached Santa Fe the 8th of June.
Crossing the Rio del Norte, they took "a north-west
direction on the north bank of the river Chamas, and
over the mountains reached Lake Trinidad ; and then
pursuing the same direction across the upper branches
of the Rio Colorado of California, reached Lake Tim-
panagos, which is intersected by the 42d parallel of
latitude, the boundary between the United States
of America and the United States of Mexico. This
lake is the principal source of the River Timpanagos,
the Multnomah of Lewis and Clarke."1 Notwith-
standing their route and their geography were both
1 House Kept. 213, 1st Sess., 19th Cong., May 15, 1S26.
(446)
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COMPANY. 447
so crooked, following their River Timpanagos, which
to-day we call Willamette, they reached the mouth of
the Columbia the first of August, thus completing the
journey from Council Bluffs in seventy-nine clays.
The chief of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company2
was William PL Ashley of St Louis, who for many
years had been engaged in gathering peltries upon the
eastern slope. He was one of the few border men
who united bold energy with shrewd caution, and was
eminently successful. Assisted by Mr Henry in 1822
he built a fort on the Yellowstone, and sent out his
trappers in every direction. In 1823 he determined
to push his fortunes across the mountains. With
twenty-eight men he set out upon his journey, but
before reaching his destination he was attacked by the
Ricaras who killed fourteen of the party and wounded
ten.
Nothing daunted, the following year,3 accompanied
by Mr Green, who gave his name to a branch of the
Colorado, he ascended the Platte to its source, ex-
plored and named its northern branch, the Sweet-
water, found the South Pass, afterwards famous as
the great national highway, and continued his course
through it until he came to Green River. Here was
the rendezvous of 1824, where were gathered 300
pack-mules well laden with mountain merchandise.
A call for assistance by the Shoshones being made
upon the company, 300 mounted trappers, it' we may
believe Beckwourth, were led by Sublette against the
Blackfeet. After six hours fighting, the Shoshones
with their white allies returned victorious, with L70
scalps, having sustained a loss of but eleven Shoshones
killed, and eight white men wounded.
2 Irving, Bonneville's Adv., 23, dates the beginning of this compan
which is quite wide of the mark.
3 The date of Mr Ashley's journey is usually given as 1823, but by careful
comparison of all the original authorities it is clear to my mind that he < 10 1
not cross the mountains until 1824. It was autumn when he started on his
first journey, and, following Mr Allen's statement, with his p;
annihilated, he could not possibly have made the passage that m inter.
448 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
In 1825, with 120 well mounted men, and a large
quantity of merchandise packed on horses, Mr Ashley
pursued the same route, and reached Great Salt Lake.
South of this brackish sheet he discovered a smaller
lake,4 to which he gave his own name. There he built
a fort, and leaving 100 men, returned to St Louis.
Two years later a six-pounder was drawn from St
Louis to Fort Ashley, a distance of 1,200 miles, which
demonstrated the practicability of a wagon-road across
the Rocky Mountains.
Ashley was a thoroughly honest and good-natured
man, and to his Yankee shrewdness, with one eye ever
on the main chance, he united thoughtful intelligence
engendering independent action. But never yet was
heaven or earth correctly mapped by meditation alone.
In the trackless wilderness of this or other worlds, too
much theory may be worse than none. Ashley, for
instance, on his return from Utah Lake attempted a
somewhat strange feat, which was nothing less than
to reach St Louis in boats, by descending the Col-
orado. I have no doubt he, if any one, could have
accomplished it, but unfortunately those waters flowed
into the Pacific instead of the Atlantic. Happily he
was obliged to relinquish the undertaking at Ashley
River, else he might have come upon worse grief.5
At the head of a strong party Green explored the
country west of Salt Lake, trading and trapping in
that vicinity until 1829. So rich in furs was the
Snake River region, which afterwards became the
favorite rendezvous of the United States trappers, that
Ashley in three years secured $180,000 worth of
peltries.
In 1827 Ashley retired from the Rocky Mountain
Fur Company, leaving at its head William L. Sub-
lette, with Jedediah Smith and David E. Jackson
as lieutenants. Ashley died at his residence on the
4 Now called Utah Lake; or by a writer in Hunt's Mer. Mag., vi. 316,
Lake Youta. It was discovered by Spaniards in 1776.
&RocJcy Mountain Scenes, 202.
james r. BECKwourrnr. uo
La Mine eight miles from Boonville, the 2Gth of
March, 1838>
With Ashley in several of his expeditions was
James P. I >eckwourth, a mulatto, whose moi her was a
slave. Early in his career Beckwourth became famous
for his reckless courage and skill in hunting and Indian
fighting. The sight of some murdered playfellows
while yet a child, made Indians 'pizen' to him; and if
compunctions ever troubled his soul, the awful horror
that froze him then, arose again before him, and ad-
ministered its ghastly absolution. Subsequently he
was with Sublette and Vasquez, Bent and Saverine,
and others. He played the part of Crow chieftain or
white marauder at pleasure, married freely wherever
he went, and was not always strict in respecting the
rights of property. He played a somewhat conspicu-
ous part in New Mexico and in southern California
during the war. Settling in 1852 as hotehkeeper
in a valley of the Sierra Foothills to which he gave
his name, he was soon obliged to leave the country on
account of undue intimacy with horse-thieves. The
year 1859 saw him keeping store at Denver, but he
soon sickened of such a life, and finally in 18G8, at the
advanced age of threescore and ten years retired to
In the summer of 1824 Jedediah S. Smith with a party
of five trappers crossed the mountains from the east,
and came upon the head- waters of the Snake River.
The following winter was passed at the Hudson's I lay
Company's post among the Flatheads. In 1825 he
ipper's Life, }1S., 2-7; NUes' Register, xxxi. 229, liv. 81
HurU's M er. Mag. ,vi. 316; Evans' Or., .MS., 197 201; I
33-8; Hines' Or. Hist., 408 ; Allen, in De Bow's In-'. Resources, Hi. .">I7
Gray's Hist. Or., :;s: Irving's Bonneville's Adv., 2] : I of Beck
wourth, 23-87, 107- II ; North Am. Review, Jan. 1st); Tuck r's H '..Or., 52
i's Or. and Cal., .'!."., ; Am. State Papers, For. Rel.,
TBeckwourth was by no means a bad man, fch
greatest of which was being born too late. He should have swam the Sca-
mander after Grecian horses, captured Ajax when calling for light, o
Achilles in his tent. Then had not been denied him tin- honor of dying like a
Roman on his shield, in a lightning of lances, or a storm <>f Blackfoot braves.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 29
450 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
retired eastward, and the following year appeared on
Snake River at the head of a still more formidable
band of trappers.
Pushing his way westward, trapping as he went,
he entered California with his party in 1826.8 In 1827
Smith found himself on the shore of San Francisco
Bay. Thence in 1828 he started northward for the
Oregon county. The party consisted of nineteen
men. The journey is remarkable as having been
made along the coast, instead of by the more open
route by the Sacramento and Willamette valleys.
Reaching the Umpqua one night they encamped on a
small island near the mouth of the river, opposite a
branch flowing in from the north-east. Both island
and branch were named after Smith.
Thus far they had met with remarkable success and
carried on their pack-horses not less than $20,000
worth of furs. The natives they now met seemed
friendly, and the night was passed in refreshing sleep.
Immediately after breakfast next morning, while the
party was making ready to move forward, Smith, ac-
companied by one of the men, left camp in search
of a ford. Scarcely were they out of sight when the
camp was attacked and fifteen men killed. Hearing
the commotion, Smith turned, only to see the party
annihilated and his property seized. His safety being
in flight alone, he hurried across the river with his
companion, and after severe suffering found his way
to Fort Vancouver. Two others of the party, Arthur
Black and one Turner, who had acted as cook on the
fatal morning, saved themselves as by miracle. Black
was a powerful fellow, as well as active and light of
foot. Hand to hand he fought the foe, until he man-
aged finally to elude his grasp and hide himself in the
forest. Turner slew four savages with a firebrand,
a half-burned poplar stick, and so effected his escape.
8 ' Captain Smith was a native of King's County. Ireland, according to
Quigley's Irish Race in Cat., 156. Ebberts, Trapper's Life, MS., 1-3, is of the
opinion that Smith was never in California. See, however, Hist. Gal., this
series.
JEDEDIAH SMITH AT FORT VANCOUVER. 451
These two men likewise reached Fort Vancouver in
safety, though in a pitiable plight, having on only
shirt and pants; and having subsisted while on the
way on snails, toads, bugs, and fern-roots.9
It was at a time like this when there came to his
fortress an unfortunate stranger, a man of rival nation-
ality, and a hot business competitor, that the inbred
nobility of McLoughlin's nature blazed out in its most
sublime proportions. More dead than alive, bare-
headed, and foot-sore, Jedediah S, Smith crept into the
dining-hall at Fort Vancouver. McLoughlin listened
attentively to his story.
''Take men and return immediately to the place
of massacre," he said to Smith, "perhaps some of your
party are alive; at all events you can recover the
property."
"It is of no use," replied Smith, disheartened by
misfortune and fatigue.
"Stay with me then," exclaimed McLoughlin, "I
will manage it." Taking off his spectacles, he threw
them on the table, and snatching his cane, hurried
to the porch and shouted: "Mr McKay! Thomas
McKay! Tom! where the devil is McKay?" Presently
McKay made his appearance, coming out of the store.
"Here, Tom, this American has been robbed, his party
massacred. Take fifty men. Have the horses driven in.
Where is La Framboise, Michel, Baptlste, Jacques;
9 The widely various versions of this affair aptly illustrate the uncertainties
of historical data. Robert Xc well, writing in the / h aid under
date of October 3, 1SGG, says, that in leaving camp 'Smith got upon his horse
to go and hunt a place to cross a slough, and to ascend a bluff.' Hines,
Expedition, 110, asserts that 'Smith took one of his men and pro©
the river on foot.' Sir George Simpson, Journey, i. 24S. affirms that Smith
'ascended the stream in a canoe with two companions of his own party, and
a native of the neighborhood.' Presently from the shore, in a strange
I , an Indian hailed the savage in the canoe, wh i
two of the white men escaped under :> • ■
the third being shot. Mrs Victor, River of tin II . . :
was on a raft, and had with him 'a little Englishm Lndian. When
they were in th I the river the Indian Bnal
jumped i p. At the same instant a yell fie in the camp proclaimed
that it was attacked. • Smiti lishman's
gun and shot dead the Indian in the river.' See J/*/. Privc
MS., 2d ser., 1.
452 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
where are all the men? Take twenty pack-horses;
those who have no saddles ride on blankets; two
blankets to each man; go light, take some salmon,
pease, grease, potatoes — now be off, cross the river to-
night, and if there be one of you here at sunset I will
tie him to the twelve-pounder and give him a dozen."
Instantly all is bustle and hurry as the men run
hither and thither about the fort making _ ready, and
by the time the commander has his instructions
written, McKay is at the door ready for his orders.
" Take this paper!" exclaims McLoughlin, "and be off;
read it on the way; you'll observe the place is beyond
the Umpqua. Good-by> Thomas ; God bless you. Be
off! be off!"
Sooner than Smith had thought possible, an Indian
runner reported McKay returning. Boats were sent
across the river to bring over the tired men and
horses. Nearly all the stolen furs had been recovered.
For this important service rendered, McLoughlin
charged Smith four dollars each for such of the horses
as were lost on the journey, and for the men's time
at the rate of sixty dollars per annum, and for the
peltries, at Smith's request, he paid the market price,
giving for them a draft on London.10
Returning to the Shoshone country the following
season, Jedediah Smith descended the Colorado trap-
ping and trading, but in crossing the river on a
certain occasion he was again attacked by the savages
and lost all. During this expedition, after leaving
10 Robert Newell in the Democratic Herald, Oct. I860; McLoughlin's Pri-
vate Pap( rs, MS. , 2d ser. ; Cox's Adv., ii. 395, app. What shall we say of a
man whose piety and patriotism carry him so far as in the face of the fairest
and most convincing evidence, who in the face of such noble deeds as this of
McLoughlin's, wilfully seeks to malign the good name of one of the best of men ?
Gray, Hist. Or., 207-8, mingling his venom with the assertions of Hines, the
missionary, unblushingly charges the massacre of Smith's party to the Hudson's
Bay Company, and indirectly to McLoughlin. A slave of the Umpqua wife
of one Michel was taught at Fort Vancouver, so says this fair and honest his-
torian, that nothing would so please the Hudson's Bay Company people as the
killing of Bostons or white men from the United States. No one knew better
than Gray him -elf when he wrote it that the statement was basely and unquali-
fiedly false. Jesse Apple-ale in making for me some marginal notes upon this
blackest of Gray's black "pages says: 'I was living in St Louis at the time
PEG LEG SMITH. 453
the CJmpqua country, he fell in with the annual rein-
forcement party under Fitzpatrick, numbering fifty-
four, and of whom ( reorge W. Ebberts was one.11 We
shall meet Captain Smith yet many times in thread-
ing the historical labyrinth* of western fur-hunting
explorations.
A i the San Francisco city hospital in October 1866,
died Thomas L. Smith — sometimes called ' Peg-leg'
Smith because he carried a wooden leg — at the age of
sixty-nine years. His life was the type of a class.
Born in Kentucky, at the age of sixteen he ran away
from a child-beating father, served a term as flatboat-
man, made his way into the nearest Indian country as
trapper, attended St Vrain on a trip for Laclede and
Chotcau to Santa 1\', trapped in the Green River
country when he discovered and named the Smith
branch of Bear River, visited the Navajos and Moquis,
trapped in Arizona, trapped again in 1828 with Bridger
and Sublette in the Utah country, then worked over
on to the Platte River where he lost his leg, in 1829
was again in Utah, after which he came to California,
and when towns were built he drank his rum in peace,
sunned himself on curb-stones, where occasionally would
break from his lips one of those wild war-cries to which
he had so long been familiar, to the utter confounding
of staid passers-by.12
Ashley soil his fur interest to Smith, Jackson, and Sublette. The winter
Smith was missing, hi nee was attributed fco the Eudson's Bay
Company; and his partners, Jackson and Subletto I :tra number of
ake war on the Hudson's Bay < lompany, fco a h of their
partner, and to make reprisals upon them for the p op mpposed
to have taken from him; but after learning the faci . I mm Smith
himself, they v, the Hudson's Bay Company acted
only justly but |
rival American and English companies.' See Hist. Oregon, fchi
the character of < > ray i> more fully Bel forth.
llEbbi rts' Trapper's Life, MS., 1 3.
1JX. /'. 0 '. 26, L866; in Hayes' Col, u. 311
good stories about the two Smiths, Jedediah and I' diah and
Arthur Black were trapping one day when the I • :ed bj a
Black raised his gun and killed the brute. The deed i
irds quoting Ebberts: 'Arthur Black told m Squire, T
saved old Smi1 . [ "did you etanythir
'•"Well," f nun." 1 belii ve uow that Mr.
454 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
L. A. Tarascon, who in December 1824 asked con-
gress to open a wagon -road to the Pacific, in the
spring of 1826 ascended the Mississippi to the head
of steam-boat navigation.13
Of the same age as Eb'berts was Joseph L. Meek,
who enlisted with Sublette at the same time and place.
Meek was from Virginia, and in the same party was
Robert Newell from Ohio, also about eighteen years
of age.
Up to this time the Rocky Mountain Company
had avoided direct collision with the Hudson's Bay
Company on the western side of the mountains. But
before Smith had set out on his California journey, it
had been determined by him and Sublette that the
British company had held sole sway in territory
claimed by the United States long enough, and they
now felt strong enough to cope with them. The
result was profitable, as we have seen, except when
the rich prizes were captured by the savages. But
such was the gratitude of Smith, who was no less
conscientious as a Christian, than shrewd as a trader,
for the kind services rendered him while in a desti-
tute and forlorn condition, that on his return to the
Smith willed Arthur Black one thousand dollars when he got home. But
Black never got home.' Jedediah Smith was a wealthy trader; Peg-leg
Smith was a poor trapper. The latter was once left with the Blackfeet near
Brown Hole in the Uintah Mountains, left, by his comrades who were
starving, with a broken leg to die. 'He amputated his leg himself,' says
Ebberts, 'and stayed and cured it up.' Trapper's Life, MS., 3-7. Turner
met with an adventure similar to that upon the Umpqua, subsequently at
Rogue River. Trapping becoming unprofitable, he finally settled upon a
farm in the Willamette Valley. Quigley, Irish Face in Cat, 156, erroneously
states that Smith lost his life in California. Peg-leg Smith 'was a stout-built
man, with black eyes and gray hair. He was a hard drinker, and when
under the influence of liquor veiy liable to get into a fight. When he found
himself in a tight place his wooden leg proved very serviceable to him, as he
had a way of unstrapping it very quickly, and when wielded by his muscular
arms it proved a weapon not to be despised.' Hobbs' Wild Life, 46.
13 On the 13th of June he writes: ' I do not think I am mistaken, and my
opinion is that the way is marked by nature ... By the St Peters you reach
Lake Travers; from thence, now in carriage or wagon, but in time all the way
by water, you cross to the mouth of the Chayenne; you ascend said river;
you take the Big Horn; you are at the southern gap of the Rocky Mountains
in 42°, you descend either Lewis River or the Multnomah, or cross the
country; you are in the bay '-^meaning the mouth of the Columbia. Niks'
Register, xxx. 331.
JOSEPH L. MEEK. 455
Shoshone country he insisted that his company
should for a time retire from the fur-fields west of
the Rocky Mountains, and Sublette and the rest re-
luctantly consented.
Meek, as one of a party of hired trappers, spent the
autumn of 1820 in the vicinity of the Henry and Lewis
branches of Snake River. In October 1830 Sublette
began moving his camp to the east of the mountains.
The furs collected by Jackson's company this year
were cached on Wind River, while an expedition
was made to Powder River. The following year at
the Wind River rendezvous , Smith, Sublette, and
Jackson sold their interests in the Rocky Mountain
Company to Milton Sublette, James Bridger, Frapp,
Fitzpatrick, and Jervais.
There was a small valley in the Bear River Moun-
tains called Ogden Hole, so named from Peter Skeen
Ogden, who was there trading for the Hudson's Bay
Company in 1830. A bitter rivalry had finally arisen
between the British and United States hunting parties
in this vicinity; so that when Fitzpatrick encamped
near Ogden Hole and tapped his whiskey-kegs, the
scenes which followed were like a revival of the old
times of the Northwest Company.
Exorbitant prices were charged by the traders for
goods thus brought over roadless prairies, and sold
to reckless and improvident trappers, among whom it
was not uncommon to see spent at the rendezvous, on
women, alcohol, and savage finery, a thousand dollars
a day, as long as their peltries lasted.
In the Shoshone country at this time, in return for
beaver-skins at $5 a pound, the traders gave tobacco
at $2 a pound, alcohol at $2 a pint, three awls for
50 cents, $25 for a capote, or a blanket, $5 for a
shirt.
On reaching the borders of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's hunting-grounds, the free trappers, those who
were not employed by the United States companies,
and who did not owe for outfits, patronized the
456 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
British traders, from whom better goods at less prices
could be obtained.14
Competition between the Rocky Mountain Com-
pany and the American Company was likewise strong,
and it was proposed at one time to divide the country
between them. Later there were still further rival-
ries among smaller partnerships and associations, each
straining every nerve to be first at the rendezvous, and
to circumvent the others. After eleven years of trap-
ping in the Rocky Mountain region, in 1840 Newell
and Meek dropped down into the Willamette Valley
and became staid members of the new commonwealth.
Dissolved in 1812, the Missouri Fur Company was
revived several years later in the persons of Joshua
Pilcher, M. Lisa, Thomas Hempstead, and Mr Per-
kins. On the Yellowstone, in 1823, a party of this
company under Jones and Immuel were attacked by
the Blackfeet, and several persons including the lead-
ers were killed.
With forty-five men and one hundred horses Pilcher
left Council Bluffs in 1827, and crossing the moun-
tains by the South Pass, wintered on Green River.
Upon the opening of spring he crossed to Snake River
and followed the western base of the mountains north-
ward to Flathead Lake, where he wintered in 1828-9.
Next year he descended Clarke River to Fort Col-
ville, and returned to the United States by way of
the northern Columbia, Athabasca, Red River, and
the Missouri.15
It was under the auspices of Jackson, Sublette,
and Smith, of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company,
14 ' The Hudson's Bay blanket was a heap better article, twice as good.
They charged us over there ten dollars a yard for scarlet to make leggins,
what we call leggins, and here we would give them thirty-two shillings for
them. Well, this scarlet would last ten or twelve years, and the other would
just go to pieces.' Ebberts' Trapper's -Life, MS., 10.
15 To Eaton, secretary of war, Pilcher made a report praising the climate
and soil of the Oregon country. See Kelley's Manual, 3, 4; Evans' Or., MS.,
201; Fry's Travellers' Guide, 112; Gray's Or., 39, which says that the party
were all cut off but two men besides himself, and Pilcher's furs found their
way to the warerooms of the Hudson's Bay Company. Greenhow's Or. and
Cal., 358; Be Bow's Bid. Res., iii. 517; North Am. Rev., Jan. 1840, 118.
WAGONS UPON THE PLAINS. 457
that the first train of wagons made its way to the
eastern base of the Rocky Mountains, an accomplish-
ment pregnant with important results to the North-
west Coast.
Setting out from St Louis on the 10th of April 1829,
with eighty-one men mounted on mules, ten wagons,
each drawn by five mules, and two light mule-carts,
the party proceeded due west to the Missouri bound-
ary, followed the Santa Fe trail forty miles, and
thence deviaf ing t o the north of west, traced the Platte
River to near its source, and on the lGth of July
reached the spot where Wind River issues from the
mountains.
When between the Arkansas and Platte rivers, a
band of one thousand warriors on the war-path came
in full charge upon them. The white men thought
their time had come, and prepared to sell their lives
at as high a cost to the savages as possible. What
was their delight when the warriors suddenly drew up
and graciously deigned to receive presents instead of
bullets.
For food, before reaching the buffalo country, they
drove twelve head of cattle, eight of which only they
found it necessary to butcher, and one milch cow. The
natives troubled them but little, stealing two horses ;
and accidents were few, one man being killed and
another wounded by the falling in of a bank of earth.
The health of the men was perfect; and the grass
along the route afforded abundant sustenance for the
animals. Each wagon carried eighteen hundred
pounds of freight, and the distance made was from
fifteen to twenty-five miles a day. Their trackless
way was for the most part over open prairie, the
el lief obstructions to their progress being ravines and
the steep bank of streams, which they were obliged to
cut down before crossing.
The mountains in their vicinity were covered with
snow, but the lowlands and passes were green with
grass. Returning in high spirits by the same route
453 EXPLORATIONS OF UNITED STATES TRAPPERS.
with their wagons loaded with furs, the party reached
St Louis on the 10th of October. Reporting this
achievement to the secretary of war, the traders as-
serted that they could easily have crossed the moun-
tains with their wagons by the South Pass had such
been their wish.16 In 1830 Sublette brought out four-
teen wagons.
There were three rendezvouses this year, 1829,
namely, at Pierre Hole in the Teton Mountains,
Brown Hole, and on Green River. About this time
George W. Ebberts enlisted with the Rocky Mountain
Company. He was a character in his way; indeed, all
border men were characters in those days.17 Ken-
tucky was his native state, and 1828 saw him in St
Louis, eighteen years of age, and in love with a pretty
French girl. His affections were returned, and they
had engaged to marry, when his mother wrote him
that the proposed alliance would kill her. He felt
that not to marry her would kill him; yet, to satisfy
his mother, he joined Smith, Jackson, and Sublette,
and rushed off to the Rocky Mountains. After trap-
ping on the streams and carousing at the rendezvous
for about eight years, Ebberts joined the Hudson's
Bay Company and went to Oregon.
The rendezvous in 1830 was at a place called the
Blackfoot. There as usual the men divided, some
going one way and some another. Jedediah Smith,
with a party of trappers, struck out north-west ; Jack-
son directed his course toward California, while Sub-
lette went east for supplies. Before breaking camp
the rendezvous for the following year was alwa}^s
named. Between the years 1826 and 1829 there
16 See President Jackson's Message to the house of representatives the
25th of January 1831.
17 When I took his narrative at Salem in 1878, he presented a slender, wiry
form, about five and a half feet in height, with bushy hair, a wrinkled face
cleanly shaven, and full manly voice. His eyes and teeth were bad. Every
motion and expression appeared to spring immediately from a warm, artless,
and happy heart. By his brother trappers he was called the Black Squire.
His dictation, called A Trapper's Life in the Rocky Mountains and in Oregon
from 1829 to 1S39, consists of forty-five manuscript pages, and is full of border
life and stirring incidents.
DEATH OF JEDEDIAH SMITH. 459
were about six hundred American trappers in these
parts, and also many belonging to the Hudson's Bay
Company. So bitter was competition that it was don 1 1 1
for the trappers of one company to sell furs to another
company, or to any one other than the person who
furnished him with supplies. After some six years of
exploration of the country between the Colorado and
the Columbia, in 1831 Jedediah Smith fitted out an
expedition at St Louis for Santa ¥6, during which lie
was slain by the Comanches on the Cimarron.18
18 See St Louis Beacon, Oct. 7, 1830; Niks' Register, xxxix. 173; De Boiu's
Ind. Res., iii. 517; Warner, in Hayes' Coll., iii. 19-20; Hist. Or., and Hist.
( 'al., tins series. Mr Craig who died in November 1SG9, was trapper for the
American Fur Company for fifteen years. He came to the Oregon country in
1S30, settled at Lapwai, and rendered good service hi treating with the Ind-
ians— to Governor Stevens, on whose staff he was placed with the rank of
colonel. Walla Walla Union and Salem Statesman, Nov. 1809.
CHAPTER XX.
DOMINATION OF THE NORTHWEST COAST BY THE
HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
1821-1826.
Forts Established — Alexandria — Thompson — Chllkotin — Babine —
Wife-lifting and Revenge — John Tod Appointed to New Cale-
donia— James McMillan Journeys to Fraser River — Joiin Mc-
Leod at Thompson River — Establishing of Colville^James Con-
nolly— First Eastern Brigade from Fort Vancouver — James Doug-
las Destroys a Murderer.
We have seen that notwithstanding the restoration
of Astoria to the United States authorities in 1818,
the subsequent claims of congress, and the pretensions
of United States trappers and traders, the Hudson's
Bay Company as successors to the Northwest Com-
pany since 1821 are absolute masters of the situation.
That the vital issues of occupation were not sooner
precipitated, was owing no less to the wise and benig-
nant rule of John McLoughlin than to the strength
of the adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay, and
the weakness of their opposing fur-traffickers.
We have noticed the founding of the establishment
on McLeod Lake in 1805, those on Stuart and Fraser
lakes in 1806, that of Fort George at the junction of
Stuart and Fraser rivers in 1807, besides others at
different times in various localities ; and we have fol-
lowed Fraser and his hardy crew clown the Tacootehe
Tesse of Mackenzie to its mouth in 1808.
Communication between the Columbia and Fraser
rivers was not opened until 1813, and the year follow-
ing saw merchandise from the lower posts on the
Columbia ascending the upper portion of the Fraser.
KAMLOOP, ALEXANDRIA, AND CIIILKOTIN.
4G1
Fort Thompson, named for the famous Northwest
Company's astronomer, and later called Fort Kam-
loop, was then built at the fork of Thompson River.
It was a return party with their outfit brought over
from the Columbia who in 1821 established Fort
Alexandria, so called in honor of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie, on the Fraser at the precise point where
that explorer turned back in 1793.1
Northern Inland Posts.
Chilkotin as an outpost of Alexandria was occupied
about the same time as a clerks' station.2 Since 1810—
Jexander Mackenzie 'came to the spot on which the fort was built,
and was dissuaded by the Indians from following the course of the river to its
mouth.' Cox's Adv., ii. 361. Here the navigation of the Fraser is
the northward-bound brigade. Wilkes' Nar.,U. S.Explor. Ex., Lv. 479. [twaa
the residence of a chief trader. Anderson's Hist. Northvu ' ' ■ '■ MS., 98.
Dumber of hoi I pi here. Finla/yson's Hist. V. /., MS., <>7.
2 Wilkes' .War. U. 8. Explor. Ex.,iv. 479, places thi ' hilkotin
branch of Fraser River in latitude 52° 10', while on Trutch's map it is located
nearer o- -0'.
462 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
1 1 winter trading excursions had been made to Babine
Lake, and in 18223 a permanent post was planted
there no less for the purpose of obtaining a regular
supply of superior dried salmon, than for the procur-
ing of furs.4
The Beaver Indians who inhabited the Rocky
Mountains wdiere Peace River flows through them,
were a well fed race, and hence bold and warlike. In
the autumn of 1823, Guy Hughes and four men were
killed at Fort St John for wife-lifting, as stealing
women from the natives was technically termed by
the fur-traders. Much alarm prevailed at all the
posts within a radius of five hundred miles. The
establishment was soon deserted. Likewise Fort
Dunvegan was abandoned the following year in con-
sequence, but was reestablished some time afterward
by Mr Campbell. It was never known positively who
did the killing, although a chief called Sancho had
been greatly enraged against Mr Black, the officer in
charge of the fort, for taking from him one of his wives
a few days prior to the revengeful deed, and had even
fired shots at the canoes of Black and Henry as they
took their departure from the fort. The natives
thereabouts manifested the most friendly feeling
at the time and subsequently, although three or four
of the St John Indians held themselves aloof forever
after. When Governor Simpson passed St John in
1828, the buildings were entire, nothing about them
having been molested. But we may be sure the Sabine
sport was never again attempted in that region.5
The oldest officer of the Hudson's Bay Company
I have had the pleasure of meeting was John Tod,
born at Leven, Scotland, in 1793. With other young
recruits he enlisted at Glasgow under the Red River
3 Following Stuart, Anderson, Northxuest Coast, MS., 99, gives the date of
this beginning 1823, and calls the post Fort Kilmaurs. It is known as Fort
Babine to-day. It was located near the north-east end of the lake.
4 Stuart's Notes, in Anderson 's Northwest Coast, MS., 236.
5 JfcLcod's Peace Biver, 10, 85.
JOHN TOD IX NEW CALEDONIA. 463
banner of Lord Selkirk. After serving' at several
east tin stations, lie was appointed to New Caledonia,
whither lie proceeded in 1823. This region was then
regarded as the Botany Bay of the Hudson's Bay
Company's territories so far as residence was con-
cerned. Mr Tod attributes his appointment to that
then undesirable region to one Taylor, a servant of
Sir George Simpson's, an arrogant fellow whom all
the officers hated, and whom Tod had mortally
offended. One day after a quarrel with the menial,
Simpson sent for Tod. Taylor was the messenger.
" Sit down, Mr Tod," smilingly said the governor.
" I have to inform you, my dear sir, of a new ap-
pointment by the governor in council."
"Ah, indeed!" returned Tod, "where to, may I
ask?"
" New Caledonia," replied the governor.
" The very place of all others I should like to go
to," exclaimed Tod, who was determined that no sign
of disappointment should cloud his beaming Scotch
countenance at that juncture.
With Tod came Stuart. Peter Warren Dease was
then in charge at McLeod Lake, and him Tod re-
lieved. Filling that post nine years, he returned east.
Tod related many adventures to me which I have
not the space to give. He once set London agog by
parading through its streets a shock-headed American
in all his native habiliments. After long and faithful
service in the compaii}^, an accusation of habitual
drunkenness was reported by Governor Simpson to
tin' London council, but the charge was finally dis-
missed.0
By order of the Rupert governor, Simpson, an expe-
dition was directed northward from Astoria in 1824,
for the purpose of discovering by sea the mouth of
6See /' uglae' Private Papers, 1st ser., MS., 8G-2; Tod's New Caledonia,
MS., ]>-i ini. Before the occupation of New Caledonia, Norway Souse was
the Siberia of the company, where refractory men and headstrong officers
were sen I ir probationary cooling. Applegate's Views, MS., II; Saxtoris Or.
Ter., .M.S., 12.
464 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
Fraser River, finding a situation for a fort, and ascer-
taining the possibilities of navigation upon that stream.
The country along their route between the Columbia
and Eraser rivers was to be carefully examined. The
expedition consisted of James McMillan, commander ;
Thomas McKay, F. JST. Annance, and John Work,7
clerks; and thirty-six French Canadians, Kanakas,
and Iroquois.
Instead of taking the Cowlitz River route to Puget
Sound, the one commonly adopted at a later period,
it was determined to enter that sheet by way of the
Chehalis. Embarking on the 18th of November in
three boats laden with arms and ammunition, besides
flour, pork, pease, oatmeal, grease, rum, butter, sugar,
biscuit, and peinican, the party proceeded to Baker
Bay, where they landed, and to avoid the danger of
doubling Cape Disappointment, made the portage by
way of a small lake and creek to Shoalwater Bay,8
which they reached on the 20th.
Carefully noting their course, and bringing within
the range of their acute observation every object of
7 To none of the Hudson's Bay Company's officers is posterity more
indebted than to John Work, whose journals of various expeditions, nowhere
else mentioned, fill a gap in history. Irish by birth he entered the service of
the Hudson's Bay Companyin 1S14, served for eight years on the eastern slope,
crossed the mountains to Astoria, where we find him embarking in the preseut
expedition in 1824. He planted at Colville the first farm west of the Rocky
Mountains. In 182S he journeys from Fort Vancouver to Okanagan, in 1831 he
visits the Missouri River, and in 1834 makes a trip southward from Fort Van-
couver. For fourteen years next following, he is in charge at Fort Simpson.
From clerk he rises to the positions of chief trader and chief factor. Li 1So7
he is made member of the council of Vancouver, which position he fills to
the day of his death, in 1S01, at which time he was also member of the board
of management of the western department at Victoria. Mr Work was a man
of strong rather than graceful physique. His mind like his frame was con-
structed for practical use and endurance, rather than for beauty or brilliance.
Yet that strict integrity which commanded respect was no more prominent a
characteristic than the kindly disposition which won all hearts. Near the
residence of the family at Hillside, Victoria, stands to-day a spacious log-house
in which was peacefully and pleasantly spent the latter part of a useful life,
whose earlier portion was fraught in no small degree with privation and
peril. It was Mr WTork's request that this log-house should be preserved. Mr
Work's Journals, for which I am indebted to Mr Finlayson, comprise 240 pages
of most interesting detad without which a complete history of the Northwest
Coast could not be written. Allan, Rem., MS., 13, calls Work a kind-hearted
and generous Irishman who often amused his associates by his murder of the
French tongue.
c Mr Work calls it Grey's Bay.
I'.xr EDITION TO FRASER RIVER.
4G5
interest on sea and shore, the explorers continue their
way, landing at intervals and dragging their boats
across points deemed unadvisable to pass round.
Arrived at the northern end of Shoalwater Bay,
they enter and ascend a small stream, and after a
ten-mile portage, meanwhile drenched by a drizzling
rain, on the 25th they reach Gray Harbor,9 and a
The Chehalis Route.
the Chehalis River to a branch which from the color
of the water was called Black River. The natives
encountered, though they had before met white nun,
put on an attitude of fear and defence; because, they
said, they had been told the fur-hunters had conic to
attack them. One of the men becoming seriously ill,
he was given in charge of a Chehalis chief.
"Called by the travellera Chehalis Bay.
Hist. X. W. Coast, Vol. II. 30
466 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
Up Black River they shove their boats as far as
they will go to Tumwater, the lake which is the
river's source. Here they find an Indian portage
leading toward the north-west; following which with
their effects, they launch their boats the 5th of De-
cember on Eld Inlet, an arm of Puget Sound.
Continuing their course, they land from time to time
to camp, hunt, and consult with the natives, whose
language they do not understand. The weather is
cold and wet, the sky overcast; indeed it is a most
inclement season for such a journey. One of their
interpreters fearing to meet the terrible people at what
was supposed to be the entrance to Fraser River,
refused to go farther. Another is picked up, however,
as the party proceeds up the frigid waters, although
he can make himself but dimly intelligible to any of
the Indians of the party.
Hugging closely the eastern shore, often waiting
for the sea to quiet before crossing the inlets, they
pass the great islands of the strait, and on the 13th
approach the mouth of the great river. Coming to a
small stream, by way of which, and connecting with
another stream flowing into the Fraser, the natives
made a portage, though a difficult one, McMillan was
induced to take this cut-off, no less by the representa-
tions of his guides and interpreters of the ferocious
character of the Kwantlums,10 than to avoid the long
and somewhat dangerous circuit for small boats round
Point Roberts.
Immense flocks of plover now attracted their at-
tention; elk and deer were plenty, and signs of beaver
frequent.
The portage11 made, the party entered the great
10 Work calls the people at the mouth of the Fraser the Coweechins, and
the river the Coweechin. In this he was wholly in error. The Oowichins
lived on Vancouver Island opposite the entrance to Fraser River, which stream
was never known aboriginally or otherwise as the Cowichin River. See J\ 'ait ue
Races, i., map Columbian Group, 297. It may have been the Cowichins the
party were afraid of, and living in that vicinity, their fears may have placed
them like so many ogres on the delta of the river guarding the entrance.
11 The stream by which the cut-off was made flowed through a plain whose
AT PRASEE PJVER. 4G7
river " as wide as the Columbia at Oak Point, one
thousand yards/' they said, at one o'clock on the lGth.
Opposite them was an island. They did not know
how far they were from the entrance, hut "from the
size and appearance of the river, there is no doubt in
our minds," Work writes, "but that it is Frazer's."
Encamping for the remainder of the day, hunters
were sent out for elk; and embarking next morning
rht, the party passed the island opposite also
other islands, and after proceeding up the river in all
eighteen miles, they camped at the entrance of a small
river. But few natives were met; the Indian villages
consisted of from two to six houses, and though the
inmates seemed of an inferior order, some of the
houses were large and well made. The simple people
were pleased at the prospect of having the while m< n
among them; and the latter took care to make them s< >.
The next day, the 18th, was very rainy. About
nine o'clock the explorers were visited lry a party of
fifty- one Kwantlums12 who came from their village
above and among whom were three women and a boy.
These people were friendly; presents were given I lien i.
and a few beaver-skins purchased. In their possession
were two guns, a new blanket, a pair of trousers, .in!
other European articles brought from tribes above
who obtained them from white people. Much infor-
mation was obtained from them respecting the country
and its inhabitants.
Deeming it unnecessary to ascend the river farther,
the party dropped clown to their previous camp,
where they passed the night, and next day, the I 9th,
descended the river twenty-seven miles.
That night they camped near the mouth of the
river. Here they found the native villages more
frequent and larger, one consisting of over a hundred
houses. Next (lay the party discovered the several
rich black mould was softened to the consistency of mud '
heavy ra rtage from stream to stream distance was 7,900 yards
X. X.' I '.. . 2,97< I yards of ascent and 3,030 of descent.
12 Work says of the Cahoulett tribe.
468 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
channels through which the mighty waters discharge,
and the many neighboring isles. Carefully observing
the peculiarities of the region, the low swampy shores,
the distant ridges, the small scattering pines, so dif-
ferent from those of the dense forests above, and taking
soundings on their way, the party passed out through
the southernmost channel into the open sea, round
Point Roberts and encamped in Birch Bay.
Embarking at six next morning, and following their
former track, at two o'clock on the 24th of December
they arrived at Chelacom,13 the village of one of their
interpreters. Continuing, their former portage lead-
ing to the Chehalis was completed the 26th. One
of the boats was left at the village of their guide,
whose name was Sinoughton, the crew and effects
being taken by the other boats. Next day the party
divided. McMillan, Work, an interpreter, and six men,
procuring horses from the natives, crossed over to the
Cowlitz, where they hired a canoe from the Indians
and proceeded thence to Astoria by water, which they
reached the 30th of December; while McKay, An-
nance, and the remainder of the men followed back
their former route down the Chehalis, and through
Shoalwater to Baker Bay.
Between 1822 and 1825 John McLeod was in charge
of the Thompson River district, during most of which
time he conducted the brigade of supplies into that
region.14 In 1826 he went from Kamloop to Fort
Vancouver, and thence across the mountains to Ed-
monton. He set out from Fort Vancouver for the
eastward the 20th of March, left Spokane the 17th of
April, and arrived at Boat Encampment ten days
later. There he found the snow so deep that he was
obliged to cut up his leathern trousers to make snow-
shoes. He reached Fort Edmonton safely, however,
on the 17th of May.
13 Steilacoom.
14 Those supplies were ' for the whole of the country between the Rocky
McLEOD'S EXPEDITION. 400
This journey is memorable as being the first in
which calves were taken from Fort Vancouver to the
country of the upper Columbia. It seems that the
hungry natives at the portages were determined in-
continently to make meat of the young bovines. What
earthly use these creatures were except to kill, the
unsophisticated savage could not imagine, and draw-
ing his bow he would spoil the keepers as well as the
calves if they interfered with his lordly purpose. On
one occcasion the life of McLeod was saved only i > v
the quickness of James Douglas, who struck from his
hand the weapon of an Indian in the act of shooting
Mc Leod in the back. Through all these dangers the
precious calves nevertheless passed in safety to Fort
Colville, where they fulfilled their mission, multiply-
ing rapidly. A leave of absence being granted him,
McLeod started east, but finding work on the way
needing his attention, he stopped and built Norway
House.15
It was during this same year of 1826,16 or 1825,
that the post upon the Spokane River was removed
to Kettle Falls on the Columbia and called Fort Col-
ville, after the then London governor of the Hudson s
Bay Company. Once fairly established, the accounts
of the surrounding posts centered here, thus saving
a trip to Fort Vancouver for settlement. Then it
was that the days of the New Caledonia brigade
began, and the current of supply was at last wholly
changed" from the Atlantic westward, to the Pacific
ward, entering the interior from Fort Vancouver,
even such goods as were destined for the upper Fraser
being carried up the Columbia in boats to Fort ( !ol-
ville, and conveyed thence on horses to Fort Alex-
Mountains and the Pacific, from the Columbia Eiver to the Russii a boundary,
and far beyond.' McLeod' s Peact River, 100.
is M cLeod'8 Journal, in McLeod's /'<»••< River, 93-4.
ival ia obscure, but in July 1S26 we find :i party
embarking i iver with '72 pieces for I' which ahows
that this establishment was then in operation. Work's ■' I, MS., 19.
Evans, Hist. Or., MS., L86, dates the founding of Colville 1825; Anderson,
Northwest Coast, MS., 6, makesthe time 1826; Wilkes, Nar. U.S.Explor, Ex.,
iv. 47::.
470 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
andria, the Fraser between this point and its mouth
running through too rugged a country for easy or safe
transportation. Dog-sledges as well as horses were
used between the posts of New Caledonia in early
days, as I have elsewhere remarked. The round trip
from Fort Vancouver and return of the New Cale-
donia brigade usually occupied from the middle of
April to the end of September. The navigation of
the Columbia was difficult and dangerous; and yet,
such were the coolness and skill of the voyageurs and
their leaders, comparatively few accidents occurred.
The natives had now learned to respect and regard as
friends the fur-traders, who took care to hold them in
wholesome fear of white men.17
About this time18 a post was established at Lake
Connolly, or Bear Lake, by James Douglas, and
named by him in honor of his father-in-law, William
Connolly. This gentleman had been a 'grey' of the
Northwest Company, and was in charge of New Cale-
donia for several years prior to 1831, when he went
to Canada on a furlough. 1:)
James Connolly was a chief factor in the Hudson's
Bay Company. His residence was Montreal, though
much of his time was spent west of the mountains.
He was a man of great energy and bravery, both
these qualities being employed in an eminent degree
in the arduous and dangerous task of conducting the
brigade of supplies from Fort Vancouver to Fort St
James.
Later we find in this region Fort Stager20 on the
17 Anderson? 's Northwest Coast MS., 5-8. 'Next in importance to Fort
Vancouver, ' says Evans, Hist. Or., MS., 186. ' Located on the east bank of the
Columbia, south of Clark Fork, latitude 48° 39'.'" See Finlayson's Hist. V. L,
MS., 65; Wilkes' Nar., U. S. Explor. Ex., iv. 471-3. Two miles above the
Kettle Falls. Gray's Hist. Or., 43.
lsMr Anderson, Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 14, thinks it was in 1826-7.
Stuart places the time earlier ; but both are uncertain as to the exact date.
Fleming on his Maj) of the Canadian Pacific Railway places it at the head of
Bear Lake, one of the sources of the Skeena River.
19 For several years he wintered at Ladousac, below Quebec. Upon his
final retirement, he settled at Montreal, of which city he was afterward
elected mayor. Anderson's Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 63.
20 Also called Fort Kispyox.
EASTERN BOUND BRIGADE. 471
left bank of Kispyox, or Collins river, near the mouth
of Babine River; Bulkley Eouse, at the northern
end of Lack Lake; Salmon Eouse, on Salmon River,
which flows into Dean Channel, and other minor p<
To give the details of each succeeding brigade
would be tiresome and profitless. But I deem it
my duty to chronicle every important journey made
during this early epoch, as thereby alone may we
learn the doings of the Europeans, and the progress
of exploration and discovery. And among the im-
portant journeys was that of the interior brigade of
1826, being the first since the entire removal to the
new head-quarters.
Under command of Connolly this brigade consisting
of nine boats, each manned by six oars, and containing
freight for Colville, Thompson River, Nez Perces, and
New Caledonia, besides despatches for York Factory,
embarked at Fort Vancouver the fifth of July. As
passengers went a McDonald, Douglas, Annance,
Cortin, and Work; also three women and nine chil-
dren of the families of McLoughlin, McDonald, and
McKay.21
They made the Cascade portage the 7th, and on the
1 1th completed the Dalles portage, where they met
F. McDonald, McKay, and Deans, who with two
boats and eighteen men were on their way from the
Shoshone country and Walla Walla to Fort Van-
couver. Ogdcn with part of the men were en route
from the same region with horses by way of the
Willamette. The brigade reached Fort Xez Percys
the 14th. Horses being required for transportation
in New Caledonia, several were purchased from the
natives, but not as many could be obtained as were
wanted, so a horse party was despatched up the Nez
Perces River'" while the boats proceeded to Colville
-n The details of this journey, which I shall mention very briefly, are given
by Work in his Journals, MS., 40-84.
reader will remember that Fort Walla Walla was first called Fort
Nez Perces, and the Snake, or Lewis, branch of the Columbia, Nez Perces River.
472 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
With the horse-trading party was an interpreter
who harangued the natives at their several villages,
telling them to bring forth their horses and trade. But
the lords of that country preferred to keep their ani-
mals unless they could get for them exorbitant prices.
Nevertheless, after narrowly escaping a general fight,
the party succeeded in purchasing seventy-nine horses,
and with them proceeded to Spokane, where, dividing
the band, some were taken to Colville, and some to
Okanagan. At Colville, the 5th of August, Work
examined the results of the late agricultural efforts
with some degree of interest. On the whole, expec-
tations were hardly realized.23
On the 16th of August, Work, accompanied by
Kittson and twelve men, set out from Fort Colville,
having nine loaded horses, to make the summer trade
with the Flatheads, while one man was to cross over
to the Kootenais and tell them to meet the traders,
on their return, at the lake.
While on the wTay rumors reached them of the inva-
sion of the Flathead and ISTez Perce countries by trap-
pers from the United States.24 They had been joined,
it was said, by deserters from British fur-hunting ranks.
Although the Hudson's 'Bay Company had not been
troubled by any opposition throughout the vast North-
west except along the sea-shore, the possibility of
unwelcome interference was ever present in their minds.
After buying what furs the natives had, these money
missionaries exhorted the savages to greater diligence
in hunting furs for them, and returned to Colville,
where they arrived the 5th of September.25 McDon-
23 'The potatoes appear pretty well,' Work writes, Journal, MS., 67;
'barley middling. No wheat at all came up, and only a few stalks of
Indian corn. Green peas but indifferent. The kitchen garden stuff, turnips,
cabbages were so and so. The soil appears to be too dry.' It will be
remembered that this was the first attempt at what might be called fanning in
all that vast region north of San Francisco Bay and west of the Rocky
Mountains.
24 It was Ashley and his party who were thus filling the forest with their
obnoxious scent.
25 The result of this trip was the following articles secured to the company:
510 large beaver, 149 small beaver, 505 musk-rat, 12 buffalo, 115 deer, 7 otter,
DOUGLAS AXD THE SAVAGES. 473
aid and Dease with their families, and the families of
McLoughlin and McKay, proceeded eastward.
When Yale was in charge of Fort George, New
Caledonia, two natives, who had been employed at the
fort, by their diligence and good behavior gained the
implicit confidence of the white men. While on a long
journey in company with two Canadians, who consti-
tuted besides Yale almost the entire force then at
Fort George, the natives rose one night, slew their
companions, and fled. It was impossible at that time
to pursue the murderers, as there were none who could
be spared from the fort.
A year or two passed, when it became known that
one of them had been killed by the Blackfeet. Douglas
was then in charge at Fort St James, where were
gathered a concourse of natives to celebrate a feast.
One night a woman approached the pickets and whis-
pered to the guard,
"I want to see Mr Douglas."
"What for?"
"I will not tell you."
"Then you cannot see Mr Douglas," replied the
guard.
"Promise not to betray me and I will tell you," the
woman said. " One of the murderers of Mr Yale's men
is at the lodge."
Douglas was called. Taking with him young Con-
nolly, and another man who affirmed that he could
identify the offender, Douglas proceeded to the Indian
encampment near by. Save a few old women the
lodges were vacant; but in one of them was a large pile
of camp equipage, in turning over which Douglas
found his eye in close proximity to an arrow-point.
Quick as a flash he drew his pistol and fired. One of
his companions rushed up and fired. Connolly then
seized the object underneath the baggage by the hair,
and about 200 other .-kins, besides some 4,500 lbs. of meat, 21 pack-saddles,
4 pairs leggings, and other small articles.
474 DOMINATION BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
and dragging him forth despatched him with the butt
end of his musket. Returning to the fort, the gates
were left open as usual, and each went about his busi-
ness.
When the Indians returned and found the body
of the slaughtered man, they raised a fearful howl.
It was not the killing that troubled them so much as
the place in which it was done. The man deserved
death, and was not of their tribe; but their law was
such that for the safety of a stranger in their tent
they were responsible. For the life thus taken the
relatives of this unhallowed carcass must be paid.
Hence the howling. Reason in clue time returning,
they resolved that as they had not killed him they
would not pay for him. Then the howling ceased.
At the fort it was thought the matter was over;
when suddenly there entered at the open gate two hun-
dred savages with blackened faces presaging mischief.
While some stood with uplifted weapons over the heads
of Connolly and the rest, others seized Douglas, and
amidst much struggling and swearing, bound him
hand and foot, and carrying him away to the mess
room laid him at full length upon the table.
Although a pretty morsel for the gocls, the young
commander of the fortress did not fancy his situation ;
so he roared most lustily, and struggled most stren-
uously, and swore most vehemently that if he was
not immediately released he would blast to ashes all
New Caledonia.
" Calm yourself," said the ruler of the redskins.
" I tell you," spluttered Douglas, " I will cut your
whole nation into mince-meat if you do not instantly
release me."
" How if we mince- meat you?" asked the chief.
" Nay, if you will not lie quietly we must await your
pleasure."
Finally Douglas saw the folly of his fury, and
expressed his willingness to parley.
" What do you want?" he demanded.
RELEASE. 475
''Pay for the man you have slain," was the reply.
" I will give you nothing," returned Douglas strug-
gling to rise and free himself.
•• Lie down," cried the chief, shoving him back.
•• We want clothing, axes, tobacco, and guns for the
father, mother, brothers, and sisters of the deceased,
tlic payment of which we are responsible for, though
we know the man was a murderer, and deserved death
at your hands."
Seeing the savages in so earnest a mood, and sensi-
ble withal, the wrath of Douglas left him, so that he
finally came to terms with them, pledged his word,
the word of a Hudson's Bay officer, which all sav-
agedom had learned implicitly to trust, and was re-
leased.26
's New Caledonia, MS. , 25-34. This story has been harped in varia-
tions by almost as many authors as have given us gunpowder plots. It -was
a brave, resolute act, and under the then existing state of things it seemed
necessary ; but in hunting and killing their savage, I see nothing to call forth
special admiration. There was no more noble daring about it than in the
slaughter of a bear or a rattlesnake. Most writers throw round the murdered
man armed warriors, glaring deadly revenge, and through whose midst the
hero stalks unscathed; when the fact is there were only a few old women
present when the deed was done; and in the final settlement it seems to me
that the childlike savages had rather the better of it. Any one who wishes
to take the trouble, may compare such writers as Gray, Hist. Or., 44; Hines,
Oregon Hist., 392, et seq.
CHAPTER XXI.
FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLET.
1827.
Advent of the Schooner 'Cadboro' — Her History and her Captain-
Occupation of the Northern Shore— McMillan Proceeds to the
Mouth of the Fraser — Enters the Stream — And there Establishes
a Fort — The Fort Routine — A Notable Call — The Salmon Trade —
James Douglas Explores Connolly River.
At Vancouver in the spring of 1827 appeared the
Hudson's Bay Company's schooner Cadboro, seventy-
two tons burden,1 John Pearson Sawn, master, which
sailed from London the autumn previous.
The Cadboro is as much an historical character in
the early days of Oregon and British Columbia, as
McTavish, McLoughlin, or any other man, for in the
progress of civilization she did the work of many men.
Stanchly built at Bye in 1824, before sinking to her
final rest in 1862 she saw buried every human body
brought by her from England, save one, John Spence,
ship-carpenter, who was seventy when the good old
ship yielded up the ghost. In round figures she was
fifty-six feet long, seventeen feet in her broadest
part, depth of hold eight feet, had two masts, one
deck, a standing bowsprit, no galleries, and was what
was then technically called square and curve built.
Thirty men, including the crew, servants of the com-
pany, came out in her, and as she took her place in
the coast trade, with six guns and a picked crew of
thirty-five men, she was the pride of the Pacific.
On reaching Fort Vancouver Sawn relinquished
1 Or, to be exact, 7 IS tons.
(476)
AX HISTORICAL SHIP. 477
command, and was succeeded by Emilius Simpson,2 a
naval lieutenant, who was captain until June 1831,
when Sinclair took his place. Two years after, Will-
iam Ryan was installed captain, and in 1835 Brotchie,
who held rule until 1838, when James Scarborough
took command for the next ten years, and was suc-
ceeded for six years, after 1848, by James Sangstcr.
In 18.14 J. L. Sinclair succeeded Sangstcr. The ship
gave her name to the beautiful Cadboro Bay, the placid
waters of which hers was the first keel to ruffle. She
was the first vessel to enter Fraser River. Then she
plunged headlong in the scramble for gold. Her use-
fulness and beauty fading, she was sold in 18G0 to
Howard for $2,450, and made to do duty carrying
coal and lumber from the mines and mills to Victoria.
Old age creeping on apace, in 1862, to escape a gale,
she ran ashore at Port Angeles, and there rested from
her labors.3
In the progress of business it became necessary to
establish a post which should command the lands and
waters in the vicinity of the lower Fraser. To this
end, as we have seen, one excursion had been made
thither, and now another was planned, and the scheme
carried into execution. Twenty-five men were de-
tailed for this work, and the mission placed in charge
of James McMillan, the commander of the original
exploration.4
2 For a British tar, and a brave man on duty, dealing rum, molasses, beads,
and blankets to savages in the dank, dismal shores for wild beasts' skins,
Simpson was excessively the gentleman. Though an efficient officer lie was
somewhat eccentric. For example, his hands must be incased in kid before
he could give an order on his own deck, in the daylight, and if the occasion
was perilous or peculiar, his gloves must be of white kid. Form was nine
tenths of the law with him, and the other tenth was conformity.
■ adboro, MS., London, Sept. 4, 1S2G; Saxton's Or. Tcr.,
MS., 8; Victoria Chronicle, Oct. 30, L862.
4 With McMillan were Donald Manson, Francois Annance, and George
Barnston, clerks, and Arquoitte, Baker, Boisvert, Bouchard, Charles, Como,
Cornoyer, Dubois, Etten, Faron, Kennedy, Anawiskum, Peopeoh, the Pier-
rault brothers, Piette, Plomondean, Satakarata, Sauve", Xavier, and Vin
servants of the company. Fort Langley Journal, .MS., 1, '2. See Anderson's
Northwest Coast, Ms., L3, 83. Most of the information concerning this expe-
dition is derived from the books of the establishment, than which no source
47S FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLEY.
Leaving Fort Vancouver in two boats early on the
morning of the 27th of June 1827, the party pro-
ceeded up the Cowlitz River, arrived next day at the
Cowlitz Portage, over which a portion of their effects
were transported on horses obtained from the natives
to Puget Sound. There they purchased from the
natives three canoes, having left those with which
they started at the lower end of the long portage.
Embarking the 3d of June, they next day entered
Port Orchard, where according to previous arrange-
ment they were to meet the Cadboro, having on board,
besides goods and provisions, implements for the erec-
tion of buildings, also horses and carts to assist at the
labor; but the schooner had not yet arrived. Camping
at night upon the shore, and supplying their table by
hunting and purchases from the Indians, they con-
tinued northward until the 10th, when as they came
to Whidbey Island they heard the boom of a great gun
reverberating through the silent wilderness. Next
day, paddling along the western side of Whidbey Island
another and nearer gun was heard, and soon off Pro-
tection Island the Cadboro came in view, which as she
dropped anchor, McMillan and Manson boarded, and
grasped the gloved hand of her redoubtable master,
Simpson.
All the men and effects being transferred from the
canoes to the schooner, anchor was weighed on the
1 2th and the ship's prow pointed to the gulf of Georgia,
into which she passed through Rosario Strait, and
came to anchor5 in Point Roberts Bay late in the
night of the 13th.
of knowledge could be more original or reliable. It was the custom at all the
forts, beside books of accounts, to keep a daily record of events, which though
filled for the most part with tiresome detail, constitutes, nevertheless, one of
the purest springs of history. For the journals of Fort Langley, Fort Simp-
son, and others I am indebted to Chief Factor Charles, the present head of the
Hudson's Bay Company's affairs at Victoria. The Fort Langley register com-
prises loS manuscript pages, which cover a period of three years.
5 The route should be noticed in its bearings on the boundary question
subsequently to be discussed. The Cadboro on this her first voyage into
these parts, passed Point Partridge, the westernmost extremity of Whidbey
Island, and proceeded uj) past Strawberry, now called Cypress, Island.
SURVEY OF THE RIVER. 479
A party of savages were congregated on the shore
next morning, when McMillan, with twelve men,
landed to seek a site for a fort; the natives were
friendly, hut the locality did not please the traders.
Sunday, the 15th, an effort to get the schooner round
Point Roberts into Fraser River failed, the tide being
against them. Though the wind was unfavorable, next
morning they managed with the flood tide to work
out into the gulf, and at change of tide cast anchor
near Sturgeon shoal. Another attempt in the after-
noon, and yet another next morning, to beat up to the
entrance of the channel, failed, and again anchor was
cast on the edge of the south Sturgeon shoal. Twice
that day Simpson and Annance in a small boat in vain
sought a channel. On the 18th Sinclair, first mate,
was sent to sound, and returning reported a good
channel, the lowest depth in any place being two
fathoms. Stood across the mouth of the channel next
morning, and came to anchor on the edge of the north
shoal. During the night the vessel was found to be
drifting; the cable was let out to its full length, eighty
fathoms or more, and the ship was with difficulty
checked. The various attempts of the 20th failed.
Making across to the southward next morning until she
had her bearings, the ship then stood in for the en-
trance, and after grounding on the shoal without dam-
age, a light breeze from the north-cast carried her a
mile within the river, and at three o'clock she came to
anchor close to the black wooded bluff on the north si< 1« •.
Captain Simpson called the north point of the
entrance Point Garvy; and there at noon on Sunday
the 22d an inaccurate observation was made. ^lean-
while Sinclair, who had been despatched up the river
to sound, returned and reported deep water as far up
as lie had gone. During the absence of the sounding
party the schooner had been put under weigh, had
taken the wrong side of the river, ran into shoal
water, and had been obliged to return to her anchor-
asre and await their arrival.
4S0
FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLET.
Next clay all hands were put to work towing the
vessel to the other side. In this way the channel was
reached, and a breeze springing up from the south-
west, sail was set, and a distance up the river of one
mile was made. Hereabout were several Indian vil-
lages, aggregating, perhaps, fifteen hundred persons.
Scawana, chief of chiefs, spent much of his time on
The Lower Fraser.
board the schooner, watching her progress through
the untried channels with intelligent interest.
Eight days had thus been employed in effecting an
entrance to the river; henceforth all was smooth
sailing. A light breeze from the south-west, on the
24th, sent the schooner quietly up the stream. Passed
abreast of the other channel at half past one ; at two
a few tents were seen on the south side nearly oppo-
site where now stands New Westminster; at five
o'clock they saw the mouth of the Quoitle;6 passed
6 That is to say Pitt River.
A STOLEN AXE. 481
Pino Island, and about, seven anchored half a mile
above it. Next day as they were slowly ascending
the current they saw several native encampments,
and a number of canoes appeared around them with
the occupants of which they traded a Pew beaver.
Some of them attempting to board the vessel \
ordered away, but so persistent were they under the
agues of a determined old man, that they would
not cease their efforts until the traders took up their
arms. The savages then abruptly departed.
On the 26th they reached a point where on the
south bank was, as the record says, "a tolerably good
situation for a fort." They hoped for a better how-
ever; hence the two days following, while the crew
with the assistance of the Canadians were warping
the schooner up the stream, McMillan with McLeod
of the Cadboro, Annance, and a native gentleman
name Shoshia, explored the river above for a more
ible situation. And they thought they had found
one; and warping the vessel still farther up stream,
the 28th, they attempted to bring her to land, but
found the water so shallow that she could not come
within three hundred yards of the shore. This would
not do. Aside from the obvious inconvenience of
such a landing, the men for protection while building
the fort must be within range of the ship's guns.
Therefore dropping down on the 29th to their anchor-
-I* the 26th, they determined tl should
be planted Fort Langley.7
A theft having been committed, Shoshia wa
for the stolen property. He returned with it the
following day, remarking that the Indians were
bad in that vicinit;
7 Tin' site was on the left bank, 30 miles from the strait, and I
: atly Fori B ated.
8 Upon the authority of Judge Strong, Ogden relal
building the post at Fort Langley one of his men r< d ly that the
Indians had Btolen his axe. The work was immi
Indians called to a council upon th i l: i , but
i find it. As they did > made
. pay a lot of furs before be would allow the work on , iceed.
Hist. N.W. Coast, Vol. II. 31
4S2 FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLEY.
The horses were first to be landed, which was done,
after the schooner was brought close to the shore, by
slinging them off upon the bank. The poor brutes
rejoiced in their liberation. The men began opera-
tions the 30th, some clearing the ground, and some
preparing timbers for a bastion. At first all hands went
on board the schooner to sleep at night. Some bark
sheds were thrown up which served as imperfect shel-
ter until the more substantial log-buildings were done.
One of the crew was put in irons for using lano-ua^e
tending to incite discontent and disorder. Work pro-
gressed slowly, as the ground was covered not only
with large trees, but with a thick briery undergrowth.
The fire kindled to consume the branches and timber-
cuttings, communicating with the woods enveloped
the fort-builders in smoke, and it was with difficulty
the conflagration was checked. Saw-pits were erected;
sturgeon, salmon, and berries were procured from the
natives; and day by day the work went bravely on.
The clerks kept watch at night so that the rest of the
laborers might not be broken. A few beaver- skins
were bought. Passing and repassing on the river
were the boats of the natives, sometimes in large par-
ties with women and children on hunting excursions,
or in bands of staid warriors only, with red-painted
visage and bloody intent.
Owing to exposure to a wet climate, and to sub-
sisting wholly on fish, their other provisions having
become exhausted, several of the men fell sick. By
the 8th of September, a rectangle forty by forty-five
yards was enclosed in pickets, gates were hung, two
bastions each twelve feet square built of eight -inch
Next day the workman came and said, "I have found that axe, it was cov-
ered up m the hill." "Well," said Ogden, "you go take it and bury it where
it wdl never be found again." "What for?" inquired the man. "We told
them they had stolen it," said Ogden, "and if we should say now that we
were mistaken we never could make them believe anything again." Stron<i'*
Hist. Or., MS., 65-6. This is a good story; nor do I know that it is in any
wise injured by the facts that Ogden did not build Fort Langley, and was not
in the party, being then in the Snake country, that the article stolen was not
an axe, but a ci*ow-bar, and finally that the incident did not happen at Fort
Langley at all.
BUILDING OF THE FORT. 483
logs, with a lower and an upper floor, the latter occu-
pied by artillery, were completed; and by the 15th a
substantial storehouse roofed with bark was finished.
.Dwelling-houses were then built, and among them a
wintering-house thirty by fifteen feet, and divided into
two apartments each having a fireplace and two win-
dows. The Cadboro then discharged her cargo, took in
ballast, and on the 18th, under a salute of three guns,
which were returned, she took her departure. On the
23d of November there was felt a slight shock of
earthquake, causing not much more commotion than
a falling tree would have done. The 26th a flag-staff
was raised, work was stopped, and in the names of
piety and loyalty the establishment was baptized into
the service of selfishness. The fort completed, the
men were sent trapping, and the petty details of fort
life fill the succeeding pages of the journal.
By the middle of December the weather became
extremely cold, and on the 19th the river was covered
with ice so thick that the tide did not affect it. On
the 24th A. McKenzie, clerk, with four men from
Fort Vancouver arrived, bringing the first news from
home or friends received within six months.
New Year's day, 1828, afforded as usual an oppor-
tunity for the men to submerge their intellect in the
opaque influence of drink. McKenzie with four men
started for Fort Vancouver the 3d of January.
While encamped on Lumni Island they were attack< I
at night b}^ a party of Clallams from Fuca Strait, and
all were killed. Intelligence reaching Fort Vancouver,
a party was immediately despatched under Alexander
11. McLeod, chief factor, by way of the Cowlitz an !
Chehalis rivers and Hood's canal, and the Cadboro
was sent round by sea. The land party arrived first,
and encamped in the vicinity of New Dungeness, neat-
Port Townsend, and shortly afterward the Cadboro
arriving anchored off the Clallam village which was in
that vicinity. A demand was then made for the mur-
derers, which was answered by shouts of defiance.
4S4 FOUNDING OF FOET LANGLEY.
Thereupon fire was opened upon the village, resulting
in indiscriminate slaughter. Whether the criminals
were killed or not was never known. It was a neces-
sary punishment; but it is always severe where the
innocent are made to suffer for the sins of the guilty.
Thenceforth the fur-traders journeved through that
country without molestation.9
During the winter a fair quantity of beaver had
been purchased at Fort Langley, and a liberal supply
of deer and elk meat brought in by the hunters.
The middle of January a kiln of charcoal was burnt
and some sledges made. Indian stragglers from the
Kamloop and the Okanagan regions occasionally ap-
peared at Langley, by whom letters were carried
between posts. In February a gallery was constructed
round the inside of the pickets. On the 18th an
express consisting of seven men under Manson was
despatched to Fort Vancouver, returning the 15th
of April. In March an attack upon the fort for pur-
poses of plunder was threatened by the natives,
which, however, was not carried into effect.
The 18th of April the Cadboro again arriving
anchored off the fort, discharged her supplies, and on
the 22d took her departure. Her next arrival was on
the 17th of July. Before the year was out the fort
enclosure was increased to one hundred and thirty-five
by one hundred and twenty feet; other buildings were
erected, and potatoes planted. Notwithstanding the
utmost efforts of the fur-traders to maintain friendly
relations with all the natives, some of the uncouth
savages of that vicinity were so insolent that blows
and refusals to trade were sometimes found necessary
to sustain order. Salmon were much scarcer this year
than the last.
From up the river came sounds of singing, about
seven o'clock on the night of October 10th, ushering
in the governor-in-chief and party. To these watchers
9 Fort Langley Journals, MS., 70, 76, 86; Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS.,
260-1.
SIMPSON'S ARPJ 4S5
for beaver-selling redskins in this distant and too < I
dismal wilderness this appearing was not less than that
of the angel to Jacob. Here George Simpson •
before his maker: wicked savages would say thai
one dealt care-killing liquor, the other cheerless rain
and rheumatism.
There were two parties in fact: twenty men with
Archibald Macdonald and Doctor Hamlyn comprising
that of the governor, and the other cons i -i ing of seven
men under James Munax Yale from New Caledonia.
Yale had lately been at Kamloop and the mouth of
Thompson river, and had accompanied the governor
down the Fraser, and had found it more inaccessible
than had been anticipated; so rough, indeed, as to
ler, in the opinion of the party, regular com-
munication with interior tribes by that route imprac-
ticable.
As was frequently the case on the visit of an
august officer of the company to a station, a new deal
was made as to place' and privilege. On this occasion,
McMillan availed himself of his rotation of furlough
and accompanied Simpson to Fort Vancouver, while
McDonald assumed command at Fort Langley. Yale
to< >k Manson's place ; Annance continued India; 1 1 1 .
and the number of men at Langley was reduced from
t W( nty to seventeen. The governor's party, now num-
bering thirty men, took their departure for the ( lolum-
bia by way of Puget Sound the 16th. Consolation
for their absence was then administered in the form
of a pint of rum to each man. They did not see much
fun, these poor chattels of a corporation; jei
savage finds as many merry-dancing joys in his \\ Mods,
as does the citizen behind his walls and pavements;
in either place are found men who to lift themselves
into the seventh heaven to-day, will to-morrow take
up their abode in as low a hell, thinking they do
well if by the third day the normal equilibrium is
restored.
Moved by the persuasive venom of 1 meliness and
4S6 POUNDING OF FORT LAXGLEY.
propagation, Yale buys himself a wife, choosing for
his bosom companion the fragrant daughter of a
Haitlin chief, whose virtue sprang from the superior
packs of beaver he brought in. But alas for forest
morals! It soon came out that the greasy charmer
had living another husband, and would willingly marry
a white man every day in the year for the price Yale
paid for her. A few days after, Mrs Yale was led to
the fort gate, and with a significant motion of the
hand hence ward, divorced. But once having tasted
the soft connubial sweets of civilization, Mrs Yale
could not stay away. Back she came; whereupon
she was informed that the spotless chastity of a Brit-
ish fur-trader might not be sullied by any connection
which savored of a rival redskin, and was again sent
away. But when a short time afterward a poor
Canadian sought to assuage his hot unrest in native
streams by hoisting his love one dark drunken night
in through the bastion embrasure, he would have been
ironed had such ornaments been there; as it was he
was mulct in the sum of eleven pounds, 'being six
months' pay. Yet again Mrs Yale returned; and
one day as her father was passing the fort he begged
a blanket, which his daughter quickly handed, and
which was as quickly snatched from him by the post-
trader, and after her venerable father was driven
naked away, Mrs Yale was severely reprimanded.
In due time she bore her lord a daughter. Under
proper tuition it does not take long for a white man
to raise himself to the dignity of a savage.
Little remarkable is found in the Fort Langley
record of 1829. The Cadboro continued her trips
there and to the northward regularly. Though the
natives of Vancouver Island and the neighboring
shores traded liberally at the post, Fort Langley on
the whole did not seem to meet expectations. This
led to a gradual reduction of the force, which as the
contiguous tribes were dangerous, was regarded as
poor policy. The post-trader likewise complained that
SALMON PISHING. 187
the articles kept for traffic were not whai they should
bo either in quantity or quality.10
In August 1829, the salmon tfade on the Fraser
was quite brisk. Fort Lang] \y toot 7,5 I I salmon at
a cosl of £13 \7s. 2d. in goods. More were offered
by the natives than could be received.11
Leavingthe fort in charge <>t* Vale with .-even men,
on the 24th of October McDonald with eight men set
out on a visit to Fort Vancouver, returning the 23d
of November. The object of the journey was to con-
sult with McLoughlin as to the company's interests
in the regions round Fort Langley. It was an im-
portant point, and yet cut off as it was from the in-
terior, it could be but little more than a coast station
for the present. Nevertheless, even upon this basis
it should wield no small influence in those parts. It
was now proposed for the gulf and sound trade to
attach the schooner Vancouver to this establishment,
and thus the better compete with American traders,
whose inroads were becoming alarming. A saw-mill
at Puget Sound falls12 was likewise talked of, which
with the Cowlitz portage was to be placed under
Fort Langley superintendence. As a salmon-fishery,
if for nothing else, it was thought the strength of the
post should be kept up to fifteen men.13
In May 1830, the river rose to a higher point than
at any time since the summer freshet of 1820. The
musquito pest came on the month following, and so
troublesome were they as absolutely to drive the
natives to the coast, and prevent the white men from
"Sec I r. /.. MS., 7: Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS., 13;
Fort Langley Journal, MS., passim; Gray's Or., 43; Martin's II. i:..-2i\.^ This
.■..-is burned in the spring of 1840, aawe shall sec. bul was immediately
rebuilt.
11 ' What pity that mid bewantii register.
MS., 14 salmon trade with
Fort Vancouver am I ian Islands sprang up a1 Fort Langley, whence
three or four thousand barrels were shipped annually.
'- Tun
13 Inventory taken Kith February, 1830, showed on hand 1,700 skins, for
which 210 blankets, 13 guns, 16 shovels, and 30 yards ol cloth had been paid.
488 FOUNDING OF FORT LANGLEY.
working by day, or sleeping at night. In July the
water was upon them again; and when the flood sub-
sided they were persecuted by caterpillars, which
destroyed the fields of corn and potatoes that had been
planted. It is not necessary, at this juncture, to follow
further the haps and mishaps at Fort Langley.
In August 1827, James Douglas made a voyage
down what he calls Connolly River, the details of
which are so trifling and uninteresting as not to be
worth recording.14
14 Douglas' Private Papers, MS., 1st ser.,4-6.
CHAPTER XXII.
CONTINUED DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
1828-1829.
i [west Dominions— Character of
\ rTECEDENTS AND PERSONNEL— Tj
Norway House— The Transit at Peace R ' » Entry
James— Arrival at Fort Langle-j
1 wing Yeae to Canada—John Work Joltm Colville
to Okanagan— Wreck of the 'William and Ann' and Mi
the Crew— Punishment of the Offenders— Incipient Ideas of
Settlement— Era of Epidemic— John McLoughlln Occupies Wil-
lamette falls.
When from the sombre chambers in Fenchurch
a fur-traders' peace was promulgated, and all
along the American lines from Hudson Bay to the
• Ocean, and from Fort William on Lake Supe-
rior to the Pacific, the so lately fierce contestant
embracing as brothers, young George Simpson was
making rapid strides upward from an humble position
in the service to the highest in the territory.
illegitimate son of the eldest brother of the
mother of Thomas Simpson, the Arctic explorer,
while clerk in a London counting-house George
ion had attracted the attention of Andrew Col-
ville, brother-in-law of the Earl of Selkirk, who sent
him to Ami rica in the service of the Hudson's Bay
I any. With a bright, clear intellect, redi
I spirits, finely-chiselled features lighted by a
blazing blue eye, and a figure though uoi tall, say five
. yet well knit, broad-chested and im]
• i eh and affable in i . he quickly
made his way upward, until in 1820 he found himself
490 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
governor of a district, and shortly after the coalition
of the two giant companies, he was made governor-
in-chief of all the Hudson's Bay territories in Amer-
ica. It was a high position, and swiftly attained, but
it was well bestowed, as the faithful and efficient ser-
vice of some forty continuous years amply testify.
Entering upon the work when the association was
prostrated by long and ruinous opposition, by his keen
penetration and active energy he rapidly brought order
out of confusion, and elevated the company to the
highest pitch of prosperity.
During his term of office his rule was absolute, he
being responsible for his acts only to the council in
London. Part of the time he spent at Red River,
part in Oregon, in Athabasca, and at Hudson Bay.
He crossed the Rocky Mountains at three different
points, and travelled extensively over the vast territory
of which he was the commercial sovereign.1
In 1828 he deemed it advisable to make a general
survey of the western posts, as well for the purpose of
impressing peace and good-will upon the natives, as to
more practically learn the necessities and test the
efficiency of his associates and servants.
The proposed journey of Mr Simpson2 was from
1See Life of Thomas Simpson, 46; House Commons Rept., 44, 75; Mc-
LeouVs Peace, River; Simpson's Voyage, 42. Sir John Franklin's Nar., ii.
23, speaks of him in 1820 as principal agent in Athabasca for the Hudson's
Bay Company. It was in recognition of his services in organizing the expedi-
tion under Dease and Simpson for the discovery of a north-west passage, that
both he and John Henry Pelly, the London governor of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, received baronetcies in 1839. If we may believe the stories told of
George Simpson by his delectable cousin, even this cheap pay was scarcely
earned. Says Mr Anderson of him, History Northwest Const, MS., 47-S: ' Sir
George Simpson died at his residence at Lachine, Canada, about 1861. As I
have said, the character of Sir George was very energetic, and the intelli-
gence of his death was received with much regret by all the senior officers of
the Hudson's Bay Company, for it had been in his power during his long
career to confer many private benefits upon his friends throughout the country.
On retiring from active service he purchased the Isle Durnal just above
Lachine, and there built a splendid residence. In 1860 he was honored with a
visit from the Prince of Wales, whom he received with all the honors of Hud-
son Bay courtesy. Highly ornamented birch-bark canoes of enormous size,
such as we were in the habit of travelling with, were prepared for this recep-
tion of the prince and his party, who were conveyed to the residence of Sir
George under the stirring song of the Canadian voyageurs.'
2 Simpson was not yet knighted. His title of governor was unhappily
MACDOXALD'S JOURNAL. 491
York Factory to the Pacific. He travelled in some
state, having with him a chief factor, Archibald Mac-
donald, whose journal kept at this time was edited by
Malcolm McLeod, and published at Ottawa in 1872,3
and a doctor, Hamlyn by name, the simple pr<
of a medical man in those days being- proof against
many evils.
Fourteen commissioned gentlemen, as the chief
factors and chief traders were called, and as many
clerks, accompanied them to their boats, which were
two light canoes with crews of nine men each. On
board were two tents, cooking utensils, arms and pro-
visions, with wine for the officials and spirits for the
men. After a hearty hand-shaking the travellers took
their seats. Cheers were given as the boats shoved
off; then followed a salute of seven guns from the gar-
rison, after which the voyageurs struck up an inspirit-
ing air as they breasted the strong tide, and the start
was accomplished.
This was Saturday, the 12th of July. Their route
was up Hayes River to Norway House at the north-
chosen. It would seem that there was a dearth of words signifying domi-
nance in those days, the term governor being applied to the highest in authority
re. He who presided at the London board was governor supreme;
the commanding officer in America was governor-in-chief of the Hudson's
Bay Territories; then there were governors of districts, govern
governor of Rupert Land, a governor of Assiniboine, and sometimes a double
governor, as in the case of Douglas at Vancouver Island, who was at once
! I son's Bay Company governor and colonial governor.
3 Peace Rivi r. .1 ' 'ano< Voyage from the Hudson's Bay to the Pacific. Con-
sisting of a journal written by Archibald Macdonald with notes by
McL 1. a barrister of Aylmer, Canada. The journal bya chief factor during
a Hying trip in ls-js, is much better written than the notes which an
to have been done more deliberately, though the i
enlywork, of lack of time. The writer who has not time to do
his best, had better not write. While there is much that we enjoy to know
in Mr. McLeod's remarks, there is an unhappy vein . running
through them which renders them unpleasant reading. I
ary taste are committed on almost every page, which to ]
school-master or a d swspaper critic, is no b
us be thankful to Mr McLeod \<<r the absolutely original information which
iws by the publication of Macdonald's journal. \>
1822 and maid had been clerk in cha
■ itrict. In 182 i le took the place -
as chief trader at Kamlo p. I;i 1828 we lind him a
exp on. After his death Macd maid
bo M ' od. See Eva . MS., 222; Franklin's
Nap., i. 221 : -.', MS., 7-1.
492 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
ern end of Winnipeg Lake, thence to Cumberland
House, La Crosse Lake, and Fort Chipewyan at the
western end of Athabasca Lake ; then up Peace River
and down the Fraser to Fort Langley.
It is not necessary to enter into details of the journey.
There were rather fewer than the usual mishaps, and
far more than the usual comforts; for food and drink
were plenty, and when men and cargo got wet they
could stop and have a drying.
At Norway House, where fresh provisions were
obtained, his excellency, as the chief factor calls the
governor, was preceded by a piper from the landing
to the fort, where the officers and a bevy of dusky
ladies stood ready to receive him. In the eyes of the
narrator the reception was more imposing than any-
thing hitherto seen in that region. Preparatory to
arrival they had landed and made their toilets ; then
their approach was made known by the shrill notes
of Highland bagpipes in the governor's canoe, and a
bugle in the chief factor's, after which, as they neared
the landing, was heard the softer, sweeter chant of the
boatmen.4
4 The editor was there at the time. ' In the crowd on the bank,' he says,
• standing beside my dear old father— a sturdy Highlander, snuffbox in hand,
and with countenance beaming in conscious pride of his work well done — I, a
little fellow yet in his units, was a gazing spectator, intensely interested, and
to this day I remember the scene as if it now flashed before my eyes. On the
signal hill of rock, from a tall Norway-pine shaft, floated the* grand old flag.
From the hollow rocks, the world of rocks all around us, awoke the wild echoes
by the bugle set flying. Then the grand thunder-skirrl of the bagpipes with
their "Campbells are coming; hourray! hourray!" or some such music of
our mountain land, long droned out to the very vault of heaven, and then —
as a cadenza of soothing, gladdening, exquisite charm— the deep and soft and
so joyously toned voices of those full-throated voyageurs, timed with a stroke
so quick, of glittering paddle-blade, singing with such heart their La Claire
Fontaine or some such loved air of their native land. All this music, in the
rapid, in the deep rocky gorge, mellowed by the waters, and a little by dis-
tance, entranced us in a sense. For a while we could but listen, the canoes
from our position in the bay being out of sight; but when the governor's
canoe with its grand high prow, rounded and brightly painted, Hashed out of
the dark rock at the point into our full view, and gracefully turned into the
little port at our feet, the heart seemed to swell with admiration and delight
at the sight. Never, never had anything so grand, and splendid, and
delightful withal, been seen in those primitive wilds. And the little world
there, especially on the bank that day, was one which in its unsullied purity
of natural taste for the beautiful in nature and in simple art, could appreciate
and enjoy such a scene.' McLeod's Peace River, app., note xiv.
EX ROUTE. 493
The entire journey was made without loss of life or
property. This was due in a great measure to the
efficiency of the guide who, en route, is governor even
of governors. "He was generally," says McLeod,
" some steel-framed, steady, and electric-eyed Iroquois
of Caughnawaga, or, as I believe, in tins case, was
some old French Canadian voyageur, wise exceedingly
in his >>\vn way, and endowed, one would think, with
special instincts for his duty. In canoe he takes the
post of honor, that is, of danger and trust, the bow.
Between him and his precious charge every nasty,
ripping rock, or sunken stick in the way, the shallow
way. forgoing up stream they have ever to hug the
shore, there is naught but the thin birch bark and its
slender lining."
During the evenings which were spent at the posts
along the route, the governor's time was occupied in
writing. It was an intricate and widely extended
business for one man to manage, yet the length of time
Mr Simpson was governor shows the opinion of his
associates of his ability. His correspondence with
the officers of the company was very great. Added
to his administrative capabilities was intense applica-
tion, which enabled him to perform the labor of three
ordinary men. Twelve years later he had so over-
taxed himself as to be partially blind. At Isle a la
Crosse, Fort Chipewyan, and other stations, supplies
were taken on board as required. One month from
the time of starting the party arrived at the last-
named port, then in charge of Willian llivray.
James Heron now took the place of McGillivray, who
with his family accompanied the governor across the
mountains. The arrival and departure of the family
was attended by the same ceremony at all the posts:
music, cheering, the waving of flags, and the firing
of guns.
They entered Peace River on the 15th of Ac
Fort Vermilion, three hundred and twenty miles from
the mouth of the river, was then in charge of Paul
494 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
Eraser. Fort Dunvegan was still occupied by Camp-
bell, who on this occasion was taken by surprise,
having but little on the premises to eat. The gover-
nor could not refrain from bestowing upon the natives
a gentle admonition, after the manner of a father-
confessor, with regard to the St John murder, no less
than the ancient bacchanals, one of which not long
since resulted in the death of an Indian.
Passing St John, a cross was seen marking the
burial-place of the unfortunate wife-stealers, whose
passion for the forest belles had cost them their lives ;
for in these wilds, where constant peril made one
brotherhood of all creeds, it was the custom to desig-
nate the spot where dead humanity lay buried, pro-
vided always the skin had been white, by monuments,
which since these many centuries have proclaimed a
common origin and a common end.
The path at the portages was in a miserable condi-
tion, no white people having passed that way for
three years. On the 4th of September, the guide
with three men narrowly escaped perdition at the foot
of a formidable cascade. The 11th brought them
to McLeod Fort, where they found wreathed in sad
smiles the honest face of Mr Tod, for he, alas ! was
taken by surprise, which signified in the diction of the
day, that the fort contained nothing to eat. He and
his two men were on short allowance, the fish having
to some extent failed him during the summer.
Here Simpson was called upon to pla}^ the judge in
a case of assault, the person attacked being suspected
of tampering with the assailant's wife. The governor
returned the Scotch verdict of not proven. The wife-
wooer, however, was advised not to interfere with the
marital relations of others in a country where women
were so plentiful, and as an earnest for his future good
behavior, he was fined ten shillings, which being
offered to the injured husband was indignantly re-
fused, whereupon it was handed to a third person to
buy rum for the men. The servants must be well
OX THE PACIFIC SLOPE. 495
trained indeed who could be satisfied with this quality
of justice at the hand of their highest official. Two
thousand beaver-skins were annually traded here at
this time.
From McLeod the party set out by land for Port
St James, the men with heavy loads upon their backs,
making over the bad roads but fifteen or eighteen
milesa day, the gentlemen riding on horses; although
I could but regard it as more gentlemanly in the mas-
ter to have walked, and let his horse carry the burden
of a faithful servant. But it was inconsistent with the
dignity of officers to treat the voyageurs as men.
*To "impress the tender mind of the savage it was
thought best to make a grand entry into Fort St
James, the capital of western Caledonia. Hence,
when within a mile of the fort, the party halted,
breakfasted, and changed, that is to say, shaved and
decorated. Unfurling the British ensign, it was given
to the guide, who marched first. After him came the
band, consisting of buglers and bagpipers. Next came
the governor, mounted, and behind him Hamlyn and
Macdonald, also on horses. Twenty loaded men, like
beasts of burden, formed the line; after them a loaded
horse; and finally McGillivray with his wife and
family5 brought up the rear.
Thus arranged, the imposing body was put in motion.
Passing over a gentle elevation they came in full view
of the "fort, when the bugle sounded, a gun was fired,
and the bagpipes struck up the famous inarch of the
clans, Si coma hum cogadh na shea, that is to say.
Peace; or, if you so will it, war. James Douglas,
who was then in charge of the post, replied with a
brisk discharge of wall-pieces and small arms: after
which he advanced a short distance in front of* the
fort, and there received his distinguished guests.
Fort St James was then the chief depot for all the
u Whether mounted or on foot the narrative does not say. but probably
the latter, as otherwise where there were bo few horses the writer would have
been apt to mention them.
496 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
region north of the Eraser Forks to the Russian
boundary, including the Babine country, and hence
was a general rendezvous for the fur-traders of multi-
tudinous degree. Governor Simpson had been there
but two hours when Chief Factor James Connolly of
Montreal arrived from the shores of the Pacific, which
he had left the 23d of June. Yale arrived next day.
It was soon decided that Pierre La Course, one of
the governor's party, with three men, should proceed
immediately to Thompson River, and build a boat to
take the travellers to Fort Langley. Yale accom-
panied them to Fort Alexandria, rendering them every
assistance in his power, and to Chief Factor Francis
Ermatinger and Mr McDougall were sent letters con-
taining instructions of like import.
To the great white chief many little red chiefs were
introduced, and the white chiefs told the red chiefs
that they must not kill white men. There had been
one or two murders committed by the Indians lately,
for which the murderers were promptly punished as
usual; but the governor greatly deplored such pro-
ceedings, and warned the chiefs that war, with all its
horrors, would be upon them if they did not curb the
temper of their people. His imposing mien, his earnest
words, and the dauntless fire of his eye never failed to
impress the savage mind with awe and reverence.
The 24th of September the party moved forward,
and reached Fort Alexandria the fourth clay. There
they found the two McDougalls, and Yale and party,
who arrived live days previous. George McDougall
was in charge of the post. After leaving this post
the governor was seized with illness, which lasted for
several days, and though quite severe it did not pre-
vent his travelling.
Calling at Kamloop, the governor assembled the na-
tives in the hall of the post, and there addressed them
according to his custom, exhorting them to honesty,
frugality, and temperance, and supplementing his ser-
mon with rolls of tobacco, and other presents far more
WORK'S EXPEDITION. 497
efficacious in promoting good behavior than words.
Mr Ermatinger was in charge of this posi thai season.
Yak had been sent from Fort Alexandria,
fourteen oien in two bark canoes to the fort of the
Thompson River, where the governor now found them,
both parties having on their way run rapids never run
before. Down Thompson River to the Fra r, and
thence through the water-grooved mountains of rock,
over rapidsand whirlpools they go; pastAllitza River
and Yale River, past dalles and portages, dashing
down Simpson falls, a fearful plunge,6 then past Lilli-
whit, as they called Harrison River, soon after moot-
in- the i ide from the Pacific, then passing Work River
and reaching Fort Langley on the evening of the 10th
of October. McMillan, Manson, and Annance were
there with twenty men. Here Macdonald remained
to take the place of McMillan, who accompanied the
governor to Fort Vancouver, as we have before found
recorded in the archives of the fort.'
The following year Simpson returned east byway
the Columbia, his party consisting of McMillan, Doc-
tor Tod, Tom Taylor, and twenty-seven men. The
only incident worthy of mention on the trip was an
affray with the natives at one of the portages, from
which the governor narrowly escaped with his life.8
With six boats and twenty men, on the 20th of
May I \ . rohn Work left Colville for Okana
arriving the 22d. Among the car: s of
three ; ; : ■ I r New Caledonia, the route from Colville
1,, that district then being down the Columbia to
Okanagan and up the Okanagan River.
■ to the head of Simpson Falls where the river is choked op by a
most solid ; out half an
shore-. I i the run on I
all over, to carry was impo
', his bark canoe, an ■ but
.- that
■•/'>■ Journal, in McLt od'i I
■'. M 3., l '-'-'.
Overland Journey, i. 165 J.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 32
498 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
From New Caledonia Ermatinger arrived at Okan-
agan the 24th, Connolly and his people the 2Gth, and
Dease the 27th. A feast was held, at which two
horses and some barley were served. Nine boats in
command of Connolly then embarked for Fort Van-
couver. In running Priest Rapids, in the lower part
one of the boats struck a rock and broke, and three men
were drowned. The furs were recovered, the priest
assisting; some of them were dried at Walla Walla
and the rest at Fort Vancouver.
Returning on the 23d of July, the brigade consisted
of nine heavily laden boats with fifty-four men, among
whom were Connolly, Work, Yale, Dease, and Erma-
tinger. At the Dalles they met Morgan and his party
on their way to Fort Vancouver, and also Ogden.
McKay was at Walla Walla where Black was in
charge. On the way up, the body of one of the men
drowned at Priest Rapids was found, and over the
remains, before interring them, Connolly read the
funeral service. Arrived at Okanagan, Work shortly
after made a journey into New Caledonia.9
In attempting to enter the Columbia River, in 1829,
the Hudson's Bay Company's ship from London,
William and Ann, was wrecked on Sand Island.
Those of the crew who escaped landed at Clatsop
Point, and were immediately murdered by the natives,
that the work of plunder might not be interrupted.10
A large portion of the cargo was then secured by
the savages. Tidings of the disaster reaching Van-
couver, McLoughlin sent messengers demanding the
9 WorFs Journal, MS., 222-40; Allan's Rem., MS., 19.
10 Gray affirms, Hist. Or., 21, that 'all onboard were murdered;' and again,
191, that in 1834 'there was also in the country a man by the name of Felix
Hathaway, saved from the wreck of the William and Ann.' Roberts, Recollec-
tions, MS., 15, says that the crew landed with their arms wet, and hence
were wholly defenceless, and that all were murdered. Anderson, North-
west Coast, MS., 25S, states that the 'Clatsops murdered, or were asserted
to have murdered, the survivors of the crew.' Dunn, Or. Ter., 159, 'The
whole of the crew perished.' Thornton, Or. and L'al., i. 304, 'All on board
perished. '
THE CLATSOPS PUNISHED. 499
restoration of the goods. An old broom11 was there-
upon sent to the fori with the derisive reply that thai
was all of the cargo they intended to deliver up.
There were then hut few men at the fort, and the
Clatsops who had not forgotten their infamous treat-
ment by Ogden and his party, were as strong as they
were blood-thirsty and treacherous; so that some
little time must necessarily elapse before action could
be taken. Immediately upon the arrival of the brig-
ade from the interior about the middle of June, one
hundred voyageurs under Connolly were sent to chas-
tise the villains. Firsl the schooner Cadboro, well
armed and manned, was sent down the river and
brought to anchor before the Clatsop village. No
demonstration was made on board; on shore the sav-
ages were defiant. During the night the boat party
approached, keeping themselves carefully concealed
behind the schooner. At early dawn the signal was
given. The schooner opened fire on the village and
striking up a wild, shrill boat-song, the Canadians shot
their barks from behind the vessel and landed under
cover of her guns.
Shots were exchanged as the boats approached the
bank, and a brief encounter occurred on landing; but
the enemy were soon discomfited, and took to flight.
Little blood was shed; after the first charge a skulk-
ing chief was shot; and considering their diabolical
deed, the punishment inflicted upon the natives was
light. But the effect of even this light chastisemenl
was salutary, and the subsequent good conduct of the
Clatsops was secured.13
A schooner of about one hundred and fifty tons
was this year. L 829, built at Vancouver, and christened
the Vancouver. Shewas poorly constructed, and proved
nol very profitable. After making a few trips, she
"Following Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS., 258, Dunn Bays, 'an old
brok< ed looking-glass' accompanied their impertinent mi
further, Cox's Adv., ii. 395 app.; Victor's River oj
Park' 100-1, dates the disaster 1828.
500 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
was finally wrecked in the spring of 1834, on Point
Rose Spit, at the northern end of Queen Charlotte
Islands. Duncan was her captain, and he ran her
aground in open daylight.13
It may be well to notice here the incipient ideas as
to the occupation and cultivation of the soil apart
from fur-trading interests, although the history of
permanent settlement will form the opening chapters
of another volume.
Among the mythologies of Oregon occupation I
find the following. Into the Willamette Valley about
1812, there drifted a free French trapper, who, tired
of mountaineering and the uncertainty of semi-sav-
age rovings, determined to seek retirement where
skies were propitious and the horizon free from civil-
ized obstructions, where food might easily be culti-
vated, and where dusky maids were plenty. Montour
was his name, and the spot he chose was French
Prairie. Having long entertained the idea, he had
carried about with him a few seeds, which he now
planted. He then built himself a commodious hut.
After giving a few rudimentary lessons in agriculture
to his faithful wives, he was a lord for life. Toils and
troubles were over, and the fear of hunger forever
banished.
For fourteen years continued this lonely elysium;
and though mighty changes were taking place beyond
the confines of his kingdom, Montour remained un-
molested until 1826. His farming amounted to but
little, yet it served every purpose, and might be in-
creased at pleasure. The man and his surroundings
were known to the fur-hunters who frequented these
parts,. but they paid little attention to him except to
partake of his hospitality as they passed by.
Then came one Peter Depot, and Montour was
ready to depart. There was scarcely room enough in
13 Roberts' Ree., MS., 43. This vessel must not be confounded with the
bark Vancouver lost on the Columbia bar in 1848.
TRADITIONAL HISTORY. 501
the Willamette Valley for two farmers of the fur-
hunting order. So Montour transferred his interests
to Depot, and in 1850 Depot sold to Samuel Brown."
The Killamooks have a tradition surpassing even
this; uamely, that a Long time ago five white men
landed at Capo Lookout and buried some treasure in
the cliff, which has since fallen down and covered it.
They then helped themselves to as many women as
they desired, and raised a nation of their own, which
to-day inhabits the region to the south of them.
However true or false these and other similar stories
may have been, there were of a truth those among
the half-breed and French Canadian servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and straggling trappers from
the United States, and from California, who now
determined to abandon their wilderness ways and
begin for themselves and their children a fixed resi-
dence; and from this time the principal food, which
had hitherto been fish and game, began now at
the principal posts to be cattle and grain. Round
Fort Vancouver, as I have said, were taken up by
these persons the first patches for cultivation; the
next, and in due time larger farming settlement was
on French Prairie in the Willamette Valley,1"' and for
nine years from the time of our definite knowledge
of this settlement, that is to say, 1829, this cluster of
farms stood as a pot-flower of civilization in a wilder-
ness of savagism, the sole effort of independent hus-
bandry in Oregon.
And strange to say, with these incipient idea- of
fixed occupation and their attendant forest-clearings,
"A writer in the Salem Mercury is responsible for this, and tl
a valuation. Roberts writes me that Montour, i
half-caste, went from Colville or New Caledonia to French Prairie i I
Hi t. Or., this Beries; also Thorni ■ •<'., ii. 1<'>; /
Hist. I'. /., MS., 65. Among other instances, De Smet in his On
sions, 17, mentions the ease of a < !anadian servant of the Hud
pany, who, tried of trapping, in 1829 obtained permission I •
family in the Willamette Valley and follow farming, and thai othi re now fol-
lowed his example. For early affairs at French Praii Or., this
series.
502 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
house-buildings, and soil-stirrings came civilization's
kindly savage-destroyer, disease. Thus mercilessly
omnipotence vetoes its earlier work for a later; pro-
nouncing its creation of red men bad, the lighter color
coming now in fashion, all which, reading the future
from the tablets of the past, tells us that our cruel
superstitions and hypocritical civilization, our religion
if you will, or may be if you will not, must in due time
give place to another and better religion and civiliza-
tion; for under the present regime matters are not
altogether pure and perfect.
That the ague and fever which in this year of 1829
first awoke the savage nations of the lower Columbia
to their death, which became epidemic, and raged
with such virulence as with the thousands of red
men to carry off scores of white and wholly to de-
populate certain sections, is to be attributed entirely
to the scratching by weak husbandry of a few acres
at Fort Vancouver or elsewhere seems to me absurd.
And yet such is the general notion entertained of it.
Farming is not so unhealthy an occupation; or if it
were, the deleterious effluvia arising from a newly
upturned garden-patch could not equal the malaria
engendered for ages by hundreds of square miles, in
hundreds of different localities, foul river-bottoms,
swamps, and decaying forests.
But this is a different sort of infection you may say.
Very true. The infections of artifice are always dif-
ferent from those of nature. I do not know why
throughout this wide, airy, and heaven-lit region the
moment the conception even of fixed residence is en-
tertained by civilization, all savagism should rise up
and rush to their destruction like so many devil-
possessed swine. I do not know why the world
was originally constructed upon so cruel and unjust
a principle, the animal kingdom no less than the
man kingdom, the life and progression of the stronger
being sustained and made yet more and more sovereign
only by the devouring and final total destruction of
EPIDEMIC. 503
the weaker. Nor have I beeo able to find any oik- to
tell me. According to the measures of right given
me, according to any other measure than that what-
ever is i> right, that might is right, I see no right or
reason in it. But our wise teachers tell us to wait,
and perhaps we shall know more.
But whatever the cause, certain it is that when the
soil round Port Vancouver was first upturned to any
considerable extent for cultivation, the fever and ague
broke out among the natives in the form of fearful
epidemic. White men as well as Indians were seized
by it, but the former could in some degree ward off
its dangers while the latter fell by thousands before
its silent and mysterious shafts. The poor natives, to
whom the disease wras new, no wiser in this respect
than the white men, were wholly at a loss to account
for its origin; and the brig Owyhee, Captain Dominis,
arriving about this time they charged him with having
brought among them the hateful infection.16 The fol-
lowing years there came typhoid fever, whooping-
cough, the measles, and other civilized diseases hith-
erto unknown in these parts, so that soon the
bewildered savage every autumn would wonder what
new damnation the Christians should bring him this
year.
During the years 1830, 1831, and 1832 the epi-
demic was even worse than in 1829,17 and, indeed,
^Roberts' Rec, MS., 13. Mrs Harvey, Life of McLougUm, Ms., 15,
recollects the first American vessel entering the Columbia in her time as
'that of Captain Thomas in 1829.' The ship was anchored at Astoria w bile
the captain traded for beaver and salmon.
17 Dates as usual disagree. Gushing'a Report, No. 101,25th Cong., .:■! Sesa.,
Feb- 1839, 17, speaks of an intermittent f over in 1829, which nearly depopu-
lated the hanks of the Columbia, in 1829 the plough v,
Kane, Wanderings, 171. 'and the locality hitherto considered one of the
depopulated by the fever and ague.' Doctor Tolmie,
Hist. ; MS., 5, 6, says the epidemic first broke out after the plough-
ing of .-"in'- rich, alluvial land near the river bank, where the Indians lived;
but there must have been some more general and wide-spread cause." In the
/- 5. Cat olic Almanac, copied by De Smet in his M egon, 19, we
find: 'Quoique leclimat < Li bre, une fievre tremblante
et contagieuse qui Be d& ' '-• oleva pres di »d( as t i « rs
puis le baa de la riviere Colombie jusqu' •
his Journal, 1840-1, M.S., 3, 4, James Douglas writes: ' Plomondo says that in
504 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
aside from the extraordinary ravages of disease,
"affairs seem dreadfully disordered at present in the
Columbia," groans the mercenary scribe at Fort
Langley. In July 1829 there were "two or three
American vessels in opposition there, and but one
beaver obtained for a blanket." 1S
Simultaneously with the rise of the agricultural
interest was felt a need of sawn lumber. One of the
best sites for a mill in that whole region was at the
falls of the Willamette, where Oregon City now stands.
This spot had often been spoken of by passing fur-
1830, the first ague summer, the living sufficed not to bury their dead, but
fled in terror to the sea-coast, abandoning the dead and dying to the birds and
beasts of prey. Every village presented a scene harrowing to the feelings; the
canoes were there drawn up upon the beach, the nets extended on the willow-
boughs to dry, the very dogs appeared, as ever, watchful, but there was not
heard the cheerful sound of the human voice. The green woods, the music
of the birds, the busy humming of the insect tribes, the bright summer sky,
spoke of life and happiness, while the abode of man was silent as the grave,
like it filled with putrid festering corpses. O God ! wonderful and mys-
terious are thy ways. Plomondo's account is perhaps overcharged, but in the
main I firmly believe correct, as the ague has been a fruitful source of death to
every Indian tribe exposed to its attacks.' 'The Chinook tribe, 'says Ander-
son, Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 4, 'were very numerous, and continued to be
so until about 1831 , when the fever and ague broke out and carried a large pop-
ulation off. ' And again referring to Allan's Rem. , MS. , 14-16, as good author-
ity as the best, we find, ' the fever and ague first broke out on the river in
1829. In the autumn of 1832 the disease was very prevalent at Fort Van-
couver, and at one time we had over forty men laid up with it, and a great
number of Indian applicants for la medecinc; and as there was then no phy-
sician at the fort, Dr McLoughlin himself had to officiate in that capacity,
although he disliked it, as it greatly interferred with his other important
duties, until he was himself attacked with the fever, when he appointed me
his deputy; and I well remember my tramps through the men's houses with
my pockets lined with vials of quinine, and making my reports of the state of
the patients to the doctor. It proved, therefore, a great relief both to him
and to myself when the annual ship arrived from London, bringing out two
young medical men, doctors Gairdner and Tolmie, one of whom was immedi-
ately installed into office at Fort Vancouver, and the other despatched to the
Northwest Coast, where the company had lately established several forts. . .
One day in making my rounds to the numerous patients, I paid a visit to a
half-breed Kanaka boy, and handing him a vial of quinine mixture, pointed
with my finger to how much he was to take at one dose; but the fellow mis-
taking swallowed the whole concern at once, eight or ten doses in one. I was
awfully alarmed for a time, but I need not have been, for he soon got well,
and never had the ague again as loner as I was at Fort Vancouver.'
18 Fort Langley Journal, MS., 143; McLaughlin's Private Papers, MS., 2d
ser. 2; Thornton'* Or. and Oal., ii. 15. So Cox writes in July 1S29. Adv., ii.
305, app. ' The intelligence from this country is by no means of a pleasant
nature. The number of lives lost last winter is incredible. '
IMPROVEMENTS. 505
traders, and the prophetic eye of McLoughlin had not
failed to aote the superior advantages of the place.
A.s early as December L829, McLoughlin took pos-
session of the place and began preparations for the
erection of a saw-mill there.19 Setting to work a party
of his men during the wilder, they erected at the falls
three log-houses, and made ready the timber tor the
mill, which they purposed to erect on the wesl side of
the river. This work lasted until May 1830; and as
it was not McLoughlin's intention to erect the mill at
once, work ceased on it for i\w season. Some potatoes
were planted there that spi ing for the use of the work-
men, which was the beginning of agriculture in that
vicinity. In 1832 they blasted a mill-race from the
head of the island.20 But the natives not liking these
demonstrations of permanent residence, incontinently
biirne 1 the log-houses, and the timber for the mill, and
only regretted they could not burn the race and the
men who had digged it. Had not their forefathers
caught salmon here ever since water fell over these
rocks? Had they not feasted and fasted upon these
banks before ever the skin of these thrice damned
Europeans had become bleached by brain-work, and
was not the country theirs? Burn! butcher! anni-
hilate! my gentle redskin, it is the right of gods and
men by their own law ordained so to do; then butcher
or burn as thou art able, or be butchered and burned
as thy kind heavenly father will have it!
It has been generally believed that the part Mc-
Loughlin took in the settlement of Oregon, brought
upon him the censure of the company. This is true
only as 1 jard 3 tip' officer in his relation to t ho corpo-
ration, which like most bodies organized lor money-
making purposes was indifferent to any other than
mercenary influences. Yet, notwithstanding serious
190r, asMrElwood Evans, Hist. Or., MS.. 202. in my opinion s what
unfairly. pu1 apany 'seized I
1 and other portions of the valley, their establishmi its anterior to tins
time 1 ■ li of the Columbia.1
20 McLoughlin's Private Papers, MS., lstser. 1; -Atli
506 DOMINATION OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY.
differences as to the policy of the company in regard
to occupation and settlement, never a word was
breathed by his most bitter opponent in the Hudson's
Bay Company against his ability or integrity.21
21 Hear what Ellice says before the house of commons committee, Rept.
342: 'Dr McLoughlin was rather an amphibious and independent personage;
he was a very able man, and, I believe, a very good man; but he had a fancy
that he would like to have interests in both countries, both in America and
in the English territory. . .While he remained with the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany he was an excellent servant. '
CHAPTER XXIII.
NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
1830-1S32.
David Douglas, Scientist — His Adventtoes in the Xortiiwest Coast —
Quarrel with Black — Challenge— Notice of Samuel Black — His
Assassination — John Work's Journey — Conspiracy to Murdeb M<-
LouGiiLiN— Wreck of the 'Isabel' — Walla Walla New Cale-
donia— Work's Snake River Expedition— Raids upon them by the
Blackfeet — They Visit the Missouri — Results — Ermatinger — A
Yankee Britisher — William McNeill and his Brig 'Llama' —
Enters the Service of the Hudson's Bay Company — Building of
Fort Umpqua — Hawaiian Island Agency.
There are other things in heaven and earth than
furs — so the scientists, who now and then found their
way to this region, seemed to say to the august ad-
venturers of England and their servants. Although
it was not so easy to convert into money the knowl-
edge of new flora as to sell the skins of wild beasts,
yet there were those born in the British Isles who
preferred analyzing strange plants to indulging in line
raiment or sumptuous repasts. There were Coulter
and Xuttall in Mexico and California, and in the
mountains round the head-waters of the Athabasca
and the Columbia, Drummond, once with Sir John
Franklin. Princely collections were made by these
and other botanists.
1 [erewe may more specially mention David Douglas,
whose peregrinations in the north-west covered ;i whole
decade, from 1824 to 1834. He loft London in the
year firsl named, and was ;it Fort Vancouver station
before the buildings were erected.1
1 He was the subject of a series of lectures delivered son*
Portland by Mr Somerville <>t Victoria, under the title of ' Lectures about an
l OUT )
508 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
A fair, florid, partially bald-headed Scotchman of
medium stature and gentlemanly address, he was
twenty-five years of age when first sent out by the
Royal Horticultural Society of London. He made
two visits, during the first of which he explored Alta
California by permission of the Mexican government,
but under promise to make no sketches of what they
called their military defences. He was assisted while
on the Northwest Coast by George B. Roberts, who
with a dozen other boys had been sent from the
Greenwich naval school to be reared for the company's
coast service. To the botanical vocabulary of the time
David Douglas added the names of over one thousand
plants.
Thus this devotee of birds and plants wandered
among the forests of America, his pack upon his back,
a gun across his shoulder, and a shaggy terrier at his
heels. How pure must have been the pleasure; how
thrilling even the pain that prompted such a life! The
savages let him pass unmolested as a very big medi-
cine, and the trappers and ranchers held in little less
awe the great grass man. So accustomed did he be-
come to forest life that he preferred at night the
shelter of a fallen tree to the warmest lodge or the
fort's best furnished guest-chamber.
His origin was humble. He had been gardener in
his }rounger days for one or two gentlemen, and finally
in the botanic garden at Glasgow, where the delight
of living with exotic plants might be tempered by the
Early Scotch Hero.' In the Overland Monthly, Aug. 1871, we have for the
first article 'An Early Hero of the Pacific,' contributed by the same person.
In his mission there was an undoubted field for the display of heroism, but no
more than all were called upon to exercise in these parts at that early day.
He loved botany, and the traders loved furs; while he would risk his life for
his science, there were a thousand who would run equally great risks for
money. His may have been the nobler aspiration, but it certainly was not
more heroic than the enthusiasm which sent to his death many a poor voy-
ageur and lonely trapper. Nevertheless, the botanist, Douglas, shall have all
honor. He gave his name to the Abies Donrjlasii, or Douglas-pine, which so
thickly feathers the western slope from Mount Shasta to far beyond St Elias.
Stillman mentions him in the Overland Monthly, ii. 2G2. The best source of
information concerning him is his own journal published some time after his
death by Dr Hooker in the Companion to the Botanical Jlayazine.
DAVID DOUGLAS. 509
close study of a botanical library. Then he af tended
the lectures of Sir W. J. Hooker, whose name is made
perpetual on our coast by one of the highest mountains
in the vicinity of Athabasca Pass.
Douglas soon became the favorite companion of
Hooker's rambles, and it was this greai master who
recommended Douglas to the London Society as a
qualified collector. He was much interested in the
indigenous tobacco-plant of the Columbia, discovered
by him in 182G, and in its cultivation by the natives.2
To say that dangers beset him during his solitary
excursions among forest wilds is superfluous. He
had many ways of charming into wholesome fear the
simple savage mind. To show them his skill in shoot-
ing he would bring down a bird while flying; by
throwing into water an effervescing powder and coolly
drinking it off, he told them they had better beware
how they angered one who drank boiling water; lie
could even call fire from heaven, as seen in his light-
ing a pipe with a lens. He made them afraid of his
blue spectacles even; and when they saw him shoot-
ing from the tall pines the cones he could not other-
wise obtain, they put him down as a being wholly
above orbelowT them, first that he should want such
things and then as to the manner of obtaining them.
At last he fell, however, a victim to his curiosity.
While at the Hawaiian Islands, on his second return
to England, in 1834, in examining the traps prepared
for catching wild cattle he lost his footing, and falling
headlong into a pit, at the bottom of which was an
enraged bullock, was instantly trampled to death. If
men may judge, he deserved a better fatc::
2 'I first saw a single plant of it,' he writes, 'in the band <>f an Indian at
the gi the Columbia, but though 1 offered two ounces of manu-
factured tobacco, an enormous remuneration, he would on no account part
with it.'
Had not Douglas been recalled, or the supplies cut off, it is doubtful if
ever he would have left his fascinating forests. .\ letter from Alexander
Seaton, Esq., treasurer of the Horticul . to William Smith, Esq.,
s us that 'David 1' bo be in the si i ;' ty,
and that the Bocietywil] i . further advances made to him.' iJouj-
las' Private Papers, Ms., 1st Ber. 75.
510 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
For one who had received from the Hudson's Bay
Company nothing but kindness, David Douglas was
somewhat free with his comments. He did not like
to see that powerful organization which was so ready
at all times to sacrifice human life on the altar of their
own avarice, so cold and selfishly indifferent outside
of their money-making to anything affecting the weal
or woe of their fellow-creatures. And the shaggy
Scotchman was not afraid to tell them so.
Samuel Black was then in command of Fort Kam-
loop, and thither David Douglas in his wanderings
repaired. While enjoying the lonely hospitality of his
brother Scot, and discussing the affairs of the company,
Douglas, who was more fiery than politic, exclaimed :
" The Hudson's Bay Company is simply a mercenary
corporation ; there is not an officer in it with a soul
above a beaver-skin."
Black was up in arms in a moment. He informed
his guest that he was a sneaking reprobate, and chal-
lenged him to fight. As it was then dark the duel
was postponed until next day. Bright and early in
the morning Black tapped at the pierced parchment
which served as a window to the guest-chamber, and
cried out, " Misther Dooglas! are ye ready?" But the
man of flowers declined the winning invitation, and
saved his life only to yield it not long after in that
luckless wild-cattle pit. Black was formerly of the
Northwest Company, and on the coalition was pre-
sented a ring: on which was engraved: " To the most
worthy of the worthy Northwesters."
Though a fur-trader he was not at all indifferent to
science, being therein an exception to the fur-worship-
pers so scourged by Douglas. Black was an educated
man of no small attainments, geology and geography
being specially interesting to him. At all events he
managed to command the respect of his associates, if
not by his learning, then by his enormous stature, his
powerful swing of limbs, and his slow, sonorous, and
imposing speech. His death was no less sad than
SAMUEL BLACK. 511
thai of David Douglas; indeed, many a brave man
went hence from this quarter for whose profitless tak-
ing off the angels never gave adequate excuse. Samuel
Black was killed by an Indian boy for having charmed
away the life of his uncle.'1
4 It was a serious affair, the killing of a chief trader in charge of an es-
tablishment: and as Black's friends mourned for him they could bul won-
der when their turn might conic The autumn of 184] was \\ lien it occurred;
Black was at his post at Kamloop, and the circumstances were thi
miles from Kamloop lived the Shushwaps whose chief the Canadians called
Tranquille, for the mildness of his disposition, and his suaviter in modo.
Cap61 Blanc, another chief, among other articles of certain purchase at
Kamloop bought a trade gun, which he left at the fort to be exchang< d for a
horse the first opportunity. Nbl long after Tranquille came and said that
Cap6t Blanc had authorized him to take away the gun. Black replied that
he could not have the gun unless he left a horse for it, Buch being the condi
tions upon which it had been left with him. Tranquille went homes little
chagrined, but by no means angry. Soon afterward Tranquille sickened and
died.
'I have a good heart, I am a great chief,' he said on his death-bed; ' I am
ready to die.'
■An enemy has done this,' growled Tranquillc's wife.
'No, no,' replied Tranquille, well knowing to what she referred. 'If I
have a som.w it is that 1 may not take by the hand before I die my best
friend, Mr Black, and ask his forgiveness for the hasty words spoken when
last we met. '
' Subtle and swift is the evil medicine of the white man.'
' Peace, woman! ' Then turning to his friends he said : ' Pay no heed to
what she says. Mr Black's heart is good. Go to him, ask him to send his
men and have me buried according to the white man's custom.'
It was done. The request reached Kamloop and a board coffin for the
departed chief was immediately made and sent over to theShushwap village.
Living in Tranquillc's lodge was a nephew, nineteen years of age, an im-
pulsive, warm-hearted youth, who had greatly loved his uncle. To him, after
the chief's death, Tranquillc's widow did little else than mourn.
• Ah ! the gentle man, the great chief,' she moaned, while nuking herself
b\ the fire, with her chin resting on her knees. 'And must thy sweet spirit
go to the happy hunting-ground alone? Alas ! that he who sent thee thither
may yet bathe in blessed sunlight, whilst thy resting-place is dark and cold.'
'He died fairly,' sobbed the youth. ' With his last breath did he aot tell
us so?'
'So noble, so kind was he, not even his murderer would he harm. Ah !
that there should be none to avenge him.'
A dayor two in this strain well nigh maddened the young man. He could
not rest. Eating or sleeping, a steady stream of woe was poured into his un-
willing ear by the artful avenger.
' Who now shall be our chief?' she continued. 'All our young men are
cowards—'
I , iged beyond endurance, the youth sprang to his feet, and gave the old
woman a Bmart Blap on the che< k.
'Indeed, yes!' Bhe returned. 'Very brave and manly no doubl
strike an old woman, but to revenge an uncle's death, thai were a different
matter.1
burning with sorrow, wrath, and desperation, the boy arose, threw oil his
gon him onlj a piece of blank, t, and black uing his I
nificant of bloody intentions, he seized bis gun and hurried to Kamloop.
There he received every kindness; and though warned by the interpreter,
512 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
To a favorite daughter under a pet name, Black had
willed £20,000, but being generally known by another
who feared the youth with the blackened face, abroad in scanty clothing
in an unusually cold February day, meditated mischief, Mr Black directed
him to the fire in the Indian hall, and sent him food, and pipe and tobacco.
Nearly all the afternoon the nephew of the departed chief sat and smoked
in moody silence. What war was there beneath that calm exterior? What
love, what hate, what deadly desperation! And now in that youthful breast
of high, loyal, and affectionate aspirations was the fell work of the demon
of ignorance and superstition at length accomplished. Toward evening, as
Black was passiug through the room, as his hand was on the door, and while
his back was toward him, the young savage raised his gun and fired. The
chief trader staggered into the adjoining room, and fell dead amidst his wife
and children. The murderer escaped. The news spread rapidly to the neigh-
boring posts. The natives were scarcely less disturbed than the white men. The
act was abhorred, even by the friends and relatives of Tranquille. Anderson
was at Fort Nisqually at the time. Old John Tod came over from Fort Alex-
andria, McLean from Fort Colville, and McKinlay and Ermatinger from Fort
Okanagan. From Fort Vancouver McLoughlin sent men to hunt to the death
the murderer, ordering John Tod to see to it, and at the same time to take
charge of Fort Kamloop. Cameron was to assist him. All traffic at the fort
must be stopped until the murderer should be delivered up for punishment.
This was a great hardship upon the Indians, who had now learned to depend
.lpon the arms and ammunition of the white men to obtain food for their
amilies.
Calling the Shushwaps round him Mr Tod informed them that not a hair
pf their heads should be hurt, but the guilty person must be found. Then
arose Nicola, chief of the Okanagans, and said:
'The winter is cold. On all the hills around the deer are plenty; and yet
I hear your children crying for food. Why is this? You ask fur powder and
ball, and they refuse you with a scowl. Why do the white men let your
children starve? Look there ! Beneath yon mound of earth lies him who was
your friend, your father. The powder and ball he gave you that you might
get food for your famishing wives and children. You turned against him.
Great heavens ! And are the Shushwaps such cowards, dastardly to shoot their
benefactor in the back while his face was turned ? Yes, alas, you have killed
your father ! A mountain has fallen ! The earth is shaken ! The sun is dark-
ened ! My heart is sad. I cannot look at myself in the glass. I cannot look
at you, my neighbors and friends. He is dead, and we poor Indians shall never
see his like again. He was just and generous. His heart was larger than
yonder mountain, and clearer than the waters of the lake. Warriors do not
weep, but sore is my breast, and our wives shall wail for him. Wherefore did
you kill him? But you did not. You loved him. And now you must not
rest until you have brought to justice his murderer.'
Nicola was an old man, and as he thus spoke in his surpassing native elo-
quence, so horror-stricken did he appear at this dastardly killing of his old
friend, so rigid in attitude and expression was he, that his whole frame and
features seemed turned to stone. ' Never shall I forget it, ' said Archibald
McKinlay, 'It was the grandest speech I ever heard.'
Action quickly followed words. The murderer lay hidden in the moun-
tains of Cariboo. Cameron with a few picked men started in pursuit. After
several days' search they found the poor boy, who expressed himself glad to
be taken, as life had become unbearable. Placing him in heavy irons they
threw him across a horse and started back to Kamloop. Arriving at the
river which they were obliged to cross in a canoe, when in the middle of the
stream with a sudden jerk the prisoner capsized the boat, throwing the occu-
pants into the water. But on the opposite bank was old Nicola, who waited
the party there with a band of his warriors, seeing whom the prisoner knew
CONSPIRACY. 613
name her identity was questioned, and the fortune lost
to her.6
In the spring of 1830, .lolin Work with thirty-five
horse-, and accompanied by five men, journeyed from
Colville to Walla Walla and thence to Fort Van-
couver. Departing the 30th of April, liny proceeded
by way of Spokane, which post they reached the 2d
of May, came upon Nez Perce's, or Snake, river the
Gth, and arrived at Fort Nez Purees the 9th, having
lost two horses in crossing the river.
From Black at this posl Work received sixteen
additional horses. After a delay of two days wait-
ing for the wind to cease so that they might safely
swim the horses across the river, on the 13th of May,
attended by heavy showers, the party were fairly en
route. It was a somewhat difficult feat safely to con-
duct a band of half-wild horses down the Columbia
at this time. But by giving the toll-gatherers of the
Dalles and the Cascades a wide ran^e, and exercising
the utmost care in swimming streams, wading bogs,
and crossing snowy mountains, the thing was dene,
with a loss of only two animals, and the party reached
Fort Vancouver, men and beasts pretty well worn out,
the 31st of May.6
A silly conspiracy against McLonghlin's life, else-
where alluded to, was revealed by the agent, intended
to do the deed. Crime is seldom far distant from folly.
In the tields adjacent to the fort were employed three
bloody-minded Englishmen of low degree, and a Rogue
his hum- had come. Heavily manacled as he was, with difficulty he kept him-
self from sinking, and as he floated down the stream he raised the death
which was Boon bushed by the crack of rifles, and the lifeless body of the unfor-
tunate youth sank beneath the crimsoned wat<
& This daughter became the wife of Mr Pambrun of Oregon City, who was
a brother of Mrs J. McCracken of Portland. Roberts' Ri :., MS., 7, 9, 10. My
information regarding Black was obtained from Tod, as found in his
Caledonia, MS., 1<> L9j Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS., 77 >2; and M -Kin-
lay. Narrative, MS., 13 17. Allan in his Reminiscences, MS., 18 !
incorrect account of Black's assassination. Sir John Franklin mentions him,
Narrative, i. 218.
8 frork's Journal, MS., 85-97.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 33
514 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
River Indian b(yy. The Englishmen longed for greater
license than they found under McLoughlin's rule,
which for a new country they regarded as rather strict.
It- was the custom of McLoughlin at that time to
cany a gun whenever he went into the fields to look
after the laborers, and he often used to stand his
weapon against a tree while talking with the men.
In one way or another at various times they sought
to inflame the boy's mind against his master. Natives
are by nature averse to labor. Finding the boy asleep
over his work one clay, the governor roused him with
a hearty shaking. The conspirators thought this too
good an opportunity to be lost.
"Are you not tired of work?" they asked the boy.
"Yes, why?"
" The master is very cross to us. Suppose when he
lays down his gun, }~ou take it and shoot him."
" I am afraid," the boy said.
" You can easily run away to your own country, we
will not tell; and you may take our coats and the
gun, and anything else you can carry."
Thus many a savage deed has been hatched by
white villains, the penalty for which has fallen wholly
upon the less culpable instrument. In this instance,
however, the boy was not bad enough for the occa-
sion. Returning to the fort at night he told the
cook, who revealed the matter to the governor. When
the Englishmen were brought up, they of course
denied the charge. Reing ironed and confined in
separate rooms, they finally acknowledged their guilt,
but protested they were not in earnest. The villains
were finally shipped to England for trial, and the boy
was sent to his own country.7
Throughout the entire pacification of the North-
west, but one wide or notable attempt was made by
the natives to rid themselves of the Europeans, and
that proved so futile as to have passed by almost
unheeded. A deputation of the inhabitants of the
7 Ilarvctfs Life of McLougldhi, MS., 16-19.
VARIOUS MOVEMENTS. 515
lower Columbia one day called at Fort Vancouver
and told chief factor thai Nisqually was burned and
all tlu> inmates killed. McLoughlin did nol credit
them; but when he questioned (hem apart, and when
on sending for others of the same tribe all their tes-
timony harmonized, each corroborating the others,
for so they had arranged it, he wavered, and was
about sending messengers to learn the truth, when
men came from Nisqually and said it was a plol to
divide the forceal Fori Vancouver, which then might
be captured; and if the first and finest post, then all
the rest.
Closely connected by marriage with the earl of
Selkirk, as I have said, was Andrew Colville, who
now succeeded Sir John Henry Pelly as governor in
London of the Hudson's Bay Compai
A greater event than change of London governors
occurred at Fort Vancouver in 1830, which was the
« rection directly back of the fort of a regular mill-
Lie grist-mill run by oxen. It was in 1832 that the
mills propelled by water were built upon the stream
five miles above.9
The ship Isabel, Captain Evan, was wrecked on
Sand Island while entering the Columbia the 23d of
■ 1830. Immediately she struck, the crew de-
d her. Had they remained at their post, tl
might have saved the ship, as there was little diffi-
. in saving the cargo.10
Up to the spring of 1831, for some time, Fort
llaWalla had been in charge of George Barnston11
B Colville was once called Wedderburn, but changed his name to reap the
adva: mercantil
\ , i, v, of v. hich he was head, -
I I le. There are other points about the country besides the om
i , bear this man's Dame.
\fcLougJUin, MS., 9.
i°Thornton, I !. dates this disa tei 1831. Al]
Parker, Tour, 161, Gray,/?***. Or., 39, Roberts, flee, MS., 15, writeif 1830.
11 Edinl 1 1 place; and In sides p
d intellectual attainments, andwas univei alt
ing from tin- service, he settled at Montreal, vri ibseq lently
516 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
who was with McMillan in founding Fort Langley.
New Caledonia this year received a new ruler, Peter
Warren Dease12 succeeding William Connolly, and pre-
ceding Peter Skeen Ogden who took his place in 1835.
An expedition to the Missouri Piver for the purpose
of trapping beaver and killing buffalo was planned at
Fort Vancouver in 1831, and the command given to
John Work, who succeeded Peter Skeen Ogden in the
Blackfoot and Shoshone countries.13
There were four boats which left Fort Vancouver
the 18th of August, part of which carried men and
effects for the Shoshone traffic. With them was a
small cannon, taken more for effect than for execution.
After the men had enjoyed their usual drunken indul-
gence for a day or two at the lower mill, on the 20th
the party proceeded up the river, and in ten da}Ts
reached Fort Walla Walla. Here one hundred and
twenty horses were required to equip the party, and
there were but eighty at the fort. The immense
bands in which the Walla Wallas formerly gloried had
rapidly diminished of late, and there were now in that
vicinity none for sale. A few of a lean and uncertain
order were obtained from Fort Colville; and thus
poorly provided, on the 11th of September the party
set out, taking a north-east course along the bank of
Snake Piver. Then turning to the southward, trading;*
for horses on the way, they crossed Snake Piver at
the Salmon branch on the 16th, journeyed up the
last named stream ten days, then crossed through a
woody country to a camass plain, where they found
elected president of the society of natural history. Anderson's Northwest
Coast, MS., 84.
12 After retiring from New Caledonia, Mr Dease was appointed in conjunc-
tion with Thomas Simpson to define the arctic shore to Point Barrow, which
was done. A brother, John Warren Dease, an officer of the Hudson's Bay
Company, died at Colville in 1830, and was buried in Fort Vancouver ceme-
tery, near where the United States government buildings afterward stood.
Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS., 56, "242; Franklin's Nar., i. 225.
13 For details which I here very greatly condense, see Work's Journal, MS.,
9S-182; Tolmie's Puget Sound, MS., 6; and Allan's Rem., MS., passim.
OVER THE MOUNTAINS. 517
some natives, though no great bargains in the line of
trade. Continuing, they si nick Bitter Root River
the I 8th of October, down which they travelled as far
as Hellgate, where they engaged in trapping. In that
vicinity they found "marks of- Americans."
The Blackfeet were likewise troublesome, stealing
traps and attacking the trappers; indeed, it was a
dangerous country, and the position of the party was
rendered none the less perilous by the desertion of
three men, w hom Work heartily curses as hall* Indian
and wholly had. The 30th of October, two of the
party were killed, shot by the Blackfeet while trap-
ping. Beavers were plenty, and there were a few
buffaloes; but the Yankees and Blackfeet had spoiled
the hunting-grounds.
The middle of November the party moved south-
easterly to the Jefferson branch of the Missouri, and
camped on a plain, in the very road of the Blackfeet,
al >ove Beaver Head,14 where they slaughtered buffaloes
for a short time in great numbers. On the 24th their
camp was attacked, and one of the guard danger; >usly
wounded. Bearing the invalid on men's shoulders,
two days afterward the party moved south-westward,
continuing their march in that direction for several
days, killing buffaloes as they went, and stopping occa-
sionally to dry the meat, and rest the sick man, who
finally recovered.
It was now war to the death between white man
and Blackfoot; each shot the other on sight if within
rifle-ball range. There was likewise at this time, as
usual, war between the Flatheads and the Blackfeet.
On Salmon River Work thought his party would
be somewhat more out of the way of the pestifer-
ivages. Arrived there the 16th of December
they found a camp of thirty-eight lodges of Flatheads,
who informed them thai a large party of Americans
were encamped at the fork below, and that the Nez
IVrces with another party of Americans had gone up
"Near where now Btanda Virginia City, Montana.
518 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
one of the other branches of Salmon River. Elks were
plentiful hereabouts, but buffaloes were scarce. It
was intensely cold, and altogether an uncomfortable
and hazardous adventure. On the 21st the Hudson's
Bay people were visited by a party of United States
trappers from the camp below. Work bought a few
beaver skins of them, and they took their departure
next day. Another party of Americans passed their
camp on the morning of the 30th. They seemed very
hungry, and continued their way eagerly bent upon
buffaloes. The humane men who hunted under Mc-
Loughlin's banner would have been only too glad to
relieve their wants.15
Again working eastward, the 5th of January 1832
saw the party on a small branch of the Missouri. A
skirmish on the 10th resulted in the supposed killing
of two Blackfeet. The firing raised the buffaloes, so
that the slaughter was stayed for a day or two. But
moving down the river they came upon immense herds,
killing on one occasion thirty-three in a single clay.
The 20th two men arrived from the Pencl d'Oreille camp
bringing letters from Fort Vancouver. Five Amer-
icans from Salmon River called next day. The Black-
feet continued troublesome, stealing their horses and
firing upon them from the bushes. At break of day
on the 30th the camp was attacked by a party of
three hundred Blackfeet, who were checked after
killing one and wounding two. The cannon burst at
the third discharge. The loss of the Blackfeet, who
were finally repulsed, was considerable.
By the middle of February the horses became so
thin from scarcity of grass that they were unable to
follow the buffalo, and several of them died from cold
and starvation. Returning westward, April and May
were spent in trapping beavers and fighting Blackfeet.
Crossing the mountains they continued their occu-
15 -'They did not stop,' writes the simple and kind-hearted Work, 'or they
would have been asked to eat by our people. Indeed, it was not known that
they were so short of food until they were gone.' Journal, MS., 130.
WILLIAM McNEILL. 519
pation, gradually working westward until July, on
the L9th of which month Work with part of his men
reached Fort Walla Walla. Two of the party with a
boat and valuable cargo were lost while descending
Salem Riyer. The remainder of the expedition com-
ing in, all embarked early on the morning of the 25th
for Fort Vancouver, where they arrived after travel-
ling day and night, on the afternoon of the 27th.1G
Another capital trader and general good-fellow some-
times despatched to the Snake and Flathead countries,
or sent to oppose American traders, was Francis Erma-
a clerk in the service, mentioned elsewhere.17
During the first decade of their occupation of the
Columbia, the Hudson's Bay Company were troubled
by the United States, government or people, on land
or from the sea, scarcely at all. There were a few
restless rovers from the east, and along the seaboard
n«»w and then a sail, to the thirsty savages significant
of whiskey-trading and thrice glorious intoxication.
But by treating all in a fair and friendly manner,
McLoughlin had succeeded so far in making for his
company as much out of these visitors as it lost by
them.
Now, however, from both directions interlopers are
becoming somewhat more troublesome. The thought
of agricultural settlers in the Willamette Valley did not
at all trouble McLoughlin, however it might worry
Ids more avaricious London associates. He knew it
must soon come to that, and if settlers would keep
south of the Columbia it was all he expected or asked.
But direct traffic for furs, demoralized by reduced
prices and rum, touched to the quick every officer and
servant of the great monopoly. If McLoughlin h
any human being it was a Yankee skipper.
1GThc party b Walla Walla 215 oul of ■
which they started, and subsequently bought, 114 1 ared, lost, or
etarvi alo were killed during the trip, an I a large quantity of
taken. .
rd retired from the service, and j ■" her in Canada.
where ho died. m., Ms., 20. See Hist. Or., thi
520 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
About this time came creeping up the Columbia
the brig Llama from Boston, commanded by William
McNeill, a native of Boston, laden with all sorts of
inventions and cunning contrivances made in Boston
for the special purpose of winning the native's eye,
and rum to warm his heart. There were wooden sol-
diers and jumping-jacks, little wagons, whistles, and,
funniest of all, squeaking cats and dogs.
This McNeill was a sharp one, and so was the
house of Sturgis and Company, under whose orders
the Llama sailed. The trinkets took amazingly; the
mind of the intellectual aboriginal being wholly ade-
quate to grasp these great ideas. The consequence
of the worthless toys thus offered was to render insig-
nificant in their discriminating eyes the company's
staple goods.
After looking in on Fort Vancouver, and adding an
idea or two to his already very fair stock, McNeill
proceeded to open out and begin his 'dicker.' The
King George men employed every means in their
power to render null the noble efforts of the Bostons.
But all was of no avail. Strange to say, even in
the social barterings of European circles we some-
times see shadow preferred before substance. Finally,
in 1832, seeing no other way to rid himself of this
nuisance, McLoughlin bought ship, cargo, and all, and
enticed the astute captain into the service of the honor-
able adventurers trading into Hudson Bay.18
18 Besides being an able seaman and a sharp trader, McNeill "vras a
thoroughly honest man, and he served the company well and faithfully. For
1 years he had been engaged for Sturgis and Company in the Northwest
Coast trade, resorting annually to Honolulu for supplies. He was in Pacific
waters— one writing from Victoria to the San Francisco Alta California, the
7th September 1875, says he was on the Pacific coast in 1816, but that is not
the best authority. He was in Oregon in 1S26. It was Duncan Finlayson
who first proposed the purchase of the Llama, the captain's ultimate knowl-
edge of the coast rendering his services doubly advantageous. ' It was at Fort
Vancouver, in the winter of 1S32,' writes Anderson in 1877, Hist. Northwest
Coast, MS., 70, 'that I first fell in with Captain McNeill. He continued for
some years in command of the Llama, then took a ran to London ha com-
mand of the Hudson's Bay Company's ship Nereid, and afterward commanded
for some years the steamer Beaver, at that time employed in the fur-trade of
the coast. Afterward he was appointed to the charge of Fort Simpson, and
finally retired in 1SG1, and settled upon property which he had previously
McLEOD BUILDS FORT UMPQUA. 521
Game in the Willamette Valley was now becoming
not quite so plentiful as formerly, and trappers were
forced to resort to more inhospitable regions. A
good business might be driven in the country round
the Umpqua and Rogue rivers, but that the natives
were so wild and treacherous. Many trappers and
travellers between Oregon and California had been
sacrificed to the blood-thirstiness of these savages, and
it was now determined to build a fort somewhere in
thai legion, on the spot best for trade, and for hold-
ing in some degree of awe the bold rascals, as they
were called, of tbese rivers and coast.
Hence in 1832 Chief Trader John McLcod, in
company with Michel La Framboise, famous in those
clays anywhere on the route between Fort Vancouver
and San Francisco Bay, was sent to the River Ump-
qua to plant a post. It was the chief, and, in fact,
almost the only post attempted by the Hudson's Bay
Company south of the Columbia. The spot chosen
was a small plain of about two hundred acres on the
south side of the Umpqua, three miles below the
mouth of Elk Creek, and forty miles, following the
rough trail, from the ocean. In fact it was trade
with the coast tribes, for beaver and sea furs, that
was now more specially sought, and which this post
was to protect.18
The savages in those parts did not relish the idea of
purchased in the vicinity of Victoria, where he died a few years ago,' that is
to say, in 1875. He was also at one time captain of a steam-boat plying be-
tween Victoria and New Westminster. Before his death he became a Briti b
subject. What a change was here from that of a dyed-in-the-wool Yankee
fcoa bluff, queen- worshipping Britisher! Furthermore, from among the adipose
daughters of the Kaiganies he took a bride and began rearing a dusky race.
John Dunn, Hist. Or. Ter., ~2'2U, coolly affirms that McNeill ?-< -1< I himself and
vessel to tin' Hudson's Bay Company because he could not make trade pay
upon his "Vi q account, which statenu nt is v, holly untrue. See further, Martina
II. />'.. '.!.•',: 11,7/.. *' Nar., I'. 8. Explor. Ex., i\\, passim.
19 The buildings consisted of Eour bark-covered logrkul . enclosed in pickets
twelve feet high, wii ..t (woof the angles. Fortj acres were soon
under cultivation. Evans, Hist. Or., MS., 189 onlyknowl-
i ort Umpqua. Jlinos. Or. Ex., !>!)-. Farnham, Travels, 436;
ami Cray, Hist. Or., 42, have a smattering of information about it. Jesse
. Cray's Or., places the fort 45 miles from the ocean,
which it collect makes the maps wrong.
522 NOTABLE AFFAIRS.
fixed domination, and used their best endeavors to
drive out the unwelcome traders. Straggling trappers
they had for many years cut off with impunity, and
now they did not hesitate to attack the fort. Several
times they made desperate efforts to dislodge the
traders, and in 1839 they regularly besieged the for-
tress. In the fight which ensued several of the besieged
were wounded, but the savages were at length com-
pelled to fly. Transportation between Fort Vancouver
and the Umpqua was by pack-animals.
It was now deemed advisable to establish an agency
at Honolulu. So many whalers and fur-traders touched
there, that besides European goods and Columbia
River salmon, the surplus produce of Fort Vancouver
and its dependencies found a ready market. Besides
flour and fish, sawn lumber now became an important
article of export from the Columbia mills to the Islands,
the shippers receiving in return coffee, sugar, molasses,
rice, and salt which was made by evaporating sea-
water. Later the company procured salt from Carmen
Island, Lower California.
From this time Fort Vancouver flourished yet more
largely. The saw-mills and grist-mills, the stock-rais-
ing and farming employed a large number of men; and
the arrival of produce from other establishments and
the shipment of goods to other posts threw around the
place an air of busy commerce, such as a fur-trading
post had hitherto seldom witnessed.
The Hawaiian Island agency, like that at San Fran-
cisco Bay established nine years later, was not a regu-
lar fur-trading establishment under a chief factor, but
rather a commercial post. George Pellyin charge of
whom it was first placed, was a relative of the London
governor, Sir Henry Pelly; he was succeeded in 1839
by Alexander Simpson, cousin of Sir George Simpson.20
Besides superintending the affairs of the Hudson's
20 Dates by Finlayson, Hi*t., MS., 65-6. Anderson, Northwest Coast, MS.,
6, is more general in his statements.
THE HAWAIIAN [SLANT) AGENCY. 523
Bay Company, Simpson acted for a time as consul
for the British government at the [slands. On the
visit of Sir George Simpson to the Islands in IS I \,
some differences arising between them, Alexander
Simpson threw up his commission, and retiring from
the service shortly after, settled in Scotland.-1
Simpson was succeeded at the Islands in L842 by
Dugald McTavish, a factor, and long connected with
the Columbia department both in Oregon and Vic-
toria." It was by way of the Islands that the tra '
of the Northwest Coast at this time held most fre-
quent intercourse with the world, and found a market
for their superfluous produce.
21 The Simpsons, though bright in intellect, and by no means lacking
in energy, were not upon the whole worshipful men. Sir George appears too
much the cold, calculating machine of a bloodless corporation to inspire
admiration; a must effective machine, but not a truly noble man Like Mc-
Loughlin. Thomas Simpson, the Arctic explorer, either killed himself or was
killed, and Alexander Simpson received from the British government the pen-
sion which would have been his. Alexander Simpson was at Lachine I
in 1S31, and was transferred to the Columbia department in 1838.
22 He was a nephew of John George McTavish, and brother of William
McTavish, Hudson's Hay Company's governor at Red River. He succeeded
Anderson at Lachine House, where he arrived in 1833. Arriving at the
Columbia in 1840, he was stationed for a time at Fort Vancouver, then at
the Islands, and finally at Victoria, where, with Finlayson and Tolmie, he
was of the board of management. While on the way to England on a fur-
lough he died in his bath-room at a hotel in Montreal. Though reserved to
strangers, he was highly esteemed by those who knew him.
CHAPTER XXIV.
MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
1833-1841.
Founding of Fort Nisqually — The Coming of Gairdner and Tolmie —
Intermittent Fever Rampant — Work Explores the Umpqua
Region — The Spring and Autumn Brigades of 1835 — Journeys of
Douglas and Ogden — Anderson's Expedition — Asiatic and Island
Junks Wrecked on the West Coast— Advent of the Missionaries—
The Methodists — The Presbyterians— The Jesuits — The Episco-
palians— John Tod — Voyage of Douglas to California.
Thus were these British men, Scotch, Irish, and
English, long-headed and deep, with callous courage
and steel-tempered limbs, always on the move, most
of them at least, from post to post, from one locality
to another, and from one duty to another, any attempt
entirely to follow them in which would be as futile as
foolish. Nevertheless, by giving something of their
shiftings may we alone tell their story. For such was
their life, and such the history of this vast domain
during this epoch.
On the south side near the mouth of a creek which
flows into Puget Sound, four or live miles north-east
of the Nisqually River, upon a piece of table-land three
quarters of a mile from the sound, in 1833 was estab-
lished a post by Archibald McDonald,1 and called
Fort Nisqually. Being on the direct line of overland
travel between forts Vancouver and Langley, and at
1 Following Finlayson, Hist. V. I., MS., 6; Evans, Hist. Or., MS., 191, says
this post was established by Lieutenant Kittson of the volt'ujeurs, then Hud-
son's Bay Company's clerk. Kittson assisted, but he could scarcely be called
the founder.
(524)
MoDOXALD BUILDS FOET NISQUALLT. 525
the points where boats and horses were exchanged,
the necessity of an establishment here had long boon
felt.
It may or may not be that the contemplated agri-
cultural occupation of the Cowlitz River region had
something to do with the building of this fort; cer-
tain it is that Fort Nisqually did good service in its
day. in more ways than one. An extensive sheep and
cattle farm was soon in operation, which assisted the
company materially in fulfilling its Russian American
obligations.
Besides the usual bastioned stockade and fort-build-
ings proper, there were out-buildings, barn, blacksmith
shop, and cabins. On the bank of the sound near
the mouth of the creek, in 1840, almost immediately
after the Puget Sound Agricultural Company had
begun operations, was erected a large warehouse.
As soon as occasion required the creek was dammed,
and admirable arrangements made for washing sheep.
For, unlike forts McLoughlin, Simpson, Stikeen,
and those in New Caledonia and the Shoshone region,
excepting perhaps one, Colville, Nisqually was not
built exclusively for the fur business. From the first
its commercial advantages were apparent; and as
Langley became early identified with salmon-fishing,
so Nisqually made available the extensive grazing
tracts adjacent, inviting sheep and cattle, until fur-
trading at this point was wholly eclipsed.
In the bark Ganymede, in 1833, under patronage
of Sir William Hooker, there came to this coast as
surgeons in the service, Gairdner and Tolmie. Gaird-
ner, who gave his name to one of our salmon, bad
studied under Ehrenberg, and the science of infusoria
was quite popular at that time.2
All through the year of 1833 intermittent fever was
2He died at the Hawaiian Islands. !!■■/>■ ,-/<' Rec., MS., 12. Tolmie will be
noticed later in connection with the Puget Sound Agricultural ( ompany, with
which he became identified. See note 17, chap, xxii., this volume.
526 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
very prevalent. A hospital was erected for Gairdner,
in which there were usually from two to three hun-
dred cases. All through the Shoshone country and
thence throughout the region of the hypothetical river
Buenaventura, round Klamath and Pyramid lakes and
along the Willamette and Columbia rivers the disease
raged.3
o
John Work left Fort Vancouver with twelve men,
the 2 2d of May 1834, on a trading and trapping trip
to the southward.4
Crossing in boats to the Willamette, amidst a drench-
ing rain, they proceeded thence on horses. McLoughlin
and his suite would sometimes accompany these south-
ward-bound expeditions, in regal state, as I notice
elsewhere, for fifty or one hundred miles up the Willa-
mette, when he would dismiss them with his blessing
and return to the fort. He did not often travel, and
seldom went far; but on these occasions he indulged
his men rather than himself in some little variety.
The savages and their near neighbors the Canadians
are greatly impressed with glittering show. Hence
in order to encourage them, or in order the easier to
manage them, he was wont sometimes to indulge in
this innocent display.
It pleased Mrs McLoughlin thus to break the
monotony of her fort life. Upon a gayly capari-
soned steed, with silver trappings, and strings of bells
on bridle-reins and saddle-skirts, sat the lady of Fort
Vancouver, herself arrayed in brilliant colors, and
wearing a smile which might cause to blush and hang
3 ' The Snake party have lost two men by the malady, and have all severely
suffered.' Tolmie's Journal, MS., 84. It were a pity' the disease could not
have been confined exclusively to the white men, who brought it into the
country. ' The influenza was raging at the time I passed through; the people
were dying by hundreds . . . When I arrived at the fort, as the great medicine-
man, the amount of labor which I had to devote to the subject was something
beyond all conception . . . There was not the slightest vaccination in my time,
1833-G.' King, hi House Commons Rept., II. B. Co., 1S57, 316-37.
4 This is the last in point of time of Work's journalized expeditions, occu-
pying pages 183 to 221 of his manuscript. After this in the journal comes
the expedition to Okanagan, but it is out of place as regards date.
WORK IN THE WILLAMETTE. 527
its head the broadest, warmest, and most fragrant
sunflower. By her side, also gorgeously attired, rode
her lord, king of the Columbia, and every inch a king,
attended by a train of trappers, under a chief tra '< r,
each upon his besi behavior. At this time McKay
was living near Scappoose 1 Jay; and across the moun-
tains in Tualatin plain was what they called the
beaver ground; after sending some surplus horses to
McKay, the party made their way to the latter [dace.
All along the journey Work fills his journal with
glowing panegyrics upon the country and its agri-
cultural possibilities.
There was already a camp of Fort Vancouver trap-
pers in the Tualatin plain; and to it went Work to
learn, if possible, something of the Umpqua trade.
Although two of the men at that camp had visited the
Umpquas two years before, they could tell little of
them. Some people cannot see; some who sc^ cannot
tell what they have seen.
They crossed the Yamhill River the 30th of May,
and continuing southerly, crossed the Willamette the
3d of June, and continued up the east bank. They
had expected ere this to have fallen in with other
parties of trappers, but in this were disappointed.
They were now near where Maurio embarked on the
i the Kanaka, his companion, informed them,
and was drowned, while on his way from La Fram-
with letters. Some natives told them that all
Mitchell's party except himself and one other had
Lassacred; others that nearly all of La Fram-
party had been cut off; but of the truth of
I ; ements they entertained doubl -.
Oregon is still virgin. Small bands of half-clad red
men v pon its rich soil, while h< re and i!i<-rc
mted wanderer from civilized parts snuffs
from afar the dawn of a new era. Nature provides,
and man and beasl feed; beasts upon the long grass
and luxuriant herbage, and men upon the beasts.
Never poets sang of a more gorgeous or happy valley
528 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
than the Willamette, bright with dancing waters and
carpeted with clover.
The 7th of June the party crossed Elk Mountain5
to Elk Creek, and proceeded down the north side.
Next day they went down to the Umpqua, the north
bank of which they descended, and thence to the house
of Indian Joe, a noted character, a savage much
feared in those parts, holding human life in slight
esteem. Joe had already seven wives, and threat-
ening to take seven more. With so many helpmeets
he found no difficulty in cultivating a small patch of
potatoes. There they found five packs of beaver
which had been left by Mitchell, and treated with Joe
for one pack more. A letter from La Framboise to
McLoughlin, dated 17th of April 1834, informed him
of a battle fought a short time previous on the south
side of the Umpqua Mountains, by the party under
La Framboise and the savages, in which eleven of the
latter were slain and several wounded. The white
men received no damage.
Leaving Joe's house Work turned up the Umpqua,
and on the way traded some beaver with old Grey-
head's sons.6 These natives were very shrewd at a
bargain, complaining that the buyers did not give as
much as formerly, and holding back their skins for
higher prices. The articles most in demand were
ammunition and strings of hiaqua made of green
beads.7 Other kinds of beads or other goods they did
not much esteem.
Proceeding south-easterly on the 14th, Work soon
reached what he calls the second fork of the Umpqua,8
5 In the Calapooya range.
6 This purchase with what they had brought before made 72 beaver and
25 otter which they had secured thus far.
7 See Native Races, i. 239.
b ' Had arranged,' he writes, 'to proceed to the Umpquah old fort where
I understood the natives have a few beaver, but was deterred on account of a
child of Champaign's which has been sick some time.' Journals, MS. 206.
From which expression one would infer that the place was not then occupied
by white men, and did not amount to much. On the most essential points
of history the journals of fur-traders were often exceedingly dim, they taking
for granted that the reader was familiar with all that was known prior to their
particular achievements.
EXPEDITION FROM UMPQUA. 529
and camped on the !7th at the junction. There he
was informed by a party of natives, whoso chief was
called Charles, that the region round the head-waters
of the Willamette was so rugged that it could be
hunted only in canoes, and that no white man had
yet visited its source. Beavers were there the natives
said, and as Work was accomplishing little elsewhere,
ho determined to undertake the ascent. So engaging
Charles to guide them, they recrossed Elk Mountain
to the middle or main branch of the Willamette.
The stream was there from eighty to one hundred yards
wide. The country was mountainous and thickly
wooded, and there was scarcely any grass, which ren-
dered the journey impracticable for horses. Cedar-
trees were thereupon selected, and the men set to
work making three canoes. While thus engaged they
were visited by Louis, a Willamette freeman, who
expressed the belief that the river could be ascended
in boats.
All being in readiness, on the 29th Work despatched
up the river six Canadians, three Indians, and an in-
terpreter, with two months' supplies, to trap beavers.
Next day Work went with the remainder of his men,
all of whom were to share in the results of the canoe
expedition the same as if they had accompanied it, to
an old house two miles distant, formerly occupied by
McKay; and leaving there three men in charge of the
men's families and the horses he returned to Fort Van-
couver, arriving the 10th of July.0
9The men in the three canoes are left unceremoniously paddling tin ir way
up the Willamette; and this, by far the most important partof the expedition,
is nowhere further mentioned. Tolmic. Puget Sound, .MS., 6, 7. givi - rather
an unfavorable account of "Work's people in their return. First, he states that
they "went smith through Oregon and northern California to certain parts of
San Francisco Hay. wh< re beaver, then wry high-priced, greatly abounded;'
and secondly, in returning home in 1834, passing certain native vi
where the inhabitants had been carried off in great numbers I y i
of the young men of the party foolishly pillaged a deserb rticles
that took their fancy. A fever broke out in the camp: several of the ablest
men died, and the mortality was great.' Harassed by thi '• , 'in
great distress they managed to reach the settlement at Champoeg on the
Willamette River where their wants were kindly attended to by Jervai
ciere,and Deslard, old company's trappers who had settled on these beautiful
Hist. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 34
530 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
With three boats manned by twenty-nine Canadi-
ans and Iroquois, on the 3d of March 1835, Douglas,
Ogden, and others left Fort Vancouver for Canada.
Part of the men were for Fort Colville, and part were
retiring from the service, and destined for their early
homes.
There is but little of special interest in this journey.
At Fort Walla Walla where they arrived the 10th,
they found the neighboring tribes convened according
to their custom for purposes of pleasure and business.
From this point, Douglas with a small mounted party
proceeded across the country by way of Spokane
House to Fort Colville, while the remainder in boats
continued up the river.
The eastern-bound party left Fort Colville the 4th
of April, proceeded to Boat Encampment, crossed
through Athabasca Pass to Fort Edmonton the 30th,
and thence to York Factory, where they arrived the
24th of June. The 1 6th of July, the brigade left York
Factory for Fort Vancouver, the party increasing en
route until it numbered with women and children about
thirty-five persons. They reached Edmonton the 17th
of September, Boat Encampment the IGth of October,
and Walla Walla the 27th.10
From Fort George on the Fraser this same autumn
A. C. Anderson, lately in charge of New Caledonia,
with eight men was sent by way of the Tete Jaune
Pass11 to Jasper House to meet the westward-bound
brigade, and bring back the leather and recruits which
usually came by this express. Crossing the moun-
tains on foot, the party reached Jasper House early in
October. The brigade arrived shortly after, and the
plains.' Luciere was one of the Canadian voyageurs who came with the first
Astor party. In 1829 he took a claim on the right bank of the Willamette,
opposite where Portland was since laid out, but abandoned it the next year.
In 1S31 he settled at Champoeg and there remained until his death, which
occurred in 1852 at the age of sixty-five. Alta Gal, April 22, 1853.
10 Sixty-six manuscript pages, namely, Dotu/las' Private Papers, MS., 1st
ser. 7-73, are filled with intelligent details of this journey.
11 It was customary every year to bring from the east into New Caledonia
by this route some 40 packs' of dressed moose-skins for shoe-leather; from
which circumstance the Yellow Head Pass was often called Leather l'ass.
ANNUAL BRIGADES. 531
men and merchandise destined for New Caledonia
were given in charge to Anderson, while the others,
among whom were Duncan Finlayson, Douglas, Mc-
Donald, McKinlay, and John Mcintosh, took the
route by Boat Encampment down the Columbia.
Winter ram.' on early this year; so that when
Anderson on his return had reached T6te Jaune
cache, he found the river frozen. And though there
was ice enough to render the stream unnavigable, il
was not so frozen as to hear the travellers and their
burdens. There were now in the party twenty-two
persons, and soon provisions became short; moreover
there was present a lady, Mrs Mcintosh, and several
small children.
Back to Jasper House, therefore, they all wer •
forced to go, a stray horse from the other party, and
a single reindeer coming between them and >t;n\ al
on the way. This post being emptied of its supplies,
they continued to Edmonton, four hundred miles
farther, the thermometer at times being 40° below
zero, and the people poorly clad. Six red deer, how-
ever, furnished them food, and on arriving at the fort
their sufferings were soon allayed. Anderson, Mc-
Kinlay, and a portion of the men immediately loade I
some dog-sledges and returned, reaching Stuart Lake
in forty-six days.12
Many islanders and Asiatics since the world b<
more than we know of, have been thrown on
shores, I i be enslaved, to be released, to be butchered,
or allowed to blend in human propagations the light
coppery hue of the oldest cast with the dark cop;
hue of the newest west.
We remember what the philosophic AI
cacht Ape affirmed he saw on the coast nol far from
"Anderson has given me this and much more in pages 24 1
thick folio manuscript entitled, History of tin \ rolume filled
with material nowhere else existing, and of primary impo
the country and times of which it treats, i speak more fullj
and his work elsewhere.
532 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
the Columbia in 1747 or thereabouts, and what his
friend told him of the annual visits of the women-
stealers, that was given by the author as history; but
we know of a certainty of many traditions entertained
by the natives up to a late day, or as long as they
entertained in their minds anything — instance the
tale by Mrs Victor13 obtained from the Nehalems,
below the Columbia, of a wrecked vessel where the
crew saved their effects and buried them, boxed, near
Mt Neahcarny, that is to say Saddle Mountain. Nor
does credulity very deeply blush in confessing the box
to have been sought for. Then long ago the natives
of the upper Columbia had their Spanish guest, who
came they knew not whence, and went the}' knew not
whither. Japanese wrecks on the shores of Kam-
chatka and America are reported from an early day.u
13 Or. and Wash., 53-4.
14 One at Acapulco in 1617; Bantam Islands, 1613; adrift, 1685; Kam-
chatka, 1694, 1710, 1729, and 1812, where several other wrecks are alluded to
by Muller; Aleutian Isles, 1782; stranded junk crew of fifteen rescued by
Krusenstem, 1804; near Sitka, 1805; adrift, 1813; adrift off Santa Barbara,
1815; a junk laden with wax was thrown upon Point Adams in 1820; one
wrecked on Queen Charlotte Island in 1831; Hawaiian Islands, 1832; near
Cape Flattery, 1833; adrift west of the Hawaiian Isles, 1839; South Sea Isle,
1841; Mexico, 1845; St Peter Isle, 1S45; Stapleton Island, 1S47; adrift,
1847, 1848, and 1850; Atka Island, 1851; adrift, 1852 and 1853; near Cedros
Island, Lower California, 1853; adrift near Hawaiian Isles, 1854; adrift, 1S55;
Ladrone Islands and Cedros, 1856; two adrift in 185S; one at Ocean Island,
and one at Brook Island in 1859; adrift, 1862, two; Baker Island, 1863;
Providence Island, 1864; Aleutian Isles, 1869; adrift, 1870, and in 1871 two;
Atka, 1871; adrift, 1873; at Alaska, Hawaii, Petropaulski, adrift below San
Diego, Nootka Sound, were Japanese wrecks at various dates; adrift, 1S75
and 1876. Charles Wolcott Brooks in an able and comprehensive brochure on
the Japanese Wrecks, Stranded and Picked up Adrift in the North Pacific Ocean,
prepared for the purpose of illustrating early migrations, made out a list, and
at various times I have learned of a few additional. Horace Davis in his
ethnological speculations, Record of Japanese Vessels driven upon the North-
west Coast of America, gives a list of such wrecks as came to his knowledge,
which was one of the chief sources of Mr Brooks' information. In the Poly-
iiesian are mentioned three Japanese picked up near the mouth of the Co-
lumbia in 1829, and a junk adrift in 1846, not catalogued by Brooks. _ Victor,
Or. and Wash., 51, says in the sands round the mouth of the Columbia pieces
of wax, washed up during violent storms, were found for years. As for Euro-
pean and American wrecks on the Northwest Coast we have what was
supposed to be a Spanish vessel from Manila in Y~tT2—Kelley, in Thornton's
Or. Hist., MS., 87; Oregon Spectator, Jan. 21, 1847— with a cargo of beeswax
cast ashore on the northern side of the entrance to the Columbia; in 1828, at
the entrance of the Columbia, the William and Ann; in 1830, at the entrance
to the Columbia, the Isabel; in 1841, at the entrance to the Columbia, the
U. S. ship Peacock; in Sept. 1S46, at the entrance of the Columbia, the U. S.
JAPANESE JUNKS. C33
One day in the spring of L83 I notice reached Fort
Vancouver of the wreck of a junk off ( Jape Flattery.
Thirty men under Thomas McKay were senl overland
by way of the Chehalis to the rescue of the crew.
But <ui reaching the precipitous region round Point
Grenville they became disheartened, threw up the
business, and retraced their stops. Captain .McNeill
then undertook the mission in the brig Llama. Ar-
riving at the wreck, the Llama was boarded by some
natives, whom the captain held as hostages until the
survivors, three in number, were delivered to him.
Brought to Fort Vancouver, the three men were sent
home by way of England. The junk was laden with
crockery of the flower-pot or willow-ware fashion.15
Likewise many ships have been wrecked in attempting
to enter the Columbia, and elsewhere on the North-
west Coast.
Indeed, so thoroughly disheartened was the com-
pany over their repeated losses, that on the loss of
the ship Vancouver, in 1848, with a cargo valued at
£30,000, wrecked after the pilot was on board, they
determined to make their next shipment to London
in the autumn of that year from Nisqually, whither
the furs were sent from Fort Vancouver by way of
the Cowlitz.
schooner Shark; in 1848, at the entrance of the Columbia, the hark Vancou-
ver; in 1849, at month of the Columbia, the brig
where and at another tin Grace, and Janus Warren, the latter
fifty miles south of Killamook; in 1851 rath of the I h
■■'/ ; in ls.'ii', near Killamook, si
.- in In:.::, barks Oriole, T. .'.'■ \ and
■ -a, and brig I the Columbia bar; in 1854, at i
lumbia, steam-tug I '■ r exploded; in 1855
mouth of Umpqua, schooner Loo ( hoo; in 1856, al I i I'
I River, went ashore i
I '■ ft ( Word I - in 1857, brig
hark N< "• World ground < •'. . ; hark Desdt » Imii-
I
.. MS., 13; 1 ., i. 304; Lee obtai
and tea-cup saved from the wreck. Le*
.. 40; Parker's Tour, L62. • I the
Hud.- of this disaster in a singular mi
r, in which w i
the shipwrecked persons, with the junk on the rocks, and thelndii
[ering. Wilke. Nar., U.S. 1. i I r. Ex., iv. 315-10.
oU MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
There was a little blood-letting in these parts from
time to time, but on the whole remarkably little. Two
of five sailors,16 who deserted from a whaler in 1832 off
the coast of California, while on the way overland to
Oregon in 1835, were murdered by the natives. The
land survives their loss. Six natives were killed in
1836 by certain sailors and trappers on the southern
Oregon coast. Thus there were six less victims left
for influenza, whooping-cough, small-pox, measles, fever
and ague, and syphilis, those happy accompaniments
of European culture.
Uplifted on the wings of faith, beyond the eastern
hills now glistened the first flush of that spirit of
proselyting which was destined so quickly to burn to
cinders the souls it wrestled to save. With the
trappers and stragglers who percolated the mountains
from the United States border came missionaries of
divers tenets, whose angular intellects polished with
opaque doctrines, plotted good-will to man, confusion
to Satan. With their coining begins the history
proper of Oregon, elsewhere told. I mention them
here merely to fix their place in the chain of fur-
trading events which closes this volume.
The Methodist missionaries which in 1834 were
sent to Oregon by the board of foreign missions, were
followed by Presbyterian ministers in 1836, and these
by Methodists again in 1837, followed by more Pres-
byterians in 1838, and by Catholics in 1839. The
Methodists settled in the Willamette Valley, and at
the Dalles ; the Presbyterians among the Cayuses, and
on the Walla Walla and Lapwai rivers. There were
Catholics among the early settlers who needed only
priests; and the English church was represented by
Mr Beaver at Port Vancouver.
To them the fortress of Vancouver was as Mecca
10 George Gray who settled in Polk County, and became respectable, -was
one, if the San Jose Pioneer of 23d June 1877 speaks truly. McLoughlin,
J 'rivate Papers, MS., 2d ser. 5, was not specially delighted to see them at Fort
Vancouver.
COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES.
to fainting pilgrims, and its benignant sovereign as
the prophet of Allah; though there were those among
the succored who afterwards cursed him as a priest
of Baal. Why, no one knows; but some "I* God's
men arc ordained to curse, others to be cursed.11
Jason and Daniel Loe wore the pioneer missionaries
of the Northwesi ('cast. Three lay members of their
church accompanied and assisted them. Arriving in
September 1834, they began operations by planting a
mission on the right bank of the Willamette twelve
miles below where Salem now stands.1"
The Presbyterians began operations by sending
over the mountains in 1835 Samuel Parker and Mar-
cus Whitman. Parker journeyed extensively through
( Oregon, visited Queen Charlotte Islands, and return-
ing by way of the Hawaiian Islands reached home in
May 1837. Whitman returned to the United States
from Green River, and again came west the following
spring with Mrs Whitman, Henry J. Spalding and
wife, and William H. Gray, under escort to Green
River of the caravan of the American Pur Company.
By December 1836, Whitman had established a
mission among the Cayuses, twenty-five miles <
of Fort Walla Walla, and Spalding among the Nez
Perce's, on the Clearwater, one hundred and twenty-
miles north-east of Fort Walla Walla. Gray,
who was a mechanic, assisted in erecting the buildings
i >th stations.13
" Finlayson calls McLoughlin the founder of Oregon; and this by reason
of his kind treatment to emigrants, furnishing them when homeless, stai
; nd without a dollar, with cows, horsey, and implements with which to
.:_'. And to his surprise, in years afterward he saw the new ;
abuse him, not knowing what he had done to merit abuse. Hist. V. /.. MS., 75.
I until their place was ready. Harvi y's /. f/i ofM
MS., 11: built several comfortable log-houses during the winter 1834 5,
Afar., 219. McLoughlin, Private Papers, MS.. 2d ser. 3-9, had
much trouble with them finally." Evans' Hist. Or., .MS., 210-34, and A ndi r-
!, MS. , 262 < ■ . . Lv<
■ . ■ ■
tendent of Wesleyan Missions in the Hudson's Bay territories at Norway
. had as yet paid but little attention to the conversion of souls west of
I ■ Rocky Mountains. See Martin's Hudson's Bay, L26, 130; Holman's Peoria
MS., I.
I . dCal., ii. 23, makesit 1837 before Whiti
atWaiilatpu. 1 follow Evans. Townsend, .Afar., 233 of the
536 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
Among the several English ladies who were each
the first to appear upon the coast,20 was the wife of
the Rev. Mr Beaver, noticed elsewhere. Clergymen's
wives and settlers' helpmeets were now becoming quite
common in these western wilds. Beaver tires of his
post and quits the country, leaving the church of
England quite shorn of its glories hereabout.21
And now the free Canadian families of the Valley
Willamette desire pastoral care, and two Jesuits, Blan-
chet and Demers, are sent them in 1838 from Canada,
who, while on their way, baptize many and consecrate
the Rocky Mountains to God. Mass is now first
celebrated in Oregon; then follow Jesuit missionary
West, 233-4; McLoughlin, Private Papers, MS., 2d ser. 5, and Tolmie, Pur/ft
Sound, MS., 5, mention Parker and Whitman. It would require a volume
as large as Gray's to correct Gray's mistakes. I cannot notice them all.
The Whitman family were massacred in 1847. On his return to the east
Parker published a book, Journal of an Exploring Tour beyond the -Rocky
Mountains, Ithaca, 1842. The work, which passed through several editions,
is accompanied by a large map, and contains much valuable information.
It was altogether the most important hitherto published on this territory.
Parker was an intelligent observer, and a clear, forcible writer. Though
a Christian, bound for heaven, he did not forget that he was a man living
in this world. ' Had he confined himself to the results of his own experi-
ence,' says Greenhow, Or. and Col., 361, note, 'and not wandered into the
region of history, diplomacy, and cosmogony, in all of which he is evidently
a stranger,' his work would have been better. Greenhow having entered
that domain himself might perhaps praise Parker's book more were its
merits less. De Smet, Letters and Sketches, 212, scourges Parker for breaking
down the cross erected over a child's grave. McLoughlin, Private Pap< rs,
MS., 2d ser. 6, says: 'Parker appears to me to be a man of piety and zeal,
but is very unpopular with the other Protestant missionaries in this country,
for which I see no cause, except that acting differently from them he has
published to the world the manner some of his countrymen act toward Indians,
and the very different manner we treat them.'
20This is Anderson's first, Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 102. Almost every
sect and society has the first upon the coast of everything.
21 Harvey's Life of McLoughlin, MS., 11. Gr&y, Hist. Or., 162-3, who hates
Beaver and all Episcopal clergymen, and all Englishmen, and all Catholics, and
almost everybody but Gray, gives the first chaplain of Fort Vancouver a light
complexion, feminine voice with large pretensions to oratory, poor delivery,
and no energy. Contact with savages to him was pollution; the servants of
the Hudson's Bay Company were boors, and the officers lived in open adultery.
Peter's early occupation in such a community he thought preferable to his later
one ; hence his enthusiasm ran to fishing instead of to preaching. McLough-
lin should give up his Catholic notions and conform to established church
rules. He should remarry and stop bastardizing; for which advice the rev-
erend gentleman received corporal chastisement, it is said, McLoughlin telling
him he would marry whom, how, and as much as he pleased. Mrs Beaver of
course sympathized with her husband, and they got back to London as fast as
they could. Doubtless they were very nice people, but with rather too refined
sensibilities for savage soul-saving. See, further, Hist. Or., this series.
THE JESUITS. 537
labors in Corville, Okanagan, Walla Walla, Fort Van-
couver, and Nisqually. McLoughlin is quickly con-
verted by Blanchet, and the Jesuits obtain the ear of
the governor.2'2 Afterward Blanchet took his stand
in the Willamette Valley, and Demers, after spending
some time on the Cowlitz, departed in the spring of
1842 for New Caledonia. There the savages received
him with open arms, as if informed by heaven of the
benefits he should bestow; and when he left they si Led
tears.
Meanwhile Whitman and Spalding arc reenforced.
In 1838 come Cushing, Eels, and Walker, the last
two with their wives, and after wintering at Waiilatpu
establish a station among the Flatheads on the Chem-
akane branch of the Spokane Kiver, forty miles south
of Fort Colville.
The Presbyterians were never very expert in im-
provising providences; therefore when Gray, the
Great Untruthful and whilom Christian mission-
builder, undertakes to appropriate to the unseen
powers of his sect the sending of four native dele-
gates to St Louis in 1832, begging saviors for tra-
montane castaways, it is, as most of Gray's affairs
are, a failure. The Catholics manage those things
better.
The Jesuit Rosati tells how two pious Iroquois in
181G23 quarter among the Flatheads, convert them,
and live there. Shortly afterward certain Flatheads
go to St Louis to see if white men really believed
the things the Iroquois had said. They there die
redeemed. One of the Christian Iroquois with two
children, then, say in 1832, visits St Louis and asks
missionaries for his adopted people. On his way back
he is killed by wicked Sioux. Finally in 1839 conies
another deputation, begging priests — so writes Rosati
-- 1>. Smet, Or. Miss., 1S-20; Blanches Cath. Ch. in Or., 9 11, 19
/v Sim >,'s i • passim; Pictures of Missionary Life, passim;
Ca(J). Almanac, in De Smet's Miss., 32, 34.
»Blanchet says 1812. Cath. Ch. in Or., IS.
538 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
to Rome — in answer to which Peter John De Sinet is
sent in 1840 to carry the cross to the Flathead nation,
and is so fortunate as to convert six hundred in two
months, an average of ten a day.24 The Protestant
version is printed in the History of Oregon.
It was under the banner of old John Tod that the
priests Demers and Blanchet came. Tod had been
on a visit to the east, and was returning from Nor-
way House to Colville by way of Edmonton, Jasper
House, and Boat Encampment at the head of sixty
men, among whom were two botanists, Wallace and
Banks, sent from London by Sir Joseph Paxton, and
the two missionaries. At the Little Dalles, the men
preferring to take their chances in the boats, instead
of making the portage as was the custom, one of the
boats upset, and six persons, including the two bota-
nists, and the wife of Mr Banks, Sir George Simp-
son's daughter, were drowned. The ways of science
were dangerous in those days.
In 1839 Tod was sent to the Cowlitz plains to
assist in the farming operations there. The following
summer he was appointed to New Caledonia, and
stationed at Fort Alexandria. The fort, which orig-
inally had been situated on a hill, was removed for
convenience to the river bank, where the miasma
speedily engendered fever and ague, attacking white
men first and then the natives, until many of the lat-
ter were swept away. From 1842 to 1849 Tocl was
in command of Shushwap.
2i Anderson, Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 264, gives for the situation in
1842: In the Willamette, a Wesleyan and a Catholic station; on the Cowlitz,
a Catholic mission; at Clatsop, Nisqually, and the Dalles, Wesleyan missions;
in the Nez Perce\ Cayuse, and Spokane countries, Presbyterian missions; at
Fort Vancouver and among the Flatkeads, Jesuit missions. De Smet, Letters
am/ Sketches, 229-33, places the rival establishments of the Willamette 8
miles apart, and gives the Catholic station, in 1841, 80 families; the Cow-
litz Catholics, 5 families; Nisqually, 22 families. There appeared as hot
a rivalry in soul-saving as in fur-trading. The pious De Smet prays for
strength 'in the midst of so many adversaries,' meaning, not devils, but Pres-
byterians; and in another place he thanks God that 'the meeting-houses were
almost abandoned.' How important must be the work when missionaries
regard as of small moment the conversion of heathens as compared with put-
ting down each other.
DOUGLAS IX CALIFORNIA. 539
During the winter of 1840-1, James Douglas made
a voyage to California in the ship Columbia with an
adventure of goods. Besides what hecalls objects of
a political nature, the intention was with the mer-
chandise to purchase certain products of the country,
and to drive up a large herd of live-stock, for which
purpose thirty men or more accompanied him.
Leaving Fort Vancouver on the morning of Decem-
ber 3, 1850, he boarded the vessel at Fort George,
but owing to bad weather was not able to cross the
bar before the 21st. Narrowly escaping shipwreck on
Point Pinos, the ship came to anchor in the afternoon
of January 1, 1S41, in the bay of Monterey. Two
days after, Douglas, accompanied by David Spencc as
interpreter, held an interview with Governor Alva-
rado, who received them with considerable stiffness,
which, under the influence of Douglas' conciliatory
manner, soon wore off, when the governor entered
with much spirit into the matters under discussion.
The first topic introduced was concerning the party
under La Framboise, who had for several years past
trapped in the Tulare Valley by permission of Alva-
rado, granted under the treaty of 1837-8. La Fram-
boise had continued to visit the place every season
without interference, until the last summer, when
Captain Sutter wrote to the people of Fort Vancou-
ver forbidding their return. As it was not known
whether Sutter was an accredited agent of the govern-
ment, no notice had been taken of his interference.
The governor now said that Sutter had been author-
ized to act for the government, not in a hostile man-
ner, but merely to request the withdrawal of the
party; and that though he had no complaints to make
of tlie Hudson's Bay Company's servants, yet as the
settlements were extending their presence could no
longer be tolerated. To this Douglas replied that
rver the wishes of government should be offi-
cially communicated, they would be followed in every
particular.
540 MISCELLANEOUS MOVEMENTS.
The second matter seemed likely to destroy all
prospects of trade in California. For a long time the
laws of Mexico permitted only foreign vessels to enter
certain ports of the republic, where all merchandise
from abroad must be landed, thus confining the coast
trade to home vessels. This law, however, had never
been respected in consequence of there being no home
vessels. Just now, the governor informed Douglas,
orders had been received to enforce the law at any
inconvenience, and he declared his intention to do so.
To this Douglas strongly protested, declaring that
as they had entered under the old state of affairs
time should be given them before the new law was
enforced. Finally the governor was brought to see
the justice of this, and not only promised them aid in
their undertaking, as far as lay in his power, but gave
them permission to trade "with the express sanction
of the government." This permit did not, however,
relieve them from further difficulties with respect to
the purchase of stock, to be driven out of the country,
and he finally made it known that the government
would furnish as many as were required, at a high
price, which offer Douglas had no alternative but to
accept.25
Thus the interview terminated with mutual pro-
testations of esteem.
It was something Douglas was little accustomed to,
bowing the knee before an arrogant ruler for whom
he entertained not the highest respect. Douglas him-
self was proud and pompous enough, and on the whole
he played his part well, though it did not always give
him pleasure.26
The following day the ship was cleared by the cus-
toms officers, who won much praise by their gentle-
25 ' Six dollars for choice cows, and two dollars for ewes. ' Douglas' Journal,
MS., 75.
26 Speaking of it he says, ' To resent such conduct would have been more
manly, and was the first impulse of my own feelings; but second thoughts are
best, and in this instance I found the truth of the old adage,' etc. Douglas'
Journal, MS., 71. See Hist. Gal., this series.
RETURN OF DOUGLAS. 541
manly behavior, especially their leader, Osio, who was
thereupon invited to dinner and entertained while the
sales of merchandise were being made.
Leaving th< ire sufficient men t< > drive the cattle to the
Columbia Biver and having banqueted the governor
and a party of friends on board, on the afternoon of
llu> 19th of January, Douglas left Monterey for San
Francisco, taking with him eleven of the company's
servants, with McKay and Steel, while an Englishman
named Duckworth and a Californian boy acted as
guides. They proceeded overland by way of Santa
Clara, and reached San Francisco without further
adventure, remaining there till the end of February,
and arriving in Oregon at the latter part of May.27
27 This part of Douglas' narrative ends abruptly with his arrival at Santa
Clara ; but it includes a long description of California, its political and social
condition, its scenery, climate, and advantages for settlers, all of which has
been fully noticed in Hist. California of this series.
CHAPTER XXV.
HALL J. KELLEY, NATHANIEL J. WYETH, AND
B. L. E. BONNEVILLE.
1828-1834.
The Hazards of Security — The Boston School-master — Incorporation
of a Society for the Settlement of Oregon — The School-master
Writes, Lectures, and Buttonholes— And Finally Goes to Oregon
by way of Mexico and California — Ewing Young Joins Kelley —
His Tribulations at Vancouver — The Cambridge Ice Man — A
Boston Astor Adventure — The Ship 'Sultana' to Meet an Over-
land Party on the Columbia — Wyeth's First Expedition — Failure
and Return — Wreck of the 'Sultana' — The French Captain —
What He did not Do.
In the pacification of a country where the natives
are already peaceful, and in the occupation of a country
already occupied, it would seem unnecessary to em-
ploy extra-hazardous means, or to prepare for over-
coming superhuman obstacles. It is not the way,
however, of ignorance or inexperience to treat too
seriously the invisible impediments that strew the
pathway to their desires. For oftener do men, even
leaders of men, unfit leaders, having themselves more
need of a master, rush headlong unprepared into adven-
tures about which their knowledge and calculations
would disgrace a school-girl.
In the settlement of the Orgeon Territory, as all
the region between the head-waters of the Missouri
and Pacific Ocean was for yet some time called, there
seemed no special call for a display of quixotism.
There were no giants there, except one most benig-
nant giant, who was always kind to worthy strangers,
even to those he did not desire to see, whom he
1542)
THE BOSTON SCHOOL-MASTER. 543
heartily would wish had never entered that country
to disturb the game, and demoralize the hunters, and
seize on lands already occupied and under cultivation.
There was no all-devouring Cyclops standing ready
at the South Pass to swallow oxen, wagons, and way-
worn emigrants as they toiled through; nor was there
dwelling at Walla Walla any Circe to transform them
into swine, that is to say, to make the in more piggish
than they were before. There were not even wind-
mills in the warm and fragrant Valley Willamette to
frighten the cattle withal, or set buzzing crazed brains.
Here as everywhere, the requisites to success weir
simply common intelligence, common-sense, the neces-
sary amount of means with application, patience, and
temperance. These simple requisites, I say, within
the reach of all, how few possessed them! How few
possess them to-day! No need for such an one to
emigrate to distant Oregon to seek his fortune; he
has it about him.
Aiid yet the occupation of Oregon was not without
its knights of La Mancha, whose brains became some-
what turned, and that by difficulties more imaginary
than real. I have mentioned elsewhere that in 1827 8
one Hall J. Kelley, on behalf of himself and certain
members of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, peti-
tioned congress for a grant of land in the Oregon
Territory, and protection in its settlement. Kelley
was a Boston school-teacher, and while yet a young
man became deeply interested in the extension of the
United States domain beyond the great continental
chain. A fanatic in religion, he became fanatic in
his scheme of settlement. All the powers of piety
and avarice were employed by him in the attempted
execution of plans which grew more wildly dear 1<>
him as the years went by and failure became more
apparent.
Born at Gilmantown, New Hampshire, in 1789, he
graduated at Middlebury, Conn., and was afterward
544 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
made master of arts at Harvard University. He was
early employed as a teacher in the public schools of
Boston, and published in 1820 an elementary work
entitled the American Instructor, at that time regarded
as a valuable contribution to educational literature.
He organized, by his own efforts principally, the first
Sunday-school in New England, besides writing the
first Sunday-school book. The Boston Young Men's
Education Society was formed by his aid, and he was
its first secretary, and made the first public address
in its support. He also, in great part, originated the
Penitent Female Refuge Society; from all of which
it would appear that he was a man of religious and
humane impulses, concerning himself about the public
good. At the same time he was occupied in the
prosecution of the higher branches of mathematical
science, having made what he deemed a discovery in
the system of geographical surveying, of which he
submitted a memoir to the government in 1829. He
also distinguished himself as an engineer.
As early as 1815, being then twenty-six years of
age, Kelley began his agitation of the Oregon Ques-
tion, which he claims led to the restoration of Astoria,
and to the saving of the country to the United
States.1 In 1824 he gave himself wholly up to the
Avork. Nor did he cease writing and raving, until at
the ripe age of eighty-five he was transferred from
his New England hermitage, where after his fruitless
excursions he had retired to brood in poverty over
the wrongs inflicted by a soulless corporation and an
ungrateful republic.
The Boston school-master is a character the historian
is not particularly proud of. He is neither a great
hero nor a great rascal. He is great at nothing,
and is remarkable rather for his lack of strength, and
1 If we measure his merits by his claims we must make him at once owner
and king of Oregon. Nevertheless his writings did exercise influence, not
as great as if they had been moderate, yet exceedingly weighty in these
momentous questions so shortly to arise.
EFFORTS AT COLONIZATION. 545
in staggering for fifty years under an idea too big for
his brain. II*' was a born enthusiast and partisan,
one of a class of projectors more capable of forming
grand schemes than of carrying them to a successful
issue. He gathered with avidity all the information
that could be obtained concerning ( Iregon. In these
researches he became deeply impressed with two
ideas the value of the country on account of its I'nrs,
fisheries, soil, and climate, and the importance of
christianizing the Indians. Making diligent inquiry
of masters of vessels and leaders of fur companies, he
obtained sufficient knowledge of the geographical and
commercial points feo be able to publish articles about
them, with the intent to create an interest concerning
them in the public mind. From 1827 to 1831 he was
busy making maps, forming plans, and petitioning
congress, with the view to the formation of an emi-
gration society, which in 1828 was instituted, and in
1831 was incorporated in Boston as the American
Society for Encouraging a Settlement of the Oregon
Territory. This society was Hall J. Kelley. lie
Mas the body and brains, the fingers and tongue of it.
And thereupon he trumpeted everywhere the benefits
therefrom accruing, temporal and spiritual, national
and individual. It is God's will, proclaims the prophet ;
the right of sovereignty is vested in us; shall we
remain idle while another enters in and takes posses-
sion of our rights? In all this there was some truth,
and the men of New England were made to feel it.
He was able by his industry and enthusiasm to
interest many persons of consequence in the considera-
tion of his plans; but though he sent his publications
to the heads of all the departments at Washington
and memorialized congress more than once concerning
the value of the Oregon country he failed to secure
that support from the government which was neces-
sary to his undertaking. The only pledge he was
able, according to his own statement, to obtain at
Washington was, that protection would be given t<>
Hist. >'. \Y. Coast. Vol. II. 35
546 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONXEVILLE.
any settlement lie might make in the Oregon Terri-
tory.
One of Kelley's propositions to congress in 1829 was
that twenty-five square miles of the Columbia Valley
should be granted to him for purposes of colonization.
His land expedition, which was to have set out in
1828, having fallen through, he next attempted to
engage a party to go with him by sea in 1 832 ; and drew
up a bill of rights and a covenant, with a plan for a
temporary commonwealth. This expedition was at-
tempted and failed, Puget Sound being the objective
point.
Kelley says that several hundred persons enlisted in
the attempted expedition of 1828, which was to have
started from St Louis, and that it failed through the
opposition of British and American fur-traders. It
would seem that he met with considerable opposition
from the press, his undertakings being considered
rash and not sufficiently secured from failure; an
opinion that might well prevail after the disasters
that had befallen all the expeditions of American
parties to the Columbia River since that of Lewis
and Clarke. This unfriendliness, based doubtless upon
a wise caution, appeared to Kelley to be an under-
hand movement of the Hudson's Bay and American
Fur companies to defeat an attempt at an American
settlement which might, nay, which must, injure their
■trade.
Goaded by this suspicion, he assailed those com-
panies in strong terms, continuing to print statements
to their discredit for several years, and at the same
time publicly to urge the United States government
to take measures to establish its rights to the Oregon
Territory as against those of Great Britain. The
inflammatory nature of such writings, supposing them
to have fallen into the hands of the Hudson's Bay
Company's officers in Oregon, under the then existing
condition of the Oregon title, can be readily under-
stood. Whether they were ever read by those offi-
KELLEY EN ROUTE. 547
cers is nowhere recorded.3 It is probable that the
London company were kepi informed by the British
minister at Washington of whatever was said by the
public prints upon the subject; and it followed, of
course, that the governor "I" the Oregon Territory
received his instructions in accordance with the effect
they produced. Whether they influenced in any
degree the reception &elley met in Oregon there is
no means of determining; though that In' believed
they did is repeatedly affirmed in a subsequenl peti-
tion to congress, and in oilier published documents.3
All this time the school-master was gathering •
possible scrap of information relative to the North-
west Coast, to that end holding long and frequent
conferences with fur-t rad< irs, explorers, and navigal i >rs.
This information he laid before statesmen, and dis-
seminated among the people by tongue and pen; he
claims in fact that for a period of several years not
one lecture was delivered, nor a word printed on the
Oregon Question of which he was not the author. The
winters of 1830-33 he spent in Washington wrestling
with legislators.
In the autumn of 1832 Kelley left Boston, deter-
mined before returning to see Oregon. In the spring
of 1833 he set out with a small party for the Colum-
bia River. He chose, for good reasons, as he says, a
circuitous route by the way of Mexico and California.
A passport was furnished him through the Mexican
and a free passage to New Orleans, where his
companions forsook him. In his voyage thence to
'Kelley BayB that Captnin Dominis of tin' brig Owyhee, who was in the
Columbia River in 1829, informed McLoughlin of his plans, and showed him
a copy of the General Circular published in that year; a stalx mi at that is
disproved by the fact that the Owyhee was there in the month of Febru-
ary— consequently nm.-i have hit Uoston the previous year.
his petition, that he 'arrived ai Van av
Columbia River, in October 1834, much depressed in spirits, and un
bodily weakness, then recovering from a violent attack of the fever and au'n.-.
He found himself an unwelcome guest at that place; calumnii i ad Blander
1 about him: and the persons whom he had induced to come
and sett!.- tin re. were turned against him; and bloody men more than oni e
threatened his life.'
548 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
Vera Cruz lie states that he experienced incredible
hardships. When he arrived in Mexico the goods he
was taking with him to the Columbia River were
seized for duties, and confiscated. Notwithstanding
this treatment he lingered some months in Mexico
endeavoring to interest the teachers of that country
in the best methods of instruction, and proposed to
furnish a plan to the principal of the state institute
at Guadalajara.
When he reached California he offered his services
to General Figueroa, governor of California, to sur-
vey the Sacramento Valley, which being declined, he
undertook a slight survey of it for himself, and made
a map of the country. While in California, in the
summer of 1834, he fell in with one Ewing Young, an
American trader, from Taos in New Mexico, and per-
suaded him to join in an expedition to the Columbia
River, together with a party of adventurers, deserted
seamen, and others, to the number of about a dozen.4
Kelley now proceeded toward that country he had
so long desired to reach, and had advanced as far
as the mountains of southern Oregon when he was
4 The number who came to Oregon is variously given even by Kelley him-
self. McLoughlin in a communication to the home board says that Kelley
and Young were accompanied by ' eight English an< I American sailors, ' and
Daniel Lee says: ' Before our house was done, a party, headed by Mr Ewing
Young, an American from one of the western United States, arrived in the
Walamet from California, embracing about a dozen persons, most of them
from the United States. Some of them had been sailors, some hunters in
the mountains and in the regions bordering on California to the south, and
one, Mr Kelley, was a traveller, a New England man, who entertained some
very extravagant notions in regard to Oregon, which he published on his
return.' The names of the party who accompanied Kelly and Young are
given only in Gray's History of Oregon, and although they remained in Oregon
and became incorporated with the American settlement, they cannot be cer-
tainly separated from the list of known settlers of that date, many of whom
came with Wyeth. Young's account is as follows: 'I was in California
where I met with Mr Hall J. Kelley, on his way to the Columbia River, who
represented himself to be the agent of a colonizing company. He wished my
company, holding out many inducements. . .When we set out from the last
settlement I had seventy -seven horses and mules. Kelley and the other five
men had twenty-one. . .The last nine men that joined the party had fifty-six.'
Probably some of these adventurers dropped off before reaching the Colum-
bia River. I find that Mr Evans, in his Hid. Or., MS., 205-6, states that
Kelley arrived in Oregon by sea from Monterey accompanied by Young and
fourteen others; also that he remained two years in Oregon; all of which
statements are errors, as the authorities I have quoted show. Mr Evans'
KELLEY AT FORT VANCOUVER. 549
attacked with violent intermittenl fever, having lin-
gered too long in the malarious regions of the Sacra-
mento. He experienced greal difficulty and suffering
in travelling. At a camp on the (Jmpqua River, and
while Young, who was acting as Leader "I" the party,
was absenl to recover some straying horses, there
arrived at the same place a party of hunters and trap-
pers in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company on
their way from San Francisco, headed by Michel La
Framboise, who, seeing the unfortunate condition of
the sick man, just then in the -rasp of a racking ague
fit, at once proceeded to alleviate his distress with
hot venison broth and quinine.
For two days La Framboise continued his ministra-
tions, when finding his patient rapidly convalescing,
he sent him by canoe a considerable distance down the
river. The voyage proved a pleasant one,5 and Kel-
ley was received at the place fixed upon for a rendez-
vous by one of La Framboise's men, Rondeau, who
had been sent to meet and conduct him to cam}), a
few miles distant. KeUey continued to travel with
La Framboise's party, and was overtaken in a few
days by Young, the two companies arriving at the
Columbia River together. Such was his first recep-
tion by the Hudson's Bay Company through its em-
ployes.0
And now, at last, weary and ill from a relapse, he
reaches Fort Vancouver in October. How greal is
his disappointment and surprise, to find the gates of
that hospitable place closed to him and his associates.
mistake comes from the fact that Kelley in liis Narrative oj
i ■ thai In' had made arrangements a1 ! -
Thorn for them to proceed t i Ore; i n, i □
L loaded with supplies for the settlement, and to i trade
and i the country. This vessel never came, it i
proceeded overland, -een.
he paid his Indian boatman for his services for a day and a
half, a 'fine horse, s iddle and bridle, and a Bcarlet velvel Bash,' « hi sh
that he did not know how to trade with Indians.
e to their conduct toward him, Kelley Bpeab in om
La ]', i,' and of Rond<
ordinate, who bore me for miles upon l>i< shoulders when unable to walk, or
at times, to pass rough places, evi u to ri
550 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BOXNEVILLE.
He is informed that word has been sent by Governor
Figueroa to Dr McLoughlin informing him that
Kelley, Young, and company are a gang of horse-
thieves, and cautioning him against them.7
A cruel predicament, surely, for a sick man, and,
as he protested, innocent of the charges preferred!
And throughout the winter of 1834 he remained at
Vancouver, not as an honored guest enjoying its social
privileges, but rather as a mendicant, debarred the
recognition of a gentleman.8
McLoughlin who met at Fort Vancouver all sorts of
people, Americans, Scotch, Irish, English, Indians,
Canadians, and Kanakas, and yet whose visitors were
not so numerous as not to enable him to know and
judge each perfectly, says of Kelley, that when he ar-
rived there he "was very ill, and out of humanity I
placed him in a house, put a man to nurse him, the sur-
geon of the establishment attended on him, and had his
victuals sent him every meal until he left in 1836, when
I gave him a passage to Oahu. On his return to the
states, he published a narrative of his voyage, in which,
instead of being grateful for the kindness shown him,
he abused me, and falsely stated I had been so alarmed
with the dread that he would destroy the Hudson's
7 Doctor McLoughlin in liis report to the home board says: 'As Governor
Figueroa of California had written to me that Ewing Young and Kelley had
stolen horses from the settlers of that place, I would have nothing to do with
them, and told them my reasons. Young maintained he stole no horses, but
admitted the others had. I told him that might be the case, but as the charge
was made, I could have no dealings with him till he cleared it up.' It would
appear from what Young told T. J. Farnham in 1839, that he had been
involved in some trouble with the authorities in California, as he alleged that
they plundered him of $1S,000 or §20,000 worth of furs. The Mexicans in
California were in the habit of confiscating the goods of strangers, and even of
their own people who attempted to trade in defiance of the law. See Farn-
ham's Travels to the Rochj Mountains, 17G-7.
8 Says Roberts in his Recollections, 11: 'I remember the visit of Hall J.
Kelley. He was penniless, and ill-clad, and considered rather too rough for
close companionship, and was not invited to the mess. He may have thought
this harsh. Our people did not know, or care for, the equality he had perhaps
been accustomed to. It should be borne in mind that discipline in those days
was rather severe, and a general commingling would not do.' In another
place, Mr Roberts says: 'Kelly was five feet nine inches high, wore a white
slouched hat, blanket capote, leather pants, with a red stripe down the seam,
rather outre even for Vancouver.'
UNDER A CLOUD. 551
Bay Company's trade, thai I had kepi a constant
watch over him."9
Another bitter complaint, incoherently penned after
his return to Massachusetts, is of the negled he
suffered at the hands of his countrymen. He accuses
them of jealousy of himself, and censures Wyeth
severely for ignoring him. I hit for him Wyeth never
would have become interested in the subject of < )regon
settlement, he says, nor would his name have appeared
on one of Kelley's emigrant rolls; and now he finds
Wyeth embracing the policy of the Hudson's Bay
Company, anxious to keep all settlers out of the coun-
try. In truth, Wyeth might readily be suspected of
this, for he was on most intimate terms with the offi-
cers at Fort Vancouver, and took no measures to res-
cue from the scornful charity of a foreign company an
educated countryman, whose character he knew was
above that of a horse-thief.
Surely to the missionaries, the Lees, his brother
Christians, whom he had influenced to attempt their
noble work, he could look for recognition and fellow-
ship. But even them he chargeswith having become
so infected with the spirit of trade that they did not
wish other settlers to come;10 and that they chose to
remain oblivious to the fact that the originator of the
Oregon movement lay sick in the hospital at Van-
couver. Particularly does he resent, and not without
some show of justice, the very brief notice of himself,
amounting to a dozen lines, in Lee and Frost's Oregon,
published after the authors had left the country.
The charge of Governor FigueK .a against Kelley
and Young not being promptly cleared up, they re-
mained under the ban of a suspicion there was no
'•' McL < rs, )'t. ii. 4 : Evan ' //' '. I
'.. ii. 13-19j
Feb. 28, 1874; J5 Hist., MS., Ii
1 875, •_>-_,-4.
"J 'When I Mas at Vancouver, on the Columbia, he (Lee) often clandestinely
left the fort, and came into my cabin ami convei • bout his plana
and intentions. Ho once said he was preparing I
ment, where to produce supplies fur other stations; and also said lie was
552 KELLEY, WYETH, AXD BOXNEVILLE.
means at hand of removing, McLoughlin having had
Figueroa's letter posted up in the Willamette Valley
to warn the settlers there against the California party.
Horse-stealing was a vice very often practised in Cali-
fornia, and one which the fur magnate was desirous
of discouraging in his territory, especially when asked
to do so by Governor Figueroa, and therefore we are
not bound to agree with Kelley that McLoughlin's
conduct was maliciously arbitrary, and that because he
thought of becoming an American settler.11
The native Californians, who owned large herds of
horses and cattle, were accustomed to brand them with
a mark by which alone the herds of one owner could be
distinguished from those of another. It sometimes
happened that strangers purchasing horses in one part
of the country and travelling to another, were arrested
a hundred miles from the starting-point by a third
party, who claimed the animals because they were
branded with a certain mark. Witnesses were not
wanting to prove the mark, and there was no alterna-
tive but to fight or yield. Often the persons in pos-
session of the property were accused of having stolen
it, when the design wras to return the stock to the very
parties from whom it had been bought, and at whose
instance the charge had been made.
It would not have been impossible for one of the
native dealers to accuse Kelley to the governor, had
there been any hope of recovering the animals sold to
him. But in the case of Kelley and Young, I think
the nine men accompanying them were really persons
of disreputable character, and horse-thieves, because,
in the first place, Kelley in his account of the expedi-
opposed to persons coming to settle in that territory, excepting such as would
belong to the missionary family, and aid in missionary enterprise; and he
should do nothing contrary to the wishes of Dr McLoughlin, who had agreed
to loan him 81,500. About the time of his making these remarks, he received,
in my presence, a part of the loan from the company's storehouses.' Hist.
Or., 59-60. See Hist. Or., i. G7-9, this series.
11 Dunn, in his Or. Ter., 200, insists that Farnham, who saw Young when
he was in Oregon, misrepresents the company's actions and motives, and says
that they 'judged of him as they had experience of him.'
KELLF.YS FAILUEES. 553
1 ion calls them the 'nine marauders' whom he said
lie could not prevent travelling with him, and in the
second place, according to McLoughlin, Young ad-
mitted to him that there were those in the party who
had stolen horses.
Kelley seems to have entertained a very good
opinion of Young throughout, though he was much
grieved at sonic differences that occurred between
them before leaving Port Vancouver, and which he
attributed to a si udied effort on the pari of the Hud-
son's Bay Company to produce dissensions between
the American settlers, and so to defeat any permanent
organization among t hem.
However all this may have been, there remains
nothing of Kelley's Oregon expedition to record ex-
cept failure. He had probably but little means at
the outset, when to have carried his plans into effect
would have required an immense expenditure. His
health was shattered by hardships he had never
expected to encounter, and in his very worst condition
he found himself dependent upon those he considered
his persona] enemies, as well as the enemies of his great
designs.12 In March 1835 he left Oregon on the
Hudson's Bay Company's vessel, the Dryad, having
been given a free passage to the Sandwich Islands.
whence he made his way to the United States on a
whaling vessel. The rude manners of the sailors with
whom he was forced to associate, in his feeble stale
of health were a sore annoyance to him, operating
yet more to prejudice his diseased imagination against
the company to whom he was indebted for this means
ting out of the country of his misfortunes. A
year and a hall* of 1 ravel, much of it through count pies
little better than a wilderness, the loss of his property,
'-''When about to leave Oregon, the chief factor of the company pre-
sented me with a draft of Beven pounds sterling the Sandwich
Islands. A part, however, was pai 1 a1 \ lea of comfort.
This was kind, and I felt grateful for it.' fi • and Ore-
. March 29, 1873.
554 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
sickness, and disappointment, had heaped their sepa-
rate burdens into one overwhelming whole, until the
sensitive nature of the man sank under it, and he
was not in a condition either physical or mental
to inspire that respect to which, from other circum-
stances, and from his own printed statements, he seems
to have been entitled.
On his return from Oregon in 1836 Kelley engaged
with others in erecting a cotton-mill at Three Rivers,
Massachusetts, in which enterprise he lost what re-
mained of his fortune. This calamity, in addition to
what had gone before, permanently unsettled his mind.
For a period of fifteen years he thought, talked, and
wTrote of nothing but his Oregon expedition and the
oppression and inhumanity of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, imagining that every annoyance of whatever
kind he suffered was procured for him by the 'hire-
lings' of that company. So great was his suspicion
of every one, and so irritable had he become, that
he drove his wife and children from him, and after-
wards resided alone on a small piece of land heavily
mortgaged, at Three Rivers (Palmer), Massachu-
setts, where he was designated as The Hermit, and
from which the entreaties of his friends were unable
to draw him. As he had lived, alone, so he died in
1874, at the advanced age of eighty-five, of paralysis.
Throughout his life he vainly endeavored to win from
the world that recognition of his intended services
that he longed for and felt that he deserved. To the
very last he remained the warm friend of Oregon,
indignantly denying that he had ever entertained
'extravagant notions' of that country, which he still
contended was "the finest on which the sun shines,
and possessing natural advantages for agriculture and
commerce, unsurpassed in any other part of the
earth."
With regard to the services which Kelley rendered
the United States, or Oregon, it would be difficult to
OREGON'S OBLIGATIONS. 555
estimate the value. That his published articles and
public lectures wore the first to call attention to the
feasibility of settling the Pacific coast by an overland
emigration there can be no dispute, unless we contend
that the expedition of Lewis and Clarke settled the
practicability of such an enterprise. But Lewis and
Clarke were intent only on establishing the existence
of a more or less continuous line of water communica-
tion across the continent, and made, besides, a very
imperfect survey of the country after they arrived in
it, from the absence of any supply-post, or means of
existence for their party in Oregon.
Twenty years later the different American fur
companies began their explorations among the Rocky
Mountains, and on the Snake River plains, and had
become familiar with the existence of several passes
through that range, by one or more of which wagons
could be brought to their rendezvous on the west side.
Kelley's acquaintance with these facts, set forth in
his circular, made his plan an original one. On the
other hand, it involved much hardship, and was likely
to meet with opposition from all the fur companies,
the American as well as the British ; having so many
impracticable points about it that it required another
decade, and considerable legislative action, to set the
scheme really on foot.
It is possible, however, that through his constant
agitation of the subject, Floyd of Virginia, and Benton
of Missouri, the well known ardent advocates, became
interested. Floyd was the author of the first propo-
11 made in congress, in the session of 1820-2. for
pation and settlement of the Columbia River
as elsewhere stated. In the course of the debates
which followed the introduction of this proposition,
] Jenton uttered these words: " Mere adventurers may
enter upon it, as /Rneas entered upon the Tiber, and a -
our . rs entered upon the Potomac, the J >* l.-i-
ware, and the Hudson, and renew the phenomenon of
individuals laying the foundation of a future empire.''
556 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
Whether the importunities of Kelley suggested the
thought to Benton, or whether such language in the
senate inspired the imagination of the Boston school-
teacher, I am not able to decide, though if it could
be known it would add to or detract from the brill-
iancy of the undertaking in a considerable degree. He
says of himself that he made a complete survey of
the Columbia Biver from Fort Vancouver to its mouth,
and he certainly gives in his memoir to congress in 1839
a very correct account of the topography, soil, and
climate of both California and Oregon, with many facts
concerning the mountains,13 timber, harbors, the Co-
lumbia Biver bar and entrance, and possibility of im-
provements in the latter. He claimed also to have
discovered gold, silver, copper, and coal; gave an idea
of the ship-building capacities of Buget Sound, and in
many things furnished information to the government
that should have been of value ; and which would have
been more properly appreciated, had it been presented
disconnected from the recital of his personal sufferings
and wrongs, with which all his writings after his visit
to Oregon were rendered turgid.14
13 Kelley called the range of mountains dividing eastern from western
Oregon, President's Range, naming St Helen, Hood, Jefferson, Three Sisters,
McLovighlin, and Shasta, after the ex-prcsidents in the following order: Wash-
ington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, J. Q. Adams, and Jackson.
U. S. II. Rep. 101, 25th Cong., 3d Sess., 53-4.
11 Hall J. Kelley's writings are no less voluminous than peculiar. Being
an educated man and an enthusiast, writing was easy. He poured himself
out on paper, his hopes, his high achievements, and his woes. He planned
and prayed, and blessed his friends, and cursed his enemies by the hundred
pages. Besides pamphlets and newspapers, he wrote letters literally by the
bushel. Compute the measure at so many a day for fifty -nine years of lively
letter- writing. In print we have first A Geographical Sketch of that Part of
North America Called Oregon, Containing an Account of the Indian Title, etc.
The discovery of the country, its climate, mountains, rivers, soil, and annuals
are here given in an octavo of 80 pages, with a map. Boston, 1830. This
work reached a second edition that same year. Next is a brochure of '27 pages
entitled Maimed of the Oregon Expedition, pi-ice \2h cents, on the second page
of which is found a list of 37 agents residing in various parts of the United
States, H. J. Kelley, Boston, Massachusetts, being general agent. On the
third page is the general title, A General Circular to all Persons of Good
Character who Wish to Emigrate to the Oregon Territory; Embracing some
Account of the Character and Advantages of the Country, the Bight and the
Means and the Operations by which it is tobe Settled; and all Necessary Direc-
tions for Becoming an Emigrant, etc. Charlestown, 1831. After announcing
that an Oregon settlement was ' to be commenced in the sirring of 1S32, on the
KELLEY'S W 'IMTINcs. 557
Among others in whom the writings of Kelley
awakened interest, as we have Been, was Nathaniel
J. Wyeth of Cambridge, Massachusetts. An enter-
prising young man of ardenl temperament, he saw
from the shores of the Pacific fortune beckoning him ;
and although surrounded by every comfort, although
delightful and fertile banks of the < Jolumbia River,1 the wril
plain under their several headings, Physical Featuresof thai R n, the Right
ofSettling, the Resources of the Country, the National Advanta ■ loi n jsettie-
ment, the Surveyand Division of Lands, and what the civil government, relig-
ion, and education of the emigrant should be, and on what their success should
depend. Then he talks about the natives, the route thither, when the expe-
i would sei out, and the money required toembark in it. Opening with
the assertion, ever the argumenl of the madman, that those who advocate the
immediate occupation of Oregon are no1 mad, he goes on to state thai the title
to the land is vested in the aborigines; he explains the intentions of the
Almightyin the matter, provided they are not interfered with; and ends in
a general appeal for assistance. For the stock book, a title was printed,
reading, This Book of Stock, Subscript etc., in which shallbe Enrolledthe
of all Persons Contributing to the Success of Founding a Settlement in
Oregon, either by Subscriptions, Donations, or Investments in the Society's Stock,
shall bi Preservedin Perpetuation bythe Settlement; and <> True Copyofthe
shall be Deposited in the Archives of the Government of th Unit* d States
of America, .1. D. 1881. On the second page is an extract of a committee
report.
Here we may place Discoveries, Purchase* of Lands, etc., on the Northm it
Coast, being apart of an Znv< stigation of the - 1 nu rican 77 \ t i ' ( >n gon F< r-
ritory. This, in sixteen octavo pages, is called the third and last di\ ision of
abject. It is without date, but was printed after L835. Ml morial, ask-
ing a donation of land for purposes of colonization in the Oregon territory; no
dale. History of the Colonization of the Oregon Territory, Worcester, 1850, is
another of his -works. A Narrative of Events and Difficulty s in the < 'oloniza-
tumof Oregon, and the Settlement of California; and also a History of the ( 'Mm
of American Citizens to Lands on Quadra's Island; together vrith an Account of
the Troubles and Tribulations Endured between the Years 1824 and 1852 by the
; HaUJ. Kettey. Boston, 1852. In the 92 pages which follow v, i
not accuse the writer ( »f any excess of modesty. He opens boldly: ' The colo-
nization of Oregon was both conceived and achieved by me, and all for the
hope of laying a foundation for the advancement of religion and the king-
dom of Christ.' It was exceedingly difficult, and performed alone; uo1
the Almighty would assist in the accomplishment of his own work. Ameri-
cans and British were alike against him, and so on. Then he catalogues his
sacrifices; throws in remarkable providences; broods over u
comes round to the hackneyed role of superficial smatterings of historj ; dis-
cusses the United States claim to Oregon; treats of the Noo ■■ :iUi[
the attempts of Spain to colonize northern Oregon; and then breaks forth
against the Hudson's Bay < lompany, and all who have op] o d bim, or whom
he considers should have assisted him. In a series of letters, adi
'Beloved Brethren,' and written in L868and 1869, he reaches the outer con-
fines of reason, it. indeed, he does not pass the bounds. Ee Bhouts Ids
calamities, his ' forty yearsof persecution, 'more loudly than ever; sees visions
and interprets them. Jlis Discoveries, Purchases of Lands, etc., on the
Northwesl Coast by the Traders of the Boston Company, which SI ed out
the ships <'■ lumbia and Washington in 1787, is very inter Bting and rue, con-
taining copies of title-deeds from several Indian chi in BLendrick,
and other singular documents, la. House Rept. No. 10 Cong.,
558 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
certain wealth awaited him by farming during sum-
mer and a profitable putting-down of ice in winter,
though beloved by family and friends of the highest
respectability, and having seemingly already all this
world can give worth having, yet the flaming words
of the Boston school-master so fired the mind of
3d Ses8., 47, is a Memoir of 15 pages, by Mr Kelley, dated Boston, January
31, 1839, and addressed to Caleb Cushing. It seems the most sober and
intelligent of all his writings. Had the school-master possessed an evenly
balanced, practical mind, or had his early training been more of the counting-
room, and less of the school-room, he might have made his mark, high and
ineffaceable. To one who had the means, and knew how to employ them, it
was then no difficult task to colonize Oregon, lay the foundation of a prosperous
commonwealth, amass wealth, and convert the savages swiftly to heaven, all
at once. But there must be means and skill to handle them. This present
paper is a temperate description of the country and what the writer saw and
did there. Though not without its author's constitutional wail and his usual fling
at the Hudson's Bay Company, it is a well written document. Indeed, all of
Kelley's works are well written. His command of language was far above the
average.
J. Quinn Thornton in his Oregon History, MS., 98, and elsewhere has much
to say of Kelley; and among the very valuable material presented me by Mi-
Thornton when in Salem, in the spring of 1S7S, was a package of Kelley's
autograph letters, written at Three Bivers during the years 1869-71, in which
he throws light upon many hitherto indistinct episodes of Oregon history.
In his old age, poor and friendless, he seems to have felt called upon to defend
himself from the imputation of foolish writing. We may safely bear witness
that his writings are not all foolish . When Senator Linn arose upon the floor of
congress the champion of the United States for Oregon, the school-master placed
in his hands more information from his own writings than the statesman could
obtain from all other sources put together. Besides Ills more prominent printed
works he gave him a collection of circulars and advertisements published
between 1829 and 1832; various memorials between 1827 and 1848 begging
congress to take possession of the country; a series of papers on the American
claim to Oregon published in the Bunker Hill Aurora in 1837, and a collection
of documents and newspaper articles in the form of scraps concerning his
patriotic enterprise. Into the hands of Caleb Cushing he put a Map of Cali-
fornia and Oregon, drawn by himself from his own explorations in 1834. He
gave Abbott Lawrence a manuscript copy of a History of the Purchase of the
Indian Lands by American Citizens, afterwards published by the house of repre-
sentatives; also a pile of documents showing the school-master's own services,
sacrifices, and sufferings in bringing about the settlement of Oregon, for these
remembrances were ever heaped high upon his heart; two volumes of pam-
phlets and original papers, including a series of letters to a member of congress,
published in the American Traveller in 1839, and articles giving plans for a joint
missionary and colonization movement, published in the Boston Zion's Herald.
Further than this, does not Waterhouse in his Wycth's Oregon Expedition , and
John B. Wyeth likewise, say that but for Kelley's writings that expedition
had not been? Do these things look like foolish writing? Thus the old man
used to console himself, still going on to recite how Daniel Webster, on
receiving a copy of his Geographical Sketch of Oregon, replied: 'I think much
of your project; I will do all I can to sustain it.' And not only by these
writings does Kelley claim the settlement of Oregon, but of California like-
wise, giving himself the credit of saving or securing to the United States the
whole of the Pacific domain. But for him Sutter would never have settled
in the Sacramento Valley, nor would Wilkes or Fremont ever have been
NATHANIEL J. WYETH. 539
Wyeth as to inspire high hopes n«»< only in him, but
through him in twenty-one others whom he persuaded
to accompany him in a western pilgrimage. Two
relatives, Doctor Jacob Wyeth, brother, and John B.
Wyeth, cousin, who returned on reaching the Rocky
Mountains, and wrote a book,15 were of the company,
the remainder of which was composed of a gunsmith,
a blacksmith, two carpenters, two fishermen, and thir-
teen farmers and labor* rs. For some time before
starting, every Saturday night the company met*at
appointed to explore the western slope. As earlyas 1831, in connection with
his western visit, he began the agitation of the Pacific Railway question. All
his influence to every fair ( disposed freely to accord him. Bad 1
been , | old school-maste] mething to sw(
his second childhood's cup withal, and I would have praised and petted him
what in an official way, for he Jul more than many a well paid officer
of the government. But when a human being breaks forth in
tw;u;,i 1,\ the work divinely appoint! d
unto me to do, ■ l-,,>'1 ■]r',: ■ ''' v ;1, '' ",:1" '
visions in my youth, uy the eventful, extraordinary, and useful life, which
, ;,„l accord Ige, did predestinate,' J do not much blame
the r< public for giving the poor fellow the cold sh raider.
Lis a book before me of 128] a.A HtstoryoJ
theSt ' ■ ■• ' '•' '""' "■''''
turns and Afflictions < f Forty Years' Continuance, Enduredbt Ha I
./.A" ,A.M., ield, Mass., 1868, including his memorials to cod
prayii >; for a gi int of Land or money to reimburse him for losses austained Ln
his 'diorts to colonize that country. The appendix bis troubles
and persecutions. History, statistics, adventure, ami religion arc
flung into the caldron of tribulation which simmers and Bplutters as young
Oregon comes on apace and the old man Kelley steps oil' the stage. 'I here
ore than one in California like Vallejo and Alvarado, prominent in the
a Hairs of the nation, who have seen cities rise from under the chaparral oi
sand-hills, and a palpitating civilization fill the valleys where once the,
lassoed grizzly bears and chased wild men and women into the mission
conversion pens; there are among the furdmnters those who have seen the
aders of progress in the Northwesl
has been none like poor Kelley who laid upon the altar of his i
more than half a century of life, who among the first to start the cry. i
ceased hallooing until his wilderness was a state. In announcing the death
of the Three Rivers, the Springfield, Massachusetl
January 23, 1874, reviewed his long life of disappointn* article
ins journals throughout the contin
; \ofa Long Journey from th Atla
,,,,/„ j I i Draum upfront th ! ■' In-
. ,.. i of the Party who left Mr I
July ' March bey Rocky Mow
„„,/ | Returned to New England. Cambridge, 1833. Thus
overland travellers began to write, which practice has continued to this
dav', and probably will continue throughout all time. 'I hi- 1 b ia evidently
dinary mind, not bavin- had more than a common-
achool edu I .inceptions are crude, and there is little method in
the telling of his story. It is only by the help of other authorities that 1 am
able to rrative of this first Wyeth expedition.
560 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
the house of the captain, as the organizer of this band
of Oregon adventurers was now called, and soon every
doubt and fear was banished. Each believed what-
ever the leader believed. It was a joint-stock asso-
ciation, to continue five years, each member at the
outset depositing forty dollars with the leader, who
thereupon was to pay all expenses, and to whom im-
plicit obedience was promised.
For the journey overland three vehicles were con-
structed, one an amphibious contrivance, dubbed by
the wags of Cambridge the Natwyethmm, being a
boat thirteen feet long and four feet wide, made of
narrow jointed boards and placed on wheels in such a
manner that while on land the wheels should carry the
boat, on reaching a stream the boat should carry the
wheels. Into these three vehicles were placed, beside
the accoutrements of the company, articles for the
Indian market, axes, beads, paint, knives, buttons,
nails, looking-glasses, and the like, giving the Oregon
company at the start the appearance of a Yankee ped-
dling caravan. Those articles were to be exchanged
on the way for furs, which, shipped to China after
their arrival, were alone to make every man's fortune.
During the course of his preparations Wyeth had
revealed his plans to certain Boston merchants inter-
ested in the Northwest Coast, Hawaiian Islands, and
China trade, and had obtained consignments of goods
suited to the Indian traffic to be shipped round Cape
Horn and disposed of to his best ability for the
mutual benefit of the consignors and himself. The
ship sent was the Sultana, Captain Lambert, chief
mate F. A. Lemont,16 which sailed from Boston early
in 1832.
There was everything inspiring in the aspect.
Wyeth was a thoroughly good man, with a bright,
open countenance, strong limbs, warm of heart, and
16 Lemont first came to the Columbia with Captain Dominis in the Owyhee
in 1830. Next was this attempt; after which he came again in the MayDaere
in 1834. The later years of his active and useful life were spent at St Helen,
Oregon.
WYETH'S JOURNEY. 561
open of Land, thoughtful and determined. There
were abundant means and evident good plannic
uniform dress was adopted, heavy (hah pantaloons,
striped cotton shirt, coarse woollen jacket, and cow-
hide boots. In his broad bell each carried a small axe
and bayonet ; on every shoulder was a muskel ; all had
clasp-knives; some carried a rifle and pistols. Tents
were provided, and cooking utensils. What hardy,
ambitious New Englander would not like to join such
an adventure! The wonder is a thousand did not wish
to go.
After encamping ten days on an island in Boston
harbor, on the 11th of March 1832 the party took
ship for Baltimore, where arriving, they pitched their
tents two miles outside the city.
"Yankee all over!" exclaimed the southerners, as
they surveyed the neat contrivances significant of hold
adventure.
Thence to the foot of the Alleghanies, sixty miles,
their equipage was carried by rail. Here was over-
land railway travel with a vengeance!
By helping to wood and water the Yankees got
themselves carried to St Louis by steam-boats at a
reduced rate; some of them demurred, this drudgery
not being nominated in the bond, but Wyeth was
firm. Nor were the sharp and captious Cambridge
boys all of them disposed to make due allowance for
the ignorance and inexperience of their leader, when
after bringing their prairie fleet so far, they were
informed by the sage fur-traders of St Louis that
such contrivances were wholly inadequate in travers-
ing hostile mountains, and were forced to sell their
wagons at half their cost. "This was not making a
fortune," they growled.
By the steam-boat Otter they proceed- d to [^depen-
dence. Luckily they there found A\' ill inn i Sublette,
ready to start for the mountains with sixty-two men,
and upon his advice Wyeth besides horses, brought
two yoke of oxen and fifteen sheep, being res< rve pro-
IIist. N.W. Coast, Vol. II. JO
562 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
Tender in case game failed them. Two of the men
here turned back, willing to let the others have the
whole of Oregon.
Plunging into the prairie and travelling in company
with Sublette, at the rate of twenty -five miles a day,
at the expiration of a week three more of the stanch
Cambridge boys seceded. Hunger sharpened brains,
which thereupon began to think for themselves.
Along the Platte and Sweetwater by Independence
Rock they came, passing Bonneville's wagons on the
wTay, until they found themselves in a new nest of ills.
But for Sublette the party never would have reached
the mountains. At the crossing of the Platte, while
the fur-traders were making a bull-boat of sewed buf-
falo-skins stretched over a willow frame, the seams
paid with elk-tallow and ashes, Wyeth constructed a
raft, and placing on it his effects had the mortification
of seeing part swept off and part damaged. Poor food,
bad water, fatigue, and sickness now set swearing
those young men so lately from the Cambridge Sun-
day-school. With gnats, mosquitoes, snakes, wolves,
bears, and savages the Boston school-master was
brought under the ban of wild blasphemy.
Scarcely had they entered the mountains when they
were attacked by the Blackfeet, and five of their horses
captured. Proceeding, the 4th of July saw them at a
branch of the Snake Biver, from whose limpid current,
with melancholy mien they drank the nation's health.
At Pierre Hole17 rendezvous they fell in with a trap-
ping party under Milton Sublette, who more than once
afterward saved them from perdition, for the Cam-
bridge party were becoming sadly demoralized. Three
were so sick that they could scarcely ride, the rest were
peevish, and some of them mutinous. Wyeth bore up
under the accumulating burdens like a man. When
asked to call what would be at home a town-meeting
in which to discuss their position he at first refused,
17 A valley between Lewis and Henry forks. Nidever's Life and Adv.,
MS., 46. See also John Ball in Con. Hist. Soc. Montana, i. 111-12.
DISSENSION IX CAMP.
but finally consented to call the roll and let cadi man
speak for himself. His own name was called first.
" I shall go on," he answered with emphasis.
"Shall von trap for beaver or proceed a1 once to
found a colony i" asked he whose name was next called,
before answering.
■• Yon know the original plan." said Wyeth. " The
detail mnst he left {.. me. 1 will brook no interference."
"Then I will not go on," was the reply. And so
said six others, among whom Mas Wyeth's brother,
now dangerously enfeebled. Two newmen joined the
expedition at Pierre Hole. It is an exceedingly diffi-
cult task, that of commanding a hand of associated
adventurers during a period of distress. Often the
very lives of the party depend on union which only
army or ship discipline can secure. Fortunately for
Wyeth. trappers were near, and the most dangerous
part of the mountains was past.
(living the deserters18 one of the tents, and such
arms and implements for catching beaver as he could
spare. Wyeth with eleven19 remaining men joined
Milton Sublette, and on the 17th of July started
toward Salmon River.
Before they were fairly out of Pierre Hole, how-
ever, Wyeth found himself in the midst of a hot
Indian light, arising from the treachery of a half-
breed belonging to Sublette's party, in ordering shot,
a Blackfoot chief while engaged in friendly parley
before the pipeof truce. Wyeth could scarcely believe
his eyes thai saw such damning wickedness. When
the savages saw their chief fall, instantly the valley
was alive with warriors. Besides Sublette, Campbell,
';^se three engaged with Sublette to trap for a year, two of \\ 1
soon killed by th< at started back for SI I ■ ■ with William
Sublette, with only wisdom am! Borrow for their Oregon u
I90ur astute author start- his expedition with 'Jl men i» rides Wyeth,
back 12, adds none, and has 11 left. In i names of those who
thaniel, John B. Wyeth makes 10, nami .
Abbott, Breck, Burditt, Ball, St Clair, Tibbits, Trumbull, and Whittier.
McLougblin, Prix - -. says Wyeth reached Fori Van-
couver with 11 men.
564 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
the Sinclair brothers, and several free trappers were
then at Pierre Hole, who, when the cries of war were
sounded, rushed to the rescue of their partisans.
Securing his horses, Wyeth raised a breastwork
with his effects, and after ordering all his men behind
it, went forth if necessary to mingle in the fight.
The savages had taken to the bush, and there in-
trenched themselves. An attempt was made to dis-
lodge them, in which, among others, one of the Sinclairs
was shot, Sublette was struck, and Wyeth narrowly
escaped. Six white men and seven Nez Perces fell
on one side, and twenty-six Blackfeet on the other;
thirty-two horses were slain; and this was but the
beginning of the evils flowing from this one infamous
act of this infamous man. Five days afterward as a
party of six white men for the east were passing out
of Jackson Hole they were attacked by the Black-
feet, and three of the number, one being formerly of
Wyeth's party, were killed.
Soon after the affray, Sublette and Wyeth passed
out of Pierre Hole with their respective parties, and
continued in company about a hundred miles south-
west to the vicinity of the head-waters of the Hum-
boldt, when they separated, Wyeth pushing on for the
Columbia, exchanging horses for boats at Fort Walla
Walla, and arriving at Fort Vancouver the 29th of
October, 1832.
Wyeth now finds himself in a most peculiar position.
Every dollar of the original investment and more is
gone. Having narrowly escaped with their lives the
dragons of the wilderness, this remnant of his party
are in an utterly destitute condition, dependent for
shelter, food, and clothes on the man whom they have
come so far permanently to oppose.
And what does McLoughlin? The Yankee advent-
urer carries in his face testimonials of integrity; his
manners are those of an honest man and a gentleman.
The noble master of Fort Vancouver needs no inter-
preter to translate to him the character of strangers.
WYKTII AT PORT VANCOUVER.
Emaciated through hunger and I at igue, moneyless and
yed, Wyeth knocks at the gate, tie tells bis story.
McLoughhn bids him enter, supplies bis necessities,
gives hi in a seal at his own table, and his followers their
rations with the company's servants, h reads like
romance, and seems more in keeping with the days of
Scottish chivalry than with those of Anglo- American
scramblings for territory. For this is done in the \ ery
tare of a suspicion on the part of the Fori Vancouver
people thai this expedition mighl be the first wave of
a sea of settlers that should roll in from the United
S tes and submerge the whole Columbia fur interest.
The half, however, is not yet told. Comfort and
credil arc not enough. The adventurers want work;
their leader desires a foothold on the Columbia, nol
in the way of ruinous competition, or spoliation, but
as a benefactor and a civilizer. Hearing their words
McLouffhlin recognizes the ring of true metal. What
can they do? Anything that any men can do; clear-
ing, cultivating, peddling, preaching. Those little
demi-savages, running wild about the fort, would their
parents not like them to be taught how to read and
write? There is John Ball, a first-rate hand at that.
But then, what young Massachusetts man cannot teach
school if so disposed? Thus amidst the wilds of the
broad Northwest, the Yankee school-master is planted,
and John Ball on the 1st day of January L833 is
lie! by John McLoughlin ped;
Vane aver. Successor to Ball was Solomon II. Smith.
who conducted a school at Fort Vane >uver for more
than eighteen months from the 1st of .March I
and subsequently became a prosperous farmer at Clat-
sop, v. bere he died. Of him more h<
notwithstanding all this, notwitb tanding the
hospitality of Fort Vancouver, and the broad human-
itarianism of its rulerin the treatment of
interlopers, lei as nol imagine thai the keen andcold-
hl led corporation was hoodwinked into a policy
detrim< ntal to its inter* 3ts, or thai their chief factor
566 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
in charge of the department of the Pacific was a brain-
less old fogy, or a philanthropic fool. McLoughlin
was well enough aware that the people of the United
States were moving in their Pacific coast affairs. He
had heard of Kelley's writings, and despised the man ;
and when later the fanatical school-master arrived at
Fort Vancouver with the odor of horse-thief about
his tattered garments, for Governor Figueroa of Cal-
ifornia kindly warned McLoughlin of this man, as we
have seen, he found the gate closed against him. But
Wyeth was not that sort of man; besides, Kelley had
not yet arrived.
McLoughlin with all his goodness was a shrewd
enough diplomatist; let alone a Hudson's Bay Com-
pany Scotchman for that. The Wyeth movement he
saw was an important one; more important if any-
thing although of less magnitude, than Astor's. The
time was at hand for an open declaration of rights;
the agricultural occupation of Oregon was ordained.
The adventurers of England could not arrest it, and
their director at Fort Vancouver knew that they
could not. To meet it, therefore, in a spirit of fair-
ness and liberality was clearly the wisest policy. And
yet the keen old kind-hearted man was determined
that not one iota of the company's trade should be
sacrificed or relinquished sooner than necessary. In
a word, McLoughlin determined that Wyeth's advent-
ure should not succeed, though he would be kind to
Wyeth, and employ none but legitimate and honorable
means in defeating him.
Of a truth in this first expedition there was little
to defeat. Unfortunately for Wyeth and his Boston
associates, the Sultana failed to put in an appearance
at the time and place appointed. All this winter of
1832-3 Wyeth watched her coming, looking eagerly
every day westward into the opaque mists of the
Columbia for tidings of her approach, and it was not
until after he had given her up and returned to Bos-
ton that he learned her fate.
WYETH'S RETURN TO BOSTON. 567
Before leaving the Columbia Wyeth made careful
observations, and now for the first time learned some-
thing practical regarding the necessities and possibili-
ties of Oregon occupation. Trapping for peltries in
that vicinity was forever over, though a little might
vet he done trading for furs. In agriculture, in con-
junction with the Fori Vancouver people, something
might be done, but salmon-fishing seemed to offer the
t and most immediate returns for the outlay.
Spring saw Wyeth hastening back t<> Boston full
of new projects arising from enlarged experiences.
Two men only accompanied him on his return, and
their route was overland by way of the Bighorn, and
by bull-boat down the Yellowstone, arriving at Can-
tonment Leavenworth the 27th of September. By
on the way, Wyeth accumulated several bundles
o\' fur, which he .sold at Fort Cass, a trading-p
the American Fur Company. Down the Yellowstone
1 the pleasure of conveying as passenger Milton
Sublette, who was busy thai year establishing for the
Rocky Mountain Company rival establishments near
those of the American Company.20
One of the first persons to greet Wyeth on his
return was Captain Lambert, who informed him of
the wreck of the Sultana on an unknown reef four
hundred and fifty miles east of Tahiti. While there
they lived on yams, arrow-root, and wild hogs. A fter
remaining on the reef three or four months the cap-
tain and part of the crew shoved off in the launch and
a small boat for Valparaiso. The launch made a fair
passage. The boat, however, was sixty-eight days at
sea, the crew sustaining life during the latt< r part of
>".,-.. Ms., iii. 99; Ebberts' Trapper's Life, MS., 17:
. ',. I ., MS., 11; A '■'■ ■ r' i
., MS.. 203; './•"/ ' ... 3!
River of !!•■■ I.
's party to tin- head-waters of the Humboldt, whence he
north;'/", 75,24; McLoughlin's Priv
ser. ii. 2, which mixes the im on with th
Becond ; Abbott's Kit Carson, 121; Peters' i in Con.
/ . Or., I I : :
G'J-71, 20] . . ornton's Or. and Col., ii. 17; J
568 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
their perilous passage by eating porpoise-meat and
drinking rain- water wrung from their garments. Those
left on the reef who would not venture so long a dis-
tance in open boats were finally taken off and carried
to Tahiti by a passing schooner. From Valparaiso the
captain and crew took the first ship for the United
States.
B. L. E. Bonneville visited the Columbia in 1834.
A Frenchman by birth, and a captain in the United
States army, being in his coarse way bon-vivant and
voluptuary, he preferred lording it in the forest with a
troop of white and red savages at his heels, and every
fortnight a new unmarried wife flaunting her brave
finery, to sitting in the satin sackcloth of conventional
parlors and simpering silly nothings. In August 1831
he asked and obtained a two years' leave of absence,
for the purpose of engaging in an Indian shooting
and fur-hunting expedition in the far wTest. With the
assistance of several associates who were led to expect
large returns from their outlay, an expedition was
fitted out for the captain.21
21 This veiy commonplace excursion under the title of Adventures of Cap-
tain Bonneville has been done into elegant romance by Washington Irving,
who enlarges the captain's misstatements ad libitum. After the appearance
of Irving's book, Bonneville absolutely began to regard himself as a great man
filled with heroic purposes, and his trapping failures as grand achievements.
'One of my parties,' he wrote, in Con. Hist. Soc. Montana, 1876, 105-10,
' was sent through the Crow country . . . another party was sent south, and
wintered on the shores of Salt Lake [they trapped along the northern
shore of the lake]; another journeyed into the Ute's country, further south,
until it met the traders and trappers from New Mexico ; another went down
Salmon River to Walla Walla, on the Columbia ; another to coast around
the Salt Lake ; [this was never done]. . .another party going west, down the
waters of Snake River to the base of the California range [to midway between
the Blue mountains and the Cascade range] turned south-east and on the way
home kept the divide, as near as practicable, between Maria and Snake
rivers.' Then he goes on, 'I was the first to take wagons through the South
Pass, and first to recognize Green River as the Colorado of the west, ' both of
which statements are untrue. Irving met Bonneville at the house of Astor,
under whose table the genial writer loved to stretch his legs, and gather inci-
dents for well paid panegyrics. Bonneville was born in France in 1795,
graduated at West Point in 1S15, fought through the Mexican war, was made
colonel of infantry in 1S55, retired from active service in 1861, and died a
general at Fort Smith, Arkansas, in 1878, the oldest officer in the United
Statesarmy. Exceedingly lucky was Bonneville in finding so eloquent and
amiable a biographer as Irving.
BONNEVILLE'S ADVENTURES.
569
FroinForl Osage tin the Missouri River on the Lsl
of May I-'.-, with one hundred and ten men and
twenty wagons, Bonneville set oul on his adventures,
in which he hoped to unite pleasure with profit. To
shout buffalo was rare fun; bui men were the nobler
game, whom to search oui in their retreal and slaughter
and scalp was glorious. Whai were the far-off natives
Tin: Gbi i N Rj\ bb Countoy.
of the Rocky Mountains doing that this restless,
reckless, blood-thirsty, and cruel Frenchman should
be permitted to kill them? This, however, was bui
parallel with the general conduct of the government
thr.ai-l.uiii the entire epoch of aboriginal extermina-
tions, and which future ages will look back upon as
570 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
the foulest blot in the annals of the nation. The vilest
agents were permitted to employ the vilest means; and
this French butcher finds among our first writers a
man to heroify him and to set up his dastardly deeds
as models for the young.
Proceeding up the Missouri the party crossed the
Kansas, and over what subsequently became the regu-
lar road, continued to the Platte River, and after two
days' journey above the fork, crossed from the south
to the north branch, thence up the Sweetwater, through
the South Pass to Green Piver, on the Horse Creek
branch of which he planted his wagons and made his
grand depot. Then he threw up a breastwork of logs,
and pieced out with pickets the enclosure which was
dignified with the name of Fort Ponneville.
It was now the first of August. Ponneville had
been passed while en route by Fontenelle of the
American Fur Company, at the head of fifty men on
their way from their Yellowstone fort to the Green
River rendezvous. William Sublette and Robert
Campbell of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company,
who had fallen in with Wyeth's party at Independence,
and had brought them thus far on their journey in
safety, though not altogether unmolested by the
savages, now made their appearance at the rendezvous
at Pierre Hole,22 where were also Sinclair and a band
of fifteen free trappers. The trapping party of the
American Fur Company was this year to be conducted
by Vanderburgh and Dripps, while Fitzpatrick and
Pridger were to conduct the hunting expedition on
behalf of the Rocky Mountain Company. Ponneville
and Sinclair were each at the head of their own inde-
pendent parties. Ponneville, caching his wagons and
superfluous effects, raised camp the 22d of August,
and proceeded northward to winter, the weather then
being milder, and the game more plentiful than on
Green River. Passing Jackson Hole and Pierre Hole
the party came upon the upper waters of Salmon
22 A valley some thirty miles long and fifteen wide.
SEVERE OPPOSITION. 571
River, down which they continued till five miles be-
low the principal fork, where they went into winter-
quarters.
Meanwile rivalry between the representatives of
the two great companies waxed warm. As we have
seen in the competitions of British companies within
British territory a fiercer opposition existing than that
between rival companies of the two different nation-
alities, so in the competing efforts of these twoTJnit< 1
Stales companies there was now a greater animosity
than was ever engendered between American and
English traders.
Vandeburgh and Dripps, whose offer to divide the
country had been rejected, now closely followed Fitz-
patrick and Bridger from the rendezvous northward,
determined upon their share of the best hunting-
grounds. After every effort in vain to elude and
shake them off, Fitzpatrick and Bridger resolved to
sacrifice the hunt for that season, and teach their
rivals a lesson. Turning southward, therefore, into
the \^vy heart of the Blackfoot country, where game
was scarce and savages hostile, they reached a branch
of the Missouri, which they followed downward. 1 lard
after them came the less experienced Dripps and Van-
derburgh, falling easy victims into the fated trap so
cunningly laid. For they had not proceeded far in
this direction, when they were set upon by the i erril >1< i
] Jlackfeet, and a number of the party, ami »ng wh< >m was
Vanderburgh, slain, while the remainder took to flight.
Bridger and Fitzpatrick were likewise attacked, but
. not, however, until the former had been
knocked down and nearly killed by a chief on whom
he was raising his gun in friendly parley.
kfeet were called blood-thirsty and tres
: but during this one hunting' i , in two
friendly confen aci - the white men ha I the
foe, murdering one chief before all his pe pie while
holding his hand in amity, and preparing to attack
another under like circumstances. But what can be
572 % KELLEY, WYETH, AND BOXXEVILLE.
expected of men who will ruthlessly lead their own
kindred in country and color to their death, in order
to secure a winter's traffic to themselves ! And yet
for half a century among the Christian, the cultivated,
the brave of our land, the cry rings from east to west :
Down with the red men! exterminate the reptiles!
There is no safety for our high and holy civilization
but by sweeping from the earth the people we have
robbed, betrayed, and outraged.
Breaking his company, Bonneville sent out detached
parties in various directions to trap, and returning
southward himself with a portion of the men, they
prepared for a spring hunt in the vicinity of Malade
and Boise rivers, and were present at the Green River
rendezvous in July 1833. One of his men, Walker,
was sent with forty trappers to hunt upon the streams
emptying into Great Salt Lake. Bonneville then
went with nft}^-six men to the Bighorn River region,
falling in with Wyeth on the way, and making part
of the journey with Campbell's company. After a
somewhat unsuccessful jaunt Bonneville returned to
his Green River caches. Indeed, when sifted of the
romance certain writers have chosen to throw around
them, his adventures are singularly devoid of incidents
and fruits.23
After going into winter-quarters in the vicinity of
the Portneuf River, near Fort Hall, Bonneville de-
termined to visit Fort Walla Walla. Indeed, the
captain had some idea of planting a post himself
somewhere on the lower Columbia, and entering the
field against the Hudson's Bay Company.
Taking with him only three companions he passed
down Snake River, through the Grand Ronde, and
over the Blue Mountains, reaching Fort Walla Walla
the 4th of March, 1834. Though kindly received by
Mr Pambrun, and entertained in the most hospitable
manner, when Bonneville expressed a wish to purchase
23 Probably there is no greater triumph of a writer than in making a thrill-
ing narrative of nothing. In this Irving has admirably succeeded.
DASTARDLY HU K'KI'.DIXCS. 573
some articles for his camp he was politely informed
by Pambrun that it- was not the custom of his
company to furnish supplies to rival traders. There-
upon Bonneville returned in a p<i to Portneuf. His
nexi move was to look after the party sen! to Salt
Lake.24 After some search he found them on Bear
River, and was informed that they had passed by the
northern end of Salt Lake to the Humboldt River25
where they set their traps. A trap was missed one
morning, whereupon they swore a big round oath that
they would shoot the firsl red man they met. Presently
theydisrovcred two poor Shoshoncs basking in the sun.
Immediately a rifle was raised, crack! and one of the
natives rolled over dead. Tumbling the body into
the river, they permitted the other to escape. Not
long after, coming upon a band of these peaceful and
in. >ii'< snsive people, an onslaught was made, and twenty-
live of them butchered. No attempt at defence was
made by the natives, who sought the nearest cover
amidst pitiful wailings. Following the Humboldt to
its sink, they then crossed the Sierra Nevada to
Monterey.20 Then the brave band went back to their
captain.
Again on the 3d of July^ with twenty-three well
mounted men, Bonneville sets out for the Columbia.
24 Bonneville's biographer here fills his hero with a lofty enthusiasm for
scientific expli ration, and makes this journey the result of a disin
i knowledge in this direction, on reading which tin' captain
is so thought of it for the first time. Had Bo illy been
anxious to explore Salt Lake he would scarcely have senl on such an errand
a band of base murderers, but would have gone himself. Surelj
nothing to prevent his going. He had nothing to do, and did notbin I
would seem that one possessed of conn l curiosity
lied to see it. But the fact is tin ot seem to have
occurred to Bonneville until put into bis head bylrvingwhen writing his
narrative. Irving goes so far in Lis duplicity as almost to mi
discoverer of thelake, calling it Lake Bonneville, etc., when fifty white nun
had Been it before the Frenchman was there, and when Bonneville o
plored the lake at all. See /'<«•. A'. Rept., xi. 34 Even Townsend, Nor., 79,
condemns this barefaced proceeding.
Ogden River, Peter Bkeen Ogden having been its first
discoverer. It was also called the Marie or Mary River.
and Hist. y< vada, this Beri< a.
M: Irving enlightens us in Ins usual happy and authentic vein,
geography and history of what 1m- '-alls New California, whi h a counl i- i • r-
tainly more eloquent than instructive. Bonn* villi '■■ Adv., 330-0.
574 KELLEY, WYETH, AND BONNEVILLE.
A week after, hearing that Wyeth is in his rear, and
anxious to be first in all grassy bottoms and beaver
grounds, he caches a portion of his effects, and hastens
forward.27 Wyeth, however, overtakes him, and after
a friendly bout at the bottle drops again in the rear.
The French captain thinks he will go down into the
Willamette Valley and do something great, like a
French captain ! He will trap by the way and become
rich. Then he will build a fortress whose palisades
shall enclose all Oregon, and the British shall not
enter into it.
But midst these dreams his men hunger, and he has
nothing to feed them withal; so about the first of
September, as he passes by Walla Walla, some thirty
miles to the southward, he sends to the fort, asking
food, messengers who are hospitably fed and lodged,
but return empty-handed. Neither will the natives
on the river below trade him fish, so that presently
he is obliged to kill two of his horses to save his party
from starvation. Poor captain ! Brags your egotism
never so loudly, there are some things you cannot do.
You may buckle your belt, and drill your hundred
men, and shoot off your carbines, and shout, and ges-
ticulate ; that is glory. But these hard-headed, keen-
witted, bony-featured Scotchmen of sharp eyes, steel
sinews, oily tongues, and kind hearts, have been half
a century cultivating this trade, have dealt with the
simple-minded natives fairly, never cheating, or kill-
ing, or violating homes, never slaughtering twenty-six
innocent and inoffensive human beings, as did your
men on Humboldt River, because some one stole a
beaver -trap — these men, it would seem, have this
trade so secure that fifty-six whiskey-selling woman-
scalpers cannot step in and at a moment's notice take
it away from them.
27 Here Bonneville is made to meet and make drunk the leader of a
Hudson's Bay Company post. It is noticeable that whenever Irving sets
two men drinking his hero always acts the gentleman, while the other,
especially if a foreigner, gets beastly drunk and disgraces himself. Instance
likewise Hunt's interview with the governor of Sitka, where the Astor party
THE CAPTAIN RETIRES. 575
So the gallant Bonneville, for self and associates,
continues down the bank of the Columbia in a very
ill humor. He curses the Scotchmen, the natives,
the country. And yet the sky is bright, the forest
green, and waters flow. Curse yourself, Day little man;
you will scarcelyfind hereabout a more fitting object.
And now, the farther be penetrates this country
the Less is he pleased with it. The people, red and
white, everywhere reciprocate his feelings. He con-
cludes he will not lake the Willamette Valley now,
for if he does lie will starve. So he turns up John
Day River, and goes back to his Shoshones, for these
are' easy to kill and plunder; and what is the need of
violence when women sell their favors for a song?
Their hunger, however, is not fully satisfied until tow-
ard the first of November when they reach Portneuf
and buffaloes. By way of the Platte River the cap-
tain, all that is left of him, in soiled and crumpled
feathers reaches civilization in August 1835, return-
in-- as rich as he went, though his associates who had
paid the expenses of the adventure are several degrees
poorer.28
repays the most lavish entertainment by maligning the entertainers. I deem
it no praiseworthy part for any writer to ] ' ce truth in order to
gain popularity by fostering the prejudices of his countrymen.
I si eakingof this trip, Mines, Or. Hist., 170-1, mixes his Methodism
with Irving's fiction at a sad rate. Townsend, Nar., 1 17. mentions his
meeting Wy , Hist. Or., 39, of course condoles with him because
the Eudson's Bay Company did not immediately divide their territory with
him and set him up in business. Mrs Victor, River of the West, 158 9, L63,
thinks Bonneville's failures the result of his own inexperience, rather than
of the failure of others to assist him. She thinks Pambrun quite right in
his conduct, and the Eudson's Bay Company's policy the usual course
by mercenary monopolies, and deserving i I blame. Does the
reader desire more he may consult Silliman's Journal, Jan. 1834, where the
r thinks Bonneville pushed enterprise to 1 absurdity. Evans'
Hist. Or., MS., 2 3; Warren's Mem., in Pac. R. Sept., si. 33 6; I
Trapper's Life, MS., 8, 9; U. 8. ffousi Rept. 101, 85th Cong., ■
' the sharp dealing employed to drive away compe-
tition; uist. u,:, 53; Whit* 's Travels in
1 75.
CHAPTER XXVI.
WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
1834-1S37.
The Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company — The ' May Dacre '
Chartered and Freighted for the Columbia — Wyeth with an
Overland Party Starts from Independence— Science and Religion
en route for oregon — townsend — nuttall — jason lee and his
Brother Missionaries— The Journey — Building of Fort Hall —
Arrival at Fort Vancouver — The ' May Dacre ' Enters the Colum-
bia— Establishment of Fort William on Wapato Island — Fort
Boise Built to Oppose Fort Hall — Failure of Wyeth's Enter-
prise— Sale of Effects to the All-powerful Monopoly.
The failure of the first of the two adventures which,
under the auspices of the solid men of Boston, were
destined to prove the forerunner of Christian civiliza-
tion on the Pacific seaboard, was in no wise charge-
able upon the agent. Wyeth did his duty well ; did all
that a man could do. Not having power over the ele-
ments he could not bring the Sultana safely to port,
and when she failed to appear lie had only to return.
The time of ultimate success or failure, however, had
not yet come.
Arrived at Boston from his long and perilous pil-
grimage, the winter of 1833-4 passed quickly away.
With what keen zest come to the returned forest-
rover the proud pleasures of home! During the
journey between oceans Wyeth had pretty well de-
termined what he should attempt to do. In brighter
hues than ever arose within his mind the old As-
toria imagery; with this difference, however: while
Astor would supply interior trappers from the east,
(576)
THE COLUMBIA RIVEB COMPANY. 577
Wyeth would supply them from the west. The land
carriage would be shorter, cheaper, and safer in the
case than in the other. With this fur-trade
he might profitably combine salmon-fishing, and to
these ends fortifications would be essential, two ai
least, and those at the outset, one somewhere on the
lower ( Jolumbia, and one in the central interior. Tw ice
round Cape 1 Corn each year his ship would go, bring-
ing from Boston the products and goods of civilized
industry, and carrying hack furs and fish.
jure it up," he argued, while enlisting the
cooperation of the solid men of Boston, "the profit
on the salmon alone will pay the expensesof the ship,
leaving the cosi of carrying out the merchandise noth-
ing."
Not the slightest difficulty had Wyeth in again
enlisting capital, New York being glad to join Boston
in a new adventure; or in organizing the Columbia
River Pishing and Trading Company; or in charter-
ing the ship May Dacre, with Lambert again for
captain, and loading her with articles suitable to the
new enterprise; or in raising a second company to
follow him overland. Had he not bought experience
in the mountains, and should he not sell it to the tat
speculators of the city? Besides, Wyeth was an able
man, and whether in this enterprise he failed or not,
t he elements of success wore bred in him. They liked
him at Boston, and they liked him at Fort Vancouver;
they believed in him everywhere.
By the middle of March L834, Wyeth was at In-
dependence with fifty men ready for a start. With
him were two scientists, Nuttall, an eminent botanist,
and John K. Townsend, to whom we arc indebted for
a narrative of this expedition.1 Like hoys just out
Rocky Mount* I blumbia
River, etc, Philadelphia, L839. The author ia a newly fledged collegian
and member of the Philadelphia Academy of Bcieno . Ee wraa a good
enough fellow, meaning well, but exceedingly Bii ' y at
M,,n : idelphia again, heat and cold, banger and
thirst, I danger, by sea and land, bad Berved to hammer into Lis
now vapid brain - I discrimination. He tolls his story in a clear,
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. J7
o78 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
of school these learned men essayed things strange,
things mighty, and then rested. Their first freak
was to walk from St Louis to Independence, three
hundred miles; their second was not long after start-
ing, to give it up.
Besides our plant-chief and our bird-chief, as the
Chinooks subsequently called them, who, though some-
what old-maidish and mouldy for such young savants —
as if their eyes had been nowhere but between covers,
and as if they had eaten nothing but books for break-
fast since infancy — seemed built upon an underlying
stratum of sense, there was a fair sprinkling of divinity
under titles of Jason Lee, his nephew Daniel Lee, and
three lay brethren, P. L. Edwards, Cyrus Shepard,2
and C. M. Walker, whose religious zeal, if we may
believe their fellow-travellers, was in no wise abated
because united with exciting adventure. Let us place
the five missionaries beside the two scientists, and
call them all good fellows.
Wyeth was now peculiarly fitted to lead an expedi-
tion of this kind. In backwoods operations some-
thing more and less than common military discipline
is requisite ; something stronger than the fear of de^th
must be employed to govern men. Here the leader
must have the confidence, which implies the respect
of his followers. He must have their affection, which
if seasoned with fear is doubly efficacious. True
frontiersmen may be led anywhere by a man willing
to receive in some degree their suggestions and share
their dangers; but they will not be driven one inch.
They all have judgment of their own on which they
straightforward way which engages attention and commands respect, but his
science wrought no visible change in the mountains, forests, rivers, or seas
of the Northwest. If he was innocent of much good, he was likewise inno-
cent of evil; may our tombstone tell truthfully the same tale. Birds were
the gentle Townsend's pleasing study.
2 Gray, Hist. Or., 107, says that Shepard was a devout man, seeking the
advancement of the missions, as well as the general good, and that he never
had an enemy in Oregon, which latter is a questionable qualification. For a
time after his arrival at Fort Vancouver he taught school, which was attended
by the juvenile mongrels of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants. See Hist.
(Jr., this series.
OVERLAND ROUTINE. 57 I
are accustomed to act, and have acted individually in
many life and death emergencies, and they will uoi in
time of trial trust themselves alone to commissioned
pasteboard. It is enough to say here of Nathaniel
.1. Wyeth thai he knew how to manage such men.
I [< re also was Wjei h's old friend M ilton Sublette,
for twelve years trapper and trader in western parts,
now on an expedition to the mountains with twenty
of his own well tried mountaineers, any one of whom
would not Tear fifty redskins in open fight. And
Sublette was his men's delight. Cool, courteous, si rong
in muscle as in mind, considerate, kind, as tender as
a woman, fierce as a blood-eating catamount, true to
his men as the magnet to the polo, ready to share
hardships and dangers equally with them, there was
not one but would die twenty limes, were that pos-
sible, rather than be seen by him to flinch before
danger. He need not trouble himself about their fail-
ing him under trials; they worshipped him. And more
than once they had been in a body over the present
proposed track, so that they were a most desirable
accession to any party journeying in that direction.
In the vicinity at this time was William Sublette,
with a party of light-footed traffickers, thirty-live in
all: but belonging to a rival company, he held him-
self aloof and communicated his intended movements
to no one. A fortnight out, he passed Captain Wy-
eth's company in the night, thus hastening on before
him in order first to secure furs brought to the sum-
mer rendezvous.
At 10 o'clock on the 28th of April 183 1 the party
in the gayest of moods began its long march. There
were in the caravan seventy men and two hundred
and fifty horses. It had been an impossibility to
obtain mules here at this time, the Santa F6 traders
having secured them all. Wyeth and Sublette rode
first, each with a mounted collegian at his side, thus
tempering adventure with learning. Then the men
followed in double file, each leading two horses laden
580 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
each with two eighty-pound packages of stores, Thing,
Wyeth's assistant, bringing up the rear. The mission-
aries with a band of horned cattle hovered about the
flank.
Men and beasts were flushed with enthusiasm. Our
staid professor hardly knew whether he was in the
flesh or out of it, but left his important post and
dashed his charger up and down the line, joining in
the uproarious mirth and the snatches of gay song
which greeted his ear on every side with the most un-
scholarly abandon.3
It being a large body, only twenty miles a day were
made. The camp was divided into nine messes, each
mess having one tent; also a captain, usually an ex-
perienced frontiersman, and a cook. Rations were
given out to mess-captains every morning. The cap-
tain of the company selected spots for encampments,
and designated where each mess should place its tent.
He also directed the packers where to unload, so that,
if need be, fortifications could be quickly improvised
from the bales of goods. In times of danger the camp
was formed into a hollow square with the horses
staked inside; a guard of seven men was then formed,
which was posted by the mess-captain, and relieved
three times during the night. The hour was regularly
called, and 'All's well!' went the rounds of the guard
every fifteen minutes. The penalty for sleeping on
guard was three days' foot travel.4
3 ' As we rode out from the encampment, our horses prancing and neighing,
and pawing the ground, it was altogether so exciting that I could scarcely
contain myself.' Townsend's Nar., 27.
i The second day a hail-storm stampeded their stock, and after it was
brought up the horses were staked. In discussing this operation the pro-
fessor gravely remarks that the horse must have a strong leathern halter, to
the chin-strap of which is attached an iron ring, to which is tied a hemp or
leathern rope just twenty-two feet long, the other end of which is fastened to
an iron-tipped wooden stake two and a half feet long, driven full length into
the ground. If the horse is hoppled he is staked all the better. It was
regarded as very necessary at the same time to observe that a horse should be
assigned a spot where it might obtain grass to eat, and that they should not be
staked so near together as to interfere with each other. Another fact it
would be well to note. A blanket placed upon ground so wet as to thoroughly
saturate it with water before one could fairly stretch one's self on it is not so
comfortable as a spring-bed in a first-class Philadelphia hotel.
PRAIRIE AXP MOUNTAIN. 581
At the principal rivers the horses were stripped of
their cargoes and saddles, and seni Bwimming over,
being caught and corralled as they arrived at the
opposite bank. The goods and men were then taken
over on a flatboat. Aboul a fortnight out a gloom
was cast on the party by the illness of Sublette, who
for a longtime had been suffering from a fungus in
his Lea:, now grown so much worse from riding that he
found himself obliged to return to the settlement.
Subsequently his leg was twice amputated, but the
disease lingered, and a few years afterward he died.
Their route was from Independence west over
rolling prairie dotted with groves of timber to the
Kansas River, which was crossed the sixth day; then
through tall luxuriant grass to reach the fork of Platte
River, where they arrived the twentieth day ; continu-
ing for six days along the south branch over the level
prairie swarming with buffalo, with a range of sand-
bluffs to the east; wdien, fording the stream, which is
here as elsewhere broad and shallow, they cross
through a salty, sandy waste to the northern branch;
up the right bank of which oxer rugged hills past the
( Jhimney obelisk and the castellated Scott Bluffs,6 ami
through umbrageous forests they proceed to the
Laramie Fork, where later was placed. Fort Laramie.
Here two free trappers cut loose from the train, and
set themselves adrift in the wilderness. ( Irossing the
Laramie branch the 1st of June, next day they outer
the frowning Black Hills, ascend to cooler latitudes,
then pass down on the side to the barren prairie beyond,
where the arid soil is sapped by the twist oil and aro-
matic wormwood. On the 7th the Red Buttes, con-
sisting of two or three cliffs of brownish rod rising
from the ferruginous soil some two thousand feet, are
passed; after which leaving the Platte, they |
desolate deserl and encamp on the 9th at noon at
5 ' These are called Scott Bluffs; bo named from an unfortunate trader who
perished here from disease and hunger many years ago. Ee was d< jerted by
anions; and I were found in
this Bp - Nar.} <>_', n
582 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
Independence Rock on the bank of the Sweetwater.
Cut into this mass of rounded granite some fifty feet
in height, they find the names of the two Sublettes,also
those of Fontenelle, Bonneville, and Serre; and to
these they add their own, for of such is glory, and
these mountain bourgeois of a truth possess the same
right to distinguishment as Napoleon whose monu-
ments must be made by hands, while nature here
prepares one for the children of the wilderness.
Fifteen feet is now the width of the stream, which
when they first encountered it was two miles wide, and
shallow, and twisting everywhere. Looking away
ninety miles to the north-west, they see the Wind
River Mountains with their lofty peaks of dazzling
whiteness.
Sweet indeed is the stream to the poor starving
brutes, for on its banks they find luxuriant pasture.
Behind were left wolves, wild horses, buffaloes, and
antelopes; now we have the mountain-goat and griz-
zly bear. Alkaline efflorescences increase to a snowy
whiteness and incrust the edges of the little salt-pools
which cover these plains, while the strata of the fine-
grained sandstone are nearly horizontal, and standing
scattered here and there are those rhomboidal rock
masses, out of which imagination may carve castles
with moat and drawbridge, turrets, embrasures, and
loop-holes, to say nothing of the sky, the cliff, the
stream, and the humble village beside it, or of the
giant owner about to enter, and carrying in his hand
mountain-mutton, the animal having been just caught
and strangled for his supper.
From the Sweetwater on the 14th, they crossed
south-westerly to Sandy River, where they arrived
at nine o'clock at night, after a toilsome march over a
country where there was neither water nor grass.
Here the train became broken. Some of the animals
became exhausted; others following their instincts left
the trail in spite of their drivers, and sought and found
water. Lee and his brother missionaries with their
AT Till'. 'RENDEZVOUS.
cattle were obliged to hall before reaching camp, l>ut
came up without serious loss uext morning.
Down this stream they went with nothing for their
stock but short dry grass, which however poor for
civilized animals sustained large herds of buffaloi -.
which were here seen. They reached Green River,
sometimes called the Siskadee, and again the Seeds-
der, clear, deep, rapid, and beautiful, on the L9th.
Here, roaming the thoughtful solitude, gun in hand,
our professor spent the day, while the company unex-
pectedly moved on to better pastures. In following
them the unfortunate ornithologist was obliged to
swim his horse across the stream, in which perform-
ance his coat, containing his notes, was lost, and a
fever contracted which resulted in several days of
severe suffering. Wyeth's party had now reached the
rendezvous, which was in a small rich valley or basin
sunk into the plain and surrounded by low. yellow,
clay bluffs, in the vicinity of Green River and I lam
Branch. Beyond the little bluffs on every side
stretched out the broad prairie broken only by seal I
ing buttes and distant mountain peaks. The river was
full offish, and the plains of buffalo, antelope, and elk.
At the rendezvous there were the usual feasting,
fighting, and trafficking. The Shoshones, Nez Pen - .
and Bannacks, besides half-breeds, voyageurs, and free
trappers were there, with the results of their year's
hunting, hungry for the intoxication of rum and other
excitement. Besides Wyeth, many other leaders were
then. Fitzpatrick, Serre, and William Sublette, the
last-arrived company encamping about a mile distant
from the others. Two English pleasure-seekers joined
Captain Wyeth's party at the rendezvous, Stewart.
nobleman and gentleman, and one Ashworth.
There was the usual mixture of mirth and murder
brooding, of obstreperous jollity, whooping, roaring,
and wolfish snarling. The cataracts of hybrid oaths
in the hiccoughed jargon of Indian, French, and
English, were enough to puzzle Satan.
5S4 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
Prices of goods packed so far to this point, attended
by all the risks and discomforts of a two months'
journey, were enormous. Upon a beaver-skin stand-
ard, which naturally placed the price of peltries far
below their cash value in the eastern market, alcohol
diluted with water, which was the current intoxicat-
ing liquid, sold at three dollars a pint, and tobacco
worth ten cents a pound in Philadelphia here brought
two dollars. Other things were in proportion, though
these were staples; it would be indeed tame trading
without liquor and tobacco, something which for a
moment would demonize the man and make him
lunatic. Reason they regarded ordinarily a good
thing, but on occasions it was grand to lay it aside.
Striking tents the 2d of July, with refreshed horses
though without the letters it was hoped subsequent
arrivals would bring from home, Wyeth and party
took u'p their journey westward along Ham- Branch
through an open hilly plain relieved by clumps of Cot-
tonwood and poplar, and willow water fringes.
They cross the hills to the north-west on the 4th
and strike Muddy Creek,6 an humble tributary of
Bear Piver, which flows into the sombre Great Salt
Lake; then on until they enter a cooing meadow
of tall waving grass, under cover of which gently
throbs one of nature's tiny pellucid veins, a purling
brook, where camping and knocking the heads out of
the liquor-kegs the bacchanals of the rendezvous are
reenacted in honor of the day. Strange that our
mind-awakening and soul-elevating institutions cannot
be adequately remembered even in forest festivities
without liquid brain-besotting poison, packed on horses
a thousand miles and more through a savage wilder-
ness! Look where we will throughout the realm of
nature, only in mind-developing man do we find the
ripest fools.
To avoid the great bend in Bear River they here, on
0 This name has since been thrown westward about ten leagues across the
great bend, where it alighted on another stream south of Logan.
SITE OF FORT HALL.
the 5th, cross through lofty hills, round basall cliffs
and columns, and between rugged valleys and dusty
alluvial plains covered with a shorl dry grass so poor
that a ton of it would scarcely bring back to the bare
ribs of the poor animals a pound of the flesh which
they had lost, and encamp the 8th near the white
clay pits on Bear River, where little mounds of cal-
careous sinter mingled with eruptive thermal springs
and waterless gas-jets cover the sickly plain.
Nexl day there came into camp Thomas McKay,
whose party of Indians and Canadians were hunting
in the vicinity. These wilds at present were almosl
as full of business as an exchange. On the LOth was
encountered Bonneville's party resting in a sunken
spol on the lava plain, which was here surrounded by
high basaltic dikes full of large caves. These men had
been upon a long march, and they were now lolling
with tethered horses, napping, playing cards, or other-
wise passing the time.
Wyeth and Stewart called upon the Bald Chief
in his lodge. A keg of metheglin, a choice drink in
these thirsty parts, was placed before the visitors, who
never rose to go until a hollow sound from the keg
and the host's lugubrious smile warned them of the
approaching end of the precious beverage.
ddie party encamped the 11th on a branch of the
Blackfoot, near the Portneuf, with the three Buttes,
or Tetons, in sight, the 12th on Koss River, and. the
14th on Snake River. Here they rested, for Wyeth
had now reached the country where he thought his
interior post should be located. A charming spol for
the purpose was found in the midst of a rich gra
plain on the south hank of the Portneuf River, the
opposite side of which was covered with large cotton-
wood and willow trees rising from a thick undergrowth
of the same, mixed with currant and service-berry
bushes.7
<m the east bank of Snato I
little distance north >>i the rortnouf.
586 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
All was now activity. Part were put to work fell-
ing trees, squaring logs, making corrals for the horses
and houses for the men. A party of twelve, composed
of those less averse to the gentlemanly avocation of
lighting and hunting than to log hewing and rolling,
were sent out to bring in food for the camp. The
Blackfeet were here hostile. Seldom United States
trappers were without a savage enemy ; the Canadians
and English managed things differently.
While the hunting party were eating a buffalo
which they had killed at their first halting-place on
Ross River, one of their number, a little Welshman,
who had been sent to watch the horses, came rushing
back crying in affrighted falsetto, " Indians ! Indians ! "
Instantly every man was on his feet with gun in hand
ready to repel attack. Presently a loud laugh and
muttered curse simultaneously broke from Richardson,
the leader of the party, as the main body of McKay's
retainers hobbled warily in view.
Falstaff 's recruits were a handsome set beside them.
On Richardson's shouting a jargon greeting, the leader
of McKay's band, a Canadian of tamed coyote phys-
iognomy, gaudily arrayed in scarlet sash and ribboned
hat, and two Indian aids likewise decked in rainbow
hues, dashed into camp, threw themselves from their
horses, and attacked the remaining viands with hearty
cordiality. Soon the rest of the party, consisting of
some thirty half-blanketed natives and mongrel }7oung
men, came up flaunting their tawdry apparel, which
in some instances was so torn as scarcely to cover the
wearers. And rapidly down their throats disappeared
huge masses of savory hump-rib, side-rib, and fleece
meat, the Canadians eating voraciously like wolves,
the savages with a sedate dignity filling themselves
more slowly but none the less thoroughly.
Ten days sufficed the hunters to kill and dry all the
buffalo-meat their animals could carry to the newly
erected fort. When a buffalo was killed, the best parts
were cut into strips and placed on scaffolds to dry,
FOUNDING OF FORT HALL. 5S7
after which the meat was tied up in hundred-pound
bales ready for use or transportation. The food of the
hunters consisted of nothing' but fresh buffalo-meal
and water, and this our scientists and pleasure-loving
gentlemen now pronounced the best food in the world.
Possibly in that rough life of exciting exercise in
mountain air their stomachs might even have digested
good roast beef and plum-pudding. Tin* evenings they
spent in telling stories, rack striving to be best by
tellingthe biggest; though now and then the speaker's
tremulous voice and dimmed eve as lie spoke of distant
wife or mother, or of a friend brutishly slaughtered
for his furs by some lurking foe or trusted companion,
denoted more feeling than the speaker cared to show.
A mountain salute, that is, all the guns fired one
after the other in quick succession as they approached
the fort, brought every man to his feet, for they had
been fasting and were then on short allowance. Mc-
Kay's party was camped a short distance from the
fort. Although the fort-builders had few tools, they
did remarkably good work as the new finished stockade
and two bastions testified. , It was named Fort Hall,
and became famous in overland emigrant travel.
Cantonment Leavenworth on the Missouri was
prior to this the frontier post of the United States.
The building, at this time, of a substantial fort mid-
way between Leavenworth and the mouth of the
( lolumbia by Americans, though the establishment
afterward fell into the hands of the Hudson's Bay
( Jompany, for a time was a very important affair. It
was more than a mere half-way house for trappers; it
signified occupation, domination. All this region was
still debatable ground, and every move of this kind
had its influence in subsequently fixing the dividing
line between British and United States domain.8
8 The post became famous, and performed good service during the several
The emigrant trail wat d ade to pass by it ; it
was near to the Great Salt Lake, was central, and valuable in Bcor< -
From this point in time radiated roads in every direction : to Missouri, to Cal-
ifornia, to Utah, to Oregon, aud to British Columbia. In hi.s testimony, 11.
588 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
The admirable training of McKay's men was sub-
ject of remark, being different as regarded subor-
dination and decorum from Wyeth's, and indeed any
United States company. It was composed nearly
half of Indians, and so religious were they that from
one to two hours were often spent at their devotions,
which were conducted earnestly, soberly, and wholly
after their own fashion.
Sunday, the 27th of July 1834, Jason ^ Lee,9 by
request, preached before the two companies in the
forest adjacent, being the first Christian religious ser-
vices performed at Fort Hall.
Lee and his brother missionaries, in order that his
horned cattle might have more time for their weary
journey, left Fort Hall for Fort Vancouver on the 30th
of July in company with Stewart and McKay's party.
Cheers and three volleys of fire-arms, expressive of
hearty good wishes, followed them as they rode off.
The fort was completed. The 5th of August at sun-
rise the United States flag floated from the flag-staff,
round which the entire company collected while a
salute was fired. One more mammon temple had been
reared in the wilderness. In the region round, about
as much of man and as little of God as possible here-
after should follow. In the dedication of the temple
the day was given up to debauchery. Vilely immoral
men were given as much vile drink as they could
stagger under; and when the sun set on a day of
besotted indulgence with its pistollings, fisticufnngs,
head-mashings, and eye-gougings, commerce was satis-
B. Co. Ev.,H. B. Co. Claims, 153, in 1S65, Angus McDonald valued the fort and
lands belonging to it at $1,000,000. It was near the old war ground of the
Blackfeet, Snake, and Crows, and prevented many a massacre. It was sev-
eral times attacked and nearly burned, but stood to its duty nobly.
9 ' Mr Lee is a great favorite with the men, deservedly so, and there are
probably few persons to whose preaching they would have listened with so
much complaisance. I have often been amused and pleased by Mr Lee's man-
ner of reproving them for the coarseness and profanity of expression which is
so universal amongst them. The reproof, although decided, clear, and strong,
is always characterized by the mildness and affectionate manner peculiar to
the man, and- although the good effect of the advice may not be discernible,
yet it is always treated with respect, and its utility acknowledged. ' See Hist.
Or., this !
IX THE MOUNTAINS. 589
fied. It seems that the devil does not reserve all
wickedness for religion.
Leaving a few men in charge, Wyeth and his com-
pany, consisting now of thirty men, some Indian
women, and one hundred and sixteen horses, set out
from Fort Hall at 11 o'clock the 6th of August.
Crossing Snake River, which is here as wide as the
Missouri at Independence, and proceeding westward
through a sandy plain, jagged with lava masses and
covered with womnwood, they enter the heart of the
Blackfoot country, the most 'dangerous wild west, of
Rocky Mountains. Nor is it less scourging than
dangerous. There are days when not a shrub is seen
to break the rays of the merciless sun, nor yet a blade
of grass or a drop of water. Men chew bullets and
pebbles to keep their tongues from cracking, and 1 1n-
poor brutes stagger from faintness.
On Goddin Creek, so called from a Canadian killed
there by the Blackfeet, they find some good pasture;
then over a lava and wormwood plain again, and
through an exceedingly rugged mountain defile into a
well watered grassy plain filled with currant and berry
bushes, and bordered by snow-topped ridges yielding
greenstone, chalcedony, and agate. They now enter
the plains of endless sage with here willow-fringed
nil. -t> and little oases of vegetation, and there a
surface absolutely denuded; and after a gap between
high mountains thickly covered with pines,a rest in a
3tem Edeo is attained, while Wyeth and Richard-
son explore the inexorable mountains in which they
new find themselves locked, but failing to discover an
outlet they return to camp. Turning back the L3th
they follow their track of yesterday until out of
the mountains, when they try another passage of the
ridge with better success, and camp thai nighl en fche
Malade River in a willow-covered valley tilled with
frolicsome beavers. Some friendly Shoshones en their
way to the buffalo country vi>ii Wyeth's camp, and
smoke, receive presents, and direct him en his way.
590 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
Caruass Prairie abounding in the esculent root10
which gives it the name, is reached the 17th, where
camping on the bank of the Malade the company is
quickly scattered over the patch, digging with their
fingers and filling their kettles with this palatable and
wholesome vegetable.
On the 19th, Boise River, crammed with salmon, is
reached, along the high rocky bank of which they
travel next day, meeting several bands of Shoshones,
who seem delighted at the coming of the white man
to give them beads, blankets, and rum.
They cross Snake River near old Fort Boise, on
the 23d, and the next day camp on the rich plains of
Malheur River. Thence Richardson with eight men
is despatched on a trapping expedition up the river
and across the country, with orders to join Wyeth-at
the fort on the Columbia early the following winter.
They reached Powder River the 28th, and on the
31st arrived at Grande Ronde, where they found
Bonneville and his company. This amateur forester,
with a troop of Nez Perces and Cayuses at his heels,
visited Wyeth's camp, and by his broad genial good-
humor, which then happily possessed him, and his
French manners, created a favorable impression.
Meanwhile flitting in the distance astride a sleek bay
horse gayly caparisoned, the mane and tail tied full
of scarlet and blue ribbons, was a beautiful damsel-
glittering in finery, loaded with bells, beads, and rings
fastened to broad bands of scarlet cloth, and who
managed her horse as being part of it, but held aloof
as the property of one who brooked no familiarity in
the matter of mistresses.
Midst much suffering from thirst the zigzag pas-
sage of the Blue Mountains, an extensive and densely
pine-covered chain, difficult in overcoming, and thrown
across the trail between the great dividing ridge and
the Cascades for the further perfection of emigrant
10 Somewhat resembles the taste of the common potato. This as well as
another root when fermented and baked is much esteemed by the Indians.
Townsend's Nar., 126.
arrival at FORT VANCOUVER. 591
patience, is made by the Lst of September. Next day
they reach the Umatilla River, where, preparatory to
meeting Pacific slope nabobs, they shave, leavingthe
lower part of the face white as a woman's while the
upper pari is as swarthy as that of an [ndian.
Away from rugged mountains, over a broad undu-
lating country, under a bright sun, and under dry,
bracing, elastic air, on the 3d they reach the Walla
Walla River, between whoso willow-shade,! banks the
happy salmon leap in delight. Resting the horses
for an hour in a delightful pasture, they continue
along the stream, and shortly after, on ascending a
sandy eminence, the generous Columbia reveals itself.
Lewis and Clarke and their wintering of 1805-G
was the first thought, for their Travels was the Ore-
gon adventurer's text-book then. It was, indeed, a
pleasant sight this princely stream, after four months
of desert and wilderness wanderings. Befor< : them on
its bank stood the fort, while the cattle of good Par-
son Lee luxuriated under the grassy shade of little
Walla Walla's willows. Stewed hare was set before
the newcomers by the hospitable missionary, whose
journey from Fort Hall had been without startling
incident.
The missionaries had already engaged a barge to
take them and their baggage down the river; Wyeth,
Stewart, and Ashworth accompanied them, but the
two scientists were obliged to make the journey to the
Dalles on horseback, there being no room for them in
the boat. Indian life, a somewhat monotonous trail,
a few wild horses, and a little trading occupied the
observation of travellers at this time. At the Dalles
the people left their horses in charge of an Indian
chief, pronounced trustworthy by Wyeth who knew
him.
Below the Dalles canoes were provided, mosi of
which were dashed in pieces in the Cascades, Wyeth
and his crew having to bailie for their lives. Jus1
below the Cascades, the missionaries, in a bedra
592 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
condition,were overtaken by the rear party. Finally
canoes were procured from the natives and they were
taken to Fort Vancouver, where they arrived the 16th
of September 1834. Lee had preceded the scien-
tists and was on the bank in front of the fort with
McLoughlin, to receive and introduce them.
The Lees proceeded at once in search of a place for
a station, and found what seemed suitable above the
falls of the Willamette, about sixty miles south of
Fort Vancouver. Then they returned and held divine
service at the fort the 25th of September.
Wyeth did not tarry long at Fort Vancouver, but
hastened down the river to meet Captain Lambert
and the May Dacre; for luckily the overland party
and the brig arrived at the mouth of the Columbia
almost simultaneously. Besides the freight for the
Columbia Kiver Fishing and Trading Company^ on
board this ship were the goods of the missionaries,
and all were in great glee over the opportune arrival.
Mooring his vessel fore and aft to a large rock near
the lower entrance to the Willamette, Wyeth was
soon after seen rowing up the river in fine style in
one of the ship's boats manned by eight oarsmen, five
of whom were Kanakas.
Wyeth's first duty now was to determine upon the
location of his establishment. He had made some
observations to that end, but he was not yet^ wholly
satisfied. Taking with him the two scientists, he
embarked in his boat the 29th, passed round Wapa-
to Island, and began the ascent of the Willamette,
carefully examining the banks on either side. He
would prefer for his station the head of ocean naviga-
tion on the Willamette, as better commanding the
vallev and being more beyond the immediate influence
of the Hudson's Bay Company. The falls of the
Willamette, where now stands Oregon City, would
have suited him in many respects, but he did not
wish directlyto interfere with the plans of McLoughlin.
All things considered, he finally fixed upon the lower
FORT WILLIAM. 593
end of Wapato, now called Sauve", Island, near where
his vessel was moored, as the place for the future
American metropolis on the Columbia.
Returning to the vessel he made immediate prepara-
tions for occupying that point. Erecting a temporary
storehouse of fcwigs thatched with grass, the live-
stock was firsl landed, then the goods; and soon the
place presented an unique appearance. More ground
was cleared and other huts thrown up on either side
of what some day should be a street, through which
now roamed at large pigs and poultry, sheep and goats.
The carpenter, the cooper, the blacksmith, and other
artisans were soon at work. Logs and boards for
more solid structures were gotten out, and the wild-
tangled river bank was being rapidly transformed into
a place habitable for civilized man. The scientists
domiciled themselves with Wycth on the brig, and
thence pursued their researches, pressing plants, and
shooting birds and quadrupeds and preparing their
skins for preservation; the natives at first refused to
visit the vessel lest they should catch a disease11 then
prevalent, but in time their fears were dissipated,
and their presence became more troublesome than had
been their absence.
Meanwhile it was arranged that while Wyeth
returned to Fort Hall to look after matters there, the
brig should make a voyage to the Sandwich Islands,
and the scientists resolved to acconipairy it. Think-
ing to try Kanakas with forest life, Wyeth took w ith
him twelve, but they deserted him at Walla Walla,
each taking a horse to ride. Wyeth immediately
wrote McLoughlin of the circumstance.
The 3d of December, as the May Dacre dropped
down the river, a one-e}red Cowlitz named George
boarded the vessel, and presented credentials signed
by ( 'aptain McXeill of the Hudson's Bay Company,
11 A species of the ague and fever then raping. ' The symptoms are :i gen-
eral coldness, soreness, and stiffness of the limbs and the body, with violent
tertian ague.' Townsend's Nar.t 17s.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 38
594 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
recommending the bearer as a pilot. An engagement
was quickly made, in effect that for four bottles of
rum George was safely to guide the vessel to the
ocean, and for every time she struck one bottle was
to be deducted. Taking his position upon the bow,
he proved fully as efficient as those who now, for
form's sake, and to secure an unearned fee, pilot ves-
sels into and out of well known and safe harbors.
One single word was sufficient, oohooh, here; his
finger did the rest, and told where ' here' was.
Anchoring off Astoria on the 8th, a visit was made
to Fort George, already well nigh lost under the
foliage of the encroaching forest.12 A little trading
was still carried on with the natives by the solitary
white man who occupied the old hewn board house,
but most of the traffic went to Fort Vancouver. As
they were passing out at the mouth of the river they
met a Hudson's Bay Company's coaster, having on
board Chief Factor Ogclen, two months from Nass,
usually an eight days' voyage.
On the 16th of April 1835, the May Dacre en-
tered the Columbia, just returned from the Hawaiian
Islands. Townsencl made many excursions for birds,
beasts, and fishes in various directions. Finally set-
ting sail in the Hudson's Bay Company's bark Colum-
bia, Captain Koyal, the 21st of November 1836, he
again visited the Hawaiian Islands, and thence pro-
ceeded to Valparaiso, where on the 2 2d of August
1837 he reembarked on board the brig B. MezicJc,
Captain Martin, for Philadelphia, where he landed
the 17th of November.
Work continued on Wapato Island during the win-
ter of 1834-5; a salmon fishery was started, and sev-
eral substantial log-houses were erected, over which
Wyeth, on his return, raised the United States flag,
and christened the place Fort William. In Wyeth's
12 ' The spot where once the fine parterre overlooked the river, and the
hold stockade enclosed the neat and substantial fort, is now overgrown with
weeds and bushes, and can scarce he distinguished from the primeval forest
which surrounds it on every side.' Townsend's Nar., 182.
WESTERN DIPLOMA. Y.
absence Walker, the quasi missionary, acted as super-
intendent, turning as many men as possible into coop-
ers, and keeping them closely .-it work making barr< Is
for tin' anticipated greal catch.
Bui the business was nol profitable. While the
al Fori Vancouver extended to him every cour-
tesy, they could not Look with favor upon a large com-
peting establishment so nearly opposite them on the
river. Salmon-catching they did nol so much object
to, but they would not sec their fur-trade ruined if
they could prevent it. Though they liked Wyeth
well enough, he should not undersell them; heshould
not draw the natives from them. Hence, against this
powerful organization, with a score or so of posts,
with hundreds of experienced servants, and a thor-
oughly systematized business, it was plain to perceive
that buying peltries could not be made profitable.
How was it with regard to single individuals? The
condition of a man cut loose from the protection
of the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon, ;:1 this
period, unless employed and furnished by one of the
American companies, of whom there were none ex-
cept Wyeth's on the lower Columbia, was worse than
that of the savage. For the savage having grown
up in the endurance of privations is better able to
submit to them, and when compelled to live upon the
scant bounty of uncivilized nature, or to clothe himself
with skins of animals and bark of trees, accepts the
necessity with resignation, and suffers but little in
comparison with the miseries of his white brother
under the same circumstances.
From the veiyfirat,McLoughlinwassa1 isfied thai the
Columbia 1 liver Fishing and Trading ( lompany would
prove a failure; nay, he was determined it should be so.
I g discouraging the natives of the lower ( lolum-
bia from trading at Fort William or assisting in
catching salmon for the Americans, immi diat< ly after
the erection of Fort Hall the Hudson's liny ( om-
pany planted a rival establishment in that vicinity.
596 WYETH'S SECOND ADVENTURE.
They did not build immediately contiguous, as was
often the case elsewhere, but placed Fort Boise,13
as they called the post, on the east bank of the Snake
River, midway between Boise and Payette rivers,
thinking that by taking a position somewhat to the
westward of the American post, they might the better
cut off and oppose the Pacific trade.
The missionaries blamed McLoughlin for this, but
Wyeth did not. His business instincts and native
manliness told him that his Fort Vancouver friend
could not do otherwise; that the manager of Hudson's
Bay affairs must act with all honorable aggression for
his company. To certain practices growing out of
the strong competition on Snake River, Wyeth in a
memorial to congress took exceptions. He did not
hesitate freely to condemn purchasing furs from hired
men. Here the Americans did the same, he said,
but the English began it. As for McLoughlin sanc-
tioning such a practice, Wyeth well knew that the
old gentleman would as soon have thought of setting
up a shop for the purchase of stolen goods.
Salmon-fishing alone of all their brilliant schemes
was then left to the Columbia River Fishing and
Trading Company; and this industry in order to be
profitaljle on a large scale required experience and
proper appliances. The Chinook could take three fish
out of the Columbia while the New Englander took
out one; but instead of assisting the Bostons of Wapato
Island, the Chinooks opposed them. Then the nets
of the New Englanders were not of the right kind;
other of their appliances would not work; some quar-
relled,14 some were murdered, eight were drowned at
13 A parallelogram 100 feet on one side, adobe walls. Gray, Hist. Or., 140,
•who was there in 1S36, calls it a miserable pen of a place, consisting of cotton-
wood poles and crooked sticks set in a trench. It certainly possessed no
importance, except in the way of opposition, and fell into decay soon after the
purchase by the Hudson's Bay Company of Fort Hall. See further, Lee and
Frost's Or., 210; Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 189.
14 Here is one incident illustrative of the insane way men will sometimes
behave in such an emergency. Thornburg, the tailor at Fort William, was a
vindictive man and general bad character. So strong were his cravings for
the sweets of intoxication, that in the absence of the owner he drank the
FAILURES. 597
one time; and before half a cargo for the May Dm- re
had been secured, Wyeth feared for the pockets of
his Boston associates.
Trapping in the region round Fori I hill me1 with
no better success. A band <>f Blackfeet fell upon a
party under Thing, and after killing several of the
men, secured a large booty. Emaciated, pale, and
apparently seven years older than the season before,
Thine- came down to Fort William in. Inly L835, only
to add his dismal story to the oilier misadventures.
About the same time there arrived from the south Mr
Bailey, wrecked in mind and body, having been fear-
fully bruised and gashed by the natives of the Rogue
River region while en route from California to join
Young, every one of his seven companions having
been massacred.
Wyeth put forth all his powers for the accomplish-
ment of his high anticipations, but though he battled
bravely ill-luck everywhere attended his efforts. The
May Dacre sailed away with her half cargo of fish
and a fewT furs, all the returns from money, goods, and
incessant toil the first year could show, but not until
after experiencing two successive years of dearth of
salmon would Wyeth recognize the blank ruin that
stared him in the face.
Finally breaking up his establishment on Wapato
Island in 1836 he returned to Boston. After consult-
ing his associates, he wrote the directors of the Hud-
son'.-. Bay Company in London offering for sale the
property and establishments of Fort Hall and Fort
William. The matter was referred from London to
Fort Vancouver, and Wyeth was again obliged to visit
alcohol from the naturalist's jar of preserved lizards and snakes, ami was
happ3 rer it. Between this man ami Eubbard, the gunsmith,
there had been for - i i pute, and more thai ■ ■ I
y In; would kill Hubbard Early on the morning of the 4th of July
1 835, Thornburg, armed with a gun and knife, ibara,
cocked prepared to level il upon his intended victim. But Hub-
bard awakening, drew his pistol and area on Thornburg, \\ 1 1< > died in a fuw
minute-. The matter was rally examined by the offio rs of the company, and
a written certificate given Hubbard exonerating himwholl - Or.,
this series.
59S WYETH'S SECOKD ADVEXTUKE.
the coast. At last in 1837 the sale was consummated,
and Wyeth and his agent left the Columbia in one
of the company's vessels for Honolulu. Most of
Wyeth's men remained in Oregon. On this third and
final return of Wyeth from Oregon to Boston the
Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company was
dissolved, and the late manager embarked in other and
more lucrative business.
Though to himself, and pecuniarily, Wyeth's Oregon
adventures were a failure, his influence on Oregon
occupation and settlement was second to none. The
flag of the United States was planted by him simul-
taneously in the heart of the continent and on the
seaboard of the Pacific. He it was who, more directly
than any other man, marked the way for the ox- teams
which were so shortly to bring the Americanized civ-
ilization of Europe across the roadless continent.
Thus may we easily trace the direct influence of
Boston, far greater than that of New York with its
Astor, upon American Pacific possession, first in the
coast fur-traders, then in the agitations of Kelley, the
school-master, and finally in the enterprise of Wyeth,
the Cambridge ice-dealer. And most happy are we
to know that after his hardships and losses in Oregon
enterprise Wyeth established a large business for the
exportation of ice from Boston to Calcutta which was
in every way successful.15
After the abandonment by Wyeth of Fort William
a dairy was established on Wapato Island, which soon
became quite extensive. It was given in charge to a
^Strong's Hist. Or.. MS., 11; Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 204; Anderson 's North-
vest Coast, MS., 121; Trans. Or. Pioneer Assoc, 187 5, 24; Toivnsend'* X<<,-.,
passim; Parker's Tour., 139, 149, 180; Victor's River of the West, 36-8;
Hines' Ex. Or., 411-12. John Dunn, Or. Ter., 140, states that the ' company
offered him every facility,' which is not true. McLoughlin, Privcute Papt rs,
MS., 2d ser., 2, speaks of a vessel which was wrecked, having been sent out
to meet the fust expedition, which is a mistake. Gray, Hist. Or., G'22, falsely
charges the Hudson's Bay Company with having driven Wyeth hence by dis-
honorable means. Wilkes, Nar. U. S. Explor. Ex., v. 128, mentions Warrior's
Point as 'the locality where "Wyeth proposed to erect his great city of the
vest.' See also Tucker's Hist. Or., 53; Hunt's Mer. Mag., vi. 318; Greenhow's
Or. and Cat. , 359. Religion not being an exact science the missionaries acquire
such a habit of looseness in their statements as to render them very unreliable
6UAVE ISLAND. 599
faithful French Canadian named Jean I laptiste S.-mw.
from which circumstance the island became known
as Sauve" Island, which name it bears to this day.
Between the island and Port Vancouver a little
schooner made regular trips twice a week.10
i to historical facts. Thus Hincs, Ex. Or., 412, say.- that 'scores of
. losl in Wyeth'a expeditions.1 Now a Bcore is 20, scores must,
mean at least 40. On his lirst expedition Wyeth brought but 16 men into the
mountains, and of these 4 returned east immediately, and '■* were bn
Fort Vancouver, leaving .'> in the mountains. Of the 50 comprising fch
expedition 33 were left in the mountains, so that if every one of them was
killed, the number would not amount to scores. A still more ex1
statement made by the same writer is, 'of 200 men whom he had led into
I Iregon, hut 4;> were know o to he alive.' In Saxton'a < >r. /'. /-., MS., 100, it is
stated that Wyeth left aally in 1838.
16 In the report to congress of Mr ( lushing, from the committee on foreign
affairs, printed as U. S. Home Rept. ATo. /"/. S5th Cong., Sd Sees., 6 22, is an
interesting memoir of Mr Wyeth's, dated Cambridge, Feb. 4, 1839, giving
clear and correct descriptions of the climate, soil, geography, trade, and agri-
culture of the Columbia. The capabilities of the conn power of
the Hudson's Bay Company are both pronounced extensive. Rob
Ms., 12, says that Townsend was given the berth of surgeon at Fort Van-
couver one winter, 'to make him more at ease, at the establishment,' the
refinement of hospitality, truly. Speaking generally of the Boston advent
ure the same shrewd observer says: ' McLoughlin was required by the com-
pany to put down poor Wyeth, that is, in a fair, honorable, legitimate way.
aha that did his business was something like this: He was not to
i the lower country, and we were not to oppose in the interior. But
where he had one party we had two, and then much better goods. Think of
the Cascades, the Dalles, and the almost impassable difficulties, want
mand over people, and who can be astonished at his failure.' See Hist (Jr.,
.i.'s, passim.
CHAPTER XXVII.
FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
1836-1839.
The Steamer 'Beaver'— Small-pox— United States Secret Service—
William A. Slacum, Agent— Captain Bancroft— His Hunting Voy-
age upon the Coast of California — Killed by the Kaiganies —
Building in the Valley Willamette— The Oregon Provisional
Emigration Society— Farnham, and the Columbia River City-
builders— Sir Edward Belcher's Visit— Cowlitz Plains and Nis-
qually Settlements— The Puget Sound Agricultural Company—
William Fkaser Tolmie— Roderick Finlayson Arrives.
Behold now the advent of a new power in North-
western waters ; that giant servant and civilizer, steam,
screeching heavenward its portentous hallelujahs, while
the forest reverberates the cry, and the denizens of the
sea lift to the surface their heads in stolid astonish-
ment !
The first steam-vessel upon the north Pacific1 was
the Hudson's Bay Company's steamer Beaver built at
Blackwall in 1835, sailing round Cape Horn from
England, carrying in her hold her own machinery, and
arriving at Fort Vancouver in the spring of 1836.
There her steam machinery was set up in her. Though
clumsy, she was most substantially put together, her
oak timbers being unusually heavy. Her small wheels
were placed far forward like the fins of a seal; her
square poop stood high out of the water, slanting
toward the rudder.
It is not a little singular that shortly after her
arrival the Beaver should turn her back upon the
1 She has been called the first steamer to come round Cape Horn, but when
coming out she was not a steamer.
° ( COO )
HISTORICAL SHIPS. G01
glories of head-quarters for the inhospitable wilderness
of northern waters, should deliberately steam down
the Columbia never to enter thai stream again.
Long before Victoria was dreamed of, this little
black Beaver was plyingher paddles through the glis-
tening waters of cold, placid sounds and bays round
Vancouver Island and far to the northward. She was
early to enter the harbors of Victoria and Esquimalt,
the schooner Cadboro being after her.
Every year, with the utmost regularity, the Beaver
made her rounds among the northern stations, leaving
Victoria, after the establishment was there, in April
and returning in November. The natives of the va-
rious localities knew almost to a day where to expect
her. and so were always on hand with their skins to
trade for clothing, blankets, arms, and tobacco, a full
supply of which the little steamer always carried.
The goods were in charge of a chief trader, whose
office was distinct from that of navigator. Thirty
men was her complement, and she was armed with
four six -pounders and plenty of small weapons. A
rope netting round her deck prevented invasion by
the natives, not over thirty of whom were allowed to
come on board at one time unless accompanied by their
families. No man-of-war ever maintained s< ricter dis-
cipline, and hence she was never taken by surprise.
Thus, from point to point she went, watching, dis-
tributing, gathering. Her northern depot was Fort
Simpson, to which port she carried six cargoes gath-
ered from different localities during ea< h voyage. The
steamer Beaver was followed by the steamer Otter,
which sailed from England in 1852, the trade having
meanwhile grown beyond the dimensions of the for-
mer vessel. The Otter usually assisted the Beaver in
bringing down the harvest. A cabinet of curiosities
was kept on the Beaver, curious to strangers, but of
little interest to the savages who made th
20lym d Democrat, Jan. 7, 1859; ! Ter., MS., 80;
>, 1862; Evans' Hist. Or., MS., L85 6; Lewis, in B. C.
SUetcfies, MS., 4; Finlayaon's Hist. V. /., MS., 97; Hay< '■ i U t, iii. 18.
G02 FURTHER AFFAIRS FX GEXERAL.
The summer brigade which left Fort Vancouver
the 25th of June 1836 consisted of sixty men in nine
boats, under Peter Skeen Ogden, chief factor, New
Caledonia; Samuel Black, Kamloop; and Archibald
McDonald, ColviUe.
This year the small-pox made its appearance, and
attacking the natives with all its early virulence,
endeavored as far as possible to complete the work so
promisingly begun by fever and ague, and measles.
With the advent of the more dire disease, however,
it must not be supposed that the lesser ones retired.
As long as there remained native communities in any
considerable numbers the poisons of civilization were
never for a moment absent.3
William A. Slacum, who the 11th of November
1835 was instructed by John Forsyth, secretary of
state, to drop in upon the people of the^ Oregon Eiver
region unofficially, in the guise of a private observer,
being then about to visit the Pacific, and who, that
he might while there be independent of the Hudson's
Bay Company, chartered at Oahu the brig Loriot,
Captain Bancroft, reported to the United States gov-
ernment the 26th of March 1837 the appearance on
board his vessel immediately it entered the Columbia,
of Chenamus, chief of the Chinooks, with a present of
wild-fowl. The savage then demanded if that was a
King George or a Boston ship. This was in Decem-
ber 1836. From Fort George Mr Birnie despatched
a canoe to Fort Vancouver, notifying McLoughlin of
the arrival of the vessel.4 By the messenger Slacum
wrote to Duncan Finlayson, whom he had met at the
Hawaiian Islands, asking a pilot and a stove, which
were sent him with a polite invitation to visit the
3 Beckwourth,the negro, was accused, I do not know how justly, of wilfully
sowing small-pox among the pestiferous Blackfeet, by disposing to them of
certain infected articles brought from St Louis.
i ' Onarriving,hepretended,'saysMcLoughlin, Private Papers, MS., 2d ser.,
(i. 'he was a private gentleman, and that he came to meet Murray and com-
panions who had left the states to visit this country. But this did not deceive
me.' See Hist. Or., this series.
WILLIAM A. SLACUM. C03
fort. Shortly afterward, Douglas came down in a boat
manned by nine voyageurs, and took Slacum 1" Fort
Vancouver, where he was hospitably greeted by Mc-
Loughlin and Finlayson. Mr Slacum further reports
thousand acres fenced and under cultivation at
Fori Vancouver, where there were employed cue hun-
dred men, under as strict regulations as in the besl
appointed military garrison.
Expressing a desire to sec the Willamette Valley,
McLoughlin sent him up the river in a boat to ( !amp
Maud du Sable, as he terms the Encampment du
Sable, the landing-place of the French settlement,
where he found McKay,5 and was visited by Jason
Lee, who came from his station eighteen miles distant
for that purpose. Lee, as well in felling timber, fenc-
ing, and planting, as in establishing schools and
churches, was doing much for Christ and for the
United States. He found Ewing Young, in excuse
for starting a distillery, raving against McLoughlin.
He encouraged the organization of the Willamette
Cattle Company, offering such as chose to go free
passage on the Loriot to California, and did carry ten
settlers to Bodega after loaning Lee $500 wherewith
to buy cattle. The worst charge he seemed able to
bring against the Hudson's Bay Company was their
5 Jean Baptistc Desportez McKoy, as Slacum calls him, who came with the
mpany and pitched his tent permanently at this place six years prior
it. Thomas McKay, son of Alexander McKay, who crossed the
continent 'with McKenzie and perished in the i assacre, likev< ise set-
tled in the Willamette Valley, where, according to Anderson, Northwest
Coast, MS., 74, he died in 1845. Thomas McKay was a character whose
adventures would till a volume. He-? d asa rifle shot, and like many
half-breeds, though naturally gentle and courteous, he was exceedingly vin-
dictive. '1 haveoften heard McKay speak of the tragical fate of his |
Says Townseud, A'ar., 82, uote, 'ami with the bitter animositj and love of
inherited from his Indian mother I have heard him declan
will yet 1 i lie avenger of blood.' This was very fine,
and no doubt occasional shots in thi - the bur-
den placed upon his heart l>y the savages of the v ouver [sl-
and. As McLoughlin did not sanction tiie indiscrim ' innocent
persons for the deeds of the guilty, our brave and boastful half-breed was
to go all his life blood-thirsty, for of such mi n McLoughlin was the
natural master. Of McKay 1 speak elsewhere. See III '. Not
604 FURTHER AFFAIRS IN- GENERAL.
forbidding their people or dependents to dispose of furs
to strangers.6
Captain Bancroft was an Englishman, and the
owner and commander of his vessel.7 He was in no
way connected with the Hudson's Bay Company, but
conducted business on his own account. Though sea-
otter were now scarce everywhere, they appeared to
be more plentiful south than north of the Columbia.
Old traders have assured me that owing to the more
diligent use of fire-arms on the Northwest Coast these
water beasts had in no inconsiderable numbers mi-
grated to the shores of California. The earlier custom
became to some extent revived, of sailing to Sitka or
the coast thereabouts, and taking thence natives to
hunt on the shores of southern Oregon and northern
California, carrying the catch to the Islands, where the
proceeds would be divided, or returning the hunters
to their own country after having purchased from
them their share of skins. While prosecuting this
trade in 1837, Captain Bancroft came to grief. Sail-
ing from Honolulu to Prince of Wales Island, he took
on board some Kaiganie hunters with their implements,
canoes, and provisions, the last consisting chiefly of
dried fish and fish-oil not particularly agreeable to
refined olfactory nerves, and such were undoubtedly
those of the Kanaka lady, or by courtesy in fur-trad-
ing parlance wife, of Captain Bancroft, who one would
think had never smelled fish in her favored isle, and who
unfortunately was a passenger on this occasion. For
6 A party from the Lorlot boarded the Llama in Baker Bay, where they
found Chief Trader McLeod. 'It was mentioned in the course of conversa-
tion that a Madame Perand, wife of one of the Canadian settlers on the Wil-
lamette, had just come in with 20 to 30 fine beaver-skins. Some one of the
party remarked, turning toward Captain Bancroft of the Loriot, ' There is a
fine chance for a bargain.' McLeod quickly replied, 'Damn the skin shall
Madame Perand sell to cross the bar of the Columbia.' U. S. House Rept.
101, 25th Cong., 3d Sess., 35. Though full of errors and somewhat warped by
patriotism, Slacum's report on the whole was intelligent and fairly rendered.
It should be compared with McLoughlin's Private Papers, MS., 2d ser., 7.
'This is Anderson's statement. Lee says Captain Bancroft was an Ameri-
can, and Slacum calls his ship an American vessel.
CAPTAIN BANCROFT. 005
as they sailed south, hunting as they went Bhe pelted
the captain with her complaints until he became exas-
peratedandventedhis spleen mosi imprudently on those
northern lords aboriginal. Driven on by the sickly
smiles of the dark thick-lipped and suffocating beauty,
Captain Bancroft did no1 hesitate sometimes even to
seize the obnoxious food and throw it into the sea, and
otherwise to insult them. Though the rank of the
Kaiganies might be offensive, it was none the less high,
and they determined to put down Anglo-Kanaka impu-
dence. Having well laid their plans, the hyperboreans
rose suddenly upon the signal, knocked senseless the
seamen, and stabbed the captain on the quarter-deck.
( me other man besides the captain was killed. Even
the frail dark one did not escape punishment in the way
of bruises.
Having thus obtained possession of the ship, the
Kaiganies ordered the mate to take them home, as-
suring him if in the least he valued his life not to
trifle with them, or attempt to pursue other than the
most direct course. The mate obeyed. Indeed, he
thought it best; for these people were both intelli-
gent and cunning. They knew the north star and the
significance of the mariner's compass, and they watched
the steersman night and day. Arrived at their isle,
they took from the vessel their effects, with their shar< i
of the skins only, and after a present to the mate for
courteous conduct under trying circumstances, they
sent the vessel on its way.
But, lest the murderous Kaiganies should rise too
high in reputation for honesty, it may be well to say
that in February 1842 tidings reached Fori Simpson
that an American schooner, visiting their place for
hunters for a California expedition, and being forced
by stress of weather to return to her anchorage after
having once departed, was pillaged, and the crew left
with little more than the bare ship to pursue fortune
as best they might.
Turning to the Fort Simpson journals, I find re-
606 FURTHER AFFAIRS IX GENERAL.
corded by Chief Factor Work, under date 21st Sep-
tember 1837, the information that he had received
" letters from Captain Bancroft dated 9th instant, and
a letter from Mr Pelly dated August 3d, stating that
the accompanying accounts between Captain Bancroft
and the company were forwarded. Captain Bancroft
states that he does not think he will return here, but
go direct to the Islands from California." Two years
pass, a long interval in the recording of a brief tragedy;
but these slow, steady traders were accustomed to wide
intervals of time and to far-reaching distances. The
15th of September 1839 Work writes: "Captain
McNeill's sister-in-law is among the Kaigany people
who arrived yesterday. She confirms the report we
have heard at different times, for some time past,
relative to Captain Bancroft being killed by some of
his hunters. By her account the Indians say that the
captain had become much addicted to drinking, that
he had only five white men on board, the rest of his
crew being all Sandwich Islanders; that he had his
wife, a Sandwich Island woman, on board, that lat-
terly he tyrannized greatly and was very harsh, not
only to his officers and men, but also to the Indians,
whom he not only scrimped in provisions when they
were unsuccessful in hunting, but gave them bad
powder with which they could not kill the otters."
The following April there came to Fort Simpson
the treacherous Kaiganies with their California skins
for sale. Then the cunningly conscientious British
men began to reason with themselves, wishing as usual
to reconcile with their pecuniary interests what they
thought to be wrong. The question was, Should the
honorable adventurers from England, with a baronet
for a London governor, and another baronet for an
American governor, with prayer and statute books,
with courts and clergy, and all the paraphernalia of
redemption, buy from the savages furs obtained by
means of mutiny and murder? Let us hear what the
ingenious chief factor says of it, writing in his ever
INCONVENIENT CONSCIENCE. 007
faithful journal, of the grammar of which we will say
nothing: " From the way these skins were come by,
1 regrei seeing them come here, and traded them wil Ii
reluctance. Bui what can we do if we don'i take
ilicin; not only them bul all the other furs the whole
tribe miglrl have would be taken to our opponents, the
Russians, nol only this year, but probably years to
come." Done into intelligible speech Work's prayer
that nighl would be, We know, ( ) < rod, that it is sin;
but really we cannot afford not to doit.
In the spring of 1838 another small house was
built at the falls of the Willamette, where in L827 Mc-
Loughlinhadbegun preparationsforerectinga saw-mill.
Again timber was squared and hauled to the place,
and again the building of the mill for various reasons
was deferred. Then in 1840 came Jason Lee, super-
intendent of the Methodist Mission in Oregon, and
asked a loan for the purpose of building a mission
house ;it the tails, of the timber McLoughlin had cut,
which request was granted; and after him other mis-
sionaries came and attempted to drive away McLough-
lin. all of which will bo fully narrated in my history
of Oregon, to which all doings of the permanent set-
tlers properly belong.8
" Only to glorify God, and to promote on earth the
interests of piety," if we may believe their constitu-
tion, was formed at Lynn, Massachusetts, in A.ugus1
1838, the Oregon Provisional Emigration Society.
For the \<vy small sum of three dollars a year,
this being the full sum any one member was to pay,
much credit was to be purchased in the after-life by
sending men and women to Oregon to convert the
natives and subdue the land. ( Jonsidering how quickly
the country was swept of its happy aborigines, and
how the messengers of glad tidings f< II to fighting
'1 account of these troubles may be found in McLougldW
Papers, Ms., 1st and 4th scries.
608 FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
each other for precedence, and the property raised by
old women's sewing-societies, and at the monthly con-
ference meetings, it would seem that these good
people might almost as well have kept their annual
three dollars.
Not every one who travels and writes a book belongs
to history. Thomas J. Farnham wrote two books, one
of travels and the other of unseasoned gushings,9 and
yet Farnham merits but little of our attention. His
chief virtue lies in the age in which he lived. Ten
years later, had he travelled thrice round the world,
seeing all that Bayard Taylor failed to see, and had
written twenty books, I should be obliged to pass
him by.
The eighteen armed and mounted Illinoisans, who,
following a flag on which was emblazoned "Oregon or
the Grave!"10 and followed by a covered baggage-
wagon, rode up before the Peoria court-house the 1st
of May 1839, and after bowing their heads a moment
passed on toward the western frontier, were neither
fur-traders, missionaries, nor professional Indian-fight-
ers. They were about to embark in a line of business
9 The first is entitled Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahvac
and Rocky Mountains, and in the Oregon Territory, published at Poughkeepsie
in 1841 ; the second work appears in two editions, one, Life and Adventures
in California, an octavo, New York, 1846, the other printed in Philadelphia in
12mo, 1800, a bookseller's trick, to meet the demand for new accounts of the
western coast, under the title of The Early Days of California. Besides these
a pictorial edition Svo was issued in New York in 1S57, and a pamphlet of 80
pages entitled History of Oregon Territory. It being a Demonstration of the
Title of the United Stectes of North America to the Same, accompanied by a Map.
New York, 1844. It is to be noticed that from Mexico is brought the time-
honored name of Anahuac, which is here given to the mountains between the
Arkansas and Colorado rivers northward. One thing shall be said of Farn-
ham in his first book, he speaks well of everybody, missionaries and settlers,
fur-hunters and sailors, Catholic and Protestant, English and American, an
exceedingly rare accomplishment in those disputatious days of early Oregon.
I will forgive him a day lost in the study of his worthless narrative for his
delightful parade of the good cpialities alone of mixed men. Descending to
the California volume the scene changes. All his wrath while north seems to
have been reserved that he might have the more to vent on the unhappy Cali-
fornians. McLoughlin, Private Papers, MS., 2d ser., 8, says that behind
Farnham were others waiting to come to Oregon if his report should prove
favorable.
10 The gift of Mrs Farnham, who accompanied them three days' journey ' to
give them encouragement.' Holmaii' s Peoria Party, MS., 4.
THOMAS J. PARNHAM. GOO
11 v. on the Northwest Coast, that of city-building.
Others had dreamed of a city at the mouth of the
Columbia, but here were the men to make one.
Whence was to come the money for erecting houses,
and paving streets: whence the people to fill the new
city; how should prospers town planted in a wilder-
with forests for plantations and savag< - for
money-changers, were matters for the future. First
build the city. And it should be built. Withhe
blessing all things were possible; and heaven's bless-
ing on a city to he reared immediately on the pine-
clad hank of the lower Columbia was asked beforehand
by the good man of the town; and now all to be dime
was to wait and see what heaven should do for these
fourteen armed and mounted city-builders. Should
heaven deign to hear their prayer, assuredly it would
be a cheap way of building a city, for this prayer and
that wagon-load of clothing and food was their entire
capital.
Well, to make the story short, after calling on
Joseph Smith at Quincy, and making an excursion
over the Santa Fe road from Independence to Bent
Fort, the Peoria company disbanded, whereat some
ten of them affirmed that they never intended to go to
Oregon at all, while the others, now only four in num-
ber, after wintering in the vicinity of Bear River went
northward the following spring, and by way of forts
Hall and Boise passed on to Wafla Walla. Aftervisiting
the missionaries thereabout, and the people of Willa-
mette Valley, early in December Farnham sailed in
the ship Vancouver, Captain Duncan, to Honolulu,
and thence proceeded by way of California and through
Mexico to tlie United States. Farnham's three com-
panions take up their abode in Oregon, but their me-
tropolis remains unbuilt to this day.11
"Farnham 'carried a huge blank-book buckled and b pped to bis back,
night lie wrote up his travels. ..His duties as captain wen
Party, Ms.. I. Joseph Eohnan, a member of the
party, 1" employed lii- time during the winter in making
saddle-trees ami new gunstocks for the Shoshones, recen ing bis pay in beaver-
IIist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. O'J
610 FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
Among the few exceptions to that great army of
trappers and traders who roamed the Rocky Moun-
tains and died leaving no sign, was James Bridger,
christened by the savages — if savages can christen —
the Blanket Chief. If it be of advantage to a dead
man having his name in living men's mouths, then
Bridger was more fortunate than his fellows, for one
of his paths across the mountains became known as
Bridger Pass, and one of his trading-posts was famous
in the days of the great emigrations as Bridger Fort.
We encounter Bridger several times in our re-
spective mountaineerings, first as trapper, guide, and
trader, then as discoverer of Great Salt Lake, and
then at the rendezvous in 1830, with Milton Sublette,
Fitzpatrick, Frapp, and Jervais, buying from Smith,
Sublette, and Jackson their interest in the Rocky
Mountain Fur Company. Trapping hither and thither
through forests and over mountains, among the head-
waters and affluents of the Yellowstone, Snake, Bear,
and Green rivers, now with a party of the North
American Company at their heels, spying their move-
ments and anticipating their plans, and now brought
face to face with a Hudson's Bay party, whereupon
each immediately begins to tamper with the hunters
of the other; then we find Bridger and his Rocky
Mountain party in 1836 attacked by eleven hundred
Blackfeet on the Yellowstone, where he had a tempo-
rary fort. After this he went to Green River again.
In 1836 he was at the Pierre Hole rendezvous, but
times were now so hard that an infatuated trapper
could not spend a thousand dollars a day on his women,
horses, and alcohol, chiefly for the reason that he did
not have it. Wintering on the Missouri in 1837, Bridger
was at the Wind River rendezvous. In 1837-8 he win-
tered on Powder River, and in the spring of the next
year led his men through the Yellowstone country
skins. He tells his story in a clear concise narrative, taken for me by S. A.
Clarke of Salem, for which, together with many other favors, I still remain
his debtor.
SIR EDWARD BELCHER. Oil
to the rendezvous near the Yellowstone Lake. This
summer the American company held its last rendez-
vous in tlic Rocky Mountains ;it Bonneville's old Port
on Green River. There were too few beavers for so
stroii-- competition.
Bridger now began to think of locating himself
more permanently ;it some one of his many tempo-
rary forts or camping-grounds. Now that game was
so scarce he could do better by thus establishing him-
self and let the trappers come to him, thai] by lead-
in-- parties from place to place and supplying their
necessities at their several hunting-camps. The spot
finally chosen was on the Black branch of ( rreen I liver,
one hundred miles directly south of Fort Bonneville.
There Bryant found him in company with Vasquez, in
July 1846.12
During his voyage of maritime discovery in the
ship Sulphur, 1836-42, Edward Belcher explored the
Pacific, visited the Russian American establishments
in 1837, touched at Nootka, and then set sail for San
Francisco Bay. In 1839 he was again at Sitka, and
thence proceeded to the mouth of the Columbia, where
he found Lieutenant Kellett, with the Starling of the
same expedition, who was then surveying the mouth
of the river, and who having descried Belcher's ap-
proach had stood out to meet him. In entering the river
the Starling lost her rudder, and was obliged to pro-
ceed to Fort Vancouver for repairs. At the dilapi-
'-' Fort Bridger, as it is called, is a small trading-fort, established, and now
occupied by Bridger and Vasquez. The buildings are two or three miserable
Log-cabins, rudely constructed, and bearing but a fainl res< mblance to babita-
Bryant's What I Saw in California, 142; Pet ' R ! ( r . . 127
31; Victor's Riverofthe 11 R hiti 's Or., 1 13; / h '. Or., MS.,
342 3. Colonel Dodge with 117 men madi an m during the
mer of 1835 from Fori Leavenworth up the South Platte to Pi i Peak, and
on the Arkansas. U. S. & . -,''// Cong., 1st S< .; I
Papers, Military Affairs, newed., vi 130 J'i. V X. M ittl , Ln Ins Refu-
gee, Trapper, and Settler, a manuscript dictated before to me my stem
raphei . u1 narrative of y ha1 I thai
its occurring in the Rockj Mountain region in 1820-40, events
as mazy as the mountain! I and utterly imj
continuous thi
612 FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
dated port of Astoria they had found Mr Birnie ready
to render them every assistance.
Sir Edward speaks in condescending terms of the
establishment on the Columbia, and compares it flat-
teringly with Russian American head-quarters ; but he
expresses his surprise that pilots are not kept in wait-
ing to guide vessels in, and breaks forth into disgust
when informed that the fort had not cattle for his
crew, although plenty of good beef was placed before
the commander. This he was sorry he had eaten
when afterward he was shown over the premises, and
saw plenty for his men which had been denied him.13
As usual Gray is hard to please. If Americans
were snubbed at Fort Vancouver, it was because they
were Americans; if an Englishman received cool treat-
ment, it was part of the duplicity of that company in
their effort to deceive their own countrymen as to
the value of the country over which they had ruled
so long. Such inferences are no less childish than
false.
All things being equal, British subjects prefer that
their farming interests should be within British ter-
ritory. Hence after the opinion became current that
the Columbia River would eventually be the dividing
line between the lands of the two nations, though the
attractions were in some respects inferior to those
offered by the Willamette plains, attention was di-
rected to the lands lying between the Columbia and
Puget Sound.
Simon Plomondeau14 had been sixteen years in the
service of the Hudson's Bay Company. He was then
advised by McLoughlin to go to the lower end of
Cowlitz prairie and become a farmer. McLoughlin
13 Belcher's Voy., i. 92-114, 276-311. ' The advent of Sir E. Belcher and
Kellett with the surveying ships, the Sulphur and Starling, ostensibly to sur-
vey the river and cross the sound, that is Sitka, was probably to protect the
company and to overawe the Russians. Belcher thought he was slighted, but
I think Douglas was only carrying out his orders.' Roberts'1 Rec, MS., 8.
14 Plomondeau could neither read nor write; he did not even keep the run
of time, and could not tell the j^ear in which he made his most important
movement. P. S. Co, Ev., H. B. Co. Claims, 11-15.
THE COWLITZ FAEM. 813
loaned him animals, gave him permission to take up
land, and ordered the natives nottomolesl him. This
was in L837. Plomondeau went, and with him Fain-
cant, who planted himself there at the same time. Two
years afterward, Douglas, Work, and Ross proceeded
to the prairies, measured off about lour thousand acn
beginning at the river bank, and made a map of the
tra.-t. Hah* was wooded, and half open. This map
ited the company greatly in establishing its claims
before the joint commission. The year following,
the Jesuits, Blanchet and Demers, settled on the 1
between Plomondeau and the Puget^ Sound Com-
pany's claim. Large portions of this plain were
gravelly; some were sandy; these were pronounced
tit only for grazing. About one fourth of the land
was suitable for cultivation.
The company's farm was opened immediately after
the survey; many people were employed there, and the
quantity of land under cultivation was increased from
year to year, until in 1846 there were 1,500 acres fenced
and under cultivation, 11 barns, and in the vicii
1,000 cattle, 200 horses, 100 swine, and 2,000 sheep.15
A saw-mill was erected, which was burned before it was
finished. The English continued to occupy these lands
until 1853-4, at which time there was quite a rush of
American settlers, and the English were so encroached
upon that they made no further attempts at farming.
For not only did the settlers take the ground, bui
fence-rails and improvements as well; and acting in
imi- - understood among them that any inter-
ference on the part of the British company should
be resisted by force; for which purpose th,
guns and pistols when ploughing, planting, and fenc
In charge of the Cowlitz farm for the British com-
pany, in 1845, was Charles Forrest, who was suc-
ded in L8 17 by Ge »rge B. Roberts, and he by II.
X. P 4 William Sinclair. Soon after 185 L the
15 The horses were Indian and half-breeds woi I
tolerably good, and worth four dollars each.
614 FURTHER AFFAIRS IX GENERAL.
settlers before mentioned appeared, claiming under the
donation law. E. L. Finch and J. H. Pierson came
first, and after them William Lemon, George Hol-
sapple, and Jackson Barton. Those were the first16
to settle upon the British company's lands, and when
ordered off by Peers, then the British agent in charge,
they refused to go.
But little farming was done on Puget Sound prior
to 1839, after which time Fort Nisqually became the
principal depot for curing meat and loading vessels for
the Russian American posts. The lands of the Cow-
litz farm and round Fort Nisqually being better suited
to pastoral purposes than to cultivation, comparatively
little grain was raised there.17
As the commercial and agricultural interests of the
Hudson's Bay Company developed, there were those
among the old fur-trading members who thought that
at the least farming, which was so diametrically opposed
to fur-cultivating, should be abolished. At all events
they said the two adventures need not be united;
segregate them, and let those engage in either who
would.
This advice was duly acted upon, and led in 1838 to
the organization of the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company, which in the settling of the northern bank
of the lower Columbia, was second only in historical
importance to the Hudson's Bay Company.
Indeed the latter association, though totally distinct
from the former, was but an offshoot from it. The
shares were held almost exclusively by stockholders
of the Hudson's Bay Company ; its officers were chosen
16 About the same time came James Galloway* Lemuel Whittaker, and
James Morgan, each claiming 160 acres, and J. B. Brouchard 640 acres. P.
S. Co. Ev., H. B. Co. Claims, 32.
17 Still the amount was not inconsiderable, if we may believe Wilkes, who
writing in 1841 says, Nar. U. 8. Explor. Ex., iv. 328: 'In connection with the
company's establishment at Nisqually they have a large dairy, several hun-
dred head of cattle, and among them seventy milch cows, which yield a large
supply of butter and cheese; they have also large crops of wheat, pease, and
oats, and were preparing the ground for potatoes. '
WILLIAM FRASEB TOLMIE. 615
from the officers of thai corporation; and its rights were
recognized by the boundary treaty of I
It was in 1837 that the subjecl seriously presented
itself al Fori Vancouver. The formation of I
Willamette Cattle Company by United States
tiers, and the encouragemenl afforded thai association
by Slacum, the secrel agenl of the United States,
stimulated this movement. Surely the British had
need of cattle as much as the Americans; they could
handle them better, and more readily find a market
for them. Further than this, if not, indeed, firsl of
all, by laying claim to and stocking large tracts of
land, by extensive building, fencing, and planting,
they might show a footing in the country which would
iallv assist England in the coming partition.
Two purposes were served in making this company
distinct from that of the old adventurers of Eng-
land trading into Hudson's Bay. First, the prol
if any, would not be subject to such small subdivi-
sions; and secondly, there might be some in the
company who thought that the original fur business
should "be more strictly adhered to, and who did not
eare to engage in stock-raising and agriculture.
Therefore a prospectus was issued, signed by ^ .
F. Tolmie,18 Forbes Barclay, and George B. Roberts,
15 William Fraser Tolmie was born at Inverness, Scotland, educated at
Glasgow, botany being his special predilection. He entered the Eudson's Bay
bysician in 1832, and arriv i
Eorn from London in the spring of I
McLoughlin at Milbank Sound the following sumn
nt to one cf tlie party Tolmie was detained al
cjually until November, when with the partj I to Milbank Sound.
The year following lie was appointed surgeon to the expedition Bent under
■ tablish a post on the Stikeen River, which expedition failing he
the removal of Fort Simpson. During the summer of 1834 he acted
as Indian trader, and in the autumn took his place as Burgeon at Milbank
emained until February 1836. Hark al Fort Vai
■ for medical a U Lee as well as for suppl
both doctor and trader. Obtaining in 1840 a year's r< piti from medic, 1
• time travelling over the Willamette plains and else<
• and dairy farms, and procuring wheat for I
• natives to engage in useful pursuits, >thatm ayofthem
me good boatmen, ploughmen, and herdsmen. A \ md in
I>11 involved a journey up the Columbia, the accountant in charge of the
| year bein .Mian who afterward B< -tiled at
- ich traveller being
GIG FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
setting forth the plan. The country between the
head- waters of the Cowlitz and Puget Sound, it said,
was specially adapted for producing wool, hides, and
tallow. It then proposed organization under the
auspices of the Hudson's Bay Company, the capital
stock to be £200,000 in £100 shares. Until the
Oregon title should be denned, directors resident in
London should have primary control, and such direc-
tors should be John Henry Pelly, Andrew Colville,
and George Simpson. Stockholders' meetings should
be held in London every December, beginning in 1840.
The Puget Sound Company should purchase of the
Hudson's Bay Company all their sheep, horses, cat-
tle, and implements of husbandry in the districts of
their future operations, thus separating in a great
measure fur-trading and farming in these parts. The
three London directors were to appoint local managers
and agents, but always so that the Puget Sound Com-
pany should invariably be under officers of the Hud-
son's Bay Company; nor should the Puget Sound
loaded with a pack. After his return from Europe by way of Cape Horn
in 1843, Tolmie continued attending to the wheat business for the company.
During his absence abroad he had studied Spanish with the view of taking
charge^ of the post at Yerba Buena; in place of which, however,^ he was
now given the superintendency of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company
at Nisqually. There he remained until 1S59, when he moved to Victoria,
and was placed upon the board of management of Hudson's Bay Company
affairs, still retaining the superintendency of the Puget Sound Company. At
the request of his associates in 1860 Tolmie became a member of the house
of legislative assembly, which position he occupied for five years. His
most important work during that term was the abolition of the free-port
system. In person Tolmie was rather below medium height, broad-shoul-
dered and stout, with a large round head partially bald, high forehead, coarse
features, round deep-set eyes glittering from under shaggy brows, large round
ruby nose; in intellect shrewd rather than lofty; in temper hot and unfor-
giving; and yet a man warm in his friendships, devoted to his family, honest
in his dealings, a good Christian barring occasional oaths, and a patriotic
citizen, especially where patriotism was profitable. To the literature of the
coast, and to my library, Tolmie has contributed two manuscript volumes; one
a copy of the journal kept at Nisqually House, Fort McLoughlin, and Fort
Vancouver in 1833-6, and the other a History of Puget Sound and the North-
west Coast. The first contains comparatively little valuable information,
though composed of many words; the other is in answer to direct questions,
written for the most part by Mrs Bancroft and myself during our visit to
Victoria in 1S7S. We found Tolmie rather a difficult subject. He could
have told more than he did, and would have done so but for his diplomatic
instincts, and dislike to full, free, straightforward statements. Nevertheless,
for what he did give us, which is most valuable, let us be duly thankful.
THE PUGET SOUND COMPANY. 617
Company be allowed to deal in furs. As regarded
the engaging and restriction of agents and servants,
and all unspecified conditions, the regulations of the
Hudson's Bay Company were to 1"' taken as a model.
Should Greal Britain finally become possessed of the
sovereignty of the lands occupied by the Pugel Sound
Company, application should then be made for an ad
of incorporation. Meanwhile a deed of settlement
w;ls to b d by the London agency, defining
the duties of officers and rules of management.
The originators presented their scheme, the condi-
tions of which were in the main adopted, though the
members of the company were destined to remain only
copartners on the joint-stock principle, and ne,
the dignity of an incorporated body.
By virtue of their position as chief factors directing
the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company on the
Northwest Coast, John McLoughlin was first manager
of the Puget Sound Company, and James Douglas
the s< scon< L, receiving therefor in addition to their salary
and interest in the Hudson's Bay Company a i'urth. r
consideration of $2,500 per annum.
John McLoughlin was in London in 1838-0, and ho
Brought the matter before the Hudson's Bay direct. >rs,
and a general plan was determined upon, and thus
it was That the Cowlitz farm and all the agricultural
and grazing lands together with the live-stock and
implements at first the property of the Hudson's I
Company, were about 1840 transferred to the Pu
Sound Company, which later secured for themselves
an establishment at Esquimalt, on Vancouver Esland.
In 1841 Tolmie went to England, and mad.' further
arrangements for the fuller carrying out of the pin-
poses" of the Puget Sound Company on the North-
west Coast. 1a- permission of the Mexican goverment
sheep \ shased in California, some of which
were brought up by land and some I I Corned-
5,000 in all; 3.000 of which were driven upoverland through
I -cut by Baiting-vessel, lint from what Tolmie told
think the number exagg<
G1S FURTHER AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.
cattle were likewise obtained in California; and pigs,
and improved breeds of sheep, Leicester, Southdown,
and Cheviot, from England, to cross with the coarser
breeds from California. Old servants of the Hudson's
Bay Company were encouraged to take shares and
assist the new company, and skilled farmers and
shepherds were brought from England and Canada.
In July 1859 Tolmie removed to Victoria, leaving
in charge of affairs at Nisqually Edward Huggings,
who thereafter conducted the affairs of the Puget
Sound Company until its abandonment of Nisqually,
when he became an American citizen, recorded the
land on which Fort Nisqually stood as a donation
claim, and purchased from the company such of its
trading goods and live-stock as he required. During
this same year, James Douglas severed his connection
with the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound companies,
when the remnant of the affairs of the Puget Sound
Company were removed to Victoria and placed in
charge of Tolmie, who acted in this instance without
salary.
The Puget Sound Company did not prove profitable
to its shareholders. Of the two thousand shares com-
posing its stock, six hundred and forty were never
sold, and on the other shares not more than ten per
cent was ever paid in.20 Yet the little that was paid
proved almost a total loss to the holders.21 From their
211 When Wilkes, Nar. U. 8. Explor. Ex., iv., 329, says that ' the capital of
the Puget Sound Company is £500,000, divided into shares of £100 each; only
£200,000 of this has been paid,' either he or the officers of the company are
greatly in error.
21 ' Two shares according to my status in the service were allotted to me,
which I disposed of six years ago, realizing little more than the capital with-
out interest. There were, I think, only three small dividends paid. I have
no doubt theirs was a political object in starting the company, with an eye
to the future; that is they could urge they had farms, fisheries, etc., all over
the country, and the virtual possession. Had the company taken Whidbey
Island instead of Cowlitz farm it would have been much more to their inter-
est, and at the treaty carried over that island. Douglas himself remarked
this to me.' Roberts' Bee, MS., 9. My chief authorities on the affairs of the
Puget Sound Agricultural Company are: Tolmie's Puget Sound, MS., pas-
sim; Finlayson's V. I., MS., passim; Evidence before the /Iritis// ami American
Joint Commission, passim; House. Commons Sept., 1857, 294-G; Oregon Argus,
March 8, 1862; McLeod's Peace River, 109; Fitzgerald's V. I., 259; Martin's
RODERICK ETNLAYSON. 019
i xperience and greai advantages one would think
should have made money. Bui they did Dot.
true that several annual dividends of from five
to ten per cenl on the amount paid in were made, but
there was little profit in this. The time was unpro-
pitious. They had no title to their lands, and soon in-
dividuals began to appropriate them. Their men, hired
ai from one to three hundred a, year, could do much
better in Oregon, where liner lands which they could
] I I lor their wives and children were giveu them
upon the simple condition that they should live on
and improve them. The natives broke out in open
war, alter which, between them and the settler.-, six
thousand head of the company's stock were found to
have been destroyed. In order the better to sustain
their claim against the United States they contin-
ued their business at an actual loss for several years.
Finally, when in 18G7, after losses and long delay.-, the
claims of the Puget Sound and Hudson's Bay
panies were determined and paid by the United States,
the shareholders were scattered, some of them dead,
and the little dividend was not of much benefit to anv
When Roderick Finlayson arrived at Fort Van-
couver in the autumn of 1839 as clerk in the com-
- service, lie was an ardent, aspiring youth,
brimful of energy and honesty, but with more enthusi-
than experience.
Shortly alter his arrival he was placed in charge of
the new grist-mill five miles above the fort, with
thirty-two men under him. It was part of his duty
to render at the fort a weekly account of operations
irday night. On one occasion, when things
had gone wrong at the mill, and ho was exceedingly
anxious to clear up satisfactorily the week's work be-
H. B., 147-8; II C. Colonist, Dec. 26, 1868; March 29, 1871; R
Sept. 18, 1879; <
Nar. U.S. J... ' r. E. .. Lv. :>J7-30.
620 FURTHER AFFAIRS IX GENERAL.
fore handing in his report, he arrived at the fort in a
heavy winter's rain, and greatly fatigued, for he had
walked all the way, and was so late that he was obliged
to hail the watchman to let him in at the gate. This
was wholly contrary to rule. The sharp ear of Mc-
Loughlin caught the summons, and ordering the de-
linquent into his august presence, he rated him soundly
for his tardiness. "We shall have to teach you young
gentlemen from the east discipline," he continued.
Finlayson then explained to him the combination of
circumstances which had detained him. "And after
my work was done, I had to walk five miles sir," stam-
mered the clerk. "Yes, yes, I know all about that,"
replied the governor. But when the sovereign saw
the shivering youth, cold, wet, and hungry, and whose
greatest crime was zeal in the performance of duty, the
old man's heart relented ; he spoke kindly to the zeal-
ous clerk, and turning to Douglas remarked: "You
had better let him have a horse." Finlayson bowed
his thanks and walked away. "A horse," cried out
the doctor after him, "a horse, but mind you, no sad-
dle; you must furnish your own saddle."
The next Monday Finlayson selected a spirited
horse, and bought himself a good saddle and bridle,
with Mexican spurs and gay trappings. Thus sud-
denly transformed to a dashing cavalier, the young
man's head became a little flighty; and when return-
ing early the following Saturday in high spirits and
with his accounts all in perfect order, so great was
his good opinion of himself that on arriving at the
fort, and seeing the gate open, he reined his prancing
steed within the palisade that others might behold
and admire his horsemanship.
While thus engaged, suddenly there fell upon his
ear stentorian sounds :
"Who the devil is that daring to break the rules
of the establishment by coming into the square in
that fashion?"
Radiant in his achievement, and cap in hand, the
FINLAYSON ON McLOUGHLIN. 621
young man pulled up before the governor and an-
nounced himself. He was immediately ordered to
dismount. Then after a severe lecture his horse was
taken from him, and throughout the remainder of that
winter he was obliged to wade through the mud
between the mill and the fort as a warning to others.
After telling me this story of himself, his fine face
the meanwhile overflowing with good-humor, Fin-
layson exclaims: "I cannot but express my utmost
admiration of his character."
CHAPTER XXVIII.
FOUNDING- OF THE NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
1S31-1835.
Treaty of St Petersburg — Building of the first Fort Simpson —
North Coast Commerce — Policy of the Company in regard to Oppo-
sition— Foundingof Fort McLoughlin — Indian Disturbances— Fort
McLoughlin Removed to Fort Rupert — Expedition to Stikeen —
The Russians Interpose Forcible Objections — Abandonment of the
first Fort Simpson — Founding of the second Fort Simpson— Port
Essington — Fort Mumford — Fort Glenora.
By convention between Russia and Great Britain,
signed at St Petersburg the 28th of February 1825,
it was agreed that the subjects of both governments
might navigate the Pacific at pleasure, and trade with
the natives of any shore not already occupied by
Europeans. Wherever there was a Russian post
Englishmen should not land except for shelter or
repairs, without permission of the governor, and vice
versa. The southern end of Prince of Wales Island
in latitude 54° 40' should be the southern limit of
Russian American seaboard; and the boundary line
should run thence easterly to Portland Canal, along
whose channel it should proceed northerly until it
struck the continent,1 when it should ascend to the
summit of the Coast Range, and should follow said
summit parallel to the coast as far as longitude 141°,
which line it should follow to the Arctic Ocean. It
was further stipulated that Prince of Wales Island
should belong wholly to Russia, and that wherever
the summit of the mountains from the 56th parallel
1 The treaty says in latitude 56°, but the channel does not extend so far.
(622)
NORTHERN POSTS. 623
to longitude 141° should be distant from the ocean
more than ten marine leagues, the dividing line should
curve with the curvature of the shore, so that the shore-
strip should nowhere be more than ten leagues wide.
British vessels might frequent for purposes of trade,
except in spirituous liquors and arms and ammunition,
all the inland seas, gulfs, and creeks of this shore-
strip, including the port of Sitka, for ten years, and
all streams running through this strip should be open
to British navigation forever.
Feit Langley had been planted at Fraser River, as
we have seen; but along the seaboard beyond, up to
this time, the Hudson's Bay Company had not carried
their trading operations, but had left that traffic to cer-
tain Indian" merchants who made a business of going
from place to place in boats gathering the periodical
harvests.
McLoughlin now determined to enter and occupy
that field, which policy was begun by sending Peter
Skeen Ogden and Donald Manson with a party of
men to the mouth of the river Nass, where in 1831
was built the first Fort Simpson, another establish-
ment of that name being founded later, as we shall
see.2
For successfully to compete along the coast with
Boston traders, the Hudson's Bay Company required
permanent posts, with fast sailing schooners to ply
between them. Then, whenever information of the
presence of an American trader in its vicinity reached
any one of these posts, there might be despatched to
the place a loaded vessel, and arms, liquors, and other
articles offered the natives at lower prices, less, in-
deed, than cost in London or Boston if by that means
opposition might be crushed out. We have seen one
of these vessels, the Vaaconrcr, already built at Fort
Vancouver in 1829. Lieutenant Simpson of the B< >ya 1
Navy was superintending the 1 aiilding of another when
he died at the first Fort Simpson in 1831. Ship-
2 Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS., 9, 10, 70-7.
624 NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
building, however, was not the fur-hunter's forte. As
a rule, the company found that they could buy better
and cheaper vessels than they could build.3
A small force sufficed to begin the great work of
occupying this new six hundred miles of shore limit,
six hundred miles as the ship sails, but as the sea
beats upon it, with all the straits, inlets, and bays of
mainland and islands, six thousand miles or more.
Early in the season the party sailed along up the
coast, passed through Portland Inlet, and entered
Nass Harbor. After an examination of the sur-
rounding country the vessel proceeded up the Nass
River some six miles, and there upon the northern
bank landed her supplies. A stockade and buildings
were begun, and indeed carried forward so far as to
leave a mark for many years thereafter; but the spot
3 Roberts' Sec., MS., 7. This policy, which continued for many years, in
fact up to the time of the gold-discovery and settlement of the country, was
even more firmly fixed in the minds of the managers, as may be seen by the
following instructions from the London office to the officer in charge of the
Northwest Coast: ' We have given an attentive consideration to your obser-
vations upon the affairs of the country to the west of the Rocky Mountains
generally, and have had several conversations with Mr Ch. F. Finlayson who
seems to take a comprehensive and sound view of the trade of that country.
We think by proper arrangements it may be made to produce very considerable
profits, and we think it good policy not to exercise too close economy in
guarding both the coast and interior trade from opposition. ' With this view
we send out the steam-vessel, and we think that she and two sailing-vessels
should be kept employed upon the coast (unless experience should prove that
one sailing-vessel with the steam-boat is sufficient), for the purpose of carry-
ing on the trade and watching any opposition which may arrive on the
coast. We do not think under present circumstances, that any new access
from the sea-coast to New Caledonia would be of any material advantage to
our trade, which is supplied by the present route at a moderate cost, and it
would be safer from opposition, and be less likely to excite any feeling on the
part of the Russian company, than if you endeavored to intercept the trade
of furs from the interior to their ten leagues of country on the coast, by
extending your posts from the interior rather than by establishments supplied
from the coast. The steam-vessel may enable the gentleman who may be in
charge of the district to examine accurately the different inlets on the coast,
and we trust will also enable him to obtain a trade along the coast to the
northward, and in time they may be able to connect the two points of the
coast reached by captains Beechy and Sir John Franklin. It appears that Mi-
French, an American at the Sandwich Islands, carries on intercourse with the
Russian Company, and has a contract with them for the supply of certain
articles; and that he combines with this a fur-trade along the coast, on the
return of the ship to the Sandwich Islands. It would be of importance, if it
can be accomplished, without loss, to interrupt this intercourse by offering to
supply the Russians on better terms. And an extension of your cultivation
might enable you to do this. '
FOir. \ AND McLOUGHLEST. 623
was not well chosen. It was not ac Tl wa i
too far north, and too far inland. Some other point
nearer the open ocean would be better, would com-
mand a much wider area of both sea and land. J [ence
before the post was fairly finished it was determined
to move it.
The next post north of Langley established by the
Hudson's Bay Company on the Northwest ('oast
after the beginning of the first Fort Simpson at
Harborwas placed on Milbank Sound and called I
McLoughlin.
Under Duncan Finlayson,4 assisted by Daniel
son5 and A. C. Anderson, in the brig Dryad, Captain
Kipling, in the spring of 1833 the expedition, consist-
ing of forty landsmen, set sail from Fort Vancouver.6
Of the party was John Dunn,7 who acted as interpreter
and Indian manager.
After some delay in crossing the bar of the Colum-
bia, the Dryad proceeded to the river Nass, and after
taking from the first Fort Simpson certain supplies
dropped down to Milbank Sound, where the party
was joined by Captain McNeill in his ship Llama.
Reconnoitring finished, under protection of the s1
guns, and assisted by the crews of both vessels, the
4 Chief factor and uncle of Roderick Finlayson; came to Fort Vancouver
in 1831, bad no special post assigned him, but by his experience and
judgment he contributed greatly to thesucci
west Coast, where he remained until 1837. in 1840b
B : Anderson's \ t, 17. 22; Martin's II. B., 125.
5Manson entered the service of the Hudson's Bay C impany in 181
several years on the Saskatchewan; in 1827 was wit li ( !hi< E factor Blai '.
River; after w] time on the < lolnmbia b<
Still later he 'was ] laced in charg of th
Caled i from the service he settled at I a:
Anderson's Northwest Coast, MS
6 Finlayson, Hist. V. /., MS., 8,
Qg of Fort McLoughlin 1 or is much mi
that Martin, //. /.'., -Js. shoul 1
found it in 1837. P Eorgive him the < orofdate,i
it from Sir < re
7 Authorof //;>■/, try ofth Oregon Territory, a book not remarkable I
sense or truthfulness.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 40
626 NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
work of fort-building began in June, and was com-
pleted for safe occupation by October.8
The square enclosed in pickets eighteen feet long
and two feet in circumference, mortised into a square
log sunk into the earth, was one hundred and twenty
feet on each side. Inside the pickets ran a gallery,
and in each of the two bastions were mounted four
nine-pounders, with small-arms and ammunition. The
usual buildings were erected within. Watch was kept
night and day, for the savages here were dangerous.
"Several years previous an American vessel visiting
Milbank Sound was attacked by the Bellacoolas, and
the captain and part of the crew were killed. The deed
was done about 9 o'clock in the morning, while most
of the crew were aloft airing the wet sails. Round
the ship a fleet of canoes displayed quantities of tempt-
ing furs. With culpable carelessness the savages
were admitted on deck armed. Having stationed
themselves to suit their purpose, the chief, Tyeet,
calling the captain to the gangway to look at the furs,
drew his knife, plunged it into his side, and pitched
the body overboard, where it was cut in pieces with
paddles. This was the signal for a general attack.
The crew fought for their lives, and at last cleared
the deck and slipped out to sea.9
The Llama was the first to sail, and afterward the
Dryad, Finlayson returning to Fort Vancouver in the
latter vessel, leaving Manson in charge.
Up to this time, inspired by wholesome fear, the
natives had behaved well enough, and seemed to en-
tertain no thought of treachery. It happened one
day, however, not long after the departure of the
Dryad, that a man was missing, Richard by name,
8 Sir George Simpson says the site must originally have been uneven and
rugged rock, which by blasting, levelling, and gravelling was made suitable
fortress, and, when garrisoned by twenty men, might safely defy all
the natives on the coast.
9 Dunn. Or. Ter., 259-61, with exceeding bad taste seems partly to accept
the excuse of Tyeet, who said it was not so much pillage that prompted the
massacre, as that the Americans were mean, unprincipled men, so different
from the English, etc., ad nauseam.
INDIAN ATTACK. G27
fterward ascertained had deserted the
fori for the superior allurements of savagism. A
chief, Tyeet himself, was seized and held as hostage
until the backslider should be returned to them.
The days passed by. It was deemed imprudenl to
stir far from the fort; but on a Sunday, when primeval
stillness pervaded the forest, and not a human being
was in sight save a solitary Indian seated by a fire on
tin- opposite bank of the bay, evening came quietly
on, and the men asked and obtained permission to go
for water. Anderson did not approve of the meas-
ure; to one acquainted with the Indian character such
tranquillity was in itself suspicious; but instead of ex-
postulating with Manson ho belted on his pistols and
accompanied the men. thinking to assist them if at-
tacked. He had not long to wait, for just as the men
had reached the water, and were stooping down to till
their vessels, suddenlyfrom behind every bush sprang
a black-painted warrior,and all with simultaneous yells
rushed for the open gate. Close behind and mingling
with them were Anderson and his men. Tyeet, seeing
it all, was wild with excitement.
" Bind your prisoner!" shouted Anderson to T
guard. And to the men in the bastion, "Fire your
guns!"
Both orders were obeyed. The savages were thrown
into confusion, and after several of them were killed,
the fort was cleared of the assailants. When An-
,i and his companions had regained entrance
they found one of their number wounded, while one
was missing. The watch was doubled, and ;ill put in
order for the besl defence. About ten o'clock from
out the darkness came a voice. "Mr Manson! Mr
sonl"
It was the voice of the missing man.
Iio are you I" was the reply.
"I'm Gre'goire," he cried, "bound in a cano !
unless Tyeet is safe these devils say 1 am to be sacri-
ficed."
G2S NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
Tyeet was summoned to a bastion and made to tell
this people that he was well, and that they should
come the following morning and bring their prisoner.
It was done, and the exchange made. It was subse-
quently ascertained that Richard was stoned to death
1 >y some Indian boys, which operation was more de-
lightful to the savage urchins than to the new con-
vert to sylvan seductions.
It was the custom of the company, as I have before
remarked, when one of its officers had experienced
trouble with the natives of one locality, to remove
him to another post, that he might not remain a mark
of offence to the much-tempted children of the forest ;
hence shortly after the Indian disturbance in which
he had slain at least one savage, Anderson was sent
back to the Columbia.
In November 1833 W. F. Tolmie left Nisqually
for Fort McLoughlin, where he took the place of
Anderson, remaining until May 183-4.10
Manson remained in charge of this post until the
autumn of 1839, when he was succeeded by Charles
Ross.11 Milbank Sound was not long afterward aban-
doned, Fort McLouo-hlm being removed to the north-
10 It is well nigh heart-rending to see the firesof struggling genius smothered
by the very vastness of the surrounding vacuum ; to see ideas dissipated,
melting into nothingness by reason of the rarity and illimitableness of their
mental atmosphere. Tolmie's Journal, kept at Nisqually House in 1833, at
Fort McLoughlin in 1S34-5, and at Fort Vancouver in 1836, is an exampl ■.
Educated only through the medium of books, the mind cut and trimmed by
the conventionalities of old societies, when thrown upon its own resources
and left alone with nature it had nothing to think of, nothing to say. Hence
this shrewd young Scotch medical man, instead of telling us something of
himself, the strange new country he is in, the peojxle, white and copper
skinned, their aims, failures, and destinies, sighs over what he did this day a
year ago in Scotland. Then he goes on with scores of pages of nothings,
covering months of non-existence, until the reader wonders afresh how it were
possible for so wise a man to write so much and say so little. No small por-
tion of the writer's time was now spent in reading such books as Paley, Dwight,
and Guthrie, upon which he piously discourses, and with much learning for
so young a man. What a pity that as we grow old we must know less and
do worse. A good young man is the most beautiful sight in nature — except
two good young men. But none like Tolmie at Nisqually can be found in all
the noble army of north-west traffickers. Then, too, how interesting disserta-
tions on theology and history make the otherwise insipid journal of the young
and ardent fur-trading doctor.
11 Appointed to superintend Fort Victoria in 1843, Charles Ross died
shortly afterward, and was succeeded at Victoria by Roderick Finlayson.
RUSSIAN AMERICA. 0:29
em end of Vancouver Island and rechristened Fort
Rupert."
Notwithstanding by the treaty of L825 il had been
agreed between the Russian and British governmi
thai British traders should have the righi forever to
freerj navigate all rivers crossing the Russian shore-
strip; yet when in L834 an expedition was fitted out
at Fort Vancouver to establish a trading-posl on the
Stikeen River, above Russian territory, and s<
forty or fiftymiles from any Russian post, the British
found a Russian block-house erected at the mouth of
the river, and a Russian corvette13 the Tally-ho and
two fourteen-oared gun-boats stationed there for-
bidding entrance. The Russian American governor,
Baron Wrangel, had heard of it, and was read\
them.
The mission was important. Hence the expedition
comprised all the men and machinery necessary
building and equipping a station of sufficienl strei ;
to protect itself nearly a thousand miles from the
source of supply, not only from savages but from
rivals. Many of our old friends we find comp<
the company, which had for their conveyance the bark
Dryad. Peter Skeen Ogden was in command, and
was ably assisted by A. C. Anderson, George B.
Roberts, and W. F. Tolmie, the latter acting as i ur-
geon as well as trader.
If tlic armed vessel which opposed their entrance
to the river was not enough, other obstacles would
have prevented the accomplishment of their des
It is extremely doubtful if they could have passed the
ten-league Russian shore-strip on the Stikeen Ri
! themselves and their supplies thro
sian and into British territory. Then the natives,
- could scarcely have remained there through the winter, for we
findFinlays a, V. I., MS., G 8, touching there in the steamer Beaver in the
rids 'marks of that fort still rema
IS., 11, Bays •
;thorities limit themselves to oue.
G30 NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
the Stikeens proper, inhabiting the coast, were ex-
tremely jealous of their trade with the interior tribes,
and would not tamely see the white men spoil their
commerce.
However stood the right of the matter, the facts
are these. Passing up Clarence Strait the Dryad
turned into the channel between Zarembo and Etho-
line islands, and on the 18th of June 1834 came to
anchor seven miles off Point Highfield, near the
northern end of Wrangel Island, and a little south
of the entrance to the Stikeen River. From the
ship's deck was plainly visible the Redoubt St Dio-
nysius, begun by the Russians in 1832, a few hundred
yards from the spot where later Fort Wrangel was
erected by the United States government. To the
eyes of the English this fortress presented itself a
shapeless mass of logs and planks.14 The truth is,
that there was then on the grassy point a large block-
house in course of construction, and a saw-pit where
eight or ten men were at work.
Scarcely was the anchor cast when was seen ap-
proaching from the shore a long whale-boat, with four
oars, and a swivel in the bow. The officer in charge,
who was little more than a boy in y ears, soon reached
the deck of the Dryad, and presented Ogden a large
paper, which proved to be a proclamation issued by
Governor Wrangel prohibiting English and American
vessels from trading in Clarence Strait.
'•We have no intention of trading in Clarence
Strait," said Ogden.
The young man who was unable to understand or
speak a word of English, French, or Spanish modestly
retired. But as he was leaving the vessel Ogden mo-
14 The Redoubt St Dionysius was built upon some rocks which formed a
small peninsula, and which at high-tide was an island. The Hudson's Bay
Company subsequently occupied the Russian post. Fort Wrangel of the
United States was placed on the island. Simpson, Journey, i. 209, says the
site was badly chosen; that the peninsula was 'barely large enough for the
necessary buildings, while the tide, by overflowing the isthmus at high
water, rendered any artificial extension of the premises almost impi-actica-
ble; and the slime that was periodically deposited by the receding sea was
REDOUBT ST DIONYSIUS. 631
tioned him to wait, and addressing to Baron Wrangel
a formal protest to Lis proclamation, and more particu-
larly againsi armed obstruction at the entrance of the
river, he handed it to the young man, who signified
his entire comprehension of whal was to be don I
rapidly rowed away. Next cam" out in a bidarka,
paddled by two men, a Russian officer and an Indian
interpreter. The former was a thin, dark-complex-
ioned, elderly man, in a blue surtout and white vest,
who, with his companion, on reaching the ship, was
ushered into the cabin, and brandy was placed before
them, of which during the interview that followed, if
Tolmie speaks truly, the officer alone drank i
pint. He was wholly able, however, notwithstanding
his potations,1, to transact his business, and was ex-
ceedingly polite in doing so.
"You read the proclamation, I presume? " he asked
blandly.
"It does not affect us," replied Ogden, "We are
simply using the river by which to enter our own ter-
ritory according to treaty," replied Ogden.
"A fort here or thirty miles from here is all the
same: it carries the trade with it/' smiled the Russian
between glasses.
"That I cannot help," blustered Ogden; "I shall
use the river, as I have a right to it."
: ided by the putridity and filth of the native villages in thi
in oppressing the atmosphere with a most nauseous perfume. The harbor,
moreover, was so nan el of one hundred tons in tead of .swing-
ing at anchor was under the necessity of mooring Btem and stern, and the
Bupply of fresh water was brought by a wooden aqueduct, wl
might at any time des i about two hundred yards distant.'
Il.\> 1 have i d, it is a little singular how the hardest
drinkers in the English fur-hunting ranks, whenever they come in contact
withtheB ccused them of deep drinking. \<>\ I
old Hudson's Bay officers so drunk ' so drunk as to
fall from the chair while trying to tell me of t:
and yel [neverwenl | their drunkenness upon an un-
orld. Asa rule the Hudson's Bay men did not drink to intoxi-
cation; but when seated in a ship's cabin round a table on which was standing
a brandy-bottle and glasses, 1 have i did their
1 sure Tolmie did not
take son ■
himself' quite liberally upon occa
032 NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
"Very sorry to be obliged to fire upon you in case
you attempt to enter it," answered the affable officer
as he drank a final good-health and good-night, and
danced down the ladder to his bidarka.
Early in the morning another appeared; this time a
tall, thin, fierce-looking fellow, in a threadbare surtout
buttoned close under his chin, most of all remarkable
for declining to drink. He came in the whale-boat and
mounted the deck with one attendant to deliver Ogden
an invitation to visit his commander, Lieutenant Zar-
embo, ashore. Ogden thanked the officer, and said
Tolmie should go after breakfast.
Armed to the teeth with pistols, knives, and blun-
derbuss, and accompanied by Captain Duncan, Tolmie
sallied forth. After rounding the point five miles dis-
tant, which partially concealed the fort from view,
Tolmie in the ship's gig was directed by signs to the
brig moored near the fort; boarding which, he was
ushered into the cabin by Zarembo, arrayed in full uni-
form, who informed him that Ogden's protest had been
forwarded by bidarka to Sitka the evening previous,
that a reply could not be expected within eight or ten
days, and that in the mean time the English vessel
could not be allowed to enter the river.
Tolmie was not long returned to his own vessel when
a message reached him from Zarembo, informing him
that another boat was about to start for Sitka, and
would take any message if desired. By this conveyance
Ogden wrote more at length to Governor Wrangel.
"Meanwhile interviews were held witli Seix, the
Stikeen chief, a tall, fat potentate, of dignified de-
meanor, with Grecian features, fringed with locks of
flowing jet, and surmounted by bushy, black whiskers,
very grand as he sat arrayed in fox-skin robes. His
village was not far from the mouth of the river; and
although he was perfectly willing Odgen, Zarembo,
or any one else should settle on the sea-shore, they
must not enter his domain, or spoil his commerce with
interior tribes. Zarembo also gave Ogden further a
EVACUATION OF OLD FORT SBC C33
written prohibition from trading or ascending the
river. Thus matters stood until the 29th of June,
when word came from Zarembo that Wrangel was
absenl from Sitka at Cook River, and thai Lieuten-
ant Etholin, deputy-governor at Sitka, in reply to
Ogden, stated that Zarembo musi ad in accordance
with the articles of the convention, which in his,
Etholin's, opinion forbade Britons from navigating
waters where Russian posts were planted. At all
events they should noi enter the river, so said the
Russians, and so said the savages.
AlS the treaty stipulations referred all differ*
arising from the infraction of any article of the con-
vention to higher powers, Ogden and his men could
not legally fight the matter out on the spot, oven had
they been so disposed, and physically able. Hei
nothing remained lor them but to retire.
Subsequently, armed with copies of the letter- and
protests, and a long bill of losses, the British pre-
sented themselves before their government with loud
complaints begging redress.16 Nesselrode and Palm-
erston urged the disputants to amicable adjustment.
The result was damages to the amount of £20,000,
the cession of Fort Wrangel, and the leasing by the
Russians to the British of the shore-strip before de-
scribed, with the Stikeen post, and permission to build
an establishment still further to the north on the Tako
River. Of this I shall speak in another place.
Meanwhile that the expedition might not prove
wholly fruitless Ogden determined to change the posi-
tion of Fort Simpson. Therefore, dropping down the
coast to Nass I [arbor, the Dryad entered the river
and moored before the old fort. All that was there
of any value was then placed on board the Dryad,
and the post abandoned.
It was done; but it proved not so easy a task as
I in the public
1 '".'■•
634 NORTHERN COAST ESTABLISHMENTS.
one might think. The savages did not like to see
their rum-sellers retiring; for in competition with the
Russians the English then sold fire-water to these
natives. Excuse enough to do wrong is that our
neighbor does wrong,
It was Saturday, the 30th of August, that old Fort
Simpson was evacuated. Early in the morning the
sale of rum began. The savages realized that it was
their last chance, and they determined to make the
most of it. Drunkenness without bloodshed among
forest gentlemen is a tame affair. A quarrel is as
easily found by them, as by white people, inter pocula.
Kennedy acted as master of ceremonies. The posi-
tion of the fort had been taken with such judgment
that the savages had only to stand upon a hill over-
looking it, and shoot down upon the occupants. As
they warmed with drink, they longed for a little fight.
A scalp or two would be better than nothing. A
party took possession of the hill, and pointing their
guns over the palisades they did not shoot. Outside
the pickets the Indians armed with guns, boarding-
pikes, and knives crowded round the men as they
rolled the barrels of celestial drink down to the land-
ing, and with wild intimidating yells threatened to cut
each one of them into a million pieces. But they did
not; that is, if we may believe Tolmie, who was there,
and who says they did not, and displays a whole human
body in proof of it ; and who further states that with
his own right hand holding a cutlass he drove away
forty, or four hundred of them, he forgets which.
Finally, as balls began to whiz freely and as there
remained nothing within the fortress but one barrel
more of liquor, the white men gave it to the savages,
who, intoxicated as they were, were still too shrewd
to try to divide it among themselves, knowing that
bloodshed would be the consequence. And alter all
their bluster about butchery they actually took the
cask to the ship to be divided for them. All night,
as the white men lay on board the ship, they heard
FORTS MUMFORD AND GLENORA. 63S
the sound of hammer and axe as the Datives were
knocking down the pickets to secure the iron spikes.
The Dryad finally cleared herself of the place, when
she proceeded some forty miles south-west to a small
bay, since called Port Simpson,17 al the northern end of
the Chimsyan Peninsula, where the permanent Fori
Simpson was to be planted. Before the ship was fairly
at anchor on the 12th of July, Birnie and Anderson
were oil* in one boat, and Duncan and Tolmie in an-
other, seeking a site, which was soon found; and before
two days had passed the fort-builders were all ashore,
the men in brush-huts and the officers in tents, mid
round them all a barricade of felled trees.18
In April 1835 a party set out from Fort Simpson,
and proceeding to the mouth of Skeena River tiny
there erected an establishment which they called Port
Essington.
Two posts were established up the Stikeen River by
the Hudson's Bay Company in British territory after
their repulsion at Redoubt St Dionysius — one, Fort
Mumford, sixty miles from the mouth, and the other,
Fort Glenora, one hundred and forty miles from the
ocean. When the gold-hunters came and frightened
away the game these posts were abandoned.
"Known at first as McLoughlin Harbor, under which name the earlier
Fort Simpson journals are dated.
l8Speaking in his Private Papers, MS., 2d ser., 59, Sir Jam.- I
gives tli.' following interesting information respecting aboriginal commi
this point: 'The Chimsyans on their route from Pearl Harbor, Skeena, and
ether places south of there to Xass River reach the fort early in February,
generally stay there until the beginning of March, when th« laghans
the river. After the fishing is over, they return with the fish and oil
have procured, which forms partof the ensuing winter's provisions,
the latter part of May, and make another sojourn at the fort until .lu_!y.
... some for the Ske< na, others go as far south as Gardiner's ( !anal,
where they an- constantly employ* d about their salmon-fisheries durinj
summer. They likew is.- hunt ami trade with the natives in tin int. ii. >r canals,
procure quantities of herring spawn from the people of Milbank Soun I,
. not visit thefort in a body until the following February;
and February are the only months when there are larg< i isembl
fort. Theyseta great value on oolaghan oil, as Li forms thecondiment
0f a] ! with their dried fish and Bpawn, with roots
es of this oil, containing fourti
are valued at a beaver.'
CHAPTER XXIX.
A DECADE OF NORTHERN" INCIDENTS AND ROUTINE.
1834^1844.
Captain Dominis — The 'Llama' — The 'Joseph Peabody' — Steamer
'Beaver'— Indian Battle— Mutiny— War— The 'Thomas Perkins' —
Ingenuousness of the Aboriginal Skin-seller and the European
Rum-seller — First Trip Northward of the Steamer 'Beaver' —
Lease of a Ten-league Shore-strip from the Russians— Expe-
dition to Take Possession — Founding of Fort Durham, or Fort
Tako— Finlayson's Encounter with the Takos — Abandonment of
the Tako Post — Comparative Savagism of White Men and Red —
Murder of John McLoughlin junior by his Men.
Turn now to the record of their doings from day to
day, kept by the fur-traders themselves.1
Routine in these parts differed but little from fort
life elsewhere on the Northwest Coast. Breaking the
dead monotony were occasional incidents worth men-
tioning.
The 8th of August 1834, Captain Dominis, now of
the Hawaiian bark Bolivar Liberator, by agreement
with the Russian American Company sails with
twenty Tungass to hunt sea-otter on the cousts of
1ln the summer of 1S7S I sent Ivan Petroff to Alaska for materials for
history. On his return he reported a number of Hudson's Bay Company
journals yet remaining at Fort Simpson. I immediately applied to Chief
Factor Charles of Victoria, who very kindly shipped them all down to me. I
found them to consist of two volumes dated McLoughlin Harbor, covering a
period from the founding of the fort in July 1834 to the 10th of June 1840.
Of the later journals, portions of which are used in the history of British
Columbia, there were five volumes, beginning in March 1840 and ending
December 1SGG. Though the information abstracted from this large mass of
manuscript is meagre, it is of some importance, being nowhere else found.
Nearly the entire details of these voluminous records consist of descriptions of
the weather, movements of the white men and savages, and the numbers of
skins secured, matters of paramount importance to those whose dreary life it
was, but wholly devoid of general interest.
( C3G i
FOITi' rOUENALS. 637
southern Oregon and northern California. Ten days
later John Kennedy arrives al Fort Simpson with his
family, his wife being the first white woman — that is
to say if she was white — in these parts.2 The follow-
ing summer Dominis and his Bolivar return, and
placing at defiance both English and Russians lie
opens trade along the coast, exchanging rum for furs.
The 3d of February 1835 the natives threaten 1 >
burn Fort Simpson. Four days later they throw
stones at the sentries, and on the 4th of March those
who enter to trade become so insolent that the fur-
buyers are obliged to use force to clear their store
of them. The 1st of April the assembled tribes en-
gage in a little fight, in which nine are killed and
many wounded. In May of the following year they
congregate around the fort in large numbers and
are prevented from an attack only by the opportune
arrival of the Llama. Meanwhile affairs are not
altogether harmonious among the white men. A
party of English sent to Tungass for spars in July
1834 are driven away by the Russians. Captain
McNeill is ordered by the Russians to keep the
Llama clear of their coast; and in their turn the Fort
Simpson people, seeing the American brig Lewis off
Point Wales, send out the bark to drive her away.
In February 1836 the Llama arrives at Fort Simpson
with a large number of skins purchased on Russian
territory, and in June a Russian vessel is stationed at
Tungass to prevent such traffic. Thus like vultures
these representatives of Christian civilization wrangle
over their prey.
The winter passes quietly. Trade is lair. A few
articles are stolen: and one day in May the chief in
attempting to rec >ver an axe taken by one of his tribe
is killed, and for a short time the trader- think it not
best to leave their intrenchment. Contrary to their
2 The fact is, some of these northern tribes arc full as white as I
: Canada and the Columbia; and, as a rule, poeseBBed of far more
uieutal force.
638 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
usual policy, they do not deem it advisable to compel
the return of the stolen articles, as such a course
would lead to bloodshed, which sadly interferes with
trade.
The 20th of February 1836 the Llama drops in
on them with Work, Tolmie, and McNeill on board.
In April the American brig Joseph Peabody comes to
Fort Simpson from Sitka to hunt sea -otter with the
Kaiganies. Later a native dying of small-pox, and
wishing to take with him to the next world for a
servant his brother's two-year old child, entices it to
his side and strangles it, whereupon the people at the
fort seeing that life is not wholly extinct, apply rem-
edies and finally restore it to its mother's arms. For
thus saving the child's life they have to pay a coat,
pants, and shirt.
The Beaver is now upon her regular trips. A battle
ensues the 27th of January 1837. The Nass Indians
would waylay and kill the traders, and as overtures
fail, both fort and steamer open their big guns upon
the savages, who reply with a volley of musketry.
No damage is done. Pages of aboriginal infelicities
fill the fort journals, and by simply stating that such
are the normal conditions of northern coast fur-trading
I dispose of volumes of detail.3
McNeill, now captain of the Beaver, is in January
1838 at McLoughlin Harbor, ill. Rising from his
sick-bed he flogs two seamen for disobedience, where-
upon the crew mutiny and refuse to sail under a
foreign captain. Factor Work in charge of the
fort is obliged to go on board and play the role of
commander in order to get the steamer back to Nis-
qually. Work is absent from his post two months,
3 1 will give the results of one month's trade at Fort Simpson, the month
of August 1S37, which was much larger than the average: 7 large black bear,
9 small black bear, 2 small brown bear, 5S1 large beaver, 234 small beaver,
23 pup and cutting beaver, 6 fishers, 1 cross-fox, 16 lynx, 1 lynx-robe (8 skins),
736 martens, 9 marten-robes, 96 mink, 70 musquash, 39 large land-otter, 5
small land-otter, 1 small sea-otter, 1 pup sea-otter, 2 wolverines, 2 meat of
beaver, 85 pounds deer's tallow, 2SA bushels of potatoes, 154 halibut, 58 deer,
10 geese, 1,033 fresh and half dry salmon, 395 dry salmon, 23 seal-skins.
ABSTRACT FROM THE RECORDS. G39
greatly to his disgust, having («» humor the mutineers.
The crew, however, do no1 gel rid of their captain;
though not being himself a British subject, he places
Stoddard's name on the ship's papers as master. A
lull in opposition in May of this year enables the com-
pany to advance their prices. Hitherto a gallon of
powder was given for a beaver, bui now only a quart.
Indeed Chief Factor McLoughlin orders stopped the
sale of arms and ammunition to the natives of the north
coast, but Work remonstrating, on the ground both of
extreme cruelty and injury to trade, the sale is con-
tinued, but at quadruple rates.
War among the neighboring tribes was continued
through 1839. The 16th of June tidings reaching
Fort Simpson that white men, probably of the Hud-
son's Bay Company from the Mackenzie River, having
established themselves in the interior of Stikeen, are,
together with the natives, in a starving condition,
they are relieved by a boat-load of provisions sent
them by the Russians. Thereupon the wild men
express surprise that opponents should assist oppo-
nents : and are told that the white men*.- opposition is
not like that of the red men's, but extends only to
trade. Putting which charity beside certain other
unaccountable doings of civilization, savagism won-
ders. Off Dundas Island, to the no small disturbance
of both English and Russians, in August appears the
brig Thomas Perkins, Farnham and Fry, New York,
owners, with Varney as captain, and Swan as super-
cargo. Dominis sailsfrom Sitka to Kamchatka. Up
go the prices of fur, to the supreme satisfaction of the
unsophisticated savage, who the momeni he sees a
strange sail approaching immediately stops trading
until the white men shall have ceased bidding. Cour-
tesiea are interchanged; the English visit the vessel
and the Americans the fori. Each learns as much as
possible of the other's affairs, and communical
little as possible in return.
The next morning the ball begin -. The Americans
640 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
offer for a beaver one blanket and five gallons of mixed
rum. The English name two blankets, one gallon of
mixed rum, and three fourths of a pound of leaf-
tobacco. " These are enormous prices," writes John
Work in the fort journal, " and would never do to
be continued. Yet, making these sacrifices will, it
is confidently expected, be ultimately advantageous."
Notwithstanding the fate of Captain Bancroft, Snow
is ready to embark in the California coast trade, and
prefers Kaiganie hunters to any others. The little
Beaver proves so serviceable in these waters that the
Russians promise themselves a steamer, and the Sitka
governor sends word to Work that he may expect a
visit from him in his own steam-vessel the following
autumn; in which he is disappointed, as the first Rus-
sian steamer which appears on this coast, and which
is built at Sitka, is not finished till 1853.4
Practical John Work meditates upon the advisa-
bility of sending the Nereicl with trading goods after
the Thomas Perkins, but as Captain Varney bought
some potatoes from Work, and would not, therefore,
be obliged to stop at Skiddegate or Cumshewas, where
furs would also be sold, the chief factor concludes he
may save his company that expense. Honest John
Work is much pleased that his opponents are having
trouble with their Indian hunters shipped for the Cali-
fornia coast; that they get very drunk on the mixed
rum advanced, and that the rank-smelling lords de-
cline the attendance of their ladies in their hunting
excursions to California.5
4 That is to say, unless we class as a steamer the little tug built at Sitka in
1840. christened the J ardnof, sold to the United States, rechris-
tencd the Hose, and wrecked in 1879.
5 These hunting voyages from Russian America to California usually occu-
pied from four to five months, seldom more than GO days being spent upon
the Californian coast. ' They engage the Indians here to hunt,' says Work,
Fort Simpson Journal, MS., Aug. ]'.). 1839, 'furnish them with provisions,
principally such as dry salmon, small fish, grease, etc., ammunition, and
canoes, and give them one third or one fourth of what they kill ; the other two
thirds or tin i e fourths belong to the vessel. The hunter's one third or one
fourth, as the bargain may be, is also to be given to the vessel at a stipulated
price. ' Snow told Work that 300 sea-otter wou d pay expenses, and that 400
would make a good voyage of it.
RUM AND THE RUSSIANS. 641
But the chief factor does riot like so well to be
told that the Russians are now contracting with the
Americans for supplies, four thousand gallons of rum
being one of the items to be furnished by Snow. I [e
is gladj however, thai the Russians and the Yankees
quarrel over their traffickings jusl like other people,
and that Snow puts off on the Silk;, governor a large
quantity of molasses, being part of a contract made
with one Thompson who turned it over to Farnham
and EYy, and of which article the Russians have already
an oversupply. Then the chief factor prays to his
company's god Mammon, and reasons with him, sav-
in--: "Should the Americans have sufficient succ
in the sea-otter hunting to induce them to continue
in it, it will be of immense injury to us, for they will
still be here once or twice a year returning their
Indian hunters and taking others; and though they
may make trade on the coast only a secondary con-
sideration, they will still have goods with them, and
pick iii' some furs; and we will have to continue the
high prices, or the savages will hold their furs for the
arrival of our opponents and give them a greater
chance of getting them." Then he asks Mammon if
the company shall not send out from divers posts well
laden canoes and give the Yankees enough of com-
pel':,' m. But Mammon says "No; it is not necessary.
I will attend to it, and see that my most faithful
vants do not too severely suffer."
Long after the departure of the Americans, low-
ever, the effects of their evil ways remain; for the
savages once tasting high prices are not sweet-tem-
pered or graceful in accepting lesser rates. After
the departure of Varney, Captain Dominis is i
pected, and the simple s.- . y, "We will wait
until the Americans come, when we will get more
for our skins." And again they reason in their inno-
cenl way: "The Thomas Perkins must bring I
the Kaiganies she carried away, so we shall cer-
tainly see her again; wo will wait/' Whereat the
Hist. N.W. Coast, Vol. II. 41
642 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
fortified fur-buyers groan throughout the remainder
of the year.
To go back a little. John Dunn left Fort Mc-
Loughlin in the brig Dryad in 1834 for the Columbia,
where he remained two years, part of the time at
Fort Vancouver and part at Fort George, acting as
superintendent. In the summer of 1836 he returned
to Fort McLoughlin in the steamer Bearer, where
he was again trader and interpreter under Manson.
Though he had with him but few men, Manson had
cleared quite a space round the fort, which he had
planted in vegetables. Several additional buildings
hud been erected within the palisades; the natives
were quiet, and all betokened thrift and good man-
agement.
This was the first northward trip of the Bearer,
and as she ploughed those waters, blackening the air
with her smoke and calling upon the wilderness with
shrill shrieks to awaken from primeval lethargy, the
sight was scarcely less stirring to white men than it
was novel and mysterious to the red.
On board was Chief Factor Finlayson, reconnoi-
tring the coast. Home commanded, and Dodd was
chief mate. The traders were now enabled to enter
many intricate inlets that interlace the coast, and
which had baffled the efforts of sailors. Thus they
were able to penetrate the interior and visit inland
tribes that had never before seen white men, to say
nothing of their wonderfully strange fire -vomiting
vessel.
John Work, commanding Fort Simpson, assisted
by John Kennedy, had also his potato -patch and
vegetable-garden adjoining the establishment. The
Nass Indians had been subjected to the dreadful
ravages of small-pox the year previous, and as they
suspiciously eyed the Beaver they wondered what
this new infernal medicine was that the white men
had brought upon them.
TOO LITTLE TERRITORY. C43
It would seem that his company of British traffick-
ers might have been satisfied with the exteni of their
unpaid-for domain, equivalenl as it was to more than
all Europe in extent. But such was nol the case.
Nor would content have sat amongst their councils
had their lands and water.- covered the globe, or ten
o-lobes. Men are not so made. Each wants all; and
to get it. following human instinct, will, if necessary
and within the possibilities, kill all the rest.
Seeing profit in the fields of their less < nterprising
northern neighbors, in Is:;1.) tin- adventurers of !.
land asked and obtained of the Russian Fur Company
a ten years' lease for trading purposes, of a strip of
land ton leagues wide, extending north from latitude
LO', and lying between British territory and the
in, paying therefor two thousand east-side land-
otter, worth thirty-two shillings and sixpence each.
It was McLoughlin who suggested it, and British
tesmen wondered what the company wanted with
Jon leagues of Russian seaboard.6
Bui theobject of the companywas not alone traffic
the natives. They thought to make a customer
of the I. as well for European goods, which
:', • rent was paid in wheat, butter,
e terms of this stipulation wen
in the articles mentioned according to c
m, before the house of commons commission, Rept. //. B.
1857, 59, states that a misunderstanding about the establishing of a
i.f therivers as difficulties ensued, and a Ion
ce on the Bubject ended in tl the territory. Finl;
/, . , . ;.. MS., 35, ... otter-skins as the annual price
paid. In Anden . Ms., 103 I. we find that ' in
ion a large quantity of furs ><( various descriptions, which v.
□ American Company, were sold to them annually,
portion of which were transported from York factorj and
in that vicinity overland by the route of the annual express to Fort
3itka. 'I • relatioi
the la. -Man-, indeed, with tin- solitary exception referred to, were ah
applied them annually with large quan-
dotherprodi which was raised on the farm at
aver, and the remaindi r ] ' rs who then
inhabited tl j . or purchasi di l
inhabitants there. Ev i
any - I Company offio
when Sir George Simpson passed there in 1n4 1-2, on hi- way to St P
GU A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
they could bring in any quantities from England, as
for the products of the soil, which the inclemency of
the northern regions prevented the Russians from
raising, and which the Hudson's Bay Company now
determined to cultivate.
The Russians on the whole were not the best of
business men. Their ethics and energ}r were much
below the Scotch standard. Their establishments
were more military and naval than those of the Hud-
son's Bay Company, an admiral being usually in com-
mand. Even with their magnificent seal monopoly
they could not make their business profitable, so the
Sitka governor himself asserted, but for their trade
with China, which in exchange for furs gave them tea
to pay their men with at an enormous profit. A small
sum in the shape of wages must needs content their
serfs, who lived on rye-bread, train-oil, and fish ; and
who for the love of liquor were ready at any time
almost to lay down their lives or take those of their
neighbor.
In pursuance of this arrangement a party7 was
organized at Montreal in 1839 to take possession of
the land thus leased. Setting out from York Factory
in July they proceeded to Edmonton, then the head-
quarters of the district, and thence by way of Jasper
House, Boat Encampment, Colville, and Walla Walla
came to Fort Vancouver, where their arrival on the
7th was followed by a grand feast. After spending
the winter at this post, in the spring of 1840 the party
was reorganized with Douglas s in command, assisted
burg by way of Okhotsk overland, a ship was placed at his disposal which
conveyed him to the last-named place, and the most cordial attentions were
shown to him. Being aided by the authority of an imperial ukaze, the sub-
sequent journey of Sir George across the Asiatic continent to St Petersburg
was greatly expedited.' See also Tolmic'sPityet Sound, MS., 20. In U. S. 11.
Rept. 31, %7th Cong., 3d Scss., 60, it is stated that the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's contract with the Russians in regard to London goods was to supply
them at 25 per cent advance on London cost, adding nothing for freight.
7 Of this party was Roderick Finlayson, then a clerk in the service of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and to whom I am indebted for the narrative of this
expedition.
8 It is a little interesting to note how the methodical Douglas went about a
piece of work of this kind. Carefully written out in his Private Papers, MS.,
LEASE FROM THE RUSSIANS. C45
byW. Gr. Rae, Jolm Kennedy, John Mc] joughlin junior,
Roderick Finlayson, and fifty men.
Embarking, the party proceeded by way of the ( low-
litz River to Fori Nisqually on Puget Sound, where
the Beaver awaited them. Thence down the pine-
enveloped sound, and through the gulf of Georgia
they steamed, little dreaming that the great island of
Vancouver on their left was the destined future home
of so many of them.
Entering Fraser River they ascended t<> Fort Lang-
ley, only to find that post in ruins, it having 1
burned several days previous. Mr Yale, then in com-
mand, was living with his men in tents, and sur-
rounded by savages whoso plans for an attack were
frustrated by the opportune arrival of the steamer.
All hands disembarked and set to work with a will to
rebuild the fort; nor did they leave their fellow-
traders until they saw them all safely housed and
fortified again. Then dropping down the river they
steamed up the gulf, and passing through Queen
Charlotte Sound came to Milbank Sound, where
they found remaining marks of Fort McLoughlin.
Then they went to Fort Simpson at the northern end
of the Chimsyan Peninsula, just within the British
54 40' boundary line, where they remained several
days, taking in wood and provisions; after which they
proceeded to the Redoubt St Dionysius, or, as it was
thereafter called, Fort Stikeen — the Russian post on
2d ser.. 58, we find first: 'Sundries required for my use in establishing a new
he ;ni icles are enumerated: 1 stove with pipe, 5 cwt. fine bn d,
2 cwt. flour, •_' kegs wine, 1 do. brandy, 1 tent with poles, 2 oil clo . 2
decanto furnished, a table, 2 chairs, 2 Is
buildh surely, to say nothing of tools, ammunition, and i
.....
i 5-inch spike-nails
building, and -2 wrenches for bolt nuts;' and remarks that 'the breadth and
thickness of the fort gal a to be ascertained before the irons are m
that the bolts and I he proper length.' The b isiness must
andd w t. ' I ... i audi
clioua berth in the cabin tube at my rutin- dispc i ight
to invite company, •
I lyattended to, ami not pleasure; the mi him-
self as seldom as possible. '
G46 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
Point Highfield at the mouth of the Stikeen River.9
The place where the fort was built was an island at
high-tide, and communication was had with the main-
land by means of a small bridge, over which water as
well as provisions had to be transported.
Here was to be the British head-quarters of the
leased territory. In charge of the fort the new-
comers found a Russian officer with fifty men, guarded
by a brig carrying thirty -two guns. When John
McLoughlin junior and W. G. Rae, who had been
appointed to the new charge, signified their intention
of remaining with only eighteen men, the Russian
officer demurred, saying that the savages were troub-
lesome, and that the chief had many slaves skilled in
assassination, and forced to do his bidding under pain
of death. But the brave British men made light of
the Russian's fears, and said, "Other forts we rule
with twenty men, and we will hold Stikeen."
So the Russian turned the place over to them, and
with his men departed in his brig to Sitka, whither
he was soon followed by the Beaver carrying Douglas,
Kennedy, and Finlayson with the remainder of their
party. Arriving at the Russian head -quarters,10 a
salute of nine guns was given and returned, and they
were received in royal style by the governor and his
officers. An entertainment and week's stay followed,
during which the Hudson's Bay Coumany was formally
placed in possession of the leased territor}?- according
to terms stipulated. Then sailed the Beaver south-
ward, her mission accomplished.
The destruction of Fort Langley by fire in April
1840, in which not only the houses, utensils, and fur-
niture were destroyed, but also a large stock of salt
provisions and the seasoned barrel-staves for the
salmon-fishing of the approaching season, was severely
9 On AiTowsmith's map this post is called Highfield Fort.
111 ' The fort at Sitka was then manned by over 500 men with two or more
gnardships. . . We found about eight ships in the harbor at the time. Coast-
ing-vessels were stationed up Bering Strait and among the Aleutian Isles. '
Firdayson's V. I., MS., 10, 11.
FOUNDING OF FORT TAKO. G;7
felt by the north-coast establishments. The actual
loss, besides the buildings, was £1,800, and the pros-
pective loss was still greater. It became a serious
question whether the occupation of the Stikeen post
and the erection of an establishment at Take were
practicable, in view of the dependence el" these posts
on Langley lor salt provisions. The coasting-vessels
likewise must suffer; new arrangements musi be made
with the Russians, and permission obtained to pur-
chase venison at Tungass and Port Stewart.11
The steamer Bearer sailed from Sitka May 29, 1840,
falling in with and taking in tow the Hudson's Bay
Company's bark Vancouver, laden with trading goods
and a year's supply of provisions. On board the
steamer were Douglas, director; Kennedy, doctor;
and Finlayson, secretary.1'2 Their destination was the
Tako River, and their object was to plant a post there.
Arrived at the entrance to the river the steamer
came to anchor. Small boats were launched and a
pari \ ascended the stream for a distance of fifty miles,
but so rough and mountainous was the region that
there could not be found, if we may believe Finlayson,
a level spot sufficiently large for the requirements of
a fort. Moreover, the ice which floated about the
river warned them that the summer was short, and
that by far the greater part of the year the river was
not navigable.
While thus engaged in their profitless search, they
encountered an Indian slave, whose master with others
was inland, hunting, and whom they pleased to call
Locality. This poor chattel of a savage on learning
their wants took them down the coast to a small bay
about ten miles south of the entrance to the river. It
was a good harbor, with tolerable surroundings, and
there the traffic-monarchs determined to erect a cita-
rourned, 1840-1, MS., 1, 2.
layson possessed qualities far superior I judging
from his manuscript, which I .sometimes iind it most diliicult to deci]
648 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
del. So the bark and steamer were brought to anchor
in the bay, and the workmen landed. Log -houses
were put up, and an eighteen-foot stockade with two
bastions was thrown round a space one hundred and
fifty yards square. The supplies were then taken
from the bark and placed in the storehouse, and the
carronades and small -arms taken to the bastions.
Finally Douglas pronounced the place defensible,
named it Fort Durham, after the earl of Durham,
then governor-general of Canada, though it was oftener
called Tako; and placing Kennedy in charge, with Fin-
layson as his assistant, and eighteen men, he sailed
with his bark and the Beaver southward.
They were a brave, sullen race these Takos. A
Boston trader quarrelled with them in 1838, and
sailed away after firing several destructive shots into
their canoes. Finlayson came very near losing his
life there. On account of opposition the Hudson's
Bay people were at this time dispensing ardent spirits
to the natives. So numerous and strong were they,
and the drink made them so wild, that but two or
three were allowed within the fort to trade at one
time. One day the savages congregated round the
gate, and as one was passing out the crowd pushed
aside the gate-keeper, overpowering him ; seeing which
Finlayson ran to his assistance and was greeted by a
stunning blow from the foremost savage. This so en-
raged the Scotchman that on recovering himself he
imprudently followed the savage out of the gate alone,
into the midst of the angry crowd, and began ham-
mering his head with his pistol. Instantly Finlayson
was seized by the hair, stripped of half his clothes,
and was rapidly being dragged toward the water, when
he cried to Kennedy to fire blank-cartridges from the
big guns, which was done, and this so frightened the
savages that they dropped their prey and fled. Fin-
layson returned to the fort; the gates were closed and
all trade stopped until the natives had paid in furs the
penalty for their outrage.
TAKO ABANDONED. 049
In those days every chief worthy the naim
from fifty to one hundred slaves, worth thirty blankets
each, g snerally purchased from the natives of I
Charlotte Island, the great slave-mart of the North-
west Coast. The chiefs took do smal] in kill-
fir slaves at their feasts, which was a mark of
greatness. While Finlayson was at I i the
assembled at Take. Gulf one day in the summer
of 1840, and having finished their trading they held a
grand least. Warmed to a proper pitch of egotisi i 1 >y
the white man's rum, one of the chiefs arose and made
■h : " I am a mighty man, a most valiant chief,
and wealthy withal, having so much property I know
scarcely what to do with it. So rich am I that often
I amuse myself thus" — with which words he drew
a pist >] and shot dead one of his slaves. Another chief
not to be outdone made a longer, braver speech, and
shot two slaves. Catching the cruel mania others
followed, until ten poor wretches lay dead. Next day
Finlayson with a well armed posse went out and buried
them, for the lordly savage would not touch a dead
slave, but would leave him to rot where he fell.
Then he told them that those who indulged in such
dastardly acts in the future should not be allowed to
■ at the fort.
In the summer of 1841, W. G. Eae having been
removed from the Stikeen post to Yerba Buena, Fin-
was sent from Tako to take his place. During
I rule at Stikeen an attempt had been made by
the savages to scale the stockade and take the fort.
The assailants were fired upon ; some fewwere wounded,
but none killed. During Finlayson' s time the natives
destroy I the bridge, thus cutting off the water. A
captured chief was held as hostage until the damage
1 and peace made. Again the plac
and although the fortr< ed, a little
water to drink was obtained by digging.
On the whole the occupation of the Tako post proved
unsatisfactory. Hence in the opening of 1843 orders
030 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
were given for the abandonment of that establishment,
and the distribution of its men and officers to other
places. Thereafter traffic at Tako and the neighbor-
ing isles was conducted by the steamer Beaver, as a
trading- vessel. Douglas made a voyage of surveillance
up the coast and put the new regulation into effect,
and Finlayson was transferred from Fort Simpson to
the Beaver.
With the instructions from Governor Simpson for
the abandonment of Fort Tako, came orders likewise
for the abandonment of Fort McLoughlin on Milbank
Sound.
The Hudson's Bay Company found the tribes sur-
rounding these northern posts to be more dangerous
than any others encountered by them throughout the
Northwest Coast. In the first place the northern
nations were by nature fierce and independent, and
secondly their warlike mood had by no means been
quieted by intercourse with the Europeans. Brute
force had been the policy of the Russians, many of
whom were scarcely more Christian or humane than
the savages, and the intoxicating draught now freely
offered alike by English, American, and Russian
traders, frequently maddened them, and made them
too often turn the white man's firelock against him-
self. And white men can be as insanely savage upon
emergency as red men. The cruelties of civilization
may be a little more direct, may be somewhat less
simple, more refined, but they are none the less
devilish. The follies of civilization are absolutely
unmatched by savagism, the reason being chiefly that
the former has more inventions for originating and
propagating evil than the latter.
It has always seemed to me that the heaviest pen-
alty the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company were
obliged to pay for the wealth and authority advance-
ment gave them, was the wives they were expected
to marry and the progeny they should rear. What
THE FUR-TRADERS' CURSE. 651
greater happiness to the father, what greater benefit
to mankind than noble children! I never could under-
stand how such men as John McLoughlin, James
Douglas, Ogden, Finlayson, Work, Tolmie, and the
rest could endure the thought of having their name
and honors descend to a degenerate posterity. Surely
they were possessed of sufficient intelligence to know
that by giving their children Indian or half-breed
mothers, their own old Scotch, Irish, or English blood
would in them be greatly debased, and hence that they
wore doing all concerned a great wrong. Perish all
the Hudson's Bay Company thrice over, I would say,
sooner than bring upon my own offspring such foul
corruption, sooner than bring into being offspring sub-
ject to such a curse.
Place John McLoughlin father beside John Mc-
Loughlin son, and tell me what there is in all the wide
universe that would pay this strong, high-souled gen-
tleman for having taken so vile a copy of himself.
Not that the son was so very bad, or any worse than
the average in such cases, or than the father might
expect. The superior intellectuality of the father
developed in the son as superior brutality. Instead
of benevolence and justice as the dominant motives,
wo have selfishness and passion. Nor is the son so
much to blame that the miscegenation of white and
red should result in black rather than golden, as the
father who thus reduces to ashes a beautiful structure.
When Rae was called from Stikeen to Yerba Buena,
of which event I elsewhere speak fully, John Mc-
Loughlin junior was left in full command of the post.
Of an arbitrary, sombre, and morose disposition, with
vindictiveness the foundation of his ethics, the strong
love of spirituous liquors a passion, and varied concu-
piscence a chief delight, superstitious and low-minded;
he was ueverthele i $t, courageous, and not al-
ways intemperate. With his antecedents and envi-
ronment it was impossible he should be wholly bestial.
He would like to do his best, but he was not made
652 A DECADE OF NORTHERN INCIDENTS.
for much well doing. Simpson saw this, and did not
like it because McLoughlin had given him an estab-
lishment.
Probably no post in the service needed abler man-
agement than Stikeen, and young McLoughlin was
not the ablest manager in the service. The savages,
who thereabouts were both treacherous and ferocious,
made their abode in the vicinity in large numbers,
having not the slighest hesitation in openly proclaim-
ing their intention to take the fort, or anything in- it,
as the opportunity offered. Hence, McLoughlin was
obliged to hold his men in close restraint, so close that
they often broke the rules, and were severely punished.
This exasperated them, and made them ripe for any
crime, for they were a villainous crew. There were
twenty-two in all, part Canadians and part Kanakas.
Contrary to the rules, some of them held nightly inter-
course with the women of the neighboring lodges;
some made themselves drunk on liquor obtained from
the natives, which was the irony of intoxication, buy-
ing spirits from savages who first bought it from them-
selves. McLoughlin drank freely, and sometimes
when the fit was on him would not only give the men
liquor, but force them to drink themselves insensible.
Thus as time went on McLoughlin became more cruel
and tyrannical, and the men more mutinous, until they
threatened to take his life.
Finally, on the night of the 20th of April 1842,
John McLoughlin junior was shot dead by a Cana-
dian, L^rbaine Heroux. The fort was in a general
state of misrule at the time; most of the men were
drunk, McLoughlin with his own hand having dealt out
liquor freely, and being not altogether sober himself.
Several had openly sworn to do the deed; others
had fired their guns at the master or at each other,
and the murderer was not more criminal than some
of the others. Throughout the afternoon and evening
McLoughlin had been bellowing about the establish-
ment that he was to be killed that night, and that he
McLOUGHLIN JUNIOR'S DEATH. 653
should die like a man. Altogether it was no less
silly than sickening; and it was no wonder that when
Governor Simpson arrived at the fort five days later
he was disgusted, or that the dead man's father was
angry when the governor blamed the master almost
as much as the men. Such disgraceful occurrences
At the expiration of the ten years' lease the con-
trad with the Russian American Company was re-
newed,14 and the Hudson's Bay Company continued
to hold the country up to a few years prior to the pur-
chase of Alaska by the United States.15
13 ' The chary way in which Sir George behaved about this death envenomed
the doctor against him.' Roberts' Rec, .MS., 8. ' Hines' account,' says Jesse
Applegate in Saxton's Or. Ter., MS., 138, 'is calculated to create a wrong
on of the discipline and conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company.'
Simpson was certainly much more slack in bringing the offenders to justice
than he would have been had they been natives and the murdered man one
of his own numerous illegitimate progeny. ' In my opinion,' he says, Over-
land Journey, i. 182, 'the jurisdiction of Canada, as established by 43 Geo.
III., c. 138, and 1 and 2 Geo. IV., c. G(i, did not extend to Russian America ;
and on the other hand, I knew that the Russians had no court of criminal
jurisdiction in America; while at the same time, 1 was by no means certain
that even if they had such a tribunal, they would take any cognizance of a
<\ did not concern them. So giving charge of the establishment to
Mr Dodd, chief mate of the ship Cowlitz, which brought him there, with a
sailor, Blenkinsop, for an assistant, he carried Heroux to Sitka and there
tinned him over to the Russians, though lie had just admitted that he did
■i them to punish him.
ice Roberts, ll< c, MS., 9, is mistaken when he says the arrangement
i [profitable to his company, and that the country was abandoned upon
ination of the lease.
re was another Fori Simpson on the Mackenzie River, at the junction
of the Riviere aux Liards. £ >urnal, i. 163-7. Mymaterial
for this and the foregoing chapter is derived from Tolmie's Journal, MS., 89,
where it is stated that Manson beat the man Richard at Fort Mel
until he \\ i bed himself a free savage. See also Tolmu 's Journal, 1 1
Volmie's Puget Sound, MS.. 3-5, 59; Anderson's .'. oast, MS.,
11-23, 103 5; Mnlayson's Hist. V. J.. MS., 9; Douglas' Private Papers, MS., 2d
assim; Dunn's Or. 1
Or. Hist., 394-406; Gray's Or., 46-54; Martin's If. B., 28-30, whose errors
to notice: Roberts' Rec, MS., 7,
Ter., MS., L38; Harvey'sLifi of McLoughlin, MS. ,20; Townsend'sls
CHAPTER XXX.
TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
1841-1842.
TheMonarch Moves— Sir Geokge Simpson Circumnavigates the World—
The Journey across the Continent — Surveys the Northern Posts
— Drops down to San Francisco Bay — Monterey — Honolulu — Sitka
and Fort Simpson again — Then Asia is Honored— An Irascible
Gaul— French Curiosity — Eugene Duflot de Mofras— Himself and
his Book— From Mexico and California He Proceeds to Honolulu
and Fort Vancouver— Simpson does not like his Looks and Snubs
Him — Whereat He is Irate, though in his Book Charitable— After
Calling again upon the Californians, whom He Scourges to his Com-
plete Satisfaction, He Returns to France.
In a journey round the world, made in 1841-2, Sir
George Simpson, governor-in-chief of the Hudson's
Bay territories in North America, paid the Pacific
coast a second visit worthy of brief mention.1
Outlined, the journey was from London to Boston,
thence to Montreal, and by way of Lake Superior and
the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan rivers to Edmon-
ton House, and from there to forts Kootenai, Col-
ville, Okanagan, and Vancouver. After visiting Sitka
he took ship to San Francisco, Santa Barbara, and
across to the Hawaiian Islands, and from there to
Sitka again. Thence he sailed to Okhotsk on the
coast of Siberia, crossed Asia by way of Yakutsk,
Irkutsk, and Tobolsk, to Moscow and St Petersburg,
and through the Baltic by way of Hamburg back to
London.
1 His Narrative of a Journey round the World during the Ymr&18%l and 284%,
2 vols., Svo, London, 1S47, was not printed until five years after his return,
owing to absorbing duties connected with the affairs of the company.
SIMPSON'S JOURNEY. 055
The date of his departure from London was the 3d
of March L 841, and he reached Edmonton House in
the latter part of July. Simpson's journey through
the continent of America at this time was not unlike
march of a monarch. He was virtually king of
this rude region, the chief of a commercial despotism.
Forty-five horses was his mount Prom Edmonton
the 28th of July, and eight o'clock at night saw him
sixty miles from his starting-point. He was accom-
panied by Mr Rowand, for many years in charge of
the Saskatchewan district, and eighteen selectedmen.
1 sh animals were furnished at intervals along the
route.
At Fort Colville, then in charge of Mr Mc-
Donald, the horses were abandoned for a six-oared
canoe besides bowman and steersman, in which one
hundred miles were made the first day and one hun-
! and twenty the second. This boat becoming
leaky was exchanged at Walla Walla for another.
Mr McKinlay, then in charge, also furnished an inter-
preter for the tribes below.
The party now consisted of McMillan, Todd,
lor, and twenty-seven men, part of whom were Ha-
waiian Islanders. On the way down the Columbia
Simpson was informed by a friendly native that the
savages were preparing to attack him at the portage
of Les Chutes, which however were passed without
accident, though not without hostile demonstrations.
( [ling at Wascopam2 where was the Methodist mis-
d was politely met by Lee, who honored
travellers by eating with them. After ;i moon-
• bath the governor wrapped himself in his cloak,
and stretching himself on the bottom of his boat com-
l himself to sleep while being rapidly propelled
down tin; picturesque Columbia.
ikfasting at the Cascades the pai eeded,
_ a boat with letters en f<>i>tr from Fort Van-
couver to Walla Walla at two o'clock, and calling at
2 Called Whaspicum by si
656 TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
sunset at the company's saw and grist mills, five miles
above the fort, where they were honored by a salute
from the company's schooner Cadboro, which was also
a signal of their arrival to their expectant friends at
the fort. " Being anxious to approach head-quarters
in proper style," writes the governor, " our men here
exchanged the oar for the paddle, which, besides being
more orthodox in itself, was better adapted to the
quick notes of the voyageur songs. In less than an
hour afterwards we landed on the beach, having thus
crossed the continent of North America at its widest
part, by a route of about five thousand miles, in the
space of twelve weeks of actual travelling." Mc-
Loughlin being absent at Puget Sound the party was
here received by Douglas.
Simpson found at Fort Vancouver two vessels of
the United States exploring squadron, which made a
week's stay all the more pleasant. Taking cordial
leave of Wilkes and his officers, and accompanied by
Douglas, on the 1st of September Simpson and party
embarked in a bateau with a crew of ten men, passed
swiftly over to the upper mouth of the Willamette,
and rounding Sauve Island3 landed on the west side
five miles from its southern end, where was the com-
pany's dairy. Three or four families resided there at
the time, having in charge about one hundred milch
cows and three hundred breeding cattle. Passing
down the lower channel of the Willamette, sunset saw
them again on the Columbia, and in the morning they
were slowly ascending the Cowlitz. Since Simpson's
visit in 1828 fever had swept the banks of this stream
of a large population, and there were few now left to
mourn the departed.
Taking with him some Chinooks,on the morning of
the 3d Douglas went forward to Cowlitz farm, ten
miles from the landing, and when the party reached
the spot they found him there ready with the animals.
3 Called by Simpson Multonomah, and again 'Meltonomah, orWappatoo,
Island.'
OX THE SOUND. 057
Horses were a delightful relief after forty-eight hours
in a canoe,and the parly were soon at the farm, which
was well stocked, and had a thousand acres under cul-
tivation. Besides this establishment there was another
farm on Puget Sound, and a Catholic mission with
one hundred and sixty acres under cultivation.
Spending Sunday at Fort Nisqually inspecting the
farm and dairy and visiting the Methodist missionary
Richmond, next day the (5th of September the party
embarked on board the company's steamer Beaver,
Captain McNeill, Hopkins and Heath being in tem-
porary charge of Nisqually, and under a salute of
seven guns started down the sound. Xext morn-
ing they were off the southern end of Vancouver
Island, which did not fail to attract the attention of
the keen-sighted Simpson, who remarked upon its
advantages for commerce and cultivation. Up the
inner passage through the strait of Georgia the little
steamer ploughed her way, occupying nearly as much
time taking in wood as in burning it. Stopping at
McNeill harbor to trade, thirty or forty canoes crowded
round the steamer, and by noon next day heaver, mar-
ten, raccoon, hear, lynx, and otter skins, to the value
of IT) 00, were taken on board in exchange for tobacco,
blankets, cloth, vermilion, knives, files, guns, and am-
munition.
Passing through Queen Charlotte Sound, the Bea-
ver again stopped to trade at the upper end of Van-
couver Island, where furs to the value of £200 were
secured. Port McLoughlin, when Charles 1
in command, and Fort Simpson, then in charge of
Work, were next visited. Continuing their voy;
the afternoon of the 18th, the little steamer anchored
for the night at the Canal de Revilla. Passing
through Clarence Strait on the morning of the 20th,
the party wore welcomed by young McLoughlin at
Fort Stikeen. Here Rowand,who had !
by fever, was left. Through Wn and
Frederick Sound the vessel plied next day, anchoring
Hist. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 42
G5S TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
for the night at the entrance of Stephen passage. In
the afternoon of the 2 2d they came to Fort Tako,
governed by Kennedy, with one assistant and twenty-
two men. Passing round the northern end of Ad-
miralty Island they entered Chatham Strait, sailed
down to Peril Strait, and thence to the Russian
American Company's establishment of New Arch-
angel at Sitka.
While salutes were being exchanged Captain Lin-
denberg presented himself on board with Governor
Etholin's compliments, soon after which Simpson and
Douglas landed and called upon the governor. Next
morning, in full uniform, his excellency visited the
Beaver in his six-oared gig, and was received with
a salute. During their four days' stay at Sitka the
visitors spent the day ashore and slept on board.
Simpson, always sensitive to the charms of woman,
seemed struck by the beauty of Madame Etholin, the
governor's wife, Kathrine, the tailor's daughter, and
others. Weighing anchor the 30th of September, he
returned through the labyrinth of waters by the way
he came to Nisqually and Vancouver.
After visiting the settlement on the Willamette,
Simpson embarked on the Cowlitz for California, with
M. de Mofras, Hale of the United States exploring
squadron, and Mrs Pae and family as compagnons
de voyage, going on board at Fort George the 3d of
December. Among his own part}^ were McLoughlin,
Hopkins, and Powand, who had been brought back
from Stikeen by the Bearer on her return. Sailing
down the coast the fur governor dwells lovingly on
whatever here has been English. Entering the strait
which we now call the Golden Gate on the 30th, the
Cowlitz passes the dismantled fort on her right, and
the presidio,4 then in command of Prado Mesa, a
short distance beyond^
Lying in Whalers' Harbor, as Simpson calls Sau-
4 'A square of huts distinguished by the lofty title of the Presidio of San
Francisco.' Simpson's Nar., i. 1277-8.
SIMPSON IX CALIFORNIA. 050
zalito, were two vessels, the schooner California and
the Russian brig Constantine, the latter jusi ready to
sai] for Sitka with the remnant of the Ross colony,
consisting of about one hundred men, women, and
children. Hopkins was despatched by Simpson to
the Russians with his compliments. It was here first
ascertained at San Francisco Hay bythe Englishmen
coming from the east and the Russians from the west
that there was a day's difference between them; for
while it was Thursday with the former, it was Friday
with the latter. Rounding Clark Point, the Cowlitz
dropped anchor before Yerba Buena5 where were Lying
the United States bark Alert and brig Bolivar, the
British bark Index, and the Mexican brig Catalina,
and alter firing a salute Simpson hastened ashore to
Mr Rae, then in charge of the Hudson's Bay
Company's interests at this place.
Next day the Bolivar sailed for Monterey, having
on board Mr Hale and M. de Mofras en route for
Mexico. After despatching a courier overland to
Monterey for the purpose of asking Governor Alva-
rado's permission to laud certain articles without first
visiting the seat of government, and after duly cele-
brating New Year's day. on the' 3d of January l
Simpson accompanied by Rae and Forbes proceeded
in tlie long and jolly boats by way of San Rafael to
visit > reneral Vallejoat Sonoma. There they found de-
lightful entertainment. A ride round the valley under
I of Salvador Vallejo and several vaqueros who
admiration of the strangers by their feats of
1 orsemanship was followed by dinner, after which was
dancing to the music of the guitar played by Salvador
and one of his m< n.
irning to Yerba 1 Juena on the 6th,fourdays after-
n \ isited the mission of San Franci
of late under the stewardship of Francisco Guerrero.
"'•A prettly little bay,' saya the Narrative, 283 l. 'Wl
doub better auspices to be the site of ;i flourishing town,
ontain only eight or nine houses in addition to tho
■ ■ I ■ , ' estal
660 TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
Meanwhile the messenger returned from Monterey
with Alvarado's refusal to permit the landing of any
goods until the duties had first been paid at Monterey.
To this port the Cowlitz therefore proceeded, leaving
Yerba Buena on the 12th, and coming to anchor before
the capital on the evening of the 15th. A salute of
seven guns was next evening exchanged with the castle,
which, says Simpson, "was at present so flush of gun-
powder as to return our compliment without borrow-
ing from us." Then boarded the ship six customs
officers with countenances of radiant expectation untd
informed that tonnage had been paid at San Francisco,
and that there was no cargo to land at Monterey,
whereat their faces fell.
The sights were the church where mass was being
said when the strangers landed, and the christening
of a newly erected bridge now gayly decorated for that
purpose. At the church door Simpson made the
acquaintance of Spence, who conducted him to the
unpretentious house of the governor, and introduced
him to the other notables of the town. While return-
ing to his boat Simpson was saluted by a horseman in
Californian costume whom, after penetrating the dis-
guise, he found to be Ermatinger, who at his request
had come from the Sacramento Valley to give such
information as he possessed relative to the company's
interests in southern Oregon and northern California.
During the night the Coivlitz was closely watched
by two customs officers, and in the morning arrange-
ments were consummated for sending by the Llama,
then in that port, such portion of the Cowlitz cargo as
was destined for Yerba Buena. On the 17th the Cat-
alina arrived from San Francisco, making six vessels
then in Monterey Harbor.
Setting sail the 19th the Cowlitz continued down
the coast to Santa Barbara, where the fur governor
landed and paid his respects to the inhabitants, after
which his vessol crossed over to Honolulu, where it
came to anchor the 12th of February. A house had
THE STIKEEN TRAGEDY. CGI
been prepared for the distinguished visitorby Sir John
Pelly, the representative of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany .1' this port, which indeed was nothing less than
•d palace, the residence of royalty prior to the
retiremenl of the courl from Honolulu to Lahaina.
PeJly's residence was a cottage four miles up a gentle
ascenl in the valley of Nuannau where the air was
pure and the temperature cooler than at Honolulu.
Next day the company's ship Vancouver came into
port, bound for the Columbia, and on her McLou^h-
lin, Rowand, and Hopkins embarked. Afl ting
■ stir among the white and dusky society of
Islands, on the 24th of March Simpson embarked for
Sitka, where he arrived the 16th of April.
the vessel destined to carry him to Okhotsk was
not ready to sail, Simpson determined to make another
a isit to his company's forts in that vicinity. ( bartering
the Russian steam-tug to tow the Cowlitz through the
channels, the fur governor sailed from Sitka through
Peril Strait and Chatham Sound to Fort Tako, where
the vessel took on furs and fuel, and then proceeded
through Wrangel Strait to Fort Stikeen, where she
arrived the 25th of April. <
Two flags, the Russian and the English, at half-
mast as they came in sight, of the fori awakened
in the minds of the travellers serious apprehensions,
which were more than realized on landing. Five «
had elapsed since the killing of McLoughlin junior.
Twenty-two white men were left within the fort, and
outside the palisades were congregated two thousand
savages waiting, as Simpson claims, a favorable oppor-
tunity to seize the establishment and massacre the
men. At which critical juncture the two vessels ar-
!. thus saving atrocities. But of this there is no
proof.8
BSimpson Bays that four of the principal chiefs 'while r<
kind
been , d bad bei d opposed by the wiser
and >:.,'< r heads.' The for governor wishing to make his arrival
tune w ould hu\ e it inferred that his coming saved the garrison and
GC2 TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
Placing the post in charge of Dodd, chief mate of
the Cowlitz, with a sailor, Blenkinsop, as an assist-
ant, and taking with him the murderer, Simpson left
Stikeen the 28th, and after towing the Cowlitz from
her anchorage, cast her off and proceeded to Sitka in
the steamer. Shortly after his arrival there a drunken
quarrel occurred among the natives, resulting in the
loss of three lives and nearly approaching to an out-
break. The evils of intoxication being thus almost
simultaneously brought home to the fur governors,
after due consideration they entered into a compact,
to take effect at Sitka immediately, and at the other
posts as soon as notice could be conveyed to them,
discontinuing the traffic in spirituous liquors with the
natives of the American coast.
Having changed his calendar from the English to
the Russian by subtracting twelve days, on the 9th
of Ma}^ Simpson embarked on board the Russian ship
Alexander Bardnof for Okhotsk, where he arrived
the 24th of June. Proceeding thence across Asia he
reached London after an absence of nineteen months
and twenty-six days, which at that time was as great
a feat as is a voyage round the world in eighty days
at present.7
The voyages and explorations of La Perouse, La-
place, and others, indicate that the French have more
than once had a desire to establish intercourse with
the Northwest Coast of America, and it is even sup-
but the savage words of rash youths was something far from an attack on the
fort. In the Fort Simpson journal under the date of Sunday, May 1, 1842,
I find entered: ' Sir George came direct from the Islands to Sitka in the C 'owlitz,
and got the Russian steamer [meaning the steam-tug Alexander Bardnof] to
take her to Stikeen round by Tako. He is to return in the Russian steamer
to Sitka, and send the Cowlitz on here, where he desires her not to be detained
more than a day, and directs our furs to be packed, and 50 or 60 tons of ballast
collected ready for shipment.' They must be awake, for his eyes are on them.
7 The two octavo volumes, Narrative of a Journey round the World, in
which Simpson narrates the incidents of his journey, are a model record of
travels. The author was an exceedingly able man, a keen observer, quick in
thought and action, with a mind overflowing with general intelligence, and
possessed of every means that earthly power could give to facilitate his move-
ments. His command of words is excellent, and his style is no less terse
than graceful.
EUGENE DUFLOT DE MOFRAS.
posed that they have looked with a longing eye on
California. The visil in L841 2 of Eugene Dufloi de
Mofras gave decided strength to these views, and so
did thf annual cruise of French men-of-war along
the coast, about the same period.8 Mofras, who lia<l
for three years been attached to the French legation
at .Madrid, and there acquired a knowledge of Spanish
language and customs, and was accordingly" well fitted
for a mission to the Spanish Americans, was trans-
ferred at the close of 1839 to the legation of A!
with instructions to visit the west coasts of M
the Californias, and Oregon, and report upon their
civil and political condition and resources, with a view
to commercial relations.1' lie was provided with let-
ters <>f recommendation to officials and leading men,
and received from the minister of foreign relations at
Mexico a passport for a scientific tour, instructions
being issued to provincial governors to render him
every aid.
Mofras' own hook is devoted entirely to the re-
sults of the mission, with scarcely a referen :e to
the incidents of his voyage; hut so notable an event
as the visit of a French official has not been over-
looked by the isolated settler in California, and his
character, at least, is fully discussed in more than one
memoir on my shelves. After a tour through the
north-western states of the present Mexican republic,
he embarked at Mazatlan for California, arriving at
San Diego April 13, 1841. 10 He hurried to Mon-
8 In a letter addressed in 1S41 to the father-president of < lalifornia, Mofras
states that for the future he expects that one or two Frencb war-vi
visit this coast every year. Pio Pico, Doc, MS., torn. ii. L3. Mofras admits
in the preface to his work that the great |
the whale-fishery, and other interests had long attracted the attention of his
Mofras, Exploration du Territoirt di VOrigon,
mer VermeUle, torn. i. vii.-viii. A few years after this a reg-
ular party appeared in California, which advocated a French |
the country, but it never attained to any strength.
9 ' De ■ :.i:u. independamment du point de vue politique, 'puis
aient offrir a notre commerce el k notre na\ igation des expe-
ditions raercantiles, et la fondatiou de comptoirs dan- ifofras,
. torn. i. ix.
instructions of the minister at Mexico to the governor of < a
to give Mofras every aid that he might require, are dated May 21, 1840, BO
6G4 TWO ROTABLE VISITORS.
terey to present himself to the governor, and there-
upon set out on a journey through the missions and
towns, examining archives, making inquiries, and ob-
serving affairs generally. Aware of the influence of
the fathers, and the need for their assistance, he had
brought an order from the San Fernando college,
at Mexico, requiring the friars to open their archives
and to afford him every aid. He also took care to
gain their good-will by means of presents in the shape
of images and other appropriate articles, and by show-
ing them a respectful attention. The copious informa-
tion be obtained proves that these efforts were not in
vain. From Sonoma, the residence of General Vallejo
and the most northern settlement of the Mexicans,
he crossed to Fort Ross, then on the eve of being
evacuated by the Russians. Deviating from the usual
silence concerning his movements, he refers to two
visits made to this place, and dwells on the frank
hospitality with which he was received. He extols
the able and humane policy of the Russians, and the
excellent arrangements of the forts ; and he is charmed
with the beautiful gardens and the picturesque sur-
roundings. A reason for this special eulogy may be
found in the presence of a cultured lady, the charming
wife of Governor Alexander Rotchef, nee Princess
Gagarin, who had renounced the gayeties of the court
to follow her husband to this remote corner of the
world.
Shortly after this, Mofras proceeded to Oregon by
way of the Sandwich Islands, and would no doubt
have been cordially welcomed at Fort Vancouver by
the liberal-minded McLoughlin, to whom he brought
a letter of introduction from the agent, Rae, of San
Francisco. Sir George Simpson, who had arrived
there a few days before on his tour round the world,
did not appear pleased with the presence of a French
that his tour in lower Mexican provinces must have been quite lengthy. Arch.
Col. Dept. State Papers, Aug., MS., torn. xi. 118-19; Id., torn. iv. 83; Val-
lejo, JJoc, MS., torn. x. loO. See further lilst. L'ul, this series.
MOFRAS AND SIMPSON". CG5
agent, and the result was a coldness in intercourse
which Mofras duos not fail to place in contrast with
the hearty reception accorded to him by the Russians.
•i of the governor's animadversion was
Mr Hale of the United States exploring expedition,
who had remained with the | I purpose of
studying Indian languages, but in reality, says Mofras,
to .watch the Hudson's Bay Company on behalf of his
government.11
Mofras gives a concise review of the geography of
the country,and of the historic data which bear upon
the title of possession, adding his own observations
on the settlements and social institutions. Astoria is
depicted as a miserable squatter's place, invested by
the rival English and American factions with the pom-
pons name of Fort George and town of Astoria, the
fort being represented by a bald spot from which the
vestige of buildings had long since disappeared, an 1
the town by a cabin and a shed. Occasionally fringed
with a few Indian lodges somewhat higher up the
Columbia, on Oak Point he notices a small salmon-
curing establishment, belonging to the Hudson's Bay
Company, and then comes Fort Vancouver, to which
he refers with complimentary minuteness. He en-
[j into the history and trade system of the
company, but refrains from comments on its monopo-
lizing policy. Despite the rebuff from Sir G<
Sim; on, he refers To him as an intelligent chief; of
McLoughlin, however, whose French mother had
imbued" him with sympathies for la gr
he speaks more fully and in the highesl terms,
dwi lis on the zeal and ability of the French mission-
aries and on their influence over the French Canadian
employes and settlers. The latter received him with
.. torn. ii. L95-6. Si lows his dislii
declaring t'. i 1 talking of hi trian exploits rather than
listening to information, and to finger byth
eviden i the California archi at least that Mofras
was well provided with ofiicial recommendations and passport.
666 TWO NOTABLE VISITORS.
delight at their prosperous farms on the Cowlitz and
Willamette, and were quite demonstrative in expres-
sions of love for the mother country, declaring that
nothing could equal that which pertains to France.
Such ideas fostered by the almost general use of the
French language, were not apt to create a leaning
toward their exclusive English masters, and Mofras
expresses a hope that the race may combine some
day and shake off the hated yoke, in Canada as well
as on the Pacific coast, and become at least semi-
independent under the American flag. Despite his
sympathy with Americans, he expresses a conviction
that the English hold the best title to Oregon.
Mofras returned to California by the Cowlitz in
company with Simpson, and arrived December 30,
1841, at San Francisco, whence he hastened to Mon-
terey to prepare for a second tour through the prov-
ince. California pleased him best, for in the character
of a French nobleman, recommended by the Mexican
government, he became the lion wherever he appeared.
There was a round of feasting and amusements, less
refined no doubt than those of the European capitals,
but nevertheless a source of pleasure from their very
novelty; and then to be the centre of the ladies'
admiration and of the men's envy, this sufficed for a
Frenchman to cover a multitude of discrepancies. He
shone at bull-baits and horse-races, balls and parties,
and had every prospect of leaving a brilliant record.
But faults arose to dim his fame, and charges were
made of the most reprehensible conduct. He is said
to have been arrogant toward the Californians, and
openly expressed his contempt for them; but this
must have taken place when he succumbed to his
partiality for strong drink. Some of his prominent
accusers' concentrated their feeling against him in the
word ' crazy,' while the more charitable suppose that
a hasty temper and pride at times overcame his
naturally generous impulses, and that he had been
imbued with the false idea of regarding Californians
MOFRAS IX CALIFORNIA. GG7
as little better than Indians. At San Antonio Mis-
sion it is said, and probably falsely, the administrator
placed him under arrest for rude language and per-
sonal violence, and was upheld by the government in
this course.12
Dutiut de Mofras is not less complimentary in
stamping the Californians as an indolent, lounging,
smoking, and hard-drinking race, caring for do other
exercise than riding and dancing, and leaving all hard
work to the long-suffering women. He gives <\\\<'
credit to their hospitable and social character, how-
ever, and predicts a glorious future for a country so
richly endowed by nature.13
]-' VaUejo, in Hist. Cal., MS., torn. iv. 24."); LI. Doc, MS., torn, xxxvi.
204, 285; A varado, Hist. Gal., MS., torn. iv. 175-9, 208; HartnelVs Nor.,
Ms.. L4-20; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal., Ms., s7: Gal. Pioneers, No. 2, MS.;
Pio Pico, Doc, Ms., fcom. ii. 13-15; 8. VaUejo, Notas Hist., MS., 129 ::'»;
res., Ms., 28; Cerruti's Ramblings, Ms., 195-6; Misc. Hist.
Papers, MS., doc. 36; Arch. Cal. Dept. State Papers, Pre/, y Juzg., Ms., v.
13; S. Diego, Arch., Ms., 261.
l8Mofras returned to Paris in 1842, where his collection of well written
facts was published two years later in two volumes, by order of the kin,.:.
They are dedicated to Marshal Soult, president of the council of ministers,
by whom he had been charged with the mission, and presumed to be a continu-
ation of Humboldt's description of the same region. Iu the Bulletin de I".
, torn. ax. 5 37, is printed Fragment d'un voyagi ■
ifornie hi a la seance gencrak du 3U Dccembre 1842.
CHAPTER XXXI.
UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
1841-1842.
Object op the Movement — Ships Employed — Officers — Commander
Wilkes— Bibliography of the Voyage — Round Cape Horn — Ha-
waiian Islands— Cross to Admiralty Inlet— Case Surveys Hood
Canal — Ringgold Examines Admiralty Inlet— Excursion of John-
son and Party to Colville and Walla Walla— Wilkes Calls on
McLoughlin — And Visits the Valley Willamette — Wreck of the
'Peacock' at the Mouth of the Columbia — Emmons' Overland En-
pedition from Oregon to California — The 'Vincennes' Proceeds
to Verba Buena.
Under the command of Charles Wilkes, of the
United States navy, was sent by congress in 1838 to
the South Sea and round the world an exploring ex-
pedition, whose operations terminated in 1842.
The object of this movement was the examination
of islands, reefs, and harbors, and the protection of
commerce, particularly of the whale-fishing interests
in the Pacific. Instructions dated the 1 lth of August
1838, and signed by J. K. Paulding, secretary of the
navy, directed the expedition to sail from Norfolk to
Rio de Janeiro, Tierra del Fuego, and Valparaiso;
thence proceed to examine the Navigator group and
the Fiji Islands; achieve, if possible, the Antarctic
legion, after which visit the Hawaiian Islands; then
survey the Northwest Coast, examine the Columbia
River, and note specially the bay of San Francisco;
alter which the coast of Japan was to be visited, then
the port of Singapore; when this was accomplished
the expedition was to return to the United States by
way of Cape Good Hope. No traffic was permitted
(608)
PERSONNEL OF THE EXPEDITION. CG9
with either civilized or savage peoples, excepi
necessaries or curiosities.
The squadron consisted of the sloops of war Vin-
es and Peacock, the brig Porpoise, the ship /.'•
and tenders Sea Chill and Flying Fish. Store-ships
with fresh supplies were to be senl to Valparaiso, the
Hawaiian Islands, and Singapore. Although bei
to commerce was the primary object, the interesl - of
science were not to be neglected. Attached to the
expedition was a corps of learned gentlemen, wl
duty it was to gather knowledge, each in his special
field.1
The first attempt to organize a national expedition
had failed, and the movement now was not a very
popular one.2 Nor did the commander then or sul
quently wholly escape reproach.8 For himself lie
1 Their names were as follows: In the ship Vincenn -. Charles Pickering
and Joseph P. Couthouy, naturalists; Joseph Drayton, artist; J. 1). Bracken-
bant botanist; John 6. Brown, mathematical instrument maker;
John W. W. Dyes, assistant taxidermist. In the ', James 1 >.
Dana, mineralogist; T. R. Peale, naturalist; Horatio Hale, philologist; F. L.
Davenport, into preter. In the Relief, William Rich, botanist, and Alfred S.
it 1st.
-•I. X. Reynolds of NewYorkwas the originatorof the expedition, and
the act of congri ss authorizing it Mas under I
Jackson, and passed the 14th of May 1836. Of Reynolds, Car;-. 11 says, St \r
West, 16: 'He received from thi fessions and the country,
the highest evidences of honor it was in their power 1 [n return for
ly and travel in connection with the subject, v, ben thi
which he had called into b<
or even passage in it. The failure of its first organization bad i
whole affair to ridicule, and had seriously impaired the confidi nee and ardor
of its officers and friends.' North Am. J'< ■•"- w, July 1845, 55.
is horn in New York in 1801, served in the M<
i 1819, in the Pacific in 1821, and in 18!
I instruments. On his return from dition
chargi -red against him by his officers, of all which a court-mar-
I the illegal punish] . for which he was
reprimanded. While commandh ?ow Jacinto in 1861 in the West
. Looking for the confederate Bteamer Sumter, he I rciblytook the con-
federate commissioners Mason and Slidell from the British mail steamer i
forwhich he received the thanks of a agh the president finally
disapproved the course and surrendered i I (England. Among
Qcipal office] - of the exploring expedition wei Fho T.
I en, Overton Carr, Robert JE. Jom William L. Maury,
and acting master of the I ina EI. North; William L. Hudson,
.'■,■ hi. atenant .\. h L mder of the /,'• lief;
Lieutenant < ladwalader i
W. E. Reid and Samuel 11. Knox, in charge of the ten 11 and
Flying i
670 UNITED STATES EXPLORIXG EXPEDITION.
claimed that many impediments were thrown in his
way, while his officers accused him of arbitrary and
illegal rule.4 Be this as it may the objects of the
expedition were accomplished to the high honor of the
nation, and the results given in several editions of
printed reports both public and private.5
Sailing from Norfolk the 18th of August 1838, the
squadron touched at Madeira, stopped a month and
more at Rio de Janeiro, visited Tierra del Fuego, and
thence after a southern cruise proceeded to Valparaiso,
where it arrived the middle of May 1839. The Sea
Gull was lost off Cape Horn. Callao was the next
i Wilkes was even accused of purchasing his command. Though this was
never proven, there were hot political proceedings with some sprinkle of
infamy in appointing a commander for the expedition. Wilkes was ridiculed
as a lieutenant-commodore, because being a subordinate he was promoted to
this important command over the heads of his superiors. His impudence was
greater than his talents. It is said that he was chosen for the command more
on account of his scientific pretensions than his ability as a naval officer. Says
the North Am. Review, July 1845, 55, while looking Avith national pride upon
the results ' we have no intention of expressing an opinion either as to the
manner of his appointment or as to the conduct of other officers.'
5 First there was the illustrated official edition in IS vols. 4to and 8 vols,
folio, printed for presentation by government to piiblic institutions. Of some
of these volumes but 100 copies were printed, and there are few if any
complete sets in existence to-day. The titles are as follows: Vols. i. to v.
Narrative of the United Sfnt< s Exploring E.rjxdi/imi during the years 1838-42,
by Charles Wilkes, Philadelphia, 1S44; vol. vi. Ethnography and Philology by
Horatio Hale, Philadelphia, 1846; vol. vii. Zoophytes, by James I). Dana,
Philadelphia, 1S46; vol. viii. Mammalia and Ornithology, by Titian R. Peale,
Philadelphia, 1848; vol. viii. bis, Mammalogy and Ornithology, by John Cassin,
Philadelphia, 1858, with folio atlas of 53 plates; vol. ix. The Races of Man,
and their Geographical Distribution, by Charles Pickering, Philadelphia, 184S:
vol. x. Geology, by James D. Dana, with atlas of 21 plates, Philadelphia, 1S49;
vol. xi. Meteorology, by Charks Wilkes, Philadelphia, 1851; vol. xii. Mollusca
and Shells, by Augustus A. Gould, Philadelphia, 1852, an atlas of plates an-
nounced but never published; vol. xiii. Crustacea, by James D. Dana, Phila-
delphia, 1S52; with folio atlas of 96 plates, Philadelphia, 1855; vol. xv.
Botany, Phanerogamia, by Asa Gray, with a folio atlas of 100 plates, Phila-
delphia, 1854; vol. xvi. Botany, Cryptogamia, Filiees, including Lycopodiacece
and, Ilydrojiti'ridfs, by William D. Brackenridge, Philadelphia, 1S54, with a
folio atlas of 46 plates, Philadelphia, 1855; vols, xvii., xviii., and xix., never
published; vol. xx. Herpetology, by S. F. Baird, with folio atlas of 32 plates,
Philadelphia, 1S58. Burnet numbers the volumes quite differently, and gives
the place of publication of some of them Xew York, and some Boston. For
example, vol. xiv. is Phanerogamia, by Asa Gray, Xew York, 1854; vol. xv.
The Geographical Distribution of Animals and Man, by Charles Pickering,
Boston, 1854, etc. ' Une partie des exemplaires des 16 volumes de cette pre-
cieuse collection ont 6t<§ envoyes en cadeau aux principaux gouvemements et
aux grands establissements scientifiques des deux mondes.' An illustrated
Svo edition of the Narrative in 5 volumes appeared in Philadelphia in 1S45,
another in 1849, another in Xew York in 1852. A condensed edition in one
MOVEMENTS OE THE VESSELS. 071
port made. From this point the Relief was seni home
by way of the Hawaiian Islands and Sydney. A
cruise in the South Pacific and the Antarctic then
followed with the Elawaiian [slands as a rendezvous.
II was the 24th of September L840 that the Vin-
cennes reached Honolulu, after which the other ves-
rels caiac straggling in, lmt too late for operations on
the Northwest Coast thai winter. To fill upthetime
excursions about the Hawaiian group were mad.', the
Porpoise meanwhile cruising in the vicinity of the
Society Islands, while to the Peacock and Flying Fish
were given other south sea missions.
volume octavo appeared in London in 1845, and one in 1856. En L850 there
was printed at Auburn, New York, in one octavo volume, Voyagi of the
United States Exploring Squadron, commanded by Captain Charles Wilkes;
and in 1851, a ton in on< volume octavo was printed in Nev. York,
entitled Voyage round the World, Embracing the Principal Events of th Nar-
of the Untied States Exploring Expedition, with 170 illustrations. Afti r
the discovery of gold in Calif ornia, selections were made from the Nai
and published in Philadelphia in 1849, under the title of Western America,
u fornia and Oregon, with Maps qfthost Regions and .
| alley.
Before any of the regular editions of the Narrative and its collateral
scientific volumes appeared, however, there was printed a Syr,
I U.S. i- i i r. Ex. during the Years 1838 )L Delivered befo
al Institute by its Commander, Charles Wilkes, on ///< 20th of Jm
this expedition,' says the North Am. Review, April 1843,
'will I ontribution to science offered to the world by tin- go1
ment of the United States:' ami yet it ne much public atten-
tion, and no public enthusia im. There was too much political jobberj a
self-aggrandizement for the men or th
t glorious. On his return, in answer to the i ha
Just him, with unblushing effrontery b< i
: thai the command was conferred upon him without solicitation on Ins
part. But howevi I some of the attendant circum
d its resull » i I on all sides as mi impi
and as highly honorable to the nation. Says the Bulletin d>
rix. 1843,37: 'Cevoyageesl an di - plus im] ants qui
trepris.' Wilkes" style as a writer is far from good; b
1 ivenly, he is often ungrammatical. As one of a hundred illusti
which might be brought forward, 1 will quote a line from the Nor
Revieio, July 1845, 57, where that journal is speaking of the commander's
Bra ! : '( aptain Wilkes has devoted, verj a
conceive, two chapters of his work to a description of Ri i de Ja
the political condition of the Brazilians. Seeingthal he has mad.:
of the facts i
me of that w riter's libei ■ : strict
embodied in the instructions to the effeel tl
K 1 by the expedition was the property of the Unit
not be given in any form to any not belonging to the party. At the termi-
nation lition, each person ■ to surrender all journals,
memoranda, and drawings in his posa
672 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
Proceeding from the Islands the 5th of April 1841,
the Vincennes and Porpoise arrived off the mouth of
the Columbia on the 28th; but owing to the rough-
ness of the water on the bar6 the commander turned
his vessels northward, and entering the strait of Juan
de Fuca with a view of beginning his survey of the
coast in that quarter came to anchor in Port Discov-
ery the 2d of May.
The chief of a Clallum canoe party, who boarded
the vessels next morning, demanded if those were
Boston or King George ships, and thought it exceed-
ingly strange that these white men would not buy
furs. Fish and game were plentifully supplied by the
natives in exchange for tobacco and trinkets.
A native was immediately despatched to Fort Nis-
qually at the head of Puget Sound with a letter to
the officer in charge requesting a pilot. Four days
were occupied in examining the harbor, during which
time the botanists found a new and attractive field
ashore. Receiving no reply to his letter, Lieutenant
Wilkes weighed anchor on the 6th, and proceeded to
Port Townsend, which he examined next day, and on
the 8th moved his ships up eight miles to an anchor-
age at the entrance to Hood Canal, which place he
called Port Lawrence. On the following day Wilkes
brought his ships to a cove on the west side of Admi-
ralty Inlet opposite the south end of Whidbey Island,
and being there met by the mate of the Beaver, sent
to his assistance by the Hudson's Bay Company, he
called the place Pilot Cove.
Early on the morning of the 9th, under direction
of the pilot, the two vessels continue their way up
the inlet, passing a place named by the commander
Appletree Cove from the number of those trees blos-
soming there, and at night anchoring near a fine bay
0 ' Mere description can give little idea of the terrors of the bar of the
Columbia; all who have seen it have spoken of the wildness of the scene,
and the incessant roar of the waters, representing it as one of the most fear-
ful sights that can possibly meet the eye of the sailor.' Wilkes* Xar., iv. 313.
SURVEYING PARTIES, 673
on the west shore, which he calls Fori Madison.7
Continuing nexi day under the shadow of Hudson
River scenery, taking the passage to the west of
Vashon [sland, the vessels pause for the night just
below the narrows leading into Puget Sound, which
by the assistance of the tide they shoot on the 11th,
and anchor off Nisqually that night.
Mr Anderson was in charge of the establishment
at the time, and Captain McNeill was also there
repairing his little steamer; and it is needless to say
that the strangers were welcomed, meat and milk
being sent them from the fort. Richmond and Wilson
v ere at the Methodist mission. Officers and men were
enthusiastic over the beauties of those waters, which
they pronounced unqualifiedly the finest in the world.
A scientific campaign was now planned in which all
were to take a part. Lieutenant Case with the
boats of the Vincen7ies was to examine Hood Canal,
and Ringgold with the Porpoise, Admiralty Inlet.
Lieutenant Johnson, accompanied by Pickering, T. \Y.
Waldron, Brackenridge, and three men, was to make
an excursion to forts Colville, Lapwai, and Walla
Walla, returning by way of the Yakima River, two
m< »nt lis 1 >eing allowed for the trip. Wilkes, with Dray-
ton, R. li. Waldron, and two men, was to cross to the
Columbia, visit Astoria, Fort Vancouver, and the Wil-
lamette settlement, and ascend the river to Walla
Walla. Should the Peacock enter the Columbia in
fcy, her boats were to survey the river. The instru-
ments and docks wore landed from the Vincennes, and
an observatory planted on a hill-top within hail of
the ship.
The surveying parties under Case and Ringgold
were first despatched, after which horses were bought
and the land expeditions equipped. After Johnson
7 All those places Wilkes says lie surveyed, though we are scarcely to
understand by that term, when wo consider the time spent mid the n
what would be called surveying beside the thorough work of Davidson, Law-
sou,, or Ellicntt.
LIist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 43
C74 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
had started, the Wilkes party was sent by Anderson
on horses with a Canadian guide through a park-like
country to Cowlitz Farm, sixty miles south, whence ,
they were sent by the superintendent, Mr Forrest, in
a canoe in charge of Simon Plomondeau to Astoria.
On their way down the Columbia they met the brig
Wm e, which had brought them some stores from the
Hawaiian Islands, and which had left them at Astoria
in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's agent,
Birnie.
Sunday the 23d, Birnie proposed a trip to the Clat-
sop village and the missionary station at Point Adams,
which invitation Lieutenant Wilkes gladly accepted.
Besides Mr and Mrs Frost in charge of the mission,
there were two settlers from the United States, Tib-
bits and Smith, who were building themselves houses,
and a farm four miles distant belonging to Mr Frost
and a brother clergyman, Mr Koen.
Leaving Waldron at Astoria to await the arrival of
the Peacoclc,tlie party, still guided by Plomondeau, pro-
ceeded by canoe to Fort Vancouver by way of Lake
River, to avoid the current of the Columbia, They
were captivated, as all men were, by Dr McLough-
lin's courtesy and kindness. Quite a company of mis-
sionaries were at the time enjoying the fur-traders'
hospitality; there were the Smiths, the Griffiths, the
Clarkes, Mr Waller, and others. Excursions were made
to the dairy farm, the grist and saw mills, and no
pains were spared to show the exploring party every
object of interest.
Furnished by McLoughlin with a large boat bounte-
ously provisioned, on the 3d of June Wilkes and his
companions left Vancouver for the Willamette Valley.
On the bank of the Willamette they found encamped
under two small tents Jason Lee, accompanied by
Mrs Lee and the Whitcom family en route for Clatsop.
On Oak Island, near where Portland now stands, they
found busily at work the eight young boat-builders of
whom I make mention elsewhere.
WILKES IX OREGON. 675
At the falls, now Oregon City, they found Waller,
the missionary in charge, quarrelling with the Hud-
son's Bay Company, who had a post there, over busi-
ness matters. Mrs Waller played the pari of cook
and hostess to perfection, and after dinner they went
out to see the natives catch salmon at the Tails.
Eighteen miles above the falls, at Champoeg, they
were entertained in a rude way by Mr Johnson, a re-
tired Hudson's Bay Company trapper, who had a farm
there, and whose Indian woman in his opinion was
worth six civilized wives. Johnson had been in the
navy, and found in Wilkes rare companionship.
three or four neighbors came forward and paid their
respects to the distinguished strangers, the burden of
their conversation being mostly of laws and gov
merit in which accursed necessities they were lack
Even yet within the range of McLoughlin's
pitable influence, next morning the explorers found
ready with horses at their door Michel la Framboise,
who had come to this region in the Tonquin, and who
knew the country thoroughly, as he often had cha
of trapping parties to California and back.
Mounting, they proceeded up the valley, calling on
Blanchet8 at the Catholic mission twelve miles from
Champoeg. On reaching his own house shortly after-
ward Michel left the party, Plomondeau, Johnson, and
others being yet with them as guides.
Entering the grounds of the Methodist mission,
eight miles beyond the Catholic mission and eighteen
miles from Champoeg, the attention of the travellers
by a patent threshing-machine roi
in the road, which did not speak well for the thrift
of the missionaries. There they were entertained by
tin- AJbernethys and visited by Doctor Babcock.
Declining an invitation to be present al ;i 1th of
July dinner tendered by the settlors, the party rode
over to the mill nine miles south-east from the mission.
BWilkes calls him Bachelet, .-in 1 lent the last e.
Like most early government work his Narrative is badly printed.
679 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
There they dined with Mr Raymond; before which,
however, Mr Hines took them to the site selected
for a seminary, two miles distant, where his family
was encamped under some oak-trees. Wilkes could
not understand what savages wanted with semi-
naries.
After a visit to the old Mission site on the bank
of the Willamette, the party crossed the river and
encamped near O'Neill's farm, formerly belonging to
Mr Leslie, and the best in the country. It was now
the 8th of June 1841. Next day the party started for
the Yam Hills where were a number of settlers, the
most remote of whom on that side of the river was
George Gay, an Indianized white man and a most
unsettled settler. Two brick-kilns were passed on the
way thither. The farms of McLoughlin, La Bonte,
Young, and Bailey were examined, after which Wilkes
returned to Vancouver, leaving Drayton at the falls
of the Willamette, to make further additions to his
collections in natural history.
During Wilkes' absence, Fort Vancouver had been
enlivened by the presence of Peter Skeen Ogclen,
chief factor of the northern district, and his brigade
of gay voyageurs. From Ogden Wilkes learned much
of the upper country, which he did not fail to record.
Meanwhile the Peacock not appearing, Wilkes deter-
mined to return to Nisqually, Ogden offering him
a seat in his boat, manned by fourteen ribboned
and plumed voyageurs, as far as Cowlitz farm, and
at the same time requesting Drayton's company to
Walla Walla. Both of these invitations were gladly
accepted. The party from the Peacock which Lieu-
tenant Wilkes had thought of sending up the Colum-
bia., would have visited Walla Walla, and thence
have crossed the mountains to the Yellowstone ; but
fears were now entertained for the safety of that
vessel, and it was deemed best not to postpone fur-
ther the examination of so important a part of the
country.
JOHNSON'S EXCUKSION. 677
Ogden's brigade, which Drayton had been invited
to accompany, consisted of nine boats navigated by
sixty voyageurs, of whom eight were accompanied by
their wives. Of the party were Mr and Mrs McKin-
lay, on their way to lake charge of Fort Walla. Walla,
and Mr Cameron, en route for Black's station. About
one quarter of the boatmen were Iroquois, the re-
mainder Canadians.
Embarking at Fort Vancouver the 2Gth of June,
they camped the second night at the Cascades, where
the ancient aboriginal called Slyboots came forward
and received his annual present of some tobacco and
a shirt for once having saved Ogden and his party
from attack by giving timely warning. A cheap
reward. At the Methodist mission near the Dalles
Drayton was welcomed by Mr Perkins and Daniel
Lee. Arrived at Walla Walla, Drayton learned that
Lieutenant Johnson's party had passed that point a
week before on their way to Nisqually. After a visit
to the Waiilatpu mission, where were Dr Whitman
and Mr and Mrs Gray, and an excursion to the Bine
Mountains, Drayton returned by horse to the Dalles,
and thence by boat to Vancouver.
The 4th of July was heartily celebrated at Fort
Nisqually by a barbecue on shore. Dr McLoughlin
Mas expected to be present, but did not arrive until
next day; when lie visited the Vincennes, the first
man-of-war on which he had ever set foot. On leav-
ing he was heartily cheered by the crew.
The middle of July Lieutenant Johnson returned
from his Okanagan excursion, which I will now briefly
notice. With riding and pack horses, and Pierre
Charles and Bercier as guides, the party sel oul from
Nisqually the L9th of May, crossed the Puyallup,
and continued easterly through Nahches Pass to the
Yakima country, whore they met old Tidias, a chief-
tain running in horse-dealing. Thence taking a more
northerly direction, on the 2d of June they reached
C7S
UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
the Yakima River, which being too deep for loaded
horses to ford, they crossed their luggage on india-
rubber balsas. Continuing northward they struck the
Columbia just below the Menache,9 and on the 8th of
June arrived at Okanagan. In charge of the post was
Le Pratt, and on the 9th Maxwell arrived from Colville
with forty laden horses for Ogden's brigade. Both of
these officers cordially extended their hospitality.
PI^JVW sAAsl
Johnson's Excursion.
Leaving Okanagan the 10th, the party crossed the
Columbia,10 and taking an easterly course passed over
the Grande Coulee, crossed the Spokane at its junc-
tion with the Columbia, and after a visit to the Chimi-
9 Called by Wilkes the Pischous.
"Indulging in somewhat too liberal potations at parting, or else over-
come by his private bottle, Johnson became separated from his party, and lay
the first night out upon the ground, alone, dead-drunk.
DIVEBS SURVEYS. 679
kaine mission, arrived at Fort Colville on the 16th.
At ChimikaiDe they found the native chief, pious
Cornelius, and the wives of Walker and Eels, their
husbands being absent on a visit to Walla Walla.
McDonald was then master at Colville.
Throe days were spent at this post refreshing them-
selves and their horses, and repairing their pack-sad-
dles. The fort furnished all fcheir requirements, taking
orders on the ship in payment. Departing and pur-
suing a southerly course they came again to Chimi-
kaine, where they found the missionaries returned,
from whom, as well as from the fur-traders, they
learned much about the country and the people.
Thence they passed through the Spokane country to
Lapwai, where they found Spalding, who expounded
to his people the doctrine of the expedition. Spald-
ing gave the party fresh horses, taking their tired-out
animals in exchange.
Leaving Lapwai the 26th, the party proceeded to
Walla Walla, whence after remaining a few days, they
returned to Nisqually by way of the Yakima River.
Subsequently Hale, who was left in the country b}^
the expedition, went from Waiilatpu, by way of the
Palouse River, to Chimikaine and Colville, thus com-
pleting a pretty thorough survey of that region.
On his return from hisOkanagan tour Johnson was
ordered to cross the country to the Chehalis River,
lend that stream to the ocean, and make a survey
of Gray Harbor. But refusing to take passed mid-
shipman 3*Lld, who was to accompany him, into his
deliberations, Johnson was placed under arrest, and
the command given to Eld, who, with the assistance
of Colvocoresis, performed the service to the entire
satisfaction of his commander.
rl n<- Peacock and Flying Fish, not yet returned from
their South Sea cruise, were nowihree months overdue,
and the explorers were becoming exceedingly anxious
for their safety. To complete the survey of thosi
680 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
shores and hasten the squadron to other posts was all
that could be done.
The Porpoise, which had left Nisqually the 15th of
May, began her survey at the mouth of the Puyallup
River, from which circumstances the place was called
Commencement Bay.11 Thence the work was carried
northward.
Communication by water was discovered between
Port Orchard and Port Madison, and Lieutenant
Maury sent to survey it. Near this place was a
Catholic mission. Penn Cove was next examined;
after which the brig moved through Deception Pas-
sage to the northern outlet of Possession Sound. The
4th of July found the surveyors near Point Roberts,
and next day they were at the mouth of the Fraser.
The brig joined the Vincennes on the 20th at New
Dungeness.
Soon after embarking on another extensive system
of survey, including Haro Strait, Fraser River, to Fort
Langley, and the southern end of Vancouver Island,
tidings were received by way of Nisqually of the
loss of the Peacock, beaten in pieces on the bar of the
Columbia on the 18th of July, but without loss of
life. The surveys were soon cut short, as the ship-
wrecked mariners demanded attention. Mr Waldron
was sent with letters by way of Nisqually to Astoria,
where Captain Hudson and his crew had taken refuge,
and the ships, after completing certain surveys, got
out to sea, and arrived off the mouth of the Columbia
the 6th of August. The whale-ship Orozimbo was
there; likewise the Flying Fish. Hudson reported
on board the Vincennes, and Wilkes proceeded at once
to make such disposition of the squadron as should
"Professor Davidson, in his Pacific Coast Pilot of California, Oregon, and
Washington. Territory, 18G9, 240, says: 'It was named in 1792 by Vancouver,
who thought this the entrance to some large arm of the inlet, on account of
the low country beyond.' I fail to find any mention by name of this bay by-
Vancouver, although a full description of it is given on pages 268-9, Vancouver's
Voy., i., with a full-page steel illustration. What Vancouver says is, 'We
nattered ourselves we should find the inlet take an extensive easterly course,'
in which he was disappointed; but not a word about Commencement Bay by
that or any other name.
OVERLAND TO CALIFORNIA. 6S1
meet the present emergency. He would despatch a
party overland by way of the Willamette and Sac-
ramento valleys to San Francisco. Ee would survey
the Columbia to the head of navigation, but lie would
not jeopardize the Vincennes in crossing the bar. He
therefore shifted bis pennant to the Porpoise, and sent
the Vincennes in charge of Ringgold to San Francisco.
Then with the Porpoise, guided by Ramsey, a Chi-
nook pilot, he crossed the bar in safety, the tender
following, and anchored before Astoria. Lying there
was the brig ThomasH. Perhins,Y arney, master, which
he bought for $9,000, put her in thorough repair, an I
changed the name to Oregon. The trip across the
Rocky Mountains to the Yellowstone, which was to
have been under Mr Dana, was abandoned.
Ordering the boats of the wrecked PeacocJc manned
on the 9th of August 1841, the survey of the Colum-
bia was begun, though it was the 18th before the Por-
poise and the Oregon left Astoria to ascend the river.
At Fort Vancouver were Sir George Simpson, and
Von Freeman of the Russian company. A formal
dinner was given, which the explorers pronounced stiff;
evidently they enjoyed their first visit better. Simp-
son was more suspicious than McLoughlin. The so-
called survey of the Columbia which followed amounted
to little.12 The middle of October the squadron left
the Columbia and joined the Vincennes at San Fran-
cisco Bay.
Meanwhile a party had been despatched under
Lieutenant Emmons13 overland, from Oregon to Cali-
12I have no doubt this visit of these sailors to the Pacific coasl
juncture was worth to the United States all it cost; but as f
venture to say that two or three intelligent private I average
ability would have accumulated more valuable knowledge than all these
hundreds with their line ships and costly outfit and public parade. The
most remarkable feature of this memorable expedition was the amount of
knowledge which it everywhere left untouched. Their surveys were nothing
h as Vancouver's before them, or of those of the United States
at a later pi
13 At this writing Rear-admiral Emmons. In a letter to me dated Nov. I,
1879, he states that 'the land expedition grew partly out of the loss of the
Peacock.'
682 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
fornia, which left the Columbia the latter part of
August. This party consisted of thirty-nine persons
with seventy-six horses. Beside seamen and guides
there were of the votaries of science, Peale, Rich,
Dana, Agate, and Brackenridge, and several families,
by name Walker, Burrows, Nichols, and Warfielcls,
who joined for escort.
Their route was along the now well established
trail up the Willamette and across the rivers and
mountains of Umpqua, Rogue, and Klamath, to the
valley of the Sacramento. The narrative of this ex-
pedition is filled with trifling detail of little value to
history. While listening at the mission to a sermon
from Mr Leslie, one of the men, Tibbits, in nodding
by an open window, knocked out the support, and let
the sash down on his neck. At Champoeg, they
engaged Thomas McKay, a noted character in those
parts, as guide.
Arrived at Elk Creek the 16th of September, Em-
mons visited Fort Umpqua, fourteen miles distant,
where he found the officer in charge, Mr Gangriere,
in great fear of attack by the natives on account of
their losses by small-pox, introduced by Hudson's Bay
Company parties under La Framboise and McKay.
Elks were plentiful everywhere; the first grizzly
bears seen were on the Umpqua River. The country
through which they were now passing was regarded
as hostile. On the 2 2d they were on the Umpqua
Mountains, and three days afterward they encamped
on Rogue River. Many of the party were suffering
with ague. The Klamath River was crossed on the
1st of October; and thus without incident worthy of
mention they passed on over the mountains until they
came to the Sacramento River, which they followed
to Sutter Fort, arriving there the 19th of October.
There they found the Vincennes launch, in which part
of the company embarked, the remainder proceeding
by way of San Jose to San Francisco Bay. Jose An-
tonio Estrada at San Jose, to whom they took a letter
DEPARTURE OF THE SQUADRON. CS3
from Captain Sutter, did not seem overpowered with
seeing them. Ephraim Travel, however, a little
Yankee tailor belonging to the mission, showed them
the sights. Arrived atYerba Buena their horses and
accoutrements were sold by auction, bringing from one
and a half to five dollars each for the animals, fch
agrsrresratingf two hundred and ten dollars.
Lieutenant Ringgold sailing in the Vina nnes from
the Columbia River anchored off Yerba Buena the
L4th of August. By the advice of Richardson, cap-
tain of the port, he removed the ship throe days after
to Whalers Harbor, or Sauzalito, water being diffi-
cult to obtain at Yerba Buena. Neither the country,
the towns, nor the people of California seem to have
struck Lieutenant Wilkes favorably, nor were the
Californians overwhelmed with joy on beholding Lieu-
tenant Wilkes.14
Id six boats provisioned for thirty days Ringgold
with a party from the Vincennes set out the 20th of
August on an excursion up the Sacramento, and
arrived at New Helvetia, or Sutter Fort, the third
day. Here four sailors, attracted by the charm- of
the voluptuous valley, deserted, a common occurrence
on these shores, even at that early day. Ascending
the river to the vicinity of Colusa, they found them-
selves in a country swarming with game and full of
interesting phenomena. Thence they returned, reach-
ing the Vincennes the 9th of September.
When Lieutenant Wilkes arrived from the Colum-
bia he attended a fete and bull-fight given the 24th <>t'
October by the Irishman, Murphy, at San Rafael.
He likewise visited the missions at San Francisco and
Santa Clara. On the 1st of November 1841 the
squadron weighed anchor for Manila, by way of the
"From Forth -' California and other sources accessible to the United Stat* a
government on easier terms than sending t<> the Pacific a Bquadron for them,
Wilkes fills .some fift\ - narrative with facts su mingled with
prejudices as to contain little absolute knowledge.
664 UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
Hawaiian Islands. At Singapore the Flying Fish was
sold. The Vincennes after stopping at Cape Town
and St Helena reached New York the 10th of June
1842, the Porpoise and Oregon arriving shortly after,
having crossed the south Atlantic to Rio de Janeiro.
Meagre as was the knowledge gathered by this
expedition, its influence upon the affairs of the Pacific
territory of the United States in their then incipient
state was important. The country then was little
known; and what Wilkes and his associates said of it
was for the most part not only true but bore a great
nation's stamp of authenticity. These shores, which
hitherto were little more than myths in the world's
mind, were now clothed in reality. The selection for
the honorable part of commander of a man void of true
nobility of feeling, and more conspicuous for puerile
petulance than manly ability, as before remarked,
while it detracted from the dignity of the enterprise,
did not wholly hinder its usefulness. The benefits
to the coast were most important, and to the young
government for its lofty endeavor the highest praise
was due. Though exceedingly imperfect15 in their
material and execution the published reports of this
expedition formed by far the most important literary
work hitherto issued by the United States government.
]5 ' The injudicious manner in which the volumes have been crammed with
matters having no relation to the duties or events of the expedition is a proper
subject of criticism. A work of oppressive dimensions has been constructed,
and the real narrative of the cruise, a story of surpassing interest, is crushed
under a weight of irrelevant matter, enough to change the native hue of reso-
lution in the most determined reader. We are aware that one object of the
expedition was to promote the acquisition of knowledge, but not of knowl-
edge acquired from the stores of libraries ; and it would be ridiculous to deny
that a large portion of this work was prepared by Captain Wilkes, or his
friends, in the closet at home.' North American Review, July 1845, 100.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CURRENT EVENTS.
1S40-1844.
London and Fort Vancouver Vessels— McLoughlin in England — Tol-
mie's Road — Couch's Salmon-fishery — Murder or Kenneth McKay—
The Ship 'Thomas Perkins' — Spaulding— William Glen Rae — Post
Established at Verba Buena— Walla Walla— The Gunpowder
Story — Ermatinger's Expedition — Abolition of toe Liquor Traf-
fic—The Umpqua Country — Fremont's Expedition.
There were three barks at this time regularly
engaged in the London and Pacific coast trade, one
outward bound, one homeward bound, and one in
reserve at Fort Vancouver. In 1837-8 McLough-
lin was absent in England, explaining his industrial
projects, not all of which his associates seemed heart-
ily to approve. Nevertheless he was far too valu-
able a man for the company to dispense with. The
fact is, McLoughlin's judgment in Northwest Coast
matters was better, and safer to be followed, than
would be that of the directorship of London and Can-
ada combined.1
A few English men and women now began to cross
the mountains from Canada, and settle on the plains
of Oregon. Four families came in 1839. It was
during this same year that the American settlers in
Oregon petitioned congress to extend the jurisdiction
of the United States over that territory.2 In 1841-2
there was <|tiite an emigration of half-breeds from the
1 His projected operations with the Russians met the highest eni
ment from the directors, if we may credit Finlayson's Hi t. I . /.. MS.,73 I.
*Baxton'» Or. Tar., MS., 7, 38; Tolmie'a Pvgel Sound, Ms., 24.
(cac.)
686 CURRENT EVENTS.
Red River settlement, their destination being chiefly
Nisqually.
With a boat party of Iroquois and Kliketats in 1840
Tolmie cut a cart-road round the falls of the Willa-
mette at Oregon City ; that is to say, from the navi-
gable waters below to the navigable waters above.
The year previous Tolmie had been in charge of Fort
Walla Walla.
Another Columbia River salmon-fishery was now
attempted by Boston people, who sent out the ship
Maryland, Captain Couch, with trading goods and
the necessary implements. It was during the year
1840 that Couch arrived and made his observations,
after which he opened a small store at Oregon City ;
then he sailed away for Boston, returning to Oregon
in the CJienamas in the spring of 1842.3
One Sunday morning, while Kenneth McKay, who
was this year curing salmon for the company at Pillar
Rock, was sleeping in his tent, Whalaki, a slave from
the west coast of Vancouver Island, accompanied by
a Cape Flattery savage, entered, and after slaying
the sleeper pillaged the tent.4 Acting under Mc-
Loughlin's advice, American settlers as well as British
fur-hunters joined the experienced Indian-fighters
sent under Tolmie for the capture of the criminals.
Whalaki was ambuscaded and shot. His accessary
was surrendered, and hanged at Astoria with a lead
line from an American brig then lying in the stream,
every person present, white or copper-colored, pulling
at the rope.
There came in 1 84 1 the ship Thomas H. Perkins, Cap-
tain Varney, of Boston, the second American vessel
3 Tolmie's Puget Sound, MS., 15; Mnlayson's V. L, MS., 69.
1 Tolmie's Puget Sound, MS., 8. This is the last Indian outrage com-
mitted on the Columbia I am called upon to chronicle in this volume; and,
considering all things connected with the fur-hunting discipline and the
occupation of the country, I must say there was remarkably little violence or
bloodshed on either side.
VESSELS IX THE COLUMBIA. 6S7
entering the Columbia specially to trade since the sail-
in-- hence of the May Dacre in L835, the Maryland^
CaptaiD ('oiu-h, being the first.5
In his journal, 1841, Captain Spaulding of the ship
Lausanm speaks of the universal courtesy extended
him by the officers and servants of the Hudson's Bay
Company, especially Barrit, in charge of Astoria, and
McLoughlin at Fort Vancouver. Captain Humphries
of the Columbia piloted him in. McLoughlin, as ev< r
tireless in good acts, sent on board a bag of fresh
bread and a tub of fresh butter, and afterward invited
the whole crew, iifty-four men, to dine on shore.6
Clerk at Fort Vancouver in 1837 was William Glen
Rae, native of the Orkney Islands, who came from
York Factory in 1834, and after serving at Colville,
Okanagan, and Walla Walla, was appointed to head-
quarters, where he won the heart of the fair Eloise,
daughter of McLoughlin, and married her in 1838. In
March 1841, as we have seen, Rae was sent to the
Stikeen River. After an absence of a few months he
returned, made preparations for establishing a post at
_ 5The reader will distinguish between vessels which came to to
missionary vessels, or those which entered simply to land passengers, as well
as between English and American ships. The Owyhee, Captain Dominis,
which entered the Columbia in 1829, was the first American fcra
after 1814. The Convoy, Captain Thompson, belonging to the same Boston
linn, arrived a month later. Both vessels coasted during summer j the"
lumbia, and the Convoy at Oahu. In the Bpring of i 30
the Co't I ill.- < lolumbia, and in the summer both vessels sailed
away, and neither of them ever returned. Then the Mc iptain
Lambert, in 1 ->::i made a voyage to the Islands during winter, returned to
the Columbia in the spring, and left in the summer with hall
salmon. After the May Dacre was the Diana, Captain Binckley, who ■
ward settled in (a I married a native CaUfornian lady. Eearrived
ing besides White and w iiV, one bachelor and thr< e single
women. Tied only to heaven, hut not unwilling to entertain an
Id "ne suitable offer. The Sumatra from ; ed in
In Spaulding, was chart* red and lilh-d
with missionaries, under Jason Lee. u ho having i | this
• iih theirel - \Axoa
under Wilki 9, and the Thomas II. Perkins, Captain Varney.
8 Accompanying I
Rept.31, 27th i ■., 56 61 . Uv vild and incoherent
account of illicit commerce and atrocities wholly inconsistent with I
68S CURRENT EVENTS.
Yerba Buena Cove in the bay of San Francisco, and
proceeded thence by way of the Hawaiian Islands,
where his outfit was made.
Bae had not been long at Yerba Buena when the
bark Cowlitz from the Columbia River dropped in upon
him bringing the magnates of his company, Simpson,
McLoughlin, and Bowand, and best of all Mrs Bae.
By this same arrival came also Mr Hale of the United
States exploring squadron, and M. Eugene Duilot cle
Mofras. His visit to California completed, Simpson
sailed in the Cowlitz for Sitka, touching at Honolulu,
McLoughlin and Bo wand still accompanying him.
It happened the day of their arrival at Honolulu, that
the Vancouver came into port on her way to the
Columbia, and on her McLoughlin and Bowand took
passage for their respective posts.7
The August following Bae's arrival his company
purchased from Jacob P. Lease the large frame
building which he had built three years previous on
the beach of Yerba Buena Cove, where is now the
corner of Montgomery and Commercial streets, and
established there an agency for the purchase of hides,
tallow, horses, cattle, and sheep with European com-
modities. For a year or two subsequent to the date
of this purchase the record of the company's trans-
actions constitutes the history of San Francisco. The
servants of the company then composed almost the
entire population of the place.
During the existence of the establishment at Yerba
Buena Cove, both free trappers and the company's
traders found it very convenient to drop down from
the interior for their supplies. Indeed, Englishmen
7 Says Roberts in a letter to me: ' On dit that on their arrival at the Islands
Simpson asked Dr McLoughlin what had brought him there. They went from
here in the bark Columbia. Mr Allan was of the party; also Chief Factor
Rowand and son from Fort Desprairie. Sir George Simpson and the doctor
were not on the best of terms.' This is all wrong, as McLoughlin accompanied
Simpson to the Islands, and the Columbia was then on her way to England.
See Simpson's Journal, i. 253; ii. 143. Roberts' remembrance is worthy of
notice only, as showing the state of feeling between the governor and the
Northwest Coast managers, as some such remark was probably made on some
occasion. See also Harvey's Life McLoughlin, MS., 23.
tiik YERBA r.r;:\A I
much | I doing business with their owe people,
or even with the rough swaggerer from the United
States frontier, rather than with the ( Jalifornians, who
were denominated a wild, lawless lot, with an alcalde
;ts irregular and unreliable as the worsl of them.
In L845, Governor Simpson sen! word to Mc-
Loughlin to abandon Yerba Buena, the post being n<»t
profitable. "No," said McLoughlin, "do not abandon
ii : though a loss thus far, it will surely prove profitable
in time. We can give the Californians for their hides
ami tallow our London goods at our own price
is an important post; do not abandon it."
Had the wise www <>{' the east and Europe listened
to this far-seeing sage and taken advantage of their
opportunity, they might have doubled their capital
stock twice over during the next live years. In
1846 the company sold the establishment, and retired
forever from San Francisco Bay.
Died at Fort Walla Walla in 1841, Pierre S. Pam-
brun,8 there commanding for several years past.
Visitors often spoke of him as an intelligent and able
gentleman. As an example of the latter quality I will
quote .-in incident : Tawa'towe on reaching the grand
chieftaincy of the Cayuses became insolent, and
began to dictate policy and prices to the Hudson's
Day ( lompany. Aided by his brother chiefs, he even
went so far as to seize Pambrun one day. bind him,
and refuse to release him, until he had promised to
■ ie tariff, thai is the prices in goods r
would pay for furs. Pambrun said little, bul gradually
he drew round him lesser chiefs, young men aspiring
to chieftaincies, and began I i treat them with formal
courtesy, and to show the people that these were the
men of rising power whom the great corporation would
near future recognize as their rulers. Mean-
• inadian by birth, and among the very few "t tl
to command. Pambrun held
waroi 1812, and was an officer in both the Northwe tandB
paniea. His deatb was caused by ;i fall from a vicious horse.
Hist. N. W. Coast, Vol. n. a
COO CURRENT EVENTS.
while the presents which he had been accustomed to
distribute to Tawatowe and his co-conspirators he gave
to the new favorites, so that the fangs of the former
were soon extracted and their influence in their nation
destroyed. It was a familiar practice of the company
everywhere when a chief became obnoxious to break
his influence by raising others, and to put -clown one
tribe by elevating another.
Successor to Pambrun was Archibald McKinlay.
In 1842 Fort Walla Walla was burned and was re-
built with adobe in 1843.
While there in charge McKinlay had occasion one
day to visit the saddler's when he observed that the
stock of seasoned birch used by that functionary was
gradually diminishing. Being informed that natives
and white men alike were in the habit of appropri-
ating the seasoned wood out of wdiich to make whip-
handles, McKinlay forbade it. Some days afcer the
saddler informed McKinlay that a young Indian had
just taken a piece of wood and refused to yield it up.
McKinlay sent a clerk, William Tod, to settle the
matter. Soon he heard loud voices, and running to
the door saw the clerk and the native struggling over
the wood. The combatants were separated, but not
until the native had been badly bruised.
An hour after, the young Indian's father, who was
a chief, came with fifty warriors to take Tod and
punish him. For White he said, the great Boston
chief from Washington, had made a rule that if an
Indian assaulted a "white man the Indian should be
flogged, and if a white man struck an Indian the white
man should be flogged. McKinlay refusing to give up
the clerk the chief endeavored to take Tod's life upon
the spot. Parrying a blow aimed at Tod's head by the
enraged chief McKinlay sprang to arms, and present-
ing two pistols at the chief's breast, held him at bay.
Then undertook the chief the difficult task of
making the white man blush.
"Oh! you magnanimous man," he cried, "who would
THE GUNPOWDl
kill a chief for taking a little piece of wood which you
first stole from his forest. Snoot brave chief!"
■ not want to kill you." McKinlay said, "but
you must not touch my clerk who was only obeying
my orders."
'Just then the chief's son, who had slipped round
behind McKinlay, struck him a severe Mow upon the
McKinlay whirled and seized him by the hair.
The enraged savages made a rush at McKinlay, who
saw that bloodshed could be stayed only by resorting
ie desperate remedy.
Hurling the young man against the advancing foe
he shouted " Stop 1" Then slipping through the door
into the adjoining room, quick as lightning he re-
turned with a copper keg which he placed upon the
table. Opening it he showed them the contents,
which was some sixty pounds of powder. Then tak-
ing his flint and steel he stood over it ready to fire
the blast.
••You think to frighten us because we are few and
you are many.'" he exclaimed. "You call yourselves
es, but you ai ad I defy you. Lift but a
fine-. man and we will all p
her. See now who is afraid to die!"
Instinctively the savages felt that McKinlay was
rnest, and one by one they slunk away.
A day or two after Tawatowe, a friendly Cayuse,
warned McKinlay.
hatafool you are," ho said. "Do you not know
that unless you send the young man away there will
surely be bloodsl
ou a chief?" asked McKinlay.
\ the enemies of my people/' was the reply.
••And would you, contrary to your conscience, send
. »f your young men away through fear of one who
hated hi:
- often was the native wrath assuaged by the
white man's cunning, who by skillfully playing one
ist another, brought about friendship and
692 CURRENT EVENTS.
gift-making where otherwise were butchery and scalp-
taking.9
In the autumn of 1841, Mr Ermatinger, an officer
of the Hudson's Bay Company, left Fort Vancouver
for California in command of the annual trapping ex-
pedition. Proceeding up the Willamette Valley the
party crossed over to the waters of the Sacramento
by way of Pit Mountain/0 where they suffered much
from the cold, as did a party of trappers ten years
previous, who lost in a storm all their furs and some
three hundred horses. While on the bank of the
Sacramento, Ermatinger received a letter from Sir
George Simpson, written while on a visit to General
Vallejo at Sonoma, requesting him to meet him at
Yerba Buena or Monterey, in order to confer on
business. Simpson having left San Francisco Say
just before his arrival, Ermatinger followed him to
Monterey.11
At various times the Hudson's Bay Company had
applied to the British government for protection in
their coast traffic, to which applications the reply had
9 Archibald McKinlay. Narrative of a Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay
j. MS., Victoria, 1878. In the matter of dates and all other facts not
falling within the immediate cognizance of the narrator but little reliance
should be placed upon what is given under his name. He states things par-
tially and inaccurately, from lack of knowledge, or that and a lack of con-
science combined, though not intentionally misleading. His accounts of
Black's death and of the rencounters with Piojjio Mochmuch, Tranquillc,
and Nicola give original and good authority, throwing light upon the character
of the great men of the country before the advent of the whites. McKinlay
was born in Perthshire, Scotland, in 1S11 and entered the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany's service in 1831 at York Factory. Thence he went to Fort Geary, now
Manitoba, two years later to Fort St James on Stuart's Lake west of the Rocky
Mountains, travelling that year 2,500 miles on snow-shoes, in company with
A. C. Anderson. He was left in command at Fort St James for six months,
while Peter Skeen Ogden was absent. He was then placed in charge at Fort
George, and while there was in the habit of travelling 600 miles every win-
ter. He was next transferred to Fort Alexandria, and thence to Fort Hall.
In 1S40 he married Sarah Julia, daughter of Peter S. Ogden, who was the
first white woman to live in the Salt Lake country. From 1841 to 1846 he
was the neighbor — "25 miles distant— of Dr Whitman at Walla Walla. He
was at Victoria in 1878 during my visit to that place.
10 Often erroneously written Pitt. The mountain was not named from the
English statesman, but from the many pitfalls dug by the natives for trapping
animals.
11 An account of this journey is embodied in Simpson's Xar., i. 350-52.
LIQUOR TRAFFIC. CO:;
ever been thai vess< Is of war could doI be sent so far
for such a purpose, and that the fur-traders must pro-
ted themselves. For some time pasi the Boston
traders had pressed so hard their traffic on the North-
wesi Coasi thai the English and Russians determined
finally to combine and gei rid of them. To accom-
plish this purpose they felt obliged to employ the
weapon most effectually used by their competitors,
whiskey. Whenever a Boston trader appeared upon
the coast, messengers were despatched in small boats
from fort to fort, notifying the several posts of the
presence and probable destination of their rival. Trad-
ed* with plentiful supplies of liquor were then
sent to the neighborhood in which the lor 2
was trafficking, and all the furs bought up at any
price the purchasers were obliged to pay. These
>r attractions brought from afar the lords of
the soil, who for a time wallowed in debasing bliss.
Under this opposition the foreigners finding the trade
unprofitable quitted the coast, whereupon the p
sors of the field returned to the larger gains of virtue
and temperance. In the autumn of L842, under an
lent between the Russians and English the
liquor trade was discontinued lor a term of ten years.
It is needless to say that the liquor-loving savages
did not relish this arrangement. But for their own
. to say nothing Rf profits, the Europeans were
forced to this course. E or while intoxicating drink was
freely sold it was unsafe for white men to appear at
any distance from their forts except in armed bands.
So reluctant were the savages to conform to this
regulation thai for a time they held facie their fnrs,
refusing to sell them at any price, unless they could
have liquor. Finlayson states that while a trader at
Simpson, in order to induce him to open the
liquor trade, on one occasion the natives assembled in
numbers and spread before the fori a tempting
display of sea otter, beaver, and silver fox, carpeting
a large space with these rich furs, and offering
694 CURRENT EVENTS.
at the purchasers' own price, if only the pay was in
rum. Finding the white men firm in their intentions,
they threatened to storm the fort. Prayers and threats
being alike unavailing they went to Sitka and made
the same efforts there and with like failure. The
poor thirsty savage thus forced to total abstinence
finally began to trade again, first for ammunition and
then for blankets. This happy state of things con-
tinued until the country was overrun with gold-seekers
in 1848, when bedlam broke loose again, and the noble
red man sank forever in the slough of civilized enter-
prise.
About this time there was a Hudson's Bay Company
station established below the old fort near the mouth
of the Umpqua by Paul Fraser. Joseph W. McKay
immediately after his arrival in the country in 1844
was ordered to join Fraser, whom he found in a state
of alarm by reason of the influx in that vicinity of so
many United States emigrants. Several trains arrived
during the winter of 1844-5, and the fur business
became very poor. As has always been the case, many
who came were disgusted with the country, the climate,
and society, and threatened to return, and indeed some
did go back.12
In order to connect a reconnoissance made by him
in 1842 along Platte River to the Rocky Mountains,
with the surveys of Wilkes on the Pacific Coast in
the spring of 1843, J. C. Fremont, captain of topo-
graphical engineers, with thirty-nine men, Creoles,
French Canadians, and Americans, with the assistance
of Charles Preuss, two or three scientists, and two
Delawares as hunters, guided by Thomas Fitzpatrick,
and obsequiously served by black Jacob Dobson,
in the summer of 1843 marched up the Republican
branch of the Kansas, crossed the Platte, saw Pike
Peak, came upon Laramie plains, and following the
12 McKay's Bee, MS., 3; Mnlayson's V. /., MS., 20.
] ' I ! I : MONT IX OREGON. 695
rant road by F< rl Bridger, arrived on the 6th of
smber at Sail Lake, where he took a boat ride.
Nothing occurred to mar the pleasure of the journey.
At Fori Si Vrain, Kit Carson had joined the pa
thus relieving any anxiety as to the way through this
now well known region, which might linger in the mind
of th pathfinder. Pari of the men were s
back, so Large a party being found unnecessary.
By way of Fort Hall the expedition continued to
the mission of Whitman, called at Fort Walla Walla
where they came upon Applegate's emigrants who had
preceded them, and reached Fort Vancouver early in
November.13
His important mission accomplished, Fremont was
ly to return. Leaving' Fort Vancouver the 10th
i f Novemb r. the party reached the Dalles the L8th.
From this point they struck southward to Klamath
Lake, driving with them a supply of fat cattle for
food. The party now consisted of twenty-live men,
over a hundred horses and mules, carrying sup-
plies and dragging a heavy gun, and their intended
route was to the mythical Buenaventura River, and
thence through the Great Basin and across the Rocky
Mountains to the Arkansas River.
It was the 10th of December when they reached
Klamath Lake, having accomplished with ease and
pleasure the journey thus far in fine weather and
through a level country of alternate forest and open
plain. Then proceeding due east over the mountains,
in the vicinity of Pit River, at that time well whi-
tened with snow, they next turned southward, and
continued along the eastern base of the Siena Nevada
to Pyramid Lake, where they encamped the 14th of
January 1844. Searching in vain for the far-famed
oid of information or results was this expedition that it would be
unworthy of mention in this connection, wereil uol for the fact thai the ex-
[Jnited ' eminent, and I ilitical
ij u by Ignorant or d<
fell into trouble, which adds a little interest to the ikut.t i
we shall see.
G96 CURRENT EVENTS.
Buenaventura, the party continued their way along a
well beaten Indian road south-eastward, until they im-
agined themselves seventy miles due east from Sutter
Fort, and near where the parties of Chiles14 and
Walker had two years before passed over the Sierra.
Carson was sure of his bearings, as he had visited the
valley of California fifteen years ago. The tempta-
tion to see California was too strong to be resisted;
and making a pretext of the condition of his horses'
feet, Fremont determined to cross the Sierra. Taking
now a long breath, they plunged into the snow-em-
bosomed mountains, and after a well fought battle
with environment, came down on Fort Sutter, where
they arrived the 6th of March in a somewhat dilap-
idated condition, but without having sustained serious
damage.
After rest and refreshment at New Helvetia, the
arty proceeded southward up the San Joaquin Val-
ey, passed by Tulare Lake, and about the middle of
April crossed to the eastern side of the Sierra Nevada,
and from San Bernardino proceeded to Salt Lake,
and thence returned home. In 1845, Fremont found
himself again in the Klamath region, where several
of his men were killed by the natives.15
14 A part of the Chiles company had descended the Sacramento from its
head-waters, which would have been the better way for Fremont to have
a ™ Fremont's Explor. Ex., 105-290; Evans' Hist. Or., MS., 271-2; McLaugh-
lin's Private Papers, MS., 2d ser., 13.
I
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE END AXD THE BEGINNING.
1S42-1S46.
Catalogueof Passing Events— Americanization ofOregon Attitude of
Opposing Parties at Fort Halj>- Is it Right to Kill Americans?
Tolmie's Report on the Wiij imette Plains American Settlement
I. \ ON POGET SOUND -IMMIGRATION -SHIP 'MoDESTE' BOARD OF
MANA( iMMISSIONERS WARRE \\i> VaVASOUB RETIREMENT
of McLotjghlin JamesDouglas lnCommand [NGRATITUDE (
tain American Settlers -TheSchooneb 'Sb lbk' Po 3i ssori Rige i i
ofthe Hudson's BayCompani What Became of the For-trading
Establishments— Removal to Victor] \.
The end of the old regime, the beginning of the new.
We are now amidst the closing scenes of pacifica-
tion in tlic ( )regon proper part of the Northwest ( loast,
and at the threshold of an era of quiet occupation.
There is yet some international snarling to be done
in the partition of territory, but peoples often think
themselves derelict in duty, as well as cowardly in
appearance, if they do not bluster. The reader, how-
ever, need not be frightened. The mother and child
who this century or two have been so busykilhng and
stealing in North America, will not fight over a trifle
of the spoil, although at first they both swear they
will. One says "Fifty-four forty or fighl ;" there are
others who would fight any way now the western
limit of rapine is reached. And yet the mother and
child will not fight. They know each other too well,
thev are too nearly like, they have tried it.
!v, then, to complete our catal >gue, the lead-
ing events that transpired in the Or< : >n Territory
l 897 )
698 THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
while the trappers and fur-traders were making ready
to retire, and the tradesman, the shopkeeper, the
ploughboy, and the school-mistress were coming in
to take their places; briefly, I sa}T, because the era of
savagism, though the savages are yet not quite all
dead, is practically closed, and the things relating to
permanent occupation will be repeated at length in
other volumes.
The events of 1842 and 1843 affecting the interests
of the United States in Oregon were the sending of
Elijah White as Indian agent to the Northwest Coast,
by Senator Linn of Missouri; the permission given
Fremont to make a tramontane tour; the first emi-
gration proper into Oregon, and which first brought
wagons west of Fort Hall; the crystallization of the
American sentiment and corresponding decay of hith-
erto omnipotent corporation influence, as manifest in
the invitation by United States settlers in the Wil-
lamette Valley to the Canadians settled there, to join
them in organizing a temporary government, and on
their refusal the resolution to organize without their
aid; the hostile combination of Walla Wallas, Cayuses,
and Nez Perces against the American missions and
settlements in their vicinity, and the effectual quieting
of the same by Agent White and others; the passage
of a bill in the United States senate, granting lands
to settlers; the attempts of the Willamette Cana-
dians to defeat the Americans in their provisional
government efforts; the sitting of the first legisla-
tive assembly and constitutional convention ; and the
founding of Victoria on Vancouver Island, all stand-
ing prominently amidst a multitude of collateral in-
cidents.
The chief happenings from 1844 to 184G hereafter
to be properly considered, are the conduct of the Ore-
gonians under their provisional government; Indian
depredations at Willamette Falls; first American set-
tlement north of the Columbia; the organization of a
municipality, and the incorporation of an institute; the
INCOMING OF SETTLERS. 099
election of governor, and the petitioning of the united
congress by the provisional governmeni ; the wreck oi
the Shark, whose captain gave her colors to the as-
pirants for federal forms. Lasl of all was thai eventful
en ( rreal Britain and the I Fnit< I States,
which designated the dividing line in North America
between English and United States domain.
Although the Americanization of Oregon fell more
to the missionaries and agriculturists, the influence
of the free trappers of the United States border
should not be overlooked. Above conventional rules
the freedom and daring of their hunting life excited
their minds to bold measures, and fostered in them a
spirit of independence and a love of self-government;
and the nearer akin it was to non-statutory govern-
ment or no-law rule, the better. This element of
tematized lawlessness proved an important factor in
the new settlement. Should theunwelcome necessity
of government be finally forced upon them, let it be
under the lax authority of the distant and unproti
ive states' confederacy, and altogether away from the
strict military discipline of an omnipotent and grind-
ing corporation.
Nor was the organization of American citizens on
the northern frontier under the name of the Hunters'
Association, growing out of the insurrectionary move-
ment in Canada, and denounced by proclamation of
President Tyler in 1841, without its influence in
distant north-west. Multitudes in the Unit
were in sympathy with the insurrection, and aft< rthe
failure of I [ackenzie at Toronto man;* the
border from Canada, some of whom found their
to the western frontier and across the I oun-
tains. Thus the Canadians themselves, with the
Americanization of Oregon, were to some small ex-
tent becoming Americanized.
Fort Ball, which was still in the po
the Huds< q's Bay Company, there were some high-
700 THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
handed proceedings, partly in fun, but yet so sober
that mischief might easily have come of it.
A party of trappers arriving, the British flag was
hoisted as usual. The Americans there present took
umbrage and demanded that the United States flag
should be allowed to wave beside the British colors.
This the commandant declined to do, whereupon a
deputation of Americans demanded the removal of
the British flag and the hoisting of the American,
"else," said they, "we will make the substitute our-
selves." This modest request being likewise denied, a
force of Americans soon appeared before the fort and
demanded its surrender. The answer came from the
bastions in the form of shots fired over the heads of
the assailants. The attacking party returned the fire
and several shots were exchanged, but with careful and
intentional aim on both sides to do the enemy no dam-
age. Finally the assailants forced open the gate. The
commander barricaded himself in his room. The sur-
render of the fort was then ordered on the following
terms: The United States flag should be hoisted, and
a barrel of whiskey should be rolled into the yard
and tapped for the free use of the people present. The
terms were complied with, and the country was saved.1
Though not particularly pleased with the original
appearing in their midst of the fur-traders, the natives
were much more disgusted when they saw farmers
driving stakes into their hunting-grounds.
" Is it right for us to kill the Americans?" asked a
Cascade chief of McLoughlin one day.
"What!" roared the Doctor.
" They or we must die," the chief calmly continued.
" Not only do they spoil our forests and drive away
our game, thus depriving us of food and clothing, but
with their accursed morals and religion they sow
broadcast the seeds of disease and death. Shall we
kill them or let them kill us?"
'Scene* in the Rocky Mountains, 228.
ox Tin: sound. Toi
" Only a dog would talk so," replied McLoughlin,
ineffable scorn conspicuous in voice and features.
'• You are not ;i gentleman; you are noi ;i chief; you
are only n little man; never speak to me again; I
will not look at you."
The savage slunk abashed away, and never again
was seen ad Fori Vancouver. Notwithstanding which,
who shall say that tin- poor heathen had not the host
<•{' the argument ; who shall say he had not the right
of the matter, as right goes, if hacked by sufficient
strength '.'
Visiting the Willamette Plains in 1843 for the pur-
pose of collecting debts due the company, which were
usually paid in wheat, there being now no money, and
in tanning sections wvy few furs, Tolmie saw every-
where signs of increasing population and progress.
And not only were the settlers here and elsewhere, in
many instances, slow in making returns for the seed-
grain, breeding-cattle, and farming implements given
them by .McLoughlin when they were penniless and
oftentimes starving, but they caused the fur-traders
much annoyance by encroaching on the company's
cultivated and well stocked lands at and around Fort
A'ancouver, Cowlitz, and Ni squally.3
Indications were apparent of American settlements
on Puget Sound. To the better behaved of United
States frontiersmen it had keen the custom of Mc-
Loughlin to give employment. Among other in-
dustries that of shingle-making was introduced.
Shingles were wanted for the old buildings as well ;is
for those now constantly being built; they were like-
wise wanted for the Hawaiian Islands. The Yankees
were experi shingle-makers; and in ism several of
them. KimhalL Crockett, Jones, Gordon, and Bush,
the l.i-t named having a black skin, under the encour-
• Harvey's Lift of McLoughlin, -MS., 30-1.
3 T„ MS., It. !.">.
702 THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
agement of McLouglilin proceeded to Paget Sound
and there engaged in the manufacture of shingles.
At their head was Michael Simmons, who erected the
first saw-mill on Puget Sound; since which time
boards enough have been shipped hence to house a
nation.4
Emigrants were now flocking in from the United
States in such numbers as greatly to overshadow the
English; McLouglilin became somewhat nervous in
view of the invasion. " If you would not lose the
country," he writes to England, "you must protect
your rights here." Then he added some bastions to
the fortress, and mounting more guns awaited the reply.
It finally came in the form of her majesty's ship Modeste,
Captain Baillie, which entered the Columbia in 1845,
and anchoring before Fort Vancouver remained there
some eighteen months, or until after the treaty was
made. Baillie was the first English naval commander
in the Columbia after Captain Hickey. Not long
after the arrival of the Modeste came the Belgian ship
Indefatigable, the first vessel of that nationality ever
in the Columbia, bringing some Jesuits, monks, and
nuns, under Father De Smet, who were to establish a
station among the Flatheads, and build a convent for
the half-breeds of the Willamette.
McLouglilin had now reached the height of his
power, from which position fate ever ordains decline.
Not that he was a man ambitious of authority; pat-
ronage fell to him naturally, and by force of circum-
stances. He was a born sovereign; and his rule,
mingled as it was with a broad humanity, was not
such as in all cases met the approval of his more
mercenary London associates. Indeed there were
now those who wished his retirement, who would
prefer one less liberal, less philanthropic, of narrower
views favoring a more selfish policy. This man, they
said, is becoming more American than English, more
farmer than fur-trader. Two commissioners, Warre
4 Tolnue's Pugel Sound, MS., 21.
M( LOUGHLEN AND DOUGLAS. 703
and Vavasour, were sent out in L845 to examine into
McLoughlin's policy and proceedings, and the si
of tin- country generally. They despatched their re-
port without showing it to McLoughlin, which hurt
his feelings greatly, implying as it did that his con-
duct had been unfavorably criticised by the commis-
sioners.
Finally in order to curtail his power, and eventually
to drive him from his position, a board of manage-
ment for Pacific coast affairs was organized l>\
London directors.5 This board consisted of three
members, all chief factors, one of whom presided, and
who among other duties conducted the correspond-
ence with the London directors.0
At McLoughlin's request during the year 1845
James Douglas, who had now for some time been
chief factor, acted as his colleague at Fort Vancouver.
As Douo-las had long before his elevation to the
position of chief factor been the subordinate and associ-
ate of McLoughlin, under whose immediate eye in fact
he had grown from youth to maturity, and as he had
ably seconded him in his schemes of fur- ! arm-
ing, and settlement, the same practice and policy \.
continued, and with similar results. Indee ! the com-
mand fell upon one ripe in experience and full of
promise. Nor was the company or people, in the
main, doomed to disappointment.
It is true that McLoughlin was often pained by the
ic spirit of his colleague, which led Douglas to
complain of McLoughlin, and take sides againsl him in
questions of policy such as he was pretty sure would
plea adoD directors. Sir George Simpson also
McLoughlin badly during his late
•.. 17. thinks this board was 6r I
1842 or 1843. Loi . 21, that the
rre(i in 1845. McLoughlin, Ogden, and Douglas com] 1 the
Board. On McLoughlin's retirement Work took his place in the board,
and Douglas in the management i mver.
posed by the juniors that this was done to curtail the power
John McLoughlin, form< .
inducing him to retire.' / ■'. Ms., 47.
704 THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
McLoughlin finally retired in the spring of 184G, to
Oregon City, where he died in 1857.7
It is not so easy as it was to worship men. It is
not so easy as it was to worship anything— except
money. The world is getting old and rheumatic ; and
with a sense of its own infirmities comes a sense of
infirmity in all things. We used to adore nature,
bathing in sunshine, revelling in woods, and floating
down calm currents. But with the balmy air come
now flying bugs ; rattlesnakes creep through the wav-
ing grass ; and beneath the placid sun-silvered waters
the big fish are all devouring the little fish. Why are
men made like fishes? Nature is no longer adorable.
Nature is a fascinating fraud. Nature is a failure.
NowT, were I in the worshipful mood, before this
man I might bend my stiff knee, nor heed its crack-
ing. Why? What is there of great-man-ism about
him? He is not a statesman, for his hands are clean,
his tongue is single, and self comes not always before
duty. He is not a money magnate, for looking into
his breast and then beyond the stars he sees some
things more brightly fair, more worthy the attention
of immortal mind than golden calves. He is not a
divinity man, nor a conventional morality man; he
teaches and preaches only as does a shining mark
upon a hill-top beckoning pilgrims onward and up-
ward; furthermore, he walks within no circle of tradi-
tion, and opens not his mouth with musty sayings to
cars attuned to unreason and conventional hypocrisy.
He is not a subsidy-seeking railway incorporator, nor
a mine manipulator, nor an agitator; before any of
these the unservile knee refuses to bend.
I think of him as if present; and so he is, though
he were dead this quarter century and more. I never
saw him, and yet I see him; I never heard him, and
yet he speaks to me now; I never grasped his hand,
but I feel his presence, and am the better for it. The
7 Anderson, Hist. Northwest Coast, MS., 1G, erroneously places bis retire-
ment in 1645, and his death hi 1800.
EULOGY OX McLOUGHLIN. 705
1 that a man does lives after him, saith the seer;
and in writing this volume, in writing any volume that
I ever bave written, I have encountered I' ters
which stand out in such grand and majestic propor-
tions. Few persons have done him justice. His life
should be written by the recor< I and pillared
at the crossing of the two chief highways of the
universe. His fiery gentleness, his mild energy, his
jlm:!: . nd nobleness of heart, his magna-
nimity, his benevolence, his unfathomable integrity,
and his clearness and firmness of intellect have all been
told. Search these shores from Darien to Alaska,
and you find none such; take your books and study
them from the coming of Europeans to your last
municipal or state election, and you will discov<
such person portrayed. His life though quiet and
untrumpeted was {'nil of glory- yet, like many another
I man his end was not a happy one, for in his ol I
age he was caught in a web of legal technical]
which proved his winding-sheet.
It v I ending of a L >ng career of useful
and benevolence. His record is one of which any man,
however high or holy, might be proud. It is abso-
lutely 'holly noble; of* how many of his
judj i;:u<-h be said? Englishme 1 as
Ami iay blush for their treatment of him, for
ping of sorrow upon his venerable hea ', for
their Qg of his pUre and sensitive heart. Said
an ui l arbitrati torn once: "Both sides
were I; theref re I. could not have been far
from right." McLoughlin's associates, whom he bad
for more than a quarter of a century with in-
telli I and strict fidelity, raising his
estate to wealth,
ond to none, disliked him,
reproached him, if indeed they did not spurn him
out of the purest dictates only of a humane
heart he hing strangers, the 1 uited
States settli rs, wh< se | resi nee they bated.
Ilisr. N. W. Coast. Vol. II. 45
70G THE END AND THE BEGINNING.
Nor was this always a pleasing task, even for the
kind-hearted Scotchman. These lean, cadaverous,
dirt-tanned ox-drivers, with bushy heads, and dull
unintelligent eyes sunken in sorrow, followed by
famine-visaged women and children, cold and ill, bare-
footed, and with only rags for raiment, arriving in the
wet autumn absolutely without a dollar in any kind of
property, having lost their all upon the way, and many
of their former companions even their lives, what were
they going to do in this cold cheerless wilderness,
without house or tent, or hut even, without blankets,
or clothes, or meat, or bread ? Simply starve. And
this was exactly what the Hudson's Bay Company
as a conscienceless corporation would have them do.
It was to the interest of the company to have these
emigrants die as fast as they arrived. As a corpora-
tion, I say, they would assuredly have left them to
die; but as men, and eye-witnesses of those sufferings,
there never was a Scotchman or an Englishman that
traded furs in America or held stock in any British
fur company who would have turned his back upon
them. McLoughlin could not do it, not for all Eng-
land could he, and yet his company theoretically
blamed him for not doing what not one of them indi-
vidually could have been brought to do under any
circumstances. How sharp-edged is corporation intel-
lect on the side of interest ; how slow of wit and
illogical, not to say stolidly brutish and mercilessly
cruel when Gocl or humanity calls for sacrifice ! Happy
money-makers who can thus sink the moral responsi-
bility of the individual in the bloodless body of a cor-
poration !
But what shall I say of the poor wretches Mc-
Loughlin saved from death? Better have let them
die, some of them. Some of them were good and true,
working with a will, they and their wives and their
children, until their benefactor was every dollar paid,
and ever after holding his name in grateful remem-
brance. These were the salt of Oregon; and let their
INGRATITUDE.
posterity ever call them blessed. But of those who
in their dire distress received the old man's kind;
and never after repaid it, never tried to repay it,
never acknowledged it; of those who received kind-
ness and repaid it only in vilifying their benefactor,
1 say, better tenfold those men had been left to die,
and thai no offspring upon whom the disgrace of such
parentage had fallen should ever have encumbi
the earth.
And after all their wretched robbery of goods and
good name, the simple-hearted old man seemed still
to have confidence in them, to trust them. "In the
slimmer of 1843," he writes, "a number of the immi-
grants of last year, headed by Mr Hastings, not being
satisfied with this country, left for California. As
they were in want of means, 1 made them some ad-
vances which they were to pay to the late Mr Ra<
San Francisco; but few did so." This was a second
advance, it must be remembered, for many of these
men lie had succored once on their arrival, and assis
again on their departure, no further attention being
paid to either obligation in many instanc* .
leaving the country.
While the boundary question remained in abeyance,
no great predilection was shown for the north side
of the Columbia as a place of settlement until the
arrival of the United States schooner Shark in L8 16,
Captain Howison, whose presence caused qui!
flutter among them, seemingly indicating American
possession to the 49th parallel, although the conduct
of the captain in no wise wan-anted such expectal
Many Americans at this time left the Willamette
and examined the lands round Fort Vancouver and
ivhere, ready to pounce upon a farm at a moment's
notice, hut no overt acts of trespass were committed.8
After the United State, had conic int.. possession
0 '< it <nni Douglas '" Captain Duntsu •>///,■ Flsguard, Till S< pt.
1846, in Martin's 11. B., 37.
70S THE EXD AXD THE BEGIXXIXG.
of tlie country, the Hudson's Bay Company still held
possessory rights which were respected by the treaty
of 1846. They had claims at Walla Walla, Boise,
Hall, Vancouver, and Nisqually. Pending the final
adjustment of their claims the company's settlers
could not obtain titles to their lands, and in the begin-
ning of towns, a good location was sometimes aban-
doned for a poorer one. Thus Fort Vancouver,
everything considered, would have been a better situ-
ation for the metropolitan city of Oregon than the
site of the present Portland.9
What ultimately became of the palisades and build-
ings that served so good a purpose in fur-hunting and
emigrating times'? Some yet stand; some have fallen
into decay; some were dismantled, abandoned, or de-
stroyed.
At Umpqua in 1851 the stockade with two bastions'
was standing, and J. B. Gagnier in charge. The fort
was then in good repair. After Gagnier, King was
placed in charge. Then the settlers came in and killed
the company's cattle and squatted on the land.
Before 1854 the stockade wTas taken down, leaving
only the dwelling, barns, and out-houses. The lands
thereabout were then in a fine state of cultivation.
The company's buildings at Champoeg were carried
away by the flood the 3d of December 18G1. Grad-
ually after 184G the profits of forts Hall and Boise
fell off, owing to troubles between the whites and Ind-
ians, and finally they were abandoned by the fur-
traders. The Hudson's Bay Company's effects at
Fort Hall, owing to Indian hostilities, were in 1856
removed to the Flathead post. After the destruction
of Boise by the remarkable rise of Snake River in
1853, the place was only partially repaired. Owing to
the Indian massacre in that vicinity in 1854, the fort
was abandoned in 1855.
In the settlement of claims it was shown that in
9Finlayson's V. I., MS., 81.
FORT PROPERTY. 709
184 :\r Island and its dairies, the com-
pany had in use for farming and pasturage a fronl
on I h bank of the Columbia, of thirty-one
miles by a depth i three to fifteen miles, the
tract, consisting of open plains inl
of timber, and extending from two miles above the
saw-mill to the small stream opposite where now is St
Helen. The grist-mill and saw-mill were running
finely, and two thousand barrels of salmon were c
annually Tor use and
to contain
square miles, or 160,000 hich he thought w<
in 1846 at least I a half dollars . and
airies, and mills, based upon tl
value to a business like that of the Hudson's Bay
00,000 more. The bal et of the
business of the company west of the Rocky
tains showed a profit then of from £25,000 to l
000 per annum. The profits on tlio Indian trade
south of the 49th parallel was £7,000 per annum.
Some of the buildings at Fort Vancouver were
burned; others were turn down, and before the com-
pany abandoned the plare (lie mills first built i
fallen inl . and others had been erected. The
lands were taken possession of by settlers under United
States donation, laws. The quarters occupied by the
company became gradually curtailed as the land and
buildings were taken by the settlers, until between
military and civilians but little was left them. This
being regarded by many as the best site for a city, a
town ' ! out and tin- lois partially sold
benefit of the county. But the claims of the Hud-
son's Bay ( Jompany 1). ing yel unsettled, a sal I
title could not he given. Meanwhile Portland sprang
up, took the lead, and maintained if.
Major Hathaway was in command of two coiu-
v ben
til I860, at which
710 THE EXD AXD THE BEGINNING.
panies of United States artillery at Fort Vancouver
in 1841. He was succeeded by Colonel Loring. The
staff-officers were quartered in buildings rented from
the Hudson's Bay Company, while the other officers
and men occupied tents. In 1850 quarters were con-
structed for the military by the government.
By 1860 the company's force at Fort Vancouver
was reduced to fourteen, officers and men. While
Chief Trader Work was in charge, Mr Grahame then
being absent, the fields yet remaining in possession of
the company on the west side of the fort were taken
by General Harney for military purposes.' Work was
permitted to remove from the ground designated what-
ever he pleased, but there was comparatively little
which could be removed. It was not pleasant to the
eyes of the old servants to see the place razed, the
ancient landmarks .uprooted, fences torn down, and
buildings, even those dilapidated and wholly worthless,
fired. Grahame arriving the 25th protested against
what, notwithstanding treaties and reimbursements,
he could but feel to be vandalic. Finally, about the
middle of June 1860 Grahame and his subordinates
withdrew from the Vancouver establishment, leaving
at last their fair Columbia to the Yankees. Thus
departed forever the glory of Fort Vancouver; thus
terminated the magnificent career of the adventurers
of England in the now restricted territory of the
Oregon.
All the wild cattle north of the Columbia were
bought by W. W. Chapman, but as it was very difficult
to find them, or to catch them when found, he made
little by his bargain. The tame cattle round the
several stations were otherwise disposed of by the
company. Some of the wild cattle were shot by
hunters, and sold in the markets under the name of
elk; but not so many were thus made way with as
was claimed by the company.
The company's lands, buildings, and river-landing at
Champoeg Mr Lowe thought worth 819,000. Fort
GOVERNMENT. 711
Walla Walla, its lands and buildings based upon their
cost, he thought worth $50,000; Okanagan, $25,000;
Colville, $120,000.u
Part of the company's buildings at Colville were
torn down or seized by the settlers, and pari
held for the company by A.ngus McDonald, who was
stationed there from L852 to L 8 57, and after I 59.
This post became the centre of supply for the ( !olum-
bia River mines above Priest Rapids, as well as those
of Pend d'Oreille River, Salmon Fork, Koo1
Rock ( Ireek, American Creek, Similkameen, Northern
Idaho. Thompson River, and Cariboo. The old posts
of Kootenai and Okanagan were about L859 removed
north of the line, most of the effects of the latter
going to Similkameen. Angus McDonald partially
occupied the Flathead post in 1847-9, when it was
finally abandoned by the company. Walla Walla with
all its goods was abandoned in 1855 by James Sinclair,
then in charge, upon an order from Nathan < >lney,
Indian agent, given for fear the place would fall into
the hands of the savages. Gradually the stockade
and buildings comprising Fort George were torn down
and removed as the town of Astoria advanced.
Notwithstanding the proclamation of federal pro-
clivities, and the inauguration of self-government
under federal forms on the plains of the Willamette,
the whole country continued up to this time, virtually
in possession of the English. There was now to I - a
vital change, so far as the Oregon Territory was con-
cerned, a revolution none the Less real and thorough
11 Mr Anderson's estimate was much hi I $50,000;
Colville, $500,000; Fort Vancouver, its lands an I 1,000,000.
McArthur raised Lowi of Walla Wj : ued Fort
£150,000, and put tl 150,000 besides $20 an
1 land under cultivation and si an acre for wild lands, the whole
Lined by the Hudson's Bay Company being 9 by 20 i
which rate fort-buildin
valued at $8,000. McKin mver to
$1,600,000. '1 : ed upon these and other pi
for the United States was much less; i<: than ouo
tenth of the estimatco of the Hudson's Bay officers.
712 THE EXD AXD THE BEGIXXTXG.
because peaceful. How can it be of different con-
sequence to governments and peoples whether lands
and dominions be regulated by bloody arbitrament or
solemn conference? Is history only battles and butch-
ery? And is the record of Oregon's beginning less
important because brute-passion failed to crimson the
greensward of the lovely Valley Willamette? All
honor to the fair honesty and Christian intelligence
of the two nations that made the early history of
Oregon so peaceful and pleasing!
After the settlement of the question of boundaiy
most of the Hudson's H&y Company's stores on the
Columbia were transferred to IJort Victoria on Van-
couver Island, but for several years thereafter a sub-
ordinate officer, with a few men, remained at Fort
Vancouver. Upon the final settlement of the posses-
sory rights of the English corporation in Oregon and
Washington, their farms and improvements were sold
and the operations of the company thereafter centred
at Victoria.
And now the spoliation of its aboriginal occupants
being practically complete, and the spoilers having
partitioned the prey, the Northwest Coast, or any part
of it, ceases for whatsoever time it may to be Debatable
Ground.
INDEX.
id r, map, 1707, L. 1 15.
I., ii. 5G3.
.. Lord, on (»;•. question, ii.
I.
Aberncth ;i. 675.
. i . : I .
colonized
:n,i. 400.
\
J. i. 283;
iii north-west, 18-2S-J0,
i. 341.
Lra, i. 110.
Lghts, i 163.
ii. (il.
Adams Point, see Lewis and <
ii. 57.
d, ii. -J!»l :
0; on title X. W. i
. 364.
. I , . 2,
i. 265; at Nootka, 1794, i.
Addingt nertothe X. W.
. Li. 368, 370, ; :
A' 1 mi nil i
Admiralty In]
ii. 673.
•Adventure, 'sloop, cruise, 17!'-J, i. 259,
261, -
'Adventurer,' on northwest coast,
1788, i. 192, 202.
'.. S., on exploring exped., ii.
ecu. I
■
and Kino h< ar of, 1699, i. 1 13.
Agriculture, X. W. •
ii. 440 2, 500 I; H
440-4, i F >rf Colville, ii.
472; Will imi tte Vallej . -
ii. 500; Fort Vancouver, 1837, ii.
' 15, ii.
612 1 t.
Aguilar,
ap, 1768,
i. 132.
Aguilar Rio de, A nilar nan
mbia, i. 611.
md fort
19.
'•. i. 13.
provi
Aillon, V. de, ■ - i. 12.
-
Alabama, Spani . 1540, i.
123.
1519, i. 11.
Alarcon, explorations, 1540 '■'>. i. II,
16, 17. 44, 16.
i. 29 31;
Spania i 1779, i. IT.'!: La
exped. 1 i 1786, i. 177 ; '
reaches, 17 6, i. 178; physical fea-
10.
ommercial Co., monopoly, i.
458.
Alava, ■!.. commi i »nt r N
i,301.
Albanj I
'Albany,' frigate, in
1719, ii ■
'Albatross,' L809, ii. 130 5; on X. \V.
■
ii. 219, 221,
1816, i. 331; i LS16, i.
335.
Albi Nova, in de L
i. 106.
Alden, Ja L, ii. 669.
Alder, Lieut., on X. W. coi
. 279.
.
i. 318.
(713 J
714
IXDEX.
'Alert,' bark, in S. F. Bay, 1S41, ii.
G59.
Aleutian Islands, Xevodchikof at,
171.-). i. 30.
Aleuts, on Cal. coast, 1803, i. 319;
lso:>, i. 323.
'Alexander," cruise, 179S, i. 306; 1800,
i. 308; 1803, i. 317.
'Alexander Baranof,' tug, ii. 640.
; . Sir W., attacks French, i.
390.
Alexandria, Fort, post H. Bay Co., i.
448; founded, ii. 461; removed ii.
538.
Algonquins, fur-trade with, i. 504.
Allan, at Fort Vancouver, ii. 44:2; re-
marks, etc., ii. 504.
Allen, uii Or. question, ii. 407.
Alkn. Paul, edits Lewis and Clark's
work. ii. 7.
Alpowah River, see Lewis and C.
exped.. ii. 66.
Alia California, Spaniards settle, 1750-
1800, i. -27; explore, 1769, i. 28.
Alvarado, Pedro, licensed to explore,
1538, i. 46.
Alvarado. Gov., Fori '.das interviews,
ii. .339; Cal., 1841, ii. 659.
Amacava Indians, see Mojaves, i. 90.
Amazons, fabled island of, 1522, i. 39;
story of, i. 41; U. of Cal. i. 42.
America, British, fur-yield, 1835, i.
503-4.
America, North, summary of explora-
tion. 1.350-1800, i. 1-31; settled by
English, i. 22; geographical knowl-
edge of, 1550, i. 33; conjectures re-
garding, i. 34-69; first printed map
of, i. 48-9; an island, 1655, i. 110;
system of fur-trade in, i. 362-3;
changes in ownership, i. 379, 400-3;
hydrographical basins, i. 405-6; con-
juration, i. 406-11; climate, i. 408-
11; animals, i. 411-13: beginning_of
present century, i. 613; apex, i. 679,
ii. 26-7, 30.
American Fur Co., Astor forms, i. 512,
ii. 137; competition with Rocky Alt.
Fur Co., ii. 456, 567, 570-1.
American Soc. for encouraging a set-
tlement in Or., ii. 545.
Americans, early explorations, i. 3;
explore for Straits of Ariian, i. 9.
'Amethyst,' on X. W. coast, 1811, i.
326.
Amherst, opposes French, i. 400-1.
Amoor, mines discovered. 1650, i. 29.
Amoretti, on term Anian. i. 56 : on
Anian Strait, i. 67; works, i. 94,136;
on Maldonado memorial, i. 94.
Anawiskum, at Fort Langley, ii. 477
Anderson, A. C, Black's death, ii.
512; in New Caledonia, 1834, ii. 330 ;
Hist. X. W. coast, ii. 531; builds
Fort McLoughlin, ii. 625-8; fort-
building exped., 1S34, ii. 629, 835;
among Indians, ii. 627: at Fort Nis-
qually, ii. 673; estimates value of
H. Bay Co. forts, ii. 711.
Anderson, J., voyage to X. W. coast,
1809, ii. 144.
Andrede, John de Barros, his <
1792. i. 266.
Ania, province of, i. 55.
Anian, Ortelius' map, i. 53-4; a prov-
ince of Tartary, 1655, i. 110.
Anian Strait, see early maps, i.; loca-
tion, i. 3; exploration for, i. 5-10,
ii. 2; reported discovery by Corte-
real, i. 30, 56, 81, 85-6; in course of
evolution, i. 37-S, 41; imposed upon
Menendcz, i. 51; origin of name, i.
53-6; Ladrillero's report of, i. 57;
map of 1590, i. 67; Fuca hunts for,
i. 71; reported passage of, i. 87; As-
cension's location of, i. 89; Torque-
mada's location, i. 89; Maldonado's
description of, i. 96-7 ; Cardona's
opinion of, i. 102; Salmeron on. j.
105; supposed discoverers of. i. 108;
in 1655, i. 110; 1710, i. 119; 1716,
i. 1?0; Peche's story of, i. Ill;
Uhlefeld's voyage to, 1773, i. 134.
Animals, of the Xorthern Territory,
i. 411-13; dressing skins of, i. 413-
14: Upper Missouri, ii. 15, l(j; Lewis
and C. exped., ii. 16, 19, 20, 25.
Annance, F. X., on exploring exped.,
ii. 464-8; with fur-brigade, ii. 471;
at Fort Langley, ii. 477, 485, 497.
Annapolis, see Port Royal, i. 386.
Anno Xuevo, Pro de, in Jefferys' map,
1768, i. 132.
'Anson,' privateer, in Pacific, i. 25.
Antelope, habitat, i. 412.
Anza. explorations, 1774, i. 127; ex-
ped. of 1776, i. 28, 656.
Apache Pass, description, i. 639.
Apex, continental, X. A., description,
i. 404-5: Mackenzie at, i. 679; ii. 30.
Apianus, Peter, map of , 1575, i. 56.
Applegate, J., route to Or., i. 634;
discovers Modoc lakes, i. 642.
Appletree Cove named, ii. 672.
'Arab,' on X. W. coast, 1821, i. 340.
Arago Cape, see Cape Gregory, i. 169.
'Aranzazu, ' on X. W. coast. 1791, i.
24S; 1792, i. 267, 279, 283; 1794, i.
295-6.
Arapahoes, rob Hunt's exped., ii. 185.
715
iproached, IT
i. 27; Macken; ie n
i. 387.
'Argonaut,' i a X. W. coast, 1 789, i.
210 12, -JIT 18, 226-7; 17 K), i. 243.
Jesuits reach, 1600, i. '2\.
Arizona, Cardenas reaches, 1540, i. 16;
explored, 1540 3, i. 14; LI
in Wytfliet-Ptolemy map, i. 82; fur
trade, i. 527 8.
. . Spaniards explore, 1543, i.
15.
; and Marquette
. 1673, i. •-':>.
e, al Fori Langli y, ii. 477.
Arrowsmith's map, ii. L20.
irth-west,
. 17."..
Ascension, Padre, on Drab '
i. 62; "ii Fuca's voyage, i. 77: loca-
tion ofCal. and Anian strait, i. 89,
K>1 : on Vizcai] , i. 147.
Ashburton, Lord, commissioner to U.
S.. ii. 391; od > »r. question, ii.
404.
W. II.. partner, AmericanFur
514; character, ii. 447-8;
trapping journey, 1882-7, ii. 447-!);
or, ii. 472.
Lake, named, ii. 448.
!. joins Wyeth's exped., ii.
Astablan, in Purchas' map, 1625; see
Ian, i. 103.
Astor, J. J., fur-trader, i. 330; projects,
American Fur
I 512; tonus Pacific
i. 513, ii. 329; South-w<
513; buys British posts, i. 513;
V American Fur Co., i. 51 1:
Bells fur-trade, i. 515; result of pro-
i. 520; "i" rations on N". W.
ii. I ID: arri\ -
ii. 137 9; chi
partnership with X.
W. Co., ii. 141; on tran
. ii. 223, 235-6; abandons
r • ■
ee Hunt's
i. :'.-J7. ii.
/ 153, 169 ".
Id to X. W. I
■
t, 1812 13, ii.
ted, ii. 207; remarks
22
X . \Y . i
'Astrolabe,1 on N. W. coast, 1786, i.
1 7"».
.. de la, named by
17. i7: '. i
'Atahualpa,' on N. W. <• ast, 1 301, i.
310; 1802, i. 312; 1805, i. !
(Atala,'i
Atchison, on Or. question, ii
i. 621 2.
Atlantic, in Homem's map, l
Atlantic- coast, explorations,
Ki 12.
Sir 11. ( .illicit upoi
•Atlas.' . 335.
Atnah nation, I . ii. 1 10.
'Atrevida,' corvette, on X. \
1791, i. 249-50.
Attimospiquai . La France story, i.
592.
Aubert, explores northward, i . 11; fur-
i. 395.
[ndia Co., X. W. fur-
Aviles, A. P. M. de (Menendez), story
of Northwest, i. 51.
Ayers, G. W., on X. W. coast, 180S-
9, i. 324; 1810 11, i. 32
Aztatlan, discovery of, 1532, i. 41.
ibes, tradition of migration,
i unary, ii. G7">.
5! ) 1 .
Babine, Fort, founded, ii. 462.
post, Hudson Hay Co., i. 1 tv;.
odland,
i. 11, 13; Ruscelli's map. i. 47: Mun-
ster's map,
Baccalearean, map of Apia
i. 56.
Badger, habitat, i. 412.
i r, Mackenzie'
82; Frj
Baffin, i '.,
], lines Baffin Bay and Smith Sound,
1616, i. 23.
Bailey, escapi - tndi
sett!
Baja < lalifornia, J
■16
INDEX.
Baker, James, Capt., his vovages,
1702, ii. 2(35.
Baker Bay, named, i. 281; Clarke
reaches, ii. 53.
Baker Island, named, i. 2S1.
Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, discovers
Pacific Ocean, i. 3, 13, 663
Ball, J., with Wyeth's exped, ii. 562;
teacher, Fort Vancouver, ii. 565.
Baltimore, Lord, colonizes Maryland,
1(334. i. 22.
Bancroft, Capt,. on X. W. coast, 1836,
i. 341, ii. 602; 1837-S, i. 341-2;
death, ii. 004-0.
Banderas Bay, Mazuela returns to, i.
14.
Bank of France, connection with Miss.
Co., i
Bank:;, botanist, drowned, ii. 538.
Bannock, site, ii. 24.
ka, ii. 140, 6G2;
Gov. New Archangel, ii. 210.
. mi title X. \V. coast, ii. 360.
Capt., leaves Osten
182; voyage, 1702, i. 265; on X. W.
J; i. 353-4, ii. 320;
Indian;; attack, i. 304.
Barclay, F., prospectus Puget .Sound
A. Co., ii. 01.3.
Barclay, Mrs, on X. W. coast, 17S7:
i. lb':i.
Barclay Sound, Heceta's voyage, 1775,
i. 102; Barclay discovers, i. 1S2;
Gra approaches, 17S8,i. 100;Meares
reaches, 178S, i. 1 US.
Baring Island, named, i. 281.
30, i. 341;
1837, i. 342.
Barlow, seeks Strait of Anian, 1719, i.
121.
defends Fort Albany, i. 443.
Barlow, J. W., surveys Yell
ii. 31.
Barnarda, see Bonarda, i. 116.
Barnes, Miss Jane, at Astoria, 181 1.
i. 251, 333.
Barnett, on X. W. coast, 1780, i. 217;
his voyages, 1702, i. '_:i.~..
Barnston, C, at Fort Langley, ii. 477;
fort Walla Walla, ii. .31.3.
Barrel, Jos., Boston merchant, i. 358.
Barrit, at Astoria, 1841, ii. 0:>7.
Barton, J., settler, Cowlitz valley, ii.
014.
Bastidas, voyage in 1501, i. 10.
Bates, on title X. W. coast, i
Ba'churst, Lord, Astoria restored, ii.
21 I 2.
au, construction, i. 424.
!,iver, named, ii. 74.
Baylies, on question X. W. coast, ii.
346, 365.
Beacon Bock, named, ii. 47.
lape, Meares names, i. 19S.
Beales, Daniel, agent, i. 193.
ke, iron and coal found, i.
ii. 95-6.
Bear Rapid, named, ii. 80.
Bears, habitat, i. 412.
Beauchamp, J., Mackenzie's exped.,
i. 073.
Beaudieux, F., Mackenzie's exped., i.
073.
Beauharnais, supports Yerendrye, i.
596.
Beaver, habitat, i. 411.
... i. 329;
1813. i. I, ii. 042;
on Columbia, LI
coast, ii. ; ar-
.
tacked by Indians. 1837, ii. 638; on
X. W. coast, 1841, ii. 057-8; at
I
LS40, ii. 047.
. .cad, Lewis and C. <
24, 30.
Beaver Head River, Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 23-4.
Beaver Indians, traders anion:, ii. 92.
Beaver Lodge, Fraser's exped., ii. 103.
Beaver Lodge Mountain, Mackenzie s
voyage, ii. 678.
Beaver, Rev., at Fort Vancouver, ii.
534.
Leaver River, named, ii. 77.
Beaver skins, as currency, i. .
' Beaver, ' sloop, sails to Moose river,
1720, i.
voyage, 1533, i. 14.
Feck, voyage, 1799, i.
Beckwourth, J. 1'., trapper, life, i. 516,
ii. 449; character, i .
Ed., voyage, 1837.
342; explores X. W. coast, 1830-42,
ii. 611-12.
Belhoullay Conin, see Mackenzie's
voyage, i. 669.
Bellacoola River, see Macken:
age; sec foot-note, i. G93.
Bellacoolas, attack vessel, ii.
Belle Lake, see Fontc's story, i. 116.
cruise in north-west,
1801. i.
Belle Yue Point, named, i. 2S1 , ii. 439.
Bennett, Capt., voyage, 1811
■, i. 340.
Lent and St Yrain, sec Bent £ Co., i.
515.
INDEX.
717
Bentinck North Ann, Mi
voya
Benton, on question X. W. i
17; i 11 I >r. qui
395, 410 13, 555-6.
Bercier, guide, ii. H77.
Berg, in d'Avity's Le Monde, 1637, i.
It S; S] anish description, 1 , 10, i.
119.
i atlas, 1573, i.
81 ; in Low 's map, 1598; i
blance to Alaska, i. 86.
Bering, \
17: i. . i. :; >.
eked at,
1741; dies there, i. 3.
Bering !
i. 27; BeriB t. 30.
I ird [sland, named, i. 179.
Berrien,
!
1795, i. 301.
. A., clerkN. W. Co., ii. 227;
I ; leaves
Foi 270.
in north-west, 1S0O, ii.
Biddle, J., I'. S. commissi
Bidwell Pass, description, i.
<
;
i , Lewis and C.
. 71.
k, named, i. 16.
I, i. 16.
i i ass, location, i.
.
is and C. exped.,
ii. 7
fe, Harmon's name among
1 mck, Moncacht Ap6's travels.
L 126 7.
!
d., i. 673.
and C.
] 'it'n r 1
exped., ii. 76.
Black, A
1 11.
232-4; in - 2.
with D.
510-11; ' ' . i i . ."> I : ! ;
iloop, ii. 602.
Black Mts, l.tw is and C. exped. , ii. 16.
Black River, named, ii
, Indians, ho tility, i. ." 19;
Williams' exped. an
I enry, ii. 129; i
I
attack Work's party, ii. •' i .
I r, ii. 610.
d., ii. 14.
Blackwater River, M
i. 515.
Blais, at Fort St James, ii. 111.
conl I.
Blanchard, ('apt., on >,'. V\
1811, i
. I'r, Jesuit, ii.
ii. (>7">.
1773, i. 156; La I
. . :
, ii. <i~:>, 662.
Blinn, ^
onecticul river,
ate on Columbi
ii. 293.
']'.. Mezick,'brig, cruise, 1837
Boardman, N. \-
ii. 124.
i. 242.
i. GG;
id, 177 3,
ith Vancouver,
279;
. ii. '_'(».
, l. -lis;
Luilt, ii.
rl8
INDEX.
Boisvert, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
Bolch, on N. W. coast, 1805, i. 320,
ii. 55.
' Bolivar,' brig, in S. F. Bay, 1841, ii.
659.
' Bolivar Liberator, ' on Cal. coast, 1834,
ii. 636.
Bolts, W. , X. W. fur-trade, i. 349.
Bombay, merchants of, bend .Strange
to Nootka, 1786, i. 177.
Bonardo, Pedro de, Fonte's story, i.
116.
Bonilla, explores New Mexico, 1596,
i. 20.
Bonneville, Capt., trading exped., i.
516-17; ii. 390, 58."); explores South
Pass, i. 632; in Utah, i. 641, 643;
character, ii. 568; exped. to Colum-
bia, 1832, ii. 569-75; Irving on, ii.
573; meets Wyeth's exped., ii. 590.
' Bordelais,' on N. W. coast, 1817, i.
336-8.
'Borneo,' cruise in north-west, 1S19-
20, i. 340.
'Boston,' ship, on N. W. coast, 1S03,
i. 312-15. ii. 156; burned by Indians,
i. 365, ii. 159.
'Boston,' sloop-of-war, ii. 365.
Bostonians, explore N. W. coast, 1788,
i. 185.
Bouchard, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
Boullard, employ P. Fur Co., i. 205.
Boundary Pass, see South Kootenai
Pass, i. 024.
Bourbon, see Saskatchewan, i. 60S.
Bourbon, Fort, see York Factory, i.
485; built, i. 595.
Bourbon, Jean, sails up Hudson Bay,
1656, i. 438.
Bourgmont, ascends Missouri River,
1727, i. 26.
'Boussole.'onN.W. coast, 1786, i. 175.
Bowers, Jonathan, on N. W. coast,
1797-8, i. 306; 1800, i. 308.
Bowles, voyage, 1798, i. 306.
Bowlin, on Or. question, ii. 402.
Brackenridge, J. D., on exploring ex-
ped., ii. 609, 073,682.
Bradbury, J., botanist, with P. Fur
Co., ii. 178, 182.
Braddock, defeated, 1755, i. 400, 505.
Bradstreet, takes Fort Frontenac,
175S.
Brant Island, named, ii. 63.
Brave River, see Rio Bravo del Norte,
i. 115.
Brazilian coast, Portuguese explora-
tion, i. 3.
Breboeuf, Pere, discovers Niagara
Falls, i. 587.
Breck, voyage, 1799, i. 308.
Breck, with Wyeth's exped., ii. 563.
Breckinridge, on question N. W.
coast, ii. 346.
Breton, Cape, taken by English, 175S;
i. 400.
Brian, at Nootka, ii. 160.
Brice, voyage, 1801, i. 310.
Bridger, Jas., fur-trader, i. 515: with
Rocky Mt. Co., i. 514, ii. 455; trap-
ping tour, 1832, ii. 570-1; life, ii.
610; discovers Great Salt Lake, ii.
610; builds Fort Bridger, ii. 611.
Bridger, Fort, built, ii. 611.
Bridger Pass, location, i. 633.
Brigade, equipment, i. 561: N. W.
Co., i. 561-4.
Brigades, N. W. Co., i. 560^1; York
Factory, i. 463; New Caledonia, i.
463-4, ii. 469-71; N. West, 1834,
ii. 530-1.
Briggs, voyage, 1802, i. 311.
Bright Stones, mountain, in Jefferys'
map, 1768, i. 132.
Brion-Chabot, Philippe de, semis Car-
tier to America, 1534, i. 380.
British America, explored, i. 27; a
fur-hunter's paradise, i. 406; phys-
ical features, i. 406.
British Columbia, part of N. W. coast,
i. 2; configuration, i. 408; made a
crown colony, ii. 306.
Brooks, C. W., Japanese wrecks, etc.,
ii. 532.
Brotchie, voyage, 1S37, 1S3S, 1839, i.
342; Capt. of 'Cadboro,' ii. 477.
Brouchard. J. B., settler, Cowlitz val-
ley, ii. 614.
Brougham, Lord, on Or. question, ii.
410.
Brouyhton, Lieut. W. R., on N. W.
coast, 1791, i. 2S9; 1792, 266, 274,
281. ii. 324; 1796.
Brown, Boston merchant, i. 35S.
Brown, on Or. question, ii. 393.
Brown, J. G., smweyor, 1S25-7, i. 615;
on exploring exped., ii. 669.
Brown, John, on N. W. coast, 1803,
i. 317; 1805, i. 320.
Brown, Capt. W., on N. W. coast,
1792, i. 265; 1793, i. 293-4; 1794, i.
2>7: voyage, 1802, i. 311; 1803, i.
31S; on Columbia, 1806, ii. 59; at
Sitka. 1810, ii. 140.
Brown Hole, rendezvous, ii. 458.
Brown's Sound, named, i. 293. _
Bruquier, R., on Canoe River, ii. 123;
at Fort Astoria, ii. 174, 177.
'Brutus,' brig, on N. W. coast, 1817-
18, i. 338; 1819-20, i. 340.
INDEX.
rig
. ..11 te 'in I Iregon, t. 132.
Bryant, al Fori Bridgi r, 1846, ii. 611.
o's memo-
rial, 1790, i. 93; map, 1750 3, i. 127.
Bucaieli, Port, Caamauo explores, i.
26 7.
Bucareli, Rada de, si ■ '
, 177... i. 160.
Buchanan, on question N. W. coast,
: . :i Or. question, ii. 394.
Buena Esperan ado, i. 90;
i. i. 105; Mar-
i. -2H.
Buffalo, habitat, i. 411; Lewis and I'.
d., ii. 81.
fuel, ii. 20.
Buffalo-meat, i '- ii- 587;
tod of curing, ii. 51
hoal, named,
Bulfinch, Dr. C, Boston merchant, i.
Bulfinch Harbor, Cray names, i. 259.
Bulkley, in Alaska, i. 626.
Bulkley House, 1 cation, ii. 171.
Bumstead, voyage, L801, i. 310.
Lurch, \ i. 342.
Burditt, with Wyeth's exped., ii. 563.
Burnet, Gov. New York, L.
Burney, 36, 136.
Burriel, Padre, on California, 1757, i.
129.
Burrow.-- ii. 682.
Bush, at Puget Sound, 1844, ii. 701.
Lutterworth, on N. W. coast, 179-', i.
, i. 2
Button, explores Hudson Lay, 1612-
13, i. -
Caamafio, expedicion, etc., i. '270.
I Heceta names, i. 163.
I □ Labrador coast, i. 11.
( American coast, i. 11
thwest Strait .
I I . i. 129; sailing direc-
tions i :. L734, i. 1 17.
Cabrillo, . 1543, i. 14, 10:
3, i. 44, (7: names Si< rra Ne-
vada, i. 4!).
i ; 135.
orth-west, 1827,
i. 341;
l Inmbia, ii. 476
captains of, ii. -177: on Fras< r, ii.
477; at build mgley, ii.
i I La, ii. 199
at Foi , 1841, ii. 656.
Cadboro Lay, named, ii. 477.
'Cadboro,' steamer, history, ii. 476-7.
Ly, 1621,
Caen, William de, trade monopoly,
L621, ..
( 'ajon l'ass, location, i
i. 489.
and C.
exped., ii. 62.
. ' wrecked, ii.
Calhoun, on Or. question, ii.
California, home of Amazons, L533, i.
■
sio's map, I
map, 157 '. i. ■' 3; Lok1 i
i. 65; Martyr's map, L587, i. till;
2; Low's
Berrera's map,
.
. i. 101-3;
1701, i. 115; 1742, i. 124; a penin-
sula.i. 104; 1633, i. 106; 1721, i. 121;
in d'Avity's Le Monde, 1637, i. 107;
province, 1655, L. 110; g< ographical
ipied by
Spaniards, 1769, i. 150; fur-trading
-
i. 525 s; II. Bay Co. in, i. 525 8;
L840, ii. 53! I i
horse-stealing in, ii. 552;
on coa
: Mofras in, I
■
Gulf of, Qlloa •
. i. 90; Mojave :..
. 1604, i. 91 : S] aniards ex-
i. 101.
•• n to be a pe-
ninsula., 1540 3, ;.
California Peninsula, discovered, i. 14;
Ortelius' map, 1574, i. 53.
'Cahforni in S. F. hay,
1841, n. 659.
Callalamet, on N. W. coa :. 1805, i.
320; ii. 55.
Callicum, chief of Nootka, 1788, i. 195.
CallBiver, 281.
Calvert, C. ■ 1634, i.
( lalvinists, colonize Ai
Calvo, R , i. 232.
Camaauo, Lieut. J., explon
Charlotte I -.. i. 267; explorations,
1792, i. 267 9, --■'•■ ii- 322; map of,
1792, i. 268 9.
Camas-. I ii. 255, 590.
■
720
INDEX.
Cameahwait, •' !i ■ '■< ■■'■<■ • ' :ef, meets
Lewis and C. exped., 1805, ii. 28,
31,
Cameron, Black's death, ii. 512, G77.
Cameron, trader, made prisoner, i.
578.
Camosun, Fort, see Fort Victoria, i.
492.
Cam}), fur-traders', i. 430-1.
Campbell, at Fort Dunvegan, ii. 462,
494.
Campbell, D., trader, i. 570.
Campbell, R., fur-trader, i. 516; at
Pierre Hole, ii. 563; trapping tour,
L832, ii. 570.
Campa, Padre, Heceta's exped., 177"),
i. 158-C6.
Campos, Padre, associate of Velarde,
i. 120.
Canada, name, i. 12, 380-1; French
colonize, i. 22; passes to England,
i. 379: granted to La Roche, i. 383;
law in, ii. 29S.
( !o., see N. W. Co., i. 551.
Canada de las Uvas Pass, location, i.
053.
Canadian settlement, 1627, i. 389.
Canal de Lopez de Haro, named by
Quhnper. i. 241.
Canal de Nuestra Seiiora del Rosario
laMarinera, Gulf of Georgia, i. 246.
Candle, the, furs sold by, i. 465.
Canning, S., commissioner title N. W.
coast, ii. 355-60, 367.
bar] ptiori
Canoe Liver, named, ii. 45, 123-4.
Cape Adams, named by Gray, i. 260.
Cape Hancock, Gray names, i. 260.
rn, Portlock and Dix< >n round,
1785, i. 178.
Cape North, Perez names Point Santa
Margarita, 1773, i. 153.
Capotes, fur-hunter, i. 431.
Cardenas, visits Moqui towns, 1540,
i. 16; explorations, i. 18.
Cardona, works, i. 102.
Cardona, Nicolas de, on California,
1617, i. 102.
Carlos IV., energy in explorations, i.
9; position in Nootka controversy,
i. 231.
Carmelo, near Monterey, Vizcaino
discovers, 1602, i. 88.
Carmelo Rio, Salvador's report on,
1751, i. 127.
I larmen Is., salt depot, ii. 522.
Carolina, Jordan reaches, 1.
'Caroline,' see 'Dragon,' i. 307; on >, .
W. coast, 1801, i. 310; 1802, i. 312;
1804, i. 3 IS.
Carr, 0., on exploring exped., ii. 669.
Carrier country, explored, ii. 92, 97.
Carson, A., trapper, joins P. Fur Co.
exped., i. 130.
Carson, Kit, dress, i. 432: trapper, i.
516; with Fremont, ii. 695.
Cartier, Chaton, monopolizes fur- trade,
i. 383.
Cartier, J., surveys crulf and river
St Lawrence, i. 12, 14, 380; expedi-
tions of, i. 12, 42.
Cartier, Noil, monopolizes fur-trade,
i. 3S3.
Carver, J., explorations, 1766, i. 007-
11; map of, 1778. i. 132, 608.
Casanate, Pedro Porter y, report on
explorations, 1636, i. 106.
Cascade Canal, Vancouver's, see Mac-
kenzie's voyage, i. 699.
Cascade Range, passes of, i. 643-8.
Cascades, Broughton reaches, 1 792, i.
281 ; see Falls of Columbia, ii. 46-7;
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 63; hos-
tility of natives at, ii. 240-1, 258.
Case, explores Hood Canal, ii. 673.
Cass, on Or. question, ii. 404-5.
'Castle,' steam-boat, wrecked, ii. 533.
Castlereigh, Lord, Astoria restored, ii.
291.
Castle Rock, see Beacon Rock, ii. 47.
Caswell, killed by Indians, i. 251, 261.
Catala, Padre Magin, sails for Cal.,
1794, i. 296.
'Catalina,' brig, in S. F. Bay, 1S41,
ii. 659.
Cataract River, named, ii. A 5.
Cathay, passage to, by Florida, 1530,
i. 43; Martyr's map. 1587, i. 66;
ira trades at, 1555, i. 111.
'Catherine,' on N. W. coast, 1802, i.
311; 1811, i. 326.
Cathlamets, Lewis and C. exped., ii.
56, 60.
Catholic mission, Or., ii. 657, '
Catholic missionaries, in N. W., 1839,
ii. 534, 536.
Cattle, introduced on Columbia, ii.
443.
Cavalho, supercargo, i. 193.
Cavalho and Co., merchants, i. 215;
bankruptcy, i. 217.
Cavendish, captures Fuca, 1587, i. 71 J
voyage, i. 73; touches at Cal., 17S7,
i. 20.
Caweeman,postHudsonBayCo.,i.4 18.
Cayuela, Elisa examines, 1790; see
Clayoquot, i. 246.
Cayuses, missionaries among, ii. 534-5.
Cechasht Cove, explored by (.'apt.
Gray, 1789, i. 205.
INDEX.
721
1 land, discovered, i. 1 I.
Central America, condition of dis-
y in 1550, i. 10.
l Todd Bay, ii. 254.
'Cermefion,' wrecked at Di
1595.
. Ciriaco, criticises Maldo-
, i. 94.
. a, Lewis and C. exped., ii.
30.
Chacke, Martin, report of N. AN . pas-
1 573, i. 61.
I rahs, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 62.
Chama Rio, lake Copalla reached by,
i. 105.
Champlain, S. de, explores Si Law-
i. 22, 106, 385; discovers
. in i. 387; names lake
I ath, i. 390.
Cbampoeg, post 11. Hay Co., i. 44K;
settleni( at, I .34, ii. 529.
', Bay and
lannel, i. 255; explores Char-
lotte Is., i. 255-7.
Chagres-Panama Pass, i. HIT.
Chapman, W. W., purchases H. B.
ale, ii. 710.
Charles II., charters H. Bay Co., i.
439, 4G9.
. Indian, ii. 529.
Charles, at Fort Langley, ii. -177.
. P., guide, ii. 677.
Charle' L720, i. 121.
..:■,' cruise in Northwest, 1801,
i. 310.
Charlotte Island, explored by Capt.
Chaual, assisted by surgeon Roblet,
i. 255-7; explored by Capt. lias-
well, i. 26 1-2.
'Charon/, qN. W. coast, 1811, i. 326;
captured by Ei li a, 1813, i. 329-30.
. Aymar dc, fur monopoly of,
'Chatham/onN.W. coast, 1792, i. 274,
i i; 1794, i. 296,
S
Chatham Cape, named, i. 170.
Chauvin, Capt., fur monopoly of, i.
Cheadle, explores Yellowhea
621
!,' cruise in north-'.'.. ,1799,
Chehalis route, map. ii. 465.
I ii. G02.
mus,' ship, on Columbia, 1842,
ii. GSG.
Hist. N. W. Coast. , Vol. II. 4G
Chenoke Point, named, i. 2
tion, i. 068.
'Cherub,1 in I I 2.
Chesterfield Inlet, explored, i. 28.
ominy, Smith i
l , I L 650.
Chicora, see Jordan's voyage, i. 12.
(r, 11. Bay I
ii. 307-15.
Chief-trader, If. Pay Co., i.
ii. 307-15.
Chihuahua
:
1560, i. 19; Spanish advance in, 1600,
i. 21.
Chilapa Pass, location, i. GG0.
tin, post, ii. 4G1.
domof, i. 91.
Chimnapums, seeLewisand ('.exped.,
Indian tribe, ii. 261.
China, Hanna sails from, 1785, i. 173;
fur-trade with N. W. coai I
: relation to Ur. ques-
tion, ii. 41
Chinamen, at Nootka, i. 211.
Chinese vessels, in Atlantic, 1590, i.
GS.
. Lewis and C. exped.. ii. 53,
. character, ii. 56; hostility
blip, ii. 133 5; a sistAstor's
party, ii. 152; hostility. ;'. ii. 175 6,
2 16.
Point, post, II. Pay Co., i.
448.
Chinook village, first noted by Gray,
Chipewyans, opinion of liquor, i. 547.
a, Port, situation,
built, i. 612.
Chiquito, Ouate's explorations, 1G04,
'Chirikof,' ship, on Cal.
Chopunnish, see v
. P., fur-tra<
-en, II., fui-
tv, traces of, in Colima,
1524, i
l
1761-2,
Cliurchill, River, disc
3, 43;
1 of In-
dies unable -o locale, i. 46; in Ra-
r22
INDEX.
musio's map, i. 49; Ortelius' map,
. 53; Herrera's map, 1601, i.
SS; a province of Cal., 1655, i. 110.
Cicuic, in Ramusio's map. 1556, i. 40;
see Pecos, i. 53; Hondin's map, i.
1 : chief town of Quivira, i. 110.
Ci . fabled land of Amazons,
1522, i. 39.
Cinacacohola, queen, Zinogaba, i. 91.
Clackamas Indians, Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 62.
Clackamas River, Lewis and C. exped. .
ii. 62.
Clallams, kill McKenzie's party, ii.
4S3; punished, ii. 484.
Clapp, leaves Astoria, ii. 225. 235.
Clarendon. Lord, on Or. qixestion, ii.
39S-9, 400.
,' on Cal. coast, 1S17-18, i.
Clark, Capt. G., voy., 1819; wrecked
i. 34 .
Clarke, trader for Selkirk, i. 577-8.
Clarke, J., partner P. Fur Co., ii.
197; exped. of, ii. 198, 202-3, 211;
among Indians, ii. 212-13. -
kane exped., ii. 218;
Astoria, ii. 227; leaves Fort George,
: goes cast, ii. 2S0.
Clarke, W., exploring exped. up the
Missouri, 1S04-5, ii. 0-27; instruc-
ii. 6-7; reaches head-waters
ouri, ii. 26; down the Colum-
bia, ii. 28-50, i. 320; on Pacific, ii.
51-00; return to St. Louis, ii. 51-
82: route from Travellers' Rest to
tone, ii. 70-7 ; down Yel-
lowstone, ii. 77-81; Gen. of militia,
: Gov. Missouri Ty., ii. 83;
Su.pt, Indian affairs, ii. SO; Missouri
Fur Co., ii. 128; character, ii. 21 3,
.ploringexped., 1S04-6; route,
ii. 327; along Missouri, 1S04, i. 509.
Clarke Fork, Clarke names, ii. 78.
Clarke Point of View, nann I
Clarke Liver, named, i. 34, ii. 07; see
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 70-1.
Clarke's route west, i. 630.
Classet, Meares' voyage, 1788, i. 107.
Clatsop Fort, built, ii. 53; Lewis and
C. at, ii. 59.
Clatsop River, Lewis and C. exped. , ii.
57.
Clatsops, murder crew of ' William and
Ann,' ii. 49S; punished, ii. 499; see
Lewis and C. exped., ii. oo-G, 59.
Clay, entitle N.W. coast, ii. 307, 377.
379.
Clayoquot, Indians attack, i. 305.
Clayoquot Sound, Heceta's voyage,
1775, i. 162; Meares at, 17SS, i. 197;
Gray at, 1788, i. 100, 1789, i. 204;
:plores, i. 240; Kendricksat,
1791, i. 253.
Clayton, on Or. question, ii. 405.
Clayton, Yv ., builds post on Kent Is.,
i. 5 (2,
:• Mts. , see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 70.
Clearwater River, see Kooskooskie,
7; see Lewis ami C. exped.,
ii. 69.
en, see Missionaries.
exped., 1778, i. 167.
Clerks H. Bay Co., i. 449-54; X. YV.
Co., i. 557-8.
Cleswuncut Lake, Mackenzie's voy-
age, i. 691.
Cleveland, narrative, etc., i. 307.
Cloak Bay, named, i. 179; Chanal
surveys, i. 255.
Cluscus Lakes, Mackenzie's voyage,
i. C93.
Coahuila, Spanish frontier reaches,
1500, i. 19.
Coal, found at Bear Lake, i. 669 ; see
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 16.
Coal Liver, named, ii. 81.
Coast Range, passes through, i. 627,
655.
Coffin Mount., named, i. 2S1 ; Lewis
and C. exped., ii. 49.
Cogib River, possibly the Mackenzie
River in Low's map, 1598, i
Cogil Rio, in Wytfliet-Ptolemy map,
1597, i. ! I.
Cokalahishkit River, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 71.
Colden, on question X. W. coast, ii.
345.
Cole, Thomas, his voyages, 1702. i. 206.
'Colenzell,' ship, X. YV. fur-trade, i.
349.
Coles, J., sail-maker, ii. 150-1.
Colima, exped. northwest of, 1522;
traces of Christianity in 1522. i. 39.
Collins Creek, see Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 00.
Coluett, Capt., on X. YY coa
i. 181, 183; 17S9, i. 210-12, 217-23;
1700, i. 243; imprisoned by Mar-
tinez, i. 217-23; goes to Mexico, i.
223.
' Colonel Allan, ' schooner, on Cal. coast,
ii. 204; on Columbia, ii. 206.
'Colonel,' brig, on Cal. coast, 1816, i,
334.
Colorado, in Burriel's map, 1757, i. 129.
Colorado Basin, La Salle enters, 16S4,
i. 393.
INDEX.
723
Colorado
reaches 1540, i. 16.
Rio, reached by Alarcon,
i. II: Diaz ascends, 1540, i.
16; Ofiate explores, L604 5, i. 21,
90; Kino traverses, L690 -1700, L 25;
frontier of Mexico, ii. 750; i. '_'7:
splores, 1769, i. 28; •
63; Wytfliet-Ptolemy, 151
Salvador's report on, 1751, i. 121 ;
si e Lew is and ( '. exped., ii. 32.
1 . lifeamong Indians, ii. 82- ."..
with P. Fur Co. exped., ii. 1 79.
Colter Creek, named, ii. 38; see Lew is
and C. exped., ii. 67.
Columbia, on X. \V. coast,
202; I. !10, 224; 1792, i.
!. 274.
'Columbia,1 bark, on Columbi
ii.594.
'Columbia,' b:ig, on X. W. coast,
1817
Columbia (Brit.), voyages, 18
I; i. 341 2.
Columbia department, limits of, under
. '. '«>. . i. 44S.
Columbia Fur Co., formed, i. 514, ii.
444.
Columbia medal, i. ISO.
'Columbia Rediviva,1
!. i. 250-2.
Columbia
1775, i. 163; d names,
. I. ii. 3i v ; 5
; Black surveys,
I 1.:.
. L24, 329.
-
Lored, ii. I -
I, ii. I IT
i [anted, ii.
411;
3; dangers
.
1839 i. 611; 1 , ii. 673
. 1829 !-',
Li. 686.
i ■ Trading
■ lilure, ii.
Columbi a, i. 645
0.
'Columbia,' schooner, on X". Y.
I J] 5, i. ■ 13; Dolly.'
•Columbi. .
ii. 539.
Columbus, significance of early dis-
. i. •_': theory of route to
India, i. 5 6; three
theory of America, i. 3 i.
Colville, A., Lon. G iv. II. B. Co., ii.
515; din b S >und A, I !o.,
ii. 616.
Colville, Fort, posl 11. B. Co., i. 4 18;
built, ii. 469; agriculture at, ii. 472.
Colvocoresis, sui Earbor,
ii. 679.
Comanches, attack \\ illiam
ii. 128.
Comcomlj . aief, ii. 53, 1 75,
207, 231; saves traders' I
L52 3;
gall, ii. 218-19; a turn
231 2.
Comekela, native chief Nootka, 1788,
i. 195.
Commencement bay, named, ii. 680.
y, ii. 177.
■ .
i. 391.
Company of Adventurers of En
in Hudson Bay, see II. Bay
Co.
Company Bay, see Barclay Sound, i.
190; l ■
Company of Canada, formed, L 395,
441.
Com] any of the Indies, succei
India Co., i. 398.
Company London, licensed by East
India Co., ■
■
. _'lb
a Point, < iabrillo i
. .. 14.
Conibas Lake, in Y,
map, 1597, i. 84; in Lov
1598, i. 85; : d. to, i.
I .;.
Bee Wytniet-Ptolem . ina p,
84.
Conibia
■
Connecticut River,
Connolly, with fur brigade, ii. 171 : at
| 174; at ( Ikana-
. 198; punish
724
INDEX.
Connolly, Jas., chief factor, ii. 470,
496.
Connolly, W., wife of , i. 543; in New
Caledonia, ii. 470, 516.
Connolly, Fort, built, ii. 470.
Connolly River, J. Douglas explores,
ii. 488.
Conolly Lake, post Hudson Bay Co. ,
i. 448.
Conosset, Fonte's story, i. 116.
Consag, Father, declares Cal. a pen-
insula, i. 125.
' Constantine,' brig, in S. F. Bay, ii.
659.
Continent, Northern, apex of, i. 404.
Contra Costa de Florida, Cardona
names, i. 102.
' Convoy,' on N. W. coast, 1824, 1829-
30, i. 341; ii. 442-3; 1836, i. 342.
Cook, explores Yellowstone, ii. 31.
Cook, on question N. W. coast, ii.
353.
Cook, Capt. Jas., surveys Alaskan
Peninsula, 1778, i. 31; a voyage,
etc., i. 166; on N. W. coast, 1778,
i. 167-72; ii. 318-19, 330, 357; map,
1778, i. 169; opens fur trade, i.
347-8, 370; Mackenzie's exped., i.
696; route of, i. 659; description of
sea-otter, i. 343-4; fate, i. 358;
Indians attack, i. 364; fur-trading,
i. 367.
Cook Inlet, surveyed, i. 296-7.
Cook River, Portlock and Dixon
reach, 1786, i. 178.
Coolidge, R. D., on N. W. coast,
1788, i. 189, 217, 225; 1792, i.
265.
Copalla Lake, see Ibarra's explora-
tions, i. 52-3; see Onate, explora-
tions, i. 90; route to, i. 105.
Coppermine River, Hearne descends,
1770, i. 28; discovered, i. 012; ii. 2;
see Lewis and C. exped., ii. 66.
Cordillera, defined, i. 61S; passes
through, i. 617-65.
Cordoba, voyage, 1517— IS, i. 11; Elisa
anchors at, 1791, i. 246.
Cornelius, Indian chief, ii. 679.
Cornoyer, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
Coronado, Francisco Vasquezde, visits
Zufii Pueblo Towns, 1540, i. 16, ex-
plorations, 1540-3, i. 16-17, 44; expe-
dition toQuivira, i. 45-6.
Corrigal, trader, attacked, i. 570.
Cortereal, Anus, i. 55.
Cortereal, in Minister's map, 1545, i.
48.
Cortereals, near Greenland, i. 11, 36,
55-6.
Cortes, II., ambition, i. 3; expedi-
tions, 1519, i. 11; western coast of
Mexico, i. 13; on Niza's reports, i.
43; conquers Mexico, i. 379; method
of converting, i. 550.
Cortes, F, in Colima, 1524, i. 13, 39.
Cortin, with fur-brigade, ii. 471.
Cosa, voyage in 1504—5, i. 10.
Cossacks, traverse Siberia, 1600-50,
i. 29.
Cotting, voyage, 182S-30, i. 341.
Cotton, see Cotting, i. 341.
Couch, ('apt., on Columbia, 1840, i.
342, ii. 686-7.
Coulter, in Mex. and Cal., ii. 407.
Council Bluffs, named, ii. 12.
Coureur desbois, see voyageur, i. 414,
423; method of trade, i. 552.
Courtois, F., Mackenzie's exped., i.
673.
Couthony, J. P., on exploring exped.,
ii. 669.
Cowles, T., on north-west passage,
1573, i. 61.
Cowlitz, on Cal. coast, 1841, ii. 658-
60, 688; on N. W. coast, ii. 661.
Cowlitz Pass, location, i. 645.
Cowlitz, post, Hudson Bay Co., i. 44S;
attacked, ii. 277-8.
Cowlitz Prairie, fanning begun, ii.
612-14, 619; Work surveys, ii. 613.
Cowlitz River, see Lewis andC. exped.,
ii. 49, 60.
Cowlitz Valley, farming, 1S37, ii. 612-
13; 1S45-51, ii. 613; Jesuits in, ii.
613.
Cox, clerk P. Fur Co., ii. 203-5, 23S-
9; with North-west Fur Co., ii. 259,
264; leaves Fort George, ii. 270.
Cox Cape, Strange names, 1786, i. ITS;
see Dixon's map, 17S7, i. ISO.
Cox Channel, Capt. Chanal surveys,
i. 255.
Cox Port, see Clayquot Sound, 17SS,
i. 197; mutiny at, 178S, i. 200.
Coxe, his untruthfulness, i. 123.
Coxe, Daniel, geography of 1722. i.
122-3.
Coxton, Captain, geography of, i. 122.
Coyote, habitat, i. 412.
Craven, T. T., on exploring exped.,
ii. 669.
Creor, T. , trader, attacked, i. 570.
Crespi, on Perez exped. 1773, i. 151;
diary Perez voyage, i. 152-3.
Criminals, at Fort George, ii. 267.
Crittenden, on Or. question, ii. 394,
406.
Crocker, voyage 1799, i. 30S; 1S02, i.
311.
INDEX.
ad, 1844, ii. 701.
i . i. 391.
i -. 17": on
i ' •, veneration of voyageurs
. i. 341.
Crowell, ■ Gray, 1791, i.
Crow Indians, Williams' expedition
among, ii. 127.
Crown, receives Port Royal, 1654, i.
Crown Point, English take, 1759, i.
401.
. opinion of liquor, i. 547.
i . . .: i- ■ t Louisiana;
monopolies of, i. o'Jl, 591-2.
Cruzatte, Lewis and C. exped., ii. 17,
75.
Crnzatte River, named, ii. 4G.
Cuadra and Vancouver Island, named
Ira and Vancouver, i.
.
Cuadra, Juan P., Heceta's exped .1 , 75,
i. 158-66, ii. 318; Arteaga's exped.,
177.'. i. 173; buys t'.ie 'Adventure,'
i. 264; Nootka controversy, i. 285-7;
commissioner, death, i. - 5.
I map i f Apianus, L575, i. 56.
Cubirago, in Wytfliet-Ptolemy map,
. i. 84.
Culaworl ' journal, ii. 133.
ivels, i. 63.
Culiac n, Guzman fortifies, 1531. i. 16;
■:. 42; Nizalea
i. 43.
Curry, Thos., fur-trader, i. 554.
Cushifl ' , ii. 537.
I , C., on (Jr. Quesdon, ii. 391,
Cushooks, see Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 62.
Dacotaks, stories of the -west, i. 607-
10.
N". W. coast. 1792, i
i
i ;. i. 489.
i i and C. exped.
44; hos
I Indians at, ii. "210; trading
icthodist
ii 677.
• ii d, i. 17'.'.
on Cal. geography, llibii, i. 112.
Dana, J. D. , on exploring exped., ii.
L6, i.
1836, i. 311.
lant, i. 358.
Dashk en., ii. 140.
Dauphin, Fort, built, i
Davenport, I'. L.,on< sploring exped.,
Davidson, trailer, ii. 55.
Davidson, Capt., on X. W. coast,
1800, i. :: 18; ii. r,r,.
Davila, Gil Gonzalez, in Nicaragua, i.
13.
Davis, ('apt, at Sitka, 1810, ii. 1 W.
Davis, II., record of J a; ai
etc., ii. 532.
i. IS;
on N. W. pa sage, i. 65; on Drake'.;
voyage, i. 140.
Davis, W. H., on X. W. coast, 1S10-
11, i. 325; merchant, ii. 130.
D'Avity, Pierre, map of 1037, i. 107.
D'Avougour,< tov., seizes Rupert Land,
.'.. with P. Fur Co. exped., ii.
L79, In!. ! es Astoria,
ii. 19S; dies insane, ii. 199.
Deans, on Columbia, ii. 471.
Dearborn Fiver, named, ii. 20; Lewis
and ('. exped., ii. 72.
Dease, J. W., death, ii. 516.
Dease, P. W., at McLeod Lake, ii.
463; at Okanagan, ii. 498; in New
oia, ii. 516.
Deception Bay, Meares names, 1788,
i. 198.
Dccoigne, at Rocky Mt. House, ii.
1, H. Bay Co., 1834, i. 452;
ii. 304, 307-15.
tbitat, i. 112.
i e Lewis and C. exped., ii. 49.
Deer Lodge Pass, location, i.
roes, massacres .Spaniards,
1568, i. 19.
.' ship, destroyed, I
a1 Sandwich Is., IS: I
., 1 7 15. i. 119; map
on 1 > :■'.. - voya ;e, i. 141.
Delouisa, P., mate, 1803, i. 312;
death, i. 315.
Demcrs, Jesuit missionary, ii.
613.
De M< nits, Sieur, see Pierre du Guat,
i. 385 7.
726
INDEX.
Denys, explores St Lawrence, i. 11.
Depot, P., Or. settler, ii. 500-1.
Derby, on K W. coast, 1801, i. 310;
1802, i. 312; 1807, i. 324.
Des Chutes River, Lewis andC. exped.,
ii. 41-2, 64, 66.
'Descubierta,' corvette, on N. W.
coast, 1791, i. 249-50.
' Desdemona,' bark, wrecked, ii. 533.
Deshon, Capt., N. W. fur-trade, i.
350.
Deslard, Or. settler, ii. 529.
De Smet, P. J., Jesuit missionary, ii.
53S, 702.
Destruction Isl. , Heceta sights, i. 100;
locates, 1775, i. 103; Meares sights,
17SS, i. 197.
Destruction River, see Barclay's voy-
age, 1787, i. 182.
Detortcle, at Nootka, 1788, i. 197.
Detroit, Fort, description, i. 486.
De Troyes, attacks English, i. 441.
Devil's Scuttle-hole, named, ii. 186.
De Wolf, Capt., on K W. coast,
1805, i. 320.
'Diana,' on Columbia, 1837, i. 342;
ii. 687.
D'Iberville, L., colonizes Louisiana, i.
393; attacks English, i. 441-2.
Dickerson, on title N. W. coast, ii.
360-2; on Or. question, ii. 425.
Dickson, trader, ii. 75.
Disappointment, Cape, Heceta sights,
i. 163; Meares names, i. 198; H. Bay
Co. post at, i. 448; see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 52-3, 58.
'Discoveiy,' cruise on N. W. coast,
1778, i. 167-72; 1792, i. 274,281;
1793, i. 291; 1794, i. 296, 299; 1796,
i. 304; in Hudson Strait, 1610, i.
438.
'Discovery,' sloop, in Hudson Bay,
1719, ii. 305.
Diseases among Indians, ii. 502-4, 602.
'Dispatch,' on 1ST. W. coast, 1796, i.
305-6; 1799, i. 308; 1801, i. 310.
Dixon, on N. W. coast, 1785-7, i.
178-81; 1786, i. 354-5.
Dixon, vice-admiral, in Pacific, ii.
290.
Dixon Bay, Dixon visits, 1787, i. 179.
Dixon's Entrance, Perez approaches,
i. 154; La Pcrouse visits, i. 175.
Dixon Straits, Dixon names, 17S7, i.
ISO.
Doane, G. C, explores Yellowstone,
i. 31.
Dobbs, A., map, 1774, i. 123; views
on X. \V. passage, 1744, i. 124;
opposes H. Bay Co., i. 446.
Dobson, J., Fremont's servant, ii. 694.
Dodd, voyage, 1800, i. 308; mate
'Beaver,' 1836, ii. 642; at Fort
Stikeen, ii. 653, 662.
Dodge, Asa, voyage, 1798, i. 306.
Dogs, Lewis and C. exped. eat, ii. 39-
40, 45; Hunt's party eat, ii. 187-8.
Dog's sled, description, i. 430.
'Dolly,' schooner, launched, i. 328;
ii. 176; on N. W. coast, i. 334.
Dolores, see Destruction Island.
Dominguez, reaches Utah Lake, i. 28,
612, 639.
Dominis, Capt., onX. W. coast, 1S29-
30, i. 341; ii. 442-3. 503, 560, 687;
on Alaskan coast, 1839, i. 342; on
Cal. coast, 1S34, ii. 636-7.
Donner Pass, i. 651.
Dorion, Lewis and C. exped., ii. 10,
13.
Dorion, P., with P. Fur Co. exped.,
ii. 179, 184, 187, 218, 246-7.
Dorion's, Madame, ad venture,ii. 246-8.
Dorr, voyage, 1796, i. 305; 1801, i.
310; in fur trade, i. 359.
Douglas, on Oregon question, ii. 402.
Douglas, David, in the north-west,
1824-34, ii. 507-11; appearance, ii.
508; death, ii. 509; quarrel with
Black, ii. 510.
Douglas, Jas., saves McLeod's life,
ii. 469; builds Fort Connolly, ii.
470; with fur-brigade, ii. 471; ad-
venture with Indians, ii. 473-5;
at Fort St James, ii. 473-5, 495;
explores Connolly River, ii. 48S; re-
ceives Simpson, ii. 495, 6.30; move-
ments, 1834, ii. 530-1; trip to Cal.,
1840-1, ii. 539-41; at Fort Van-
couver, 1837, ii. 603; 1839, ii. 620;
surveys Cowlitz prairie, ii. 613 ;
manager Puget Sound A. Co., ii.
617; resigns H. Bay and Puget
Sound A. Co., ii. 618; establishes
Fort Stikeen, ii. 644, 646; Fort
Tako, ii. 647-8; becomes McLough-
lin's coadjutor, ii. 703.
Douglas, John, introduces Fuca to
Lok, 1596, i. 70.
Douglas, Capt. W., on N. W. coast,
178S, i. 191-2, 194-5, 200; 17S9-90,
i. 205, 209-10, 213-10; journal, i.
200; 1791, i. 255; 1792, i. 205; ves-
sel seized by Spaniards, i. 213-16.
Douglas Entrance, see Dixon Entrance,
1788, i. 200.
Douglas, Fort, captured by N. W.
Co., i. 578-9.
'Dove,' cruise in north-west, 1S.00, i.
308.
INDEX.
727
. Dr., suicide of, ii. 2
. 1506, i. 10.
i Ichor, explon
rado, and Gila, 1540, i. 16.
1 m north-west passage,
i. 132.
• : ie in north-wi
i. 306; L799, i. 307.
Drake, Sir I'., on Cal. coast, 1579, i.
7. 61, 66, 137, L39, 145, ii.
;!17: World Encompassed, i. 141;
question of tin' latitude he reached,
i. 145, I 17.
Drayton, ' »ring exped., ii.
669, » ;T : » , 077, at Fort Vancouver,
ii. 077.
! urs, i. -1:11 : trapper, i.
432.
Drewyer River, named, ii. 39.
fui--trader, i. 515; trapping
tour. 1832, ii. 570-1.
Drummond, in the north-west, ii. 407.
'Dryad,' cruise in northwest, 1831 '_'.
i.* 341; 1835; i. 341; at Milhank
Sound, 1833, ii. 553; on Columbia,
ii. 553.
'Dryad,' bark, fort exped., 1834, ii.
30, 633-5.
'Dryad,' brig, on Columbia, 1834, ii.
642.
Li. 177.
Dubreuil, with 1'. Fur Co. exped., ii.
Ducette, i sped., i.
Duckworth, in Cal., 1841, ii. 541.
I J: ii. 259,
old.
xplorea Fuca Strait, i. 198
200; journal, i. 199; l< tters, i. 218-
10; voyage, 1792, i. 2 6.
Dunbar, explores Washita River, i.
(ill.
Duncan, voyage, 1837, 1839, i. 342.
Duncan, I
N. W.
Dunn, .!.. interpreter, ii.
I bia, 1834, ii. 642.
i ■ on, ii. l'7S; re-
hany val-
ley, L
irned, 1758, i.
D L 16, 19;
Durham . >, ii. 648.
Dutch, reach Kara Sea, i. 29; fur-
tradei
Dutch, map, 1624, i. 101.
ing exped., ii.
669.
E
brig, cruise in noi
1819-20, i. 340; wrecked, Li
1835, i. oil.
17^:1 I m Co., i. 210;
monopoly, i. 324, ii. 111.
W. fur-trade,
. G. W., trap]
I ; life, ii. 4oS: joins II. Hay
( !o., ii. 458; works, ii. 458.
Ebbetts, ('apt-, on X. W. ci
i. 311; 1803, i. ".I \
. 325, ii. 11''.
Echeloots, Lewis ami C. exped., ii.
44.
'Eclipse,' ship, on Cal. coast, 1S03, i.
525.
ibe, Mount, Cuadra sights, i.
165.
Edmonton. Fort, description, i. 487.
Edwards, I'. L., trip to Or., ii. 578.
Eels, Or. missionary, Li
Effingham, Fort, see Barclaj
er G., clerk F. Fur Co.. ii.
197.
Eld, surveys Gray Harbor, ii. 679.
' Eleonora,' cruise in the north-west,
1789, i. 212.
' Elisa,'cruise in the north-west, 1798,
1799, i. 307.
1790, i. 239; 1791, i. 244, !
1792, i. 283; ii. 322; ra p, 1701, i.
245; map, Nootka coast, 1 ,01, i.
bitat, i. 412.
Elk < Ireek, named, ii. 70.
Elk Rapids, named, ii. 16.
i., member Northv.
i. 126.
i. 15.
ption, i. 632.
Emigranl • 1843 9, i. 634,
qua, ii.
?28
INDEX.
England, receives Spanish possessions
east of Miss., 1763, i. 401; obtains
Canada, lTGft, i. 379; claim to N.
W., 3S9-41G; claims discovery of
Sound, i. 172; Nootka con-
troversy, i. 227-38; title to N. W.
coast, ii. 335-88.
English, early explorations, i. 3; 1550-
1750, i. 27; seek Straits of Anian,
i. 9; settle North Carolina, .1584-7,
i. 19; reach Kara Sea, i. 29; gov't
offers reward for discovery N. W.
passage, 1774, i. 1G9; engage N. W.
fur-trade, i. 34G-9, 354; drive
French from Acadia, i. 400; discov-
ery in N. America, i. 437-8; claim
to N. W. coast, ii. 317-54.
i Chief, Mackenzie's tour, i.
66S.
Ensenada de Caamano, Quimper
names, i. 242.
'Enterprise,' on N. W. coast, 1S01, i.
311; 1CC0, i. 325; ii. 339.
Entrada de Perez, Caamano names;
see Dixon Strait, i. 267.
Epidemics at Fort Vancouver, ii.
503-4.
Erie, Lake, French reach, 1600-50, i.
22.
Ermantinger, at Fort Kamloops, ii.
49G-7; at Okanagan, ii. 498; Black's
death, ii. 512; death, ii. 519; in
Cal., 1841, ii. GG0, 692.
Ermine, habitat, i. 412.
Escalante, reaches Utah Lake, I77G,
i. 28, 612, 639.
Escola Creek, named, ii. 58.
Eskimos, Mackenzie among, i. 6G9.
Espejo, explores New Mexico, 1582-3,
i. 29, 63.
Espinosa, Caspar de, explores Gulf of
Nicoya, 1517, i. 13.
Espiritu Santo Bay, see travels of de
Vaca, 1535, i. 15.
'Essex,' frigate, captured, 1813, i.
330; in Pacific, 1812, ii. 225-6.
Essington, Port, built, ii. 635.
Estrada, J. A., at San Jose, ii.
682.
Estrccho de Bacalaos, see Rio Colo-
i. 63.
Etches, partnership with Meares, i.
210.
Etholin, Russian dep. gov., ii. 633,
659.
Etten, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
,' cruise in north-west, 1834,
1836, i. 341.
Everett, on Or. settlement, ii. 3S8.
Ewen, his voyages, 1792, i. 2G5.
Exploration, summary, 1550-1800, i.
1-31; state, 1550, i.'lO, 15-17; 1650-
1700, i. 23-5; 1700-60, i. 25-6;
1750-1800, i. 27; in New World,
1492-1550, i. 10-18.
Explorer, the, last of N. W. coast,
1S01-18, i. 310-40; qualities neces-
sary for, i. 593.
Express, early Overland, character,
route, i. 4G3.
Factory, Fort, see Fort Bourbon, i. 591.
Faincaut, Cowlitz farmer, ii. 013.
'Fair American, 'on N. W. coast, 1789,
i. 212.
Falcon, Cape, Heceta names, i. 1G4.
False Nitinat, see Hostility Bay, i,
199.
False Tillamook, see Cape Falcon, i.
1G4.
Fanny Is., Lewis and C. ex., ii. GO.
Farallones, Perez sights, 1773, i. 15G;
seal-hunting on, 1810, i. ■
Faran, on Or. question, ii. 408.
Farcier, at Pocky Mt. House, ii. 92-3.
Faries, H., goes east, ii. 2 J.
Farnham, P., clerk, P. Fur Co., ii.
144, 194, 203, 205, 235.
Farnham, T. J., works, ii. 608-9: Or.
exped., ii. 60S-9.
Farnham and Fry, merchants, N. Y. ,
ii. 639.
Faron, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
'Favorita,' on N. W. coast, 1779, i.
172-3.
'Fawn,' brig, wrecked, ii. 533.
Fawnie, Indian chief, i. G93.
Fear Point, Barclay names, 1787, i. 183.
'Felice,' at Nootka, 1788, i. 191-5, 200,
202; on N. W. coast, 1789-90. i.
209-10.
' Felice Adventurero,' cruise in north-
west, 1792, i. 266.
Felipe III., finds account of north-
west passage, 1598, i. 87-100.
Fenix, cruise in north-west, 1792, i.
26G.
Ferdinand of Spam, i. 437.
Ferrelo, B., succeeds Cabrillo on N.
W. coast, 1544-5, i. 17, 137-9. ii. 31 7.
Fever, intermittent, at Fort Vancou-
ver, ii. 525-G.
Fever and ague, among Columbia Riv.
Indians, ii. 503.
Fidalgo, Lieut. 8., on N. W. coast,
1790, i. 240-1, ii. 322; 1792, i. 283,
2SG, 289; 1793, i. 291, 293, 29G; 1790,
ii. 322.
INDEX.
729
Fidler, P. 370; Missouri ex-
L. 612.
I . I :
. bears Maldona-
F
•] on N. W. coast, 1790, L.
Filipinos, Riode, Salvador's report on,
1751, i. 127.
'Filipino,*! uow, on N. W. coast, i. 239.
Finch, 1'.. J... Bettler, Cowlitz Valley,
ii. 614.
Fine, I map, L531, i. 41.
Finlay, • '
hment, i. 67<
plores Peace and
I th, ii. b7;
I :.. ii. :._ i.
Finlay R . i. <>74; Indians,
accoun
] Columbia,
; Fort Vancouver, 1 137, ii.
: builds Fort McLoi
] \ . ncouver,
i. 619-21; a
ii. 647- : 1 541, ii. 04'J; on the Bea-
.
Fire-arms, among Fraser River Indi-
.114.
'Fire-Fl; .. wrecked, ii. 533.
I Indian food, i. 695, ii. 41, 44,
i . wis and C. exped., ii.
Fitzberbert, A., Nootka controversy,
Fitzbu _ii Sound, Ilanna names, 17S6,
I ith Rocky Mt. Co., i.
51 1, ii. 153, » exped.,
!; 1834, ii. 583; i 3 i,
I, ii. 571; guides Fr<-
m. 694.
! . , i. 592;
Jesuits among, ii. 537, 7 _'.
Fl II. Bay Co., i.
121.
I i. 628.
I '-.17 7.
L 182; ,1778, i. 190;
I 7.
'Flavia,' i J. i. 266;
1 mbia Fiver, ii. 42.
i
1634, :
Flenrieu, •
. I
i 136;
... Vizcau
i. I
pied, i. .
Florida, , i. 15;
I
i ap, 154 1, i.
map, 1545, i. I , 1590, i.
■ S] ain, 17 3, i. Wl :
'Florinda,
343-4, 352,
ii. -II . 20,
i'l;. ing 1 isn, on <
. ii. 669,
679;
e, ii. 31.
i. M.VIS.
. i. 515; with
i. (il !; trapping tour,
.
Fonte S : map, i. 132;
Tond, fur-hunt(
i. : 12.
Forbes, in S. F. Bay, 1841, ii. 659.
• ;i3, ii. 235.
It, 1792, i. 671-2.
I
613, 674.
I
i. 154; named, i. j
•' : "U N".
vv. ■
. J .
i. 1 1 I; term i
tion of
i. 484 ! ... i. 493 4;
rules, i.
north-vi ■
.
i. 88; I :
1
I 33, •
. I , , %
i. 160.
.
i. 37.
eked, i.
730
INDEX.
Foil Sang, see Jefferys' map, 1768, i.
132.
Fox, E. D., voyage of, ii. 149; death,
ii. 151.
Fox River, Nicolet reaches, 1636-8,
i. 22, 106.
Foxe, visits Hudson Bay, 1613-12,
i. 23.
Foxes, habitat, i. 412.
France, American possessions, i. 379,
303.
France antarctique, see South Amer-
ica, i. 3S0.
France, La Nouvelle, founded, i. 380.
Franchere, G., on Canoe River, ii. 123;
clerk, P. Fur Co., ii. 143, 177; voy-
age to Astoria, ii. 145-52; explores
Columbia, ii. 169-70; trading voy-
age, ii. 207; trades on Columbia, ii.
207 ; on Fort Astoria transfer, ii.
223-4; at Fort George, 1813, ii.
241-2, 244-5.'
Francis I., i. 379.
Franciscans, in Nueva Vizcaya, i. 19;
in New France, i. 3SS-9.
Francisco, in Minister's map, 1545, i.
48.
'Francisco,' wrecked, ii. 533.
Franklin, Fort, description, i. 4S7.
Frapp, trapping tour, 1S30, ii. 010.
Frase, Paul, at Fort Vermillion, ii.
493-4; fort-building, ii. 694.
Fraser, A., at Fort Douglas fight, i.
578-9.
Fraser, S., journal, ii. 89-90, 93-118;
explorations, i. 674, G78, 682; ii.
89-118, 327-8; character, ii. S9,
100; criticisms on Mackenzie's voy-
age, ii. 99, 103, 107; atFortChipe-
wyan, ii. 278; at Fort Dun vegan,
ii. 279.
Fraser, Fort, built, ii. 111.
Fraser Lake, post, Hudson's Bay Co.,
i. 418.
Fraser River, Galiano sees, 1792, i.
27;); described by Indians, i. 077;
discovered by Spaniards, i. 6S4:
Mackenzie on, i. 6S4-5; map of, ii.
113; Fraser explores, ii. 113-19;
scenery, ii. 117-19; Mackenzie ex-
plores, 1703, i. 28; iL330; McMil-
lan explores, ii. 40 /-S; Simpson
i, ii. 479; map of lower, ii.
480; salmon trade, 1829, ii. 487.
Frazier Creek, named, 1805, see foot-
note, ii. 21, 23.
' Fredie,' cruise in north-west, 1821,
i. 340.
Fremont, J. G, surveys Or. road, i.
632; in Utah basin, "i. 641, 050; in
the Sierras, i. 646; explores Pitt
River, i. 048; in Or., 18*2, ii. 694-
5; in Cal., ii. 696.
French, fort at Quebec, 1543, i. 14;
massacre Spaniards, Florida, 1568,
i. 19; colonize Canada, i. 22; explore
and claim Miss, valley, i. 23-0; set-
tle Louisiana, 1699, i. 24; reach
Rocky Mts., i. 26; as explorers,
1550-1750, i. 27; explore upper
Miss, 1700-50, i. 20; explore N.
W. coast, 17S5, i. 174-7; 1791, i.
255-7; engage in north-west fur
trade, i. 355-8; ii. 3, 624; settle
Miss, valley, 1699, i. 393; attack
forts H. Bay Co., i. 440-2; system
of Indian trade, i. 552-3; driven
from Acadia, i. 400; seize Rupert
Land, i. 440-1; on N. W. coast, ii.
662-3.
French Canadians, as boatmen, i. 424.
French Huguenots, colonize Florida,
1502-5; destroyed, i. 19.
French Prairie, first settler on, ii. 500.
French and Indian War, cause, events
of, ends Treaty of Paris, Feb. 10,
1763, i. 400-1.
Fretum Trium Fratrum, tradition of,
i. 55.
Freytas, Padre, diary of, i. 109.
Friendly Cove, Cook names, 177S, i.
170.
Friendly Village, Mackenzie's voyage,
i. 094, 702.
Frisius Gemma, amends map of Apia-
nus, 1575, i. 56.
Frobisher, B., fur-trading exped.,
1770, i. 554; partner N. W. Co., i.
555-6.
Frobisher, Jos., fur-trading exped.,
1775, i. 554; partner N. W. Co., i.
555-0.
Frobisher, M., explorations, 1576-8,
i. 18; reports a N. W. passage, i.
00.
Frondoso, Cabo, see Point Adams, ii.
57.
Frontenac, Count de, is superseded in
Canada, i. 394.
Frost, Or. missionary, ii. 674.
Fruit trees, first on Columbia, ii. 441.
Fuca, Juan dc, story of "..
. i. 70 2; voyi c discussed, i.
73-S1.
Fuca, pillar of, i. 79-80.
Fuca, Straits of, common meeting-
point of various explorati
alleged discovery by Fuca, i. 7u-Sl;
map of, i. 78; Jefi'crys' map, 1708,
i. 132; CorteV observations on,
m
1778,i. 170; Haswell writes on, 1788,
197; Duffin splon s, 17 <8, i. 198-
I : ; Gray and Kendrick cuter,
Barclaj - •; named,
ii. 32] ' ii. 322.
Funter, i
1789, i. 209 L0, 216.
Fur, term, i. 457; remarks on, i. 458;
:
46, i. 468; sold by the i
465; yield, B. A., 1835, i. 503-4.
de, description, i. 427-31.
laneous trading, i. 466.
Fur-districts, Pacific States, i. 414.
Fur-hunl H4-36; hospital-
ity, i. 421; compared to miners, i.
421; dress, i. 431; food, :
mortality among, i. 518; recrea-
ti us. i. 519; in north-w< 4. ii. 340.
Fur-hunting, i. 414-oG; dangers of, ii.
444-5.
Fur monopolies, New France, i. 3S3-
1-9.
Fur-posts, Pacific, description, i. 485-
Fur-trade, on X. W. coast, 17S9, i.
243, 255, 261; on <
China, i. 345-8, 321-4: American
system, i. 362-3; condition,
i; in New
under British
auspices, inn; L843, i. 436-81;
profits, i. 466 8, ii. 174,
Atlantic slope, i. 499-504; history,
U. S., i. 4! - : •
tween that of Canada and I". S., i.
502-5.
Fur-trade in Mi 721 1826,
3, r. s.,
i. r>l 1-27; rivalry of nati
505-G; on N. W. coast, i. 521-8;
outfit, i. 52] :
. W. coast, ii.
X. VV. coast, I; dangers
of, ii.
W. maritirn
77: 1 '
:
:
]
Hudson, i. 300; Dn
.
1829, i.
I dians, i. 529-
i. 552-
3; method of ji
ploration of American, ii. I
Gagarin, Princess at Fort I
J. T>., at TJmpqua,
7 -.
Gagnon, at Pocky Mt. Hou
Gairdner, arri\ i
Gale,W. A., on X. W. coast, 1S09,
131-4; journi 1. ii. 1
( rali, I'. ■
1584, i. 2o. 26 7. L37, I
I ».. on X. W. coa
270, 279, ii. :i22: map, 17.
Galiano Island, supposed site of Fuca's
Pillar, i. 7'.».
ipports Verendrye, i.
596.
Gallatin, A., commissioner, on title
X. W. coast, . -77 9,
1, ii. 22; Lev. is
and C. exped., ii. 70.
. settler Cowlitz Valley,
ii. 614.
north-west ex-
ploration, i. 14
Gamblin
i Ompqua,
1 >:;.->. i. 341, ii. 525.
lition in 15]
i 11.
Li. 137.
Gauntle .
732
INDEX.
234; built, ii. 112, 328; see Astoria,
ii. 238, 331; lav,- at, ii. 253-4; policy
of X. W. Co., at, ii. 2G5-G; trade,
1819, ii. 2S9>; destroyed, ii. 711.
Georges Point, named, i. 281.
:V, mythic, of X. W. coast,
i. 32-GJ; western physical, i. 617-
18.
Georgia, Spaniards explore, 1540;
French explore, 15G2-5, i. 19.
Geroni, with Missouri Co., i. 014.
'Gertrudis,' on X. W. coast, 1789, i.
210.
Ghent, treaty, i. 403; terms, ii. 290,
291-5.
Giapam, mythical island off Cal., 1S5G,
i. 49.
Gibson River, named, ii. 81.
Giehitz on X. W. coast, 1806, i. 322.
Gila Pass, location, i. G59.
Gila, Rio, Diaz near, 1540, i. 1G; Kino
traverses, 1690-1700, i. 25; Anza
establishes route bj-, 17G9, i. 28.
Gilbert, Sir H., views of Strait of
Anian, i. 57-9.
Gillam, Capt. Zachary, voyage to
Hudson Day, 1GGS, i. 439.
Gilroy, John, first foreign resident of
Cal., 1814, i. 333.
Gist, C, explores Ohio valley, i. 505.
Glade Creek, named, ii. 36.
Glanville, on X. W. coast, 1S07-S, i.
324.
Glasenof, explores Yukon valley, i.
626.
Glenora, Fort, built, ii. 635.
'Globe,' cruise in north-west, 1S01, i.
310.
Glottof, reaches Kadiak 1563-5, i. 30.
Goddin Creek, name, ii. 5S9.
Gold, Shelvocke finds in Cal., 1721-2,
i. 21; Sageau's tale, i. 590; Carver's
tale, i. 610.
' Golden Hind,' cruise on Cal. coast,
1579, i. II 9.
Golovnin, Capt. V. M., at Sitka, 1810,
ii. 140.
Gomara, falsehoods concerning Qui-
vira, i. 45.
Gomez, E., explorations, 1525, i. 12,
39.
Gordon, at Paget Sound, 1844, ii. 701.
Gordon, Capt., at Xootka, 17J4, i.
297.
Gore, Cooke's exped., 1778, i. 167.
Gore Pass, location, i. 636.
Goulburn, II., commissioner on title
X. V. c :. ii. 336-8.
Gourgr.es, D. de, massacres Spaniards,
i. 381.
Governor, H. Bay Co.. i. 449-54.
Governor and Company of Adven-
turers of England tradin -into Hud-
son Bay, The, see II. Bay Co.
Grace, on X. W. coast, 1791, i. 255;
1792, i. 2G5.
Grahame, at Fort Vancouver, 1800, ii.
710.
Granata Nova, in Wytfliet-Ptolemy
map, i. 82.
Gran China, Bio's location of, 1582, i.
63.
Grand Khan, realms of, supposed dis-
covery of, i. 3.
GranQuivira, in Velarde"s Des
i. 120.
Gran Teguayo, in Velarde's .
i. 120.
Grant, C, at Fort Douglas fight, i.
578-9.
Grant, Chas., commissioner, title X.
W. coast, ii. 37S, 380.
Grasshopper Creek, named, ii. 24.
Gravelines, see Lewis and C. exped.
ii. 15.
Gray, Capt. R, onX. W. Coast, 1788,
i. 1S6-92, 202, 204, ii. 321; 1
201-7, 213; 1791, i- 25 (-2; 1702, i.
258-61, 203-4, 274, 230; t«
regarding the 'Iphigenia,' i. 215;
enters Columbia River, i. 259-60,
6S4, ii. 323, 337, 356-9, 300; later
biograplry, i. 200-1; fur-trading, i.
361.
Gray, letter, i. 2S6; Indians attack,
i. 364.
Gray, W. II., Or. missionary, ii. 535;
as an authority, ii. 536; at Waii-
latpu, ii. G77.
Gray Bay, named, i. 2S1; Lewis and
Clarke at, ii. 51.
Gray Harbor, see Bulfinch Harbor, i.
259; Whidbey surveys, 1702, i. 281;
surveyed, ii. 67 0.
Great Divide, Lewis and C. exped. at,
ii. 27, 30.
Great Liver of the West, see Colum-
bia, i. 610.
Great Salt Lake, foundation f
ical lake, i. S2; Mojave Indians,
nation of, i. 90; discovered, ii. G10.
Great .Slave Lake, in Low'smap, 1598,
i. 80; discovered, i. 612.
' Great Water;' sec ilixissippi. i. 23.
Great Village, see Mackenzie's voy-
age, i. GO 1-0, 701.
Green, trapping journey, 1824, ii. 447.
Green Bay, Xicoiet navigates, 1G34-5,
i. 22, ! i.
Green, J., among Indians, i. 191.
INDEX.
733
Greenhow, R., on N". W. exploration,
i. L3 i; on | ir.qut bion L I
•l ! 1-15; critii L 157; on
American fur-traders, i. 364; on
Northwest, ii. 342; on N". fl , f ir-
trade, L846, i. 376 7; on title X. W.
:. 381 ; his work . ii. 414-15.
I free i I. rer, Eunt's i
183; rendezvous, 18-J4, ii. 447, 458;
1834, ii. 583.
iimtry," map. i
< !ape, Cook names, 1778, i.
L69. '
Gregory, fur-trader, i. 666.
Grenville, Point, Spaniards anchored
at, 177~>, i. 160; Meares names,
1788, i. L98.
'Griffon,' cruise in north-west, 1S25-S,
i. 341.
Grijalva, 1517-18, i. 11 ; voyage, 1533,
i. 14.
Grossclicz, connection with La Xou-
velle France, i. 439-41; explorations,
Guadalupe Pass, location, i. G3S.
Guat, P. du, fur monopoly of, i. 3S5.
Guatazaca, fabulous old woman, i. 47.
'Guatimozin,' on N. W. coast, 1801,
i. 310; 1807-8, i. 324.
i !lisa names, i. 246.
Jesuits, i. 3SG.
Guerra, Josd, on N. W. coast, 1791,
i. 249.
Guerrero, F., at S. F. mission, 1S41,
ii. 659.
Guevara, arrives at Tehuantepec, i. 13.
177.
( ruismani ;, kingdom of, i. 91.
Gulf of California, Vizcaino explores,
1597, i. 20-1.
Gulf of < lores, i. 246.
Gimpowder trick, ii. 275 -6, 091.
fur monopoly of, i.
Guyralda, A. R., on N. W. coast,
1791, i. 244.
Guzman,] arches for Seven
1. 33, i. 4_\
. X. de, conquests, 1531, i.
16, ! I : lici used I i i spli re, i. 46.
I, i. 30.
Gyzelaar, Capt., on Cal. coast, 181G,
H
Hacke's Collection of V< • . L 1 15.
Hakluyt, R., on North1 est P
. Sir W.
voyage,
1589, i. L40; L60 I, L 141.
cruii ii the north -
w< t, L792, i. 265.
Haldane, trader, atta
570.
I!,' . il.. on X. \Y. coa '. 1841, ii.
in Cal., ii. 661, 688; at Fort
Vancouver, ii. 664 ; on exploring
exped., ii. 669; at Colville, ii. 679.
Baley, Capt., on N. fl
i. 320; Lewis and ( '. exped., ii. 49,
■ ■-
Haley Bay, named, ii. 55.
Half-1 iter, i. 419.
'Half Moon,' yacht, cruise, 1G09, i.
438, 500.
Hall, Fort, post, II. Bay Co., i. 448;
Americans build, ii. 585 -8; sold to
BE. Bay Co., ii. i
ii. 699, 700; aband
employ P. Fur Co., ii. 207,
234-5.
Hamilton, on N. W. coast, 1S0G, i.
321; L821, i. 341; L837, i.
on, \V\, death of. ii. l-27.
Hamlyn, J>i\, at Fort Lat
ravels with Simpson, ii. 491,
495.
Hammatt, voyage, 1824, i. 341.
'Hampshire,' destroyed, i. I 12.
Hancock, trader, ii. 75.
'Hancock, 'brig, on X. VV. constv1791,
i. 251; 1792, i. 265; 17.::, i. 294;
L 308.
Hancock Harbor, see Clayoquot, i.
190; Cray surveys, 17 I, i. 204 5.
Hancock River, locati a, i .5 I.
Handle; 342.
Haney, Lewis and C. exped., ii. 14.
Hanging, Indian, ii. 'Jl.'J.
'. coast,
17 ... i. 17:; i 1788, i.
197; 1785, i. 3 '■'■■. I
Maquinna, ii. 100.
1 1. S., in New Caledonia, ii.
•J77 87.
. I >. V.. v . ' 277.
Harmon. I
map, ii. 2 11.
710.
L.de, onfl '
■. i. 1 16.
map of, 17 , i. 1 14.
Harvey, Mrs, a i an
: on McLou lili.:, ii. 434 9.
7 ,.
734
IXDEX.
X. W. Coast, 1791, i. 250; 1792, i.
261-3, 267; commands the 'Adven-
venture,' i. 259, 261-4; log, 1792, i.
251, 262-3; map of Xootka, 1792, i.
262.
Hatch, Boston merchant, i. 358.
Hath way, Maj., at Fort Vancouver,
1841, ii. 710.
Hawaiian Is., H. Bay Co. agency at,
ii. 522-3.
Hayden, F. V., surveys Or. road, i.
632; surveys Yellowstone, ii. 31.
'Hazard,' on X. W. coast, 1797, i.
306; 179S,i.306; 1800, L30S; 1801, i.
311; 1803, i. 317; 1804, i. 318; 1806,
i. 322.
ir E., negotiates with H. Bay
Co., i. 469.
Heale, on X. W. coast, 1806, i. 321.
Hearne, S., discovers Coppermine
River, 1770, i. 28, 440, 611-12,668,
ii. 2, 305; Gov. Prince of Wales
Fort, 1775, i. 484; journal, i. 012.
Heath, at Fort Xiscpially, 1841, ii.
657.
Heceta, B., on X. W. Coast, 17,5, i.
158, 160-1, 364, ii. 318; attacked
by Indians, i. 161, 364.
Heceta, Enseflada de (mouth of Co-
lumbia), Heceta sights, i. 163.
Hector, explores Kicking Horse Pass,
1S5S, i. 623.
Hector Cape, see La Perouse's voyage,
1786, i. 175.
Hego, land of, see Consag's trip, 174S,
i. 126.
Hellgate Pass, location, i. 62S.
Hellgate River, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 71.
Hempstead, T., with Missouri Fur
Co., ii. 456.
Hennepin, Xouvelle decouverte, etc.,
i. 588; explores Mis. River, i. 24,
588.
Heimess Pass, location, i. 650.
Henry, crosses Rocky Mts., 180S, i.
511; in X. W. 1809, ii. 328; fur-
hunting, 1823, ii. 444; 1822, ii. 447;
at Fort St. John, ii. 462.
Henry III., grants patent for exclu-
sive trade on St. Lawrence, 15S8, i.
383.
Henry VII., i. 437.
Henry VIII. , i. 379.
Henry, A., builds Fort Henry; death,
ii. 129; arrives Astoria, i. 231; in
Willamette Valley, ii. 244.
Henry, Fort, built, i. 129; abandoned,
ii. 184.
Henry House, location, ii. 122.
Henry, Prince of Portugal, signifi-
cance of explorations, i. 2.
'Herald,' cruise in north-west, 1824,
i. 311.
Heras, Don Manuel de las, commis-
sioner Xootka controversy, i. 289;
Hergest, Richard, Lieut., sent to
Xootka, killed, i. 287.
Heron, Jas., at Fort Chipewyan, ii.
493.
Heroux, U., kills McLoughlin, Jr., ii.
652.
Herrera, map of 1601, i. 88.
'Hetty,' cruise in north-west, 1802, i.
311.
Heylyn, reproduces Harris' map, 1701,
i. 115.
Hickey, Capt. J., on Columbia, i. 339;
ii. 293.
Hickley, Capt. W. S., on X. W. coast,
1837, i. 342, ii. 087; Cal. settler, ii.
6S7.
Higgins Creek, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 71.
Hill, Capt. S., on X. W. coast, 1796,
i. 305; 1797, i. 306; 1805, i. 315,
320; 1811, i. 326; 1806, ii. 60, 162-3.
Hillyer, Commodore, in Pacific, ii.
232.
Hines, on H. Bay^Co., i. 539; Or.
missionaries, ii. 676.
Hippa Is., named, i. 1,9.
Hoback, J., with P. Fur Co. exped.,
ii. 181, 1S4, 246.
Hoback River, see Hunt's exped., ii.
183.
Hochelaga, report of country of, i. 42.
Hog Island, Martinez fortifies, i. 216;
Fidalgo fortifies, 179::, i. 203.
Holladay's stage road, i. 633.
Holman, Peoria party, ii. 609-10.
Holman, Jos., with Farham's exped.,
ii. 609.
Holmes, voyage, 1836, i. 342.
Holmes, H. A., __ on geographical
knowledge, i. 615.
Holsapple, C, settler, Cowlitz Valley,
ii. 614.
Holt, killed, i. 379.
Home, commands Beaver, 1836,ii.642.
Homem, map of, 1558, i. 50.
Homer, B. P., merchant, ii. 130.
Hondius, map, 1595, i. 6S, 104.
Honduras Pass, location, i. 662.
Honolulu, H. Bay Co. agency, at, ii.
522-:i.
Hontan, journey, 16S8, i. 112, his ficti-
tious discoveries in Harris' map, i.
115, 122; discoveries in Dobbs' map,
1744, i. 125.
Hood Canal, explored, ii. <'>73.
ii. 45, 48, 61.
iver, ii. 45.
h of, ii. 259.
. 1. i. 251,
Hope Bay, Cook names, 177s. i. L70;
I -i Hudson Bay Co., i.
448.
Hopkins accompanies Simps
rt Nisqually, L841, ii.
657; inCal., ii. 661.
], ntaSatur-
nina, i. 244; on X. W. ca
]
: River Pass,
i. 620.
Horn, *'apc, Kendrick rounds, 17SS,
■ eek, named, ii. 79.
i i sh, Lewis and C. exped. eat,
ii. 36 7: Hunt's party eat, ii. 187-
Horse Plain Creek, see Lewis and C.
Horses in America, ii. 25; stealing, ii.
J I irt Vancouver, ii. 525 -
6; at Astoria, ii. 207.
I . see False N
199.
Howard, buys 'Cadboro,' ii
Howard Creek, named, 1805, ii. 21.
; i. 187.
I d, supercargo 'Colum-
bia.' i. 218.
Howhow, Indian chief, ii. 2SS.
j. . (apt., on Columbia, 1846,
ii. 7
1 . description, i.
L801, i. 310.
Hubbard, kills Thornburg, ii. 597.
i . i II, i. 311.
Hudson.
j | Hudson
Bay, 1010,
j Capt. T.,
21; visits
223.
I . \Y. L., on exploru
] , ■ . discovered by Hudson,
1610, . | lored by But-
by Baffin
in 161
. L631-2, i. 23, L700-50, i. 26,
atention for, i.
Martyr's map, 1587, i- 66;
Low's map, 1598, i. 86; Ogilby's
map, 1671, i. Ill; Ed
i. 441.
Bay Company, or
1670,i.23;territoryof,i.404 11,444,
288 9; policy in hunting,
i. 1 13; I ! 1: on Pacific
ed, i. 139; ii.
defends territory, i
.
internal regulations, i. 447 55; forts
148; depart-
ments, districts, and posl -. i. 1 18;
i .
.. 452, ii. 307-
, of traf-
fic, i. 4.77, 460-1; cu
animal \
and returns, 1739-48, i. 467-8; trad-
use, 1821, 1-12. i. 469-70;
q with Northwest Co., L
ii. 302 1. 343;
. i. 470-81; end, i. 470;
ly of, i. 520;
431; i.i • ii. 539-
Indians, i. 535-50; ii. Ob'J-90; na-
servants of, i.
ii. 650 1: aids missionaries,
i. 550; jealousy in fur-trai
quarrel with Norths i
84; ii. 2
trailing policy,
d,
296-8; granted Vancouvei
".ration,
on Pacific
431; Rocky Mt. Co. op]
lerican trappers oppose, ii.
459, 472; domination of X. W.
21
olulu, ii. 522-3;
opposes, ii. 7 :
Columbia River Fishing and Trad-
., ii. 597; < lowUtz I
ii. 613; i d from,
3hip-building, ii. 62
cupies X". W. coast, ii. 623-35;
ii. 643 6,
■
of X. W. i
1 1; profits, 1846, ii. 709; abandon
Columbia, ii. 71" 12.
d, i. 1 12.
to Eng-
1 nd, 1713, i
i.v Mt. House.
ii. 91.
INDEX.
Hudson River, Hudson enters, 1G09,
i. 438; Hollanders on, i. 500-2.
Hudson Strait, Hudson enters, i. 438.
Huggings, Ed., at Nisqually, ii. CIS.
Hughes, on Or. question, ii. 39'2-3.
Hughes, Guy, killed, ii. 462.
Huguenots, colonize Florida, 15G2-5,
i. 19, 3S0-1.
Humboldt, on Anian Strait, i. 3G.
Humboldt River, importance of, i.
641-2.
Humphries, Capt., on N. W. coast,
1838, 1840, i. 340; 1841, ii. GS7.
Hungry Creek, named, i. 37, Lewis
and C. exped., ii. 70.
Hunt, W. P., joins P. Fur Co., ii.
142; agent, ii. 143; leads overland
exped" ii. 17S-91; at Fort Astoria,
1813, i. 329-30; 1814, i. 332; ii.
192, 225; 1813, 329-30; character,
ii. 178; on N. W. coast, ii. 200,
219-21; at Hawaiian Isl., ii. 229,
220, 232; cruise in ' Pedler,' ii.
234-5; made Gov., ii. 235; on Fort
Astoria transfer, ii. 221-6, 234-5.
Hunt's overland exped., ii. 17S-91.
Hunt's route, map of, ii. 182.
Hunter, explores Washita River, i.
614.
Hunters' Association, influence on set-
tlement, ii. G99.
Hunter's Lodge, post, ii. 250.
Huron, Lake, French reach, 1600-50,
i. 22, 3S8.
Hurons, Indians, i. 22; war with Iro-
quois, i. 391.
Hurtado, visits Gulf of Nicoya, 1517,
i. 13.
Huskisson, W., commissioner, title
N. W. coast, ii. 355-GO, 3G8, 371,
375, 377-8, 3S1.
Ibarra, Francisco de, explorations,
15G2-3, i. 19, 52.
Ibbertson Sound, named, i. 179. _
Iberville, settles Louisiana, 1G99, i. 24.
Idaho, geography, i. 411.
Illinos, war with Iroquois, i. 394.
Illinois River, Joliet and Marquette
explore, 1G73, i. 23.
'Ilmen,' on Cal. coast, 1814, i. 334.
Image Canoe Isl. , named, ii. 48-9.
Immanuel, Blackfeet attack, ii. 45G.
Immel, with Missouri Co., i. 614.
'Imperial Eagle,' ship, on N. W.
coast, 1783, i. 183.
'Indefatigable,' ship, on Columbia,
1845, ii. 702.
Independence, description, 1834, i.
508-9.
Independence Rock, names on, ii.
582.
'Index,' bark, in S. F. Bay, 1841, ii.
659.
India, Strait to, belief in encouraged,
i. 6-9.
Indian Joe, character, ii. 528.
• Indian Packet,' cruise, 1797, i. 306.
Indian wives, among fur-traders, ii.
542-5, 650-1.
Indians, fish as food, i. 41, 44, ii. 109;
report of Upper St Lawrence, i. 42;
attack Heceta's exped., i. 161; at
Nootka Sound, 1778, i. 170; murder
whites, i. 182, 251. ii. 253-4, 289;
attack Gray, i. 188-9, 200-1; plot
to seize the 'Columbia,' i. 25S; at-
tack Caamaiio, i. 269; attack Cole, i.
266; treachery of, i. 269, 292, 311;
hostility to Vancouver, i. 292; mas-
sacre crew of 'Boston,' i. 312-15, ii.
157-8; attack Winship, i. 326; kill
Thorn, i. 327; massacre crew of
'Tonquin,' 1811, i. 327-8; hostility
of, i. 364-6, ii. 185, 1. ' - 1,221,
240-1, 246-7, 256-7, 275-6, 289;
trading with, i. 3i«J-72, ii. 444; as
boatmen, i. 424, 429; trading posts
among, i. 4S2-3; attack Virginian
colonists, i. 502; attack French,
1729, i. 505; as regarded by settler,
miner, fur-hunter, i. 529-30; as re-
garded by Spaniards, i. 529-30; es-
timate of whites, i. 530; policy of
U. S. and Eng. toward, i.
policy of H. Bay Co. and L'orthwcst
Co. toward, i. 535-50; liquor among,
i. 545-8, 554, ii. GG2, 682-4, C93-4;
missionaries among, i. 548-50, 552;
small-pox among, i. 554, ii. 176, GS2;
attitude to MacKenzie, i. G76-7,
6S7, G94-G, G99, 701 ; Lewis and C.
exped. among, ii. 6-14, 25, 47, 55,
G7, 72-4; pipe of peace, ii. 29; name
for rivers, ii. 3G; along Columbia,
ii. 49; stampede horses, ii. 78, 200;
attack Colter, ii. 82-3; women
among, ii. 94; as workers, ii. 94-5;
character, Fraser River, ii. 114-15,
117; attack Williams, ii. 127-8; hos-
tility to VVinshrc. n 1 ?-5 friend-
liness of, ii. 185, 189-90, 195, 199,
2CG, 213, 248, 263; rob whites, ii.
193, 203, 210, 238, S : I, 275;
executed, ii. 213, 253-4, 289; ren-
dezvous, ii. 255-G; method of com-
pensating for killing a relative, ii.
2G1; attacked, ii. 287-9; method of
INDEX.
737
tradei
. I
characl ' , ii. 650,
652; |' ward. ii.
650; | Licj of Ii. B
ii. 698;
Liar, 1603,
Infantado, duque del, memorial of,
Maldonado, 177"'. i
I . -I., on N. v ■ ■
. 1 7: 1791, i
testimony
i. 215; nanus
!
i
!
: L.2i
ii. 28 1
...chine, i.
.
•■'.'. fur-trade, i.
: on As-
:
I
. ii. 138,
: on Bonneville's
'!
ii. '.
■ !
: _ . 140; 1 H3S i. 329-30; 1S30,
! lores, see Destruction Island,
i. 160.
165.
■■'
3
119.
■
, D. i:.. with I
Co., L
i.. II. IT
i. : !4.
I. Ii.
1631 2,
i. 23.
1632, i.
Plymouth < !o., and (
outh, i
'James Warren,' wrecki I, ii.
James Ba;
Janvier. :
Japan, in 75, i. 56.
map, r.
on N. \
1833, i. 341; ] I] 3.
Jasper House,
ii. 121.
l,i. 255;
L792, i
2; X. W. exploration, ii.
; a , .61.
River, nami
1768, i. L31.
) -. L'apt. John,
i. :;:,:
'Jenny,' bri :. on X. W. c< a . 17!'2, i.
i. 311.
ii. 610;
I
i. 23;
in \\ i
i. II, il.
738
INDEX.
Jolm Day River, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 41, 53, 64.
Johnson, defeats French, i. 400.
Johnson, Or. settler, ii. 075.
Johnson, R. E. , on exploring exped.,
ii. 669, 673, 677; at Nisqually, ii.
677; exped. to Okanagan, ii. 677-9;
map of excursion, ii. 078; arrested,
ii. 679.
Johnson Pass, description, i. 643; lo-
cation, i. 051-2.
Johnstone, explores with Vancouver,
1792, i. 275.
Johnstone Is., named, i. 281.
Johnstone Strait, Vancouver names,
1792, i. 279.
Joliet, Sieur, explores Miss. Valley,
1673, i. 23, 392, 587.
Jones, Blackfeet attack, ii. 456.
Jones, at Puget Sound, 1844. ii. 701.
Jones, B., trapper, joins P. Fur Co.
exped., ii. ISO, 19S.
Jones, W. A., in Yellowstone Valley,
i. 31.
Jonquiere, Fort, founded, i. 597.
'Josephine,' brig, wrecked, ii. 533.
'Joseph Peabody, ' brig, onN.W. coast,
1836, i. 341; ii. 038; 183S, i. 342;
1839, i. 342; ii. 639.
Juan Fernandez, Kendrick touches at,
1788, i. 191.
Juchereau, Sieur, agent to Mexico, i.
592.
Judge, murder of, ii. 253.
'Juliet,' schooner, wrecked, ii. 533.
Junks, wrecked on X. W. coast, 1820,
i. 340; 1831, 1833, i. 341; 1834, ii.
531-3.
'Juno,' on X. W. coast, 1802, i. 311;
1803, i. 310, ii. 159; 1S05, i. 320;
1806, i. 322.
Justice, comment on, i. 581; among
fur-traders, ii. 253-4.
Kadiak, Glottof reaches, 1563-5, i. 30.
Kaiganies, kill Capt. Bancroft, ii.
^ 004-5.
Kalama Creek, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 49.
'Kamamalu,' see 'Diana,' i. 342.
Kamchatka, llussian post established
in, i. 29.
Kamloop Fort, post, H. Bay Co., i.
448; see Fort Thompson, ii. 122,
401.
Kanakas, as foresters, ii. 593.
Kananski Pass, location, i. 024.
i, Russians navigate, English
and Dutch reach, 1000, i. 29.
Keith, Geo., at Lake Superior, 1832,
ii. 432.
Keith, Jas., Astoria restored, i. 339,
ii. 293-4, 432, 441; Indians
ii. 240-2, 200-2; trading exped., ii.
259, 264; at Fort George, ii. 260-7,
287-9, 293; death, ii. 432.
Kekemahke River, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 53.
Kellett, H., voyage in X. W., 1837,
i. 342: voyage in X. W., 1839, i.
342, ii. 611; explores Columbia,
1839, ii. 611.
Kelly, voyage, 1801, i. 310.
Kelly, on Cal. coast, 1816, i. 335.
Kelly, voyage, 1828-30, i. 341.
Kelly, Hall J., character, ii. 543-5,
554; agitates Or. quest., ii. 544-59;
at Fort Vancouver, ii. 547, 549-53;
visits Or., ii. 547-53; death, ii. 554;
services, ii. 554-6; writings of, i.
205, ii. 5.36-9.
Kendrick, Capt. J., on X. W. coast,
1788, i. 185-92, 187, 191, ii. 321;
17S9-90, i. 204-5, 208-9, 252; 1791,
i. 253-4, ii. 323; 1792, i. 265; 1794.
i. 290-9; 1802, i. 311, 365; names
Fort Washington, i. 252; purchases
land, Xootka, i. 254, ii. 323.
Kendrick Cove, see Mawinah, i. 205.
Kennedy, J., at Fort Langlev, ii. 477;
Fort Simpson, ii. 634, 637, 042;
Fort Stikeen, ii. 645-6; Fort Tako,
1840, ii. 647-8; 1841. ii. 658.
Kent Is., trading-post built, i. 502.
Keplin, voyage, 1835, i. 341.
Kicking Horse Pass, description, i.
023.
Killamook Bay, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 58.
Killamook Head, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 50.
Killamooks, see Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 56; tradition of, ii. 501.
Killhowamakel, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 54.
Kimball, on X. W. coast, 1800, i. 322.
Kimball, at Puget Sound, 1844, ii.
701.
Kimmooenim Creek, named, ii. 39.
Kimmooenim River, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 41.
King, surve3's Or. road, i. 032.
King, U. S. minister, ii. 307.
King, at Umpqua, ii. 709.
' King Geoi'ge, ' ship, on X. W. coast,
1785-7, i. 178-81.
King George Sound, see Xootka Sound,
1778. i. 170.
King George's Sound Company, their
expedition to X. W. coast, 17S5, i.
178.
739
' ml, Macken
; n Fort, the Kin
Kino, Padre, explores Sonora, 1690-
i. 25; CaL, 1701, i.
os., attack French, i. 390.
b,see Fort Stager, ii. 470.
I ort Colville, ii. 172.
ii River Pass, location, i. 647.
. River, see I lataract River, ii.
-jr..
Lake, Mackenzie at, i. 692.
ay, i. 26.
ii a, 1 ; 19,
i. 121, ii. 305.
royage, 1606, i. 22.
earned, i. 281.
. I;., on exploring exped., ii.
669.
. .T., ship-huilder, ii. I54;*»at
Fort Astoria.
. Or. missionary, ii. 674.
Kooskooskie River, .see Lewis ami C.
exiled., ii.
. post, Ii. !
cation, ii. 121; removed, ii.
711.
Krupischef sights Alaska, 1730, i. 30.
Kwichpak, possibly di
i. 86.
Kuskof, Capt., on Cal. coast, 1809, i.
Labadie, S., Missouri FurCo.,ii. 128.
La Biche Liver, Clarke names, ii. 79.
jilt"-, Or. settler, ii. 676.
. i Is name, i. 11
physical features, i.
'La Can i. 19.
L C.i
ii. !).
, inhabitants massacred, i,
. Maxan, ami Co., fur-traders
i. 505.
opagnie dc Cei
i. i. 391, 394.
... with Simpson's party,
ii. 496.
La Couture seizes Rupert Land, 1(171,
i. 440.
Ladrillero, J. F. de, on strait of
. 1584, i. -"7.
■
2; 1789, i. -'in
... 224; 1791, i. 253; 1 7;>-_*. i.
L794, i. 297; 17::';. i
Laet, Johannes de, map of. 1633, i.
•I. a Floride Francais a, 1.
19.
amboise, M., at Fort Umpqua,
ii. in Tulare
Valley, 1840, ii. ~'M!>; nui
ace, Joseph, on northwesl
be west, i.
La ( larde, hunter, ii. KM, 1 15.
'La I I" noi ili-wt st.
La Eont
ach defeated
ited at. 1577, i
Lake Michigan, N
beyond, Hi:: I 5, i.
Lake i. and C. exped., ii.
48.
La Malice, at Fort Malice, ii.
Rocky Mt. House, ii. 93, 98;
Fraser exped., ii. 98, 1'
La Malice, Fort, built,
Lamb, on V
17iii). i. 307; fur-trade, L.
Lambert, ('apt., on X. W. 1
:': L832, ii. 560, 567 8, 592. ,
Lambert, P., drowned, ii.
La Mesa. .Meal, s Cape. i. 198.
i north-
. 1600-1, i. i
Landry, J., Mackenzie's exped., i.
ivernor, explores Roanoke for
fabulous eities. i. (io.
Langle, de, La Perouse exped., 1786,
i. 17-").
Langley, Fort, post H. Baj
anding of, ii.
I 5; salmon I
d, ii. 4S7; 1"
645- 7.
plorations, 1785, i. 17!-
7, ii. 320; voyage, etc., i. 17-M map.
1786, i. 176; 294; on
X. W. fur-trade, i. 355 6.
Lapie, .Map of. i. 97-8; on X. V. .
. L821, i. 136.
1625, i. in:;.
La Lamme. hunter, i
I, 332, ii. 226,
1813, ii. 200, 202.
■
ii. li; •■!. !. Nbrthwi • ' ■.. ii. 206,
214, 238, 259, 264; in Mandan
Stuart Lake, ii.
(40
INDEX.
La Roche, Marquis de, receives Acadia
and Canada, i. 383-4.
La Rochelle, merchants, fur-trade of,
i. 387-8.
La Salle, explores Miss. Valley, 1680,
i. 24, 392-3, 588; assassinated, 1687,
i. 24; theory of South Sea route, i.
Ill; names Louisiana, i. 392-3; on
N. W. coast, 1809, ii. 129.
'Lascar,' cruise in north-west, 1S21, i.
341.
La Tour, receives Port Royal, 1654,
i. 391.
Laudonniere, Rene' de, colonizes Amer-
ica, i. 19, 381.
Launching, at Nootka Sound, of 'North
West America,' Sept. 19 and 20,
1788, i. 202. _
'Lausanne, 'cruise in north-west, 1840,
i. 342.
'Lavinia,' cruise in north-west, 1801,
i. 310.
Law, at Fort George, ii. 253-4; in
Canada, ii. 298.
Law, J., originates Miss. Co., i. 397-8.
lay, voyage, 1798, i. 306.
Lazaro, Padre, see Saldibar's Travels,
i. 109.
Lazeka, see Tongue River, ii. 80.
Leather Pass, see Yellowhead Pass,
i. 620.
Leavenworth, Cantonment, import-
ance, ii. 587.
Le Clerc, with P. Fur Co. exped., ii.
187, 189, 246-7; leaves Astoria, ii.
198.
Le Page du Pratz, see Pratz.
Ledyard, John, attempts at N. W.
fur-trade, ii. 2-3; i. 349-53; death,
travel 8, i. 349-53.
Lee, D., Or. missionary, ii. 535, 578;
trip to Or., ii. 578.
Lee, Jason, Or. missionary, ii. 535,
674; attitude to Kelley, ii. 551;
plans for Or., ii. 551-2; tiip to Or.,
ii. 578; at Fort Hall, ii. 588; at
Willamette Mission, ii. 592, 602,
607; receives Simpson, ii. 655; brings
missionaries to Or., ii. 687.
Leese, J. P. , Cal. Pioneer, ii. 688.
'Lelia Byrd,' on N. W. coast, 1804,
i. 3 IS.
Le Maire, hunter, ii. 93.
Lemon, W., settler Cowlitz Valley,
ii. 614.
Lemont, F. A., mate 'Sultan,' ii. 560.
Leon, Ponce de, 'Fountain of Youth,'
i. 3; voyages, i. 11.
River, see John Day River,
ii. 41.
Le Pratt, at Fort Okanagan, ii. 678.
Le Rapid Couvert, named, ii. 117.
Le Roux, clerk, Mackenzie's tour, i.
06S.
Leslie, missionary, ii. 682.
Lewis, J., clerk of Tonquin, i. 328;
ii. 144, 155, 164-7; murdered, i.
328; ii. 167.
Lewis, M.j at Columbia River mouth,
1805, i. 320; along the Missouri,
1804, i. 509; exploring exped. up
Missouri, 1804-5, ii. 4-27, 327; char-
acter, ii. 5; instructions, ii. 6-7;
reaches head-waters of Missouri, ii.
26; down the Columbia, ii. 2S-50;
on Pacific, ii. 51-60; Pacific and
return, ii. 51-82; return, attacked
by Indians, ii. 71-4; accidentally
shot, ii. 75; arrives at St Louis, ii.
82; Gov. of Louisiana, death, ii. 85.
'Lewis,' brig, on N. W. coast, 1S34,
ii. 637.
Lewis Point, Clarke names, ii. 53.
Lewis River, Clarke names, ii. 33;
see Lewis and C. exped., ii. 33,
54-5.
Lewis and Clarke exped., ii. 5-84,
337, 356-9, 368-9; state of north-
west, 1800, ii. 1-2: travels published,
ii. 7; map of route from Missouri to
Columbia, ii. 21; down the Colum-
bia, ii. 28-50; journal, ii. 30-1;
eat horse-flesh, ii. 36-7; dogs, ii.
39-40, 45; Pacific and return; ii.
51-82; leave notices of presence at
Columbia's mouth, ii. 59-60; map,
ii. 65; character, ii. 83-4; result of,
ii. 86.
Lewis and Clarke Pass, description, i.
628.
Levo, in de Laet's map, 1633, i. 106.
'Lida,'on N. W. coast, 1806, i. 321.
Limes Occident's Quivira et Anian,
see Wytfliet-Ptolemy map, 1597, i.
83.
Lindenberg, Capt., at Sitka, 1841, ii.
65S.
Linkwater, W., trader, i. 570.
Linn, on Or. question, ii. 391-2, 558,
689.
Linschoten, on Gali's voyage, 1584,
i. 145.
LTnterprete, see Moncacht Ape.
Linn, Cal., habitat, i. 412.
Liquor among Indians, i. 545-8, 5">4,
662, 682-4; English and Russians
oppose traffic of, ii. 6! 3.
Lisa, M., with Missouri Fur Co., i.
511; ii. 12S, 456; with P. Fur Co.
exped., ii. 180-2.
INDEX.
m
in north-v
!
1
I
!
Little Wolf River, Clarke n
1
'Llama,' brig, on X. W. a
Li. 533, 637; L836, i. 341;
i. 342, ii. 520;
■ I
Lok, M., map, 1582, i. 04 5, 101;
! of fur-mark
L grants in
l. lv., on explo
i
L
112.
i .
i. 19 ; < ": . ke ni
!
dition, 161 3, i. 147.
Indians, i.
. Padre, explores Texas, lii-Ji), i.
21.
Lorie, see Lowrie, i. 177.
J ' 'ort Vancouver, ii.
X. W. coast,
L 341, ii.
L Aj les, Port, Elisa names, i.
1.. ' \ Ives La < W]
ids trade
'Lo . I -
1540, i.
L
i
Loul
., 1 10.
.1 uly .">,
Lowe, Tb
177.
310.
Ludlow, in Yell
memorial, i ,
• Lydia,1 cruise in
315, 320; on X. \\ .
Columbia, 1806, ii. 60; on N. W.
1811, ii. 140.
. X. \Y. fur-trade, i.
M
i. 177.
of Co-
lumbia, ii. -
i, EL, i P.FurCo.,ii.l79;
toria, ii.
fur-trader, i. ■
ii. 258;
■
ii. 471;
531; at
I .
ville, ii. 679.
.
i. 370; at Fort Langley, ii.
■
. ii. 524; atColville,
602; 1857, ii. 711.
Id, 1'., builds Spokane
tnbia, ii. 471.
d, John, arri\ i I
ii. 232;
McDonnell, M., gov. i
gan, ii. 91; ex]
I
■
. ii. 196,
; :. 227 31; >
. 234
INDEX.
McDongall, Geo., at Stuart Fort, ii.
•286; at Fort Alexandria, ii. 496.
McDougall, James, explores Peace and
Parsnip Rivers, ii. 87-8; at Fort
McLeod, ii. 101; at Fort Dunvegan,
ii. 279; with Harmon, ii. 286.
McDougall, Fort, built, ii. 88.
McGillis, clerk, ii. 144, 177, 194;
leaves Fort George, 245.
McGillivray, at B,ocky Mt. House, ii.
97-8; at transfer Fort Astoria, ii.
228-9; at Fort Okanagan, ii. 23S-9;
among Okanagans, ii. 248, 255;
leaves Fort George, ii. 270.
McGillivray, John, arrives, Astoria,
ii. 22S; on exped., ii. 238-9; joins
Northwest Co., ii. 24S; at Dunve-
gan, ii. 278.
McGillivray, S., member Northwest
Co., ii. 304.
McGillivray, W., chief, Northwest
Co., ii. 172; member Northwest
Co., ii. 304; at Fort Chipewyan, ii.
493.
McGillivray's Eock, named, ii. 249.
McGregory, fur-trader, 16S7, i. 504.
Mcintosh, J., down Columbia, 1S34,
ii. 531.
McKay, injured, ii. 258; murder of,
ii. 435; on Columbia, ii. 471; at
Fort Walla Walla, ii. 49S; near
Scappoose Bay, ii. 527; in Cal.,
1841, ii. 541; in Willamette Valley,
1837, ii. 003; character, ii. 603.
McKay, A., McKenzie's exped., i.
673, 689, 691; joius P. Fur Co., ii.
142-3; voyage to Astoria, ii. 145-52;
trading cruise, ii. 163-7; murder of,
ii. 167; explores Columbia, ii. 109-
70.
McKay, J. W., with Fraser, ii. 694.
McKay, K., murdered, ii. 686.
McKay, Thomas, character, i. 540;
clerk, ii. 144; trading exped.. ii.
256, 258-9; aids Smith, ii. 451-2;
on explor. exped., ii. 464-8; at Fort
Vancouver, 1834, ii. 533; trapping
tour, 1S34, ii. 585-8; with Emmons"'
exped., ii. 6S2.
Mackenzie, Lewis and C. exped., ii.
14; explores Willamette Valley,
1812, ii. 195-0; among Nez Perce's,
ii. 198, 202-3, 210-11; at Fort As-
toria, 1813, ii. 208, 226; in Willa-
mette Valley, 1814, ii. 218; transfer
Fort Astoria, ii. 227, 234; from F.
Astor to F. William, ii. 249; clerk
Northwest Co., ii. 250.
McKenzie, Alexander, expeds. of, i.
582; at Fort Langley, ii. 4S3.
Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, descends
Mackenzie Eivcr, 1789, i. 2S; ii. 2;
on N. W. fur-trade, 1S00, i. 363;
joins X. Y. Co., i. 555; explorations,
1793, i. 619; ii. 324; character, ii.
666-8, 673; journey to Arctic Ocean,
i. 28, 668-9; i. 60S, 075; ii. 2.
Mackenzie, from Fort Chipewyan to
Pacific, i. 670-703; map of course,
i. 683; on Fraser River, i. 084-5;
ii. 106, 114, 119, 379; reaches Pa-
cific, i. 097-700.
Mackenzie, Andrew, death of, ii. 279.
Mackenzie, D., joins P. Fur Co., ii.
142; on overland exped., ii. 179,
1S6, 188, 190-1; at Astoria, ii. 194,
19S; explores Willamette, ii. 195-6;
fort building, ii. 202-3; exped. of,
ii. 202-3, 205, 208; among Indians,
ii. 210-11, 213; at Astoria, ii. 218,
226-7; trading exped., 1S13, ii.
238-40; on Columbia, 1816, ii. 2G4,
266-8, 271-6; enterprise, ii. 271;
among Shoshones, ii. 271, 274, 270;
among Walla Wallas, ii. 272-5;
among Snake Indians, ii. 275; gov.
Red River Colony, ii. 289-90.
Mackenzie Outlet, named, i. 700.
Mackenzie River, discovered, i. 2;
Low's map, 1598, i. 86; Mackenzie
descends, 17S9, i. 28, 669; explored,
ii. 195.
Mackey, at Nootka, 1786, i. 177: 1787,
i. 182; on N. W. coast, 1805, i.
320, ii. 55.
Mackinaw Co., at Michilimackinac,
i. 506; opposes Aster's plans, i.
512-13; opposes American Fur Co.,
ii. 137.
McKinlay, A., Black's death, ii. 512;
down Columbia, 1834, ii. 531; at
Fort Walla Walla, ii. 655, 677, 690;
gunpowder story, ii. 690-1; life, ii.
692; narrative, etc., ii. 692.
McKniver, J., among Indians, ii. 95.
McLane, U. S. minister, ii. 408.
McLean, killed, i. 579; Black's death,
ii. 512.
McLennan, D., clerk, ii. 144, 173-4,
203; at Stuart Lake, ii. 285.
McLeod, Santa Fe exped., i. 039.
McLeod, A. R., at Fort Dunvegan, ii.
279; punishes Clallams, ii. 483-4.
McLeod, John, at Thompson River
district, ii. 468-9; builds Norway
House, ii. 469; builds Fort Umpqua,
ii. 521.
McLeod, M. , travels with Simpson, ii.
491; journal, ii. 491.
McLeod, Fort, built, ii. S8.
o., i. : 18;
M Lin, John, i
-
: at Fort William,
character, ii. 432-5; treatment of
Indian
couver, ii. ! Smith, ii.
451 -.
_; rule of, ii. ;
S, ii. 499 :
falls of Willamette, ii. 504-5; builds
Baw-mill,ii.505; conspiracj
15; attitude to t
trading trips, ii. 526;
attitud
ment of Kelly, ii. 550-3; Wyeth,
ii. 564 (i. 595 6; r
ii. 592; opp
Fish and Trading Co., ii. 596-
7. I; treatment of Slacum, ii.
mnd .V.
017. 685; at Fort Vancouver, 1839,
nies Simpson, 1841, ii.
i ( !al. ii. 661, 688; receives
. ii. 664; Mofras' opinion of,
ii. (i.V ; ii. 674; at
lly, ii. < 177 : hospitality, ii.
y, ii. 702-3; re-
i. Fay Co., ii. 703; death, ii.
eulogy upon. ii. 704 7.
Lin, J., Jr, at Fort Stikeen,
. 645-6, 651; cl
-
; 1 in, Mrs, character,
McLoughliii, Fort, built, ii. 625-6;
ahaiiiL.mil, ii.
McLoughlin Harbor, see Fort Simp-
McMillan, Jas., at Flathead House,
. W. < *>., ii. 239,
tion, ii.
. ii. 655.
McMurray, builds Fort Yuk
W., on N. \
1833, Loughlin,
ii. 65' :
i. 637.
. Alexander, among Indians,
ii. 270.
at Fori
Li. -!'.)-, at
McTavish, J. G ii. 208,
21 I, 227 31 : ii. 215;
ii. 217,
ans, ii. 242 I:
I .use, ii. 238
William, ii. i2(J4; tri
264-5.
McTavish, Simon, par,
McTavishes, at Dunv<
McTavish, Frob
W. Co., i. 555.
Madison I
ii. 22, 76.
Mad River, named, i. 184.
I
1791, i. - 3; 1792, i. 201,
- 1801, i. 310; :
and, Ingrahamnam
Magellan, . i. 6.
Ir. question, ii. 404.
■ e Few is and ( '. exped., ii.
!•_• 13.
Malaspina, A., diserta
[i
94; Viage, 1791, i. 249
tions, L791, i. 249 50, i
Maldonadi
Maldonado, L. 1.
memorial printed, 1788, i
Mallary, o
31 >; 1802, i. 311,
d. in, ii.
Mandan, i
Mandans, h'-\\ [sand C.
ii. 82, 127.
' ', . i. •">.
m
INDEX.
Mange, Capt., -explores Colorado, 1699,
i. 1 13; Cal., 1701, i. 113; map, i.
114.
Mangeurs de lard, at Fort William, i.
565.
Manhattan Is., impoi-tance, 1614, i.
500.
Manitoba Lake, fort erected at, 1740,
i. 26.
Manning River, named, i. 2S1.
Manson, D., at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
497; at Fort .Simpson, ii. 623; at
Fort McLoughlin, ii. 625, 62S, 642;
life, ii. 625.
Mantons Paver, see Jefferys' map,
176S, i. 132.
Mantour, trader, ii. 204-5.
Map, Ptolemy, 1511, i. 37; 1530, i.
40; Ruysch, 150S, i. 37; Sckoner,
1520, i. 38; Orontius Fine, 1531, i.
41; Agnese's, 1536, i. 42-3; Portu-
guese, 1536, i. 43; Ruscelli, 1544, i.
47: Ramusio, 1556, i. 48; Munster,
1545, i. 48; Homem, 155S, i. 50;
Ortelius, i. 53-4; Apianus, i. 56;
Lok, 1582, i. 64-5; Strait of Anian,
i. 67; Hondius, 1595, i. 6S;
Fuca Strait, i. 78; Low, 1598, i. 85;
for comparison, i. 86; Herrera, i.
88; Maldonado, i. 96; Lapie, i. 97-
8; Purchas, 1625, i. 103-4; Dutch,
1024, i. 104; Laet, 1633, i. 106;
D'Avity, 1637, i. 108; Ogilby, 1671,
i. 110; Harris, 1705, i. 115; Aa,
1707, i. 115; Dobbs, 1744, i. 123;
Russian, 1741. i. 121; De lisle,
1752, i. 127-S; Japanese, 1761, i.
130; Jeffreys, 1768, i. 132; Carver,
177S, i. 132; Janvier, 1782, i. 135;
Cook, 177S, i. 169; La Perouse,
1783, i. 176; Dixon, 17S7, i. ISO;
Meares. 17SS-9, i. 201: Quimper,
17. . i. l:_: Eli a's, 1791, i. 245;
Nootka Coast, 1/91, i. 247; Mar-
chand, 1701, i. 256; Caamano, 1792,
i. 209; Galiano, 1792, i. 272: Van-
couver, 1702, i. 276, 278, 2S0; 1793,
; Fort Simpson, i. 492; N.
lisiana, 1757, i- GOO: Pratz,
1757, i. 600; Carver, of Western
1 778, i. 608; routes north of
lat. 49°, i. 619: passes between 40°
and 32D n. , i. 628; passes of Mex-
I C. America, i. 65S; Mae-
course, i. 683; Lewis and
Clarke's route from Missouri to
Columbia, i. 21; Lewis and Clarke,
ii. 65; MeLeod Lake region, ii. SS;
. ii. 113; Arrowsmith's,
ii. 1_J; Thompson River, ii. 122;
Hunt's route, ii. 1S2; Harmon, ii.
2S1; Chehalis route, ii. 465; lower
Fraser, ii. 4S0; Green River < loun-
try, ii. 569; Johnson's excursion, ii.
678.
Maquinna, Xootka chief, i. 195; atti-
tude to Elisa, i. 240; sells land to
Kendrick, i. 254; kills the Boston
crew, i. 313-15; ii. 158-62; cap-
tured, i. 316; last account of, i. 336;
appearance, ii. 157.
Marata, Xiza, report of, 1536, i. 43.
Marchand's explorations, 1791, i.
255-7; fruits of voyage, i. 257:
map, 1791, i. 256; \
256-8; X. W. fur-trade, 1790-1, i.
357, 372.
MarDulce, Martyr's map, 1587, i. 6'3;
in Low's map, 159S, i. 86.
Mare Leparamatium, Homein's map,
155S, i. 50.
Mare de Verrazano, Lok's map, 15S2,
i. 64-5.
'Margaret,' on X. W. coast, 1791, i.
255; 1792, i. 261, 264-5.
Maria River, Lewis names, ii. 17;
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 70. 72-4.
Maricourt, attacks English, i. 441.
Marin, Capt., explorations. L
Marquette, Pere, expl
ley, 1673, i. 23, 111, 392
Marshall, route to Cal., i. 647.
Marten, habitat, i. 412.
Martin, Capt., on X. W. coast, 1821,
i. 341; 182S-30, i. 341; 1S37, ii. 594.
Martinez, Capt., at Xootka, ii. 160.
Martinez, E. J., pilot of Perez. 1773,
i. 155; on X. W. coast, 1788, i.
134-5; 17S9. i. 205. 207, 213, 224,
375; seizes the 'Iphigenia,' i. 209,
213-16; restores the 'Iphigenia,' i.
214; seizes the ' North West Amer-
ica,' i. 216; seizes Xootka, i. 216;
imprisons Colnett, i. 218-21; ex-
plores Xootka, i. 223-4; fur-trade,
i. 375.
Martinez, Joao, Portuguese pilot, i.
95.
Martires, see Heceta's voyage, 17*5,
i. 160.
Martyr, Peter, Hakluyt's edition of,
1587, i. 66.
' Mary,' cruise in Northwest, 1S03, i.
316; atNoo I I >9.
'Maryland,' en Invest.
1840, i. 342; 1824, ii. 686-7.
Mashaskap, see Lewis and C. exited. ,
ii. 80.
Massachusetts, Puritans colonize,
1020, i. 22.
INDEX.
745
I '
■_ ■] : i ee R 01
. Fur Co.
exped., I 1 1-177; at Astoria, 194.
Matthieu, V. X .. ii. 61 1.
Matute, J. J'.., on N.
i. 248.
Maurelli . ■
i. L50.
. A. A., cri
157; Hi ■ L, 177-"', i. 15S-
66.
Maurepas, opposes V<5rcndrye, i. 596.
b
Maury, \V. L., on explorin
I ort Orchard, ii.
Mawinah, American vessels anchor
at, I
ii. 678.
May, (
' May 1
L 341, ii. 560; 1835, i. 341, ii.
L532, i. I!.
ped., ii. 99.
m Alaskj a coa :. 17 i,
i. 177; on N. i . 7. i. 179;
.". •_' I] 2,
ii. 321; 17 9 90, i. 205, 2
.';_M ; < I lock and Dixon's
exped., i. 181;
L 192 I; map, 1788 9, i. 20
Port]
. 17 >9, i. 210 '
i i; memo-
rial, i. 229; Nootka conti
a trader,
i. :;
r j.
dians, ii. 12, 38, 40, 53,
and C.
7-'.
tour, ! p, ii. 4 :i.
i. 32
E Ani. n.
[
i., ii. 128.
!, i. 106;
.. i. 107;
lid; see
]
3,
I777.. i. 164.
' Mendi :
■
loa, i. I :.
Mendoza, Vicero i to ex-
i. 341.
i. 91.
i. 122.
i. 60.
i. 212.
.
ii. 657; ii. < i
Methodisl
L834, ii. ::.! 7.
1792, i.
Michell, .
746
INDEX.
Milk River, named, ii. 16.
Millar, murdered by natives, i. 182.
Mill Creek, mills on, ii. 442.
Miller, J., joins P. Fur Co., ii. 179;
turns hunter, ii. 1S4.
Mills built, Fort Vancouver, ii. 442.
Milton, explores Yellowhead Pass, i.
621.
Mimbres Pass, see Gila Pass, i. 059.
Miner, compared to fur-hunter, i. 421.
Minnetarees, Lewis and C. exped.
among, ii. 22, 72-4, 82.
Minhauset, Fonte's story, i. 117.
Minuit, builds Fort Christina, i. 502.
Mires, J., at St Louis, i. 510.
Missouri River, explored, 1742, i. 26;
French Fort on, i. 26; Coxc's de-
scription of, 1722, i. 122; seeJefferys'
map, 170S, i. 132; upper configura-
tion, ii. 15-17; animals, ii. 15-16;
head-waters reached, ii. 26; Lewis
descends, ii. 75.
Miruelo, his voyage in 1516, i. 11.
Missionaries, on N. W. coast, i. 548-
50, 552, ii. 534-8, 674; labors vain,
i. 549; attitude of fur companies
toward, i. 550; among fur-traders,
i. 552-3; as explorers, i. 587-91;
qualities necessary f< >r, i. 593 ; women
as, ii. 536; in Or., ii. 674.
Missions, threatened by Indians, ii.
69S.
Mississippi Company, obtains rights
of Santo Domingo Association, Sen-
egal and Guinea Companies, Chinese
Company, Old West India Com-
pany, Canada Company, and Au-
bert & Company, i. 397; history of,
i. 397-8; see Western Co., i. 397.
Mississippi Valley, Soto explores,
1541, i. 15; Joliet and Marquette
explore, 1673, i. 23-4; Hennepin
and La Salle explore, 16S0-2, i. 24;
exploration, 1750-1S00, i. 28; 1071-
1825, i. 587-615; Hakluyt's views
regarding, 15S7, i. 60; Kicolet nears,
1634, i. 106; Carver explores, 1766-
8, i. 132-4; change of owners, i.
391-2; French settle, 1699, i. 393;
settlement, 171 l,i. 396-7; fur- trade,
1719, i. 503, 1721-1826, i. 504-14;
Jesuit missionaries in, i. 23-4, 587-8.
Missoula River, see Lewis and C. ex-
ped., ii. 70.
Missouri Falls, Lewis and C. exped.
er, ii. 18, 75.
Missouri Fur Co., organized, i. 128;
history, i. 511-12; oppose P. Fur Co.,
ii. 179; in north-west, 180S, ii. 329;
reorganized, ii. 456.
Missouri Indians, Lewis and C. exped. ,
ii. 10.
Moberly, explores Howse Pass, 1871,
i. G23.
Mobile Bay, Soto reaches, 1540, i. 15.
'Modeste,' H. M. S., on Columbia,
1845, ii. 702.
Modoc Lakes, discovered, i. 642.
Mofras. E. D. de, in Cal., 1841, ii.
658-9, 666, 6S8; on N. W. coast,
1841-2, 663-7; explorations, etc., ii.
663, 667; at Fort Ross, ii. 664; at
Fort Vancouver, ii. 664-5; his works,
ii. 667.
Mojave Desert, Garc^s crosses, 1776,
i.' 28.
Mojave Indians, Oiiate explorations,
1004, i. 90.
Moncacht Ape, travels from Miss, to
Pacific, i. 598-607; story, ii. 531-2.
Money, in trade of H. Bay Co. , i. 458.
Monino Strait, see Fonte Strait, i. 268.
Monk, G., deserter, i. 192.
Mono Pass, location, i. 652.
Monopolies, Great fur, of New France,
i. 383-91, 394-9.
Monroe, J., commissioner, purchase
of Louisiana, i. 401 ; Sec'y of state,
ii. 290, 294; title Jy. W. coast, ii.
335, 354, 300.
Monroe doctrine, the N". W. question,
ii. 351, 354, 356; object, ii. 360. '
Monsonis, Fort, taken by French, i.
44i.
Montana, French explore, i. 26; geog-
raphy, i. 411.
Montcalm, successful campaigns, i.
400.
Montejo, in 1527, i. 11.
Monterey, Vizcaino enters, 1002, i. 21;
Bueno's, lat. 1734, i. 148; Perez,
1773. i. 151, 150; Heeeta, 1775, i.
104; LaPerouse, 1780, i. 177; Mar-
tinez, Haro, 17SS, i. 185.
Montezuma, i. 590.
Montgomery. Port, Haswell meets
Gray at, Sept. 3, 1792, i. 203.
Monthly Miscellany, 170S, Fonte's
letter in, i. 115.
Montiquier, trading exped., 1813. ii.
239.
Montigny, O. D., clerk, ii. 144, 169-
70, 173; among Okanagans, ii. 248,
255; trading exped., ii. 255, 259.
Montour, in Kootenais coun
121; employ Northwest Co., ii.
259, 204; settler Willamette Valley,
ii. 500.
Montreal, name becomes current, i.
12; Cartier, passes site, i. 14; Car-
INDEX.
747
tier first arrives at, 1535, i. 380;
importance, 1811, i- 388 9; annual
capture,
. 401.
Montreal department, limits of, under
Hudson's Bay < !o., i. 1 18.
Moor, explores Hudson Bay, i. 26; on
N.W. coast, L794, i. 297; onN.W.
coast, 1795, i. 304.
,n X. W. coa
ii. 55; voyage, 1836, i. 341.
ibitat, i. 111.
Tobar and Cardenas
visit, 1540, i. 16; Onate visits, 1604-
. approach to Lake Co-
palla, i. L05.
Morehead, on Or. question, ii. 394.
. bory of Drake's expedition, i.
. .las., at the Dalles, ii. 498;
ley, ii. 014.
w Mexico, 1591,
.
Mormons, settle Utah. i. 634.
Morning Star, saves whites, ii. 263.
Monis,' 1!.. X. W. fur-trade, i. 3.10;
trd's schemes, ii. 3.
Moscoso, Luis de, succeeds Scto, 1541,
i. 15.
Mota Padilla, onCal., 1742, i. 1-24.
5t E31ias, La P< ro
i. 175.
ia, see Mawinah, L. .
irks. La Hontan's tale, i.
589.
Mml.lv Creek, Lewis and I
ii. 79.
i
i. 281.
Mull
Midler, on Russian disc iveries, 1761,
i. 130.
Multnomah, Lewis a
61, I
:. 02.
I, J. M., voyage of. ii. 144-
55.
rd, Fort, built, ii. 635.
of Maldo-
, L781, i. !>:;.
L788, i. 188.
i. 412.
t. habitat, i. 412.
ii. Hi.
Muzon Point.
N
Napoleon,
ana. I
Nanaimo, Co., i.
■lis.
J. M.. on V \
i. 244; i
1828 34, i. II.
ins, Indian I
Nass Indians, small-p
642.
Natchez, importance, 1721, '■
Natchez Indians, revolt, i.
I
Natiou River, a
100.
Races of Pa< i
bodies matter relating to Indians of
N. W. coast, ;. 5.
Natives, see Indians.
Xatla I.
109-111.
'Natwytheium,' \ . ii. 560.
Naudov ■
Navajo country,
105.
Navarrete, M. F. de, \
93;criticises Maldon
i. 94; on X. W. ■■- ploral
i. 158; introduction to Sin
i. 27:0, Galiano and ■
273.
Neah Lav, see Port X
212.
Neahcarny Mt, Nehal
Xeah-ll '
ii. 57.
1786, i. 177.
X. \.
'■
748
INDEX.
New Albion, in Martyr's map, 1587,
not in Purchas' map, 10:2.3, i.
104, 1655, i. Ill; Spani
scription, 1710, i. 119; Cook's desti-
nation, 1778, i. 108; Gray sights,
17SS, i. 187.
Newbury, voyage, 1790, i. 305.
New Caledonia, limits, i. 447:
i. 463-4, ii. 460-71; configuration,
ii. i -'.. ..'■; loi ati >n, ii. 90; Fras< r
explores, ii. 94; Thompson explores,
ii. 119-20, 122-5; Harmon in, ii.
277-87; early character, ii. 463.
New Cornwall, Vancouver names,
limits, i. 292, 447.
Newell, R., trapper, ii. 454; settler,
ii. 456.
ablishment on fire, i. 670.
New France, exploration, 161 0, i. 23;
Homem's map, 155S, i. 50; 1578, i.
381; fur monopoly of, i. 3S3-91,
394-9.
Newfoundland, Cortereals name, i. 11;
name current, i. 12; Verrazano at,
1524, i. 379.
New Georgia, Vancouver names, 1792,
i. 277; comprised, i. 447.
New Hanover, limits, Vancouver
names, i. 292; comprised, i. -147.
'New Hazard,' on N. W. coast, 1S11,
i. 32G.
Newity, Indian village, ii. 155.
New Mexico, explored by Spaniards
between 1580-96, i. 19-20; revolt
in, 1680, i. 25; explored, 1540-3,
i. 44; in Martyr's map, 1587, i. 66;
Wytfliet-Ptolemy.map, 1597, i. 82;
Onate explores, 1094, i. 90; kingdom
of Tidam near, i. 91; name appears,
1025, i. 103; deLaet's map;
106; D' Avity's Le Monde, 1037, i.
ION, fur-traders in 1824, i. 527.
New Netherlands Company, formed,
1615; obtained monopoly, dissolved,
i. 500.
New port, founds colony in Virginia,
1600, i. 22.
New Norfolk, comprised, i. 447.
New .South Wales, compris i
New Spain, in Ruscelli's m;
i. 47.
New, Thomas, on north-west coast,
succeeds Herg< it, 1792, i. 2S7.
'New World,' ba '.. wn eked, ii. 533.
ee Lewis
and C exped., ii. 32, 37-40, 00-71;
McKenzie among, ii. 210-11; mis-
sionaries among, ii. 535.
Nez Purees, Fort, see Fort Walla
Walla, ii. 4-71,490.
Niagara, the king takes charge of, i.
398; English take, 1759, i.
Niagara Fails, discovered, 1040, i.
5S7.
Nichols, Emmons exped., ii. 0S2.
Nicola, Black's death, ii. 5!
Nicolet, Jean, discoveries, 1634-5, i.
22, 100.
Nicuesa, voyage, i. 10.
Niel, Padre, on Colorado Rio, i. 127.
Nino, Andres, reaches Gulf of
i. 13.
Nipissings, Champlain visits, 1615, i.
388.
Nisqually, Fort, post H. Bi
44S; founded, ii. 524-5; agriculture,
ii. 525, 014; object, i
Nitinat, native village. V. Is., i. 205.
Nitinat, False, see Hostility Bay, i.
199.
Niza, Marcos de, his Cibola, i
pedition to pueblo towns, i. 1C, 43,
40; reports refuted, i. 44.
Noak, Indian chief, i. 330.
Noble Mountain i u, i. 047.
Noble Pass, location,
'Nonsuch,' ketch, cruise to Hudson
Bay, 1GGS, i. 439.
Nootka, see San Lorenzo, i. 155; Ple-
ceta nears, 1775, i. 162;
La Perouse, Portlock, Dixon, Par-
clay, Duncan, and Coln< fc1
177-84; Ciay at, 1788, i. 190
names, -177S, i. 190; ship-1
at, 1788, i. 105-7; Meares, Douglas
at, 17S8, i. 200; controversy over, i.
204-3S; Funterat, 17 9, i.
of Tort Pitt, i. 211; Metcalf at, i.
212; Spaniards take possession of,
i. 213, ii. 321; Martinez and llaro
at, 17S9, i. 213; Martinez names it
Santa Cruz de Nutka, i. 210; Mar-
tinez explores, i. 224; Eng. state
Sp miards, 1700. i. 5
1790, i. 243; Matute at, 1791, i.
248; Malaspina at, 1701, i. 24-0;
Caamano at, 1792, i. 267; aban-
doned by whites, 1795, i. 301; situ-
ation, ii. 157; Perez di covers, ii.
318; Cook surveys, ii,
Nootka Con trov i of Amer-
icans to En jlish an :
ncerned,
i. 225-7, 303-4; international com-
plications, i. 227: negotiations be-
tween i. 230-0;
policy of Spain, i. 284-5; ■
234-91, 204, 2
gedo's report, i. 2S6, 200-1; com-
INDEX
Tin
iet, Nootka, L 287-9,
sionei . onvention, 1793,
289; final settlem< nt, 1794,
I ii; final
restitution, L795, i. 3
'1-4.
Nootka Convention, signed,
substance, i. 234 5;
bearing on Or.
question, ii. .-:71 5.
. explore northward, i. 11.
Norte, i!k>< rrande del, ( loronado near,
Ortelius' map, 1574, i. 53; Harris'
map, 1705, i. 1 15.
North, J. II., on exploring exped., ii.
K America, Atlantic coast ex-
plored, i. 11-12; settlement, 1550,
i. 1 !: limits of ex] '
17; exploration, 1550-1750, i. 2(1-7;
map, ! inted map
of, i. 48-9; Homem's i -
p, 1575, i. 56;
i about mi:
i north-wesi
tion, 1839, i.
ship, 1759 63, i. 378; English dis-
North American Fur Co., formed, i.
514, ii. -144.
li^h attempt to
19; north-east
i robisher
and Davis, i. Is.
i any, formed, 1GS1,
i into Company of I
Northern Mystery, eighteenth cen-
tury, i. ■!: history, i. 5-1
iration, i.
:. i. 10; an in
I; ■ : . :. 134.
17'.'.
lation, i.
624.
\ .. ii. 1 2; trap-
'North V. hip built
j
:. 216.
North-wi on, the,
■
I
ii. 360
• : in Parliai i
Northwest Coast, introduce
: m, i. 1-32; primal
f discovi rj . i. 1 _'
i. 'J; ex]
maritime and land explora
■ f, i. 3-4; lin
ploratii
i. 7; tn
discovered, i. 9; 1
' 3 .
31 I: apoci j phal '
99; Jeflerys' map. I7> i, i. 132;
summary of i i. 136;
aniards
i m, 177"', i.
ploration, 1778-88, i. 167
i. 2 7 :
i. 293-4; contraban !
fur-traders, 1794, i. 297; 1795, i.
1798, i.
i. SOS; 1801, i. . i.311 -
12; traders, 1805, i.
321-3; 1807, i. 323-4; 1808-9, i.
1810-11, i. 325-8; 1812, i.
!; 1815,
:
0, i. 340-2; fur-tn
i. 345 <i; fur-trade outfits, i.
521; fur-trade, i. o-21-S;
I ion of
rliest overland
explorations, i. 585-615; condition
of exploration, 1800, ii. 1-2; under
Nortlm i
summary of voyages, ii. 317 24;
overland •
early voyages, ii. 317 -26;
ploratioi p-build-
ing, ii. 321, 323; I
tie dis-
426-7; domination by 11.
introduced, ii. 442 3;
!
750
INDEX.
founded, 1831-5, ii. 622; ship-build-
ing, ii. (323-4; H. Bay Co. occupies,
ii. 623-35; incidents, 1834-44, ii.
636-54; 1842-6, ii. 697-712; char-
acter of Indians on, ii. 650, 652;
French, ii. 662-.'!; boundary ques-
tion, ii. 68S-9, 707-S, 711-12.
Northwest Co., traffic on N. W. coast,
1815, i. 333-4; trade with Cal.,
1816, i. 334; business, 1708, i. 465-
6; currency, i. 468; enterprise, i.
483, 510; union with H. Bay Co.,
i. 469, 514, 582-4; policy toward
Indians, i. 535-50; establishesschool,
i. 544; history, i. 551-84; character,
i. 551-2, 556; organized, i. 555-6,
ii. 3, 136; head-quarters, i. 556; gov-
ernment, i. 556; officers, i. 556-8;
admits X. Y. Co., i. 556, 558; part-
ners, i. 557, 566-7; profits, i. 558;
partners, i. 557, 566-7; clerks, i.
557-8; returns, 1788, i. 558; em-
ployes, 1798, i. 559; brigade, i.
560-4; opposes Red River settle-
ment, i. 573-82; Fort William of, i.
564-8; quarrel with H. Bay Co., i.
568-84; enterprise, ii. 89-90, 119-
20, 141, 170, 300; character of ser-
vants, ii. 124; influence of E. India
Co., ii. 141; overtures from Astor,
ii. 141; opposes P. Fur Co., ii. 179;
obtain Astoria, ii. 227-31; regime
on N. W. coast, i. 237-76; traffic
onN. W. coast, 1818, ii. 334; policy
at Fort George, ii. 265-6; plans
on Pacific coast, 1816, ii. 266; pur-
chases Fort Astoria, ii. 285, 331-
2; union with H. Bav Co., ii. 296,
302-4, 343; rivalry with H. Bay Co.,
ii. 299, 302; opposes Red River
colony, ii. 300; during war, 1812,
ii. 300-1; buys out P. Fur Co., ii.
331.
North-west Passage, the, early belief
in, i. 35-6; Gilbert upon, i. 59;
Willes on, i. 59-60; Frobisher's
view of, i. 60; Drake seeks, 1579, i.
61; evidence of, 1590, i. OS; Fuca
reports discovery, 1599, i. 70; im-
ported discovery, i. 87; Maldonado's
report of, i. 92-9; attempts to check
exploration, i. 100; problem of, i.
664.
North-western Ter., the, organized, i.
585.
Northrop, Capt., cruise 1S13, ii. 200-
2, 226.
Norton, explores H. Bay, 1761-2. i. 28.
Norton, M., gov. Prince of Wales
Fort, 1769, i. 485; character, i. 514.
Norton, R., gov. Prince of Wales
Fort, 1737, i. 4S4.
Norway House, H. Bay Co. council
meets at, i. 451; built, ii. 469.
Nouvelle France, name becomes cur-
rent, i. 12; see Canada, i. 19, 380.
Nova Scotia, French regain, i. 22; see
Acadia, i. 383.
Nubiana, on N. W. coast, 17S8, i. 192.
Nueva Galicia, rjrovince of California,
1655, i. 110.
Nueva Vizcaya, missionaries in, 1562,
i. 19.
Nuevo Leon, Spaniards explore and
establish mining-camps at, 1562, i.
19.
Nunez Gaona, see Neah Bay, i. 264.
Nuttall, with P. Fur Co., ii. 170: with
Lisa, ii. 182; in Mex. and Cal., ii.
407; with VTyeth's Or. exped., ii.
577.
Nuttin, astronomer, i. 189.
Nye, Capt. D., on N. W. coast, 1S11,
i.326; 1817-18, i. 338; 1819, i. 340;
1836, i. 341.
Oak Point, named, i. 2S1; Lewis and
C. exped., ii. 60.
Obi, Valley of, Cossacks occupy, i. 29.
Obilo River, in Low's map, 1598, i. 85.
Observatory Creek, Lewis and C. ex-
ped., ii. 71.
O'Cain, on N. W. coast, 1803, i. 317,
319; 1806, i. 323; 1810-11, i. 325;
1813, i. 330; on Cal. coast, i. 525-0.
Ocean, Northern, Hearne reaches,
1770, i. 612.
Ochequiton, see Alabama, i. 123.
Ockington, voyage, 1801, i. 310.
Ogden, N. E., supercargo, 'Lark,' ii.
"202.
Ogden, P. S., at Fort St James, ii.
109; life at Fort George, ii. 287; at
Ogden Hole, ii. 455; at the Dalles,
ii. 498; in New Caledonia, ii. 516,
602; movements, 1834, ii. 530-1; at
Fort Vancouver, 1S34, ii. 594; founds
Fort Simpson, ii. 623; fort-building
exped., 1834, ii. 629-35; at Fort
Vancouver, ii. 676.
Ogilby, map, 1671, i. 110-11.
Ohahlat, see Destruction River, i. 182.
Ohio Fur Co., formed, i. 400, 505.
Ohio Valley, explured, i. 505.
Ojeda, voyage, 1504-5, i. 10.
Okanagan, building at, ii. 264.
Okanagan, Fort, post H. Bay Co., i.
44S; built, ii. 173-4; removed, ii. 711.
751
i
. ient, built 17
. Li. 91.
i Lition in 1 24, i. 11.
I
■
i. 101; explores
L615, i. 102; river dis-
103.
O'Neill, Win., voyage, 1834, i. 341.
ia de, title N. W., ii. 340.
'Onrust,'
'Ontarii .
. Li. 290 2.
rered by Cham-
plain, 1613, L
od ('. exped., ii.
.
. I tray's winter quar
I River, named, i. 281.
. Lewis and C. exped., ii. 70,
. named, ISO"), ii. 20.
part of N. \
invents name, i. 132; dis-
. I.'pT; in
i. 149; rout.
3, ii. 701;
aariesin,ii. 53
e, ii. 543 54; < '.;
. in, ii. 684;
t in, ii.
:'. ii. 698-9.
I imbiade-
i. 4 4 s.
I
!
:_'. 348 51; 1824 9, Li.
110-11; i
W8, U0;
410- 11; lit 16.
( I
. L 632.
E. Per-
• i. uf the
L
:, i. 650.
Seer, ii. 541.
Li. 287.
,
182.
team-boat, ii. 561; on X. \Y.
Otter River, named, ii. 77.
lup, on N. W. coa t, 1811, i.
! dians, Lewis and * .
ii. L0 12.
Oudiette, fur i
failure, i. 396.
Ouinipeg, .see Winni]
. question, ii. !
), i. 341; ii. 4
Pacific coast, i
L550, i. 16-17; >■ 137.
■2-21 -31 :
L24, 172 :■;
.
Fur Co., ii. L98.
1793, i
1671, i.
] I I ; 1.
II L
'v. quea-
. 110.
752
INDEX.
Pagul,inWytfhet Ptolemy map, 1597,
i. 84.
Palliser, explorations, i. 621.
Palmer, J., route to Or., i. 634; Or.
exped., i. 047, 650.
Palmerston, ii. 633.
Palouses, Indian tribe, ii. 203.
Pambrunn, P. S., at Fort Vancouver,
ii. 441; at Walla Walla, 1833, ii.
572; death, ii. 689.
Pangman, forms X. Y. Co., i. 55.5.
Pangman, Gregory Co., see X. Y. Co.,
i. 555.
Panuco, Moscoso reaches, 1543, i. 15.
Paradise Terrestrial, in South Amer-
ica, i. 35.
Paredes, Padre Alonso de, report on
American geography, i. 112.
Paris, treaty of, 1763, i. 401, 443.
Parker, S., Or. missionary, ii. 535;
journal, ii. 536.
Parmentiers, Fonte's story, i. 117.
Parsnip River, named, i. 074; ex-
plored, ii. 87.
Partners, X. W. Co., i. 566-7.
Passes, through the Cordilleras, i.
616-40; map of, between lat. 40°
and 32° x.. i. 629; from Or. to Cal.,
i. 047: Cal. to Mex., i. 654; in Cen-
tral Am., i. 662-3; map oi
Mex. and Central Am., i. 65S.
Pataha Creek, see Kimmooenim. ii. 66.
Pattie, S., traps through Xew Mex.,
Arizona, Cal., 1829, i. 527.
Paulding, J. K., see*y of nary, ii.
66S.
Pavion, named, ii. 203.
Peace River, Mackenzie explores,
1793, i. 28, G70; country, i. 408;
fur-traders reach, 17b0, i. 612; ex-
plored, ii. 87.
Peace River Pass, location, i. 620;
description, i. 024.
'Peacock,' ship, on X. W. coast,
1806, i. 322.
i of war, explores Pa-
cific, ii. 669, 679; wrecked, ii. 532,
080.
Peale, T. R., on exploring exped., ii.
669.
' Pearl,' on X. W. coast, 1806, i. 322;
1808-9, i. 324.
Pechc, Thomas, in Strait of Anian, i.
111.
Pecos, in map of Ortelius, 1574, i. 53.
Pecos, Rio, Castano enters Xew Mex-
ico b; .
' Pedleiv bri<j. on X. W. coast, 1814,
i. 332; 1821, i. 340; 1S13, ii. 22U,
2;j4-5.
question, ii.
Porcupine Pass,
Peel, Sir R., on Or,
397-8.
Peel River Pass,
i. 020.
Peers, H. X., at Cowlitz farm, ii.
613.
Peirce, Henry A., voyage, 1S25-S, i.
341.
Peirce, M. T., voyage, 1S25-8, i. 341.
' Pelican,' captures Fort Xelson, 100 < ,
i. 442.
Pellet, in Kootenais country, ii. 121;
clerk, ii. 173-4, 177, 203-5, -Jib;
among Okanagans, ii. 201-5; leaves
Fort George, 245.
Pelly, Sir J. H., Gov. H. Bay Co., ii.
515; director Puget Sound A. Co.,
ii. 616; at Honolulu, ii. 661.
Pelly, Geo., at Honolulu post, ii. 522.
Peltry, term, i. 457.
Pelua, Indian food. ii. 255.
Pemaquid, French take. 1697, i. 442.
Pemican, preparation, i. 4
Pena, on Perez exped., 1773, i. 151.
Perblosa, D. de, expedition of 1662,
i. 108-9; Fonte's story, i. 110.
Pend d'Oreille River; post, Hudson
Bay Co., i. 448.
Peim, in Mass.. i. 502.
Penn Cove, explored, ii. 680.
Peopeoh, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
Perea, Padre, explores Texas, 1029, i.
21.
Pei-ez, Juan, exploration, 177
8; 1774, ii. 318; works, i. 151-3;
extract from log of, 1773, i. 152-6;
criticism of, 1773, i. 157; Heceta's
exped., 1775. i. 158-00; voyage of,
arrete, 1802, i. 158; death,
i. 106.
Perkins, X. W. fur-trade, i. 359: with
Missouri Fur Co. , ii. 456.
Perpetua, Cape, Cook names, 1778, i.
109.
Perrault, clerk, P. Fur Co., ii. 143.
Perrier, voyage, 1838. i
'Perseverance,' F laser's boat, ii. 118.
Petroff, I., visits Alaska, 1878, ii. 036.
Phelps, on Fuca's Pillar, i. i 9.
Philanthropy River, named, ii. 23-4.
Philippine Co., monopoly in fur-trade,
i. 525.
Philippine treasure-ships, route across
Pacific, 17C0-50, i. 25.
Philosophy Creek, named, 1805, ii.
23; see foot-note.
'Phcebe,' i ;i. 201. 231-2.
'Phoenix,' in north-west, 1794, i. 297;
1795, i. 304.
Piccano, fur monopoly of, i. 395, 441.
INDEX.
753
Pichctte, L., arrives Astoria, ISIS, his
th, ii. 290.
Pichilingues, freebooters, i. 21.
Pierce, Lieut. Thomas, commissioner,
Nootka, L795, i. 301.
Pierpont, voyage, 1 301, i. 310.
Pierre Hole, location, ii. 502; rendez-
vous, ii. 458, 562, 570; Indian fight
at, ii. 563 1.
I J. H., settler Cowlitz valley,
ii. 614.
Piette, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
Li <>\i. ' lapt., onAlaskan coast, 1S13,
ii. 235.
Pike, Major Z. M., explorations, i.
613, I
Pike Lake, see Jefferys' map, 17GS, i.
132.
Pilcher, J., explorer, i. 516; with
Missouri Fur Co., i. G14; ii. 456;
trapping tour, 1827-9, ii. 456.
Pillar. Fuca's, i. 79-80.
Pilot Cove, named, ii. <>7— .
Pilot Knobs, see Hunt's exped., ii.
1S3.
Pimeria Alta, see Sonora, i. 25; Kino
in, i. 113.
Pineda, voyage, 1519, i. 11.
Pine River Lass, location, i. 620.
Pinos Point, Perez lies off, June 15,
177::. i. L52.
Pintard, Boston merchant, i. 358.
Pintard Sound, see Queen Charlotte
i. 261.
Pin/on. voyage in, 1506, i. 10.
Pi] . among Shoshones, ii.
29; Ross smokes with Indians, ii.
269.
Pirdeaux, sent against Niagara and
Montreal. 1759, i. 401.
Pirrault Bros., at Fort Langley, ii.
477.
Pisquouse, Indian tribe, ii. 257.
uned, i. 179.
. factory on Alaskan Coast, i.
•211.
Pitt River, explored, i. 64S; see Quoi-
tle, ii. 4S0.
I bod of convertin
i de Chiens, see Fete Plat, i.
592.
Plomondeau, S., at Fort L. i
477; becomes fanner, ii. 612; with
Wilkes1 party, ii. 074.
I i Co., receives grants in
America, i. 399.
Pocahontas, marriage with Rolfe, i.
5 Li.
Point Lreakers, Cook Dame . 1778, i.
170.
IIist. N. W. Coast, Vol. II. 18
Point St George, Aguilar's furthest
limit, 1603, i. I is.
"ii title N. W. coast, ii.
348-9.
Polk, Pres., on Or. question, ii. 396-
7 8 9, 400, 401-2; on fcitli
coast, ii. 386 7.
'Polly,' cruise in north-west, L801, i.
310.
Polo, Marco, traveller, i. ."] <;.
PUlar, Clarke nanus, ii. 79.
Poncas, Hunt's exped. anion .
Pond, 1'., partner, N. \V. < !i ..
582.
PontgravS, fur monopoly of, i. 384-5;
on St Lawrence, i. :ist.
Pontrincourt, at Port Royal, i. 386.
Poole River, named, i. 2s I.
Porcupine ( love, Mackenzie'
named, i. 698, 700.
Porcupine Pass, description, i. 020.
' Porpoise,' brig, explores Pacific, ii.
669, 684; on X. \V. coast, ii. 072,
6S0-1.
Portage, term. i. 502.
I rancais, LaPerouse in, L786,
i. L75.
Port Discovery, Quimper surveys, i.
241.
Port* I lapt. ().. on X. W. coast,
L805, i. 320; 1S06, i. 321; 181 1, i.
326.
Porter, Commodore, captured, i. 330;
cruise in Pacific, ii. 225-6, 231.
Portland, site, ii. 70S; rise of, ii. 709.
I '"it Lawrence, see Hood Canal, ii.
072.
Portlock, ('apt,, on X. W. coast, 17S5-
7, i. 178-81, 354-5; a vow
i. 179.
Port .Madison, named, ii. 673.
Port Royal, founded, i. 386;
Cromwell, L654; returned, 1007, i.
391.
Port Royal Co., failure, i. 3S6.
Possession Sound, Vancouver names,
1792, i. 277.
Post, voyage, 1821, i. 341.
Lest, see Port.
Lulls, killed by Indians, ii.
I 305, ii. 20.
L<>\\ hat 1 ih, i. 543.
Sned, i. ill.
Prairie oi tie- Knobs, named, ii. 71.
■ I Co., traders form, i. 515.
Pratz, Le Page du, Histoire,
598; map, i. 601 ; story of Moncacht
Ape, i. 598 0(17.
Presbyterian missionaries, in X". \V. ,
ls:;i;, ii ;,:;;
754'
IXDEX.
Prescott, Espejo reaches site of, 1596,
i. 20.
President's range, Kelley names, ii.
556.
Preuss, Chas., with Fremont, ii. G94.
I . B., commissioner, Astoria
restored, ii. 290-3.
Prevost, J. B., U. S. Commissioner
1818,- i. 339; letter on Or., ii. 421.
Prince Edward Is. , English take, 1758,
i. 400.
'Prince Le Boo,' sloop, onX. W. coast,
1702, i. 2G.3; 1793, i. 293; 1794, i.
297.
Prince of Wales Fort, description,
governors, i. 484.
Prince of Wales Island, Perez sights,
177::. i. 154.
'Prince of Wales, ' ship, onX. W. coast,
17 7. i. 183.
'Princesa,' on X. W. coast, 1779,
i. 172-3; 1788, i. 184; 1789. i. 20.3,
213; 1792, i. 264. 2S3; 1793, i. 293;
1794, i. 295-6, 299.
'Princesa Real,' on X. W. coast, 1790,
i. 240-3.
'Princess Royal, 'on X. W. coast, 1787,
i. 1S3; 1788, i. 195, 200; 1789, 207,
210-12, 217, 22G; seized by Span-
iards, i. 211.
Princess Royal Isles, Duncan discov-
ers, 1787, i. 184.
'Prince William Henry,' schooner,
cruise in the north-west, 1792, i. 265.
Prince William Sound, Meares at,
1786, i. 177; Strange reaches, 1786,
i. 178; Mears, Portlock, Dixon at,
17b7, i. 179.
Pritchard, store-keeper, X. W. Co., i.
576.
Pry or, Serg., Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 78, SI.
Pryor Creek, named, ii. 79.
Ptolemy, map 1511, i. 37; 1530, i. 40.
Puebla Pass, location, i. 659.
Pueblo Towns, De Vaca hears of, 1536,
i. 16; Xew Mexico, 1-340, i. 16-17;
Vaca's report of. 1536, i. 43; char-
acter, 1540-3. i. 44.
Puget, on X. W. coast, 1792, i. 275;
1793. i. 291-2.
Puget Is., named, i. 281.
Puget Sound, agriculture at, 1839, ii.
614; 1841, 656; Catholic mission,
1841, ii. 65G-7; American settle-
ment, ii. 701; lumber mill built,
1844, ii. 701-2.
Puget Sound Agricultural Co., organ-
ized, ii. 614-1S; removed to Vic-
toria, ii. 618; failure, ii. 618-19.
Punchaw Lake, see Mackenzie's voy-
age, i. 691 .
Puntataencut River, see Mackenzie's
voyage, i. G92.
Purchas, publishes Fuca's story, 1625,
i. 73; map, 1G25, i. 103-4:
Honduras, i. 104; on Drake's voy-
age, i. 141.
Puritans, colonize Mass., 1620, i. 22;
as fur-traders, i. 501-2.
Pursley, J., opens Santa Fe route,
1802, i. 515, 012.
Q
'Quadratus.' brig, wrecked, ii. 533.
Quamash Flats, Lewis- and C. exped.,
ii. 69.
Quas, Indian chief, ii. 2S2.
Quebec, settlement near, 1540, i. 12;
French fort near, 1543, i. 14; Eng- ,
lish capture, 1759, i. 379; French
regain, i. 22; trading centre, 627,
i. 389; attacked, i. 390.
Queen Charlotte Is., Perez discovers,
177::. i. 153; Douglas passes, 178S,
i. 200; Gray at, i. 206; Caamaflo
explores, i. 267.
'Queen Charlotte,' ship, on X. W.
coast, 1785-7, i. 177-81.
Queen Charlotte Sound, Strange
names, 17SG, i. 178.
Queenhithe Is., Meares sights July 2,
17 8, i. 197.
Queenhithe River, Meares sights July
2, 178S, i. 197.
Queenuitett Village, Meares sights
July 2, 178S, i. 197.
Quesnel, J. M. , on Fraser Lake, ii.
280-1.
Quesnelle, Mackenzie's voyage, i. 685,
692.
Quicksand Bay, Meares names, i. 19S.
Quicksand River, named, ii. 48; see
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 60.
Quimper, A. M., explorations, 1790,
i. 240, 241-3, 285, ii. 322: map,
1790, i. 242; Segundo, etc.. i. 243.
Quivira. Coronado's, i. 3, 45: Span-
iards reach. 1541, i. 17; Bonilla
searches for, 1590, i. 20; location, i.
45-9; Ramusio's map, 1.356, i. 49;
Ortelius' map, 1574, i. .53; Martyr's
map, 1587, i. 06; Herrera's map.
1601, i. SS; Torquemada locates, i.
89; Ofiate's exped. "to, 1603, i. 90;
Hondin's map, i. 105; De Laet's map,
1G33, i. 106; DAvity's Le Monde,
1637, i. 107; Pefialosa's exped. to,
1662, i. 109; province of Cal., 1655,
INDEX.
i. 110; Ogilby'a map, 1671, i. Ill;
Paredi 6,i. 1 12; Backe'a
map, L699, i. 1 L5; Harris'map, 1705,
i n;»; Spaniards' description of,
L710, i. 119.
Quoitle, see Pitt River, ii. 1st).
i;
Raccoon, habitat, i. 412.
'Racoon,' on N. W. coa t, U 13, i.
ii. 232 I; 1814, i 333, ii.
331; in s. F. Bay, ii. 252.
Rada, Martin de, reports discovery of
Northwesl Pa age, i. 87.
Radisson, explorations, i. ">8S.
Rae, Mrs,inCal., ii. 688.
Rae, W . G., a1 Fori Stikeen, 1840, ii.
645-6; at Yerba Bu< aa, 1 U, ii.
649, 651, 688; marriage, 1837, ii.
687. , .,
Rainier, Mount, see Lewis and L.
exped., ii. 61.
.-u-\\ alter.al
r. i. 19.
I , Sebastian Cabot's Letter to,
i. 36; map, 1556, i. 49.
Rapids, running, i. 428-9.
Mackenzie's voy-
i. 697,700.
ms, fur-hunters, i. 432-3.
Rattlesnake creek, named, ii. 16.
ad, Or. missionary, ii. 676.
Raynolds, Capt., explores Yellow-
stone, ii. 31.
,•.,-, partner X. W. Co., i.
555.
Recollet, missionaries in Canada, i.
Rector. MS., remarks on, i. 615.
Red River Colony, of II. Baj Co., i.
573 82; effect on V W. Co., ii.
269; affray of, ii. 299, 301; opposed
by X. W. Co., ii. 300 I.
i Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 30.
land exped., ii.
179, L84, L86, I--. L91, 246; at
;. ii. 193-5; "ii exped., ii.
202 3.209,21 1,218, 238 40; murder
•J IT.
W. ]•:., on explorin
ii. 669.
I i er, habitat, i. 412.
I l : ■ la. built, i. 595.
I Pacific, ii. 669-
71.
Rendezvous, fur-traders, i. 193 I
517; Indian, ii. 255 6; Wind River
ii. 455; 1837, ii. 610j Green River
1824, ii. ! IT: 1829, ii. l"s: Yellow-
stone Lake, ii. <»1 1.
Rennell Sound, named, i. 179.
■ Resolution,' cruise on X. W. coast,
177s, i. 167-72.
Re i River, named, ii. 81.
Revilla, Cristobal, 1775; Eeceta's ex-
ped., i. 158 66.
Revilla, Gigedo, opinionoi these
,,i Colnett, i. 223; ord< 1 3 \
ied.i.239; oorth-v
tion, 1792, i. 270; 1794, i. 295;
; rov< rsy, i.
286, 290-1.
Rej Coromedo, Bee Purchas map,
L625, i. 103.
Reyes, Point, Cabrera, Bi
tudesat, 1734, i. 148.
Reyes River, Fonte's story, i. 1 16.
Reyno Is, ' '-1 ' oast, 1816,
i. 335; a1 Fori I reorge, ii. 2 17.
Reynolds, J. N.. oi ring
d., ii. 669.
.. report, L 321-2.
Juan de, re] ■ " ol
north-west passa je, i. 87.
Ribault, dean, colonizes Am<
1562 i. 19, 380 I ; bunl
i. 52; kill-1. i. 380 I.
Ricaras, Lewis and C. exped. an
ii. 13; Hunt's exped. among, ii.
181 3.
Rich, W., on exploring exped., u.
669, 682.
Richard, deserter, ii. 626; death, u.628.
on, surveyor, i. 615; with
\\ yeth's exped., ii. 589-90.
Richardson, Capt. port, S. F., ii. 683.
RicheUeu, monopoly in America, i.
:;ss ''■
Richmond, missionary, Fort Nis-
1841, ii. 657.
Lieut. C, on explormg
. ii. 669; explored Admiralty
1 ,. Ii7:i: sent to s. F.
681,683.
, ventura, the, of Spaniard i,
i. 639, 641, 651.
Rio de Janeiro, Villt g:
i. 380.
Rio Nevado, i
Rio del Norte, doubt about its dis-
embouchment, i. 45.
- . w Mex-
ico, i. 63.
Rios, Hernando de los, reports t\w>
north-wi : 87-
i, i. 608.
Rizner, J., with P. Fur l
ii. L8, 184, 246 7.
756
INDEX.
Roanoke, Raleigh attempts to found
colony at, 15S4-7.
Roanoke River, fiction concerning,
i. 66.
Robbiboo, food, i. 434.
Robbins, voyage, 1838, i. 342.
Roberdeau, MS., remarks on, i. 615.
Robernal, viceroy of Canada, founds
settlement, i. 12.
Roberts, Capt., on N. W. coast, 1791,
i. 235; 1792, i. 265; 1793, i. 294.
Roberts, G. B., with D. Douglas, ii.
508; at Cowlitz farm, 1847, ii. 613;
Puget Sound A. Co., ii. 615; fort-
building exped., 1834, ii. 629.
Robertson, Colin, manager for Selkirk,
i. 576-7.
Robinson, voyage, 1838, i. 342.
Robinson, E., with P. Fur Co. exped.,
ii. 181, 184, 246.
Robinson, F. J. , commissioner on title
N. W. coast, ii. 336-8.
Roblet, surgeon, explores Charlotte
Isl., i. 255-7.
'Rob Roy,' cruise in north-west,
1823-5, i. 341.
Rochejaune, see Yellowstone, ii. 80.
Rocky Mts, French reach, 1743, i.
26; 1752, i. 28; trappers reach,
1750-1800, i. 27; first wagon exped.
to, i. 514; Verendrye reaches, i.
595; Lewis and C. exped., ii. 16,
79.
Rocky Mt. Fur Co., formed, i. 514;
opposes H. Bay Co., ii. 454; change
of ownership, ii. 455, 610; compe-
tition with American Fur Co., ii.
456, 567, 570-1.
Rocky Mt. House, built, ii. 89, 91-2;
Fraser at, ii. 94-8.
Rocky Mountains, Gates of, named,
1S05, ii. 21.
Roddes, fur monopoly of, i. 395.
Rodgers, his voyages, 1792, i. 265.
Rodriguez, explores New Mexico,
1581-2, i. 20.
Roebuck, on Or. question, ii. 397-S.
Rogers, voyage, 1797, i. 306.
Rogers, killed, i. 579.
Rogers, Capt. W., privateer, in Pa-
cific, i. 25, 119.
Rolfe, J., marriage with Pocahontas,
i. 543.
Rond Cap, Point Adams, ii. 57.
Rondeau, guides Kelley, ii. 549.
Ronquillo, Estrecho de, Fonte's story,
i. 117.
Ronquillo, Philip de, Fonte's story, i.
116.
Rooster Rock, ii. 47.
Roque, J. F. de la, viceroy of La Nou-
velle France, i. 3S0.
Roquefeuil, Lieut., on N. W. coast,
1817, i. 336-S; a voyage, etc., i.
338.
Rosario Strait, see Boca de Fidalgo,
i. 242.
Rosati, Jesuit missionary, ii. 537.
Rose, among Crows, ii. 127-8.
Rosebud River, see Lewis and C. ex-
ped., ii. 80.
Rose Point, Douglas names, Aug.
1788, i. 200.
Rose River, Clarke names, ii. 78.
' Rose, ' tug, wrecked, ii. 640.
Ross, Red River settlement, i. 579;
on Columbia, ii. 171; at Kamloops,
ii. 205-6; as an authority, ii. 23S,
245; among Indians, ii. 255-8, 268-
9; trading exped., ii. 25S; surveys
bar of Columbia, ii. 266; exploring
exped., ii. 270-1; with McKenzie,
ii. 273-4; surveys Cowlitz prairie,
ii. 613.
Ross, A., in Kamloops country, ii.
122; clerk P. Fur Co., 144, 173-4,
205-6, 240; joins Northwest Co.,
248.
Ross, C, at Fort McLoughlin, 1S39,
ii. 628; 1841, ii. 657.
Ross, Fort, Russians establish, i. 526;
ii. 330; Russians abandon, ii. 664.
Rotchef, Gov. A., at Fort Ross, ii.
664.
Rouge, Fort, built, i. 595.
Rouque River Pass, location, i. 646.
Routes, through the Cordilleras, i.
617-65; of railway through Rocky
Mts., i. 633; of railway through
Sierra Nevadas, i. 651-3; of rail-
ways and canals through Central
America, i. 691-4; from Rocky Mts.
to Pacific, i. 660-56; Or. to Cal., i.
647; Cal. to Mex., i. 654; Fort
George to William, ii. 245-50.
'Rover,' cruise in north-west, 1800, i.
308.
Rowan, Capt. Jas., on N. W. coast,
1798. i. 306; 1799, i. 307; 1S03, i.
317; 1804, i. 318.
Rowland, accompanies Simpson, ii.
655, 657-8, 661; in S. F. Bay, ii.
688.
Royal, Capt., on Columbia, 1S36, ii.
341, 594.
Ruddock, S. A., explorations, 1821,
ii. 365, 446.
Rupert, Fort, post, H. Bay Co., i. 44S;
profits 1859, i. 467; description, i.
491; location, ii. 629.
INDEX.
757
Rupert Land, named, :
tted to 11. Bay
1 : H. Bay Co., division i
i. 439.
Ruscelli, map of 1544, i. -IT.
ii. 291 ;
( !ommission< r, title N. W.
355-60.
Rushleigh River, named, i. 281.
Lord J., on Or. question, ii.
. 103.
Russian American Fur Co., |
on N. W.
-. 348; proposed
m to 1'. Fur Co., ii. 191 ; on
Cal. coast, ii.
to 11. Bay Co., ii. 643-6, 653; Bee
Rlls-i
Russians, early north-west explora-
i. :;. si, 29-31, 127, 130, L84
5: ii. 319; as explorers, i. 30-1;
map. 1741, i. 124; Nootka contro-
versy, ii. 227-8; on Cal. coast, i.
319,322 . 353, 374, III,
: ii. 330, 659; in north-west
fur-trade, i. 345, 353, 373
ii. 636 -7, <;iM I; on the l
ii. 131; claim to Northwe
u.319, 328,348 51; on NT. W. coa t,
ii. 349, 622-3, 629 33; as fur-traders,
. i; leave redoubt Si
. 646; policy toward Indians,
ii. 650; i bam
treaty with 11. I aj Co., ii. 693.
Rut, John, exploration, i. 12.
b, J., map of 1508, i. 37.
Ryan, W., capt. 'Cadboro,' ii. 477,
515.
Ryswick, treaty of, terms, i. 4 l_.
Saavedra, A. R., at Nootka, 1793, i.
293, 296; voyage, 1795, i. 301.
Sable, habitat, i. U2.
Sable Is., attempt to colonic . i. 384.
i sped., ii.
■2J. 29.
Iley, 11. Bay Co. enter,
1 . July '2,
i. 197.
Saddle Mt, Nehalem legend, ii. •":;•_>;
M.. fabulous Btoi ies, i. 590.
Sahaptin, Lev i ed., ii. 33.
: ; i ■_'.
St Antli I tennepin visits,
i. :J1.
Fort, built, i. '
dboels, iu
L768, i. 132.
St ('lair', with Wyeth'sexped.,
St 1 >yonysius, redoul
- leave, ii. 6 l(>:
1 i ! 5.
st Helm, M.umt, Vancouver names,
1792, i. 281; Bee Lewis and ('.
. ii. 41, 61.
St Jamea ( lape, named, i. 179;
rounds, i. 180.
. Fort, built, ii. 109; import-
ance, ii. 495 6
St John, French take, 1697, i. 442.
St John, Fort, Indian troubli
462, 494.
i. as a trading center, i. 508.
St Lawrence, name becomes current,
i. 12; Cartier explores, i. 42, 380;
Indians report of, i. 42; Homem's
map, 1558, i. 50; Salmi von
of, i. 105; early fur-trade i
St Lawrence Island, Bering names,
1728, i. 30.
, Fonte's
story, i. 116.
St Louis, | ; import-
ance, i. 507 8, 510 1 1.
St Louis, falls of, ('artier reaches, i.
14.
. rapids of, trading
L627, i. 3S9.
St Malo merchants, Canada fur-trade,
i. 383 l. 388-9.
St Patrick Bay, llanna names, 1785,
i. 171.
. Fort, built by Verendrye, i.
595.
St Petersburg, treaty of, ii. 622 3,
629.
St Pierre, Carver vi
132; explorations, i. 597.
St Pierre. < }en., French eon;,
St Simon, seizes Rupert Land, 1671, i.
440.
in Wj tfliet-Ptol< i
1597, i. 84.
Saldibar, travels, 1618, i. 109.
Salinoii-li - ii. -ls7:
importance, ii. 567; Wycth's plan
at, ii. ">77; Ids failure, ii. 596; on
Columbia, ii
Salmon I on, ii. 471.
Salmei- Pad]
exped.,
105.
mmanamah, i
753
INDEX.
•Salter, Capt. J., on N. W. coast, 1S03,
i. 312-15, ii. 156-8; killed by In-
dians, i. 158, 315.
Saltilla Pass, location, i. 660.
Salt-making, Lewis and C. exped. , ii.
56-58.
Salvador, Captain, on Colorado River,
1751, i. 127.
Salvatierra, reports discovery N. W.
passage, i. 52; explores California,
1701, i. 113.
Samuel Point, named, ii. 53.
San Antonio, see Consag's trip, 1748,
i. 126.
San Bias, Perez sails from, i. 151; He-
ceta leaves, i. 15S; Martinez arrives,
i. 1S5, 224; leaves, i. 213; Tobar ar-
rives, i. 210, 227.
'San Carlos,' snow, on N. W. coast,
1788, i. 184; 17S9, i. 205, 213, 224,
239; 1791, i. 244, 24S, 250; 1793, i.
291, 293; 1795, i. 301.
Sancho, Indian chief, ii. 462.
San Diego, cruise on Cal. coast, 1603,
i. 140; occupied by Spaniards, 1769,
i. 150; Perez at, i. 150.
Sandwich Islands, La P<5rouse leaves,
1786, i. 175; Portlackat, 1786, i. 178.
Sandy River, see Quicksand River,
ii. 48.
San Estevan, see Perez' voyage, 1773,
i. 155.
San Fernando Pass, location, i. 654.
San Francisco Bay, reached by Span-
iards, 1769, i. 28; H. Bay Co., post
at, ii. 522, 6S8-9; ships in, 1841, ii.
65S-9.
San Francisco, kingdom of, Niza takes
possession 1539, i. 44.
Sangre de Cristo Pass, location, i. 637.
Sangster, voyage, 1837, i. 342.
Sangster, Jas., capt. of 'Cadboro,' ii.
477.
San Joaquin valley, H. Bay Co., enter,
i. 527.
San Juan, Elisa names, i. 246.
San Lorenzo, Perez' voyage, 1773, i.
155; 1778, i. 170; location, i. 155.
San Martin Cape, in de Laet's map,
1633, i. 106.
San Roque, Heceta names, i. 163;
Meares names, i. 198.
San Salvador, cruise on Cal. coast,
1543, i. 138.
Santa Ana, Pedro, killed by Indians,
1775, i. 161.
Santa Barbara, Perez south of, June
24. 1773, i. 152.
Santa Catalina, see Forrester Island,
i. 154.
Santa Clara, Perez voyage, 1773, i.
155.
Santa Cristina, see Forrester Island,
i. 154.
Santa Cruz, discovered by Jimenez, i.
41.
Santa Cruz de Nutka, Martinez names,
i. 216; explored, i. 224; garrison
life, 1790, i. 240.
Santa Fe\ PeSalosa penetrates beyond,
1662, i. 109; Harris' map, 1705, i.
115; trade, i. 515; trail surveyed,
1859, i. 037.
' Santa Gertrudis, ' on N. W. coast,
1792, i. 283.
Santa Gertrudis Pass, location, i. 656.
Santa Margarita, Point, Perez names,
i. 152; see Cape North, i. 154.
Santa Magdalena Cape, see Point Mu-
zon, i. 154.
Santa Maria, Onate reaches mouth of,
1604-5, i. 21, 90.
Santa Rosalia, Perez sights, 1773, i.
156.
' Santa Saturnina,' schooner, on N. W.
coast, 1791, i. 244-48, 250.
Santiago (Colima), discovered, i. 13.
' Santiago, ' cruise on N. W. coast, 1773,
i. 151; 1775, i. 158-65.
Sargent, with Wyeth's exped., ii. 563.
Satakarata, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
' Saturnina, ' at Nootka, 1 792, i. 289.
Saucieu, hunter, i. 97, 102.
Sauv<3, J. B., at Fort Langley, ii. 477;
on Sauve Is., ii. 599.
Sauvels., see Wapato Is., i. 491; ii.
48, 593, 599.
Sauzalito, see Whalers' Harbor, ii.
658-9.
Savannah River, Soto reaches, 1539,
i. 15.
Saw-mill, erected Or., 1S29, ii. 504-5.
Sawn, Capt. J. P., on Columbia, 1S27,
ii. 476.
Scarborough, Jas., Capt. of 'Cadboro,'
ii. 477.
Scattering Creek, named, ii. 35.
Scawana, Indian chief, ii. 480.
Schemer's Globe, 1520, i. 38.
Scott, David, merchant, i. 177.
Scott Bluffs, named, ii. 581.
Scott Cape, named, i. 178-9.
Scott Mountain Pass, description, i.
647.
Scroggs, explores Hudson Bay, i. 26.
'Sea Gull,' explores Pacific, ii. 069;
wrecked, ii. 670.
Seal Is., named, ii. 53.
Seal River, named, ii. 48.
Seals, habitat, i. 412.
IDDEX.
Seama 71.
305; L797, i. 306; 1809, ii. L29; Li.
100.
Sea-otter, habitat, i. 343, 412 L3;
description, i. 343-5; od Cal. coast,
ii. 604.
r Harbor, Hanna nai
i. 171.
Sebastian, Ca]
reaches, 1603, i. 88.
Sedelmair, Father, on •
i. 125.
- Northwest pas-
. i. 87.
Seix, Stikeen chief, ii. i 132.
Selkirk, Lord, Red River colony, i.
57 , 32; ii. 300; death, ii. 301.
Selwyn, explores Peace River Pass, i.
620.
Semple, Guv., killed, i. 579; ii. 89.
Sepulchre Is., Lewis and I '.
ii. 45.
'adre Jnnipero, in Cal., 177.'!.
i. 151.
Serrano, do y. report on
explorations, 1636, i. 106.
Serre, trapping tour, 1834, ii. 583.
,'. Fur Co., ii. 197, 209,
211, 226, 235.
Seven cities, Guzman hunts for, 1533,
i. 12: Niza report of, i. 13- I: in
[Wytfliet-Ptolemy'smap, 1597, i. 82,
Shaler, Capt. W., on V \
. 1. i. 318.
'Shark,1 scb ter, wrecked, ii. 533,
69 I; on Columbia, ii. 707.
Sharp, his voyages, 17'»2. i. 265.
ingus, partner X. V.
227.
Mt., habitat, i. 412.
Shelikof, exploring exped., i
Shelvocke, privateer, in Pacific, i. 2.">;
finds gold Cal., 1721-2, i. 121.
:■ ip to Or., ii. ">7^.
Shepherd, Capt., voyages, 17'>2. i.
d, 1 "■ 'ir. location, ii. 121.
Sheriff, Capt, in Pacific, ii. 292.
Sheriff Point, named, i. 281.
Shields River, named, ii. 77.
Shingle-making, P et So ad, ii. 701.
. 1788, i. 195 7:
. ii. 154; X. \
ii. 25*
. in. s, L778, i. 17".
E
-
171.
i, Indian, ii. '
22, 25, 28, -■»•'!; McKi
271, 271. 276; war with ]
1824, ii n,\
Shumagin Islands, !".< i ing oai
Shushwaps, Indian tribe, ii. 171.
Siberia, Cossacks trai
i. 29.
Sierra Madre, i. 626;
Sierra Nevada, < labrillo nam
Sierra, Padre, Heceta's exped., \1~'<. i.
L58 66.
Sierra de S
1773, i. L54.
. ii. 92 3, 100.
■ Silva <1 I 533.
Silver Mountain Pass, Location, i. 652.
Simmons, M.. at Puget Sound, 1844,
ii. 7<)2.
Simpson, < lapfc i 27, i. 341.
Simpson, Lieut., death, ii. 623.
. A., at Honolulu
at La, -hi.,.' !!
Simpson, E., < laptain o
177 9.
. Sir < r., dow n I'ii-' r River,
ii. 114, L18 L9; on Columbia, ii. 432,
111; at Foi t St John, ii. I ;
To 1 to X' w I lali donia,
Fort Langley, Li. L84 5; d( ath, char-
acter, ii. 490 I. 523; visits X. W.
dominion, ii. 490 7; birth, appear-
ance, ii. 489; as ju
I
Sound A. Co., ii 61
1. ii. 650; tries
■
654, 662; journey round the world,
62; "ii Columbia, ii. 655 7:
"ii X. \ i
ii. 658, 661; i
692; at Honolulu, ii
, ii. 661 2; Mofras' opinion
of, Li. 66;
Simpson, I
■
ii. 623;
Simpson, P
Sinaloa, M
\
. n. 711.
INDEX.
Sinclair, W., at Cowlitz farm, ii. 613,
Sinclair Bros., at Pierre Hole, ii. 564;
trapping tour, 1832, ii. 570.
Sinoughton, Indian guide, ii. 468.
Sioux, French first hear of, 1630.
106; attack Verendrye's party,
595; Lewis and C. exjted., ii. lo-
ir); Williams' exped. among, ii. 127;
P. Fur Co., exped., among, ii. 180-1.
Siskadee, see Green River, ii. 583.
Skagit Pass, location, i. 644.
Skelley, on N. W. coast, 1805, i. 320;
trader, ii. 55.
Skins, method of dressing, i. 413-14.
Skippanon Creek, Lewis and C. exped. ,
ii. 57.
Slacum, W. A., U. S. agent; on Co-
lumbia, 1836-7, ii. 602-4; aids W.
Cattle Co., ii. 615.
Slaves, among Indians, ii. 114, 647-9.
Sleds, see dog's sled, i. 430.
Slyboots, Indian, ii. 677.
Small-pox, among Indians, i. 554, ii.
176, 602, 642, 682.
Smith, Capt. F. at Astoria, 1814, i.
333
Smith, S. H., Wyeth's exped., ii. 563;
teacher, Fort Vancouver, ii. 565;
Or. settler, ii. 674.
Smith, T. L., death, character, life,
ii. 453-4.
Smith, Capt. W., on N. W. coast,
1801, i. 311; 1813, i. 330; 1S09, ii.
130-5; 1813, ii. 219; on Cal. coast,"
1816, i. 335; life, ii. 130.
Smith, Jcdediah, Santa Fe' trader, i.
514; with Pocky Mfc. Fur Co., ii.
44*. 455; trapping tour, 1S24-7, ii.
449-53; 1829, ii. 456-S; escapes
Indians, ii. 450-1; death, ii. 459.
Smith, John, seeks Northwest Pas-
sage, 1606, i. 22, 92; fur trader,
1614, i. 3S7, 499.
Smith, Jos., see Famham's exped., ii.
609.
Smith's Inlet, Hanna names, 1786, i.
174.
Smith Sound, Baffin explores, 1616, i.
23.
Smoky Piver Pass, location, i. 620.
Qg, on Cal. coast, i. 31S-19,
322, 335.
Snake Indians, see Shoshones, ii. 22.
Snake River, see Lewis River, ii. 33;
Lewis and C. exped. on, ii. 33, 39,
67; Hunt's exped. on, ii. 184-9.
Snoipialinie Pass, location, i. 645.
Snow, voyage, 1836, i. 342.
Society of Jesus, in New France, i.
3S6-7.
Sodomy, among Spanish navigators,
1587, i. 71.
Soissons, Comte de, made lieut.-geu.
New France; death, i. 3S7-8.
Sokulks, Lewis and C. exped., ii. 40,
ii. 261.
Sola, gov. Cal., 1815, i. 334.
Soledad Pass, location, i. 654.
'Solide.'on N. W. coast, 1791, i. 255.
Sonora, Vaca traverses, 1536, i. 16;
Spaniards advance in, 1600, i. 21;
Kino explores, i. 25; Velarde in, i.
120.
'Sonora,' vessel, cruise on N. W.
coast, 1775, i. 158-65.
Sonora Pass, location, i. 652.
Sopa, Indian chief, ii. 256.
Sosa, Castafio do, explores New Mex-
ico, 1590-1, i. 20.
Soto, voyage, 153S^3, i. 11, 15;
licensed to explore, i. 46.
South America, discovered, i. 6.
South Bowlder, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 23.
South Carolina, French explore, 15G2-
5, i. 19.
South Kootenais Pass, location, i. 622,
624.
South Pass, location, i. 631, 635-6;
description, i. 636; discovered, ii.
447.
South Sea, Cartier seeks, i. 12; sup-
posed river flowing into, i. 42;
Knight supposed to have reached,
i. 121.
South Sea Company, license traders,
i. 178; north-west fur trade, 17S5, i.
354.
Southwest Co., Astor forms, i. 513.
Sowles, Capt. C, on N. W. coast,
1812, i. 329, ii. 196-8, 201, 220;
ISIS, i. 337.
Spain, declining interest in discovery,
i. 7; views in discovery, 1710, i.
119; north-west exploration, 1770,
i. 150; 17SS, i. 1S4-5; Nootka con-
troversy, i. 227-38; obtains land
west of Miss., 1763, i. 401; obtains
Florida, i. 401; cedes her posses-
sions east of Miss, to England, 1763,
i. 401; claims to N. \V. coast, ii.
317-42; fortifies Nootka, ii. 321. __
Spalding, H. J., Or. missionaiy, ii.
535; at Lapwai, ii. 679; on hospi-
tality H. Bay Co. , ii. 687.
Spaniards, destroy French colonies in
Florida, 1565, i. 19; northern limit
of conquest, 1543, i. 44; in north-
west discovery, 1610, i. 101; oppose
Cal. exploration, i. 112; explora-
INDEX.
701
tion, 1650-1750, i. 122;
149; 179-', i. 2 3; re-
linquish north-we I
ITT'., i. 169.
I 540, i. 342.
i ba Buena, ii. 660.
Spence, 1>., interpreter, ii. 539.
Spence, John, ship-carpenter, ii. 476.
Spencer, escapes Indians, ii. 128.
. i. 12.
Spit Bank, named, i. 281.
Split Rock, Dixon names, 17SG, i. ITS.
Spokane Fort, built, ii. 204.
Spokane House, built, ii. 120-1.
Spoons, silver, Cook sees at Nootka,
1778, i. 171.
Squim Bay, Quimper names, i. 241.
. Fort, location, ii. 470-1.
Stansbury, surveys Or. road, i. (332;
exped. to .Salt Lake, i. 636.
Starling, voyage in X. YV., 1837, 1839,
i. 34l'; ii. 611.
Steele, in Cal., 1841, ii. 541.
Ste Helene, attacks English, i. 441.
Steilacoom, sec Chelacom, ii. 468.
Stetson, voyage, 1821, i. 340.
Stewart, joins Wyeth's exped., ii.
. 591.
Stewart, Capt., his voyages, 1792, i.
265.
. Fort, established, ii. 644;
iedoubt St Dionysius, ii. 645.
Stinking Lake, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 32.
Stinking Water, ii. 23.
Stobniezas, Ptolemy, map of, 1512,
i. 38.
Stone, Fort, described, i. 4 s I
Stony Mts., Hearne names, i. 612.
i title X. W. coast, ii. 3S6.
i. 140.
. Arctic, search and passage, i.
10.
, J., exped. of, 1786, i. 177.
Strawberry Island, named, ii. 47-
Strong, on title N. W. coast, ii. 386.
Stuart, builds Fort Okai
173-4; exped. up Columbia, ii.
194-5; among Shushwaps, ii. 218;
at Spokane Souse, ii. 2
• to New
■ uia, ii. 4113.
Stuart, A., an i. ii. 231 ;
i William, ii. 240, 245,
248; wounded by Indi ins, ii. 241-2.
Stuart, I)., joins' P. Fur Co., 142;
ria, 152, I: 5, II ' : build i
ascends Columbia, explorations of,
173-4; at Okanagan, ii. I!
211 13;
. ii. 90; with
: in N.
da, ii. 1 19, 121, 264; arrives
Astoria, ii. 22 ;
. 2
up Co-
lumbia, ii. 23S 13; from I
to T. William, ii. 21s o;
.an, ii. 279;
284.
Stuart, P., joins P. Fur I !o., ii. 142;
i lolumbia, ii. 169-7
ines WUlamel
to Astor, ii.
Louis, :
Stuart Lake. Post, H. Bay Co., i. 448;
named, ii. 109.
Stuart Ri
i. 685; explored, ii. 107-13.
Sturgis, Capt W., on N. '■ ■
. 312; 1804, i. 31 J; description
■ bter, i. 344 5; on X. W. fur-
trade, i. 359 I • 375 ii.
ttd Co., Boston merchants,
:
455; trapping toUr, 1829-30, ii. 456-
8; Wy trapping
tcur ISii n fc67; character, ii.,
579.
; ins, ii. 561-2;
trapping tour, 1832, ii. 570; trapping
tour, 1834, ii. 579; '
583; trapping tour, L830, ii. 610.
Sublette, William L., Ii
ii. 447; with Pocky Mt.
ii. 44S.
'Sulphur, 'ship, on X. \
42, i. 342; ii. 611.
'Sultan,'. I
o.lX. \.
i. 341; 1832, ii. 560, 566;
ii. 567.
'Sumatra,' cruise in north-w<
i. 342, ii. 687.
I i. 22.
Sur, sea of, see Frobisl
60.
Suter, on X. W.
Sutil v
271.
762
INDEX.
Swaine Paver, named, i. 2S1.
Swan, on Cal. coast, 1686, i. 112; ar-
rives Fort George, ii. "250; onN. W.
coast, 1839, ii. 039.
Swanimilieh, Indian, i. 336.
Swedish West IndiaCo. , formed, i. 502.
Sweetwater, named, ii. 447.
Swift, voyage, 17^7; voyage, 179S, i.
306; voyage, 1S00, i. 308; 1801, i.
311.
Swipton, on N. W. coast, 1805, i. 320,
ii. 55.
Tabbabone, 'white man,' ii. 26.
Table Creek, Clarke names, ii. 80.
Table Mountain, Heceta's voyage,
1775, i. 164.
Tachy, native village, ii. 283.
Tacootche River, see Fraser, i. 684.
Tacootche Tcsse, see Fraser River, i.
G84; see Columbia, ii. 170.
Tadonsace, trading centre, 1027, i.
389.
'Tagle,' corvette, on Cal. coast, 1S13,
ii. 235.
Tahuglauks, La Hontan's tale, i. 5S9-
90.
Tako, Fort, built, ii. 647-9; aban-
doned, ii. 650.
Takos, character, ii. 648.
Tallahassee, Soto reaches, 1539, i. 15.
'Tally-bo,' corvette, on K W. coast,
ii. 029.
Tamazula Pass, location, i. 660.
Tampa Bay, Soto lands at, 1539, i. 15.
Tansy River, Lewis and C. exped., ii.
72-3.
Taos, Coronado reaches, 1542, i. 17.
Tapteal River, Lewis and C. exped.,
ii. 40.
Tarascon, L. A., ascends Miss., 1826,
ii. 454.
Taronington, at Xootka, i. 160.
Tatootche, Indian chief at Nootka,
1788, i. 197.
Tawatowe, Cayuse chief, ii. 089-91.
Taylor, A. S., on Fuca's birthplace,
1854, i. 73.
i".. servant to Simpson, ii.
403, 497, 055.
Teguayo, in Paredes' report, 1080, i.
112.
Tehichipa Pass, location, i. 652.
Tehuantepec, Cortes' agents reach, i.
13.
Tehuantepec Pass, location, i. 661.
Tchuayo, see '
Tejada Ish, Elisa names, i. 247.
Tejon Pass, location, i. 653.
Tello, Padre, report of Strait of Anian,
1650, i. 108. ■
Temistitan, in Munster's map, 1545,
i. 48.
Temple, receives Port Royal, 1654, i.
391.
Tent, fur-traders, i. 430-1.
Tepic, Colnett a prisoner at, i. 222.
Tercien, hunter, ii. 97.
Terra Corterealis, in Ptolemy's map,
1511, i. 37.
Tete Jaime Pass, seeYellowhead Pass,
i. 620.
Tete Pint, La France story, i. 590.
Teton River, see Tansy River, ii. 72.
Tetons, Lewis and C. exped. , ii. 1 3.
Texas, Spaniards explore, 1540-2, i.
15-17, 27; La Salle takes possession,
i. 24, 393; Spain and France occupy,
i. 25.
Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, of Orte-
lius, 1574, i. 53.
Theguayo, province, i. 109.
Themistitan, see map of Apianus,
1575, i. 56.
Thing, Blackfeet attack, ii. 597.
'Thomas Perkins,' cruise in north-
west, 1839, i. 342.
'Thomas H. Perkins,' on Columbia,
ii. 681; 1841, ii. GSG.
Thompson, Capt., voyage, 1829-30, i.
341; 1840, i. 342.
Thompson, D., exjdores Athabasca
Pass, 1810, i. 021; explores New
Caledonia, ii. 119-20, 122-5; ii. 329;
character, ii. 125; at Fort Astoria,
ii. 125, 171-2; discovers Thompson
River, ii. 123; descends Columbia,
ii. 124; Montreal trip, ii. 173; at
Ilkoyope Falls, ii. 283.
Thompson, Fort, built, ii. 122.
Thompson, Mount, see Thompson's
exped., ii. 123.
Thompson Paver, map of, ii. 122; dis-
covered, ii. 123-4; explored, ii. 329.
Thorn, Capt. J., on N. W. coast,
1810-11, i. 327-S; ii. 143-55, 103-7;
murdei-ed, i, 328; ii. 107.
Thomburg, killed, ii. 590-7.
Thome, Robert, urges exploration,
1627, i. 40.
Thornton, J. Q., on Kelley, ii. 55S.
' Three Brothers,' cruise in the north-
west, 1792, i. 265, 279.
Three Brothers, Strait of, see St Law-
rence, i. 105.
Three Tetons, Hunt's exped., ii. 183-4.
Three Thousand Mile Ish, Lewis and
C. exped., ii. 76.
INDEX.
7G3
Tiana, Hawaiian chief, i. 10.".
Tibbits, with Wyeth's exped., ii. 563;
( h: settler, ii. 67 L
Ti ond i
1758, i. 400; taken by Amherst,
1759, i. 401.
Tidias, Indian chief, ii. (>,7.
Tiguex, Ramusio's map, 1556, i. 49;
Ortelius' map, 1574, i. 53; Bondius'
map, i. 105; chief town of Quivira,
i. 110.
Tiguex, seeRiodel Norte, i. 4."i; Hon-
dius' map, i. 105; town of Quivira,
1655, i. 110.
Tizon, Rio del, see Colorado, i. 90.
Tillamook, see ( lape Fal< on, i. 164.
Tillaniuuk Lay, Gray reaches, Any. 14,
1788, i. 188.
Timpanagos, River and Lake, loca-
tion, ii. 44(i-7.
Tipping, on Alaskan coast, 1780, i.
177.
'T. Merithew,' bark, wrecked, ii. 533.
Tobacco, fondness of Indians for, ii.
205; indigenous, ii. 509.
Tobar, visits Moqui towns, 1540, i. 1G.
Tobar, .lose, on N. W. coast, i. 212,
227, 295-6; voyage, 1796, i. 305.
Tobar, Jos6 Andre's, his voyages, 1792,
i. 266.
Toil, John, life, ii. 462-3; in New Cal-
edonia, ii. 463, 538; at Fori Mc-
Leod, ii. 194; at Fort Kamloop, ii.
572; accompanies Simpson, ii. (j~>5.
Tod, W., ekrk, Fort Walla Walla,
1842, ii. 690.
Tohn, in map of Ortelius, 1">74, i. 53.
Tolmie, DrW. T. , at Fort Vancouver,
ii. .">•_'•">; character, life, ii. 615-16,
628; prospectu iPu e1 Sound A. Co.,
ii. 615-16; works, ii. 616, 628; in
England, ls41, ii. 617; at Victoria,
1859, ii. 618; at Fort Mi L
ii. 628; fort-building exped., 1834,
ii. 629, 635; at Fort Simpson, 1836,
ii. 638; builds Willami
road, i - captures Indian
murderer, ii. 686; in Willamette
Valley, 1843, ii. 701.
i . ; radition of migration,
i. 8.
Tommana . see Lewis and U.
. ii. 69.
. i. 281; ii. 154;
ii. 80.
Tonquin, on N. W. coast, 1810-11, i.
ii. 143-^u, 1
ii. 168.
Tontonteac, mythic town, f
about, i. 43; 0 , i. •■.'!.
Tooth, the, mountain, i. 612.
Topia, Ibarra reaches, 1563, i. 52.
, supercarg
L792, i. 267.
I lie king takes cha
^ 398.
Torquemada, his Strait of Anian; his
Quivira, i. 87 9.
Toi res, de A! d 1792, i.
283.
Totonteac, Lake of, 1655, i. 111.
Touchet River, see Lewis and ( '.
exped., ii. (i(i.
Towahnahiooks River, Lewis and ('.
exped., ii. 41.
Towanahiooks, Lewis and <
ii. 63 I.
To\i usend, J. K., narrai ive,
577; with Wyeth's Or. exped., ii.
577; at I lawaiian la., ii. 59 ».
Track Creek, named, 180 i, ii. 24.
Trade, north-west, 17(10 2, i. 243, 250,
252 3, 256-7, 261, 263 1; i. 290,
293-4, 297; 1793, i. 293-4; 1796, i.
305; 1797 8, i. 306; 1799, i. 307;
1800, i. 308; 1817, i. 336 7; Colum-
bia, I v-:;."\ ii. 4 13 l ; method with
Indians, ii. 444; Shoshone, 1N30, ii.
455.
Traders, on N. W. coast, 17!f2, i. 258-
66; 1805, i. 320; 1806, i. 321 3;
1807, i. :;-->.S-4; 1808-9, i. 324 5;
1810-11, i. 325-8; 1812, i
J - 1 _' I 1, i. 329 33; 1815, ;
lSKi, i. 334-5; 1817, i. 335-6; 1818,
i. 336-9; 1819-40, i. 340 2.
Traffic, method of, II. Bay Co., i.
560-1; on Columbia, ii. 41.
Tranquille, Indian chief, death, ii.
511.
Trapp, fur-trader, i. 516
Mt. Co., ii. 455.
American, chi
420; compared with \
420, 432
4'Ji), 4L'.'!, 54 ! 2; explo .
(,'n., ii. 47-'; influence i
ment, ii. I 99.
i. 413.
■
:
1817, i. 335.
Traveller's Rest, sec !
exped., ii. 76.
764
INDEX.
Treaty, attempted between French
and American colonies, 164S, i. 391.
Treaty of Paris, 1783; terms, i. 401.
Treet, furrier, i. 189.
Tres Marias, see Heceta's voyage,
1773, i. 1G4.
'Tres R,eyes, 'cruise on Cal. coast, 1603,
i. 146.
Trials, rival fur companies, i. 371--,
5S1.
Trimble, on qiiestion N. W. coast, ii.
353.
Trinidad, Vizcaino's furthest limit,
1603, i. 148.
Trinidad Bay, explored, 1775, ii. 31S.
'Triton,' cruise in north-west, 1824, i.
341.
Trois Rivieres, trading centre, 1627,
i. 389.
Trout Lake, Fraser's exped. on, ii. 101.
Trout Lake House, built, ii. 88.
Truckee Pass, see Donner Pass, i. 651.
Trumbull, with Wyeth's exped., ii.
562.
Tschuktschi, natives, i. 29.
Tsilbekuz, Lake, see Mackenzie's
voyage, i. 693.
Tucannon River, see Kimmooenim
Creek, ii. 39.
Tuchano, in map Ortelius, 1574, i. 53.
Tucker, on question N.W. coast, ii. 344.
Tulare Valley, Garces penetrates,
1776, i. 28; H. Bay Co. in, 1840, ii.
539.
Tummeatapam, Walla Walla chief, ii.
213.
Turner, escapes Indians, ii. 450.
Turner Pass, location, i. 6\j3-4.
Tushepaws, Hunt's party among, ii.
190.
Tututepec, Carte's' agents reach, i. 13.
Twiss, T., on N". W. coast explora-
tion, i. 136; authority on Or. ques-
tion, i. 143; ii. 415-16; his works,
ii. 415-16.
Twisted-hair, Indian chief, ii. 67.
Tyeet, Indian chief, ii. 627-S.
Tyler, Pres., on Or. question, ii. 392,
395; condemns Hunters' assoc, ii.
699.
U
Ugarte, Padre, explores Gulf of Cal. ,
1721, i. 121.
Uhlefeld, Baron, voyage to Strait of
Anian, 1773, i. 134.
Ulloa, explores Gulf of Cal., i. 14;
searches for Pueblo towns, i. 16;
explorations, 1540-3, i. 44, 46.
'Ulysses,' cruise in north-west, 1799,
i. 307.
Umatilla River, see Youmalolam
River, ii. 64.
Umatillas, Indian tribe, ii. 261.
Umfreville, opposes H. Bay Co., i.
446-7.
Umpqua, Fort, post Hudson Bay Co.,
i. 448; built, ii. 521.
Umpqua River, Cook misses, 1778, i.
170.
Union, Fort, steamers ascend to, 1832,
i. 520.
United States, recognized, 17S3, i.
401; buys Louisiana, 1803, i. 401;
Indian policy, i. 529-50; claim to
north-west, ii. 321-54, 355-88, 389-
416; organizes exploring exped.
under Wilkes, ii. 66S-S4.
Unjigah, see Peace River, i. 679, 6S4.
Unknown Region, extent, ii. 2.
Ural Mountains, Cossacks cross, i. 29.
Urdaneta, A. de, crosses Pacific Ocean,
1565, i. 20; story of north-west pas-
sage, i. 51-2.
Uriz, Strait of, seeConsag's trip, 1748,
i. 26.
'Urode,' on N. W. coast, 180G, i. 322.
UiTy Is., named, i. 281.
Utah, Spaniards reach, 1750-1800, i.
27: Wytfliet-Ptolemy map, 1597, i.
82.
Utah Basin, the, i. 641.
Utah Lake, discovered, 1776, i. 612,
639; ii. 44S.
Utrecht, treaty, terms, i. 39S, 443-4.
Vaca,C. de, citiesof,i. 3; explorations,
1536, i. 15,43; explores Texas, i. 21.
Valasco, Lake, Fonte's story, i. 1 16.
Vahk's, Capt. S., on N. W. coast,
1792, i. 270,283.
Valdivia, voyage, 1512, i. 11.
Valerianos Apostolos, Fuca's name, i.
71.
Vallar, employ P. Fur Co., ii. 19S.
Vallejo, Gen., receives Simpson, 1841,
ii. 659; residence, ii. 664.
A alverde, incredulous on subject of
travellers' tales, i. 120.
'Vancouver,' cruise in north-west,
1S02, i. 311; cruise in north-west,
1839, i. 342; in S. F. Bay, 1841, ii.
688.
'Vancouver,' bark, wrecked, ii. 533;
at Fort Tako, 1S40, ii. 607.
Vancouver, Fort, rations, i. 433; post
H. Bay Co., i. 448; overland ex-
INDEX.
765
press at, i. 463-4; description, i.
488; mill • built, ii. 1 12, ii. 515;
built, ii. 436-42; cattle at,ii. 442-3;
epidemics, ii. 6; impor-
tance, ii. 522; missionai •
. school established, ii. 505;
agriculture, ii. 440 1. 603; de-
i. ii. 709 10, 712.
Vancouver, ( leo., on \. \\ . coi I I , .',
i. 259, 263-5, 270, 274 82, 287 9,
323; 17!'::. i. 291 1: 1794, i. 297-
\ I. , 1792, i.
275 9; map, 1792, i. 276, 278, 280;
L793, i. 292; relation with Span-
iards, Nbotka, i. 279; narrative, re-
marks on, i. 281—2; a voyi
i. 282;
. Nootka
controversy, i. 296 9; surv« ys Cook
Inlet, i. 296; death, i. 299; north-
■ xplorations, ii. 322; on Co-
lumbia, 1792, ii. 3
Vancouver Is., named, i. 279; physi-
cal features, i. 409.
Vancouver Point, named, i. 281.
'Vancouver,' schooner, built, ii. 499;
wrecked, ii. 500.
'Vancouver,' ship, on X. W. coast,
1803, i. .SIS, 1805, i. 320. 1806, i.
322, L808-9, i. 324; on Columbia,
180G, ii. 59; on Columbia, 1S39, ii.
.recked, 184S, ii. 533; built,
ii. ii:;::.
'Vandalia,' brig, wrecked, ii. 533.
Vandenburgh, trapping-tour, 1832, ii.
570-1.
Van Dusen, fur-trader, i. 516.
Varennes, P., explorations, builds
forts, death, i. 593-6.
Varney, Capt., on X. W. coast, 1S39,
i. 342, ii. 639-41; on Columbia,
1841, ii. 681, 686.
Varin, trader, ii. 93.
Vasadre y Vega, fur monopoty, i. 525.
Vasquez, at Fort Bridger, 1846, ii.
611.
Vavasour, commissioner to X. W., ii.
703.
Velarde, Padre Luis, views of Ameri-
can geography, 1710, i. 1 -0.
-. Noticias, etc., i. 129.
on N. W. coa t. L792, i. 266,
279, 283.
Verdia, Jose, explores Haro channel,
i. 246.
Verendrye, explorations, 1713, works,
i. 26; . i. 593.
Vermilion Sea, in l>e I'lsle's map,
1715, i. 119.
Vermilion Pass, description, i. 623.
Verrazano, <!.. reaches Carolina and
\' w foundli ad, 1524, i. I-': \ l \. -
Of Ww World and Asia, i. 39;
\. A. i. 379.
Verrazano, Mar de, i. 39.
i. 209; at
1792. i. 266, 286.
■ Vincennes,' Bloop-ol
. ii. 669 684; on N. W. coast,
ii. 072, 680 I: in S. P. Bay, ii.
683.
' Victoria,' cruise on CaL coast, 1543,
i. 138.
Victoria, Fort, Bite, i. 409;
a, i. 491;
agriculture, i. 492.
ior v Sanchez, on Consag's
trip, 1748, i. 126.
aon, in S. America, 1855, i.
380. '
Vincent, at Fort Langley, ii. 177.
Vizcaino, S., e
1597, i. 20 I ; north-west explora-
tions, L602-3, i. 21, 137, 1 16 7:
es of, i. 77, 87-S; ma
death, i, 1 17.
er,' ''it X. W. coast, 1819-
20, i. 340; L828 30, i. 341.
Von Freeman, at Port Vancouver, ii.
681.
I amoUS, author of, i. 111.
i. 151; miscellaneous to N. W.
coast, 1789, i. 204; L793, i
297; 1796, i. 304; 1797 9
1801, i. 310; 1802, i. 311; L819 K),
i. 340-1; Galiano yValde's, 1792, i.
264 6, 27.'!; Vancouver's, L793, i.
291-3; 1791. i. 296-9.
Voyageur, The Canadian, ori
396, 414; character and life, i. 1 15 -
36; enrolling, i. 424; 'lv<
food, i. 432-4; Northw*
559-00.
W
Wages, fur-hunters', i. !.">.">.
. lir.st upon the plains, ii.
456 8.
Wahasah, Bee Redstone River, ii. Bl.
Wahowpums, Indian tribe, i
art's j ■ .■ i 1 1 ■- . ii. 194 5.
Waiilatpu, mission at, ii. 537.
Waka, hunter ed., ii.
115.
Wakiakums, Lewis .-md C.
ii. .">(i; Mc] . ii. 198.
Waldron, b. R., on explono
X. W., ii. ■ •.
766
INDEX.
Walker, exped. to Cal., i. 516; ex-
plorations, i. 643, 656; Or. mis-
sionary, ii. 537; in Utah, ii. 572;
Emmons' exped., ii. 6S2.
Walker, C. M., trip to Or., ii. 57S;
at Eort William, ii. 595.
Walker Is., named, i. 281.
Walker Pass, description, i. 653.
Wallace, botanist, drowned, ii. 53S.
Wallace, clerk, P. Fur Co., ii. 144.
207, 226; leaves Fort George, ii.
245.
Walla Walla, Fort, post H. Bay Co.,
i. 448; description, i. 490; built, ii.
273-4; burned, ii. G90; abandoned,
ii. 711.
Walla Walla River, Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 40, 64.
Walla Wallas, see Sokulks, ii. 40;
Lewis and C. exped. among, ii. 64;
friendliness to whites, ii. 213; mis-
sionaries among, ii. 534-5.
Waller, Or. missionary, ii. 674-5.
Walrus, habitat, i. 412.
Walulu, location, ii. 202.
Wapato Inlet, named, ii. 62.
Wapato Is., see Same Is., i. 491,
ii. 593; named, ii. 4S; Lewis and
C. exped., ii. 61; Clarke describes,
ii. 62; dairy, ii. 5! IS 9.
Wapato Valley, named, ii. 48.
Wards, Indians as, i. 531-2, 536.
Warlields, Emmons' exped., ii. 6S2.
Warre, commissioner to X. W. , ii.
702.
Warren, killed, i. 57(3.
Warrior Point, named, i. 281.
Wascos, see Echeloots, ii. 44; sub-
dued, ii. 270.
Washburn, Gen., explores Yellow-
stone, ii. 31.
"Washington, originally part of X. W.
coast, i. 2; Perez discovers coast,
1773, i. 157; geography, i. 410.
Washington, G., war, 1749, i. 400,
Washington Is. , see Queen Charlotte
Island, i. 206.
'Washington,' trader, onX. W. coast,
1805, i. 320; ii. 55.
A 7ashington, treaty of, Feb. 1S19,
terms, i. 403.
Washita River, explored, i. 614.
Washougal River, see Seal River, ii.
48.
'Wave,' brig, on Columbia, ii. 674.
Weber Pass, location, i. G:,4.
Webster, on Or. question, ii. 405.
Webster- Ashburton treaty, Aug. 1842,
i. 403.
Wedderburn and Co., merchants, ii. •
515.
Wedgborough, S., on X. W. coast,
1786, i. 177.
Weeks, S., armorer, ii. 150-1.
Werner Creek, named, ii. 71.
Western Company, fur monopoly of,
1717, i. 395.
Western department, see Columbia
department, i. 448.
West India Company, formed, 1604,
i. 394; dissolved, 1674, i. 395; see
Miss. Co., i. 397; chartered, 1621,
i. 501.
West. River of the, in Jefferys' map,
1768, i. 132; see Gray's voyage, i.
188.
West Road River, see Mackenzie's
voyage, i. 685-6, 092: named, i. 690.
Weymouth, G., voyage, 1602. i. 22;
trading in Maine, 1605, i. 387, 4C9.
Whalaki, killed, ii. 586.
Whale Creel;, see Escola creek, ii. 58.
Whale iisheries, in Or. question, ii.
420; X. W. coast, ii. 420-7, 66S.
Whalers' Harbor, see Sauzalito, ii. 659.
Whales, habitat, i. 412.
Wheeler, surveys Or. road, i. 632.
Whidbey, Lieut., surveys Gray Har-
bor, 1792: points named, see foot-
note, i. 281.
Whidbey River, named, i. 281.
Whitcom, Or. missionary, ii. 074.
White, Dr, killed, i. 579: missionary,
ii. 687; Indian agent, ii. 698.
White-bear Islands, named. 1S05, i.
20; see Lewis and C. exped.. ii. 72.
Whitehouse Creek, named, 1805, ii. 21.
White Man Fort, seeBelhoullayCouin,
i. 669.
White .Salmon River, see Lewis and
C. exped., ii. 63.
Whitman, Or. missionary, ii. 535; at
Waiilatpu mission, ii. 077.
Whitman, Mrs, Or. missionary, ii. 535.
Whittaker, L., settler Cowlitz valley,
ii. 014.
Whittemore, on X. W. coast, 1808-9,
i. 324; 1811, i. 326.
Whittier, with Wyeth's exped. , ii. 503.
Wickananish, Indian chief. Xootka, i.
190; entertains Meares, i. 197; sells
land, i. 254.
Wickininnish, Lidian tribe, ii. 160.
Wife-lifting, among fur-hunters, ii.
402.
Wilcox, Capt. J. S., on Cal. coast,
1S17, i. 335-6.
Wildes, voyage, 1801, i. 310; 1802, i.
312.
INDEX.
Wilkes, <Mi i .- ' b b of ]
lax, i. 79; in Cal., i
J. ii. 60S
on N. W.
. Vancouver, in Wil-
ley, ii. 07 1 0j
i ibia River, ii. 681; in Cal., ii.
. works, ii. 670,
l
V 579.
\ Cattl .. Slacum aids,
; organized, ii. HI").
Willamette River, Lewis and ('. ex-
33, ii. 18; aame,
Domah River, ii. 66; Stuart
177: explored, ii. 195.
\ be Br* er Pass, Location, i.
Willamel Valley, B
: fur-tradiug in, ii. 269, 2S9;
. ii. .">()()< mills .
. 1829, ii. 505; gi n
521; mi sionaries in, ii. 53 1 5; set
;, ii. 603; 1838, ii. 607;
ii. 701.
. A., see Lewis and < .
ii. 24.
"\ i ek, named, ii. 'J4.
o \. W. passage, i. 59-
William, Fort (X. W. Co.
tiou, i. 5; rendezvous at,
i. 1 13-4;
. i. 565-8.
William Fort (Sauvd I
tiou, i. 491; built, ii. 592 5; sold
toll. Lay Co.,ii 597 8.
William, Point, Lewis and C. exped.,
'William and Ann,' cruise in north-
1828, i. 341; wrecked, i. 341;
ii. 493, 532.
Williams. Bill, trapper, explorer, i.
516.
Williams, E., hunting exped., ii.
Wind R
Windsor River, nam< d, ii. 79.
Winkworth, William, voj
i. 341.
fort erected at,
17-'. i. 26; J( BR rys' ma] , 17 8, i.
132.
Winnipegs, Fn m b hear of, 1630, i.
Winsbip, A., merchant, ii. 130.
Winship Chas., , i. 306;
b, i. 309.
Winship, Capt. J., on N.
-
11, i. ! 25; 1812, i. 321 ;< ise, ] 13,
i. 330; chai i.
328 9.
Winship. Nathan, on N. W. coast,
130 5.
Winship's settlement on < i
I 10
nd Mar-
. , i. 23.
, ii. 23.
. 401.
bitat, i. ! IJ.
VVolv* H2.
536.
d, Rudolph, c
i. 'J1-!'.
Co., i. 614;
Woody Point. Cook names, 1778, i.
170; Dixon's map,
1790, .. 240.
Woi k, Jol i "ii ■ k-
. ii. 171 ;
at Colville, ii. 172, 497, 51!
to Missoui i. I 131, ii. 510 19; tra] 3
Simpson, 1837, ii. 606; I -.
42; 1841, ii. 657; * lowlitz
■ ■ 613; ai
ii. 710.
pes Indians, ii
. L802, i. 311.
Baron, Ru ian gov., ii.
■
L. Fort, cedi ;
. N. \V. coast, ii. 532 3.
i, N., on \. W. coi
Dr. ■'., on V.
Wyi I b, J. B., on R ; i
559.
Wyeth, N. J., ]
491 ; (
517, 520; trading i xpi d.,
treatment by II. Bay I ' »., ii. 551 ;
organizes < >r. ex] cd., ii
■
562 1;
7: his work -. ii. 559; ■ cond ad-
salmon-fishing
scheme, ii. 577; failure, ii. 596;
trip to Or., 1834, ii. 577; builds
7: builds Fort
William, ii. 592 5;
; toll my in ;
768
IXDEX.
Xanvier, at Fort Langley, ii. 477.
X. Y. Co., sells liquor to Indians, i.
546; joins X. W. Co., i. 505-6.
Yakima River, see Tapteal, ii. 40.
Yakima Yallev, as Indian rendezvous,
ii. 255-6.
Yakimas, see Chimnapmns, ii. 40.
Yak tana, Indian chief, ii. 257.
Yale, J. M., at Fort George, ii. 473;
at Fort Langley, ii. 485, 487, 645;
wife of, ii. 486; at Fort St James,
ii. 496; with Simpson's party, ii. 497.
Yaqui River, Spaniards reach, 1533,
i. 16, 42.
Yellept. Walla Walla chief, ii. 64.
Yellowhead Pass, description, i. 620-
1, 623, 625.
Yellowstone River, Yerendrye reaches,
1742, i. 595; explored, ii. 31; see
Lewis and C. exped., ii. 70, 75-80.
Yerba Buena, H. Bay Co., at, ii.
6S8-9.
York, negro, death, ii. 85.
York Factory, brigade, i. 463; de-
scription, i. 484-5.
York River, named, ii. 80.
Youens, on X. W. coast, 1805, i.
320.
Youers, trader, ii. ~w.
Youmalolam River, see Lewis and C.
exped., ii. 64.
Young, murdered, ii. 435.
Young, E., joins Kelley's exped., ii.
548-53; in Willamette Valley, 1837,
ii. 603; Or. settler, ii. 676.
Young Bay, Lewis and C. exped., ii.
54, 57.
Young River, named, i. 281.
Yukon, possibly depicted in Low's
map. 1598, i. 86.
Yukon Fort, description, i. 491 ; built,
i. 620.
Yukon Pass, description, i. 626.
Zacatula, Cortes settlement at, i. 13.
Zacatula Pass, location, i. 657.
Zarembo, Lieut., on X. W. coast,
1S34, ii. 632-3.
Zufii, Ofiate visits, 1604-5, i. 21, 90;
see Cibola, i. 43.
Zufii 1'ass, description, i. 638.
Ziuogaba Is., see Ofiate's exploration,
i. 91.