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BR 165 .R38213 1875 v. 6
Renan, Ernest, 1823-1892.
The history of the origins
of Christianity . . .
H
THE HISTORY
OF THE
ORIGINS OF CHRISTIANITY
BOOK VI.
COMPRISING
THE REIGNS
OF
HADEIAN AND ANTONINUS PIUS
(A.D. 117-161)
BY
ERNEST 'REN AN,
Member of the French Academy, and of the Academy of Inscriptions
and Fine Arts.
MATHIESON & COMPANY,
25 Paternoster Square, E.G.
LONDON : PRINTED BY THE TEMPLE PUBLISHING COMPANY.
PREFACE.
I THOUGHT at first that tliis Sixth Book would finish
the series of volumes which I have devoted to the
history of the origins of Christianity. It is certain
that at the death of Antoninus, circa A.D. 160, the
Christian rehgion had become a complete religion,
having all its sacred books, all its grand legends, the
germ of all its dogmas, the essential parts of its
liturgies ; and in the eyes of most of its adherents, it
was a religion standing by itself, separated from and
even opposed to Judaism. I, however, thought it
right to add a last work, containing the ecclesiasti-
cal history of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, to the
preceding books. In the truest sense, the reign of
Marcus Aurelius belongs to the origins of Christianity.
Montanism is a phenomenon of about the year 170,
and is one of the most notable events of early
Christianity. After more than a century had elapsed
since those strange hallucinations which had possessed
the apostles at the Last Supper at Jerusalem,
IV I^REFACE.
suddenly in some remote districts of Phrygia there
sprung up again prophecy, the glossolalia, those
graces which the author of the Acts of the Apostles
praises so much. But it was too late : under Marcus
Aurelius, religion, after the confused manifestations
of Gnosticism, had more need of discipline than of
miraculous gifts. The resistance that orthodoxy, as
represented by the episcopate, was able to offer to
the prophets of Phrygia, was the decisive act of the
constitution of the Church. It was admitted that,
above individual inspiration, there existed the
average judgment of the universal conscience. This
average opinion, which will triumph in the course of
the history of the Church, and which, representing as
it did relative good sense, constituted the power of
that great institution, was already perfectly char-
acterised under Marcus Aurelius. A description of
the first struggles which thus took place between
individual liberty and ecclesiastical authority, seemed
to me to be a necessary part of the history which I
wished to trace of rising Christianity.
But besides that, there was another reason that
decided me to treat the reign of Marcus Aurelius in
its relations to the Christian community in the fullest
detail. It is partial and unjust to represent the
endeavours of Christianity as an isolated fact, as a
unique, and, in a manner, a miraculous attempt at
religious and social reform. Christianity was not
alone in attempting what it alone was able to carry
out. Timidly still in the first century, openly and
PREFACE. V
brilliantly ia the second, all virtuous men of the
ancient world were longing for an improvement in
morals and in the laws, and piety thus became a
general requirement of the time. With regard to
high intellectual culture, the century was not what
the preceding age had been ; there were no men of
such large minds as Caesar, Lucretius, Cicero and
Seneca, but an immense work of moral amelioration
was going on in all directions, and philosophy,
Hellenism, the Eastern creeds and Roman probity,
contributed equally to this. The fact that Christianity
has triumphed is no reason for being unjust towards
those noble attempts which ran parallel with its own,
and which only failed because they were too aristo-
cratic, and did not possess enough of that mystic
character which was formerly necessary in order to
attract the people. In order to be perfectly just,
the two attempts ought to be studied together, allow-
ances ought to be made for both, and it ought to
be explained why one has succeeded whilst the other
has not.
The name of Marcus Aurelius is the most noble
among all that noble school of virtue which tried
to save the ancient world by the force of reason, and
thus a thorough study of that great man belongs
essentially to our subject. Why did not that recon-
ciliation between the Church and the Empire, which
took place under Constantine, take place under
Marcus Aurelius? It is all the more important to
settle this question, as already in this volume we
VI PREFACE.
shall see that the Church identifies her destinies
with those of the Empire.
In the latter half of the second century, some
Christian doctors of the highest authority seriously
faced the possibility of making Christianity the official
religion of the Roman world, and it might almost be
said that they divined the great events of the fourth
century. Looked at closely, that resolution by which
Christianity, having entirely changed its past, has
become the protSgS, or perhaps we had better say the
protector, of the State, from having been persecuted
by it, ceases to be surprising. St Justin and Melito
foresaw this quite clearly. St Paul's principle, '' All
power is of God," will bear its fruits, and the Gospel
will become, what Jesus certainly did not foresee,
one of the bases of absolution. Christ will have
come into the world to guarantee the crowns of
princes, and in our days a Roman Pontiff has tried
to prove that Jesus Christ preached and died to
preserve the fortunes of the wealthy, and to con-
solidate capital.
As we advance in this history, we shall find that
documents become more certain, and preliminary
discussions less necessary. The question of the
Fourth Gospel has been so often treated in the pre-
ceding volumes, that we need not return to that
subject now. The falseness of the Epistles to
Timothy and Titus, which are attributed to St Paul,
has been already demonstrated, and the apocryphal
character of the Second Epistle of St Peter is shown
PREFACE. vii
by the few pages which are devoted to that work.
The problems of the epistles attributed to St
Ignatius, and of the epistle attributed to St Polycarp,
are absolutely identical, and attention need only be
drawn to what has been said in the introduction to
our preceding work. Nobody has any further doubt
about the approximate age of the Pastor of Hermas.
The account of Polycarp's death bears the same
characteristics of authenticity as the epistle to the
faithful at Lyons and Yienne, which will be men-
tioned in our last book, and to discriminate between
the authentic and the supposititious works of St
Justin, does not require the same lengthy explana-
tion as the introductions to the former volumes
naturally did. It can plainly be seen, and all signs
seem to point to the fact, that we are approaching
the end of the age of origins. Ecclesiastical history
is about to begin. The same interest is felt in it,
but everything takes place in the full light of day,
and for the future, criticism will no longer encounter
those obscurities which can only be got over by
hypotheses or bold speculation. Hie cestus artemque
repono. After Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria,
our old works on Ecclesiastical History of the
seventeenth century are almost sufficient. Any one
who reads in Fleury the two hundred and twenty
pages that correspond to our seven volumes, will
perceive all the difference. The seventeenth century
only cared to know what was quite clear, and all
origins are obscure ; but for the philosophic mind,
vili PREFACE.
they are of unequalled interest. Embryogeny is
from its very essence the most interesting of sciences,
for by it we can penetrate the secrets of nature, its
plastic force, its final aims, and its inexhaustible
fecundity.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
CHAPTER I.
HADRIAN.
Trajan's health was daily growing worse, and so he
set out for Rome, leaving the command of the army
at Antioch to Hadrian, his second cousin, and graijd-
nephew by marriage. He was forced to stop at
Selinus, on the coast of Cihcia, by inflammation of
the bowels, and there he died August 11, 117, at the
age of sixty-four. The condition of affairs was very
unfortunate : the East was in a state of insurrection ;
the Moors, the Bretons, the Sarmatians were becom-
ing menacing, and Judea, subjugated but still in a
state of suppressed agitation, appeared to be threaten-
ing a fresh outbreak. A somewhat obscure intrigue,
which appears to have been directed by Plotina and
Matidias, bestowed the Empire on Hadrian, under these
critical circumstances.
It was an excellent choice, for though he was a
man of equivocal morals, he was a great ruler. Intel-
A
2 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
lectual, intelligent, and eager to learn, he had more
greatness of mind than any of the Caesars, and from
Augustus down to Diocletian, no other Emperor did
so much for the constitution as he did. His ad-
ministrative capacities were extraordinary, as, al-
though he administered too much, according to our
ideas, he nevertheless administered well. He was
the first to give the Imperial Government a definite
organisation, and his reign marked a principal epoch
in the history of Roman law.
Up till his time, the house of the sovereign had
been the house of the highest personage in the land,
— an establishment composed like any other of ser-
vants, freemen, and private secretaries. Hadrian
organised the palace, and for the future it was
necessary to be a knight in order to arrive at any
office in the household, and the servants in Caosar's
palace became public functionaries. A permanent
council of the prince, composed chiefly of juris-
consults, undertook all definite public powers ; those
senators who were specially attached to the govern-
ment already were made comtes (counts) ; every-
thing was done through regular ofiices, in the
constitution of which the senate took its proper
share, and not through the direct will of the prince.
It was still a state of despotism, but of despotism
which was analogous to that of the old French
royalty, kept in check by independent councils, law
courts, and magistrates.
The social ameliorations which took place were still
more important, for everywhere a really good and
great spirit of liberalism was manifested ; the position
of slaves was guaranteed, the condition of women
was raised, paternal authority was restricted within
certain limits, and every remaining vestige of human
sacrifices was abolished. The Emperor's personal
character responded to the excellence of these re-
forms, for he was most affable towards those of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 3
lowly station, and never would allow himself to be
deprived of his greatest pleasure — that of being
amiable — under the pretext of his imperial greatness.
In spite of all his failings, he was a man of a quick,
unbiassed, original intellect. He admired Epictetus
and understood him, without, however, feeling
obliged to follow out his maxims. Nothing escaped
him, and he wished to know everything ; and as he
did not possess that insolent pride and that fixed
determination which altogether excluded the true
Koman from all knowledge of the rest of the world,
Hadrian had a strong incHnation for everything that
was strange, and would wittily make fun of it. The
East, above all, had strong attractions for him, for
he saw through Eastern impostures and charlatan-
ism, and they amused him. He was initiated into all
their absurd rites, fabricated oracles, compounded
antidotes, and made fun of the medicine ; and, like
Nero, he was a royal man of letters and an artist, while
the ease with which he learnt painting, sculpture,
and architecture was surprising. Besides this, he
also wrote tolerable poetry, but his taste was not
pure, and he had his favourite authors and singular
preferences ; in a word, he was a literary smatterer,
and a theatrical architect. He adopted no system
of religion or of philosophy, but neither did he deny
any of them, and his distinguished mind was like a
weather-cock, which moves its position with every
wind; his elegant farewell to life, which he mur-
mured a few moments before his death,
"Animula, vagula, hlandula^"
gives us his measure exactly. For him, whatever
he examined into ended in a joke, and he had a
smile for everything that was an object of his
curiosity. The sovereign power itself could not
make him more than half serious, and his bearing
always had that easy grace and negligence of the
4 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
most fluctuating and changeable man that ever
existed.
All that naturally made him tolerant. He did not
indeed abrogate the laws which indirectly struck at
Christianity, and so put it continually in the wrong,
and he even allowed them to be applied more than
once, but he personally very much modified the
effect of them. In this respect he w^as superior
to Trajan, who, without being a philosopher, had
very fixed ideas about State aifairs, and to Antoni-
nus and Marcus Aurelius, who were men of high
principle, but who thought that they did right in
persecuting the Christians. In this respect Hadrian's
laxity of morals was not without a good effect,
for it is the pecularity of a monarchy that the defects
of sovereigns serve the public good even more than
their better qualities. The immorality of a really
witty man, of a crowned Lucian, who looks upon
the whole world as some frivolous game, was more
favourable to liberty than the serious gravity and
lofty morality of the most perfect Emperors.
Hadrian's first care was to settle the difficulties of
the accession which Trajan had left him. He was a
distinguished military writer, but no great general.
He clearly saw how impossible it would be to keep
the newly conquered provinces of Armenia, Meso-
potamia, and Assyria, and so he gave them up. That
must have been a very solemn hour, when, for the
first time, the Roman eagles retreated, and when the
Empire was obliged to acknowledge that it had
exceeded its programme of conquest, but it was an act
of wisdom. Persia was as inaccessible for Rome as
Germany, and the mighty expeditions which Crassus,
Trajan, and Julian had led into that part of the
world failed, whilst less am.bitious expeditions — those
of Lucius Verus and of Septimus Severus, whose
object was not to attack the very foundations of the
Parthian Empire, but to detach the feudatory pro-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 5
vinces which bordered on the Roman Empire, from it
succeeded. The difficulty of relinquishing conquests,
which was so humiliating to the Roman mind, was
increased by the uncertainty of Hadrian's adoption
by Trajan. Lucius Quietus and Marcus Turbo had an
almost equal right to adoption with him, from the
importance of the last commission that they had
carried out. Quiltus was killed, and it may be
supposed that, eager as they were to find out the
deaths of their enemies, in order to discover in them
a token of celestial vengeance, the Jews saw in this
tragic death a punishment for the new evils which
the fierce Berber had inflicted on them.
Hadrian was a year on his return journey to Rome,
thus at once beginning those roaming habits which
were to make his reign one continual rush through
the provinces of the Empire. After another year
devoted to the gravest cares of government admini-
stration, which was fertile in constitutional reforms,
he started on an o&grI pi^ogress {tour) and successively
visited Gaul, the banks of the Rhine, Britain,
Spain, Mauritania and Carthage, and his vanity and
antiquarian tastes made him dream of becoming
the founder of cities, and the restorer of ancient
monuments. Moreover, he did not approve of the
idleness of garrison life for soldiers, and he found a
means of occupying them in great public works, and
that is the reason for these innumerable construc-
tions— roads, ports, theatres — temples which date from
Hadrian's reign. He was surrounded by a crowd of
architects, engineers, and artists, who were enrolled
like a legion. In each province where he set his
foot, everything seemed to be restored and to spring
up afresh. At the Emperor's suggestion, enormous
public companies were formed to carry out great
public works, and generally the State appeared as a
shareholder. If any city had the smallest title to
celebrity, or was mentioned in classical authors, it
6 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was sure to be restored by this archaeological Caesar ;
thus he beautified Carthage and added a new quarter
to it; and in all directions towns which had fallen
into decay rose up from their ruins, and took the
name of Co Ionia u3^lia Hadriana.
After a short stay in Rome, during which he ex-
tended the circumference of the pomoesium (the
symbolical, not actual wall of the city), he started,
during the course of the year 121, on another journey,
which lasted nearly four years and a half, and during
which he visited nearly the whole of the East. This
journey was even more brilliant than the former, and
it might have been said that the ancient world
was coming to life again beneath the footsteps
of a beneficent deity. Thoroughly acquainted with
ancient history, Hadrian wished to see everything,
was interested in everything, and wished to have
everything restored that had existed formerly. Men
sought to revive the lost arts, in order to please
him, and a neo-Egyptian style became the fashion,
as did also a neo-Phcenician. Philosophers, rhetoi'i-
cians, critics, swarmed about him, and he was another
Nero without his follies. A number of ancient civilisa-
tions which had disappeared, aspired after their
resuscitation, not actually, but in the writings of
historians and archaeologists. Thus Herennius, Philo
of Byblos, tried — very likely under the direct inspira-
tion of the Emperor himself — to discover ancient
Phoenicia. New fetes, the Hadrianian Games, which
the Greeks introduced — recalled for the last time the
splendour of Hellenic hfe; it was like a imiversal
restoration to life of the ancient world, a brilliant re-
storation indeed, but it was hardly sincere, and rather
theatrica], and each country found, in Rome's com-
prehensive bosom, its former titles of nobility again,
and became attached to them. Whilst studying that
siiigular spectacle, one cannot help thinking of that
and of resurrection from the dead which our own
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 7
century has witnessed, when, m a moment of uni-
versal goodwill, it began to restore all things, to
rebuild Gothic churches, to re-estabhsh pilgrimages
which had fallen into neglect, and to reintroduce
fetes and ancient customs.
Hadrian, the turn of whose mind was more Greek
than Roman, favoured this ecclectic movement, and
contributed powerfully towards it, and what he did
in Asia Minor was really prodigious. Cyzicus, Nicasa,
Nicomedia, sprang up again, and everywhere temples
of the most splendid works of architecture, immor-
talised the memory of that learned sovereign, who
seemed to wish that another world, in all the fresh-
ness of its youth, should date from him. Syria was
no less favoured. Antioch and Daphne became the
most delightful places of abode in the world, and the
combinations of picturesque architecture, the imagina-
tion of the landscape painter, and the forces of
hydraulic power, were exhausted there. Even
Palmyra was partially restored by the great imperial
architect, and, like a number of other towns, took the
name of Hadrianople from him.
Never had the world had so much enjoyment or so
much hope. The Barbarians beyond the Rhine and
the Danube were hardly thought about, for the liberal
spirit of the Emperor caused a sort of feehug of uni-
versal contentment ; and the Jews themselves were
divided into two parties. Those who were massed
at Bether, and in the villages south of Jerusalem,
seemed to be possessed by a sort of sombre rage.
Their one idea was to take the city, to which access
was denied them, by force, and to restore to the hill
which God had chosen for his own, its former
honours. Hadrian had not at first been obnoxious
to the more moderate party, especially to the half-
Christian, half-Essenian survivors of the Egyptian
catastrophe under Trajan. They could imagine that
he had ordered the death of Quietus to punish him
8 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
for his cruelty towards the Jews, and perhaps for a
moment they conceived the hope that the ecclectic
Emperor would undertake the restoration of Israel,
as another caprice amongst so many. In order to
inculcate these ideas, a pious Alexandrian took a
form of thought that had already been consecrated
by success. In his poem he supposed that a Sybil,
sister of Isis, had had a disordered vision of the trials
which were reserved for the latter centuries.
Hatred for Rome bursts out at the very be-
ginning : —
O Virgin, enervated and wealthy daughter of Latin Rome,
who hast joined the ranks of slavery whilst drunk with wine, for
what nuptials bast thou reserved thyself ! How often will a
cruel mistress tear these delicate locks !
The author, who is a Jew and a Christian at the
same time, looks upon Rome as the natural enemy
of the saints, and to Hadrian alone he pays the
homage of admiring him thoroughly. After enumer-
ating the Roman Emperors, from Julius Cassar to
Trajan, by the nonsensical process of ghematria, the
Sybil sees a man ascend the throne —
Who has a skull of silver, who will give his name to a sea. He
will be unequalled in every way and know everything. Under
thy reign 0 excellent, 0 eminent and brilliant sovereign, and
under thy offspring, the events which I am about to mention
shall take place.
According to custom, the Sybil now unfolds the
most gloomy pictures ; every scourge is let loose at
the same time, and mankind becomes altogether cor-
rupt. These are the throes of the Messianic child-
birth. Nero, who had been dead for more than fifty
years, was still the author's nightmare. That destruc-
tive dragon, that actor, that murderer of his own rela-
tions, and assassin of the chosen people, that kindler
of numberless wars, will return to put himself on an
equality with God. He weaves the darkest plots
THli CHIIISTIAN CHURCH. 9
amongst the Medes and Persians who have received
him; and, borne through the air by the Fates, he will
soon arrive to be once more the scourge of the West.
The author vomits forth an invective, fiercer still
than that with which he began ; —
Unstable, corrupted, reserved for the very lowest destinies,
the beginuing and end of all suffeiing, because in thy bosom
creation perishes and is born again continually, source of all evil,
scourge, the point where everything ends for mortal men, who
has ever loved thee ? who does not detest thee internally ?
what dethroned king has ended his life in peace within thy
walls? By thee the whole world has been changed in its inner-
most recesses. Formerly there existed in the human breast a
splendour like a brilliant sun ; it was the rays of the unanimous
spirits of the prophets, which brought to all the nourishment of
life, and thou hast destroyed these good gifts. Therefore, O
imperious mistress, origin and cause of all these great evils,
sword and disaster shall fall on thee . . . Listen, 0 scourge of
humanity, to the harsh voice which announces thy misfortunes.
A divine race of blessed Jews, come down from
heaven, shall inhabit Jerusalem, which shall extend
as far as Jaffa, and rise to the clouds. There shall be
no more trumpets or war, but on every side eternal
trophies shall rise, trophies consecrating victories
over evil.
Then there shall come down from heaven once more an
extraordinary man, who has stretched out his hands over a
fruitful wood, the best of the Hebrews, who formerly stopped
the sun in his course by his beautiful words and his holy lips.
This is doubtlessly Jesus, Jesus, in an allegorical
manner, by his crucifixion, playing the part of Moses
stretching out his arms, and of Joshua the saviour of
the people.
Cease at length to break thy heart, 0 daughter of divine
race, 0 treasure, O only lovely flowor, delightful brightness,
exquisite plant, cherished germ, gracious and beautiful city of
Judea, always filled with the sound of inspired hymns. The
impure feet of the Greeks, their hearts filled with plots, shall
not tread thy soil under them, but thou shalt be surrounded by
the respect of thy illustrious children, who shall deck thy table
10 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in accord with the sacred muses, with sacrifices of all kinds, and
with pious prayers. Then the just who have suffered pain and
anguish will find more pleasure than they have suffered ills. These,
on the contrary, who have hurled their sacrilegious blasphemies
towards heaven will be reduced to silence and to hide themselves
till the face of the world changes. A. rain of burning fire shall
descend from heaven, and men shall no longer gather in the sweet
fruits of the earth ; there shall be no more sowing, no more labour,
till mortals recognise the supreme, immortal, eternal God, and
till they leave oflT honouring mortals, dogs, and vultures, to
which Egypt wishes men to offer the homage of profane mouths
and foolish lips. Only the sacred soil of the Hebrews will bear
those things that are refused to other men ; brooks of honey
shall burst from the rocks and springs, and milk like ambrosia
shall flow for the just, because they have hoped, with ardent piety
and lively faith, in one only God, the Father of all things, One
and Supreme.
At last the runaway parricide, who has been an-
nounced three times, enters upon the scene again.
The monster inundates the earth with blood, and
captures Rome, causing such a conflagration as has
never been seen. There is a universal overturning
of everything in the world ; all kings and aristocrats
perish, in order to prepare peace for just men — that is
to say, for Jews and Christians, and the author's joy at
the destruction of Rome breaks out a third time. : —
Parricides, leave your pride and your culpable haughtiness, for
you have reserved your shameful embraces for children and placed
yoang girls, who were pure up till that time, in houses of ill-fame
where they have been subjected to the vilest outrages . . .
Keep silence, wicked and unhappy city, thou that wast formerly full
of laughter. In thy bosom the sacred virgins will no longer find
again the holy fire that they kept alive, for that fire, which was so
preciously preserved, went out of its own accord, when I saw for
the second time another tem[)le fall to the ground, given up to the
fi .mes by impure hands, a temple which flourishes still, a per-
manent sanctuary of God, built by the saint?, and incorruptible
throughout eternity ... It is not, indeed, a god made of common
clay that this race adores ; amongst them the skilful workman does
not shape marble ; and gold, which is so often employed to seduce
men's souls, is no object of their worship, but by their sacrifices and
their holy hecatombs they honour the great God whose Ijreath
animates every living thing.
THE CHR[STIAN CHURCH. 11
A chosen man, the Messiah, descends from heaven,
carries off the victory over the Pagans, bailds the city
beloved of God, which springs up again more brilHant
than the sun, and founds within it an incarnate
temple, a tower with a frontage of several stadii,
which reaches up to the clouds, so that all the faith-
ful may see the glory of God. The seats of ancient
civilisation — Babylon, Egypt, Greece, Rome — disap-
pear one after the other ; above all, the giant monu-
ments of Egypt fall over and cover the earth ; but a
linen-clad priest converts his compatriots, persuades
them to abandon their ancient rites, and to build a
temple to the true God. That, however, does not
arrest the destruction of the ancient world, for the
constellations come in contact with each other, the
celestial bodies fall to the earth, and the heavens re-
main starless.
Thus we see that under Hadrian there existed in
Egypt a body of pious monotheists for whom th^
Jews were still pre-eminently the just and h' .y
people, in whose eyes the destruction of the Temple of
Jerusalem was an unpardonable crime, and the real
cause of the fall of the Roman Empire ; who en-
tertained a cause for hatred and calumny against
Flavins ; who hoped for the restoration of the Temple
and of Jerusalem ; who looked on the Messiah as a
man chosen of God ; who saw that Messiah in Jesus,
and who read the Apocalypse of St John. Since
then, Egypt has for a long time made us grow
accustomed to great singularities in all that concerns
Jewish and Christian history,, and its rehgious de-
velopment did not proceed pa^A passu with that of the
rest of the world. Accents such as we have just
heard could hardly find an echo either in pure Juda-
ism or in the Churches of St Paul. Judea, above
all, would never have consented, even for an hour,
either to regard Hadrian as the best of men, or to
found such hopes upon him.
12 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER IL
THE RE-BUILDING OF JERUSALEM.
During liis peregrinations in Syria, Hadrian saw the
site where Jerusalem had stood. For fifty-two
years the city remained in its state of desolation,
and oiFered to the eye nothing but a heap of im-
mense blocks of stone lying one on another. Only a
few groups of miserable houses, belonging to Chris-
tians for the most part, stood out from the top of
Mount Sion, and the site of the Temple was full of
jackals. One day, when Eabbi Aquiba came on a
pilgrimage to the spot with some companions, a
jackal rushed out of the place where the Holy of
Holies had stood. The pilgrims burst into tears, and
said to each other : " What ! is this the place of
which it is written that any profane person who
approaches it shall be put to death, and here are
jackals roaming about in it I " Aquiba, however,
burst out laughing, and proved to them the connexion
between the various prophecies so clearly, that they
all exclaimed : " Aquiba, thou hast consoled us !
Aquiba, thou has consoled us ! "
These ruins inspired Hadrian with the thought
with which all ruins inspired him, namely, the desire
to rebuild the ruined city, to colonise it, and to give
it his name or that of his family Thus Judea would
become once more restored to cultivation, and Jerusa-
lem, raised to the rank of a fortified place in the
hands of the Romans, would serve as a check upon
the Jewish population. All the towns of Syria, more-
over,— Gerasae, Damascus, Gaza, Peah, — were being
rebuilt in the Roman manner, and were inaugurating
new eras. Jerusalem was too celebrated to be an
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 18
exception to tliis movement of historical dilettantism
and of general restoration.
It is very probable that if the Jews had been less
unanimous in their views, if some Philo of Byblos
had existed amongst them to represent to him the
Jewish past as nothing but a glorious and interesting
variety amongst the differeut literatures, religions,
and philosophies of humanity, the curious and intelli-
gent Hadrian would have been dehghted, and re-
built the Temple, not exactly as the Doctors of the
Law would have wished it, but in his ecclectic
manner, like the great amateur of ancient religions
that he was. The Talmud is full of conversations
between Hadrian and celebrated rabbis, which of
course are fictitious, but wliich correspond very well
with the character of this Emperor, who had a great
mind, and was a great talker, very fond of asking
questions, curious about strange matters, anxious to
know everything, that he might make fun of it after-
wards. But the greatest insult that can be shown
to absolutists is to be tolerant towards them, and in
this respect the Jews resembled exactly the en-
thusiastic Catholics of our days. Men of such con-
victions will not be satisfied with their reasonable
share ; they want to be everything. It is the highest
indignity for a religion which looks upon itself as the
only true one to be treated like a sect amongst
many others ; they would rather be outside the pale
of the law, and be persecuted ; and this violent situa-
tion appears to them a mark of divinity. The faithful
are pleased at persecution, for in the very fact that
men hate them, they see a mark of their prerogative,
for the wickedness of men, according to them, is
naturally an enemy to truth.
There is nothing to prove that when Hadrian
wished to rebuild Jerusalem, he consulted the Jews,
or wished to come to any agreement with them.
Nothing either leads us to believe that he entered
14 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
into any relations with the Christians of Palestine,
who, externally, had less to distinguish them from
the Jews than Christians of other countries. In the
eyes of the Christians, all the prophecies of Jesus
Avould have been overthrown if the Temple had been
rebuilt, whilst amongst the Jews there was a general
expectation that it would be rebuilt. The Judaism
of Jabneh, without Temple, without worship, had ap-
peared as a short interregnum, and all uses which
presupposed a still existing Temple, were preserved.
The priests continued to receive the tithe, and the
precepts of Levitical purity were still strictly ob-
served. The obligatory sacrifices were adjourned
till the Temple should be rebuilt, but Jews alone
could rebuild it ; the slightest deviation from any
injunction of the Law, would have been quite enough
to cause the cry of Sacrilege to be raised. It was
better in the eyes of pious Jews, to see the sanctuary
inhabited by beasts of prey, than to owe its re-
building to a profane jester, who afterwards would
not have failed to utter some epigram about those
extraordinary gods whose altars he nevertheless
restored.
For the Jews, Jerusalem was something almost as
sacred as the Temple itself. In fact, they did not
distinguish one from the other, and at that time they
already called the city by the name of Beth ham-
migdas. The only feeling which the hasidim felt
when they heard that the city of God was going to
be rebuilt without them, was one of rage. It was
very shortly after the extermination which Quietus
and Turbo had carried out, and Judea was weighed
down by an extraordinary terror. It was impos-
sible to move, but from that time forward it was
allowable to foresee in the future a revolution that
should be even more terrible than those which had
preceded it.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 15
About 122, probably, Hadrian issued his orders, and
the reconstruction commenced. The population con-
sisted chiefly of veterans and strangers, and no doubt
it was not necessary to keep out the Jews, as their
own feelings would have been enough to have
caused them to flee. It seems that, on the other
hand, the Christians returned to the city with a
certain amount of eagerness, as sooo as it was habit-
able. It was divided into seven quarters or groups
of houses, each with an amphodarch over it. As the
immense foundations of the Temple were still in
existence, that seemed the fittest spot on which
to place the principal sanctuary of the new city.
Hadrian took care that the temples which he erected
in the Eastern Provinces should call to mind the
Roman religion, and the connection between the
provinces and the metropolis. In order to point out
the victory of Rome over a local religion, the temple
was dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, the god of
Rome, above all others a god whose attitude and
grave demeanour recalled Jehovah, and to whom,
since the time of Vespasian, the Jews had paid
tribute. It was a tetrastyle building, and like in
most of the temples erected by Hadrian, the enta-
blature of the pediment was broken by an arch,
under which was placed a colossal figure of the god.
The worship of Venus was no less intended than
that of Jupiter by the choice of the founder of the
colony. Everywhere Hadrian built temples to her,
the protectress of Rome, and the most important of
his personal edifices was that great temple of Venus
and Rome, the remains of which can still be seen
near the Coliseum, and so it was only natural that
Jerusalem should have, by the side of its temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus its temple of Venus and Rome.
It happened that this second temple was not far
from Golgotha, and this fact gave rise, later on, to
singular reflections on the part of the Christians.
1 6 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
In this close approximation they thought that they
discerned an insult to Christianity, of which Hadrian
certainly never thought. The works proceeded but
slowly, and when, two years later, Hadrian retraced
his steps towards the West, the new Colonia ^Elia
Capitolina was still more a project than a reality.
For a long time a strange story went about
amongst the Christians, to the effect that a Greek of
Sinope, called Aquila, who was nominated overseer
of the works for the rebuilding of ^lia by Hadrian,
knew the disciples of the Apostles at Jerusalem, and
that, struck by their piety and their miracles, he was
baptised. But no change in his morals followed on
his change of rehgion. He was given to the follies
of astrology ; every day he cast his horoscope, and
was looked upon as a learned man of the first order
in such matters. The Christians regarded all such
practices with an unfavourable eye, and the heads of
the Church addressed remonstrances to their new
brother, who took no notice of them, and set himself
up against the views of the Church. Astrology led
him into grave errors on fatalism and man's destiny,
and his incoherent mind tried to associate together
things which were utterly opposed to each other.
The Church saw that he could not possibly merit
salvation, and he was driven outside the pale, in
consequence of which he always entertained a pro-
found hatred for her. His relations with Adrian
may have been the reason why that Emperor seems
to have had such an intimate acquaintance with
the Christians.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 17
CHAPTER III.
THE RELATIVE TOLERANCE OF HADRIAN — THE
FIRST APOLOGISTS.
The period was one of toleration. Colleges and re-
ligious societies were on the increase everywhere.
In A.D. 124, the Emperor received a letter from
Quintus Licinus Silvanus Grauianus, Pro-consul of
Asia, which was written in a spirit very much the
same as that which dictated to Pliny that beautiful
letter of his, so worthy of an upright man. Roman
functionaries of any weight all objected to a pro-
cedure which admitted implicit crimes that indi-
viduals were supposed to have committed, because ot
the mere name they bore. Granianus showed how
unjust it was to condemn Christians on the strength
of vague rumours, which were the fruit of popular
imagination, without being able to couvict them ot
any distinct crime, except that of their Christian
profession. The drawling by lot for the appoint-
ments to the Consular Provinces having taken place
a short time afterwards, Caius Minucius Fundanus,
a philosopher and distinguished man of letters, a
friend of Pliny and of Plutarch, who introduces him
as asking questions in one of his philosophic dia-
logues, succeeded Granianus, and Hadrian answered
Fundanus by the following rescript : —
Hadrian to Minicius Fundanus. I have received the letter
which Licinius Granianus, an illustrious man whom you have
succeeded, wrote to me. The matter seemed to me to demand
inquiry, for fear lest people who are otherwise peacefully disposed
may be disquieted, and so a free field be ojjcned to calumniators.
If therefore the people of yojr province have, as they say, any
weighty accusations to bring against the Christians, and if they
can'maintain their accusation before the tribunals, I do not for-
bid th-m to take legal steps; but I will not allow them to go
18 THb: CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
on sending petitions and raising tumultuous cries. In such ii
case, the best thing is for you yourself to hear the matter. Th<;re-
fore, if anyone comes forward as an accuser, and proves that the
Christians break the laws, sentence them to punishments com-
mensurate to the gravity of the offence. But, by Hercules, if any-
body denounces one of them calumniously, punish the libeller still
more severely according to the degree of his malice.
It would seem that Hadrian gave similar replies
to other questions of the same nature. Libels
against the Christians were multiplying everywhere,
and they paid very well, for the informer got part of
the property of the accused if he were found guilty.
Above all, in Asia the provincial meetings, ac-
companied by public games, almost invariably ended
in executions. To crown the festivities, the crowd
would demand the execution of some unfortunate
creatures. The redoubtable cry: — 21ie Chridians to the
lions, became quite common in the theatres, and it
was a very rare occurrence when the authorities did
not yield to the clamour of the assembled people.
As has been seen, the Emperor opposed such
wickedness as fai' as he could ; the laws of the Em-
pire were really alone to blame for giving substance
to vague accusations which the caprice of the multi-
tude interpreted according to its own pleasure.
Hadrian spent the w^inter of 125-12(3 at Athens.
In this meeting-place for all men of culture he
always experienced the greatest enjoyment. Greece
had become the plaything to amuse all Roman
men of letters. Quite reassured as to the political
consequences, they adopted, the easy liberalism of
restoring the Pnyx, the popular assemblies, the
Areopagus ; of raising statues to ihe great men of the
past, of giving the ancient constitutions another trial,
and of setting up Pan-hellenism — the confederation of
the so-called free states— again. Athens was the centre
of all this childish folly. Enlightened Ma3cenases —
especially Herod Atticus, one of the most distinguished
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 19
spirits of the age, and those Philopappuses, the last
descendants of the Kings of Commagene and of the
Seleucidas, who about this time raised a monument
on the hill of the Museum, which still exists, — had
taken up their abode there.
This world of professors, of philosophers, and of men
of enlightenment, was Hardrian's real element. His
vanity, his talent, his taste for brilliant conversation,
were quite at their ease amongst colleagues whom he
honoured bv making himself their equal, without,
however, the least yielding his royal prerogative.
He was a clever arguer, and thought that he only
owed the advantage, which of course always re-
mained with him, to his own personal talent. It
w^as an unlucky thing for those who hurt his feelings
or who got the better of him in an argument. Then
the Nero whom, though carefully hidden, he always
had in him, suddenly woke up. The number of
new professorial chairs that he founded, or of
literary pensions that he bestowed, is incalculable.
He took his titles of archon and agonothetes quite
seriously. He himself drew up a constitution for
Athens, by combining in equal proportions the laws
of Draco and of Solon, and wished to see whether
they would work satisfactorily. The whole city was
restored. The temple of the Olympian Jupiter, near
the river Ilisus, begun by Pisistratus, and one of the
wonders of the world, w^as finished, and the Emperor
took the title of Olympian. Within the city, a vast
square, surrounded by temples, porticos, gymnasia,
estabhshments for public instruction, dated from him.
All that is certainly very far from possessing the per-
fection of the Acropolis, but these buildings excelled
anything that had ever been seen, by the rarity of
their marbles and the richness of their decorations.
A central Pantheon contained a catalogue of the
temples which the P]mperor had built, repaired or
ornamented, and of the gilts which he had bestowed
20 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
on Greek or barbarian cities; and a library, open to
every Athenian citizen, occupied a special wing. On
an arch, which remains to our day, Hadrian was made
equal to Theseus, and one of the Athenian quarters
was called Hadrianopolis.
Hadrian's intellectual activity was sincere, but he
lacked a scientific mind. In those meetings of
sophists all questions, human and divine, were dis-
cussed, but none were settled, nor does it seem that
they went so far as complete rationalism. In Grreece
the Emperor was looked upon as a very religious and
even as a superstitious man. He wished to be initi-
ated into the mysteries of Eleusis, and, on the whole,
Paganism was the only thing that gained by all this.
As, however, liberty of discussion is a good thing,
good always results from it. Phlegon, Hadrian's
secretary, knew a little about the legend concerning
Jesus, and the wide expansion which the spirit of
controversy assumed under Hadrian gave rise to an
altogether new species of Christian literature, the
apologetic, which sheds so much brightness over the
century of the Antonines.
Christianity, preached at Athens seventy-two years
previously, had borne its fruit. The Church at Athens
had never had the adherents nor the stability of cer-
tain others ; its peculiar character was to produce
individual Christian thinkers, and so apologetic liter-
ature naturally sprang from it.
Several persons, who were specially called philo-
sophers, had adhered to the doctrine of Jesus. The
name philosopher implied severity of morals, and a dis-
tinguishing dress, — a sort of cloak, which sometimes
made the wearer the subject of the jokes, but more
often, the respect, of the passers by. When they em-
braced Christianity, the- philosophers took care neither
to repudiate their name nor their dress, and from
that there proceeded a category of Christians un-
known till then. Writers and talkers by profession,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 21
these converted philosophers became, from the very
first outset, the doctors and polemical members of
the sect. Initiated into Greek culture, they were far
greater dialecticians, and had greater aptitude for
controversy, than purely apostolic preachers, and
from that moment Christianity had its advocates.
They disputed, and others disputed with them. In
the eyes of the government they were much more
likely to be taken seriously than those good people
without any education who were initiated into an
eastern superstition. Up till then Christianity had
never ventured to address a direct demand to the
Roman authorities to have the false position in which
it found itself rectified. Certainly the characters of
some of the preceding Emperors did not by any
means invite any such explanations, and any petition
would have been rejected unread. Hadrian's curiosity,
his facile mind, the idea thathe was pleased when some
new fact or argument was presented to him, now en-
couraged overtures which would have had no object
under Trajan. To this was added an aristocratic
feeling, which was alike flattering to the sovereign
and the apologist. Christianity was already begin-
ning to let the policy be seen which it was to follow
from the beginning of the fourth century, and which
consisted, above all, in treating with sovereigns over
the heads of the people. " We will dispute with you,
but it is too much honour for the common herd to
give it our reasons."
The first attempt of this sort was the work of
a certain Quadratus, an important personage of the
third Christian generation, and of whom it was said
that he had even been a disciple of the Apostles.
He sent an apology for Christianity to the Em-
peror, which has been lost, but whicli was very
highly thought of during the first centuries. He com-
plained of the annoyances to which wicked people
subjected the faithful, and proved the harmles.sness
!>2 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the Christian faith. He went still further, and
tried to convert Hadrian by arguments drawn from
the miracles of Jesus. Quadratus alleged that even
in his time some of those whom the Saviour had
healed or raised from the dead were known to be
alive. Hadrian would certainly have been very
much amused to see one of those venerable cente-
narians, and his freedman Phlegon would have em-
bellished his treatise on cases of longevity with the
fact, but it would not have convinced him. He had
witnessed so many other miracles, and the only con-
clusion he drew from them was that the number of
incredible things in this world is infinite. In his
teratological collections, Phlegon had introduced
several of the miracles of Jesus, and certainly
Hadrian had conversed with him more than once on
this subject.
Another apology, written by a certain Aristides,
an Athenian philosopher and a convert to Chris-
tianity, was also presented to Hadrian. Nothing is
known about it, except that amongst the Christians
it was held in as high repute as the one of which
Quadratus was the author. Those who had the
opportunity of reading it, admired its eloquence, the
author's intellect, and the good use he made of
passages from heathen philosophers to prove the
truth of the doctrines of Jesus.
These writings, striking as they were by their
novelty, could not be without their effect upon the
Emperor. Singular ideas with regard to religion
crossed his mind, and it seems that more than once
he showed Christianity marks of true respect. He
had a large number of temples or basilicas built,
which bore no inscription, nor had they any known
purpose. Most of them were unfinished or not
dedicated, and they were called liadrianea, and these
empty, statueless temples lead us to believe that
Hadrian had them built so purposely. In the third
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23
ceritiiiy, after Alexander Severus had really wished
to build a temple to Christ, the Christians spread the
idea that Hadrian had determined to do the same,
and that the hadrianea Avere to have served to intro-
duce the new religion. They said that Hadrian had
been stopped because, on consulting the sacred
oracles, it was found that if such a temple were
built the whole world would turn Christian, so that
all the other temples would be abandoned. Several
of these hadrianea, especially those of the Tiberiad
and Alexandria, became, in fact, churches in the
fourth century.
Even the follies of Hadrian with Antinous pos-
sessed an element of the Christian apology. Such
a monstrosity seems the culminating point of the
reign of the devil. That recent God, whom all the
world knew, was made great use of to beat down
the other gods, who were more ancient and so easy
to lay hold of. The Church triumphed, and later
the period of Hadrian was looked upon as the lumin-
ous point in a splendid epoch in which the truths
of Christianity shone without any obstacle in all
eyes. They owed some thanks to a sovereign whose
defects and good qualities had had such favourable
results. His immorality, his superstitions, his empty
initiation into impure mysteries were not forgotten ;
but in spite of all, Hadrian remained, at any rate in
the opinion of part of Christianity, a serious man,
endowed with rare virtues, who gave to the world
the last of its beautiful days.
24 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAP TEE IV.
THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS.
It would appear that about this time a mystical book
was heard of, of which the faithful thought a great
deal ; it was a new Gospel, far superior, as was said,
to those which were already known ; a really spiritual
Gospel, as much above St Mark and St Matthew as
mind is above matter. That Gospel was the produc-
tion of that disciple whom Jesus loved, — of St John, who,
having been his most intimate friend, naturally knew
much that others were ignorant of, so as even to be
able on many points to rectify the manner in which
they had represented matters. The text in question
was a great contrast to the simplicity of the first
Evangelical narratives ; it put forward much higher
pretensions, and certainly it was the intention of those
who propagated it that it should replace those humble
accounts of the life of Jesus with which men had
been contented hitherto. The writer, who was still
spoken of in a mysterious manner, had leant upon
the Master's breast, and alone knew the divine secrets
of his heart.
This new work came from Ephesus, that is to say,
from one of the principal homes of the dogmatic
elaboration of the Christian religion. It is quite
possible that John may have passed his old age and
finished his days in that city. It is at least quite
certain that in the early ages of Christianity there
were those at Ephesus who claimed St John as their
own, and did all they could for his aggrandisement.
St Paul had his Churches which ardently cherished his
memory, and St Peter and St James had also their
famihes by spiritual adoption. The adherents of St
John, therefore, wished that he should be in the same
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 25
position ; they desired to make hira St Peter's equal ;
and it was maintaiued, to the detriment of the latter,
that he had held the first rank in the Gospel history,
and as the existing accounts did not bear out these
pretensions suiSciently, recourse was had to one of
those pious frauds which, in those days, caused
nobody any scruples. Thus it may be explained
how, shortly after the apostolic age, there emerged
obscurely from Ephesus a class of books which Avere
destined to obtain in later times a higher rank than
all the other inspired writings in the system of
Christian theology.
It can never be admitted that St John himself
wrote these words, and it is even very doubtful
whether they were written with his consent in his old
age, and by any one of his own immediate surround-
ings. It seems most probable that one of the
Apostle's disciples who was a depository of many of
his reminiscences, thought himself authorised to speak
and to write in his name — some twenty-five or
thirty years after his death — what he had not, to
his followers' great regret, authoritatively put down
during his lifetime. Certainly Ephesus had its owu
traditions about the life of Jesus, and, if I may ven-
ture to say so, a life of Jesus for its own particular
use. These traditions dwelt especially in the memory
of two persons who were looked upon, in those parts,
as the two highest authorities with regard to Gospel
history, namely, one man who bore the same name
as the Apostle John, and who Vv^as called Presbnteros
Johannes, and a certain Aristion, who knew many of
the Lord's discourses by heart. At about this time
Papias consulted these two men as oracles, and care-
fully noted their traditions, which he intended to in-
sert into his great work, The Discoui^ses of the Lord.
One remarkable feature in the Preshitcvi'S was tlie
opinion which he gave regarding St Clark's Gospel.
He considered it altogether insufficient, and written
26 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in complete ignorance of the exact order of the events
of the life of Jesus. Preshuteros Johannes evidently
thought that he knew the real facts much better, and,
if he really wrote it, his tradition must altogether
differ from the plan of that of Mark.
We are inclined to think that the fourth Gospel
represents the traditions of this Preshuteros and of
Aristion, which might go back as far as the Apostle
John. It seems, moreover, that to prepare the way
for this pious fraud a preliminary Cathohc Epistle,
attributed to John, was published preliminarily, which
was intended to accustom the people of Asia to the
style which it was intended to make them receive as
that of the Apostle. In it the attack against the
Docetse — who at that time formed the great danger
to Christianity in Asia — was opened. An ostentatious
stress was laid on the value of the Apostle's testimony,
as he had been an eye-witness of the Gospel facts.
The author, who is a skilful writer after his own
fashion, has very likely imitated the style of St
John's conversation, and that small work is conceived
in a grand and lofty spirit, in spite of some Elcesaitic
peculiarities. Its doctrine is excellent, and it incul-
cates mutual charity, love for mankind, and hatred
for a corrupt world ; and its touching, vehement, and
penetrating style is absolutely the same as that of
the Gospel; and its faults — its prolixity, and dryness —
the results of interminable discourses full of abstruse
metaphysics and personal allegations, are far less
striking in the Epistle.
The style of the pseudo-Johannic writings is
something quite by itself, no model for which
existed before the Preshuteros. It has been too
much admired; for whilst it is ardent and occa-
sionally even sublime, it is somewhat inflated,
false, and obscure, and it altogether lacks simplicity.
The author relates nothing, he merely demonstrates
dogmatically, and his long account of miracles, and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 27
of those discussions which turn on misapprehen-
sions, and in which the opponents of Jesus are
made to play the parts of idiots, are most fatigu-
ing. How^ preferable to all this verbiose pathos is
the charming style, altogether Hebrew as it is, of
the Sermon on the Mount, and that cleaniess of
narrative which constitutes the charm of the first
Evangelists. No need for them to repeat continu-
ally that they that saw it hear record, and that their
record is true; for their sincerity, unconscious of
any possible objection, has not that feverish thirst
for those repeated attestations which go to prove
that incredulity and doubt have already sprung up.
One might almost say, from the slightly exalted
style of this new narrator, that he feared that he
might not be believed, and that he sought to dupe
the religious belief of his readers by his own em-
phatic assertions.
Whilst insisting strongly on his qualities as an
eye-witness, and on the value of his own testimony,
the author of the fourth Gospel never once says
I, Jb/m, for his name does not appear in the wliole
course of the work, but only figures as its title;
but there is not the slightest doubt that John is the
disciple intended or designated in a hidden manner
in different passages of the book, nor is there any
doubt that the forger intended to cause it to be
beheved that that mysterious personage was the
author of the book. It was merely one of those
small literary artifices such as Plato is so fond of
affecting, and the result is that the recital is often
very elaborate, and contains investigations, observa-
tions, and literary pranks which are totally un-
worthy of an Apostle. Thus John mentions him-
self without mentioning his own name, and praises
himself without doing it openly, and he does not
debar himself from that literary method wliich
consists in showing, in a very carefully-managed
28 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
semi-light, those secrets which one keeps to oneself
without revealing them to every chance comer.
How pleasant it is to be guessed at, and to allow
others to draw conclusions favourable to oneself, to
which oneself only gives a half expression.
The two objects which the author had in view
were to prove the divinity of Jesus to those who did
not believe in Him, but, even more than that, to make
a new^ system of Christianity prevail. As miracles
Avere the proofs, above all others, of His divine
mission, he improves on the accounts of the wonders
that disfigure the earlier Gospels. It seems on the
other hand that Cerinthus was one of the manu-
facturers of these strange books. He had become
almost Hke John's spectre, and the versatility of
his mind now attracted him to, and then repelled
him from, those ideas which were agitating religious
circles at Ephesus, so that at the same time he was
regarded as the adversary whom the Johannine
writings were striving to combat, and as the veritable
author of those writings ; and the obscurity that
reigns over the Johannine question is so dense that
it cannot be said that it must be wrong to attribute
the authorship to him. If it be a fact, it would
correspond very well to what we know of Cerinthus,
who was in the habit of covering his thoughts under
the cloak of an apostolic name, and it Avould explain
the mystery as to what became of that book for
nearly fifty years, and the vehement opposition
which it encountered. The ardour with which
Epphianius combats this opinion would lead us to
believe that it is not without foundation, for in those
dark days everything was possible ; and if the
Church, when it venerates the fourth Gospel as the
work of St John, is the dupe of him whom she looks
upon as one of her most dangerous enemies, it is not,
after all, any stranger than so many other errors which
make up the web of the religions history of humanity.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 29
It is quite cei'tain, however, that the author is at
the same time the father and the adversary of
Gnosticism, the enemy of those who allowed the
real human nature of Jesus to evaporate in a cloudy
Uocetism, and the accomplice of those who would
make him a mere divine abstraction. Dogmatic
minds are never more severe than they are towards
those from whom they are divided by a mere shade
of difference. That Anti-Christ whom the pseudo-
John represents as already in existence, that monster
who is the very negation of Jesus, and whom he
cannot distinguish from the errors of Docetism, is
almost he himself How often in cursing others,
does one curse oneself! and thus in the bosom of the
Church, the personality of Jesus became the object
of fierce strife. On the one hand there was no
checking the torrent which carried away every one
to the most exaggerated ideas as to the divinity of
the founder of Christianity, and on the other hand
it was of the highest importance to uphold the true
character of Jesus, and to oppose the tendency which
so many Christians had towards that sickly idealism
which was soon to end in Gnosticism. Many spoke
of the Eon Christos as of a being that was quite
distinct from the man called Jesus, to whom it was
united for a time, and whom it abandoned at the
moment of the crucifixion. Gerinthus had main-
tained this, and so did Basilides, and to such heresy
a tangible Word must be opposed, and this was just
what the new Gospel did. The Jesus whom it
preaches is in some respects more historical than the
Jesus of the other evangelists, and yet he is only a
metaphysical first principle, a pure conception of tran-
scendental theosophy. This may shock our tastes, but
theology has not the same requirements as esthetics,
and the conscience of Christianity, after trying in vain
for a hundred years to settle what right conception it
should make to itself of Jesus, at last found rest.
.^0 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
In the baginning was the Word, and the Word was with
God, and the Word was God.
The same was in the beginning with God.
All things were made by him ; and without him was not
anything made that was made.
Jn him was life ; and the life was the light of men.
And the light shineth in darkness ; and the darkness compre-
hended it not.
There was a man sent from God, whose name was John.
The same came for a witness, to bear witness of the Light,
that all men through him might believe.
He was not that Light, but was sent to bear witness of that
Light.
That was the true Light, which lighteth every man that
Cometh into the world.
He was in the world, and the world was made by him, and
the world knew him not.
He came unto his own, and his own received him not.
But as many as received him, to them gave he power to be-
come the sons of God, even to them that believe on his name :
Which were born, not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh,
nor of the will of man, but of God.
And the W^ord was made flesh, and dwelt among us (and
we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the
Father), full of grace and truth, — St John, L 1-14.
What follows is not less surprising. We have be-
fore us a life of Jesus which is very different to that
which the writings of Mark, Luke, or the pseudo-
Matthew have put before us. It is evident that those
three Gospels, and others of the same sort, were but
little known in Asia, or at any rate had very little
authority there. During his lifetime, John no doubt,
was in the habit of relating the life of Jesus on a
totally different plan to that slight Galilean outline
Avhich the traditionists of Batanea had created, and
which served as a model after them. He knew that
Jerusalem had been one of the chief centres for
Jesus' activity, and he drew persons and details
which the first narrators were unacquainted with,
or had neglected. As to Jesus' discourses as given
in the Galilean tradition, the Church at Ephesus, sup-
posing that they were known there, allowed them to
THE CHRISTIAN CHUKCH. 3l
fall into obliviou. According to the spirit of the age,
there was no more difficulty in putting discourses
into Jesus' mouth which were intended to found
such and such doctrines, than the authors of the
Thora and the prophets of old found in making God
speak according to their own prejudices.
Thus the fourth Gospel came to be produced, and
though it is of no value if we wish to know how
Jesus spoke, it is superior to the synoptic Gospels
in the order of facts. The various visits of Jesus to
Jerusalem, the institution of the eucharist, his
anticipated agony, a number of circumstances re-
lating to the Passion, the Resurrection and his life
after he had risen ; certain minute details, e. g., con-
cerning Cana, the apostle Philip, the brothers of Jesus,
the mention of Cleopas as a member of his family,
are so many features, which assure to the pseudo-
John an historical superiority over Mark and pseudo-
Matthew. Many of these details might be drawn
from John's own accounts of events ^vhich had been
preserved, whilst others sprang from traditions which
neither Mark nor he who amplified his narrative
under the name of Matthew, knew anything about.
In several cases in fact, where pseudo-John deviates
from the arrangement of the synoptic narrative, he
presents singular features of agreement with Luke,
and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, More-
over, several features of the fourth Gospel are to be
found in Justin, and in the pseudo-Clementine
romance, although neither Justin nor the author of
the romance knew the fourth Gospel. It is clear,
therefore, that, besides the synoptists, there existed
a collection of traditions, and of ready-made expres-
sions, which were, so to speak, scattered about in
the atmosphere, which the fourth Gospel partially
represents to us; and to treat this Gospel as an
artificial composition with no traditional basis is
to mistake its character just as seriously as when it
32 THb: CHRISTIAN CHUROIl.
is looked upon as a document at first Iiand, and
original from beginning to end.
The discourses which are put into the mouth
of Jesus in the fourth Gospel are certainly artificial,
and without any traditional basis, and criticism
ought to put them on the same footing as the
discourses with which Plato honours Socrates. There
are two striking omissions in it ; it does not contain
a single parable, nor a single apocalyptic discourse
about the end of the world, and the appearance of
the Messiah ; and one feels that the hopes of an
approaching manifestation in the clouds had partly
lost their force. According to the fourth Gospel,
Jesus' real return after he had left the world, would
be the sending of the Paraclete, his other self, who
would comfort his disciples for his departure. The
author takes refuge in metaphysics, because material
hopes, already at times appear to him mere chimeras,
and the same thing seems to have happened to
St Paul. The taste for abstraction was the reason
why then little weight was attached to what is
regarded as the most really divine in Jesus. Instead
of that refined feeling of the poetry of the earth
which fills the Galilean Gospels, we find here nothing
but a dry system of metaphysics and dialectics,
which turn on the ambiguity between the literal and
the figurative sense. In the fourth Gospel, indeed,
Jesus speaks for himself, for he makes use of lan-
guage which no one could be expected to understand,
as he uses words in a different sense to their general
acceptation, and then is angry because he is not
understood. This false situation produces an impres-
sion of fatigue in the end, and at last one thinks that
the Jews were excusable for not comprehending
those new mysteries which were presented to them
in such an obscure fashion.
These defects are the consequence of the exagger-
ated attitude which the author has given to Jesus,
THE CHEISTIAN CHURCH. 33
for it is one which naturally excludes anything
natural. He declares Himself to be the Truth and the
Life, and that he is God, and that no one can come
to the Father but by him. Such weighty and solemn
assertions could not be made without an air of shock-
ing presumption. In the synoptic Gospels, he does
not assert that he is God, but reveals himself by the
charm of his impersonal discourses, whereas, in this
one, the Deity argues in order that he may prove
its Divinity. It is as if the rose were to dispute in
order to prove that it is fragrant. The author, in
such a case, cares so little for probabilities that at
times there is nothing to indicate where the discourses
of Jesus finish and the dissertations of the narrator
begin. At other times he reports conversations at
which nobody could have been present, and one feels
that his true object is not to relate words which were
really spoken, but that above all he wishes to impress
the mark of authority on some cherished ideas of his
own, by putting them into the mouth of the Divine
Master.
CHAPTER V.
THE BEGINNING OF A SYSTEM OF CHRISTIAN
PHILOSOPHY.
That religious philosophy which serves as the basis
for all those exemplications which were so foreign
to the mind of Jesus, is by no means original. Philo
had expounded its essential principles more harmoni-
ously and logically. Both Philo and the author of
the fourth Gospel attach very little importance to
the fulfilment of the words of the Messiah or to apoca-
lyptic belief. All the imagination of popular Judaism
0
34 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
is replaced by metaphysics in the structure of which
Egyptian theology and Greek philosophy had their
full share. The idea of Incarnate Reason, i.e., of
Divine Reason assuming a finite shape, is quite
Egyptian. From the earliest ages down to the
Hermes Trismegistos books, Egypt proclaimed a
God, living alone in substance, but eternally be-
getting his own likeness, one, and yet twofold
at the same time. The Sun is that firstborn, pro-
ceeding eternally from the Father, that Word who
made everything that exists, and without whom
nothing has been made. On the other hand, it had
for a loDg time been the tendency of Judaism, in
order to escape from its somewhat dry system of
theology, to create a variety of the Deity by
personifying abstract attributes, such as Wisdom,
the Divine Word, Majesty, the Presence. Already
in the ancient books of wisdom, in the Proverbs
and in Job, Wisdom personified plays the part of
an assessor to the Divinity. Metaphysics and
Theology, so severely restrained by the Mosaic
law, took their revenge, and would soon invade
everything.
The expression dahar, in Chaldean, memara^ i.e., *' the
Word," become especially fruitful. Ancient texts
made God speak on all solemn occasions, which
justified such phrases as : " God does everything
by His word ; God created everything by His word."
Thus people were led to regard " the Word " as a
divine minister, as an intermediary by whom God
works on the outer world. By degrees this inter-
mediary was substituted for God in visible mani-
festations in apparitions, in all relations of the Deity
.with man. That mode of expression had much
greater consequences amongst the Egyptian Jews
who spoke Greek. The word Logos, corresponding
to the Hebrew dahar^ and the Chaldean memara,
and having the twofold meaning of The Word^ and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 35
also of Reason, enabled them to enter into a whole
world of ideas in which they reunited, on the one
hand,^ the symbols of Egyptian theology which are
mentioned above, and on the other, certain Platonic
speculations. The Alexandrine Book of Wisdom,
which is attributed to Solomon, already dehghts in
those theories. There the Logos appears as the
metationos, the assessor of the Deity, and it soon
became usual to attribute to the Logos all that
ancient Jewish philosophy, said of the Divine Wisdom.
The Breath of God (rouah), which is mentioned at the
beginning of Genesis as life giving, becomes a sort of
Demiurge by the side of dahar.
Philo combined such forms of expression with his
notions of Greek philosophy. His Logos is the
Divine in the universe — it is an exteriorised God ;
it is the legislator, the revealer, the organ of God
as regards spiritual man. It is the Spirit of God, —
the wisdom of Holy Scripture. Philo has no idea
of the Messiah, and establishes no connection be-
tween his Jjogos and the divine being which was
dreamt of by his compatriots in Palestine. He never
departs from the abstract, and for him the Logos
is the place of spirits just as space is the place of
bodies ; and he goes so far as to call it " a second
God," or "the man of God ;" that is to say, God,
considered as anthropomorphous. The end of man
is to know the Logos, to contemplate reason ; that
is to say, God and the universe. By that know-
ledge man finds life, the true manna that nourishes.
Although such ideas were, by their origin, as
far as possible, removed from Messianic ideas, one
can see that a sort of effusion might be brought
about between them. The possibihty of a full incar-
nation of the Logos is quite in accordance with
Philo's ideas. It was a generally received opinion, that
in all the various divine manifestations in which
God wished to make Himself visible, it was the
.36 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Logos who assumed the human form. These ideas
were favoured by numerous passages in the most
ancient historical books, where " the Angel of
Jehovah," Maleak Jelwvah, indicates the divine ap-
pearance which shows itself to men, when God,
who is ordinarily hidden, reveals Himself to their
eyes. This Maleah Jehovah frequently does not
differ at all from Jehovah himself, and it is a habit
with translators of a certain period to substitute
that word for Jehovah, whenever God is supposed
to have appeared on earth, and thus the Logos came
to play the part of an anthropomorphous God. It
was therefore natural that the appearance of the
Messiah should be attributed to the L^ogos, and that
Messiah should be considered as the incarnate
Logos.
Certainly the author of the book of Daniel had no
idea that his Son of Man had anything in common
with the Divine Wisdom, whom, in his time, some
Jewish thinkers were already elevating into a person-
ality ; but with the Christians the two ideas were
very easily reconciled. Already, in the Apocalypse
the triumphant Messiah is called " the Word ot
God," and in St Paul's later Epistles, Jesus is
separated almost altogether from his human nature.
In the fourth Gospel, the identification of Christ
and the Word is an accomplished fact, and the
national avenger of the Jews has totally disappeared
under a metaphysical conception ; henceforth, Jesus
is the Son of God, not by virtue of a simple Hebrew
metaphor, but in a strictly theological sense. The
very slight reputation in which the writings of Philo
were held in Palestine, and amongst the popular
classes of Jews, must be the only explanation why
Christianity did not bring about such a necessary
evolution till such a late period, but this evolution
took effect in several directions simultaneously,
for St Justin has a theory which is very similar
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 37
to that of pseudo-John, and yet he did not take it
from the gospel that bears his name.
Side by side with the theory of the Logos and
of the Holy Spirit was developed that of the Para-
clete, who was not kept very distinct from the
former. In Philo's philosophy, Paraclete was an
epithet of, or an equivalent for, Logos. For Chris-
tians he became a sort of substitute for Jesus,
proceeding from the Father as he did, and who
was to console the disciples for the absence of
their Master when he should have left them. That
Spirit of Truth, which the world does not know,
is to inspire the Church throughout all time. Such
a manner of raising abstract ideas into personalities
was quite in keeping with the fashion of the time.
Allius Aristides, who was a contemporary and a
compatriot of the author of the fourth Gospel,
expresses himself in his sermon on Athene, in a
manner which is hardly distinguishable from that
of the Christians : —
She dwells in her father, closely united to his essence ; she
breathes in him, and is his companion and counsellor. She sits
at his right hand and is the supreme minister of his orders, and
their wills are so conjoined that to her may be attributed all h&r
father's acts.
It is well known that Isis played the same part
with regard to Ammon.
The profound revolution which each idea must
introduce into the manner of looking at the life of
Jesus is self-evident. For the future he was to have
no more human qualities, and would know neither
temptation nor weakness. In him everything existed
before it happened ; everything was settled a priori,
nothing happened naturally ; He knew his life in
advance, and did not pray to God to save him from
that fatal hour. One fails to see why he lived this
life which was forced upon him, gone through
merely as a part, without any sincerity about it.
38 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
But, however revolting such a change may be to
our feelings, it was necessary. The Christian con-
science desired more and more that everything in
the life of their founder should be supernatural.
Marcion, without knowing the writings of pseudo-
John, did exactly the same thing as he did, for he
manipulated St Luke's Gospel till he had got rid
of every trace of Judaism or reality from it.
Gnosticism was to go even further, for that school
Jesus was to become a mere entity, an seon, an
eternal intelligence that had never lived. Valentine
and Basilides really only go a step further along
the road on which the author of the fourth Gospel
had gone. They all use the same specific terms :
Father (in the metaphysical sense). Word, Arche,
Life, Truth, Grace, Paraclete, Fulness, Only Son.
The origins of Gnosticism and that of the fourth
Gospel meet in the far distance; they both start
from the same point in the horizon without our
being able, on account of the distance, to point out
more precisely the circumstances which attended
their common appearance, for in such a thick atmo-
sphere the visual rays of criticism are apt to become
confused.
Naturally, the conditions under which a book
became known, were so different then to what they
are now, that we must not be surprised at singular-
ities which would be inexplicable in these days.
Nothing is more deceiving than to imagine to our-
selves writings of that date, as a printed book,
offered to everybody's reading, with newspapers to
review the new work, favourably or otherwise. All
the Gospels were written for restricted circles of
readers, and no edition aspired to being the last and
final one. It was a species of literature which could
be practised at will, like the legends of Hasan and
Hossein amongst the modern Persians. The fourth
Gospel was a composition of the same order. In the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 39
first instance the author may have written it for
himself and a few friends as his conception of the
life of Jesus. There is no doubt that he communi-
cated his work with great reserve to those who knew
that such a work could not have originated with John,
and up till the end of the second century the work
encountered nothing but indifference and opposition.
During that time the Gospels which are called
synoptic give the outlines of the life of Jesus, and the
tone of the discourses attributed to him is that of
Matthew and Luke. Towards the end of the second
century, however, the idea of a fourth Gospel was
accepted, and pious legends and mystic reasons were
discovered to support this tetrad.
To sum up, it seems most probable that, several
years after the Apostle John's death, somebody or
other determined to write in his name, and to his
honour a gospel that should represent, or should be
supposed to represent, his traditions. The definite
success of the book was just as brilhant as its begin-
ning had been obscure. This fourth Gospel, the last
to appear, which had been manipulated in so many
respects, where Philonian tirades were substituted
for the actual discourses of Jesus, took more than
half a century to assume its place, but then it
triumphed all along the line. It was very con-
venient for the theological and apologetic require-
ments of the time, to have a sort of metaphysical
drama which could escape from the objections which
a Celsus was already preparing, instead of a small,
very human history of a Jewish prophet in Galilee.
The Divine Word in the bosom of God ; the Word
creating all things ; the Word made flesh, dwelling
amongst men, so that certain privileged mortals had
the happiness of seeing and even touching him!
Having regard to the especial turn of the Greek in-
tellect, which seized upon Christianity at a very
early date, this seemed most sublime, and a whole
40 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
system of theology after the manner of Plotinns
might be extracted from it. The freshness of the
Galilean idyl, illuminated by the sun of the kingdom
of God, was but little to the taste of true Greeks.
They naturally preferred a gospel in which they
were transported to abstract dreams, and from which
the belief in the approaching end of the world was
banished. In the present instance, there was no
mention of a material appearance in the clouds, no
more parables, no persons possessed of devils,
nothing about the kingdom of God or of the Jewish
Messiah, no millennium, not even any more Judaism.
It was forgotten and condemned ; the Jews are held
up to reprobation as enemies of the truth, for they
would not receive the Word which came amongst
them. The author will know nothing of them,
except that they killed Jesus ; just as amongst the
modern Persian Shiies, the name of Arab is synony-
mous with an impious man and a miscreant, as Arabs
slew the holiest amongst the founders of Islam.
The literary faults of the fourth Gospel thus
make up its general character. It frees Christianity
from a number of its original chains, and gives it
free scope for that which is essential for any inno-
vation, i.e., ingratitude towards what has preceded
it. The author seriously believes that no prophet
ever came out of Galilee. Christian metaphysics
already sketched out in the Epistle to the Colossians,
and in that which is called the Epistle to the Ephe-
sians, are fully developed in the fourth Gospel. It
would be dear to all those who, humihated at the
fact that Jesus was a Jew, would neither hear of
Judeo-Christianity, nor of the millennium, and who
would have liked to have burnt the Apocalypse.
Thus the fourth Gospel takes its stand, in the great
work of separating Judaism from Christianity, far
above St Paul. He wished that Jesus had abrogated
the Law, but he never denies that he lived under the
THE GHtllSTIAN CHURCH. 41
Law. His disciple St Luke, by a certain devout im-
provement, presents Jesus to our view as fulfilling all
the precepts of the Law. St Paul thought that the
prerogatives of the Jews were still very great ;
whilst, on the other hand, the fourth Gospel shows
a great antipathy to the Jews, both as a nation and
as a religious society. Jesus, speaking to them,
says : *' Your law," and there is no question now of
justification by faith or by works, for the problem
has gone far beyond the bounds of those simple
terms. The knowledge of the truth and science
have now become essential, and men are to be saved
by their gnosis^ their initiation into certain secret
mysteries, so that Christianity has become a sort of
hidden philosophy which certainly neither Paul nor
Peter ever dreamt of.
The future belonged altogether to transcendental
idealism. This Gospel, attributed to the well-beloved
disciple, which, transports us at first into the pure
atmosphere of the Spirit and of Love, which sub-
stitutes the love of truth for everything else, and
proclaims the sway of Mount Gerizim and of Jeru-
salem equally at an end, was bound in time to
become the fundamental Gospel of Christianity.
No doubt it will be said that this was a great histori-
cal and literary error; but it was also a theological
and political necessity of the first order. The idealist
is always the worst revolutionary, and a definite
rupture with Judaism was the indispensable con-
dition of the foundation of a new religious system.
The only chance of success that Christianity had
was, that it should be a perfectly pure form of
worship, independent of any material creed. " God
is a spirit, and they that worship Him must worship
Him in spirit and in truth." If Jesus is understood
in such a manner, he is no longer a prophet, and
Christianity under that aspect is no longer a sect of
Judaism ; it becomes the Religion of Reason, and
42 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
thus it came about that the fourth Gospel imparted
consistency and stabihty to the ApostoHc work.
Whoever its author was, he was the cleverest of all
the apologists. He was successful in bringing
Christianity out of its old beaten tracks that had got
too narrow for it ; which all the Christian orators of
our time have attempted in vain. He betrayed Jesus
in order to save him, just as those preachers do who
put on a pretence of liberalism, and even of socialism,
to win over those who may possibly be seduced by
those words through a pious fraud. The author of
the fourth Gospel has withdrawn Jesus from the
Jewish reality in which he was lost, and has launched
him boldly into metaphysics. That purely spiritual
philosophical manner of understanding Christianity,
to the detriment of facts, and to the profit of the
mind, found in this singular book an example to
encourage, and authority to justify it.
Only those who are not well acquainted with
religious history will be surprised to see such a part
filled by an anonymous writer in the history of
Christianity. The editors of the Thora, most of the
Psalmists, the author of the book of Daniel, the first
editor of the Hebrew Gospel, the author of the
Epistles to Timothy and Titus, which are attributed
to St Paul, gave works of the greatest importance to
the world, and yet they are anonymous. If it is
admitted that the Gospel and the Epistle which is so
closely connected with it are the work of Presbuteros
Johannes, it might be thought that it would be all
the less difficult to accept those writings as the
works of St John, since the forger's name was John,
and he appears oiften to have been confounded with
the apostle. He was merely called Presbuteros, and
after the falsely so-called Epistle of John, there are
two short letters by some one who seems to call him-
self " The Elder." The style, the thoughts, and the
doctrine are very nearly the same as in the Gospel
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 43
and Epistle said to be written by St John. We
believe that Preshuteros was also the author of them ;
but this time he did not wish to pass off his sHght
works as those of John ; and, like the letters to
Timothy and Titus, they ought rather to be called
specimens of the pastoral style than Epistles.
Thus, in the first, the name of the person for whom
it is intended is left a blank, and is filled up with
the formula : " To the Elect Lady ; " In the second,
the person to whom it is written is given as Gaius,
which was often the equivalent for our So and so.
In these short letters some resemblance to the
pseudo-Johannine Epistle, and to those of St Paul,
has been discovered, and it is probable that our
Presbuteros has sometimes concealed his identity
behind these anonymous presbuteroi who had seen
the Apostles, and whose traditions Irenaeus so mys-
teriously reproduces.
At the end of the third century two tombs were
mentioned at Ephesus, which were held in the
highest veneration, and to both of which the name of
John was given. In the fourth century when, from
the passage in Papias, the idea of the distinct ex-
istence of Presbuteros Johannes was being firmly
established, one of these tombs was allotted to the
Apostle and the other to the Presbuteros. We shall
never know the exact truth of those extraordinary
combinations in which history, legends, fable, and, up
to a certain point, pious fraud were all united in pro-
portions which we cannot separate now. An Ephe-
sian called Polycrates, who was destined to become,
one day, with his whole family, the centre of Asiatic
Christianity, was converted A.D. 131, and this Poly-
crates fully admitted the pseudo-Johannine tradition,
and cited it most confidently in his old age.
Everybody allows that the last chapter of the
fourth Epistle is an appendix which was added after
the work had been written, though possibly it was
44 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
added by the author himself ; in any case, the source
from which it was drawn is the same. It was de-
sirable to complete all that had to do with the re-
lations between Peter, and John by some touching
feature, and the author shows that he is a great par-
tisan of Peter, and does his best to pay homage to
him in his rank as supreme pastor which was
attributed to him in various degrees. He also makes
a point of explaining the views that prevailed about
the long life of John, and of showing how the aged
Apostle might die without the edifice of the promises
of Jesus and of Christian hopes tailing into ruins at
his decease. Men began to fear that the unequalled
privilege of those who had seen the Word during his
life on earth might discourage future generations,
and already that profound saying, which was attri-
buted to Jesus, " Blessed are those that have not
seen and yet have believed," was incorporated into
a Gospel anecdote.
With the Johannine writings begins the era of
Christian philosophy and of abstract speculation,
which had hitherto found but little room in the
world, whilst at the same time dogmatic intolerance
increased most lamentably. The mere fact ol salut-
ing a heretic was represented as an act of communion
with him. How tar we are from Jesus here ! He
wished us to salute everybody, even at the risk of
saluting the unworthy, in imitation of our Heavenly
Father, who looks on all with a paternal eye, but yet
now it was to be obligatory to ascertain the opinions
of anyone before saluting him. The essence of
Christianity was transferred to the realm of dogma ;
gnosis was everything, and salvation consisted in know-
ing Jesus and knowing him in a certain manner.
Theology, that is to say, a rather unwholesome
application of the intellect, was the result of the
fourth Gospel, and the Byzantine world, from the
beginning of the fourth century, wore itself out by
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 45
this study, which would have had just as fatal conse-
quences for the West if the demon of subtility had
not found firmer muscles and less volatile brains to
deal with.
In this matter Christianity decidedly turned its
back on Judaism ; and Gnosticism, which is the
highest expression of speculative Christianity, had
some reason for pushing its hatred of Judaism to the
highest point. The latter made religion consist in
outward observances, and left everything that
bordered on philosophic dogma as a matter of private
opinion, and the Cabala and Pantheism would natur-
ally find an easy development by the side of observ-
ances which were carried to the minutest details.
A Jewish friend of mine, as liberal a thinker as can be
found, and at the same time a scrupulous Talmudist,
said to me, " One makes up for the other. Close
observances are a compensation for wideness of
ideas, and our poor humanity has not enough intel-
ligence to support liberty in two directions at the
same time. You Christians did wrong in insisting
that the bonds of communion should consist in certain
beliefs, for a man does what he pleases, but he
believes what he can, and I would rather go without
pork all my life, than be obliged to believe in the
dogmas of the Trinity and of the Incarnation.''
CHAPTER VI.
PROGRESS OF THE EPISCOPATE.
The progress of the Church in discipline and in her
hierarchy was in proportion to her progress in dogma.
Like every living body she developed an astonishing
instinctive cleverness in completing all that was still
wanting for her solid foundation and her perfect
46 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
equilibrium. As the hopes for the end of the world,
and of the reappearance of Messiah become fainter,
Christianity obeyed two natural tendencies ; the
one to reconcile itself with the empire as well as it
could, and then to organise itself so that it might
become lasting. The first church at Jerusalem, the
first churches of St Paul, were not established with
any view to their endurance, for they were only so
many assemblies of the saints at the end of the world,
who were preparing themselves by prayer and divine
rapture for the coming of God. The Church felt
that now the time had come for her to be an abiding
city and a real society.
The strangest movement that ever took place in
a democracy took place within the Church. The
ecclesia, the voluntary reunion of persons meeting on
a footing of equality amongst themselves, is the most
democratic thing that can be imagined ; but the
ecclesia, the club has that fatal defect which causes
every association of that kind to fall to pieces, and
that defect is anarchy, the ease with which schisms
arise. But more fatal still are the contentions for
pre-eminence in the midst of small confraternities
which have been founded on an altogether spon-
taneous vocation. That seeking after the highest
place was the principal evil which affected the
Christian churches, and which caused the greatest
trouble to the simple and faithful members of the
flock. It was thought that this danger might be
prevented by supposing that Jesus, in a similar case,
could have taken a child and said to the contending
parties, *' This is the greatest." On different
occasions the Master had, as was said, opposed the
ecclesiastical primacy, brotherly as it was, to that of
the depositories of worldly authority who were given
to assume a masterful manner. But that was not
enough, and the association of Christians would soon
be menaced by a great danger, if some salutary in-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 47
stitution did not rescue it from its own internal
abuses.
Every ecclesia presupposes a small hierarchy of its
own, — what we call in these days a committee, a
president, assessors, and a small body of assistants.
Democratic clubs take care that these functions shall
be as limited as possible both as to time and priv-
leges, but there is something precarious in that, and
the result has been that no club has outlived the
circumstances which called it into existence. The
synagogues had a much longer continuance, although
the personnel was never a clerical body. The reason
for that is, the subordinate position which Judiasm
held for centuries, so that the pressure from without
counterbalanced the unwholesome effects of internal
divisions. If the Christian Church had suffered from
the same want of discretion, she would no doubt have
missed her destinies ; and if ecclesiastical powers had
continued to be regarded as emanating from the
Church itself, she would have lost all her hieretic
and theocratic character ; but, on the other hand, it
was fated that the clergy should monpolise the
Christian Church, and should substitute itself in her
place. Speaking in her name, representing itself in
everything as her sole authorised agents, that clergy
would constitute her strength, but would at the same
time be her canker-worm, and the chief cause of her
future decline.
History has no example of a more wonderful
transformation. What happened in the Christian
Church is just what would happen in a club, if the
members were to abdicate all their powers into the
hands of the committee, and the committee to
abdicate theirs into the hands of the president,^ so
that neither those who were present, nor the seniors
in office, wovild have any deliberative voice ; no
influence, no control over the management of the
funds, so that the president might be able to say
48 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
" I, alone, am the club." The preshutoroi (the elders),
the episcopi (the officers, overseers), very soon
became the only representatives of the church, and
very shortly after another and even more import-
ant revolution took place. Amongst the presbutoroi
and the episcopi there was one, who, because he
habitually took the principal seat, became preshuteros,
or episcopos par excellence. The form of worship
contributed very powerfully towards this. Only
one priest could be celebrant of the eucharist at the
same time, and he obtained an extreme importance ;
and that episcopos became, with surprising rapidity,
the chief amongst the presbyterate and those of
the whole church. His seat, placed apart from the
others, assumed the shape of an arm-chair, and
became the seat of honour — the sign of the Primacy,
and from that time such church had only one chief
presbyter, who called himself episcopos, to the ex-
clusion of all the rest. By his side were to be
seen a number of deacons, widows, a council of
presbutoroi, but the great step had been taken ; the
bishop had become the sole successor of the apostles,
the professor of the true religion was altogether
thrust aside. The apostolic authority, which was
supposed to be transmitted by the imposition of
hands, had altogether destroyed the authority of
the community, and then, the bishops of the
different churches coming to an understanding
amongst themselves, will, as we shall see, constitute
the universal church into a sort of oligarchy, which
will hold synods, censure its own members, de-
cide questions of faith, and, in herself, constitute a
real sovereign power.
Within a hundred years the change was almost
accomplished. When Hegesippus, during the
second half of the second century, travelled through-
out the whole of Christendom, he remarked nothing
but the bishops ; everytliing for him resolves itself
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 49
into a question of canonical succession, and the
living sentiment of the churches exists no longer.
We shall show that that revolution was not accom-
plished without protest, and that the author of the
Pastor, for example, still tried, in opposition to
the growing influence of the bishops to maintain
the equal authority of the preshutoroi. But aristo-
cratic tendency carried the day ; on the one side
were the shepherds, on the other, the flocks. The
primitive equality existed no longer, and, henceforth
the Church was to be nothing but an instrument
in the hands of those who directed her ; and they
held their authority, not from the community in
general, but from a spiritual heredity from a pre-
tended transmission which went back in a continuous
line to the apostles themselves. It will be seen
at once that the representative system could not
even in the slightest degree become the system of
the Christian Church.
In one sense it may be said that this was a falling
ofi; a diminution of that spontaneity which had
hitherto been such a creative power. It was
evident that ecclesiastical forms were about to
absorb and to destroy the work of Jesus, and that
all free manifestations of Christian Hfe would soon
be stopped. Under episcopal censorship, the glosso-
lalia, prophecy, the creation of legends, and the
production of new sacred books, would be withered-
up faculties, and the Christian graces would be
reduced to official sacraments. In another sense,
however, such a transformation was an essential
condition of the strength of Christianity. In the
first place, the concentration of their forces became
necessary, as soon as the churches became at all
numerous, for relations between these smafl religious
societies would have been quite impossible, unless
they had an accredited representative who was
entitled to act for them. It is, moreover, an incon-
50 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
testable fact that, without episcopacy, the churches
which were momentarily drawn together by the
recollections of Jesus would have been dispersed
again. The divergencies of doctrine, the different
turns of thought, and, above all, rivalries and un-
satisfied self-love, would have had a vast influence
on disunion and dismemberment, and, at the end
of three or four centuries, Christianity would have
come to an end like the worship of Nithras, or,
like so many sects, have ended, being unable to
withstand the force of time. Democracy is at
times eminently creative, but only on the conditions
that conservative and aristocratic institutions spring
from it, which prevent the revolutionary fever to
be prolonged indefinitely.
That is the real miracle of infant Christianity. It
produced order, a hierarchy, authority, obedience from
the ready subjection of men's wits ; it organised the
crowd and disciphned anarchy, and it was the spirit of
Jesus with which his disciples were so deeply imbued,
that spirit of meekness, of self-denial, of forgetfulness
of the present, the pursuit of spiritual joys which de-
stroys ambition, that preference for a childlike mind,
these words of Jesus, " Let him who would be first
among you become as he that serveth," that worked
this miracle. The impression which the apostles left
behind them also did its share. They and their im-
mediate vicars had an uncontested power over all
the churches, and as episcopacy was supposed to
have inherited apostolic powers, the apostles governed
even after their death. The idea that the chief oflicer
of the Church holds his mandate from the members
I of that Church who have appointed him, does not
appear once in the literature of that time, and thus
the Church escaped, by the supernatural origin of her
power, from anything that is defective in delegated
authority. Legislative and executive authority can
come from the majority, but the sacraments and the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 51
dispensations of divine grace have nothing to do with
universal suffrage, for such privileges come only from
heaven, or, according to the Christian formularies,
from Jesus Christ, who is himself the source of all
grace and of all good.
Properly speaking, the bishops had never been
nominated by the whole community. It was quite
sufficient for the spontaneous enthusiasm of the first
churches that he should be designated by the Holy
Ghost, that is to say, that electoral means should be
employed which extreme simplicity alone could ex-
cuse. After the apostolic age, and when it became
necessary that that sort of divine right with which
the apostles and their immediate disciples were sup-
posed to be invested, should be supplemented by some
ecclesiastical decision, the elders chose their president
from among themselves, and submitted his name to
popular approval. As this choice was never made with-
out the people's opinion having been consulted in the
first instance, this approval, or rather the vote by raising
the hand, was nothing more than a mere formality,
but it was enough to preserve the recollection of the
gospel ideal, according to which the spirit of Jesus
essentially dwelt in the community, The election of
deacons was also of a double nature, for they were
nominated by the bishop, but they had to be approved
by the community before the choice could be vahd. It
is a general law of the Church that the inferior never
nominates his superior, and this is one of the reasons
which still gives to the Church, in spite of the totally
different tendency of modern democracy, such a great
power of reaction.
In the churches of St Paul this movement towards
a hierarchy and an episcopate was particularly felt.
The Jewish Christian churches, which had less life in
them, remained synagogues, and did not land so im-
mediately in clericalism, and thus, by writings attri-
buted to St Paul, arguments for the doctrine which
52 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
it was sought to inculcate were created. There was
no controverting an epistle of St Paul, and several pas-
sages of the authentic epistles of that apostle already
taught the doctrine of a hierarchy and of the authority
of the elders. For the sake of even more decisive
arguments, three short epistles were forged, which
were supposed to have been written by Paul to his
disciples Timothy and Titus. The author of these
apocryphal epistles had not got the Acts of the
Apostles, and he only knew the apostolical journeys
of St Paul vaguely and not in detail. As very few
people had any more precise notions about them, he
was not gravely compromised, and, besides, at that
period, there was such a lack of critical feeling, that it
did not strike any one that texts must necessarily
agree. Some passages in those three epistles are also
so beautiful, that the question might be asked, whether
the forger had not some authentic letters of St Paul
in his possession which he embodied in his apocryphal
compositions?
These three short works, evidently the production
of the same pen, and written most likely at Rome,
are a sort of treatise on ecclesiastical duties, a first
attempt at false decretals, a code for the use of
churchmen. Episcopacy is a grand thing, and the
bishop is a sort of model of perfection, set up before
his subordinates. He must, therefore, be irreprehen-
sible in the eyes of the faithful and of others ; he
must be sober, chaste, amiable, kind, just, not proud,
given to hospitality, moderate, inoffensive, free from
avarice, and earning his livelihood honestly. He may
drink a little wine for his health's sake, but he must
not marry more than once. His family must be grave
like himself, and his sons submissive, respectful and
free from any suspicion of dissolute morals. If any-
one cannot rule his own house, how can he take care
of the Church of God 1 Orthodox above everything ;
attached to the true faith, the sworn enemy of error.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 53
and he is to preach and to teach. For such functions
neither a novice must be taken, lest such a rapid
elevation should make him be lifted up with pride,
nor a man capable of a sudden attack of rage, nor
anyone exercising a calling that is looked down upon,
for even unbelievers ought to respect a bishop, and
not have anything to say against him.
The deacons must be as perfect as the bishops;
serious, not double-tongued, drinking Httle wine, not
given to filthy lucre, holding the mystery of the faith
in a pure conscience. So must their wives be grave,
not slanderers, sober, faithful in all things. They
must be husbands of one wife, ruling their children
and their own houses well, and as a trial is necessary
for such difficult functions, no one is to be raised to
them till after a kind of noviciate.
Widows were an order in the Church, and their
first duty was to perform their household duties, if
they had any to fulfil. They who were widows
indeed, and desolate, ought to trust in God, and
continue in supplications and prayers night and day,
but such as live in pleasure are dead whilst they
live. These interesting but feeble persons Avere
subject to a certain rule; they had a female superior,
and every Church had side by side with its deacon
also its widow, whose duty it was to watch over the
younger widows, and to exercise a sort of female
diaconate. The author of the false epistles to Timothy
and Titus wishes that the widow thus chosen should
not be less than sixty years of age, having been the
wife of one man, well re2Jortecl of for good works, if she
have brought up children, if she have lodged strangers, if
she have washed the saints feet. But he instructs
Timothy to refuse the younger widows, for they icill
wax loanton against Christ and marry, and ivithal theij
learn to be idle, ivandering about from house to house, and
not only idle, but tattlers also, and busybodies, speaking
things that they ought not, " 1 will therefore that the
54 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
younger widows marry, bear children, guide the
house, give none occasion to the adversary to speak
reproachfully. For some are already turned aside
from Satan." (1 Tim. v. passim.) Widows who are
without means, are to be relieved by the Church,
whereas those who have relations are to be kept at
their expense.
From all this may be seen what a complete society
the church already was. Every class had its own parti-
cular functions in it, and represented a member of the
social body ; all had their duties, were it only slaves,
the power of the precepts of Jesus was to be admired
by their virtuous life. As examples of this, slaves
were particularly relied upon, and they are reminded
that none can honour the new doctrine more than
they. If their master were a heathen, they were to
be counted worthy of all honour, that the name of
God and His doctrine might not be blasphemed ; and
if they had believing masters, they were not to be
despised because they were brethren, but they were
to be served because they were faithful and beloved^
partakers of the benefit. Of course there was no
word of emancipation. The aged men were to be
sober, grave, temperate, sound in faith ; the aged
women, in behaviour such as becometh holiness, not
false accusers, not given to much wine, teachers of
good things, for they should be like catechists and
teach the young women to be sober and love their
husbands and their children ; to be discreet, chaste,
keepers at home, good, obedient to their own
husbands, that the word of God might not be
blasphemed. The young men were to be exhorted
to be sober minded.
The married women's part is humble indeed, but
still a beautiful one.
In like manner also, that women adorn themselves in modest
apparel, with shame-faceduess and sobriety, not with plaited hair,
or gold or peails or costly array ; hut (vvhich becometh women
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 55
professing godliness) with good works. Let the woman learn in
silence with all subjection. But I suffer not a woman to teach
nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in silence. For
Adam was first formed, then Eve, and Adam was not deceived,
but the woman being deceived was in the transgression. Never-
theless she shall be saved in childbearing, if she continue in faith
and charity and holiness with sobriety." (1 Tim. ii. 9-15.)
All should be submissive, as subjects, obedient,
gentle, inoffensive, enemies to revolution, interested
in the preservation of public peace, which alone
vi^ould allov^ them to lead their usual holy life.
They need not be surprised if they were persecuted,
that was the natural lot of Christians. They ought
to be the very opposite to the heathen. A man who
only follows the dictates of nature is the slave of his
desires, carried away by sensuality, wicked, envious,
hating and hateful. The transformation which
makes the natural man one of the elect is not the
fruit of his own merits, but of the compassion of
Jesus Christ, and of the efficacy of his sacraments.
This short Epistle, which is already quite Catholic,
is a true type of the ecclesiastical spirit, and for
seventeen centuries has been the manual of the
clergy, the gospel of seminaries, the rule of that
spiritual policy as it is carried out by the Church.
Piety, which is the soul of the priest, the secret of his
resignation and of his authority, is the foundation
of this spirit. But the pious priest has his rights ;
those of reprimanding and correcting — respectfully,
indeed, in the case of old people, but always with
firmness. "Preach the word, be instant in season
and out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort with all
long-suffering and doctrine " (2 Tim. iv. 2). Simple
in his life, asking only for food and raiment, the "Man
of God," as our author calls him, was sure to be an
austere man, often an imperious ruler. " Rebuke not
an elder, but intreat him as a father, and the
younger men as brethren ; the elder women as
mothers, the younger as sisters, in all purity."
5Q THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
After that one feels that the Christian society cannot
be a free one, for every individual member of it will
be watched and censured, and will not have the
right to say to his fellow citizen, " What business
is my belief or my conduct to you ? I am doing
you no wrong." The believer will say that in be-
lieving differently to what he does, he is being
wronged, and that he has the right of protesting.
Against such an idea, so totally opposed to hberty,
princes and laymen must rightly soon revolt. " A
man that is an heretic after a first and second
admonition reject." (Titus iii. 10.) Nothing could be
less in keeping with the maxims of a man of
liberal education. The heretic has his opinions as
well as you, and he may be right, and politeness
certainly requires you to pretend to believe so in his
presence. The world is no monastery, and the
advantages, which, as is alleged, are obtained by
censure and accusation, bring more evils in their
train than they hoped to avoid.
In the Epistles to Timothy and Titus orthodoxy
has made as much progress as episcopacy. Already
there is a rule of faith, a Catholic centre in existence,
which excludes everything that does not receive its
life from the parent stem as dead branches. The
heretic is a guilty man, a dangerous being, who must
be avoided. He has every vice, is capable of every
crime, and acts which are even laudable in the
Christian priest, such as a wish to direct women on
certain matters of internal goverment, are acts of
usurpation on his part. The heretics of whom the
author is thinking seem to be the Essenes, the
Elkasaites, Jewish Christian sectaries, who occupied
their minds with genealogies of eeons, who insisted
on certain acts of abstinence and on a rigorous
distinction between things pure and impure, who
condemned marriage, and who yet were great
seducers of women, whom they overcame by holding
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 57
OTit to them the bait of an easy way of expiating
their sins, whilst at the same time they might pro-
cm-e sensual pleasure for themselves. One feels that
this is approaching very near to Gnosticism and
Montanism, and the proposition, that the resurrec-
tion was already an accomphshed fact reminds us of
Marcion. The expressions concerning Christ's Divin-
ity gain in vigour, though still surrounded by some
difficulties. A wonderful amount of good practical
sense rules everything, however. The ardent pietist
who composed these Epistles, does not for a moment
lose himself in the dangerous paths of quietism. He
repeats almost ad nauseam that the woman has no
right to devote herself to the spiritual life, except
when she has no family duties to fulfil ; that her
principal duty is to bear and bring up children, and
that it is a mistake to pretend to serve the Church if
everything is not well ordered at home. Besides
that, the piety which our author preaches is one of
an altogether spiritual kind, and is one of feeling in
which bodily exercise (1 Tim. iv. 8) and abstinence
profit little. St Paul's influence is felt, a sort of mystic
sobriety, and, amidst the strangest aberrations of faith
in a supernatural direction, these writings contain a
large amount of what is upright and sincere.
The composition of the Epistles to Timothy and
Titus most likely coincided with what may be called
the publication of St Paul's Epistles. Up till that
time those letters had been scattered, and each church
had kept those Avhich had been addressed to them,
whilst several had been lost. At about the period
of which we are now speaking they were collected,
and the three short epistles, which were looked upon
as a necessary complement of St Paul's writings,
were embodied with them. They were most likely
published at Rome, and the order which the first
editor adopted has always been preserved. They
were divided into two categories, Epistles to
58 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
churches and to individuals, and in each of these
categories the epistles were arranged according to
stichometry, that is, according to the number of lines
in the manuscript. Certain copies soon contained
the Epistle to the Hebrews, and its very place at the
end of the volume, out of all order as regards its
length, ought to suffice to prove that it was incor-
porated into St Paul's Epistles at some later period.
OHAPTERVII.
FORGED APOSTOLICAL WRITINGS. — THE CHRISTIAN BIBLE.
Meanwhile, however, the world would persist in not
coming to an end, and it required all that inex-
haustible measure of patience, self-denial and gentle-
ness which formed the basis of the character of every
Christian, when they saw how slowly the prophecies
of Jesus were being accomplished. The years went
by, and the vast Northern glorious hght in the centre
of which, it was believed, the Son of Man would
appear did not yet begin to dawn in the clouds.
Men grew weary of seeking for the cause of this
delay, and whilst some grew discouraged, others
murmured. St Luke, in his Gospel, announced that
he would avenge his Elect speedily, that the long-
suffering of God would come to an end, and that, by
praying day and night under their persecution, the
elect would obtain justice hke the importunate widow
did over the unjust judge. Nevertheless, they began
to be tired of waiting. That generation which was
not to have passed away before the appearance of
Christ in His Glory must all have been dead. More
than fifty years had passed since those events had
taken place, which were only to precede the accom-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 59
plishment of the prophecies of Jesus by a very little.
All the towns in Judea had heard Christian preachers,
and malicious men began to make this the occasion
of mocking. The reply of the faithful was that the
jSrst rule of the true believer was not to calculate
dates. " He will come like a thief in the night," said
the wise ; " The appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ,
which in his own times he shall show," says the
author of the Epistle to Timothy ; and, meanwhile,
that good and practical pastor laid down rules which,
admitting the approaching end of the world, did not
contain much sense, and men aspired to escape from
that provisional state in which those who believed in
the hourly appearance of the Messiah would always
have remained enthralled.
Then it was that a pious writer, in order to make
these doubts cease, had the idea of disseminating
amongst the faithful an epistle that was attributed
to Peter. The Churches of St Paul had just col-
lected their master's works, and made important
additions to them. It appears that a Christian of
Rome, who belonged to that group which wished to
reconcile St Peter and St Paul at any price, wished
to enlarge the very slight literary legacy which the
Galilean apostle had left behind him. Already there
was one epistle which bore the name of the chief of
the apostles, and by taking it for a foundation, and
embodying in it phrases borrowed from all sides,
there resulted a " Second Epistle of Peter " which,
it was hoped, would circulate on the same footing
as the former.
Nothing was neglected in the composition of the
second epistle to make it coextensive in authority
with the first. Whilst composing this little work,
the author certainly had before him the short letter of
the Apostle Jude, and, no doubt, supposing that it was
very Httle known, he did not scruple to incorporate
it almost wholly into his own writing, lie was pene-
60 THE CHRTSTIAN CHURCH.
trated by the spirit of St Paul's Epistles, of which
he possessed the complete edition ; and he also made
use of the Apocalypse of Esdras or of Baruch. He
even attributed to Peter expressions and direct
allusions to gospel facts, and to an allegation in St
Paul's Epistles, which certainly never found place
in anything that Cyphus dictated. The pious
forger's object was to reassure the faithful about the
long delay of Messiah's second coming, to shoAv that
Peter and Paul were agreed on this fundamental
mystery of the Christian faith, and to combat the
errors of Gnosticism. In several churches his Epistle
was favourably received, but protests were also
raised against it, which the orthodox canon of Scrip-
ture did not put an end to for a long time.
The teaching of the Epistle, however, is quite
worthy of the apostolic age, by its purity and loftiness
of thought. The Elect become participators of the
divine nature because they renounce the corruptions
of the world. Patience, sobriety, piety, paternal
love, horror of heresy, to wait, to be always waiting
and expecting, is the whole Christian life (2 Peter
iii. 1, et seq.).
With the Second Epistle of Peter ended, about
a hundred years after the death of Jesus, the cycle of
writings, which were called, later on, the New
Testament, in contradiction to the Old. This second
Bible, which was inspired by Jesus, although there
is not a single line of his in it, was far from ad-
mitting any settled canon ; many small works, all
more or less pseudo-epigraphs, were admitted by
some and discarded by others. The new writings
were, as yet, very little circulated, and very un-
equally read, and the hst was not looked upon as
final ; and we shall see that other works, such
as the Pastor of Hermas, take their place by the
side of writings which were already sacred, almost
on a footing of equality." Yet the idea of a new reve
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 6 1
lation was already fully accepted. In the so-called
"Second Epistle of St Peter," St Paul's Epistles
are ranked amongst the Scriptures, and this was not
the first time that such an expression had been
used. Christianity had thus its sacred book, an
admirable collection, which would be sure to make
its fortune in those far ages when the immediate
recollection of its origin was lost, and no religious
were worth anything except by their written texts.
Of course the Jewish Bible maintained all its
authority, and continued to be looked upon as the
direct revelation of God. That ancient Canon and
the apocryphal writings that had been appended
to it (such as the Book of Enoch, the Assump-
tion of Moses, etc., etc.) were looked upon, above
all, as the immediate revelation of God. It was
not touched ; whereas, with regard to the new
Scriptures, neither additions nor suppressions, nor
arbitrary manipulations were forbidden. Nobody
had any scruple in attributing to the Apostles and
Christ himself such words and writings as they
thought good, useful, and worthy of such a divine
origin. If they had not said all those beautiful
things, they could have said them, and that was
enough. An ecclesiastical usage, that of reading
aloud in churches, was an incentive to these sort
of frauds, and made them almost necessary. In
their meetings, the reading of the prophetical and
apostohcal writings was to take up all the time
that was not occupied by the mysteries and the
sacraments. The prophetical and the genuine
apostolical writings were soon exhausted, and _ so
something fresh was required: and to provide
for the constantly occurring requirements of these
readings, any edifying work was eagerly welcomed,
as long as it had the slightest appearance of
apostolicity, or bore the most distant resemblance to
the writings of the ancient prophets.
62 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Thus Christianity had accomplished the first duty
of a rehgion, which is to introduce a new sacred book
to the world. Another Bible had been added to the
old one, which was much inferior to it in classic
beauty, but was very efficacious for the conversion of
the world. The old Hebrew language, that venerable
aristocratic instrument of poetry, of the feelings of
the soul and of passion, had been dead for centuries.
The Semetic-Aramean patois of Palestine, and that
popular Greek, which the Macedonian conquest had
introduced into the East, and which the Alexandrian
translators of the Bible raised to the height of a
sacred language, could not act as the organs for
those literary master-pieces ; but although it lacked
genius, it possessed goodness ; and though it had
no great writers, it had men who were filled with
Jesus, and who have given us the reflex of his spirit.
The New Testament introduced a new idea into the
world, that of popular beauty, and in any case there
is no book which has dried so many tears and soothed
so many hearts as it has.
We cannot speak in a general manner of the style
of the New Testament, because its writings are
divided into four or five different styles. All these
various parts, however, have something in common,
audit is just that something which imparts their power
and success to them. Though written in Greek, their
conception is Semetic. Such phrases, without any
circumlocution, that language whose everything is
black or white, sunshine or darkness, as, " Jacob
have I loved ; but Esau have I hated," to express " I
preferred Jacob to Esau," have carried away the
world by their rugged grandeur. Our races were
not used to Oriental fulness, to such energetic par-
tiality, to this manner of procedure, all at once
used, as it were, by bounds ; and so they were
overcome and crushed, and even at this present
time that style constitutes the great power of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 63
Christianity which fascinates souls and wins them
over to Jesus.
The canon of Old Testament Scripture, which the
Christians admitted, was, as far as regarded the
essential works, the same as that of the Jews.
Christians who were ignorant of Hebrew read these
ancient writings in the Alexandrine version, which is
called the Septuagint, and which they reverenced
as equal to the Hebrew text, and where the Greek
version adds expansions to the original, as is the case
in Esther and Daniel, these additions were accepted.
Less severely guarded than the Jewish canon, the
Christian admitted besides such books as Judith,
Tobias, Baruch, the Fourth Book of Esdras, the as-
sumption of Moses, Enoch, and the Wisdom of
Solomon, which the Jewish rabbis excluded from the
sacred volume and even systematically destroyed ;
whilst such books as Job, the Song of Solomon,
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, were very little read by
people who looked, above all things, for edification,
on account of their bold or altogether profane
character. The books of the Maccabees were pre-
served rather as instructive or pious books, than as
sources of inspiration.
The Old Testament, which has been mauled in
different ways, and been interpreted with all the
latitude that a text without vowels allows of, was
the storehouse for the arguments of Christian apolo-
gists and Jewish polemics. Most frequently these dis-
putes took place in Greek, and though the Alex-
andrine versions were used, they daily became more
and more insufficient. The advantages which the
Christians gained from them made the Jews sus-
picious of them, and a saying was disseminated,
which was reputed to be prophetic, in which some
wise men of old had announced all the evil that
should some day spring from those accursed versions.
The day on which the Septuagint version was made
64 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was compared to that on wliicli the golden calf was
cast, and it was even asserted that that day was fol-
lowed by three days of darkness. On the other hand,
the Christians admitted the legends which represented
this version as having been miraculously revealed.
Rabbi Aquiba and his school had invented the absurd
principle, that nothing in the whole Bible is insigni-
ficant, that every letter was written with some
particular purpose, and has some influence on the
sense. From thenceforward the Alexandrine trans-
lators who had done their work by human means,
like philologists and not like cabalists, did not seem
as if they could be of any use in the controversies
of the time ; unreasonable objections to grammatical
peculiarities were brought forward, and they
wished for translations of the Bible, in which every
Hebrew word, or rather root, should be rendered
by a Greek word, even if the translation had no
sense in consequence.
Aquila was the most celebrated of those who were
devoted to a senseless literal translation. His work
dates from the twelfth year of Hadrian's reign.
Although he was a mere proselyte, he had very
Hkely been educated by Aquiba, and, in fact, his
exegesis is an exact pendant to the rabbi's casuistry.
A Greek word corresponds exactly to every Hebrew
word, even when nothing but nonsense is the result.
The Christians soon got to know Aquila's trans-
lation, and they were much vexed at it, for, as they
were accustomed to depend on the Septuagint for
their texts, they saw that this new translation would
overthrow all their methods and their apologetic
system. One passage especially troubled them very
much. The churches wished at any price to see
the prophetic announcement of the birth of Jesus
from a virgin from Isaiah 7, xiv., which indeed
means something quite different, but where the
word 'Trapd'svog, employed for the Hebrew almcis and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 65
applied to the mother of the symbolical Emmanuel,
God with us, is rather peculiar. Aquila overthrew
this little scaffolding by translating alma by vzavig.
They declared that it was pure wickedness on his
part, and a system of pious calumnies was invented
to explain how, having been a Christian, he learned
Hebrew and devoted himself to that tremendous
work merely for the sake of contradicting the
Septuagint, and to do away with the passages that
proved that Jesus was the Messiah.
The Jews, on the other hand, delighted at the
apparent exactness of the new version, openly
proclaimed their preference for it over the Septua-
gint. The Ebionites or Nazarenes also frequently
used it, for the manner in which Aquila had rendered
the passage of Isaiah enabled them to prove that
Jesus was merely the son of Joseph.
However, Aquila was not the only one who trans-
lated Hebrew after Rabbi Aquiba's method. The
Greek version of Ecclesiastes, which forms part of
the Greek Vulgate, presents the very same peculiari-
ties which Rabbi Aquiba caused the translators of
his school to adopt, and yet that version is not by
Aquiba.
CHAPTER VIII.
MILLENARIA NISM — PAPIAS.
The most different tendencies were apparent in the
Church of Jesus, which demonstrated the wonderful
fecundity of the newly-awakened conscience in the
bosom of humanity ; but which at the same time
created an immense danger for that newly-born
institution. Thousands of hands, so to say, were
tearing the new religion to pieces, some wishing to
E
G6 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
keep it within the Jewish pale, whilst others wished
to sever every bond between it and that Judaism
from which it had sprung. The second coming of
Jesus, and the idea of his rule for a thousand years,
were the two questions which brought these two
contrary feelings most prominently forward. The
Gnostics, and, up to a certain point, the author of the
Epistle of St John, no longer paid any regard to the
fundamental doctrines of the first century. They
did not any longer trouble themselves much about
the end of the world : it was relegated to the back-
ground, where it had scarcely any meaning, and
these lofty dreams ought now to be forgotten by
every one. In Asia Minor the greater number of
Christians lived upon that idea, and refused to go any
further in search of the truth as to the meaning of
Jesus; and in close approximation to that school
where, it would seem, the Johannistic writings were
being thought out, a man who might have some
intercourse with the authors of these writings was
working on a totally different, or rather I should say
on a totally opposite, line of thought.
But we must speak of Papias, Bishop of Hiera-
polis, the most striking personality at a period when
two Christians could still differ from each other to an
extent which we cannot picture to ourselves now.
It has often been thought that Papias was one of St
John's disciples, but this must certainly be a mistake.
He never saw any of the Apostles, as he belongs to
the third generation of Christians, but no doubt he
consulted those who had seen them. He was a very
careful man, a searcher after truth in his own fashion,
and one who knew the Scriptures thoroughly. He
made it his occupation zealously to collect the words
of Jesus, to comment on those words in their most
literal sense, to classify them according to their
matter, and, in a word, to gather together all the
traditions of the apostolic age which had already
THE OHRTSTIAN CHURCH. 67
disappeared. He therefore -undertook an investiga-
tion of vast extent, which he carried on according to
rules snch as a sound judgment would prescribe.
Dissatisfied with the small books which were said to
be an exact picture of the life of Jesus, he thought
he could do better, and laid claim to giving the true
interpretation of Jesus' doctrine. He only believed
in original teaching, and so he spent his life in ques-
tioning those who might know something about
primitive tradition.
" I am not," he says, in his preface, " like most of
those who allow themselves to be captivated by a
flow of words ; all I cared for were those which teach
the truth. Full of mistrust for the extraordinary
precepts which have got about, I only wish to
know those that the Saviour had entrusted to his
disciples, and which spring from truth itself. If, for
example, I were to meet any one who had been a
follower of the elders, I should ask him, What did
Andrew say? What did Peter say? What did
Philip, Thomas, James, John, or any other of the
disciples of our Lord say? What do Aristion and
Preshuteros Johannes, disciples of the Saviour, say?
For I did not think that all the books could bring
me so much profit as data collected from living and
permanent tradition."
No Apostle had been alive for some time when
Papias conceived this project, but there were still
persons living who had known some of the members
of that first upper chamber. The daughters of
Philip, who had reached an extreme old age, and
who were not quite in their right mind, filled
Hierapolis with their wonderful stories, and Papias
had seen them. At Ephesus and at Smyrna Pres-
huteros Johannes and Aristion both asserted that they
were the depositants of precious traditions which it
seems they said they had received from the Apostle
John. Papias did not belong to that school which was
68 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
attached to John, and from which it is said the fourth
Gospel proceeded, though it is probable that he knew
Aristion and Presbuteros. His was composed, in a
great part, of quotations borrowed from conversa-
tions of these two persons who in his eyes were evi-
dently the best representatives of the apostolic chain
and of the authentic doctrine of Jesus. It is needless
to say that the Jewish Christian Papias does not
mention the Apostle St Paul, either directly or in-
directly.
This attempt to reconstruct the teaching of Jesus
by mere oral tradition a hundred years after his death
would have been a paradox if Papias had refused to
make use of the written texts, and in this respect his
method was not so exclusive as he seems to imply
in his preface. Whilst preferring oral tradition, and
whilst, perhaps, not assigning any absolute value to
any of the texts which were in circulation, he read
the Gospels of which copies came into his possession.
It is certainly vexing that we cannot judge for our-
selves how much he knew in this respect. But here
Eusebius appears to have been very far-sighted.
According to his usual custom, he read the works of
Papias pen in hand, to note his quotations from the
canonical writings, and he only found two of our
Gospels — that of St Mark and of St Matthew — men-
tioned. Papias noticed a curious opinion of P^^es-
buteros on Mark's Gospel, and the citations by which
this latter traditionalist excused, as he imagined,
the disorder and the fragmentary character of the
compilation of the said Evangehst. As to the Gospel
attributed to St Matthew, Papias looked upon it as a
free and tolerably ftiitbful translation of the Hebrew
work written by the Apostle of that name, and he
valued it especially on account of the authentic
words of Jesus which were to be found in it. Besides
this, he met with an anecdote in Papias, which formed
part of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, but he
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 69
is not sure that the Bishop of Hierapolis took them
from that Gospel.
Thus it will be seen that this learned man who
was so well acquainted with the Scriptures, who had
been in the habit of associating, so it was said, with
the disciples of John, and had learnt from them the
words of Jesus, did not yet know St John's Gospel, a
work which appears to have been produced only a few
miles from the town in which he was living. Cer-
tainly if Eusebfus had found any traces of it in the
writings of the Bishop of Hierapolis, he would have
mentioned it, just as he tells us that he found quota-
tions from the first Epistle of John. It is a singular
fact that Papias, who does not know St John's
Gospel, knows the Epistle attributed to him, and
which is, in a manner, intended to prepare the way
for the Gospel. Perhaps the forgers communicated
this Epistle to him, but not the Gospel, as they feared
his stringent criticism, or perhaps some time elapsed
between the Epistle and the Gospel. One can never
touch on this question of the writings said to be
John's without meeting with contradictions and
anomalies.
From this mass of conscientious research Papias
composed five books which he called Exegeses or
" Expositions of the Words of the Saviour," and
which he certainly looked upon as a correct repre-
sentation of the teachings of Jesus. The disappear-
ance of this work is the most regrettable loss which
the field of primitive Christian literature has ever
sustained. If we had Papias' book, no doubt a large
number of difficulties which confront us in that
obscure history would be removed, and most likely
that is the very reason why we do not possess it.
His work was written from so personal a point of
view that it became a scandal for orthodoxy. The
four Gospels had an authority which excluded every
other, and in fifty years we shall find mystical reasons
70 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
why there should be four and why there could not
be more than four. No author who declared that he
did not think much of those holy texts could possibly
be looked upon with favour.
Besides this, Papias, although he seems to be a
very severe critic, was really extremely credulous.
He added things to the Gospels which, not being pro-
tected by the authority of inspiration, seemed shock-
ing and absurd. St Mark, with his ponderous thauma-
turgy, appears reasonable beside the extravagant
wonders which he alleges. The teaching and the
parables which he attributes to Jesus are, to say the
least of it, extraordinary and absurd, and the whole
had thatfabulous character which the Gospel accounts,
or at least those of the first three, avoided so carefully.
The miracles that he attributed to Philip, on the
authority of his old, half-crazy daughters, exceeded
everything, and those which he alleged Justus
Barsabbas worked, went beyond tradition, whilst his
account of the death of St John, and especially that
of Judas, was such as nobody had ever heard before.
He even seemed to be versed in the dreams of Gnosti-
cism when he asserts that God gave the government
of the world to angels, who acquitted themselves
badly of their duty.
But his wild millenarianism damaged Papias more
than anything else in the mind of all the orthodox.
His mistake was that he accepted the apocalypse of
the year 68 in the sense that its author meant.
With the Seer of Patmos he admitted that after
the first resurrection of the dead Christ would
reign personally on earth for a thousand years. This
is what he makes Jesus say, according to a tradition
that had been handed down by the preshuteroi : —
A day will come in which, vines shall grow, each of which
shall contain ten thousand stems ; and each stem shall have ten
thousand branches ; and each branch, ten thousand shoots ; and
on each shoot there shall be ten thousand grapes ; and each
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 71
grape, when pressed, shall produce twenty -five thousand hogsheads
of wine. And when one of the saints shall seize one of the
bunches of grapes, another bunch will cry out, "Take me for I
am better ; and bless God for me." And each grain of wheat
shall produce ten thousand ears ; and each ear shall produce ten
thousand grains ; and each grain, ten thousand pounds of flour.
And it shall be the same with the fruit trees as with all cereals, with
herbs, according to their different properties. And all animals
that live on the simple fruits of the earth shall be peaceful and
kind towards each other, obedient and respectful towards
It was added that Judas refused to believe all these
fine things, and from the day that he heard his
Master speak thus he became a semi-unbeliever.
Besides this, Papias did not make use of any great
amount of discernment in his choice of the words
of Jesus when he attributed to him such which
appear to have been scattered about in the Jewish
apocalypses, and which may be seen more particularly
in the Apocalypse of Baruch. His book was directly
opposed to the proposition which the other held
so dear, and proved how valuable the written
Gospels were, by checking the manner in which the
traditional words of Jesus were degraded. Already
Montanist ideas, with their simple materialism, were
making themselves felt, and, like certain Gnostics,
Papias could not understand any perfect innocence
of life without a total abstention from animal food.
The relative good sense of the Galilean dreams had
disappeared to make way for the extravagancies
of the far East, and so the impossible was sought
after, and a sort of subversive gentleness of humanity,
such as India alone, as the price of her political
annihilation, has been able to realise in life.
The orthodox Church perceived the danger of
these chimeras very quickly, and the millenium,
above all, became an object of repugnance for every
Christian of common sense. Minds who, like
Origen, Dionysius of Alexandria, Eusebius^ and the
72 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Hellenistic Fathers, saw nothing but a revealed
philosophy in Jesus, made it their chief business not
to attribute to him or to the apostles an opinion
which daily became more self-evidently absurd, and
to remove from the very threshold of Christianity
that fatal objection that the dominant idea of its
founders was a manifest dream. Every possible means
were sought for to get rid of the apocalypse, and the
fidelity of Papias, who was most strongly imbued of all
the ecclesiastical writers with the primitive ideas
to tradition, was fatal to him. Men strove to forget
him, his works were not copied, and only curious
readers cared for his writings : and Eusebius, whilst
respecting him, says clearly that he was a man of
small mind, without any judgment.
Papias' mistake was that of being too conservative,
and by being the friend of tradition he seemed to be
behind everybody else. The progress of Christianity
would naturally make of him an inconvenient man,
and a witness to be suppressed, whilst in his own
time he certainlyresponded to the state of manymen's
minds. The millennists looked upon him as their
principal authority ; Iren^eus esteems him openly,
and places him immediately after the Apostles, on the
same footing as Poly carp, and calls him by a name
which is very appropriate to his character : " A
Father of the Church."* The Bishop of Lyon thought
that his discourses on the vines of the kingdom
of David were beautiful and authentic. Irenseus
allows these dreams of a concrete idealism, coarse as
they may be, whilst Justin has heard of them,
and TertuUian and Commodian exceed the material-
ism of Papias himself. St Hippolytus, Methodius,
Nepos, Bishop of Arsinoe in Egypt, Victorinus
Pettavius, Lanctantius, the ApoUinarists, St Ambrose,
Sulpicius-Severus— or St Martin — beheve the old
* 'A/)xa?os dvT^p [vide Liddell and Scott in verb : ) — Translator,
THE CHRISTIAN CHaRCH. 73
tradition in this respect. Up to the fifth centnry
the faithful who were most oxthodox Christians
maintained that after the coming of Antichrist, and
the destruction of all the nations, there would be a
resurrection of the just only ; that those who were
then on the earth, good and bad, would be preserved
alive ; the good to obey the just who had been raised
as their princes, and the bad to be altogether subject
to them. A Jerusalem, consisting altogether of gold,
cypress, and cedar, rebuilt by the nations, who should
come, led by their kings, to work at the re-erection of
its walls, — a restored Temple, which should become
the centre of the world, — crowds of victims around
the altar, — the gates of the city open day and night
in order to receive the tribute of the people, —
pilgrims coming in their due order according as they
were allowed to come every week, every month, or
every year, — the saints, the patriarchs, and the
prophets passing a thousand years in one perpetual
Sabbath in perfect agreement with the Messiah, who
would give them a hundred fold all that they have
fiven up for him — this was the essentially Jewish
aradise of which many dreamed, even in the times
of St Jerome and St Augustine. Orthodoxy fought
against tliese ideas ; but as they were openly
expressed in many passages of the Fathers, they
were never strictly qualified as heresies. St Epi-
phanius, who was a man of most strict research, who
tried to enlarge his catalogue of heresies by makiog
two or three sects out of one, has not devoted
a special chapter to the millenarians — and to be con-
sistent he must first of all have got rid of the
Apocalypse of the received Canon of Scripture ; and
so, in spite of the most ingenious attempts of the
Greek Fathers, every attempt to do so was un-
successful.
Besides this there were degrees in the materialism
of those simple behevers. Some, like Irenasus, saw
74 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in the first resurrection nothing but a begin ning of
incorruption, a means of becoming accustomed to the
sight of God, a period during which the saints would
enjoy the conversation and the companionship of the
angels, and would treat about spiritual matters with
them. Others only dreamt of a gross paradise
of eating and drinking. They asserted that the
saints would spend all that time in feasts of carnal
pleasure, and that children would be born during
Messiah's reign ; that the lords of that new world
would wallow in gold and precious stones, and that
every creature would immediately obey their slight-
est desire.
The ideas of the infinite, of the immortality of the
soul, were so far absent from these Jewish dreams that
a thousand years seemed enough for the most exact-
ing minds. A man must have been very greedy of life
if at the end of that time he had not been surfeited
with it. In our eyes, a paradise of a thousand years
seems only a small thing, as every year would bring
us nearer to the time when everything would vanish.
The last years which preceded annihilation would
seem to us to be a hell, and the thought of the year
999, would be quite enough to poison the happiness
of the foregoing years. But it is no good to ask for
logic to try and solve the intolerable destiny which
falls to the lot of man. Carried away irresistibly to
believe in what is right, and cast into a world that is
injustice itself, requiring an eternity to make good
his claims, and stopped short by the grave, what can
he do? He clings to the cofiin and yields his flesh
to his fleshless bones, his life to the brain full of
rottenness, light to the closed eye, and pictures to
himself chimeras that he would laugh at in a child,
so that he may not have to avow that God has been
able to mock his own creatures to the extent of lay-
ing upon them the burden of duty without any
future recompense.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 75
CHAPTER IX.
THE COMMENCEMENT OF GNOSTICISM.
At this period Christianity was a newborn child, and
when it emerged from its swaddHng-clothes, a most
dangerous sort of croup threatened to choke it. The
root of this illness was partly internal, partly external,
and in some respects the child had been born with
the germs of it. In a great measure, however, the
illness came from without, and the unhealthy locality
in which the young Church dwelt caused it a sort of
poisoning to which it very nearly succumbed.
As the Church grew more numerous and began to
develop a hierarchy, the docility and self-denial of
the faithful began to have its merit. It seemed to
be irksome to walk like a lost sheep amongst the
close ranks of the whole herd, and so men wished to
leave the crowd and have rules for themselves : the
universal law seemed to be a very commonplace
matter. In all directions small aristocracies were
formed in the Church which threatened to rend the
seamless robe of Christ, and two of them were marked
by rare originality. One was the aristocracy of piety,
Montanism ; the other, the aristocracy of science, was
Gnosticism.
This latter was the first to develop itself. To
minds that were initiated into the philosophical
subtleties of the times, the ideas and the government of
the Church must have appeared very humble, for the
via media of relative good sense to which orthodoxy
adhered did not suit all men's minds, and refined
intellects asserted that they had loftier ideas about
the dogmas and the life of Jesus than the vulgar
herd who took matters literally, and gave themselves
up without reasoning to the direction of their
pastors; and sublimity of doctrine was sought, where-
7G THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
as it ought to have been received with the cheerful-
ness of a pure heart, and embraced with a simple
faith.
Jesus and his immediate disciples had altogether ne-
glected that part of the human intellect which desires
to know; with knowledge they had nothing to do,
and they only addressed themselves to the heart and
the imagination. Cosmology, psychology, and even
lofty theological speculations, were a blank page for
them, and very likely they were right. It was not
the part of Christianity to satisfy any vain curiosity ;
it came to console those who suffer, to touch the
fibres of moral sense, and to bring man into rela-
tion not with some one or abstract logos, but with a
heavenly Father full of kindness, who is the author
of all the harmonies and of all the joys of the
universe. Especially towards the end of his life
St Paul felt the want of a speculative theology, and
his ideas became assimilated to those of Philo, who
a century before had striven to impart a rationalistic
turn of mind to Judaism. About the same time the
Churches of Asia Minor launched forth into a sort
of cabala which connected the part of Jesus with
a chimerical ontology and an indefinite series of
avatars. The school from which the fourth Gospel
sprung felt the same need of explaining the miracles
of Galilee by theology, and so Jesus became the
Divine logos made flesh, and the altogether Jewish
idea of the future appearing of the Messiah was
replaced by the theory of the Paraclete. Cerinthus
obeyed an analogous tendency. At Alexandria this
thirst for metaphysics was even more pronounced,
and produced strange results, which it is time for
us to study now.
In that city a crude and unwholesome mass of
all theologies and all cosmogonies had been formed,
which, however, was often traversed by rays of
genius, and which was a doctrine that set up the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 77
pretension of having discovered the formula of the
absolute, and gave himself the ambiguous title of
Gnosis — " perfect science." The man who was
initiated into the chimerical doctrine was called Gnos-
ticos — the man of perfect knowledge. At that time,
Alexandria was, after Home, the spot where men's
minds were in the most unsettled state. Frivolity
and superficial eclecticism produced altogether
unforeseen effects, and everything got mixed up
together in those wild and fantastic brains. Thanks
to an often unconscious charlatanism, the weightiest
problems of life w^ere turned into mere cases of
filching, and every question about God and the
world v^ere solved by juggling with words and
hollow formulas, and real science was dispensed with
by tricks of legerdemain. It must be remembered
that the great scientific institutions founded by the
Ptolomies had disappeared or fallen into complete
decay, and the only guide which can prevent man-
kind from talking nonsense — that is, exact science —
existed no longer.
Philosophy did exist still, and was trying to raise
its head again, but great minds were scarce. Platonism
had gained the upper hand over all the other Greek
systems in Egypt, and in Syria, which was a great
misfortune, for Platonism is always dangerous, un-
less corrected by a scientific education. There were
no more any men of taste refined enough to ap-
preciate the wonderful art in Plato's Dialogues, for
most received those charming philosophical fancies
in a clumsy spirit ; but instruction such as they
conveyed, which rather satisfied the imagination
than the reason, would please Eastern ideas. The
germ of mysticism which they contained made its
impress on those races who could not receive
pure and simple rationalism. Christianity followed
the general fashion, and already Philo had sought
to make Platonism the philosophy of Judaism, and
78 . THE CHRISTIAN CHTTRCH.
those Fathers of the Church who had any weight
were Platonists.
To accommodate itself to this •unnatural fusion,
Greek genius, healthy and intelligible as it was, had
to make many sacrifices. Philosophers were to be-
lieve in ecstasies, in miracles, in supernatural relations
between God and man, Plato becomes a theosophist
and a mystagogue, and the invocation of good spirits
is taken as a serious matter, and whilst the scientific
spirit disappears altogether, that habit of mind which
was fortified by mysteries begins to gain the upper
hand. In those small religious assemblies of Eleusius
and Thrace, where men were in the habit of throwing
dust into their own eyes so as to imagine that they
knew the unknowable, it was already asserted that
the body was the prison of the soul, that the actual
world was a decadence from the divine world ; teach-
ing was divided into esoteric and exoteric, and men
into spiritual, animal, and material beings. The habit
of clothing doctrine in a mythical form after the
manner of Plato, and of explaining ancient texts alle-
gorically after the manner of Philo, became general.
The highest bliss was to be initiated into pretended
secrets, into a superior gnosis. These ideas of a chi-
merical intellectual aristocracy daily gained ground,
and the truth was looked upon as a privilege reserved
for a small number of the initiated, and thus every
master became a charlatan who sought to increase
the number of his customers by selling them the secret
of the absolute.
The fields of the propaganda of the gliosis and of
Christianity in Alexandria were very closely allied.
Gnostics and Christians resembled each other in their
ardent wish to penetrate into religious mysteries
without any positive science, of which they were both
equally ignorant, and this brought about their sublime
amalgamation. On the one hand, the Gnostics, who
alleged that they embraced every belief, and accus-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 79
tomed as they were to look upon the gods of the
nations as divine geons much inferior to the supreme
God, wished to understand Christianity, and received
Jesus enthusiastically as an incaroate aeon to be placed
side by side with so many others, giving him a chief
place in their formulas of the philosophies of history.
On the other hand, Christians who had any intellec-
tual requirements, and who wished to attach the
Gospel to some system of philosophy, found what
they required in the obscure metaphysics of the
Gnostics. Then there happened something quite
analogous to what happened about fifty years ago,
when a certain philosophical system, whose pro-
gramme, like that of Gnosticism, was to explain
everything, and to understand everything, adopted
Christianity, and proclaimed itself to be Christian in a
superior sense, and Catholic and Protestant theo-
logians might be seen at the same time adopting a
number of philosophical ideas which they thought
were compatible with their theology, because they did
not wish to appear strange to their century.
The Fathers of the Church insist upon it that all
this rank and poisonous growth had its origin in the
Samaritan sects which sprang from Simon of Gitto
(Simon Magus), and he certainly seems already to
have presented most of the features which charac-
terise Gnosticism. The Great Announce^nent^ which
he certainly did not write himself, but which most
likely represents his doctrines, is an altogether Gnostic
work. His followers Menander, Cleobius, and Dosis-
theus seem to have had the same views, and all
Catholic writers make Menander to be the father of
all the great Gnostics of Hadrian's time. If we are
to beheve Plotinus on the other hand, a travestied
and disfigured Platonic philosophy was the only
origin of Gnosticism. Such explanations appear to
be altogether insufficient to account for such a com-
plicated fact. There were Christian, Jewish, Samari,
80 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tan Gnostics, but there were also non-Christian
Gnostics. Plotinus, who wrote a whole book against
them, never imagined that he had anything to do
with a Christian sect. The systems of the Samaritan
Gnostics, those of Basilides, of Valentinus, of Satur-
ninus, present such shrinking similarities that one
must suppose that they have a common origin,
though they do not seem to have borrowed from
each other. They must therefore have dipped into
an earlier source, to which Philo, Apollos, and St Paul,
when he wrote his Epistle to the Colossians, con-
tributed, and from which the Jewish cabala also seems
to have proceeded.
It is an impossible task to unravel all that con-
tributed to the formation of that strange religious
philosophy, Neo-platonism, a tissue of poetical dreams,
the ideas that men had in consequence of apocryphal
traditions about Pythagorism, already supplied models
for a mythical philosophy bordering on religion.
About the very time when Basilides, Valentinus, and
Saturninus were developing their dreams, one of
Hadrian's pensioned orators, Philo of Byblos, gave to
the world the old Phoenician theogonies, mixed up as
it seems with the Jewish cabala, under a form of
divine genealogies which were very analogous to
those of the first Gnostics. The Egyptian religion,
which was still in a very flourishing state, with its
mysterious ceremonies and its striking symbols,
Greek mysteries and classical polytheism interpreted
in an allegorical sense. Orphism, with its empty for-
mulas ; Brahminism, which had become a theory of end-
less emanations ; Buddhism, oppressed by the dream of
an expiatory existence, and by its myriads of Buddhas;
ancient Persian Dualism, which was so contagious, and
to which perhaps the ideas of the Messiah and of the
millenium owed their first existence, all these in turn
appeared as profound and seductive dogmas to the
imaginations of men who were beside themselves
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 81
between hopes and fears. India, and, above all,
Buddhism, were known in Alexandria, and from them
the Egyptians borrowed the doctrine of metampsy-
chosis, learning to look on life as the imprisonment
of the soul in the body, and the theory of successive
deliverances. Gnosticos has the same meaning as
Buddha — "he who knows." Following the Persian
view, they took the dogma of two principles indepen-
dent one of the other, — the identification of matter
with evil, the belief that the passions which corrupt
the soul are emanations from the body, the division of
the world into ministeries or adminstratious which
have been entrusted to genii. Judaism and Chris-
tianity were mixed up together in this farrago of
nonsense, and more than one believer in Jesus
thought that he could graft the Gospels on to a
ludicrous system of theology which seemed to say
something without explaining anything in reality,
whilst more than one Israelite was already playing
a prelude to the follies of the cabala, which is, as a
matter of fact, nothing but Jewish Gnosticism.
As we have said, the Church of Alexandria was
soon tinged with these chimeras. Philo and Plato
already had many readers amongst the faithful who
had any education. Many joined the Church, already
imbued with philosophy, and found Christian teaching
poor and meagre, whilst the Jewish Bible seemed to
them to be still more feeble, and, in imitation of Philo,
they saw in it nothing but an allegory. They
applied the same method to the Gospel, and in some
fashion remodelled it, to which it lent itself easily, on
account of its plastic character. All the peculiarities
of the life of Jesus regained something sublime,
according to these new evangelists ; all his miracles
became symbolical, and the follies of the Jewish
ghemetria were heightened and aggravated. Like
Cerinthus, these new doctors treated the Old Testa-
ment as a secondary revelation, and could not under-
F
82 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
stand why Christianity should maintain any bond of
union with that particular God, Jehovah, who is no
absolute being. Could there be any stronger proof
of his weakness than the state of ruin and desolation
in which he had left his own city, Jerusulem?
Certainly, they said, Jesus could see further and
higher than the founders of Judaism, but his apostles
did not comprehend him, and the texts which were
supposed to represent his doctrine had been falsi-
fied. The gliosis alone, thanks to secret tradition,
was in possession of the truth, and a vast system oiP
successive emanations contains the whole secret of
philosophy and history. Christianity, which was the
last act of the tragedy that the universe is constantly
playing, was the work of the seon Christos, who, by
his intimate union with the man Jesus, saved every-
thing that could be saved in humanity.
It will be seen that the Christianity of those
sectaries was that of Cerinthus and the Ebionites.
Their Gospel conformed to the Hebrew Gospel, and
they described the scene of the baptism of Jesus as
it was related in that Gospel, and believed, with the
Docetse, that Jesus had nothing human but his
appearance. The Galilean accounts appeared to
them nothing but childish nonsense, altogether
unworthy of the Deity, and which must be ex-
plained allegorically. For them the man Jesus was
nothing, the seon Christos was everything ; and his
earthly life, far from being the basis of doctrine,
was nothing but a difficulty to be got rid of at
any price.
The ideas of the first Christians about the appear-
ance of the Messiah in the heavens, about the
Resurrection, and the Last Judgment, were looked
upon as antiquated. The moment of the Resur-
rection for every individual was that at which he
became a gnosticos. A certain relaxation of morals
was the consequence of these false aristocratic ideas ;
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 83
mysticism has always been a moral danger, for it
too easily gives rise to the idea that by initiation
man is dispensed from the obligation of ordinary
duties. " Gold," said these false Christians, *' can
be dragged through the mire without becoming
soiled." They smiled when scruples about meats
offered to idols were mentioned to them ; they were
present at plays and at gladiatorial games ; and they
were accused of speaking lightly of offences against
chastity, and of saying, — " What is of the flesh is
flesh, and what is of the spirit is spirit ;" and they
expressed their antipathy for martyrdom in terms
that must have hurt the feeliugs of real Christians
most profoundly. As Christ had not suffered, why
should they suffer for him '^ " The real testimony
which they ought to render to God," they said,
*' was to know him as he is, it is an act of suicide
for a man to confess God by his death." According
to them, the martyrs were nearly always wrong,
and the pains that they suffered were the just
chastisement for crimes that would have merited
death, and which remained hidden. Far from
complaining, they ought to be thankful to the law
which transformed their just punishment into an act
of heroism, and if there were a few rare cases of
innocent martyrs, they were analogous to the suffer-
ings of childhood, and fate only was to be blamed
for it.
The sources of piety, however, were not yet cor-
rupted by a proud rationalism, which generally frees
itself from material practices. A liturgy, veiled in
secrecy, offered abundant sacramental consolation
to the faithful of those singular Churches, and life
became a mystery, each one of whose acts was
sacred. Baptism was a solemn ceremony, and re-
called the worship of Mithra. The formula which
the officiating minister pronounced was in Hebrew,
and immersion there followed the anointing, which
84 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the Church adopted later. Extrerae unction for the
dying was also administered in a manner which
would naturally create a great effect, and which the
Catholic Church has imitated. Amongst the sec-
taries, worship, like dogma, was further removed from
Jewish simplicity than in the churches of Peter and
Paul, and the Gnostics admitted several Pagan
rites, chants, hymns, and painted or sculptured
representations of Christ.
In this respect their influence on the history of
Christianity was of the highest order, and they
formed the bridge by which a number of Pagan
practices were introduced into the Church. In the
Christian propaganda they played a principal part,
for, by means of Gnosticism, Christianity first of
all proclaimed itself as a new religion which was
destined to endure, and which possessed a form of
worship and sacraments, and which could produce
an art of its own. By means of Gnosticism, the
Church effected a juncture with the ancient mysteries,
and appropriated to herself all that they possessed
that satisfied popular requirements. Thanks to it,
in the fourth century, the world could pass from
Paganism to Christianity without noticing it, and,
above all, without guessing that it was becoming
Jewish. The eclecticism and the ingratitude of the
Catholic Church are here shown in a wonderful
manner. Whilst repudiating and anathematising
the chimeras of the Gnostics, orthodoxy received
a number of happy popular devotional inspirations
from them, and from the theurgical the Church
advanced to the sacramental view. Her feasts, her
sacraments, her art were in a great measure taken
from those sects which she condemned. Christianity,
pure and simple, has not left any material object, for
primitive Christian archeology is Gnostic. In those
small, free, and inventive sects hfe was without
rule but full of vitahty. Their very metaphysics
THE CHRISTIAN CHTmCH. 85
already made themselves felt, and faith was obliged
to reason. By the side of the Church there was
henceforth to be found the school ; by the side of
the elder, the teacher.
Moreover, some men of rare talent, making them-
selves the organs of those doctrines which had
hitherto been without authority, withdrew them from
that state of individual speculation in which they
might have remained indefinitely, and raised them
to the height of a real event in the history of
humanity.
CHAPTER X.
BASLIDIES, VALENTINUS, SATURNINUS, CARPOCRATES.
Basilides, who seems to have come from Syria
to live at Alexandria, in Lower Egypt, and in the
adjacent departments, was the first of those foreign
dogmatisers to whom one hesitates at times to give
the name of Christian. He is said to have been a
disciple of Menander, and seems to have had two
courses of instruction : the one, which was intended
for the initiated, was restricted to religions of
abstract metaphysics which were more in keeping
with those of Aristotle than those of Christ, and
the other was a sort of mythology, founded, like the
Jewish cabala, on abstractions, which men took for
realities. The metaphysics of Basilides remind us of
those of Hegel, because of their unhealthy grandeur.
His system owed much to the Stoic cosmogony.
Universal life is a development of a ^avcrrg^/xa.
Just as the seed contains the trunk, the roots, the
flowers, and the fruits of the future plant, so the
future of the universe is only an evolution. Filia-
tion is the secret of everything ; the species is the
child of the genius, and is only an expansion of it.
86 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The aspiration of creatures is towards the good. Pro-
gress is made by that mind which stops between two
boundaries {Msdopiov vvsvfia), — which, having, as it were,
one foot in the ideal and the other in the material
world, makes the ideal circulate amongst the ma-
terial, and continually raises it. A sort of universal
groaning of nature, a melancholy feeling of the
universe, calls us to final repose, which will consist
in the general unconsciousness of individuals in the
bosom of God, and in the absolute extinction of
every desire. " The good tidings " of progress were
brought into the world by Jesus, the son of Mary.
Already, before him, chosen heathens and Jews
had caused the spiritual element to triumph over
the material ; but Jesus completely separated these
two elements, so that only the spiritual element re-
mained. Thus death could take nothing from him. All
men ought to imitate him, to attain the same end.
They will do so by receiving the " glad tidings," that
is to say, the transcendent gnosis, eagerly.
In order to make these ideas more accessible, Basil-
ides gave them a cosmogonic form analogous to
those which were common in the religions of Phoe-
nicia, Persia, and Assyria. It was a sort of divine
epopaeia, having for its heroes divine attributes per-
sonified, and whose diverse episodes represented the
strife between good and evil. The good is the
supreme god, ineffable and lost in himself His name
is Abraxas. That eternal being develops himself in
seven perfections, which form with the Being himself
the divine ogdoade. The seven perfections, Nous,
Logos, Sophia, etc., by pairing together, have produced
the orders of inferior angels (asons, worlds), to the
number of three hundred and sixty-five. That num-
ber is made up by the letters of the word Abraxas
added together according to their numerical value.
The angels of the last heaven, whose prince is
Jehovah, created the earth, wliich is the most medi-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 87
ocre of the worlds, the most sullied by matter, on the
model furnished by Sophia, but under the empire of
necessities, which made a mixture of good and evil
out of it. Jehovah and the demiurges divided the
government of this world between them, and distri-
buted the provinces and the nations amongst them-
selves. Those are the local gods of the different
countries. Jehovah chose the Jews : he is an invad-
ing and a conquering God. The Law, his work, is a
mixture of material and spiritual views. The other
local gods were obliged to coalesce against this
aggressive neighbour, who, in spite of the division
that had been agreed upon, wished to subjugate all
nations to his own.
To put an end to this war of the gods, the supreme
God sent the prince of the seons, the Nous, his first
son, with the mission to deliver men from the power
of the demiurge angels. The Nous did not exactly
become incarnate. At the moment of baptism the
Nous attached to itself the person of the man Jesus,
and did not leave it till the moment of the Passion.
According to some disciples of Basilides, a substitu-
tion took place at that moment, and Simon of
Gyrene was crucified in Jesus' stead. The persecu-
tions to which Jesus and the apostles were subjected
by the Jews arose from the anger of Jehovah,
who, seeing that his rule was threatened, made a
last effort to avert the dangers of the future.
The place which Basilides attributed to Jesus in
the economy of the world's history does not differ
essentially from that which is attributed to him
in the Epistle to the Colossians and in the pseudo-
Johannine Gospel. Basihdes knew some words of
Hebrew, and had certainly taken his Christianity
from the Ebionites. He gave a so-called Glaucias,
St Peter's interpreter, as his master. He made use
of the New Testament very nearly as it had been
formed by general consent, excluding certain books,
88 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
particularly the epistles to the Hebrews, to Titus
and to Timothy, admitting St John's Gospel. He
wrote twenty-four books of allegorical Expositions
of the Gospel, without our being able to tell exactly
what texts he made use of. After the example of
all the sects that surrounded the Church, and, in a
measure, sucked her, Basilides composed apocryphal
books, — esoteric traditions attributed to Matthias;
revelations borrowed from chimerical people, Bar-
cabban and Barcoph ; prophecies of Cham. Like
Valentinus, he seems to have composed sacred psalms
or canticles. Lastly, besides the commentary on
the received Gospels that he had edited, there was
a gospel analogous to that of the Hebrews, of the
Egyptians, and of the Ebionites, which differed
little from that of Matthew, which bore the name
of Basilides. His son, Isidore, carried on his teach-
ing, wrote commentaries on the apocryphal prophets,
and developed his myths. Weak Christians easily
allowed themselves to be seduced by these dreams.
A learned and esteemed Christian writer, Agrippa
Castor, constituted himself its ardent adversary as
soon as it appeared.
Theurgy is generally the ordinary companion of
religious intemperance. The disciples of Basilides
did not invent, but they adopted, the magic virtues
of the word Abraxas. They were also reproached
with a very lax state of morals. It is certain that
when so much importance is attached to meta-
physical formulas, simple and good morality seems to
be a humble and almost indifferent matter. A man
who has become perfect by gnosis can allow himself
anything. It seems that Basilides did not say that,
but he was made to say it, and that was to a certain
point the consequence of his theosophy. The saying
which was attributed to him, — " We are men, the
others are only swine and dogs," was, after all, only
the brutal translation of the more acceptable saying, —
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 89
"I am speaking for one in a thousand." The taste
for mystery Avhich that sect had, its habit of avoiding
the light and hiding itself from the eyes of the
multitude, the silence that was exacted from the
initiated, gave rise to those rumours. Many calum-
nies were mixed up with all that. Thus Basilides
was accused of having maintained, like all the Gnos-
tics, that it was no crime to renounce apparently the
beliefs for which one was persecuted ; to lend oneself
to acts indifferent in themselves, which the civil law
exacted ; even to go so far as to curse Christ, so long
as in one's mind one distinguished between the aeon
Nous and the man Jesus. Now we have the original
text of Basilides, and we find in it a much more
moderate criticism of martyrdom than that which his
opponents attribute to him. It is true that, attribut-
ing no importance whatever to the real Jesus, the
Gnostics had no reason to die for him. On the
whole they were only semi-Christians. Perhaps the
superstitions which sprang from the sect were not
the faults of Basilides. Some of his maxims were
very beautiful, but his style, from the fragments
which we possess, appears to have been obscure and
pretentious.
Valentinus was certainly superior to him. Some-
thing sorrowful, a gloomy and icy resignation makes
a sort of bad dream out of the system of Basilides.
Valentinus penetrates everything with love and pity.
The redemption of Christ has for him a feeling of
joy ; his doctrine was a consolation for many, and
real Christians adopted, or at least admired him.
That celebrated, enhghtened man, born, as it seems,
in Lower Egypt, was educated in the schools of
Alexandria, and first taught there. He would also
appear to have dogmatised in Cyprus. Even his
enemies allow that he had genius, a vast amount of
knowledge, and rare eloquence. Gained over by the
great seductions of Christianity, and attached to the
90 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Church, but nourished on Plato, and full of the recol-
lections of profane learning, he was not satisfied with
the spiritual nourishment which the pastors gave to
the simple : he wanting something higher. He con-
ceived a sort of Christian rationalism, a general
system of the world, in which Christianity would
have a place in the first rank, but would not be
everything. Enlightened and tolerant, he admitted
a heathen as well as a Jewish revelation. A number
of things in the Church's teaching appeared to him
coarse and inadmissible by a cultivated mind. He
called the orthodox " Galileans," not without a shade
of irony. With nearly all the Gnostics, he denied
the resurrection of the body, or rather maintained
that, as far as regards those who are perfect, the
resurrection is accomplished already, — that it consists
in the knowledge of the truth, — that the soul alono
can be saved.
If Valentinus had limited himself to cherishing
these thoughts internally, to speaking about them to
his friends, and to not frequenting the Church except
in so far as it answered to his feelings, his position
would have been altogether correct. But he wanted
more : with his ideas, he wished to have a place of
importance in the Church ; and he was wrong, for the
order of speculation in which he delighted was not
one which the Church could encourage. The Church's
object was the amelioration of morals and the diminu-
tion of the people's sufi'erings, not science or philo-
sophy. Valentinus ought to have been satisfied with
being a philosopher. Far from that, he tried to make
disciples, like the ecclesiastics. When he had insinu-
ated himself into any one's confidence, he proposed
different questions to him, in order to prove the
absurdity of orthodoxy. At the same time, he tried
to persuade him that there was something better
than that : he expounded that superior wisdom with
mystery. If objections were made to him, he would
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 91
let the discussion drop with an air that seemed to
say, " You will never be anything but a simple
believer." His disciples showed themselves equally
unconceivable. When they were asked questions,
they wrinkled their brows, contracted their faces, and
sHpped away, saying, '' 0 depth ! " If they were
pressed, they affirmed the common faith amidst a
thousand ambiguities, then returned to their avowal,
baffled their opponent, and escaped, saying, " You do
not understand anything about the matter."
Already it was the essence of Catholicism not to
suffer any aristocracy, — that of elevated philosophy
no more than that of pretentious piety. Valentinus's
position was a very false one. In order to make
himself acceptable to the people, he conformed his
discourses to those of the Church ; but the bishops
were on their guard, and excluded him. The simple
believers allowed themselves to be caught ; they even
murmured because the bishops drove such good Catho-
lics out of their communion. Useless sympathy I for
already the Episcopate had restricted the Church on
all sides. Valentinus thus remained in the state of
an unfortunate candidate for the pastoral ministry.
He wrote letters, homilies, and hymns of a lofty
moral tone. The fragments by him that have been
preserved have vigour and brilliancy, but their
phraseology is eccentric. It resembles the mania
which the Saint Simonians had of building up great
theories in abstract language to express realities
which were almost paltry. His general system had
not that appearance of good sense that succeeds
with the masses. The pretended Gospel of St John,
with its far simpler combinations of the Logos and
the Paraclete, had far greater success.
Valentinus starts, like all the Gnostics, from a
system of metaphysics whose fundamental principle
is that God manifests himself by successive emana-
tions, of which the world is the most humble. The
92 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
world is a work which is too imperfect for an infinite
workman : it is the miserable copy of a divine model
at the. beginning. The Abyss (Bythos), inaccessible,
unfathomable, which is also called Proarche, Propator^
Silence {Sige) is its eteroal companion. After cen-
turies of solitude and of dumb contemplation of its
being, the Abyss wishes at length to appear in the
outer world, and with his companion begets a syzygia^
Nous or Monogenes and A lethia (Truth) ; they beget
Logos and Zoe, who in their turn beget Anthropos and
Ecclesia. Together with the primordial couple those
three syzygias form the ogdoade, and with other
syzygias emanated from Logos and Zoe^ivoxn. Anthropos
and Ecclesia the divine Pleroma, the plenitude of the
divinity which for the future is conscious of its own
existence. These couples fall from perfection in
measure as they get further and further from the
first source ; at the same time, the love of perfection,
the regret, the desire to return to their first principle,
are awakened in them. Sophia especially makes a
bold attempt to embrace the invisible Bythos, who
only reveals himself by his Monogenes (only son).
She continually wears herself out, extends herself to
embrace the invisible ; drawn away by the sweetness
of her love, she is on the point of being absorbed by
Bythos, of being annihilated. The whole Pleroma is
in confusion. In order to re-establish harmony, Nous
or Monogenes engender Christos and Pnenma, who
pacify the 83ons, and make equality reign amongst
them. Then, out of gratitude for Bythos, who has
pacified them, the seons bring together all their per-
fections, and form the seon Jesus, the firstborn of
creation, as Monogenes had been the firstborn of the
emanation. Thus Jesus becomes in the inferior world
what Christos had been in the divine Pleroma.
In consequence of the ardour of her insensate
passion, Sophia had produced by herself a sort
of hermaphrodite abortion without consciousness,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 93
Hakamoth, also called Sophia Prunicos, or Prunice,
who, driven from the Pleroma, moved about in
the void and the night. Moved by compassion for
this unfortunate being, Christos, leaning on Stauros
(the cross), comes to her aid, gives the erring aeon
a determinate form and consciousness ; but he does
not give her knowledge, and Hakamoth^ again re-
jected from the Pleroma, is cast into space. Given
up to all the violence of her desires, she brings
forth, on the one hand, the soul of the world, and all
psychic substances ; and on the other, matter. In
her, anguish alternates with hope. At one time
she feared her annihilation ; at other times the
recollection of her lost past filled her with joy.
Her tears formed the moist element ; her smile was
the light ; her sadness, opaque matter. At last the
aeon Jesus came to save her, and, in her delight,
the poor delivered creature gave birth to the spiri-
tual element, — the third of the elements that constitute
the world. Hakamoth, or Prunice, nevertheless does
not rest ; agitation is her essence ; there is a work
of God going on in her ; she endures a continual
flow of blood. The bad part of her activity is
concentrated on the demons ; the other part, re-
united to matter, implants in it the germ of a fire
which shall devour it some day.
With the psychic element Hakamoth creates the
demiurge, which serves her as an instrument for
organising the remaining beings. The demiurge
creates the seven worlds, and man in the last of
these worlds. But the surprising thing is that a
superior and altogether divine principle is revealed
in man, and that is the spiritual element, which
Hakamoth had imparted to her work from oversight.
The creator is jealous of his own creature ; he lays a
snare for him (the prohibition to eat the fruit of
Paradise) ; man falls into it. He would have been
eternally lost except for the love which his mother
94 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Hakamotli bore him. The redemption of each
world has been accomphshed by a special saviour.
The saviour of men was the son Jesus, clothed
by Hakamoth with the spiritual principle ; with the
psychic principle by the demiurge ; with the ma-
terial principle by Mary; identified lastly with Christos,
who, on the day of his baptism, descended on to
him in the form of a dove, and did not leave him
again till after his condemnation by Pilate. The
spiritual principle will persevere in Jesus till the
agony on the cross. The psychic and the material
principles alone will suffer, and will rise to
heaven through the ascension. There were Gnos-
tics before Jesus, but he came to reunite them and
to form them into a Church by the Holy Spirit.
The Church is made up neither of bodies nor of
souls, but of spirits : the Gnostics alone form her
component parts. At th^ end of the world matter
will be devoured by the internal fire w^hich she
hides within herself; Christ will reign instead of
the demiurge, and Hakamoth will definitely enter
into the Pleroma, which will, thenceforward, be
pacified.
Men by their very nature, and independently of
their efforts, are divided into three categories, ac-
cording as the material element, the psychic or
animal element, and the spiritual element predomin-
ate in them. The heathen are the material men
who are irrevocably devoted to the works of the
flesh. The simple faithful, the generality of Christians,
are the psychic men ; in virtue of their intermediate
essence, they can rise or fall, lose themselves in
matter, or be absorbed into the spirit. The Gnostics
are the spiritual men, whether they be Christians,
wliether they be Jews, like the prophets, or heathens,
like the sages of Greece. The spiritual men will
some day be joined to the Pleroma. The material
men will die altogether ; the psychic men will be
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 95
damned or saved according to their works. External
worship is only a symbol, which, though it is good
for the psychic mind, is altogether useless for men
who give themselves up to pure contemplation. It is
an eternal error of the mystic sects who put into
their chimeras the initiation above good works, which
they leave to the simple. That is the reason why
every gnosis^ whatever it may do, arrives at indiffer-
ence to works and contempt for practical virtue,
that is to say, at immorality.
There is certainly something grand in these
strange myths. When it is a question of the infinite,
of things which can only be known partially and
secretly, which cannot be expressed without being
strained, pathos itself has its charms ; one takes
pleasure in it, like in those somewhat unhealthy
poems w^hose taste one blames, though one cannot
help liking them. The history of the world, con-
ceived like an embryo which is seeking for life,
which painfully attains consciousness, which troubles
everything by its movements, whilst those move-
ments themselves become the cause of progress and
end in the full realisation of the vague instincts of
the ideal, such are the ideas which are not very far
removed from those which we choose at times to
express our views about the development of the
infinite. But all that could not be reconciled to
Christianity. Those metaphysics of dreamers, that
system of morality thought out by recluses, that
brahminical pride which would have brought back
the rule of castes had it been allowed its own way,
would have killed the Church, if the Church had not
taken the initiative. It was not without reason
that orthodoxy kept a middle position between the
Nazarenes, who only saw the human side of Jesus,
and the Gnostics, who saw nothing but his divine
nature. Yalentinus made fun of the simple eclecti-
cism which induced the Church to wish to join two
96 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
contrary elements together. The Church was right.
There is no medium between regulated faith and
free thought. Whoever does not admit authority
puts himself outside the pale of the Church, and ought
to turn philosopher. " They speak like the Church,"
Irenseus said, "but they think differently." It was
a sad game to play. Valentinus was led to hypocrisy
and fraud by the same reasons as Basilides was.
To free himself from apostolic chains, he claimed
to attach himself to secret traditions and to an
esoteric teaching which Jesus was said not to have
imparted to any except the most spiritually-minded
of his disciples. Valentinus said that he had re-
ceived that hidden doctrine from a pretended Theo-
dades or Theodas, a disciple of St Paul. He appears
to have called this the Gospel of Truth. Valentinus'
Gospel, at any rate, approximated very closely to
that of the Ebionites. In it the duration of the
appearances of the risen Jesus was extended over
eighteen months.
These despairing efforts to reconcile God and man
in Jesus, resulted from difficulties that were inherent
in the nature of Christianity. In fact, the travail
which was agitating the Christian conscience in
Egypt manifested itself also in Syria. Gnosticism
appeared in Antioch almost at the same time as it
did in Alexandria. Saturninus, or Satorniles, who
was said to have been a pupil of Menander, like
Basilides was, put forth views which were analogous
to those of the latter, though they bore an even
stronger impress of Persian duahsm. The Pleroma
and matter — Bythos and Satan — are the two poles
of the universe. The kingdoms of good and evil
are the two confines on which they meet. Near
those confines the world came into existence, and
it was the work of the seven last ^ons or demiurges
who were wandering in the realms of Satan. Those
seons (Jehovah is one of them) divide the govern-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 97
ment of their work between them, and each
appropriates a planet. They do not know the
inaccessible Bythos ; but Bythos is favourable to
them, reveals himself to them by a ray of his
beauty, and then hides himself from their admiration.
The divine image ceaselessly haunts them, and
they create man in the likeness of that image.
Man, as he left the hand of the demiurges, was
pure matter. He crawled on the earth like a worm,
and had no intelligence. A spark from the Pleroma
gives him true life. He thinks, and rises to his
feet. Then Satan is filled with rage, and dreams
of nothing but of opposing this regenerate man,
the mixed work of the demiurges and of God, a
man who shall spring entirely from himself Side
by side with divine humanity there is for the future
the Satanic humanity. To crown the evil, the de-
miurges revolt against God, and separate creation
from that superior principle from which it ought
to draw its life. The divine spark no longer circu-
lates between the Pleroma and humanity — between
humanity and the Pleroma. Man is devoted to evil
and to error. Christ saves him by suppressing the
action of the God of the Jews, but the strife
between the good and evil men continues. The
former are the Gnostics ; the soul is entirely in
them, and consequently they live eternally. On the
other hand, the body cannot rise again : it is con-
demned to perish. Whatever propagates the body
propagates the empire of Satan, and, consequently,
marriage is an evil. It weakens the divine principle
in man, by subdividing that principle to infinity.
It will be seen that all those sects were equally
incapable of giving a serious basis to morality.
They even had difficulty in avoiding the breakers
of secret debauches and accusations of infamy.
Alexandria could not stop on that slippery ground.
That extraordinary city was destined to see, at its
G
98 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
most brilliant period, all the evils of the age burst forth
within it in all their energy. Carpocrates drew from
it the deductions of an unwholesome philosophy,
which carried the exaggerations of an intemperate
supernaturalism amongst all orders, and tossed men
to and fro between asceticism and immorality,
rarely leaving him in the golden mean of reason.
Carpocrates and his son Epiphanes did not recoil
before any of the excesses of sensual mysticism, as
they proclaimed the indifference of actions, the
community of women, the holiness of all perversions,
as means of delivering the spirit from the flesh.
That deliverance of the spiritual man which w^rests
souls from the wicked demiurges to reunite them to
the supreme God, was the work of the sages Pytha-
goras, Plato, Aristotle, Jesus, etc. The statues of
those sages were adored, — they were crowned, —
incense and even sacrifices were offered to them.
According to Carpocrates, Jesus, the son of Joseph,
had been the justest man of his time. After hav-
ing practised Judaism, he recognised its vanity, and
by that act of disdain he merited deliverance. No-
where is it forbidden to aspire to equal and even
to surpass him in holiness. His resurrection is an
impossibility; his soul alone has been received into
heaven ; his body remained on earth. The apostles —
Peter, Paul, and the others — were not inferior to
Jesus, but if any one could arrive at a more perfect
contempt for the Avorld of the demiurges, that is
to say, for reality, he would surpass him. The
Carpocratians claimed to exercise that power by
magical operations, by philtres, by witchcraft. It
is clear that they were not true members of the
Church of Jesus. Nevertheless, the sectaries took
the name of Christians, and the orthodox were in
despair at it. As a matter of fact, in their con-
venticles, abominations, such as the calumniators
of the Christians reproached the faithful with, took
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 99
place, and this usurpation of the name caused deplor-
able prf^judices to take deep root amongst the
multitude.
Far from exhibiting the slightest complaisance
towards the culpable mysteries, the Church only held
them in abhorrence and visited them with the most
violent anathemas which she could find in her sacred
texts. What was said of the Nicolaitanes at the
beginning of the Apocalypse was brought to mind.
By the name Nicolaitanes, the Seer of Patmos most
likely intends to designate St Paul's partisans : at
any rate such a designation has nothing at all to
do with the Deacon Nicholas, who was one of the
Seven in the Primitive Church of Jerusalem. But
that false identification was soon accredited. Scan-
dalous stories were told against the alleged heresiarch
which very much resembled those which were told
about the Carpocratians. Many aberrations took
place on all sides, and no paradox was without
its defender. People were found who took the
part of Cain, of Esau, of Korah, of the Sodomites,
of Judas himself Jehovah was the evil, — a tyrant
filled with hatred, and it had been right to iDrave
his laws. These were kinds of literary paradoxes ;
just as thirty or forty years ago it was the fashion
to set up criminals as heroes, because they were
supposed to be in revolt against bad social order.
There was a Gospel of Judas. In excuse for this
latter, it was said that he had betrayed Jesus
with a good intention, because he had found out
that his master wished to ruin the truth. The
traitor's conduct was also explained by a motive
of interest for humanity. The powers of the world
(that is to say, Satan and his agents) wished to
stop the work of salvation, by preventing Jesus
from dying. Judas, who knew that the death ot
Jesus on the cross was beneficial, broke the charm,
by giving him up to his enemies. Thus he was
100 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the purest of spiritual men. These singular Chris-
tians were called Cainites. Like Carpocrates, they
taught that, in order to be saved, it was necessary
to have done all sorts of actions, and, in some
manner, to have exhausted all the experiences of
life : it is said that they placed the perfection of
enlightenment in the commission of the darkest
deeds. Every act has an angel who presides over
it, and they invoked that angel whilst they were
doing the act. Their books were worthy of their
morals. They had the Gospel of Judas, and some
other writings which were made to exhort men to
destroy the work of the Creator ; one book in par-
ticular, called The Ascension of St Paul, into which
they seem to have introduced horrible abominations.
These were aberrations without any real object,
and which certainly the serious-minded Gnostics re-
jected just as much as the orthodox Christians. The
really grave part about it was the destruction of
Christianity, which was at the bottom of all these
speculations. In reality the living Jesus was sup-
pressed, and only a phantom Jesus, without any
efficacy for the conversion of the heart, was left.
Moral effort was replaced by so-called science ; dreams
took the place of Christian realities, and every man
arrogated to himself the right to carve out as he
chose a Christianity according to his fancy, from the
dogmas and earlier books. This was no longer Chris-
tianity, it was a strange parasite which Avas trying to
pass for a branch of the tree of life. Jesus was no
longer a fact without analogy ; he was one of the
apparitions of the divine spirit. Docetism, which
reduced all the human life of Jesus to a mere ap-
pearance, was the basis of all these errors. Still,
moderate with BasiHdes and Yalentinus, it becomes
absolute with Saturninus, and with Marcion we shall
see that the whole of the Saviour's earthly career is
reduced to a pure appearance.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 101
Orthodoxy will be able to resist these dangerous
ideas, whilst at times allowing itself to be drawn
away by their seductive qualities. Gospels, deeply
tinged with new ideas, were spread abroad. The
"Gospel of Peter" was the expression of pure
Docetism. The " Gospel according to the Egyp-
tians " was a remodelling, after the Alexandrine ideas,
of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. The union
of the sexes was forbidden in it. The Saviour, on
being questioned by Salome when his kingdom would
come, answered, " When you tread under foot the
garment of shame ; when two shall make one ; when
that which is outside shall be like that which is in-
side, and the male joined to a female shall be neither
male nor female." Interpreted according to the
rules of the vocabulary of Philo, these strange words
signify that when humanity is no more, the body
will be spiritualised and enter into the soul, so that
man will be nothing but a pure spirit. The " coats of
skins " with which God covered Adam will then be
useless ; primitive innocence will reign again.
CHAPTER XI.
THE LAST REVOLT OF THE JEWS.
After staying in Jerusalem for two years, Hadrian
got tired of doing nothing, and again began to think
of his travels. First of all he paid a visit to Mauri-
tania, and then directed his course for the second
time to Greece and the East. He stayed at Athens
tor nearly a year, and consecrated the edifices that
he had ordered to be erected during his first journey ;
and Greece had one long festival, and seemed but to
102 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
live in him. In every direction classic recollections
revived, and Hadrian made them durable by monu-
ments and columns, and founded temples, libraries,
and professorial chairs. The ancient world before
dying made its pilgrimage to the places from which
it had sprung, and seemed as if it were uttering its
last eulogy. The Emperor presided like a pontiff
at these innocent solemnities, which hardly amused
anybody now but those who were empty-headed
and idle.
The august traveller then continued his journey
through the East, and visited Armenia, Asia Minor,
Syria, and Judea. As far as outward appearances
went, he was everywhere received as a guardian
spirit, and medals which were struck for the occa-
sion bade him welcome in every province. That of
Judea is still in existence. Alas ! what a falsehood.
Below the inscription ADVENT VI AVG. IVDAEAE is to
be seen the Emperor in a noble and worthy attitude
receiving Judea with kindness, and she is presenting
her sons to him. Already the Emperor has the
handsome and gentle look of the Antonines, and
seems to be the impersonification of calm civilisation
educating fanaticism. Children go before him bear-
ing palms, whilst in the middle a Pagan altar and a
bull symbolise religious reconciliation ; and Judea, a
patera in her hand, seems to share in the sacrifice that
is being prepared. This is how official optimism in-
structs sovereigns. The opposition between the East
and the West was actually getting more and more
accentuated, and the signs of this were so certain
that the Emperor could not doubt them — his bene-
volent eclecticism was, however, at times singularly
unsettled.
From Syria Hadrian went to Egypt by way ot
Petra. His discontent and his ill temper with the
peoples of the East increased daily. A short time
before Egypt had been in a state of great agitation.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 103
The ancient worships, which were springing into Hfe
again, caused a certain amount of fermentation, for
it was so long since an Apis had been seen that these
ancient chimeras were beginning to be forgotten, when
suddenly a clamour arose ; that miraculous animal had
been found, and as everybody wished to possess it,
all tried to get it from the others. The hold of
Christianity over Egypt was not so strong as it was
elsewhere, for many heathen superstitions were mixed
up with it. All these follies only served to amuse
Hadrian, and a letter which be wrote about that time
to his brother-in-law Servian, has been preserved
to us : —
I have found that Egypt, my dear Servian, which you praised
to me, to be a very flif^hty country, hanging by a thread, turning
round with every breath of fashion. There, those who adore Serapis
are Christians at the same time, and men who call themselves
bishops of Christ are devoted to Serapis. There is not a president
of a synagogue, not a Samaritan, not a Christian priest, who does
not supplement his functions by those of the astrologer, of the
diviner, and the charlatan. The patriarch himself, when he comes
to Egypt, is forced by some to adore Serapis, and by the others to
adore Christ. It is a seditious, futile, and irrelevant education, and
a rich and productive city, where nobody lives in idleness. Some
are glassblowers, others papermakers, others again dyers, and all
understand and practise some trade. The gouty can find some-
thing to do, the shortsighted can obtain employment, the blind
are not without occupation, and even the one-armed are not idle.
Money is their only god, the divinity which Christians, Jews,
people of all sorts, adore. One regrets to find such a low state of
morals in a city which by its manufactures and its grandeur is
v^rorthy of being the capital of Egypt. I have granted it every-
thing ; 1 have restored its ancient privileges, and given it new
ones, and I forced tliem to thank me whilst I was there ; but I had
scarcely left when they began to talk about my son Verus, and
to say, what no doubt you know, about Antinous. The only re-
venge that I wish to have i(? that they may always be forced to eat
their own fowls, fecundated in a manner that I do not like to
mention. I have sent you some glasses of prismatic colours,
which the pritsts of the temple offered me : they are specially
dedicated to you and to my sister. Have them used on festive
occasions, only take care that our Africanus does not make too
good use of them.
104 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
From Egypt Hadrian returned to Syria, and there
he found the people very badly disposed. They
were getting bolder. Antioch gave him an unfavour-
able reception, and so he went to Athens, where
he was worshipped. There he heard of some very
serious events, for the Jews were having recourse
to arms for the third time. Their attack of furious
madness of the year 117 seemed as if it were about
to recommence, and Israel disliked the Roman
government more than ever. Every malefactor who
revolted against the State was a saint, and every
brigand became a patriot. It was looked upon as
an act of treason to arrest a robber. " Vinegar, off-
spring of wine," said a rabbi to a Jew, whose
business it was to arrest evil-doers, " why do you
denounce God's people?" Elijah also met this
worthy public officer and exhorted him to give up his
odious trade.
It seems that the Roman authority also committed
more than one mistake. Hadrian's administration
became more and more intolerant towards the
Eastern sects, whom the Emperor made fun of.
Several lawyers thought that circumcision, like
castration, was punishable ill-usage, and so it was
forbidden. The cases in which those who had
practised epispasm, and had been forced by fanatics
to be circumcised over again, would more especially
give rise to these prosecutions ; and we do not know
how far imperial justice advanced along this diffi-
cult road which was so opposed to liberty of
conscience. Hadrian was certainly not a man given
to excessive measures, and in Jewish tradition
all the odium of these measures rests on Tineius
Rufus, who was the Legate Propraetor of the Pro-
vince of Judea, and whose name the malcontents
changed into Tyr annus Rufus.
These annoyances, which were so easily avoided
in the only cases which were of any importance
THE CflRISTIAN CHURCH. 105
to pious families, namely, the cases relative to the
circumcision of infants, were not the chief cause of
the war. What really raised the Israelites to revolt,
was the horror that they felt at seeing the transforma-
tion of Jerusalem, or, in other words, the progress
that the construction of ^ha Capitolina was making.
The sight of a Pagan city rising on the ruins of the
holy city, the rebuilding of the profaned temple,
those heathen sacrifices, those theatres raised with
the very stones of that venerated buildiug, those
foreigners dwelling in the city which God had loved,
all this appeared to them to be the very height of
sacrilege and of defiance.
Far from wishing to return to this profaned
Jerusalem, they fled from it like an abomination,
whilst the south of Judea was more than ever a
Jewish country. A number of large places had
sprung up there which could defend themselves,
thanks to the position of their houses, which were
massed together on the summit of low hills. For
the Jews of that district, Bether had become another
holy city, and equivalent to Zion. The fanatics
procured arms by a singular stratagem. They were
bound to furnish the Romans with a certain number
of implements of war, and so the}^ manufactured
them badly, on purpose that the rejected weapons
might come to them. Instead of visible fortifica-
tions, they constructed immense tunnels ; and the
fortifications of Bether were completed by advanced
works of broken stone, and all the Jews who re-
mained in Egypt and Libya hastened to swell the
number of the rebels.
We must do that justice to the clear-sighted
portion of the nation that they took no part in
a movement that presupposed enormous ignorance
of the world, and complete bhndness as to what
they were doing. As a general rule, the Pharisees
were defiant and reserved, and many of the doctors
106 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the law fled into Galilee, and into Greece, to avoid
the coming storm. Several did not conceal the fact
that they v^ere faithful to the Empire, and even
attributed a certain legitimacy to it. Rabbi Joshua
Ben Hanania seems to have acted in a conciliatory
spirit up to his extreme old age ; and after him,
the Talmudists say, all prudent counsels were lost.
Under these circumstances was seen again what
had been continually seen for the last hundred
years : a nation, which was easily duped at the
slightest breath of Messianic hope, would go on in
spite of the doctors ; they only thought of their
casuistry ; and if they died, they did not die fight-
ing, but in defending themselves from breaking the
law.
The Christians resisted the temptation even better.
Although revolt might gratify the hatred of some of
them for the Roman Empire, a distinct distrust for
all that proceeded from fanatical Israel stopped them
on the dangerous descent. They had already chosen
their part, and the form of their resistance to the
Empire was not revolt but martyrdom. They were
tolerably numerous in Judea, and, contrary to the
orthodox Jews, they might even live in ^lia. Of
course the Jews tried to gain over their quasi-com-
patriots, but the disciples of Jesus were already very
far from all earthly politics, for he had buried for
ever the hopes of a material patriotism and Messiah.
Hadrian's reign was far from being unfavourable to
the Churches, and so they did not move ; and some
voices were even raised to foretell to the Jews the
consequences of their obstinacy, and the extermina-
tion that awaited them.
Every Jewish revolt had, more or less, to do with
Messianic hopes, but never before had any one given
himself out for the Messiah ; but this took place now.
No doubt under the influence of Christian ideas, and
in imitation of Jesus, a man gave himself out for the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. l07
long-expected heavenly messenger, and succeeded in
seducing the people. We have no clear history of
that strange episode, for the Jews, who alone could
have informed us what were the secret thoughts and
the motive secret of these agitators, have left us
nothing but confused pictures of them, like those of
a man who has been mad. There was no Josephus
then, and Barcochebas, as the Christians called
him, remains an insoluable problem, and one on
which even imagination cannot hope to exercise
itself with any hope of reading the truth.
The name of his father, or of the place where he
was born, was Coziba, and he was always called " the
son of Coziba" (Bar or Ben-Coziba), but his real
name is unknown. Perhaps his partisans were in-
duced to conceal his name, and that of his family,
purposely in the interests of his part as Messiah.
He seems to have been a nephew of Rabbi Eleazar
of Modin, an Agadist of the highest renown, who
had lived very much with Rabbi Gamaliel II. and
his companions. One asks oneself whether the recol-
lection of the Maccabees, who were still living at
Modin, did not excite Bar-Coziba's patriotic en-
thusiasm. There can be no doubt as to his courage,
but the scantiness of historical information prevents
us from saying more than that. Was he serious?
Was he a religious enthusiast or a fanatic ? Was he
one of those sincere believers in the Messiah who
came on to the scene too late ? Or are we only to
see in this equivocal person a charlatan, an imitator
of Jesus, with a totally different object, a common
impostor, even a criminal, as Eusebius and St Jerome
assert? We cannot tell, for the only circumstance
in his favour is that the principal Jewish Doctor of
the Law at that period was in his favour, a man
who, from his habit of thought, would be far removed
from the dreams of an impostor, and that was the
Rabbi Aquiba.
108 THE CHRISTIAN CHUECH.
For many years be had been the chief authority
amongst the Jews, and he was compared to Esdras
and even to Moses. As a general rule, the doctors
were not at all favourable to popular agitators.
Taken up with their own discussions, they thought
that the destinies of Israel, dependent on the observ-
ance of the Law and Messianic dreams, were limited
for them to the Mosaic ideal which those who were
scrupulously devout realised. How could Aquiba
incite the people, whose confidence he enjoyed, to
commit a veritable act of folly? Perhaps the fact
of his having sprung from the people, and his demo-
cratic tendency to contradict the traditions of the
Sadducees, may have helped to lead him astray, and
perhaps also the absurdity of his exegesis deprived
him of all practical rectitude. One can never with
impunity play with common sense, or put such
pressure on the springs of the intellect as may
threaten to snap them. At any rate the fact appears
certain, though it is difficalt to believe it, that
Aquiba recognised Bar-Coziba's Messianic character.
After a fashion he invested him with it before the
people when he gave him the commander's baton and
held his stirrup for him when he mounted his war-
horse to inaugurate his reign as Messiah. His name
of Bar-Coziba was an unhappy one, and lent itself to
all kinds of unfortunate allusions. Looking on the
bearer of it as the predestined Saviour of Israel, it is
said that Aquiba applied the verse from Numbers
xxiv. 17 : "A star shall arise out of Jacob," a
verse which was supposed to have a Messianic sense
to him, and so his name of Bar-Coziba was changed
into Bar-Kokaba, *' the son of the star."
Bar-Coziba being thus recognised as the man who,
without any official title, it is true, but in virtue of
a sort of universal acceptance, passed as the reli-
gious guide of the people of Israel, became the chief
of the revolution, and war was decided on. At first
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 109
the Romans neglected the foohsh popular agitations.
Bether, in its isolated position, far from the great
highroads, did not attract their attention ; but
when the movement had invaded the whole of
Judea, and the Jews began to form threatening
bands in all directions, they were obhged to open
their eyes. They began to attack the Roman forces,
and to lie in ambush for them in a murderous fashion.
Besides this, the movement, as happened in 6S and
in 117, had a tendency to spread over the rest of
the East. Arab brigands who lived near the Jordan
and the Dead Sea, who were in a state of anarchy
through the destruction of the Nabateean kingdom
of Petra, thought they saw a chance of pillage in
Syria and Egypt. The confusion was general. Those
who had practised epispasm to escape the capitation
tax, submitted anew to a painful operation, so that
they might not be excluded from the hopes of Israel ;
and some thought so surely that the time of Messiah
had arrived, that they thought themselves authorised
to pronounce the name of Jehovah as it is written.
As long as Hadrian was in Egypt and Syria, the
conspirators did not let their plans be seen, but as
soon as he had gone to Athens the revolt broke out.
It appears that the report was spread that the Em-
peror was ill and attacked by leprosy, ^lia, with
its Roman colony, was strongly guarded. The Legio
Decima Fratensis was still in garrison there, and no
doubt the road between ^Ha and CsBsarea, the city
which was the centre of the Roman authority, also
remained open, and thus ^lia was never surrounded
by the insurrection. It was easy to keep communi-
cations open, thanks to a circle of colonies which
were established in the east and north of the city,
and especially owing to such places as Nicopolis and
Lydda, which were assured to the Romans.
It is therefore probable that the revolt in its
northward progress did not go beyond Bother, and
110 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
did not reach Jerusalem, but all the smaller towns
of Judea which had no garrisons proclaimed the in-
dependence of Israel. Bether, in particular, became
a sort of small capital, a prospective second Jeru-
salem side by side with the great Jerusalem which
they hoped to conquer soon. Its situation was very
strong, as it commanded all the valleys of the re-
volted country, and was made almost impregnable
by means of tremendous outworks, the remains of
which may be seen even to this day.
The first case of the insurgents was the monetary
question. One of the greatest punishments of the
faithful Jews was to be obliged to handle money
bearing the effigy of the Empferor, and idolatrous
figures. For religious purposes, above all, they
either sought for coins of the Asmonean princes,
which were still current in the country, or else those
of the first rebellion, when the Asmonean coinage
had been imitated. The new insurrection was too
poor and too badly provided with machinery to issue
coins of a new mould. They were satisfied with
withdrawing the coins bearing the stamp of Flavins
and Trajan, and impressing them anew with an
orthodox stamp which the people knew, and which
had a national meaning for them ; and perhaps some
ancient coins had been found which facilitated the
operation. For this imitation, the handsome coins of
Simon Maccabseus, the first Jewish prince who coined
money, were especially selected. From their date,
which was that of the liberty of Israel or of Jerusalem,
those coins seemed to have been struck for the very
purpose, and those on which was to be seen a temple
surmounted by a star, and those which bore only the
impress of the two trumpets which were destined,
according to the Law, to summon Israel to the Holy
War, were more appropriate still. The stamp upon
stamp was done very roughly, and on a great number
of coins the first Roman impress is still visible. This
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Ill
coinage was called the money of Coziba, or the money
of the revolt^ and as it was partly fictitious it lost
much of its value later on.
It was a long and terrible war, and lasted for over
two years, whilst the best generals seem to have worn
themselves out in it. Tineius Rufus, seeing that he
was outnumbered, asked for assistance, and though
his colleague Publicius Marcellus, Legate of Syria,
hastened to bring it him, both failed. In order to
crush the revolt, it was necessary to summon the first
captain of his period, Sextus Julius Severus, from
Britain. He received the title of Legate of the Pro-
vince of Judea, in the place of Tineius Rufus, and
Quintus Lollias Urbicus was his second in command
as Hadrian's legate.
The rebels never showed themselves in the open
country, but they were masters of the heights, on
which they built fortifications, and between their
embattled towns they dug out covered ways, subter-
ranean communications, which were lighted from
above by air-holes, which gave air as well as light.
The secret passages were places of refuge for them
when they were driven back, and enabled them to go
and defend another point. Unhappy race ! Driven
from its own soil, it seemed as if it preferred to bury
itself in its bowels rather than leave it, or allow it to
be profaned. This war of moles was extremely
murderous, and fanaticism reached the same height
as in 70. Nowhere did Julius Severus venture to
come to an engagement with his adversaries, for,
seeing their number and despair, he feared to expose
the heavy masses of the Romans to the danger of a
war of barricades and of fortified hill tops. He at-
tacked the rebels separately, and, thanks to the num-
ber of his soldiers, and to the skill of his lieutenants,
he nearly always succeeded in starving them out, by
surrounding them in their trenches.
Bar-Coziba, driven into a corner by impossibilities,
112 THE CHRISTIAN CHUKCH.
became more violent every day, and his rule was that
of a king. He ravaged the surrounding country, and
did not recoil before the grossest imposture in order
to sustain his part as Messiah. The refusal of the
Christians to receive him as such, and to make com-
mon cause with him, irritated him greatly, and so he
resorted to the most cruel persecutions against them.
The Messianic character of Jesus was the denial of
his own and the principal obstacle to his plans.
Those who refused to deny or to blaspheme the
name of Jesus were put to death, scourged, tortured.
Jude, who seems to have been Bishop of Jerusalem
at that time, may have been one of the victims.
Enthusiasts looked upon the political indifference of
the Christians, and their loyal fidelity to the Empire,
as a want of patriotism ; but it seems that the more
sensible among the Jews openly gave vent to their
displeasure. One day when Aquiba, seeing Bar-
Coziba, cried out, " Here is the Messiah I " the Rabbi
Joharaan ben Torta replied, " Aquiba, the grass will
be growing between your jaws before the son of
David comes."
As usual, Rome prevailed in the end, and in turn
each centre of resistance fell. Fifty improvised for-
tresses, which the rebels had built, and nine hundred
and fifty-five market towns were taken, and turned
into ruins. Beth-Rimmon, on the Idum^an frontier,
v/as the scene of a terrible slaughter of fugitives.
The siege of Bether was particularly long and diffi-
cult ; the besieged endured the last extremities of
Inmger and thirst, and Bar-Coziba was killed there,
though nothing is known of the circumstances of his
death.
The massacre was terrible. A hundred and eighty
thousand Jews were killed in the various engage-
ments, whilst the number of those who perished from
hunger, by burning, and from sickness, is incalculable.
Women and children were murdered in cold blood.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 113
Judea literally became a desert, and howling wolves
and hyenas entered into the houses. Many towns
of Darom were ruined for ever, and the desolate look
which the country wears even now is still a living
sign of the catastrophe that happened seventeen
and a half centuries ago.
The Roman army had been sorely tried. Hadrian,
writing to the senate from Athens, does not make
use of the ordinary preamble which emperors were in
the habit of using : Si vos liherique vestri valetis, bene
est; ego quidem et exercitus valemus. Severus was re-
warded as he deserved for this well-conducted
campaign, for, at Hadrian's suggestion, the senate
decreed him triumphal ornaments, and he was raised
to the dignity of Legate of Syria. The army of
Judea was overwhelmed with rewards, and Hadrian
was hailed as Emperor for the second time.
Whatever was not killed was sold at the same price
as the horses, at the annual fair of the Terebinthe,
near Hebron. That was the spot where Abraham was
supposed to have pitched his tent when he received
the visit of the three Divine Beings. The field in
which the fair was held, carefully marked out by a
rectangular enclosure, exists still. From that time
forward a terrible memento was attached to that
place, which, up till then, had been so sacred in their
eyes, and they never mentioned the fair of the Tere-
binthe without horror. Those who were not sold
there were taken to Gaza and there put up for sale
at another fair that Hadrian had established there.
Those unfortunate wretches who could not be got
rid of in Palestine were taken to Egypt, and many
suffered shipwreck, whilst others died of hunger ;
others, again, were killed by the Egyptians, who had
not forgotten the atrocities which the Jews committed
in the same parts eighteen years previously. Two
brothers who still kept up the resistance at Kafar-
Karouba were killed, with all their followers.
H
1 14 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The subterranean works of Judea, however, still
contained a crowd of unfortunate beings, who did
not dare to leave them for fear of being killed.
Their life was terrible ;' every sound seemed to herald
the approach of the enemy, and in their mad terror
they rushed at and crushed each other. The only
means they had of assuaging their hunger was
by eating the bodies of their neighbours who
had died. It seems that, in certain cases, the
Roman authorities forbade the burial of corpses, so
as to make the impression of their chastisement even
greater. Judea was like a vast charnel-house,
and those wretches who succeeded in reaching the
desert looked upon themselves as favoured bv
God.
All certainly had not deserved such severe punish-
ment, and in this instance, as happens so often,
wise men paid for fools. A nation is a solidarity,
and the individual who has contributed nothing
towards the faults of his compatriots, who has even
groaned under them, is punished no less than the
others. The first duty of a community is to check
its absurd elements ; and the idea of withdrawing
from the great Mediterranean confederation that
Rome had created, was absurdity itself. Just as
history ought to sympathise with those gentle and
pacific Jews who only desired freedom to meditate
on the Law, so also our principles oblige us to be
severe towards a Bar-Coziba who plunged his country
into a abyss of ills, and towards an Aquiba who
upheld popular follies by his authority. Every one
who sheds his blood for the cause which he con-
siders righteous, is deserving of our respect ; but
we owe him no approval for that. The Jewish
fanatics were not fighting for their liberty, but for
a theocracy, for liberty to harass the Pagans, and to
exterminate everything that appeared to them to
be bad. The ideal which they sought after would
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 115
have been an imsiipportable state of affairs. Ana-
logous, as far as intolerance went, to the miserable
Asmonean period, it would have been the reign
of zealots, radicals of the very worse sort : it would
have been the massacre of unbelievers, a Reign of
Terror. All the liberals of the second century
looked upon it like that. A very intelligent man,
who, Hke the Jews, belonged to a noble and con-
quered race, Pausanias, the antiquary, expresses
himself thus : — '' In my time there reigned that
Hadrian who showed such respect for all the gods,
and who had the happiness of his subjects so much
at heart. He undertook no war without being
forced to it ; and as for the Hebrews who border
on Syria, he subjugated them because they had
revolted against him."
CHAPTER XI I.
DISAPPEARANCE OF THE JEWISH NATION.
The immediate consequence of this mad act of
rebellion was a real persecution of Judaism. The
Jews were weighed down by a tribute that was
heavier still than the fiscus judaicus imposed by
Vespasian. The exercise of the most essential
practices of the Mosaic religion — circumcision, the
observance of the Sabbath and of feasts, apparently
insignificant simple usages were forbidden, under
pain of death ; and even those who taught the
Law were prosecuted. Renegade Jews, who had
turned spies, tracked the faithful who met in the
most secret places to study the sacred code, and
the Jews were reduced to reading it on the roofs
116 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the houses. The doctors of the Law were cruelly
persecuted, and rabbinical ordination entailed the
death penalty both on the ordainer and on the
ordinee. There were many martyrs in Judea
and Galilee, and throughout the whole of Syria it
was a crime to be a Jew. It was now, it appears,
that the two brothers, Julianus and Pappus, who
are celebrated in Jewish tradition for having pre-
ferred death to an apparent violation of the Law
committed in public, were executed, and though
water in a coloured glass was offered them so
that they might pretend to think that they had
drunk Pagan wine, they refused to take it.
About that period the schools of the Casuists were
chiefly taken up with the question of those precepts
which might be broken in order to avoid death, and
those for which martyrdom ought to be suffered. The
doctors generally admit that in times of persecution
all observances may be renounced as long as three
prohibited things, idolatry, fornication (i.e., uulawful
•unions), and murder are abstained from. This sensible
principle was put forward : «' It is suicide to resist the
Emperor's orders." It was admitted that religious
worship might be kept secret, and that the circum-
cision of children might be announced by the sound of
hand-mills instead of with the usual noisy demonstra-
tions. It was also pointed out that, according to
Leviticus xviii. 5, the observance of the Law gives
life, and so that consequently any one who dies for
the Law is responsible for his own death, so that
when a man found himself between the two precepts
to observe the Law and to preserve his own life, he
ought to obey the second, which is the more com-
manding, at any rate when death is certain, just as,
in the case of a serious illness, it is lawful to take
remedies which may contain some impure substance.
There was another point on which all were agreed,
and this was that it was better to suffer death than
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 117
to violate the slightest commandment publicly ; and
lastly, they agreed in placing the duty of teaching
above all other obhgations. At Lydda especially
these questions were agitated, and that city had its
celebrated martyrs, who were called the murdered of
Lydda.
The great doubt about Providence that takes pos-
session of the Jew as soon as he is no longer prosper-
ous and triumphant, made the position of those
martyrs a particularly cruel one. The Christian,
depending as he does altogether on the future Hfe, is
never firmer in his faith than when he is being perse-
cuted ; but the Jewish martyr has not the same hght.
"Where is now your God?" is the ironical question
which he constantly fancies that he hears from Pagan
lips. To the very last Rabbi Ishmael ben Elischa
never ceased to fight against the ideas that sprang up
in his mind, and in the minds of his companions,
against divine justice. " Do you still trust in your
God? " he was asked, and his answer was, '' Though
he slay me yet will I trust in him," using the words
of Job that have been badly translated.
Aquiba, who had been a prisoner for a long time,
nevertheless kept up a correspondence with his dis-
ciples. " Prepare for death, terrible days are coming,"
was the sentence always on his lips. He was put to
death because he was betrayed to the Romans for
imparting profound doctrine. He is said to have been
flayed alive with red-hot iron hooks. Whilst he Avas
being torn to pieces he cried incessantly, " Jehovah
is our God I Jehovah is our only God ! " and he laid
a stress on the word " only " (chad), till he expired,
when a heavenly voice was heard saying, " Happy
Aquiba, as you died whilst uttering that word ' only.' "
It was not till late, and by means of successive ex-
periences, that Israel arrived at the idea of immor-
tality. Martyrdom made this belief almost a neces-
sity. Nobody could pretend that those scrupulous
lis THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
observers of the Law who died for it had their reward
here below. The answer that sufficed for cases like
those of Job and Tobias did not suffice here. How
could any one talk of a long and happy life for heroes
who were expiring under a terrible death? Either
God was unjust, or the saints who were thus tor-
mented were great culprits. In the middle ages
there were martyrs who accepted this latter doctrine
with a kind of despair, and when they were being
led to execution, they would maintain that they had
deserved it, for they had been guilty of all sorts of
crimes. But such a paradox must necessarily be
very rare. The reign of a thousand years which
was reserved for the martyrs, was the first solution
of that difficult problem which was attempted. Then
it came to be a received opinion that ascensions to
heaven in heart and mind, that revelations, the con-
templation of the divine secrets of the cabala, were
the martyr's reward. As the apocalyptic spirit was
lost, the tiJiva, that is, the invincible confidence of man
in the justice of God, assumed forms that were an-
alogous to the enduring paradise of Christians. But
that article of faith was never an absolute dogma
amongst the Jews ; no trace of it is found in the
Thora ; and how could it be supposed that God had
expressly deprived the saints of old of such a funda-
mental dogma?
From thenceforward all hopes of seeing the Temple
raised up again were lost, and the Jews had even to
give up the consolation of living near the holy places.
The species of worship that the Jewish people vowed
to the soil which they thought God had given
them, was the evil that the Roman authorities wished
to cure at any price, so that for the future they
might cut off the root of Jewish wars. An edict
drove the Jews from Jerusalem and its neighbour-
hood under pain of death, and the very sight of
Jerusalem Avas refused them. Only once a year, on
' THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 119
the anniversary of the taking of the city, did they
obtain authorisation to come and weep over the ruins
of the Temple, and to anoint a hollow stone, which
they thought marked the site of the Holy of Holies,
with oil ; and even that permission was dearly bought.
"On that day," says St Jerome, "you might see a
mournful crowd, a miserable people, who received no
pity, assemble and draw near. Decrepit women, old
men in rags, all are weeping, and whilst their cheeks
are covered with tears, and they raise their livid
arms, and tear their thin hair, a soldier comes up
and calls on them for payment, so that they may
have the right to weep a little longer." The rest of
Judea was also prohibited ground to the Jews, but
not so strictly, for certain localities, such as Lydda,
always preserved their Jewish quarters.
The Samaritans, who had taken no part in the
revolt, hardly suiFered less than the Jews. Mount
Gerizim, like Mount Moriah, had its temple of Jupiter ;
the prohibition of circumcision attacked them in the
free exercise of their rehgion ; and the memory of
Bar-Coziba seems to have been execrated by them.
The construction of ^ha Capitolina went on more
actively than ever, and everything was done to
efface the recollection of the past, which had been so
threatening. The old name of Jerusalem was almost
forgotten, and ^liatookits place throughout the whole
of the East, so that a hundred and fifty years later
Jerusalem had become a name in ancient geography
which nobody knew any more. The city was full of
profane edifices,forums, baths, theatres, tetranymphea,
etc. Statues were erected in all directions, and the
subtle Jewish mind tried to discover mocking allu- .
sions in them, Avhich Hadrian's engineers certainly
never intended. Thus over the gate leading to
Bethlehem there was a piece of sculpture in marble
which they thought resembled a pig, and in that
they saw a most insulting piece of irony towards the
120 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
vanquished people, whilst they forgot that the wild
boar was a Roman emblem, and figured on the stand-
ards of the legions. The circumference of the city
was slightly altered towards the south, and became
about what it is now. Mount Zion remained outside
the enclosure, and was covered with kitchen gardens.
Those parts of the city which were not rebuilt
afforded a mass of loose stones which served as a
stone quarry for the new buildings. The founda-
tions of Herod's temple (the present harden) excited
wonder by their strength, and soon the Christians
declared that these tremendous layers of stones
would only be dislodged at the coming of Antichrist.
On the site of the Temple, as has been said, was
raised the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Bacchus,
Serapis, Astarte, the Dioscuri were associated there
with the principal god. As usual, statues of the
Emperor were scattered broadcast, and one of them
at least was equestrian; whilst the statues of Jupiter
and Venus were also set up near Golgotha. When,
in later years, the Christians settled their sacred
topography, they were scandalised at this proximity,
and looked upon it as an outrage ; and in the same
way they thought that the Emperor had intended to
profane Bethlehem by setting up the worship of
Adonis there.
Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, and Yerus occupied
themselves in beautifying the city, and improving
the highroads that led to it, and these public works
irritated the real Jews. " In spite of all, the works
of this nation are admirable," said Rabbi Juda bar
Ila'i one day to two of his friends who were seated
with him. " They build forums, construct bridges,
and establish baths." " That is much to their merit ! "
replied Simeon ben Jochai ; " they do it all for their
own benefit: they put brothels into the forums; they
have the baths for their own amusement, and they con-
struct the bridges so that they may receive the tolls.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 121
The hatred of Greek life, which was always so
active amongst the Jews, was redoubled at the sight
of a material renovation which seemed to be its
striking triumph. Thus finished the final attempt of
the Jewish people to remain a nation Avhich pos-
sessed a name and a defined territory. In the
Talmud, the war of Bar-Coziba is very rightly called
" the war of extermination." Dangerous movements,
which seemed to be the rekindling of the flame,
appeared again during the first years of Antoninus :
they were easily repressed. From that moment
Israel had no longer a fatherland, and then it began
its wandering life, which for centuries has marked
it as the wonder of the world. Under the Roman
sway the civil situation of the Jew was lost without
recovery. If Palestine had wished it, it would have
become a province like Syria, and its lot would have
been neither worse nor better than that of the other
provinces. In the first century, several Jews played
most extraordinarily important parts. Afterwards
that will never be seen, and it seems as if the Jews
had disappeared underground : they are only men-
tioned as beggars who have taken refuge in the
suburbs of Rome, sitting at the gates of Aricia,
besieging carriages, and clinging to the wheels, so as
to obtain something from the pity of travellers.
They are a body of ra'ias, having, it is true, their
statutes, and their personal magistrates, but who
are outside the pale of common law, forming no
part of the State, in some measure analogous to the
Zingari in Europe. There was no longer a single
rich notable Jew of any consideration associating
with men of the world. The great Jewish fortunes
did not re-appear again till the sixth century, and
then it was chiefly amongst the Visigoths of Spain,
in consequence of the false ideas witli regard to
usury and commerce which were spread abroad by
Christianity. Then the Jew became, and continued
122 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to be during the greater part of the Middle Ages, a
necessary personage without whom the world could
not accomplish the simplest transactions. Modern
Liberalism alone could put an end to this exceptional
situation. A decree of the Constituent Assembly in
the year 1791 made them again citizens and mem-
bers of a nation.
In that world which was burnt up by a sort of
internal volcanic fire, there were some oases. Some
survivors of Sadduceeism, who were treated as apos-
tates by their co-religionists, preserved amidst these
mystical dreams the healthy philosophy of Ecclesi-
asticus. The provincial Jews, who were subject to
the Arsaeides, lived tolerably happily, and observed
the Law without being interfered with. The com-
position of a charming book, the date of which is
uncertain, and which was not translated into Greek
till towards the end of the second century, may be
attributed to these provinces. It is a little romance,
full of freshness, such as the Jews excelled in, the
idyl par excellence of Jewish piety and domestic
pleasures.
A certain Tobit, son of Tobiel, who sprung from
Cades of Naphtali, was taken captive to Nineveh by
Shalmaneser. From his childhood he had been a
model of goodness, and, far from participating in the
idolatry of the Northern tribes, he regularly went to
Jerusalem, the only spot that God had chosen as a
place of worship, and offered his tithe to the priests,
the descendants of Aaron, according to the rules ot
the Teruma and of the Maaser scheni. He was charit-
able, benevolent, and amiable towards all ; he ab-
stained from eating the bread of the heathen, and
in return God obtained Shalmaneser's favour for him,
who made him his purveyor, After Shalm.aneser's
death, Sennacherib, who had returned furious from
his expedition to Jerusalem, began to act very
severely towards the Jews ; their bodies were lying
THE CHRISTIAN CBURCH. 123
about unbnried in all directions, and were to be seen
in heaps outside the walls of Nineveh, and Tobit
went and buried them by stealth. The king, sur-
prised at the disappearance of the bodies, asked
what had become of them. Tobit was persecuted,
hid himself, and lost his property, and only the
murder of Sennacherib saved him. He then con-
tinued his pious work of burying the Israelites whom
he found dead, though his neighbours made fun of
him, and asked him what his reward would be. One
evening he came back overcome by fatigue ; he could
not go into his own house, as he was unclean from
having touched the dead bodies, so he threw himself
at the foot of a wall in the court of his house and
went to sleep : an accident deprived him of his eye-
sight. Here we have the same problem laid down
as in the book of Job, and with the same vigour : a
just man not only badly rewarded for his goodness,
but struck in consequence of his virtue itself: an act
of virtue followed by misfortune resulting from it.
How can one allege after that that the servant of
Jehovah always receives the reward of his fidelity ?
His wife asks him where his alms and bis good
actions are, and what profit he has gained from them.
Tobit persists in the affirmation of a true Israelite
that God is just and good, and he even carries his
heroism so far as to vilify himself so as to justify
God ; he declares that he has deserved his lot,
firstly on account of the sins and omissions that he
has been guilty of through ignorance, then because
of the sins of his fathers. Because the ancestors of
the then existing generation were guilty, therefore
that generation is dispersed and dishonoured. Tobit
only begs for one favour, which is to die at once, so
that he may return to the earth and go to the
eternal place.
Now on that same day, at Ecbataua, another
afflicted creature had also asked God for death.
124 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
That was Sara, the daughter of Raguel, who had
been married seven times, and, though she was
absolutely pure, had seen her seven husbands
strangled on their wedding-night by the wicked
demon Aeschmadaeva, who was jealous of her, and
killed all those who wished to touch her. Those
two prayers were presented at the same time at the
throne of God by the Archangel Raphael, who is one
of the seven angels that are allowed to penetrate
into the sanctuary of the divine glory to carry the
prayers of the saints thither. God hears the suppli-
cation of these two just and sorely tried persons, and
bids Raphael make good the evil.
Everybody knows the charming idyl that follows.
It has rightly found a place amongst these sacred
fables which, reproduced under many different shapes,
never weary us. Gentle morality, family feeling,
filial piety, the love and the eternal union of the
husband and wife, charity towards the poor man,
devotion to Israel, have never been expressed in a
more charming fashion. Good will to all, strict
honesty, temperance, great care not to do to others
what one would not wish to have done to oneself,
care in the choice of one's company and to be inti-
mate only with good people, the spirit of order,
regularity in one's affairs, judicious family arrange-
ments, that is that excellent Jewish morality which,
though it is not exactly that of a nobleman, or of a
man of the world, has become the code of the Chris-
tian middle classes in its best sense. Nothing is
further removed from avarice. That same Tobit, who
lives on intimate terms with the persecutors of his
co-religionists because it is an advantageous place,
lays it down as a principle that happiness consists in
a moderate fortune joined to justice ; he can put up
with poverty with a light heart, and declares that
real pleasure consists hi giving, and not in laying up
treasure,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. l25
Above all, the ideas of matrimony as developed
here are particularly chaste, sensible, and refined.
The Jew, with his recollections always fixed on his
ancestors the prophets and patriarchs, and persuaded
that his race will possess the earth, marries only a
Jewess of good family, whose relatives are honour-
able and known to be so. Beauty is far from being
a matter of indifference ; but, before everything else,
laws and usages and family convenience must be
consulted, so that the fortune may not change hands.
The man and woman are reserved for one another
throughout all eternity. Marriages founded on
sensual love turn out badly, but on the other hand,
a union founded on real sentiment is the agglutina-
tion of two souls : it is blessed by God when it is
sanctified by the prayers of the two lovers, and then
becomes friendship full of charm, especially when the
man maintains that moral superiority over his com-
panion that belongs to him by right. To grow old
together, to be buried in the same tomb, to leave
their children well married, to see their grand-
children, and perhaps the children of the latter,
what more can be requisite for happiness ?
The author, separated from the book of Job by
nearly a thousand years, has in reality not an idea
beyond that of the old Hebrew book. All ends for
eth best, as Tobit dies at a hundred and sixty-eight
years of age, having had nothing but happiness since
his trials, and being honourably buried by the side
of his wife. His son dies at a hundred and twenty-
seven years of age, in possession of his own and of
his father-in-law's property. Before dying, he hears
that Nineveh is taken, and rejoices at that good news,
for what can be sweeter than to see the chastise-
ment of the enemies of Israel ?
Thus God appears like a father who chastises a
son Avhom he loves and then takes pity on him.
When the just man suffers, it is as a punishment for
126 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
his own faults and those of his fathers. But if he
humbles himself and prays, God pardons him and
restores him to prosperity. Thus to sin is to be
one's own enemy: charity preserves from death,
almsgiving saves.
What happened to Tobit will happen to Israel.
After having chastised it, God will repair its disas-
ters. The Temple will be rebuilt, but not as it was
before, and then all those who were dispersed shall be
restored to their own country. Israel, thus reunited,
will rebuild Jerusalem and the Temple with all the
magnificence which was foretold by the prophets,
and this time for eternity. It will be a city of
sapphires and emeralds ; its walls and towers shall
be of pure gold ; its squares shall be like mosaics of
beryl and carbuncle, and its streets shall say Alleluia.
All people shall be converted to the true God, and
shall bury their idols. Happy shall they be then who
have loved Jerusalem and pitied her sufferings.
As soon as it was translated, that httle book came
into great favour with the Christians. Some of its
features were of a nature to shock the delicacy of
a few ; it was, in some respects, too Jewish ; some
places in it might be touched up in a still more
edifying manner. Hence arose a series of altera-
tions, whence sprang a variety of Greek and Latin
texts. The last alteration, that of St Jerome, which
was made with remarkable literary feeling, gave
that form to the book which it has in the Latin text
of the Vulgate. The awkwardness and the clumsi-
ness of the original have disappeared, and the result
of those corrections is a small masterpiece which all
succeeding centuries have read and admired.
The Jewish people are without an equal when it is
a question of accentuating and imparting a charm to
an ideal of justice and domestic virtues. The Tliora
is the first book in the world, regarded as a book of
devotion, but it is an impracticable code. No society
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 127
could have lived under it, and the Jews of the time
of Bar-Gioras and Bar-Coziba were defending a
Utopia when they defended a nationahty founded
on such principles. History has that sympathy for
them which it owes to all those who have been
conquered ; but how much more Avas the peaceable
Christian and the author of the Book of Tobit, who
thought it quite natural not to revolt against iSlial-
maneser, imbued with the traditions of Israel.
CHAPTER Xril.
THE TALMUD.
The Law, wdth that calmness of mind that it pro-
duced, acted like a sedative which quickly restored
serenity to the troubled spirit of Israel. The Jewish
quarters of the West do not appear to have suffered
much from the follies of their co-religionists of the
East. Even in the East peaceable Israelites had
not participated in the strife, and soon became re-
conciled to the conquerors. Some ventured to
believe that heaven was favourable to the Romans,
and that, after all, the Law, when it was strictly
observed in families, always gave the Jews a modus
Vivendi. Thus order was re-established in Syria
sooner than one might have thought. The fugi-
tives from Jerusalem went either to the East to
Palmyra, or else into the South towards Yemen,
or else to Galilee. That latter country above all
received a new impulse from the emigration, and
for centuries afterwards remained an almost exclu-
sively Jewish country.
After the extermination of the year 67, Galilee had
been lost to Judaism for some time. Perhaps the
revolt of 117 was the reason that the betli-diii was
128 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
transported thither. After the defeat of Bar-Coziba,
the inhabitauts Avho had been driven from the South
took refuge there in a body and repopulated the
villages, and then the beth-din became definitely
Galilean. That tribunal had its seat first of all at
Ouscha, then in the villages near Sephoris, at Sche-
faram, at Beth-Shearim, and at Sephoris itself; then
it was established at Tiberias, and was not moved
till the Mussulman conquest. Whilst Darom was
almost forgotten and its schools were declining,
whilst even Lydda was falling with wretchedness
and ignorance, and was losing the right of fixing
the embolismic calculations, Galilee became the
centre of Judaism. Meiron, Safat, Gischala, Alma,
Casioun, Kafr-Baram, Kafr-Nabarta, Ammouka, were
the chief localities of this new development, and were
filled with Jewish monuments, and these, nearly all
of them reverenced in the Middle Ages as tombs of
the prophets, can still be seen in the midst of a
country which for the third and fourth time has
become desert and desolate. Tiberias was, in a
measure, the capital of that kingdom of disputation
and subtlety where the last remains of original
Jewish activity were exhausted.
In fact, in that tranquil country, restored to its
favourite retired and studious life, the family hfe and
that of the synagogue, Israel definitely renounced its
earthly visions, and sought the kingdom of God, not
like Jesus in the ideal, but in the rigorous observance
of the Law. From that time forward proselytism dis-
appears by degrees from amongst that people who had
been its most ardent followers. A law of Antoninus
put a stop to the restrictive measures of Hadrian, and
allowed the Jews to circumcise their children ; but
Modestinus the lawyer draws attention to the fact
that such permission applied only to their own
children, and exposed those who should perform that
operation on any one who was not a Jew to capital
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 129
punishment. Only some madmen, the Siccani, con-
tinued their religious ambush, aud forced the unhappy
wretches whom they could surprise in their houses
to choose between circumcision and the dagger.
The majority knew nothing of these aberrations. It
renounced heroism, and made martyrdom useless by
those clever distinctions between the precepts which
may be transgressed in order to save one's life and
those for which one must suifer death. And from
this sprung a singular spectacle : Judaism, which
had given the first martyr to the world, now left
the monopoly of it to Christians, so much so that
in certain persecutions Christians might be seen
figuring as Jews, so that they might enjoy the im-
munities of Judaism. The latter only had martyrs
whilst it was revolutionary ; as soon as it renounced
politics it settled down altogether, and was satisfied
with that tolerance, so closely bordering on inde-
pendence, that was accorded to it. On the other
hand, Christianity, which never had anything to do
with politics, reckoned martyrs amongst its ranks,
till it in turn became triumphant and persecuting.
It was the Talmud that created the Jewish people
during that long period of repose. The doctors of old
had taught the Law without any logical order, solely
according to the cases that were brought before
them. Then in their teaching they had followed
the order of the books of the Pentateuch. With
Rabbi Ben Aquiba a fresh distribution was introduced,
a kind of classification according to matter, necessi-
tating divisions and subdivisions, like a Corpus juris.
Thus a second code, the Mischna, was formed side by
side with the Thora. The Scriptures were no longer
taken as the foundation, and, to speak truly, with that
taste for arbitrary interpretation that had been intro-
duced, the Scriptures had become almost useless. It
was no longer a question of understanding the will
of the legislator clearly, it was a question of finding
I
130 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
at any price, in the Bible, arguments in favour of
traditional decisions, and verses to which received
precepts could be attached. It is the destiny of
religions that the sacred books should always be
thus destroyed by commentaries. Sacred books alone
do not form religions ; it is the force of circumstances,
involving a thousand wants of which the first origin-
ator could not have dreamt. Thus the coincidence
between the sacred books and the religious state of
any period is never perfect ; the coat does not fit
well enough, and then the commentator and the
traditionalist come and settle matters. Thus it
happens that, instead of studying the sacred book
by itself, it. was thought better, after a certain time,
to read it in the codes which have been extracted
from it, or rather which have been adapted to it.
The attempt to codify the oral Jewish law was
made in different directit)ns at the same time. We
have no longer the Mischoa of Rabbi Aquiba, nor
many others that existed. The Mischna of Juda the
Holy, written sixty years later, has thrown those
that preceded it into oblivion, but he neither in-
vented all the divisions nor all the titles. Many of
the treatises in his compilation had been completely
drawn up before his time. Besides that, after Aquiba,
the original schools disappeared, and the doctors,
full of respect for their predecessors, who seemed to
them to be surrounded by the halo of martyrdom,
tried no new methods — they were mere compilers.
Thus the Jews made a new Bible for themselves,
which rather threw the first one into the shade, at
the same time that the Christians did. The Mischna
was their Gospel, their New Testament. The dis-
tance between the Christian and the Jewish book is
enormous. The simultaneous appearance of the Tal-
mud and the Gospel from the same race of people,
— of a slight masterpiece of elegance, lightness, and
moral subtlety, and of a ponderous monument of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 131
pedantry, of miserable casuistry, and religious for-
malism, is one of the most extraordinary phenomenons
of history. These twins are certainly the most dis-
similar creatures that ever issued from the womb of
the same mother. There is something barbarous
and unintelligible, a disheartening contempt for
language and form, an absolute lack of distinction
and of talent, that make the Talmud one of the
most repulsive books that exist. The disastrous
consequences of one of the greatest faults that the
Jewish people ever committed, which was to turu
their back on Greek discipline, which was the source
of all classical culture, are clearly felt in it. That
rupture with reason itself placed Israel in a state
of deplorable isolation. It was a crime to read a
foreign book. Greek literature seemed to be a toy,
a female ornament, an amusement beneath the notice
of a man who was preoccupied with the study of the
Law, a childish science which a man ought to teach
his son " at an hour which is neither day nor night."
As the Thora says, " You shall study the law day
and night." Thus the Thora came to be regarded
as the embodiment of all philosophy and all science,
and dispensing with any other study. Christianity
was less exclusive, and took a large portion of
Hellenic tradition into its bosom. Separated from
that great source of life, Israel fell into a state of
poverty, or rather of intellectual aberration, from
which it did not emerge till it came under the influ-
ence of the so-called Arabian system of philosophy,
that is to say, under the influence of a singularly re-
fracted ray of Greek light.
There certainly are in this confused medley of the
Talmud some excellent maxims, more than one pre-
cious pearl of the kind as those which Jesus adopted
and idealised, and which the Evangelistts made divine
in writing them. From the point of view of the pre-
servation of the individuality of the Jewish people,
132 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Talmudism was an heroic party, and such as could
scarcely be found in the history of a race. The
Jewish nation, dispersed from one end of the world
to the other, had no other nationality than the Thora ;
to maintain this scattered whole, without clerg}^,
bishops, pope, or holy city, without any central
theological college, an iron chain was required, and
nothing binds men together so firmly as common
duties. The Jew, carrying all his religion with him,
requiring neither temples nor clergy for his worship,
enjoyed incomparable freedom in his emigrations
to the end of the world. His absolute idealism
made him indifferent to material things ; faithfulness
to the recollections of his race — the confession of
faith (the schema) and the practice of the Law,
sufficed him. When one is present at any ceremony
in a synagogue, at first sight everything seems
modern, borrowed, common-place. In the construc-
tion of their places of worship the Jews have never
sought a style of architecture which would be
peculiar to them. The ministers of religion, with
their bands, their three-cornered hat, and their
stole, look like parish priests ; the sermon is formed
on the model of the Catholic pulpit ; the lamps, the
seats, all the furniture, has been bought in the same
shop that supplies the neighbouring parish. No-
thing in the singing or the music goes further back
than the fifteenth century. Some portions of the
worship even are imitations of the Catholic form.
The originality and the antiquity suddenly burst
forth in the profession of faith: *Hear, 0 Israel,
Adonai, our God, is One, holy is His name I " This
headstrong proclamation, this persistent cry, which
in the end has carried away and converted the world,
constitutes the whole of Judaism. That people has
made God, and yet there never was a people less
given to disputing about God.
One very sensible feature, in fact, was to have
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 133
chosen practice, and not dogma as the basis for re-
ligions commnnion. The Christian is united to the
Christian by the same belief; the Jew is united to
the Jew by the same observances. By making the
union of souls bear on truths of the metaphysical
order, Christianity prepared the way for schisms
without number ; by reducing the profession of faith
to the schema, that is to say, to the affirmation of the
Divine Unity and to the outward bond of ritual,
Judaism got rid of the logical disputes from its
midst. The season for excommunication amongst
the Jews was generally acts, not opinions. The
Cabala always remained a matter for free speculation,
and never became a compulsory article of faith ; the
immortality of the soul was regarded as a consoling
hope, and it was allowed without difficulty that re-
ligious practices would be abolished when Messiah
came, when Jewish principles would be universally
adopted. Even the belief concerning Messiah had
a doubt cast upon it by a learned doctor, and the
Talmud gives his opinion without blaming it. That
was very judicious. It is perfect nonsense to be
compelled to believe any particular doctrine, whilst
the greatest external strictness may be allied to en-
tire liberty of thought. That is the reason of that
philosophical independence which ruled in Judaism
during the Middle Ages down to our days. Eminent
doctors, the oracles of the synagogue, such as
Maimonides and Mendelsohn, were pure rationalists.
A book like the Iccarim (Fundamental Principles) of
Joseph Albo, which proclaimed that religion and pro-
phecy are only a form of symbolism which is destined to
ameliorate man's moral condition, that all divine laws
can be modified, that individual punishments and re-
wards in the future life are nothing but figures of
speech, thatsuch abook,Isay,should become celebrated
and not incur any anathema, is a fact that is without
example in any other religion. And piety did not
134 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
suffer for it. Those men who had no hope in a future
Hfe endured martyrdom with admirable courage, and
died accusing themselves of imaginary crimes, so
that their death might not be too strong an objection
against the justice of God.
Great disadvantages counterbalanced the advan-
tages of that severe discipline to which Israel sub-
mitted in order to retain the unity of its race. Their
ritual united co-religionists amongst themselves, but
separated them from the rest of the world, and
condemned them to an isolated life. The chains of
the Talmud forged those of the Ghetto. The Jewish
people, which up till then had been so devoid of
superstition, became its most thorough type, and the
mocking allusions that Jesus made to the Pharisees
were justified. For centuries their literature turned
chiefly on the sacred furniture and vestments, and on
slaughter houses. That other Bible became a prison
in which the new Judaism carried on its unhappy
life of reclusion up to our days. Enclosed in that
unwholesome encyclopedia, the Jewish intellect got
so sharp that it went wrong. For the Israelites the
Talmud became a sort of Organon, in every respect
inferior to that of the Greeks. The Jewish doctors
put forward the same claims as the jurists who in
the sixteenth century declared that they could find
a whole system of intellectual culture in Roman
Law. In our time, this vast collection, which still
serves as the basis for Jewish education in Hungary
and in Poland, may be considered as the principal
source of the defects which may be remarked occa-
sionally amongst the Jews of those countries. The
belief that Talmudic studies supply the place of all
others, and make those who devote themselves to
them fitted for everything, is the great cause of that
presumption, that subtlety, that want of general
culture, which so often destroy really fine qualities
in the Israelite.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 135
The Jewish mind is endowed with extreme vigour.
For centuries it was forced to rave because it was
restricted to a narrow and barren circle of ideas-
The activity which it displayed was the same as if it
had been working in a wide and fertile soil, and thus
the result of headstrong work, applied to a thankless
dry matter, was mere subtlety. To wish to find
everything in texts was to obhge themselves to
childish feats of strength. When their natural sense
is exhausted, a mystical sense is sought for, and then
men set to work to count letters, and to compute
them as if they were numbers. The chimeras of
the Cabala and of the Notarikon were the last results
of that extreme spirit of exactitude and of servile
adherence. In such an accumulation of disputes as
to the best means of fulfilling the Law, there was
the proof of a very ardent religious spirit ; but we
may be allowed to add that there was in it some-
thing of a witticism and of amusement. Ingenious
and active men, who were condemned to a sedentary
life, driven from public places and from the general
society of the time, sought means to get rid of their
weariness by combining dialectics with the texts of
the Law. Even in our time, in those countries where
Jews live exclusively among themselves, the Tal-
mud is, if we may say so, their chief diversion. The
meetings which they have to explain its diffi-
culties, and to discuss obscure or imaginary cases,
seem to them to be pleasure parties, and those
subtleties which we look upon as irksome, have
seemed, and still seem, to thousands of men to be the
most attractive matter to which human genius can
be applied.
From that moment the Jews acquired all the faults
of isolated men : they became morose and malevolent.
Till that time the spirit of Hillel had not altogether
disappeared, and at least some gates of the syna-
gogue were open to converts ; but now they would
136 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
have no more proselytes. They asserted that they had
the true, the only Law, and at the same time asserted
that that Law belonged to them only. Any one
who tried to join God's people was repelled with in-
sults. Certainly it was only right to be discreet, and
to inform the neophyte of the dangers and unpleasant-
nesses that awaited him. But they did not stop
there : every proselyte was soon looked upon as
a traitor ; as a deserter who would make use of
Judaism as a short cut to Christianity. It was
openly declared that proselytes were Israel's leprosy,
and that these intruders ought to be mistrusted to
the twenty-fourth generation. The wise distinctions
that the Jews of the first century, and the Haggad-
ists, who took their inspiration from Isaiah and
Jeremiah, made with regard to ceremonial, that
grand concession that the precept of circumcision
only applied to the descendants of Abraham, were
all forgotten. From that time forward proselytism
was forbidden, and the law of Antoninus, which per-
mitted Jewish children alone to be circumcised,
became superfluous ; for it was evident that neither
the Greek nor Roman world would resign itself to
an ancient African practice which had its origin in a
matter of health, but which was not at all fitted
for our climate, and which had become oppressive
and senseless for the Jews themselves.
Morals suffered somewhat from so many attacks
on nature. Without containing any bad advice, and,
even strangely enough, whilst insisting on bashful
modesty, the Talmud often mentions lascivious
subjects, and takes a tolerably excited imagination
on the part of its writers for granted. In the third
and fourth centuries, Jewish morals, especially those
of the patriarchs and doctors, are said to have been
very lax, but, above all things, in this decrepit
Israel, reason seems to have been weakened.
The supernatural is scattered about lavishly in an
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 187
insane flxshion. Miracles appeared so simple that a
hallel, a special prayer, is devoted to them as to one
of the most ordinarj^ events of life. There never
was any nation which, after a period of extraordinary
activity, underwent such a terrible abasement.
A small sect, hedged in by numerous rules which
prevent it from living the general life, is unsociable
by nature, and is necessarily hated and easily gets
to hate others in turn. In a large society which is
imbued with great liberal principles, as our modern
civilisation is, and as in some respects Arabian
civihsation, and that of the first half of the Middle
Ages were, that causes no great inconvenience.
But in a society like that of the Christian Middle
Ages, and like in the East in our time, it is the
cause of accumulated antipathies and contempt.
The Jewish Talmudist, who, wherever he went, was
a stranger without a fatherland, often proved himself
a scourge for the country to which chance had
taken him. We must remember the Jews of the East
and of the coast of Barbary, who are filled with hatred
when they are persecuted, and are arrogant and
insolent as soon as they feel that they are protected.
The noble eff'orts of the Jews of Europe to improve
the moral condition of their Eastern brethren are
themselves the best proof of the inferiority of these
latter. No doubt the detestable social organisation
of the East is the primary cause of the evil, but the
exclusive spirit of Judaism has also much to do with
it. The regulations of the Ghetto are always dis-
astrous, and, I repeat it, that Pharisaism and
Talmudism made that rule of reclusion the natural
state of the Jewish people. For the Jew, the Ghetto
was not so much a restraint coming from outside
as a consequence of the Talmudic spirit. Any race
would have perished under it, and the manner in
which the Jewish people resisted this deleterious
mode of life, speaks highly for its moral constitution.
138 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
No one who has any lofty mind can help feeling
a profound sympathy for a people which has played
so extraordinary a part in this world, that one
cannot imagine what would have been the history of
the human race if chance had checked the destinies
of that small tribe. In judging of that terrible crisis
which the Jewish people went through about the
beginning of our era, which caused, on the one hand,
the foundation of Christianity, and, on the other,
the destruction of Jerusalem and the introduction
of Talmudism, there are several acts of injustice that
have to be repaired. The colours in which the
Pharisees are represented in the Gospels have been
rather heightened ; the Evangelists seem to have
written under the influence of the violent ruptures
which took place between the Christians and the
Jews about the time of the siege of Titus. In the
Acts of the Apostles, in all that we know about the
Church of Jerusalem, and of James, the Saviour's
brother, the Pharisees have a very different part
to that which they play in the discourses which
the Synoptists attribute to Jesus. Nevertheless,
one cannot prevent one's self from being decidedly
with Hillel, with Jesus, with St Paul against Schamai,
or with the Haggadists against the Halaehists. It
was the Haggada (popular preaching) and not the
Halacha (the study of the Law) which conquered
the world. Certainly Judaism, serried, resisting,
enclosed between the double hedge of the Law and
the Talmud which survived the destruction of the
Temple, is still grand and imposing. It has done the
greatest service to the human intellect ; it saved the
Hebrew Bible, which the Christians would probably
have allowed to be lost, from destruction. Judaism,
since it has been dispersed, has given great men
to the world, and some of the highest moral and
philosophical characters ; and on several occasions
it has been a valuable auxiliary to civilisation ; but it
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 139
is no longer that grand, fertile Judaism, carrying
in its loins tlie salvation of the world, which the
period of Jesus and of the Apostles presents to our
view ; it is the respectable old age of a man who
once upon a time held the destinies of humanity in
his hand, and who afterwards lives in obscurity for
many years, still worthy of esteem, but for the
future without any providential part to play.
St Paul, Philo, the author of the Sibylline verses,
and of those attributed to Phocylides, were right
then when they rejected the practices of Judaism,
whilst they maintained its basis. These practices
would have made all conversions impossible, for,
scrupulously observed by the majority of the nation,
they were, and are still, a real misfortune for it and for
those countries which they inhabit in large numbers.
The prophets, with their lofty aspirations, and not
the Law, with its strict observances, contained the
future of the Hebrew people. Jesus is the outcome
of the prophets, and not of the Law, whereas the
Talmud is the worship of the Law carried to super-
stition. After having waged relentless war on all
idolatries, Israel substituted a fetichism for them,
the fetichism of the Thora.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MUTUAL HATRED OF JEWS AND CHRISTIANS.
The Jewish catastrophe of the year 134 was almost
as advantageous for the Christians as that of the
year 70 had been. In their eyes, everything that
savoured of the law of Moses must have appeared to
be abrogated without a chance of return ; faith alone.
140 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and the merits of the death of Jesus, were all that
remained. Hadrian did a signal service to Christi-
anity when he prevented a Jewish restoration of
Jerusalem, ^lia, peopled, like all the colonies were,
by veterans and common people from different parts,
was no fanatical city, but, on the contrary, a centre
disposed to receive Christianity. As a rule, the
colonies were inclined to adopt the religious ideas
of the countries to which they were transported.
They would not have thought of embracing Judaism,
but Christianity, on the other hand, received every-
body. During the whole course of its three thousand
years of history, it was only for those two hundred
years, from Hadrian to Constantine, that human life
had unfolded freely within its bosom idolatrous
forms of worship, established on the ruins of the
Jewish religon, complacently adopted more than
one Jewish practice. The Pool of Bethesda con-
tinued to be a place of healing, even for the heathen,
and to work its miracles as in the times of Jesus
and of the apostles, in the name of the great im-
[)ersonal God. For their part, the Christians con-
tinued, without exciting any feeling except one of
pious admiration in the breasts of the worthy veter-
ans who formed the colony, to perform their cures
by means of oil and sacred washings. The traditions
of that Church of Jtrusalem were distinguished by
a special character of superstition, and, of course,
thaumaturgy. The holy places, especially the cave
and the manger at Bethlehem, were shown, even
to the heathen. Journeys to those places sanctified
by Jesus and the apostles, began within the first
years of the third century, and replaced the former
pilgrimages to the temple of Jehovah. When St
Paul took a deputation of his churches to Jerusalem,
he took them to the Temple, and surely he was
thinking neither of Golgotha nor of Bethlehem. Now
on the other hand, men strove to retrace the life
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 141
of Jesus, and a topography of the Gospel was formed.
The site of the Temple was known, and, close to it,
the stela of James, the Martyr, brother of the Saviour,
was venerated.
Thus the Christians reaped the fruits of their pru-
dent conduct during the insurrection of Bar-Coziba.
They had suffered for Rome that had persecuted
them ; and in Syria, at least, they found the prize
of their meritorious fidelity. Whilst the Jews were
punished for their ignorance and their blindness,
the Church of Jesus, faithful to the Spirit of her
Master, and, like Him, indifferent to politics, was
peaceably developing in Judea and the neighbouring
countries. The expulsion of the Jews was also
the lot of those Christians who were circumcised and
kept the Law, but not of those uncircumcised
Christians who only practised the precepts of Noah.
That latter circumstance made such a difi'erence
for their whole life that men were classified by it, and
not by faith or disbelief in Jesus. The Hellenistic
Christians formed a group in ^Elia, under the presi-
dency of a certain Mark. Till then, what was called
the Church of Jerusalem had had no priest who
was not circumcised, and, more than that, out of
regard for the old Jewish nucleus, nearly all the
faithful of that Church united the observation of the
Law with belief in Jesus. From that time the
Church in Jerusalem was wholly Hellenistic, and
her bishops were all Greeks, as they were called.
But this second Church did not inherit the import-
ance of the former one. Hierarchically subordinate
to CsGsarea, she only occupied a relatively humble
position in the universal Church of Jesus, and nothing
more was heard of the Church of Jerusalem till two
hundred years later.
In those countries the controversy with the Jews
became an object of paramount importance. The
Christians thought them much more difficult to
142 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
convert than the heathen, and they were accused
of subtlety and of bad faith in the discussions. It
was alleged that as beforehand they had made up
their minds to baffle their antagonists, they only
looked at minutice, at slight inexactitudes, in which
they easily got the better. What was said to them
about the life of Jesus irritated them, and no doubt
the antipathy that they felt for the accounts of the
virginal birth of the pretended Messiah, inspired them
with the fable of the soldier and of the prostitute
who, according to them, were the real authors of
that birth, which was allowed to be irregular. Argu-
ments taken from the Scriptures did not aiFect them
any more, and they lost their patience when certain
passages were brought up against them in which it
appeared as if God were mentioned in the plural.
The passage in Genesis : *'Let US make man in our
own image," particularly irritated them. A pretty
Haggada was invented to guard against that
objection : " When God was dictating the Penta-
teuch to Moses, and He got to the word naase, 'let
us make,' Moses was very much astonished, and
refused to write it down, and vehemently rebuked
the Eternal for thus striking a mortal blow at
Monotheism. The Eternal, however, maintained his
wording, and said, ' Let him who wishes to be
deceived, deceive himself!" The Jews generally
admitted that wherever in the Bible there was a
passage that was favourable to the plurality of the
Divine persons, God, by special providence, has so
disposed matters that the refutation is found side
by side with it.
The essential matter for the Christians was to
prove that Jesus had accomplished all the texts of
the prophets and the psalms which were thought
to apply to the Messiah. Nothing can equal the
arbitrariness with which the Messianic application
was carried out. The Christian exegesis was the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 143
same as that of the Talmimd and of the Midrascliim :
it was the very denial of the historical meaning.
The texts were cut up like so much dead matter,
and every phrase, separated from its context, was
applied without scruple to the prominent prejudice
of the moment. Already the Evangelists who wrote
at second hand, especially pseudo-Matthew, had
sought for prophetic reasons for all the facts of the
life of Jesus. Men went much further than that.
Not only did Christian exegetes torture the Septua-
gint version so as to obtain from it anything that
might fit into their thesis and abuse the new
translators who weakened the arguments which
they drew from it, but they forged some passages.
The wood of the cross was introduced into Psalm
xcvi. 10, where it had never figured ; the descent
into hell, into Jeremiah ; and when the Jews cried
out, protesting that nothing like it was found in
the text, they were told that they had mutilated
the text out of pure spite and bad faith, and that,
for example, they had cut the account of the prophet
being sawn in two by a wood saw out of the book
of Isaiah, because that passage brought to mind the
crime which they had committed against Jesus, too
well. A convinced and ardent apologist finds no
difficulty in anything. They referred to the ofiicial
registers of the returns of Quirinius, which never
existed, and to a pretended report of Pilate to
Tiberius, that had been forged.
Dialogue seemed to be a convenient form by which
to attain to the wished-for object in these contro-
versies. A certain Ariston of Pella, doubtlessly the
same from whom Eusebius has borrowed the account
of the Jewish war under Hadrian, wrote a discus-
sion that was supposed to have taken place between
Jason, a Jew who had been converted to Christianity
and Papiscus, a Jew of Alexandria, who obstinately
adhered to his ancient faith. As usual, the war was
144 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
waged by means of Biblical texts ; Jason proved
that all the Messianic passages were accomplished
in Jesus. The admirers of the book asserted that
Jason's Hebraic arguments were so strong, and his
eloquence so gentle, that there was no resisting it.
Papiscus, in fact, at the end of the dialogue, his
heart enlightened by the infusion of the Holy Ghost,
recognised the truth of Christianity, and asked Jason
to baptise him. However, the book was not received
with unanimous approval. The author appeared
almost too simple-minded, and it was thought what
he wrote about the Scripture bordered on the
ridiculous. Celsus eagerly seized the opportunity
of making fun of it, and Origen only defended it in
an embarrassed manner, allowing that it was one
of the least valuable books that had ever been
written in the defence of religion, and recognising
it as more fit to instruct the simple than to satisfy
the learned. Eusebius and St Jerome gave it up
altogether ; it was not copied, and so it was lost.
Another very inferior book that appeared in
Judea has preserved for us the echo of these in-
testine broils. The author made use of the wills
or rather of the recommendations that he put into
the mouths of the patriarchs, Jacob's sons, as the
basis of his writing. The language of the original
is that Greek interspersed with Hebraisms which
is the language of the greater part of the New
Testament writings. The quotations are taken
from the Septuagint. The author was a born Jew,
but he belonged to Paul's party, for he speaks of the
great apostle in a tone of enthusiasm, and he shows
himself most severe towards his former co-religionists,
whom he accuses of felony and treason. In the
work, traces of nearly all the writings in the New
Testament are to be found, and the two Bibles are
comprehended under the common term of " The
Holy Books," and the book of Enoch is quite con-
Tim CHEISTIAN CHURCH. l45
fidently quoted as being inspired. Never was the
divinity of Jesus spoken of in grander terras. It
was because they had slain Jesus and denied his
resurrection that the Jews were captives, dispersed
over the whole world, given up to the influence of
Satan and of demons. Since their apostacy, the
spirit of God has gone over to the heathen. Israel
will again be gathered together from the dispersion,
but it will have the disgrace of not associating itself
till late with the converted Gentiles.
A striking vision expresses the sentiments of the
author with regard to his ancient race. Nepthali
relates that one day in a dream he saw himself
sitting witli his brothers and his father on the shore
of the lake Jabneh where they saw a vessel sailing
at random. It was laden with mummies, and had
neither crew nor captain, and its name was The Ship
of Jacob. The patriarchal family embarked on it, but
soon a terrible tempest arose, and the father, who was
holding the rudder, disappeared like a phantom ;
Joseph saved himself on the mast, the others escaped
on ten planks, Levi and Juda on the same one. The
shipwrecked men were dispersed in all directions ;
but Levi, clothed in sackcloth, prayed to the Lord,
when the tempest was stilled, the vessel reached the
land in the midst of a profound calm, the ship-
wrecked men found their father Jacob again, and joy
became universal.
The intention of the author of the testaments of
the twelve patriarchs had been to enrich the list of
the writings contained in the sacred canon ; his book
is of the same order as the pseudo- Daniel, the
pseudo-Esdras, the pseudo -Baruch, the pseudo -
Enoch. Its success, however, was not the same.
By its declamatory tone and its emphatic common-
placeness, by an exaggerated severity towards the
pleasures of love and the luxury of women, by
its severe tirades against the Jews, the book was
K
146 THE CHRISTIAN OHURGH.
calculated to edify the pious faithful ; but the time
for great successes with regard to frauds in the
Canon of Scripture was passed ; already a tolerably
strong hedge surrounded the sacred volume and pre-
vented fresh compositions being furtively inserted,
so the book was only received in very restricted
fractions of the Church. However, as it was alto-
gether Christian and an ti- Jewish, it did not share in
the reprobation with which the Greek Church visited
apocryphal Jewish and Judeo- Christian literature.
Copies of it were multiplied, and the original Greek
was preserved in a good number of manuscripts.
The philosopher Justin of Neapolis, in Samaria,
was a much more valuable defender whom the
Church acquired at about that period. His father,
Prisons, or his grandfather, Bacchius, doubtlessly be-
longed to the colony which Vespasian established at
Sychem, and which procured for that town the name
of Flavia Neapolis. His family was heathen, and
gave him a careful HellcDistic education. Justin
had more heart and religious requirements than
rational faculties. He read Plato, tried the different
philosophical schools of his time, and as happens to
ardent but not very judicious minds, he found satis-
faction in none of them. He required the impossible
from those schools. He wanted a complete solution
of all the problems which the universe and the
human conscience raise. The sincere avowal of
powerlessness which his different masters made to
him attracted him towards the disciples of Jesus. He
was the first man who became a Christian through
scepticism, the first who embraced the supernatural,
that is to say, the negation of reason, because he was
out of temper with reason.
He has related to us, with too much art for his
account to be looked upon as an exact autobiography,
how he went through all the sects, his errors, the
charm which the Jewish revelation exercised on him
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 147
when he knew it, and the manner in which the
prophets led him to Christ. What struck him above
all was the sight of the morality of the Christians
and the spectacle of their indomitable firmness. The
other forms of Judaism, by which he was surrounded,
especially the sect of Simon Magus, only filled him
with disgust. The philosophical turn which Chris-
tianity was already assuming had great attractions
for him. He adhered to the dress of the philosophers,
that pallium which was nothing but an index of an
austere life devoted to asceticism, and which many
Christians were fond of wearing. In his eyes his
conversion was no rupture with philosophy. He was
fond of repeating that he had only begun to be a
real philosopher from that day ; that he had only
abandoned the writings of Plato for those of the
prophets, and profane philosophy for a new philo-
sophy— the only sure system, the only one which
gives repose and peace to those who profess it.
The attraction which Kome possessed over all the
sectaries made itself felt by Justin. Shortly after
his conversion he set out for the capital of the world,
and there it was that he composed those Apologies,
which, by the side of Quadratus and Aristides, were
the first manifestation of Christianity to the eyes of a
public initiated to philosophy. His antipathy for the
Jews, which was inflamed by the recollection of the
recent acts of violence of Bar-Coziba, inspired him
with another work, whose exegesis was as singular
as that of Ariston of Pella, and in which error and
injustice have perhaps been pushed even further.
In fact, the parts were changed. The heathen
entered the Church in crowds, and became its most
numerous members. The two great bonds that at-
tached the new worship to Judaism — the Passover
and the Sabbath — were getting looser day by day.
Whilst in St Paul's day the Christian who did not
observe the law of Moses was hardly tolerated, and
148 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was constrained to make all kinds of humiliating
concessions, it was now the Judaisiug Christian
whom it was not wished to exclude from the Church.
If he was irreproachable in his faith in Jesus Christ
and in his obedience to the commandments, if he
was persuaded of the inefficacy of the Law, if he
only wished to observe a part of it by way of a pious
remembrance, if he would not in any way trouble
those Gentiles whom Jesus Christ had truly circum-
cised and brought out of error, if he was not guilty
of any propaganda to persuade those latter to submit
to the same practices as he did himself, if he did not
hold up these practices as obligatory and necessary
for salvation, he might be saved. This, at any rate,
was what men of large mind admitted. But there
were others who neither dared to have intercourse nor
to live with those who observed the Law in any shape.
*' As for me," Justin says, " I believe that when a
person, from weakness of understanding, wishes to
observe as much as he can of that Law which was
imposed upon the Jews because of the hardness of
their heart, when, at the same time, that person hopes
in Jesus Christ, and is determined to satisfy all the
eternal and natural duties of justice and of piety,
that he makes no difficulty in living with other
Christians without wishing to induce them to be
circumcised or keep the Sabbath, I believe, I repeat,
that such a person ought to be received to friendly
intercourse in every way. But any Jews who pre-
tend to believe in Jesus Christ and wish to force the
faithful Gentiles to observe the Law, I reject abso-
lutely. . . . Those who, after having known and
confessed that Jesus is the Christ, abandon their
faith because they are persuaded by these obstinate-
minded men in order to go over to the Law of Moses,
whatever may be their reason for doing so, wnll find
no salvation unless they acknowledge their fault
before their death."
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 149
Origen looks at matters in a similar fashion. Jews
who have become Christians, according to him, have
abandoned the Law. Jews who observe the Law as
Christians are Ebionites and sectaries, because they
value circumcision and practices that Jesus has abol-
ished. Logic accomplished itself. It was inevitable
that a duality which prevented Christians from
eating together even at Easter, must end in a com-
plete schism.
From the middle of the second century, in fact,
the hatred between the two religions was sealed.
The quiet disciples of Jesus, and the Jews who were
exiled for their territorial fanaticism, became daily
more mutually furious. According to the Christians,
a new people had been substituted for the ancient.
The Jews accused the Christians of apostacy, and
subjected them to real persecution.
" They treat us like enemies, as if they were at
war with us, killing us and torturing us when they can,
just as you do yourselves," Justin said to the Romans.
Women who wished to become converts were
scourged in the synagogues and stoned. The Jews
reproached the Christians for no longer sharing the
anger and the griefs of Israel. The Christians began
to inflict a reproach on the whole Jewish nation which
certainly neither Peter, nor James, nor the author of
the Apocalypse would have addressed to them, that
of having crucified Jesus. Up till then his death had
been looked upon as Pilate's crime, as that of the
High Priests and of certain Pharisees, but not of the
whole of Israel. Now the Jews were made to appear
as a decided nation, one that assassinated God's en-
voys and rebelled against the clearest prophecies.
The Christians made a sort of dogma out of the non-
reconstruction of the Temple, and looked upon those
as their most mortal enemies who put ibrward any
pretensions to giving the lie to their prophecies on
this matter. As a matter of fact, the Temple was not
150 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
restored till the time of Omar, that is to say, at the
period when Christianity in its turn was conquered
at Jerusalem. When Omar wished to be shown the
holy site, he found that the Christians had converted
it into a place for depositing filth, out of hatred for
the Jews.
The Ebionites or Nazarenes, who had for the most
part retired to the other side of the Jordan, natur-
ally did not share these sentiments. They were a
numerous body, and by decrees gained possession of
Paneas, all the country of the Nabateans, Hauran,
and Moab. They kept up their relations with the
Jews and Aquiba, and the most celebrated doctors
were known to them ; Aquila was their favourite
translator, but the mistakes that they made with
regard to the period at which those two teachers
flourished, proves that they had only received a
vague echo of their celebrity. Besides this, the
writers of the Catholic Church speak about two sorts
of Ebionites, one of which retained all the Jewish
ideas, and only attributed an ordinary birth to
Jesus, whereas the other agreed with St Paul in
admitting that observances were necessary only for
Israelites by blood, and admitted that Jesus had a
supernatural birth, such as is recounted in the first
chapter of Matthew. The dogmas of the Ebionite
school followed the same line of development as
those of the Catholic Church ; by degrees, even in
that direction, there was a tendency to elevate Jesus
above humanity.
Although they were excluded from Jerusalem as
being circumcised, the Ebionites of the East were
always supposed to dwell in the Holy City. The
Ebionites of the rest of the world still looked upon
the Church of Jerusalem as it had been in the time
of Peter and James, as the peaceful capital of
Christendom. Jerusalem is the universal kihla of
Judeo-Christianity ; the Elkasaites, who observed
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 151
tlicit hihla to the letter, only symbolised the general
feeling. But such a resistance to evidence could not
last long. Soon Judeo-Christianity had no longer a
mother, and Nazarene or Ebionite traditions existed no
longer except amongst the scattered sectaries of Syria.
Hated by the Jews, almost strangers to the
Churches of St Paul, the Judeo-Christians decreased
daily. It was not with them as it was with other
Churches, which were all situated in large cities, and
participated in the general civilisation, for they were
scattered about in unknown villages, to which no
rumours from the outside world had access. Epi-
scopacy was the product of great cities : they had no
Episcopacy. Thus having no organised hierarchy,
deprived of the ballast of Catholic orthodoxy, tossed
about by every wind, they were more or less lost in
Essenism and Elkaism. With them the Messianic
belief resulted in an endless theory about angels.
The theosophy and the asceticism of the Essenes
caused the merits of Jesus to be forgotten ; abstinence
from flesh, and the ancient precepts of the Nazarites,
assumed an exaggerated importance. The literature
of the Ebionites, which was all in Hebrew, appears to
have been weak. Only their old Hebrew gospel,
which resembled that of Matthew, preserved its
value. The converted Jews who knew no Greek
were fond of it, and still made it their gospel in the
fourth century. Their Acts of the Apostles, on the
other hand, were more or less sophisticated. The
journeys of Peter, which are scarcely mentioned in
the canonical Acts, received a large development
through their imagination. They added on to them
some wretched apocryphas, which were attributed
to some of the prophets and apostles, and in which
James seems to have played a principal part.
Hatred for St Paul breathes out of all those
writings, the like of which we shall find written in
Greek at Rome,
152 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Such a false position was sure to condemn Ebionism
to death. " Wishing to maintain an intermediary
position," Epiphanius wittily remarks, "Ebion was
nothing, and in him this saying was accomplished:
'I came near suffering every misfortune, party wall
as I am between the Church and the synagogue.' "
St Jerome also says that because they wished to be
Jews and Christians at the same time, they did not
succeed in being either Jews or Christians. Thus at
the very birth of Christianity occurred what has hap-
pened in nearly all religious movements. The first
century of the Hegira witnessed the extermination
of the companions, relations, and friends of Mahomet,
of all those, in a word, who wished to enjoy the
monopoly of that revolution of which they were the
authors. In the Franciscan movement, the real
disciples of St Francis d'Assisi found, at the end of
a generation, that they were dangerous heretics who
were given up to the flames by hundreds.
The fact is that in those first days of a creative
activity ideas progress with giant strides : the imi-
tator soon becomes retrograde, and a heretic amongst
his own sect, an obstacle to its views, which wish
to progress iu spite of him, and thus often insult
and kill him. He does not advance any more, and
everything is advancing around him. The Ebionim,
for whom the first Beatitude had been pronounced
(Blessed are the Ebionim !), were now a scandal for the
Church, and their pure doctrine was looked on as blas-
phemy. Certainly the jokes of Origen, and the insults
of Epiphanius towardsthe real founders of Christianity,
have something oflfensive about them. On the other
hand, it is certain that the Ebionim of Kokaba
would not have transformed the world if Christianity
had remained a Jewish sect; a small Talmud would
have been the result, and the Thora would never
have been abandoned. In time the relations of
Jesus would have become a religious aristocracy,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 153
which would have been intolerable and destruc-
tive to the work of Jesus. Like nearly all the
descendants of great men, they would have laid
claim to the inheritance of his genius, or of his
sanctity, and would have treated those with disdain
whom Jesus would, with much more reason, have
taken as his spiritual family. Like the heirs of some
celebrated writer, they would have wished to keep
what he had thought and felt for the benefit of all
to themselves. The lowly Jesus would have become
a principle of vanity for some foolish people ; the
desposyni would have been persuaded that their
great-great uncle had preached and had been
crucified to obtain religious titles and honours in
the synagogue for them. Jesus seems to have feared
this serious mistake ; one day, stretching out his
hand to his disciples, he said with perfect truth, —
Behold, my mother and my brethren. Whoever does the
will of my Father which is in heaven, the same is my brother, and
sister, and mother.
Ebionism and Nazaraism continued till the fifth
or sixth centuries in the more remote parts of Syria,
especially in the countries beyond Jordan, which was
the refuge of all the sects, as well as in the region
of Alep, and in the island of Cyprus. Persecuted
by the orthodox emperors, it disappeared in the
whirlwind of Islam. In one sense it might be said
that it was continued by Islam. Yes, Islamism is,
in many respects, the prolongation or rather the
revenge of Nazaraism. Christianity, such as the
Greek polytheists and metaphysicians had made it,
could not suit the Syrians or Arabs, who held
strongly to the view of separating God from man, and
who required the greatest religious simplicity. The
heresies of the fourth and fifth centuries, having
their centre in Syria, are a sort of permanent pro-
testation against the exaggerated doctrines of the
Trinity and the Incarnation, which the Greek fiithers
154 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
brought so prominently forward. Theodoret asked
himself lioic he^ wJio is the author of life, could become
mortal. He, who has suffered, is a man whom God took
from our inidst. Sufferings belong to man, who is
passible. It was the form of the servant tvhich suffered.
Ibas, of Edessa, said : —
I do not envy Christ, who has become God, for I may
become what he has become.
And on Easter Day he ventured to express him-
self thus : —
To-day, Jesus has become immortal.
That is the pure Ebionite or Nazarene doctrine.
Islamism says nothing more. Mahomet knew Chris-
tianity from those communities established beyond the
Jordan which were opposed to the Council of Nicaea
and to the councils which it developed. For him,
Christians are Nazarenes. Mussulman Docetism has
its roots in the same sects. If Islamism substitutes
the Kibla of Mecca for that of Jerusalem, on the
other hand it renders the greatest honour to the site
of the Temple: the mosque of Omar rises from that
ground which was defiled by the Christians. Omar
himself worked to clear away the filth, and pure
monotheism rebuilt its fortress on Mount Moriah. It
is often said that Mahomet was an Arian : that is not
exact. Mahomet was a Nazarene, a Judeo-Christian.
Under him Semitic monotheism regained its rights,
and avenged itself for those mythological and poly-
theistic complications which Greek genius had intro-
duced into the theology of the first disciples of
Jesus.
There ^vas one direction in which the Hebrew
Ebionites were important in the literary work of the
Universal Church. The study of Biblical Hebrew,
which was so neglected in Paul's Churches, con-
tinued to flourish amongst them. From their midst,
or from the midst of neighbouring sects, tliere sprang
THE CHRISTIAN CHUKCH. 155
the celebrated translators Symmaclms and Theo-
dosion. Tliey are represented now as Ebionites
now as Samaritans, always as proselytes, deserters,
Judaising heretics. The controversies with regard
to the Messianic prophecies, especially with regard
to the Alma, the alleged virgin mother of Isaiah,
brought men back to the study of the text. The
Hebrew Gospel and its sHghtly altered brother the
Gospel of St Matthew, with its legends and genea-
logies at the beginning, were another object of
polemics. Symmachus, above all, seems to have
been a universally respected doctor in those distant
Churches.
It was under conditions which differed but little
from those that have been described that, apparently,
the Syriac version of the Old Testament, called
Peschito, was made. According to some, Greeks
were its authors ; according to others, Judeo-Chris-
tians ; it is, however, certain that Jews collaborated
in it, as it is produced directly from the Hebrew, and
as it has some passages which are remarkably parallel
with the Targums. According to all appearances,
this version was produced at Edessa. Later, when
Christianity dominated in those countries, the New
Testament writings were translated into a dialect
which is altogether analagous to that of the ancient
Peschito,
That school of Hebraising Christians did not
outlive the second century. The orthodoxy of
the Hellenistic Churches was always suspicious of
Hebraic truth; piety did not inspire men with any
wish ta consult it, and the study of Hebrew offered
almost insurmountable obstacles to any one who was
not a Jew. Origen, Dorotheus of Antioch, and St
Jerome were exceptions. Even Jews who were living
in Greek or Latin countries greatly neglected the
ancient text. Rabbi Meir, obliged to go to Asia,
could not find a Hebrew copy of tlie book of Esther
156 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
amongst the inhabitants ; he wrote it for them from
memory, so that he might be able to read it in the
synagogue on the day of Purim. It is certain that,
but for the Jews of the East, the Hebrew text of the
Bible would have been lost. By preserving that
invaluable document of the old Semitic world for us,
the Jews have rendered a service to the human race
which is equal to that w4iich the Brahmins have
rendered it by preserving the Vedas.
CHAPTER XV.
ANTONINUS PIUS.
Hadrian returned to Rome, which he did not leave
again, in 135. Roman civilisation had just exter-
minated one of its most dangerous enemies, Judaism.
On all sides there was peace, the respect of peoples,
the barbarians apparently submissive, and the mildest
maxims of government introduced and carried out.
Trajan had been perfectly right in believing that
men can be governed whilst they are treated with
civility. The idea that the State was not only
tutelary but also benevolent was taking deep root.
Hadrian's private conduct gave rise to grave re-
proach ; his character got worse as his health became
worse, but the people did not notice it. Unexampled
splendour and well-being which enveloped everything
like a brilliant halo, hid the defective sides of the
social organisation. To speak the truth, these
defective sides were capable of being corrected. The
door was open to any progress. Stoic philosophy
was penetrating the legislature, and introducing into
it the idea of the rights of man, of civil equality, and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 157
of the uniformity of provincial administration. The
privileges of the Roman aristocracy were daily
disappearing, and the chiefs of society believed in
and were workiDg for progress. They were philo-
sophers who, without looking for Utopia, yet desired
the greatest possible application of reason to human
affairs. That was worth a great deal more than the
fanatical and inapplicable Thora, which at best was
only good for a very small nation. Men had reason
to be satisfied with life, and behind that fine genera-
tion of statesmen one could perceive another wiser,
more serious, more upright still.
Hadrian was amusing himself, and he had the right
to do so. His curious and active mind dreamt of all
sorts of chimeras at one and the same time, but his
judgment was not sure enough to preserve him from
faults of taste. At the foot of the hills of Tibur he
had a villa built which Avas, as it were, the album of
his journeys and the pandemonium of celebrity. It
might have been called tho noisy and somewhat
bold fair of a dying world. Everything was there:
false Egyptian, false Greek, the Lyceum, the Academy
the Prytaneum, the Canopus, the Alpheus, the vale
of Tempe, the Elysian Fields, Tartarus ; temples,
libraries, theatres, a hippodrome, a naumachia, baths.
It was a strange place, and yet attractive! For it
was the last place in which men amused themselves,
where men of intellect went to sleep to the empty
noise of " greedy Acheron." At Rome the chief care
of the fantastic emperor was that senseless tomb,
that vast mausoleum, where Babylon was outdone,
and which, stripped of its ornaments, has been the
citadel of Papal Rome. His buildings covered the
world ; the atheneums that he founded, the en-
couragement that he gave to letters and fine arts,
and the immunities that he granted to professors,
rejoiced the hearts of all men of learning. Unhappily
superstition, eccentricity, and cruelty more and more
158 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
gained the upper baud over him as his physical torces
left him. He had built himself an elysium, in order
not to believe in it, and a hell, to laugh at it ; a hall
of philosophers, to make fun of them ; a canopus, to
point out the impostures of priests, and to recall to
his mind the foolish festivals of Egypt, that had made
him laugh so much. Now, everything seemed to him
hollow and empty : nothing more supported him.
Perhaps some martyrdoms which took place during
his reign, and for which there seems to have been no
motive, are to be attributed to the caprices and dis-
orders of his last months. Telesphorus was then
the head of the Church at Rome ; he died confessing
Christ, and passed to the number of the glories of
the faith.
The death of this amateur Caesar was sad and
without dignity, for no really lofty moral sentiment
animated him. Nevertheless, in him the world lost a
powerful support. The Jews alone triumphed over
the agonies of his last moments. It was customary
amongst them not to mention him except saying
after his name, " May God smash his leg." He was
sincerely attached to civilisation, and understood
well what it would come to in time. With him
ancient literature and art came to an end. He was
the last emperor who believed in glory, just as ^lius
Verus was the last man who knew how to enjoy
delicate pleasures. Human affairs are so frivolous
that brilliancy and splendour must take their share
in them. A world will not hold together without
that ; Louis XIV. knew it, and men lived and live
still in his sun of gilded copper. In his own fashion,
Hadrian marked a summit, after which a rapid de-
scent commenced. Certainly Antoninus and Marcus
Aurelius were vastly his superiors in virtue, but
under them tlie world was getting sad and losing its
gaiety, was beginning to wear the monk's cowl and
become Christian ; superstition was on the increase.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 150
Hadrian's art, although it also had its gnawiug worm,
still holds to principles : it is a clever and wise art ;
afterwards the decadence set in with irresistible
force. Ancient society perceives that all is in vain ;
now, the day w^hen one makes that discovery, one is
near death. The two accomplished sages who are
going to reign are two ascetics, after their own
fashion, Lucius Verus and Faustina will be the
unclassed survivors of the ancient elegance. Tt really
was from that time that the world bade farewell to
joy, treated the muses as seductresses, will no longer
listen to anything but what keeps up its melancholy,
and becomes changed into a vast hospital.
Antoninus was a St Louis as far as heart and
rectitude went, with much more judgment, and a
wider range of intellect. He was the most perfect
sovereign that ever reigned. He w\^s even superior
to Marcus Aurelius, as the reproaches of weakness
which may be addressed to the latter cannot be
applied to him. To enumerate his virtues would
be to enumerate all the qualities of which a perfect
man can command. In him all the world saluted
an incarnation of the mythical Numa Pompilius.
He was the most constitntional of sovereigns, and,
at the same time, simple, economical, quite taken up
with good deeds and public works, far from any
excess, free from rhetoric and any affectation of
mind. By his means philosophy really became a
power ; everywhere philosophers were richly pen-
sioned ; already he was surrounded by ascetics, and
the general direction of the education of Marcus
Aurelius w^as his work.
Thus the world's ideal seemed to have been attained,
wisdom reigned, and for twenty-three years the world
was governed by a flither. Affectation, false taste in
literature, fell to the ground ; people became simple ;
pubhc instruction became an object of lively solici-
tude. The condition of the whole world was amelio-
160 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCll.
rated ; excellent laws, especially iu favour of slaves,
were carried ; the relief of those who suffered became
the object of universal care. The preachers of moral
philosophy even surpassed the successes of Dion Chry-
sostom ; the seeking for frivolous applause was the
rock which they had to avoid. A provincial aristo
cracy of upright people who wished to do right, had
succeeded the cruel aristocracy of Rome. The force
and the loftiness of the ancient world were being
lost, and men were becoming good, gentle, patient,
humane. As always happens, socialistic ideas profited
by that largeness of views and made their appearance,
but general good sense and the force of established
order prevented them from becoming a public evil.
The similarity between these aspirations and those
of Christianity was striking, but a profound difference
separated the two schools, and was bound to make
them hostile to each other. By its hope in the
approaching end of the world, by its badly-concealed
wishes for the ruin of ancient society, Christianity in
the midst of the beneficent empire of the Antonines
became a subvert er that it was necessary to combat.
Always pessimistic, inexhaustible in mournful pro-
phecies, the Christian, far from being of service to
national progress, showed that he disdained it.
Nearly all the Catholic doctors looked upon war
between the empire and the Church as necessary, as
the last act in the strife between God and Satan ;
they boldly affirmed that persecution would last till
the end of time. The idea of a Christian empire,
though it sometimes presented itself to their mind,
seemed to them a contradiction and an impossibility.
Whilst the world again began to live, the Jews
and Christians wished more obstinately than ever
that it should be approaching its last hour. We
have seen the false Baruch exhaust himself in vague
announcements. The Judeo-Christian Sibyl never
ceased thundering the whole time. The ever-in-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 161
creasing splendour of Rome was a terrible insult to
divine truth, to the prophets, to the saints, and so
they boldly denied the happiness of the century.
All the natural scourges, which continued to be
tolerably numerous, were represented as signs of
implacable anger. The past and present earth-
quakes in Asia were made the most of as signs of
fearful terrors. According to the fanatics, the only
cause of these calamities was the destruction of the
Temple of Jerusalem. Rome, the harlot, had given
herself up to a thousand lovers, who have intoxicated
her ; in her turn she shall be a slave. Italy, covered
with blood from civil wars, had become the haunt of
wild beasts. The new prophets, to express the ruin
of Rome, employed nearly the same images which
had served the Seer of 69 to depict his sombre rage.
It was difficult for a society to put up with such
attacks, without replying. The Sibylline books which
contained those which were attributed to the pre-
tended Hystaspes, and which announced the destruc-
tion of the empire, were condemned by the Roman
authorities, and those who possessed them or read
them were condemned to death. The uneasy search
into the future was a crime under the empire ; in
fact, such vain curiosity almost always served as a
cloak or a wish for revolutions and incitements to
murder.
It would certainly have been worthy of the wise
emperor, so many humane reforms, if he had de-
spised the intemperate imagination without a real
object, and if he had abrogated the severe laws
which, under Roman despotism, weighed on the
liberty of worship and of meeting; but evidently
no one about thought of it, any more than any one
did who was about Marcus Aurelius. The unfettered
thinker alone can be quite tolerant ; now Antoninus
observed and scrupulously maintained the cere-
monies of the Roman worship. The policy of his
L
162 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
predecessors had been unvarying in that respect.
They saw in Christianity a secret anti-social sect
which dreamt of the overthrow of the empire ; hke
all the men who were attached to the old Roman
principles, they believed it necessary to repress
it. There was no necessity for special edicts : the
laws against coetus illiciti and illicita collegia were
numerous. The Christians came in a quite regular
manner under the power of those laws. It must
be observed, first of all, that the true spirit of liberty,
as we understand it, was not imderstood by any
one at that time ; and that Christianity, when it
became the master, did not practise it any more
than the heathen emperors ; in the second place,
that the abrogation of the law of illicit societies
would most likely in fact have been the ruin of the
empire, founded essentially on this principle that the
State cannot admit any society which differs from
it into its midst. The idea was wrong, according
to our ideas ; however, it is quite certain that it was
the corner-stone of the Roman constitution. The
foundations of the empire would have been thought
to be overthrown if those repressive laws which
were looked upon as essential conditions to the
stability of the State had been relaxed.
The Christians seemed to understand this. Far
from finding fault with Antoninus personally, they
rather looked upon him as having ameliorated
their lot. A fact which does this sovereign infinite
honour, is that the principal advocate of Christianity
ventured to address him with full confidence, in
order to obtain redress from a legal situation which
he reasonably found unjust and unbecoming in such
a fortunate reign. They went further, and there
is no doubt that during the first years of Marcus
Aurelius different rescripts were forged in the name
of Antoninus, which, supposed to be addressed to the
Lariseans, the Thessalonians, the Athenians, to all
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 163
the Greeks, to the Asiatic States, were so favour-
able to the Church that if Antoninus had really
countersigned them he would have been very in-
consistent in not turning Christian. These docu-
ments only prove one thing, — the opinion which the
Christians retained of the excellent emperor. He
did not show himself less benevolent towards the
Jews, who no longer menaced the empire. The
laws forbidding circumcision, which had been the
consequence of Bar-Coziba's revolt, were abrogated,
as far as they were vexatious. The Jew was at
perfect liberty to sacrifice his son, but the penalty
for practising the operation on a non-Jew was
castration, that is, death. Civil jurisdiction within
the community does not appear to have been restored
to the Jews till later.
Such was the rigour of the established legal order,
such was the popular effervescence against the
Christians, that even during this reign one is sorry
to find many martyrs. Polycarp and Justin are
the most illustrious amongst them, but they were
not the only ones. Asia Minor was stained with the
blood of very many judicial murders, which were
all provoked by riots ; we shall see Montanism rise up
like a hallucination of that intoxication for martyr-
dom. In Rome, the book of the false Hermas will
appear to us as if it came out of a bath of blood.
Prejudice for martyrdom, questions relating to
renegades, or to those who had shown some weak-
ness, fill up the whole book. Justin has described
to us on every page Christians as victims who
expect nothing*^ but death; their very name, like in
the time of Pliny, was a crime.
Jews and heathens persecute us on all sides ; they rob us of
our possessions, and only leave us our life when they cannot de-
prive us of it. They cut off our heads, nail us to the cross,
expose us to wild beasts, torture us with chains, with fire, with the
most horrible torments^ But the more ills we have to endure,
164 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the more the number of the faithful increases. The vine-grower
prunes his vines to make them shoot out anew ; he cuts off the
branches that have borne fruit, to make it throw out others more
vigorous and fruitful ; the same thing happens to God's people,
which is like a fertile vine, planted by its hand and that of our
Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE CHRISTIANS AND PUBLIC OPINION.
In order to be just, one must picture to oneself the
prejudices amongst which the pubhc then hved.
Christianity was very little known. The lower
classes do not like distinctions, or for some to live
apart by themselves, for others to be more Puritan
than they are. and to abstain from feasts and their
usages. When one hides oneself, they always sup-
pose that there is something to hide. In all time
secret religious rites have provoked certain calumnies,
which are always the same. The mysteries by which
they are surrounded cause others to believe in un-
natural debaucheries, in infanticide, incest, even in
anthropophagy. They are tempted to believe that
it is a secret camorra, organised in opposition to the
laws. Besides this, informing had in ancient law, in
spite of the efforts of good emperors, an importance
which fortunately it no longer possesses, and thence
sprang a type of libel, drawn up, so to say, in
advance, from which no Christian could escape.
Everything was certainly false in those popular
rumours, but some badly-understood fact seemed to
give some substance to them. Certain inquiries had
turned out to the detriment of those who were incul-
pated. The apologists do not deny it : respect for
the matter which had been judged stops them, but
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 165
they charge the sectaries with the evil, and ask that
the faults of some may not be laid to all. The
nocturnal gatherings, the signs of recognition, certain
eccentric symbols, everything that had anything
to do with the mystery in the Eucharist, the sacra-
mental phrases with regard to the body and blood of
Christ, excited suspicion. That bread which the
Christian woman ate in secret before every meal
must have appeared to be a philtre. A number of
pratices seemed tokens of the crime of magic, which
was punished with death. The custom of the
faithful to call each other brother and sister, and
above all the holy kiss, the kiss of peace, which was
given without distinction of sex at the most solemn
moment of the assemblage, would be sure to provoke
the most unfavourable interpretations in the mind of
a public that was incapable of understanding this
golden age of purity. The idea of meetings where
all familiarities and promiscuities were allowed,
naturally arose from such facts, which were distorted
by malice and sarcasm.
The accusation of atheism was even more redoubt-
able. It entailed the punishment of death as a parri-
cide, and worked up all superstitions at once. The
undissembled aversion of the Christians for the
temples, statues, and altars was constantly pro-
ductive of some incident. There was no scourge, no
earthquake, for which they were not held responsible.
Every act of sacrilege, every fire in a temple, was
attributed to them. Christians and Epicureans were
confounded in this respect, and their secret presence
in any town caused consternation, which was worked
upon to raise the mob. The lower classes were thus
the centre of hatred for the Christians. What the
authentic acts of the martyrs treat with the greatest
contempt, and as the worst enemies of the saints, are
the ruffians of the large towns. The faithful never
looked upon themselves as belonging to the people ;
166 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
they seemed in the towns to form the respectable
middle class, very respectful towards the authorities,
and very much disposed to come to an understand-
ing with them. To defend themselves before the
people seemed to the bishops to be a disgrace : they
would only argue with the authorities. How plain
it is that the very day the government would relax
its rigour, Christianity and it would soon come to an
understanding! How clear it is that Christianity
would be delighted to be the rehgion of the govern-
ment. A singular thing is that the only portion of
heathen society with which the Christians had any
analogy of opinion was the group of Epicureans.
The name of Atheists was equally assigned to the
disciples of Jesus and those of Epicurus. They had,
in fact, this feature in common, that they denied,
though certainly from very different reasons, the
puerilely supernatural and the ridiculous wonders in
which the people beheved. In them the Epicureans
saw the impostures of the priests, the Christians the
impostures of the devil. What aggravated the case
of the Christians was that by their exorcisms they were
supposed to be able to stop local wonders, and to
impose silence on the oracles which made the fortune
of a city or of a country. When Alexander of Abono-
tica saw that his frauds were discovered, he said, —
" There is nothing surprising in that ; Pontus is full
of Atheists and Christians!" That fi'ightened the
people, and restored to the impostor a momentary
popularity. He burnt the books of Epicurus, and
ordered the partisans of both sects to be stoned.
Amastris, a Christian and Epicurean town, was parti-
cularly hateful to him. At the beginning of his
mysteries there was a cry : " If there is any Atheist,
Christian, or Epicurean here, let him go out ! " He
himself said: "Put the Christians outl" and the
mob replied: "Put the Epicureans out!" In that
superstitious country the name Epicurean was synouy-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 167
mous with accursed. Like that of Christian, any one
who bore it ran the risk of his life, or at least was
put under the ban of society.
The Christians made use of the arguments of free-
thinkers and of the incredulous to turn the popular
beliefs into ridicule, and to fight against fatalism.
The oracles were an object of mockery to all men of
intellect and common sense ; the Christians applauded
this quizzing. One curious fact is that of OEnomaiis
of Gadara, a Cynic philosopher, who having been
deceived by a false oracle, lost his temper, and took
his revenge in a book called TJie Deceits Unveiled, in
which he wittily ridiculed as an imposture the super-
stition of which he had for a moment been the dupe.
This book was eagerly received by Jews and Chris-
tians. Eusebius has inserted it entire in his Evangelical
Preparations, and the Jews appear to have put the
author on a footing with Balaam, in the class of
involuntary apologists of Israel, and of the apostles
amongst the heathen.
The Christians and Stoics, between whom there
was really more resemblance than between the Chris-
tians and the Epicureans, never blended. The Stoics
did not make a parade of contempt for public worship.
The courage of the Christian martyrs seemed to them
foolish obstinacy, an affectation of tragical heroism,
a determination to die, which merited nothing but
blame. These crowds of infatuated individuals of
Asia irritated them. They confounded them with
vain and proud Cynics who sought for theatrical
deaths, and burnt themselves alive, in order that they
might be spoken about.
There was certainlj^ more than one point of resem-
blance between the Christian philosopher and the
Cynic; austere dress, constant declamation against
the century, an isolated life, open resistance to the
authorities. The Cynics, besides a dress which was
analogous to that of the begging friars in the ^liddle
168 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Ages, had a certain organisation, novices, superiors.
They were the pubHc professors of virtue, censors,
bishops, " angels of the gods," in their own manner ;
a pastoral vocation was attributed to them, a mission
from Heaven to preach and give advice, a mission
that required celibacy and perfect renunciation.
Christians and Cynics excited the same antipathy in
moderate men, because of their common contempt
for death. Celsus reproaches Jesus, like Lucian
reproaches Peregrinus, with having spread abroad
that fatal error. " What will become of society," men
asked themselves, " if this spirit gets the upper hand,
if criminals no longerfear death? " But the immorality,
the coarse impudence of the Cynics, would not allow
such a confusion, unless to very superficial observers.
Nothing that is known of the Cynics authorises the
behef that they were anything but attitudinarians
and villainous fellows.
There is no doubt that in many cases the provoca-
tion came from the martyrs. But civil society is
wrong to allow itself to be drawn into acts of rigour,
even towards those who seem to ask for them. The
atrocious cruelty of the Koman penal code creates a
martyrology which is itself the source of a vast legend-
ary literature, full of unlikelihoods and exaggeration.
Criticism, in exposing what is untenable in the accounts
of the acts of the martyrs, has sometimes gone to the
opposite extreme. The documents which were at
first represented as reports of the trials of the
martyrs, have been mostly found to be apocryphal.
As the texts of historians, properly so called, relating
to persecutions are rare and short ; as the collections
of Roman laws contain next to nothing about the
matter, it was natural that the greatest reserve
should be imposed on it. One might be tempted to
believe that the persecutions really were only a
slight matter, that the number of martyrs was incon-
siderable, and that the whole ecclesiastical system
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 169
on this point is nothing but an artificial structure.
By degrees light was thrown on the subject. Even
freed from legendary exaggeration, the persecutions
remain one of the darkest pages of history, and a
disgrace to ancient civilisation.
Certainly if we were reduced to the acts of the
martyrs to know about the persecutions, scepticism
could have a free course. The composition of the
acts of the martyrs became at a certain period a
species of religious literature for which the imagina-
tion, and a certain pious enthusiasm, were much more
consulted than authentic documents. With the ex-
ception of the letter relative to Poly carp's death, that
which contains the account of the sufferings of the
heroes of Lyons, the acts of the martyrs of Africa,
and some other accounts which bear the stamp of
being written in the most serious manner, one must
allow that the documents of this character, which
have been too easily accepted as sincere, are nothing
but pious romances. We know also that the
historians of the empire were singularly poor in
detail on what refers to the Christians as well as on
other matters. The true documents concerning the
persecutions which the Church had to suffer, are the
works that compose the primitive Christian literature.
These works need not be by the authors to whom
they are attributed, to have authority on such a
question. There was such a widespread taste at
that date for attributing documents, that a great
number of those books which have been left to us by
the first two centuries are by uncertain authors ; but
that does not prevent these books from being exact
mirrors of the time at which they were written. The
first Epistle attributed to St Peter, the Revelation of
St John, the fragment that is called the Epistle of
Barnabas, the Epistle of Clement Romanus, even
though it be not by him, the totally or partially
apocryphal Epistles of St Ignatius and Polycarp, the
170 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Sibylline poems that belong to the first or second
century, all the original documents that Eusebius has
preserved for us on the origin of Montanism, the
controversies between the Gnostics and the Mon-
tanists about martyrdom, the Pastor of Hermas, the
Apologies of Aristides and of Quadratus, of St Justin,
Tatian, Athenagoras, show at each page a state of
violence that weighs on the thoughts of the writer,
besets him in a measure, and leaves him with no
just appreciation of the situation.
From Nero to Commodus, except at short intervals,
one might say that the Christian lived continually
with the prospect of being put to death before his
eyes. Martyrdom is the basis of Christian apolog3^
To listen to the controversialists of the period, it is
the sign of the truth of Christianity. The orthodox
Church alone has martyrs ; the dissenting sects, the
Montanists, for example, made ardent efforts to prove
that they were not deprived of that supreme
criterion of truth. The Gnostics are put under the
ban by all the Churches, above all because they
declared martyrdom to be useless. In fact then, as
TertulHan wishes, persecution was the natural state
of the Christian. The details of the acts of the
martyrs may be mostly wrong, but the terrible
picture that they lay before us, was nevertheless a
reality. One has often drawn a wrong picture to
oneself of that terrible strife which has surrounded
the origins of Christianity with a brilliant halo and
impressed on the most beautiful centuries of the
empire a hideous blot of blood : one has not ex-
aggerated its gravity. The persecutions were an
element of the first order in the formation of that
great association of men which was the first to make
its rights triumph over the tyrannical pretensions of
the State.
As a matter of fact, men die for their opinions,
not for certainties — for what they believe, and not
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 171
for what they know. A scholar who has discovered
a theorem has no need to die in order to attest the
truth of that theorem ; he proves his demonstration,
and that is enough. On the other hand, as soon as
it is a question of beHefs, the great sign and the
most efficacious demonstration is to die for them.
That is the explanation of the extraordinary success
which some of the religious attempts of the East
have obtained.
" You Europeans will never understand anything
about religions," said to me the most intelligent of
Asiatics, "for you have never had the opportunity of
seeing them formed amongst yourselves ; whereas
we, on the contrary, see them formed every day. I
was there whilst people who were cut to pieces and
burnt, suifered the most horrible tortures for days,
danced and jumped for joy because they were dying
for a man whom they had never known (the Bab),
and they were the greatest men of Persia. I, who
am now speaking to you, was obliged to stop my
legend, which in a manner preceded me, to prevent
the people from getting killed for me."
Martyrdom does not at all prove the truth of a
doctrine, but it proves the impression that it has
made on men's minds, and that is all that is needed
for success. The finest victories of Christianity, the
conversion of a Justin, of a Tertullian, were brought
about by the spectacle of the courage of the martyrs,
of their joy under torments, and of the sort of
infernal rage which urged the world on to persecute
them.
172 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SECTS AT ROME — THE CERYGMAS — THE ROMAN
CHRISTIAN — DEFINITIVE RECONCILIATION OF PETER
AND PAUL.
Rome was at the highest period of her grandeur :
her sway over the world seemed nncontested; no
cloud was visible on the horizon. Far from growing
weaker, the movement that led the provincials, above
all those of the East, to come there in crowds,
increased in intensity. The Greek speaking popu-
lation was more considerable than ever. The in-
sinuating Gi'ceculus, who was good for every trade,
was driving the Italian from the domesticity of great
houses; Latin literature was daily losing ground,
whilst Greek was becoming the literary, philoso-
phical, and religious language of the enlightened
classes, just as it was the language of the lower
classes. The importance of the Church of Rome
was measuring itself with that of the city itself
That Church, which was still quite Greek, had an
uncontested superiority over the others. Hyginus,
her chief, obtained the respect of the whole Christian
world. Rome was then for the provinces what
Paris is in its brilliant days, the city of all contacts,
all fecundations. Whoever wished to find a place
of mark aspired to go thither ; nothing was con-
secrated but what had received its stamp at that
universal exhibition of the productions of the entire
universe.
Gnosticism, with its ambition of setting the fashion
in Christian preaching, especially yielded to that tend-
ency. None of the Gnostic schools sprang from Rome,
but nearly all came to an end there. Valentinus was
the first to try it. That daring sectary may even
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 173
have had the idea of seating himself on the episcopal
throne of the unrivalled city. He showed every ap-
pearance of Catholicism, and preached in the absurd
style that he had invented. Its success was mediocre;
that pretentious philosophy, that unquiet curiosity,
scandalised the faithful. Hyginus drove the inno-
vator from the Christian pulpit. From that time
forward the Roman Church indicated the purely
practical tendency which was always to distinguish
her, and showed herself ready quickly to sacrifice
science and talent to edification.
Another heterodox doctor, Cordon, appeared at
Rome about that time. He was a native of Syria,
and introduced doctrines which difiered but little
from those of the Gnostics of that country. His
manner of distinguishing God from the Creator ; of
placing another unknown god above God, the father
of Jesus ; of representing one of the gods as just, the
other as good, sounds contrary to right. Cerdou
found that this world was as imperfect a work as
that Jehovah Himself to Whom it was attributed,
and who was represented as subject to human pas-
sions. He rejected all the Jewish books in a mass, as
well as all the passages in Christian writings, from
which it might result that Christos had been able to
take real flesh. It was quite simple : matter seemed
to him to be a deterioration, an evil. The Resurrec-
tion was repugnant to him for the same reason. The
Church censured him ; he submitted, and retracted
his opinions, then began to dogmatise afresh, either
in public or private. Thence arose a most equivocal
position. His life was spent in leaving the Church
and joining it again, in doing penance for his errors,
and in maintaining them afresh. The unity of the
Church was too strong in Rome for Cerdon to be
able to dream of forming a separate congregation
there as he would certainly have done in Syria. He
exercised his influence over a few isolated indi-
174 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
viduals, whom the apparent depth of his language
and of doctrines which were then quite novel
seduced. A certain Lucain or Lucian is particu-
larly quoted amongst his disciples, without mention-
ing the celebrated Marcion, who, as we shall see,
sprang from him.
The abstract Gnosticism of Alexandria and An-
tioch, appearing under the form of a bold philosophy,
found little favour in the capital of the world. It
was the Ebionites, the Nazarenes, the Elkasaites, the
Essenes, which were all Gnostic heresies in a way,
but of a moderate and Judeo-Christian Gnosticism
in their affinities, it was those heresies, I say, that
swarmed at Rome, which made the legend of Peter,
and created the future of that great Church. The
mysterious formulas of Elkasaism were usual in their
midst, especially for the baptismal ceremony. The
neophyte, presented on the edge of a river or a foun-
tain of flowing water, took heaven and earth, air and
water, to witness that it was his firm resolve to sin
no more. For these sectaries, who sprang from
Juda, Peter and James were the two corners of the
Church of Jesus. We have often remarked that
Rome was always the principal home of Judeo-
Christianity. The new spirit, represented by the
school of Paul, was checked there by a highly con-
servative one. In spite of the efforts of concilia-
tory men, the apostle of the Gentiles had here also
obstinate adversaries. Peter and Paul fought their
last battle before becoming definitely reconciled in
the bosom of the Universal Church for eternity.
The life of the two apostles was beginning to be
much forgotten. They had been dead about seventy-
seven years ; all who had seen them had disap-
peared, the greater portion without leaving any
writings behind them. One was at perfect hberty
to embroider on that still virgin canvas. A vast
Ebionite legend had been formed in Rome and was
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 175
settled at about the time at which we have arrived.
St Peter's journeys and sermons were its principal
object. In it the missionary journeys of the chief of
the apostles, especially along the coasts of Phoenicia ;
the conversions which he had effected; his strifes,
especially with the great Antichrist who at that time
was the spectre of the Christian conscience, Simon
Magus, were related. But often in hidden words,
under that abhorred name was hidden another per-
sonage, the false Apostle Paul, the enemy of the
Law, the destroyer of the true Church. The true
Church was that of Jerusalem, over which James, the
Lord's brother presided. No apostolate was valid
which could not produce letters emanating from
that central college. Paul had none, he was there-
fore an intruder. He was the " enemy " who came
behind the real sower to sow the bad seed. With
what force, too, Peter exposed his impostures, his
false allegations of personal revelations, his ascension
into the third heaven, his pretensions of knowing
things about Jesus which those who had heard the
Gospel had not heard, his disciples' exaggerated con-
ceptions of the divinity of Jesus I At Antioch espe-
cially Peter's triumph was complete. Simon had
succeeded in turning the people of that city away
from the truth. By a series of clever manoeuvres
Peter brought one of the victims of Simon's sorceries,
to whom the magician had imparted his own form, to
sho\^ himself to the people of Antioch. What Avas
their astonishment on hearing him whom they took
for the Samaritan magician, retract in these terms : —
I have lied about Peter : he is the true apostle of the prophet
who was sent by God for the salvation of the world. The angels
beat me last night for having calumniated him. Do not listen to
me if I speak against him in the future !
Naturally all Antioch returned to Peter and cursed
his rival.
176 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Thus the real apostle continued his journeys,
following the traces of the Samaritan impostor, and
arrived at the capital of the empire immediately
after him. The impostor redoubled his artifices,
invented a thousand spells, and gained Nero's mind.
He even succeeded in passing off as God, and in being
adored. His admirers raised altars to him, and,
according to the author, these altars were still shown
in his time. On the island of the Tiber, in fact, a
college of the Sabine god Semo Sancus was estab-
lished. There there were a number of votive columns,
SEMONI DEO SANCO, on which it was easy to read, with
a little goodwill, SIMONI DEO SANCTO.
The decisive struggle was to take place in the
emperor's presence. Simon's programme was that
he would raise himself into the air, and would hover
there like a god. He did raise himself in fact, but on
a sign from Peter the skin of his magic was burst,
and he fell ignominiously, and was shattered to
pieces. A similar accident had happened in the
amphitheatre of the Campus Martins under Nero.
An individual who had claimed to be able to raise
himself into the air like Icarus, fell on to the angle of
the emperor's box, and he was covered with blood.
Perhaps some real facts in the life of the Samaritan
charlatan served as a foundation for these stories.
At any rate the discomfiture of the impostor was
represented as Peter's greatest glory, and by it he
really took possession of the eternal city. According
to the legend his death followed very soon on his
victory ; Nero, irritated at the misadventure that had
happened to his favourite juggler, put the apostle to
death.
Such is the legend which, started about the year
125 by the passions and rancour of the Jewish party
in the Church at Rome, was by degrees softened
down, and produced, towards the end of Hadrian's
rei^n, the work, in ten books, called " The Preaching
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 177
of Peter," or '*The Journeys of Peter." The legend
had been cut into three parts for the purposes of
pubhcation. " The Preaching " contained the account
of Peter's apostolate in Judea ; the Periodi comprised
Peter's journeys and his controversies with Simon in
Syria and Phoenicia. His sojourn at Rome and his
struggles before the Emperor were the subject of the
" Acts of Peter," another composition which formed,
in some sort, the sequel of the Cerygma and of the
Periodi. Those accounts of his apostolical journeys,
full of charm for the Christian imagination, gave
rise to numerous compositions, which soon became
romances. The narrative was interspersed with
pious sermons ; Peter was made the preacher of all
good doctrines ; the picture of chaste love vivified
and imparted warmth to the painting ; Christian
romance was created, and no 'essential machinery has
been added to it since.
All that first literature of the Ccrygmas and of the
Periodi was the work of Ebionite, Essenian, and
Elkasaite sectaries. Peter, represented as the real
apostle of the Gentiles, was always its hero ; James
appeared in it as the invisible president of a
ccenaculum filled with the divine spirit, having its seat
at Jerusalem. Animosity against Paul was evident
Like the Essenes and the Elkasaites of the East,
those of Eome attached great importance to the
possession of a secret literature which was reserved
for the initiated, and the commonest frauds were
employed to give to those later productions of Chris-
tian inspiration an authority which they did not
merit.
The most ancient edition of the Cerygmas of Peter
is lost, and we only possess two fragments which
form a sort of introduction to the work. The first is
a letter in which Peter addresses the book of bis
Cerygmas to James, " master and bishop of the Holy
Church," and begs him not to communicate it to any
M
178 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
heathen, nor even to any Jew with a preliminary
test. Peter says that the admirable poHcy of the
Jews ought to be imitated, who, in spite of the
diversities of the interpretation to which the Scrip-
ture gives rise, have succeeded in keeping the unity
of the faith and of hope. If the book of the Cerygmas
were to be circulated indiscreetly, it would give rise
to schisms. Peter adds, —
I do not know that as a prophet, but because I already see the
beginning of the evil. Some of those who are of heathen origin
have rejected my preaching, which is conformable to the Law, and
have attached themselves to the frivolous teaching of the enemy,
which is contrary to the Law, During my life people have tried,
by different interpretations, to pervert my words, in the sense of
destroying the Law. According to them, that is my idea, but I
am not bold enough to declare it. God forbid ! that would be to
blaspheme the Law of God which Moses proclaimed, and whose
eternal duration our Saviour attested when He said : " Heaven and
earth shall pass away, but not one jot or tittle of the Law shall
pass away." This is the truth, but there are some people who think
themselves authorised, 1 do not know how, to expound my
thoughts, and who claim to interpret the discourses that they have
heard from me more pertinently than I do myself. They put
before their catechumens as my true opinion matters of which I
have never dreamt. If such lies are produced during my life, what
will they not dare to do after my death ?
James decided in fact that the book of the
Cerygmas should only be communicated to circum-
cised men of mature age who aspired to the title
of doctor, and who had been tested for at least six
years. The initiation was to take place by degrees,
in order that if the results of a first experience were
bad it might be stopped. The communication was
to be made mysteriously, on the very spot where
baptism was administered, and with the formulas of
baptismal promises according to the Essenean or
Elkasaite rite. The person who was initiated was
to promise to submit himself to him who gave the
Cerygmas, not to pass them on to any one else, not
to copy them or allow them to be copied. If some
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 179
day the books which were given to him as Cerygmas
should not appear to him any longer to be true, he
was to give them back to him from whom he had
received them. On setting out on a journey he was
to give them up " to his bishop professing the same
faith as himself, and starting from the same prin-
ciples." When he was in danger of death he was to
do the same thing, if his sons were not yet fit to be
initiated. When they had become worthy of it the
bishop would give them the books back, as a paternal
deposit. The most singular thing is that the sectary
is to foresee the case in which he may himself change
his religion, and go over to the worship of some
strange god. In that case, he must swear by his
final god, and rob himself of the subterfuge of saying
afterwards, to establish the nullity of his oath, that
that God did not exist. " If I break my engage-
ments," the neophyte was obhged to add, " may the
universe be hostile to me, as well as the ether that
penetrates everything, and the God who is over all,
the best, the greatest of beings. And if I come to
know any other god, I swear also by that god that
I will keep the engagements that I have taken,
whether that god exists or does not exist." Then,
as a sign of secret partnership, the initiator and the
initiated took bread and salt together.
The absurdities of the sectaries would have been
without any consequence anywhere but in Rome,
but everything that referred to Peter assumed con-
siderable proportions in the capital of the world. In
spite of its heresies, the book of the Cerygmas was of
great interest for the orthodox. The primacy of
Peter was proclaimed in it ; St Paul was abused, but
a few after touches might soften down anything
offensive in such attacks. Thus several attempts
were made to lessen the singularities of the new
book and to adapt it to the wants of tlie CathoHcs
This fashion of altering books to suit the sect to
180 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
which one belonged was quite usual. By degrees
the force of circumstances made itself felt : all
sensible men saw that there was no safety for the
work of Jesus except in the perfect reconciliation
of the two chiefs of Christian preaching. For a long
time still Paul had bitter enemies in the Nazarenes,
and he had also exaggerated disciples like Marcion.
Outside this stubborn right and left, a fusion of the
moderate parties took place, who, although they owed
their Christianity to one of the schools and remained
attached to it, yet fully recognised the right of the
others to call themselves Christians. James, who
was the partisan of an absolute Judaism, was sacri-
ficed ; although he had been the real chief of the
Christians of the circumcision, Peter was preferred
to him, as he had shown more regard for Paul's
disciples, and James only retained his vehement
partisans amongst the Judeo-Christians.
It is difficult to say who gained most by that re-
conciliation. The concessions chiefly came from
Paul's side : all his disciples admitted Peter without
diflSculty, whilst most of the Christians of Peter
rejected Paul. But concessions often come from the
strongest. In reality, every day gave the victory to
Paul, and every Gentile who was converted made
the balance incline to his side. Out of Syria, the
Judeo-Christians were, so to say, drowned by the
waves of the newly converted. St Paul's churches
prospered ; they had sound sense, a sobriety of
intellect, and pecuniary resources which the others did
not possess. The Ebionite churches, on the other
hand, were daily getting poorer. The mone}^ of
Paul's churches was used for the support of poor
saints who could not gain their own livelihood, but
who possessed the living tradition of the primitive
spirit. The communities of Christians of heathen
origin admired, imitated, and assimilated to them-
selves the others' elevated piety and strictness of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 181
morals. Soon more distinction could be made as
regarded the most eminent persons in the Church of
Rome. The mild and conciHatory spirit that had
already been represented by Clemens Romanus and
St Luke prevailed, and the contract of peace was
sealed. It was agreed, accordiug to the system of
the author of the Acts, that Peter had converted the
first fruits of the Gentiles, and that he was the first
to deliver them from the yoke of the Law. It was
admitted that Peter and Paul had been the two
chiefs, the two founders of the Church of Rome, and
thus they became the two halves of an inseparable
couple, two luminaries like the sun and the moou.
What one taught, the other taught also ; they were
always agreed, they combated the same enemies, were
both victims of the perfidies of Simon Magus ; at Rome,
they lived like two brothers, the Church of Rome
was their common work. Thus the supremacy of
that Church was founded for centuries.
So from the reconciliation of parties and the set-
tlement of the earlier strifes there sprang a great
unity, the Catholic Church, the Church at the same
time of Peter and of Paul, a strauger to the rivalries
which had marked the first century of Christianity.
Paul's churches had shown the most conciliatory
spirit, and they triumphed. The stubborn Ebionites
remained Jewish, and shared the Jewish immovable-
ness. Rome was the point where this great transfor-
mation took place. Already the high Christian des-
tiny of that extraordinary city was being written
in luminous characters. The transference of Easter
to the day of the resurrection, which was in some
measure the proclamation of the autonomy of Chris-
tianity, was accomphshed there, at anyrate in the
time of Hadrian.
The fusion that took place between the groups
also took place with regard to their writings. Books
were exchanged from one country to another. The
182 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
writings passed from the Judeo-Christian school to
that of Paul, with slight modifications. That Cerygma
of Peter, which was, in its first shape, so offensive to
Paul's disciples, became the Cerygma of Peter and
Paul. They were supposed to have travelled to-
gether, sailed in company, preached the gospel
everywhere in perfect harmony. The Church of
Corinth, especially, claimed to have been founded at
the same time by Peter and Paul. The person of
Simon Magus, who in the first Ebionite editions of
the Cerygma and of the Periodi of Peter, was Paul
himself designated by an offensive epithet, was
rather a formidable obstacle. In the Cerygma of
Peter and Paul the name of Simon was preserved,
and restored to its proper sense. As the symbolism
of the Ebionite pamphlet was not evident, Simon
for the future was the common adversary whom
Peter and Paul had pursued together hand in
hand.
The fundamental condition of the success of
Christianity was now settled. Neither Peter nor
Paul could succeed separately. Peter was preserva-
tion, Paul revolution : both were necessary. It is
told in Brittany that when St Peter and St Paul
went to preach Christianity in America, they reached
a deep and narrow arm of the sea. Although they
were agreed on essential points, they determined to
establish themselves one on one side and one on the
other, so that they might both teach the Gospel in
their own fashion ; for it seems that, in spite of their
intimate fellowship, they could not live together
very well. Each of them, according to the custom
of the saints of Brittany, set to work to build his
chapel. They had the materials, but only one
hammer, so that every evening the saint who had
worked during the daytime threw the hammer
across the arm of the sea to his neighbour. Thanks
to the alternative labour resulting from this arrange-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 183
ment, the work went on well, and the two chapels,
which are yet to be seen, were built.
Above all, the death of the two apostles preoccu-
pied the different parties, and gave rise to the most
diverse combinations. A legendary tissue was
woven with regard to this by an instinctive work
which was ahnost as imperious as that which had
presided over the formation of the legend of Jesus.
The end of the Hfe of Peter and Paul was ordered
a 'priori. It was maintained that Christ had
announced Peter's martyrdom just as he had fore-
told the death of the sons of Zebedee. A want was
felt of associating two persons in death who had
been forcibly reconciled. Men wished to prove, and
perhaps in that they were not far wrong, that they
were put to death at the same time, or at least in
consequence of the same event. The spots which
were looked upon as having been sanctified by this
sanguinary drama were fixed upon at an early date,
and consecrated by memorice. In such a case, what
the people wants always gains the day in the end.
There is no popular place in Italy where the portraits
of Victor Emmanuel and Pius IX. are not seen side
by side, and general belief will have it that those
two men, representing principles whose reconcilia-
tion is, according to the most general sentiment,
necessary to Italy, were really very good friends.
If such ideas obtruded themselves into history in our
time, one would read some day, in documents which
are looked upon as serious, that Victor-Emmanuel,
Pius IX. (most probably Garibaldi would be joined
in with them) saw each other secretly, understood
each other, and liked each other. The association
of Voltaire and Rousseau was brought about by
analogous necessities. The Middle Ages also tried
several times, in order to appease the hatred between
Dominicans and Franciscans, to prove that the
founders of those two orders had been two brothers,
184 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
living on the most affectionate terms together, that
at first their rules were identical, that St Dominic
wore the cord of St Francis, etc.
The Cerygyna of Peter and Paul was all the more
important as it filled up the unfortunate gaps which
the Acts of the Apostles showed. In this latter book
Peter's preaching was cut very short, and the cir-
cumstances of the apostles' deaths were passed over
in silence. The success of a book that represented
Peter and Paul going everywhere in company to
convert the Gentiles, — going to Rome, preaching
there, and both finding the crown of martyrdom
there, was assured. The doctrine which they taught,
according to this book, was equally removed from
Judaism and Hellenism. The Jews were treated
by them as enemies of Jesus and of the apostles.
At Rome, Peter and Paul announced the destruction
of their city, and their perpetual exile from Judea,
because they had leaped with joy at the trials of
the Son of God.
It seems at first sight as if such an important work
ought to find a place in the canon of Scripture im-
mediately after the Acts of the Apostles. But the
wording of it was incoherent, and incapable of
satisfying the whole Christian community in a
permanent manner. The evangelical knowledge of
the author was too incomplete. He admitted the
most childish statements from the Gospel to the
Hebrews. Jesus confessed his sins ; his mother
Mary forced him to be baptised, and at the moment
of his baptism the water seemed to be covered with
fire. In his discourses to the Gentiles, Paul cited
the apocryphal Sibyl of the Jews of Alexandria and
of Hystaspes, a heathen prophet who announced the
league of the kings against Christ and the Christians,
the patience of the martyrs, and the final appearance
of Christ, as authorities that ought to convince them.
Then, contrary to Paul's formal assertions in the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 185
Epistle to the Galatians, Peter and Paul are supposed
to have met for the first time in Rome. Other
singular opinions soon caused that old compilation
to be condemned by the orthodox doctors. The
Cerygma of Peter and Paul had only a very uncertain
place amongst the canonical writings. The romance
of Peter had, from the very beginning, contracted a
sort of sectarian bust, which must prevent its being
admitted, even after corrections, into the lists of the
imposed dogmas.
Thus the account of the death of the two apostles,
like that of their preaching and journeys, was a
matter of caprice, at anyrate as far as regarded form.
Simplicity of style, which assures the eternal fortune
of a narrative text, something decided in the outline,
which makes the reader believe that events could
not have happened differently, all those qualities
which constitute the beauty of the Gospels and of
the Acts of the Apostles, are wanting in the legend
of the death of Peter and Paul. Ancient compila-
tions about it existed which have disappeared, but
which were not very different from those which have
been preserved, and which have fixed the tradition
on this important subject. The effect of the legend
was abundant and rapid. Rome and all its environs,
above all the Via Ostia, were, so to say, fihed with
pretended recollections of the last days of tlie
apostles. A number of touching circumstances —
Peter's flight, the vision of Jesus bearing his cross,
the iterum crucijigi, the last farewell of Peter and
Paul, the meeting of Peter with his wife, St Paul at
the fountain of Salvian, Plautilla sending the kerchief
which kept up her hair to bandage Paul's eyes — all
that made a beautiful whole that only required a
clever and simple compiler. It was too late ; the
vein of the first Christian literature was exhausted ;
the serenity of the historian of the Acts was lost,
and the tone never rose above the level of story or
186 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
romance. No choice could be made amongst a
number of compilations all of which were equally
apocryphal; in vain was it sought to cover those
feeble accounts with the most venerated names
(pseudo-Linus, pseudo-Marcellus); the Roman legend
of Peter and Paul always remained in a sporadic
state, and was more frequently related by pious
guides than seriously read. It was an altogether
local affair ; no text was consecrated to be read in
churches, and none obtained any authority.
The creative vein with regard to Gospel literature
also grew daily weaker, although it had not absolutely
dried up. The Gospel of the Nazarenes, or of the
Hebrews, or of the Ebionites, was almost as different
in texts as it was in manuscripts. Egypt extracted
from them its " Gospel of the Egyptians," in which
the exaggeration of a sickly enthusiasm bordered so
closely on immorality. A compilation which had a
very great success for a long time was the Gospel of
Peter, which was most likely composed at Rome.
Justin and the author of the pseudo-Clementine
romance seem to have made use of it. It differed
little from the Ebionite Gospel, and already showed
that prepossession in favour of many which is the
feature of the apocryphal writings. Men reflected
more and more on the part which would be suitable
to the mother of Jesus. They sought to connect her
with David's race ; round her cradle miracles were
created which were analogous to those which occurred
at John Baptist's birth. A book that was later filled
with absurdities by the Gnostics, but which perhaps,
when it appeared, did not go beyond the main note
of the Catholic Church, the Genua Marias, which
differed but little from the writing that is called the
Protovangelium of James, satisfied those wants of the
imagination. Legends got more material every day.
Men occupied themselves with the evidence of the
midwife who attended Mary, and who vouched for
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 187
her virginity. It did not suffice any longer that
Jesus was born in a stable ; men wished him, accord-
ing to certain Jewish ideas which are to be found
again in the Haggadic legend of Abraham, to be born
in a cave. They tried to turn the journey to Egypt
to some account, and as Egypt was the country in
which there were the most idols, it was pretended
that the mere view of the exiled child sufficed to
make all the profane statues fall with their faces to
the ground. It was known exactly what trade Jesus
carried on. He made carts and other vehicles. They
claimed to know the name of the woman who had
the issue of blood (Berenice or Veronica), and the
statues were shown which she had raised to Jesus
in her gratitude.
The desire of finding arguments which the heathen
could not challenge was the cause of some pious
frauds whose success was rapid in that world, Avhich
was not hard to please, and which it was intended to
impress. The monotheistic Sibyl of Alexandria, which
for centuries had not ceased to anounce the ruin of
idolatry, was becoming more and more Christian.
The authority that was accorded to it was of the
first order. The ancient SibylHne collections were
continually increasing, by additions in which no
trouble was taken to keep up an appearance of
probability. The heathen were enraged at what
they looked upon as interpolations into venerable
books. The Christians answered them with more
humour than justice : " Show us any old copies in
which those passages are not to be found." Men of
intellect made fun equally of the heathen and
Christian Sibyls, and parodied them cleverly, so
much so that Origen, for instance, never makes use
of these depreciated arguments.
To these oracles were added those of a certain
Hystaspes, under whose name some pretended books
on the mysteries of Chaldea were current amongst
188 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
the heathen. He was made to announce the coming
of Christ, the Apocalyptic catastrophes, the end of
the world by fire, with an amount of assurance that
argued extreme credulity in those to whom they
were addressed.
About the same time, the documents which were
supposed to be official, of Pilate's administration
relating to Jesus, may have been forged. In a
controversy with the heathen and the Jews it was a
great power to be able to appeal to pretended
reports contained in the State archives. Such was
the origin of those Acts of Pilate which St Justin,
the Quartodecimans, and TertuUian had quoted, and
which possessed sufiicent importance for the Emperor
Maximian IL, at the beginning of the fourth century,
to look upon it as an act of fair warfare to counter-
feit them, in order to cast ridicule and contempt on
the Christians. From the moment that it was
admitted that Tiberius was officially informed of the
death of Jesus, it was natural to suppose that this
notification had some efi'ect, and from that fact
sprang the opinion that Tiberius had proposed to the
Senate to place Jesus in the ranks of the gods.
Rome, as has been seen, continued to be the centre
of an extraordinary movement. Heretics of all
sorts met there, and were anathematised there.
The centre of a future orthodoxy was evidently
there. Pius had succeeded Hyginus, and was as
firm as his predecessor had been in defending the
purity of the faith. Pius is already a bishop in the
proper sense of the word. Valentinus and Cerdon,
although condemmed by Hyginus, were always at
Rome, trying to regain their lost ground, retracting
at times, received as penitents, then returning to
their dreams and continuing to have partisans. At
length they were finally excommunicated. Valen-
tinus would seem to have withdrawn to Cyprus ; it is
not known what became of Cerdon. His name
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 189
would have remained -unknown if he had not left a
disciple behind him who surpassed him in strength
of intellect and in activity, and who became the
greatest embarrassment for the Church that she had
encountered hitherto, towards the middle of the
second century.
CHAPTER XVIII.
EXAGGERATION OP ST PAUL'S IDEAS — MARCION.
The great peculiarity of Christianity, the fact of a
new religion springing from another religion, and be-
coming by degrees the negation of the one that had
preceded it, naturally gave rise to the most opposite
phenomena, till the two forms of worship were com-
pletely separated. The reaction would be of two
kinds amongst those who did not exactly keep their
balance on the narrow edge of orthodoxy. Some,
going beyond Paul's principles, fancied that the
religion of Jesus had no coanection with the religion
of Moses. Others, Judeo-Christians, looked upon
Christianity as a mere continuation of the Jewish
religion. In general, it was the Gnostics who in-
clined to the former idea, but those dreamers seemed
to be attacked by a sort of practical incapacity. An
ardent, intelHgent man was found to give the neces-
sary cohesion to the divergent elements, and to form
a lasting Church, side by side with that which already
called itself —
The Universal Church, the great Church of Jesus.
Marcion was a native of Sinope, a city full ot
;190 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
activity, which had already given the two Aquilas,
and would later give Theodation, as participators in
the rehgious disputes of the time. He was the son
of the bishop of that city, and appears to have been
a sailor. Although born a Christian, he had seriously
examined his faith, and had devoted himself to the
study of Greek philosophy, especially of Stoicism.
To that he joined an ascetic appearance and great
austerity. His father, as is alleged, was obliged to
drive him from his Church, as he was dangerous to
the orthodoxy of his faithful hearers.
We have already remarked several times on the
sort of attraction which brought to Rome, under the
pontificate of Hyginus and in the first years of Pius,
all those whom the phosphorescent lights of growing
Gnosticism seduced. Marcion arrived in the eternal
city at the moment when Cerdon unsettled the most
sincere believers by his brilliant metaphysics. Mar-
cion, like all the sectaries, first of all showed himself
a zealous Catholic. The Church of Rome possessed
such great importance that all those who felt any
ecclesiastical ambition aspired to govern her. The
rich Sinopean apparently made the community a
present of a large sum of money, but his hopes were
disappointed. He had not that spirit which the
Church of Rome has always required in her clergy.
Intellectual superiority was but little valued there.
His ardent curiosity, his vivacity of thought, and his
learning, all appeared dangerous. It could easily be
seen that they would not allow him to remain quietly
within the narrow limits of orthodoxy. Cerdon, like
he did, expiated his pretensions to dogmatic origin-
ality in isolation. Marcion became his disciple.
The transcendent theories of Gnosticism, taught by
that master, must have appeared to be the highest
form of Christianity to a mind imbued with philo-
sophical doctrines. Moreover, Christian dogma was
so little settled as yet that every one of strong
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 191
individuality aspired to impress it with his own seal.
That is enough to explain the intricate roads in
which this great man lost himself, without it being
necessary to put any faith in the everyday calumnies
by which ecclesiastical writers strive to show that
the leader of every sect, when he separates himself
from the majority of the faithful, obeys the lowest
motives.
Marcion's theology only differed from that of the
Gnostics of Syria and Egypt by its simplicity. The
distinction between the good God and the just God,
between the invisible God and the demiurge, between
the God of the Jews and the God of the Christians,
formed the basis of his system. Matter was the
eternal evil. The ancient Law, Jehovah's work,
which was essentially material, interested, severe,
cruel and loveless, had only one object: to subject
the other peoples, Egyptians, Canaanites, etc., to
Jehovah's people, and it did not even succeed in pro-
curing their happiness, as Jehovah was continually
obHged to console them by the promise of sending
them his Son. It would have been vain to have
expected that salvation from Jehovah if the Supreme
God, who was good and invisible and unknown to
the world till then, had not sent his Son Jesus, that
is to say meekness itself under the apparent form of
a man, to combat the influence of the demiurge and
to introduce the law of love. The Jews will have
their Messiah, son of their God, that is to say, of the
demiurge. Jesus is by no means that Messiah ; his
mission, on the contrary, was to abolish the Law, the
prophets, and the works of that demiurge generally ;
but his disciples understood him wrongly: Paul
was the only true apostle. Marcion imposed the
task upon himself of finding the ideas of Jesus again
which had been obliterated and maladroitly brought
back to Judaism by those who succeeded him.
That was already Manich^ism, with its dangerous
192 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
antithesis, making its appearance in the field of
Christian beliefs. Marcion supposes that there are
two Gods, one of whom is good and gentle, the
other who is severe and cruel. The absolute con-
demnation of the flesh led him to look upon the
continuation of the human race as only serving to
prolong the reign of the evil demiurge ; he objected
to marriage, and would not admit married people to
baptism. No sect sought for martyrdom more, nor
reckoned, proportionately, more confessors of the
faith. According to the Marcionites, martyrdom was
the highest Christian liberation, the most beautiful
form of deliverance from this world, which is an evil.
Bodies do not rise, only the souls of true Christians
are brought back to existence. Besides, all souls are
not equal, and only arrive at perfection by a series of
transmigrations.
It will be seen that the doctrine of the Epistles to
the Colossians and Ephesians, and that of the fourth
Gospel, was far exceeded. Everything Jewish in the
Church became mere dross which must be eliminated.
Marcion looked upon Christianity as an entirely new
religion, and one without precedent. In that he was
a disciple of Paul who had lost his way. Paul be-
Heved that Jesus had abolished Judaism, but he did
not mistake the divine character of the ancient Law.
Marcion, on the contrary, declared that there was no
appearance of God in history till Jesus. The Law
of Moses was the work of a particular demiurge
(Jehovah) whom the Jews adored, and who, to keep
them in the fetters of theocracy, gave them priests,
and sought to retain them by promises and threats.
Such a Law, without any superior character, was
powerless against evil. It represented justice but
not kindness. The appearance of Christ was the
manifestation of a complete God who was kind and
just at the same time. The Old Testament was not
only different from Christianity, it was contrary to
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 193
it. Marcion wrote a work called A ntithesis, iu which
the two Testaments were put in flagrant contradic-
tion. Apelles, his disciple, wrote a book to show
that Moses had written nothing concerning God but
what was false and unbecoming.
A chief objection to that theory arose from the
different Gospels which were then in circulation, and
which more or less agreed with what we call the
synoptic type. The fourth Gospel had as yet but
very little circulation, and Marcion did not know it,
otherwise he would have preferred it to the others.
In the generally admitted accounts about Jesus, the
Jewish impress can be seen on every page ; Jesus
speaks as a Jew and acts as a Jew. Marcion im-
posed the difficult task upon himself of changing all
that. He composed a Gospel in which Jesus was no
longer a Jew, or rather, was no longer a man ; he
wanted a life of Jesus which should be tliat of a
pure 83on. Taking St Luke's Gospel as his basis,
which may be called Paul's Gospel up to a certain
point, he remodelled it according to his own ideas,
and was not satisfied till Jesus had no more an-
cestors, parents, forerunners, or masters. If Jesus
had only been known to us from texts of that nature,
one might doubt whether he had really existed, or
whether he were not an a priori fiction, detached
from any tie with reality. In such a system, Christ
was not born (for Marcion, birth was a stain), did not
suffer, did not die. All the Gospel passages in which
Jesus recognised the Creator as his father, were
suppressed. After his descent into hell he took to
heaven with him those persons who were cursed in
the Old Testament — Cain, the Sodomites, etc. These
poor wanderers, interesting, like all those who have
revolted under an ancient fallen regime, came to
meet him and were saved. On the other hand,
Jesus left Abel, Noah, Abraham, who were servants
of the demiurge, that is to say, of the God of the Old
N
194 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Testament, in the dark places of oblivion, as their
only merit consisted in having obeyed a tyrant's
laws. It was that God of the Old Testament who
caused Jesus to be put to death, and thus worthily
crowned an era which had been the reign of evil.
It would be impossible to take up a position more
utterly opposed to the ideas of Peter, James, and
Mark. The last conclusions had been drawn from St
Paul's principles. Marcion put no author's name to
his Gospel, but he certainly looked upon it as " the
Gospel according to Paul." Jesus is no more a man
at all, he is the first ideal appearance of a good God,
nearly like Schleiermacher understood it sixteen
centuries later. A very fine system of morality,
summed up in a striving after good, resulted from
this spiritualistic and rationalistic philosophy. Mar-
cion was the most original of the Christian masters
of the second century after the author of the pseudo-
Johannistic writings. But the belief in two gods,
which was the foundation of his system, and the
colossal historical error Avhich it contained in repre-
senting a rehgion which sprang from Judaism as
contrary to Judaism, were profound blemishes which
must prevent such a doctrine from becoming those
of the Catholicity.
Its success was extraordinary at first : Marcion's
doctrines spread very quickly over the whole
Christian world, but they met with strenuous op-
position. Justin, who was then in Rome, combated
the innovator in writings which we have not got
any longer. Polycarpus received the new ideas with
the most lively indignation. It appears that Melitou
wrote against them. Several anonymous priests
attacked them, and furnished Irenseus with the
weapons that he was to use later. Marcion's position
in the Church was a very false one. Like Valentinus
and Cerdon, he wished to be part of the Church, and
doubtless to preach in it ; now the Church of Rome
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 195
mncli preferred docility and mediocrity to originality
and vigorous logic. Like Valentiniis, Marcion made
semi-retractations, and retreated ; all was useless : the
incompatibility was too strong. After being con-
demned twice, a definite excommunication drove
him from the Church. The sum of money which he
had given in the first warmth of his faith was
refunded to him, and he returned to Asia Minor,
where he continued to display immense activity in
the propagation of error. It seems that in his latter
years he instituted fresh negotiations to attach him-
self to the Church again, but death prevented their
success. Often a certain timidity of character is
associated with great speculative boldness, and
Marcion seems often to have contradicted himself.
On the other hand, such an end answered so perfectly
to the wants of orthodox polemics that one must
suspect it of having been invented. Apelles restored
the Marcionite school to an almost orthodox deism.
In any case, Marcion remains the boldest innovator
whom Christianity has known, not even excepting
St Paul. He never denied the connection between
the two Testaments ; Marcion opposed them to each
other as two antitheses. He even went so far as
to claim the right of re-making the life of Jesus
according to his own fashion, and of systematically
altering the Gospels. Even St Paul's Epistles,
which he adopted, were arranged and mutilated
by him in order to efiace the quotations from the Old
Testament, and Abraham's name, which he hated.
This was the third attempt to make the life of
Jesus the life of an abstract being instead of a
Galilean reality. The results of diflferent tendencies,
which were all equally necessary, — of the wish to
idealise a life which became that of a God, — of the
desire of denying that that God had a family lineage
or country upon earth, — of the impossibility for the
Greek Christian to admit that Christianity had any.
196 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
thing in common with Judaism, which he despised,
these three attempts had very different successes.
The author of the pseudo-Johannistic writings set
to work in an inconsistent and incoherent manner,
but which possessed the advantage of letting au
historical biography of Jesus subsist side by side
with the theology of the Logos. His attempt was
the only one that succeeded, for, whilst looking upon
modern Judaism as an evil, and imagining that
Truth had descended from heaven with the Logos,
he admits that the true Israel has had its mission,
and that the world, far from being the work of a
demiurge who was hostile to God, was created by
the Logos. The Gnostics drowned the Gospel in
metaphysics, eliminated every Jewish element, dis-
satisfied even the Deists, and so destroyed their
future. Marcion's speculations were of a more sober
kind ; but Christianity was already too much formed,
its texts were too settled, its Gospels too much
valued, for Catholic opinion to be shaken. Marcion
then was nothing but the mere head of a sect,
though it is true it was by far the most numerous
before that of Arius. The rage with which orthodoxy
pursued him is the best proof of the profound
impression that he made on the minds of his con-
temporaries.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE CATHOLIC APOLOGY — ST JUSTIN.
A PRINCIPAL fact which may clearly be seen develop-
ing from this time forward, is that in the midst of
these agitated waves there is a sort of immovable
rock, a doctrine between the two extremes, which
resists the most diverse attacks, Judeo - Christian
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 197
and Gnostic exaggerations, and constitutes a central
orthodoxy which is destined to triumph over all
sects. That universal doctrine which laid claim to
priority over all particular doctrines, and to go as
far back as the apostles, constitutes the Catholic
Church in opposition to heresies. Gnosticism,
especially an invincible obstacle in that sort of eccle-
siastical tribunal, this was a question of life or
death for the Christian religion. The extravagant
tendencies of the innovators would have been the
annihilation of all unity. Now, as nearly always
happens, anarchy created authority, and thus it may
be said that in the formation of the Catholic Church
Gnosticism and Marcionism played the principal
part by antithesis.
A man who is very highly esteemed for his profane
studies, and his knowledge of the Scriptures — Justin
of Neapolis, in Samaria, who had been residing in
Rome for several years — taught Christian philosophy
and fought energetically for the orthodox majority.
He was used to and fond of polemics. Valentinians,
Marcionites, Samaritan Jews, heathen philosophers,
were in turn the object of his attacks. Justin was
not a man of great intellect ; he did not know much
of philosophy and criticism, and, above all, his exegesis
would be looked upon as very defective in our time ;
but he gives proof of general good sense ; he had
that sort of mediocre credulity which allows a man
to reason sensibly from puerile premisses, and to stop
in time so as only to be half ridiculous. His general
treatise against heresies, his particular writings
against the Valentinians and Marcionites, have been
lost, but his works for the general defence of
Christianity had an extraordinary success amongst
the faithful, and they were copied and imitated ; thus,
Justin was, in a manner, the first Christian doctor,
in the classic sense of the word, whose works have
been preserved to us in a relatively complete state.
198 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Justin, as we have said, had not a strong intellect,
but he had a noble and good heart. His great demon-
stration of Christianity was the persecution of which
that doctrine, which was so beneficial in his eyes, was
the ceaseless object. The fact that the other sects,
the Jews especially, were not persecuted, the joy that
the Christians evinced under torture, the calumnies
that were spread abroad Avith regard to the faithful,
the number of informers, the peculiar hatred which
the princes of this world showed towards the religion
of Jesus, a hatred that Justin could only explain to
himself by the hatred of evil spirits, all that seemed
to him to be a glorious sign of divine truth in favour
of the Church. This idea inspired him to take a bold
step, to do which he must have been encouraged by
the earlier example of Quadratus and Aristides. This
was to address himself to the Emperor Antoninus
and his two associates, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius
Verus, in order to obtain redress for a position which
he rightly looked upon as unjust and in contradiction
to the liberal principles of the government. The
Emperor's great wisdom, the philosophical tastes of
one at least of his associates, Marcus Aurelius, who
was then twenty-nine years old, inspired him with
the hope that such a great injustice would be made
good. Such was the occasion of that eloquent petition
which begins thus : —
To the Emperor Titus JElius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius
Augustus Caesar ; and to his son Verissimus, a philosopher ; and to
Lucius, a philosopher, son of Caesar according to nature, and of
Pius by adoption, the friend of knowledge ; and to the sacred
senate ; and to the whole Roman people, for a group of men of
every race who are hated and persecuted unjustly, I, one of them,
Justin, son of Prixus, grandson of Bacchins, citizens of Flavia
Neapolis of Cyria, Palestine, 1 have made this pleading and this
request.
The two titles of Pius and Philosophus obliged
those who bear them only to love what is true, and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 199
to renouDce ancient opinions if they find them bad.
The Christians are victims of inveterate prejudice, of
calumnies that have been circulated by a united
league of all superstitions. They must be punished
if they are found guilty of ordinary crimes, but no
attention ought to be paid to malevolent rumours.
A name in itself is no crime, it only becomes so by
the acts that are attached to it. Now the Christians
are punished on account of the name they bear, a
name that only indicates upright ideas. He who
declares that he is not a Christian when he is perse-
cuted, is acquitted without inquiry ; he who declares
that he is one, is put to death. What is more
unreasonable ? The life of the confessor and of the
renegade ought to be inquired into, to see what good
or evil they have done.
The reason for this hatred of the Christians is quite
simple : it comes from demons. Polytheism was
nothing more than the reign of demons. Socrates
was the first who wished to overthrow their worship ;
the demons succeeded in having him condemned as
an atheist and an impious man. What Socrates did
amongst the Greeks in the name of reason. Reason
itself, clothed in a form become man and called Jesus
Christ, did amongst the barbarians. This is why the
Christians are called Atheists. They are, if by
Atheism is understood the denial of the false gods in
which men believe, but they are not so in a true
sense, since their rehgion is the pure religion of the
Creator, admitting, in the second rank, the worship
of Jesus, the Son of God, and in the third rank the
worship of the Prophetic Spirit. They do not expect
an earthly kingdom, but a divine one. How is it
that the authorities do not see that such a faith is a
great aid to them in maintaining order in the world ?
What stronger barrier can there be against crime
than the Christian doctrine?
Here Justin draws a picture of the morality incul-
200 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
cated by Christ according to the texts of Matthew,
Mark, and Luke, and especially according to Matthew.
He shows how harmless it is, and how useful to the
State. There was no school of philosophy which
had not taught one or other of the Christian dogmas,
and yet those schools had not been persecuted on
that account. The title of Son of God was not so
unusual as it appears. A crucified God, born of a
virgin, was not unheard of before. Greek mytho-
logies, the thousand religions of the world, have said
much stronger things. Was there not a personage
called Simon, of the little town of Gitton in Samaria,
known to have passed for God at Rome, in the reign
of Claudius, on account of his miracles, which he per-
formed by the power of demons ? Was not a statue
erected to him on the island of the Tiber, between
the two bridges, with this Latin inscription : SIMONI
DEO SANCTO ? Nearly all the Samaritans and some
other nations adore him as the chief God, and look
upon a certain Helen, who was a prostitute in her
time, and who followed him everywhere, as his chief
Ennoia. Menander, one of his disciples, seduced
many in an extraordinary manner at Antioch by
demons' arts. Marcion, a native of Pontus, who is
alive still, another agent of demons, teaches a large
number of disciples to rob the Father of the title of
Creator and to transfer it to another pretended God.
All those people call themselves Christians, as
persons who profess different doctrines are called
philosphers. Do they practise the monstrous deeds
with which Christians are reproached, overturned
lamps, nocturnal embraces, promiscuous intercourse,
feasts of human flesh? We do not know, is Justin's
answer ; in any case, they are not persecuted for the
mere fact of their opinions.
The purity of Christian morals contrasts admirably
with the general corruption of the century. The
faithful who prohibit marriage live in perfect chastity.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 201
A striking example of this was seen at Alexandria.
A young Christian, as he wished to give a decisive
denial to the calumnies that were spread abroad
about the alleged obscene mysteries of their nocturnal
reunions, requested Felix, Prefect of Egypt, that a
physician, whom he should nominate, might be al-
lowed to castrate him. Felix refused ; the young
man persisted in his virginity, satisfied with the
testimony of his own conscience and the esteem of
his brethren. What a contrast to the good Antoninus !
The picture of the Christian reunions is chaste
and beautiful. First the introduction of those who
have just received baptism, that is to say, the
"ilhiminated," to their place amongst the brethren
takes place. Then long prayers are offered up for
the whole human race.
When prayers are over we mutually kiss each other. Then
the bread, a cup of water, and some wme, is brought to the presi-
dent. He, taking them into his hands, gives praise and glory to
the Father of all things, in the name of his Son and of the Holy
Ghost ; then he thanks God at some length for those gifts which
he has bestowed on us. The people show their assent by saying
Amen. Then those who are called deacons amongst us give the
bread, the wine, and water over which the prayers liave been pro-
nounced, to all those who are present, and take them to those who
are absent.
"This food we call the Eucharist. Only those who believe in
the truth of our doctrines, and who have been washed in the laver
of regeneration for the remission of sins, and who live according to
Christ's precey)ts, are allowed to participate in it. For we do not
take this food as ordinary bread and wine ; but as Jesus Christ,
our incarnate Saviour, assumed flesh and blood for our salvation
by the word of God, so we are taught that the nourishment over
which the prayer composed from the words of Jesus has been
pronounced with thanksgiving,— we are taught, I say, that this
nourishment, by which our blood and our flesh are nourished by
assimilation, are the flesh and blood of Christ Incarnate. For the
Apostles, in the memoirs which they have written, and which are
called Gospels, tell us that Jesus bade them do this. Taking the
bread, he gave thanks, and said : " Do this in remembrance of me ;
This is my body ; " likewise taking the cup he gave thanks, and
said : " This is my blood ; " and he reserved that dogma for them
202 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
alone. If the same thing takes place in the mysteries of Mithra,
it is because evil demons, imitating Christ's institution, nave
taught how it is to be done ; for you know, or can know, that the
bread and the cup full of water, with certain words pronounced
over it, form a part of the ceremonies of initiation.
During the days that follow the meetings, we continually
remind each other of what has taken place, and those who are able
supply the wants of the poor, and we habitually live together.
In our oblations we bless the Creator of all things through his Son
Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit. And on the day which is called
the Day of the Sun all those who live in towns or in the country
assemble in the same place, and the memorials of the apostles and
the writings of the prophets are read, as far as time allows. When
the reader has finished, the president addresses words of exhortation
and admonition to those who are present, to induce them to conform
to such beautiful teaching. Then we all rise together, and send up
our prayers to heaven, and, as we have already said, when the
prayer is ended the bread and the wine and water is distributed,
and he who presides prays and gives thanks with all his might, and
the people show their assent by saying " Amen." Then the offerings
over which thanksgivings have been pronounced are distributed ;
each one receives his share, and that of the absent is sent to them
by the deacons. Those who are well off and who wish to give, give
what they please, each one as he is disposed. The amount of the
collection is handed over to the president ; he succours the widows
and orphans and those who are in distress through sickness or any
other reason, those who are in prison, and strangers who may come ;
in short, he takes care of all those who are in want. We have this
general meeting on the day of the Sun, in the first place, because it
is the first day, the day on which God, having metamorphosed dark-
ness and matter, made the world ; in the second place, because our
Saviour Jesus Christ rose from the dead on that day. They crucified
him, in fact, on the day which precedes that of Saturn, and, the
day that follows that of Saturn— that is to say, the day of the Sun
— having appeared to his apostles and disciples, he taught them
those things which we have just submitted to your judgment.
Justin finished his pleading by quoting a letter of
Hadrian to Minicius Fundanus. Believer as he was,
he was naturally astonished that men would not yield
to such clear arguments, and his manner proves* that
he thought he should have converted the Cgesars.
Certainly the frivolous Lucius Verus did not touch
this solemn writing with the tip of his fingers. Per-
haps Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius read it; but were
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 203
they as culpable as Justin believed in not being con-
verted? We cannot pretend to say. Justin had
fair game with the immoral fables of Paganism ; he
demonstrated without difficulty that the Greek and
Roman religions were scarcely aught but a tissue
of shameful superstitions. But was the unbridled
demonology which formed the foundation of all these
systems much more reasonable ? His confidence in the
argument drawn from the prophecies is very artless.
Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius did not know the
Hebrew literature ; if they had known it, they would
certainly have found good Justin's exegesis very
trifling. They would have observed, for example,
that the 22d Psalm (21) only includes the nails of
the Passion by taking the puerile interpretation, con-
trary to reason, of the Septuagint. The assertion
that the Greeks have borrow^ed all their philosophy
from the Jews would have been incredible to them.
They would, at best, have found that passage strange,
where the pious writer, wishing to prove that the
cross is the key to everything, finds this mysterious
form in the masts of ships, in the plough and mattock
of the labourer, in the workman's tool, in the human
body when the arms are stretched out, in the ensigns
and trophies of the Romans, in the attitude of the
dead emperors consecrated by apotheosis. The direc-
tion in which Herod and Ptolemy Philadelphus are
thought to have been contemporaries would also,
doubtless, have inspired in them some doubts as to
the precision of the statement relating to the Septua-
gint version, the version which serves as the base for
all the Messianic reasonings of Justin. If they had
been asked to search in the archives of the Empire
for the registers of Zuirinius, the acts of Pilate relat-
ing to Jesus, they would have had difficulty in finding
them. Indeed, the writings of the Sibyl and Hystaspes
would have seemed to them of weak authority. They
would have been amazed to learn that demons, afraid
204 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of the annoyance which these books were going to
cause them, had pronounced the penalty of death on
those who would read them.
It appears that Justin joined to his pleading some
illustrations from these apocryphal apologies, and
imagined that they would exercise a decisive influ-
ence on the minds of the Caesars. His hopes went
beyond that: he demanded that his request should
be communicated to the Senate and the Roman
people, especially that the falsity of the divinity of
Simon the magician should be acknowledged, and
that the statue he had at Rome (a certain half column
of Semo Sancus) should be oJBficially cast down.
Justin's ardent convictions would allow him no
rest. He imagined himself responsible for all the
errors he did not combat. The Jews who persisted
in not becoming Christians, were the perpetual object
of his pre-occupations. He wrote against them in
dialogue form, perhaps in imitation of Aristo of
Pella, a polemical work which may be reckoned
among the most curious literary monuments of bud-
ding Christianity.
Justin supposes that, in his journey from Syria to
Rome, about the time of the war of Bar-Coziba, kept
back by an accident in navigation at Ephesus, he
walked into the alleys of the Xystus, when an un-
known person, surrounded by a group of disciples,
was struck by the dress he wore, and, approaching
him, said, " Hail, philosopher ! " He told him, at the
same time, that a Socratic sage, whose lessons he
had learned at Argos, had instructed him always to
respect the philosopher's mantle, and to seek to have
himself instructed by those who wore it. The con-
versation took a very literary turn, and he found
that the unknown was no other than the Rabbi
Tryphon or Tarphon, who had fled from Judea to
escape the fury of Bar-Coziba's war, had taken refuge
in Greece, and lived oftenest at Corinth. They spoke
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 205
of God, of Providence, of the immortality of the soul.
Justin records how, after having tried all the schools
and systems, he has found nothing better than to
adhere to Christ. The controversy then becomes
lively. Justin accumulates against the Jews the
most disdainful reproaches. Not content with having
killed Jesus, they would not cease to persecute the
Christians. If they did not kill them, it was because
power prevented them ; but they overwhelmed them
with curses, chasing them from the synagogues, and,
as often as they could, maltreating, assassinating, and
punishing them. The prejudices which the Pagans
had against Christianity were inspired by the Jews :
they were more guilty of persecutions than even the
Pagans who ordered them. They had sent from
Jerusalem certain men chosen to spread abroad over
the whole world the calumnies with which they
sought to crush the Christians. They did worse than
that ; they mutilated the Bible by cutting out the
passages which proved the Messiahship and divinity
of Jesus. They repelled the LXX. translation, only
because that contained the proofs of that very
divinity. In controversies they threw out loud cries
against the cavils, and the little details they did not
comprehend, and refused to see the force of the
whole.
Impartiality compels us to say that if Justin was
in those oral disputes such as we see him to be in his
book (and unfortunately what we know of his con-
troversies with Cresceus leads us to believe so), the
Jews had thoroughly good reason to complain of his
inexactness. There never had been a weaker inter-
preter of the Old Testament. Not only did Justin
not know Hebrew, but he had no critical talent ; he
admitted the most manifest interpretations. His
Messianic applications of the texts of the Bible are
of the most arbitrary description, and are founded on
the errors of the Septuagint. His book certainly
206 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
did not convert a single Jew, but in the bosom of
Catholicism he founded the apologetic exegesis.
Almost all the arguments of this order have been
invented by St Justin, scarcely any have been added
since his time.
It is useless to say that the gulf between Judaism
and Christianity appears as absolute in this book.
Judaism and Christianity are two enemies occupied
in doing each other all the evil possible. The Law
is abrogated — it has always been powerless to produce
justification. Circumcision and the Sabbath not only
are abolished things, they were never good things.
Circumcision had been imposed by God on the Jews,
in foresight of their crimes against Christ and the
Christians. " This sign has been given you that you
may be separated from other nations and ourselves,
and that you should suffer alone that which you now
justly suffer, that your country may be rendered
desert, your towns delivered to the flames, that
strangers may eat your fruits before your eyes, and
that no one among you may be able to go up to
Jerusalem." This pretended mark of honour is thus
become for the Jews a punishment, a visible sign
which marks them out for punishment. The law of
the Mosaic precepts has only been instituted because
of the iniquities and the hardness of the heart of the
people. The Sabbath and the sacrifices have had no
other cause. The impossibility which there was for
a Jew holding to his old Scriptures, to admit that
God had been born and become man, is not even
comprehended by Justin. Tarphon would truly have
been a most tractable man, if after such controversy
he had left his adversary confessing, as Justin pre-
tends, that he had profited much by the discussion.
Conversions, moreover, became more and more
rare. Sides were taken. The moment when dispute
is organised is usually that in which already each is
hardened in his own view. Transfers have been
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 207
numerous, so that Christianity had been a badly
defined colony, scarcely separate from Judaism.
When it is a complete place, guarded by its fortifica-
tions, in face of its metropolis, one can no longer
pass from one side to another. The Jew, like the
Mussulman, will be the most unconvertible of human
beings, the most Anti-Christian.
Justin still Hved for some years disputing always
against the Jews, the heretics, and the Pagans,
writing polemical works without end. An act of
juridic severity on the part of Q. Lollius Urbicus,
prefect of Rome, will place again the advocate's pen
in his hand in the last years of Antoninus' reign.
Like nearly all the apologists, he was not a member
of the hierarchy. This position without responsi-
bility suits the volunteers of the faith better, and at
a pinch allows the Church to disavow them. Justin
was always dear to the Cathohcs. His distance from
fche sects preserved him from the aberrations which
Tatian and TertulHan could not escape. His theology
Is far from being the orthodox theology of the follow-
ing ages, but the sincerity of the author made that
to be easily shown on his behalf The Trinity,
according to St Justin, was in a state of badly formed
embryo ; his angels and his demons were conceived
in a prodigiously materialistic and infantine fashion ;
his millenarianism is naive as that of Papias; he
systematically ^ioyerh St Paul. He believed that
Jesus was born in a supernatural fashion, but he
knew some Christians who did not admit it. His
Gospel differed considerably from some texts held
sacred to-day ; he made no use of the Gospel called
that of John; and the writing that he quotes
although approaching most frequently Matthew,
sometimes Luke, is not precisely any of the three
synoptists. It was probably the Gospel of the
Hebrews, called " the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles,"
or of Peter, not without analogy with the (jjt^a
208 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Marias, or Protevangel of James, and perhaps
identical with the Gospel of the Ebionites. Fables,
in any case, abounded in these : they were only a
few steps from the puerilities which filled the
apocryphal Gospels. But a certain correct sense
made Justin avoid these extreme errors. His pagan
erudition, all adulterated as it was, struck under-
educated people. In fact, he was a splendid pleader.
All the apologists who followed him were inspired
by him.
His admiration for the Greek philosophy could not
be to the taste of everyone, but it appeared to be
good policy. The time had not yet arrived when
insults were hurled against the sages of antiquity:
people took the good where they found it ; they saw
in Socrates a forerunner of Jesus, and in Platonic
idealism or sort of pre-Christianity. Justin was as
much a disciple of Plato and Philo as he was of
Moses and Christ ; Moses was older than the Greek
sages, and they had borrowed from him their dogmas
of natural religion, hence its whole superiority. No
theologian had ever opened so widely as Justin the
portals of salvation. Revelation, according to him, is
a permanent fact in humanity ; it is the eternal fruit
of the Logos spermaticos, who enlightens naturally the
human understanding. All that philosophers and
legislators — the Stoics, for instance — ever discovered
of good, they owed to the contemplation of the Logos,
The Logos is nothing else than reason universally
diffused ; all who, in whatever country or time they
may be, have loved and cultivated reason, have been
Christians. Socrates shines in the first rank in this
phalanx of the Christians before Jesus. He kuew
Christ partly. He did not perceive the whole truth,
but what he saw was a fraction of Christianity ; he
combated polytheism, as the Christians do, and he
had the honour, like them., to give up his life in the
conflict. The Logos descended and resided absolutely
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 209
in Jesus. He is disseminated among the human
souls who have loved the truth and practised good ;
in Jesus, the Logos is absolutely concentrated.
With such an idea of reason, it was natural to
admit philosophy as an element in the composition
of the Christian dogmas. The traces of Greek philo-
sophy are still weak in St Paul and in the pseudo-
Johaunic writings. In the gnosis, on the contrary,
according to Marcion, according to the author of the
psuedo-Clementine romance, according to Justin, the
Greek philosophy runs with full stream. It was
found quite natural to mingle in the Jewish theory
of the Logos ideas of the same kind as were believed
to be met in Stoicism. Far from renouncing reason,
they pretended to give it its share. They held
sound philosophy to be the surest ally for Christianity ;
the great men of the past were considered as the
anticipative disciples of Christ, who had come not to
overthrow but to purify, complete, and accomplish
their work. They admired Socrates and Plato ; they
were proud of the courage of their great contempo-
raries, such as Musonius. They said, with a just and
large sentiment of truth : " What has been thought
or felt before among the Greeks and barbarians,
belongs to us."
A sort of eclecticism, founded on a mystical
rationalism, was the character of this first Christian
philosophy. The apologist applied himself to show
that the fundamental points of Christianity had not
been strange to Pagan antiquity, — that the dogmas
on the divine essence, on the Logos, the divine spirit,
special providence, prayer, angels, demons, the future
life, and the end of the world, might be established
by certain profane texts. Even the teaching, most
specially Christian, on the birth, the life, death, and
resurrection of Jesus Christ, had analogues in the
religions of antiquity. It was maintained that Plato
had expressed in the Timwus the doctrine of the Son
0
210 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of God. It was remarked that, in all religions, the
ceremonies resembled each other — that the morale is
the same throughout all. Far from finding in that
an objection, they concluded from this universality
the existence of a permanent revelation, of which
Christianity had been the most brilliant act.
CHAPTER XX.
ABUSES AND PENITENCE— NEW PROPHECIES.
The Church was like the pious Israel at the time
when it built its new temple ; with the one hand
they fought, with the other they built. The philo-
sophic prepossessions were the act of a very small
number. The great Christian work was moral and
popular. The Church of Rome especially showed
itself more and more indifi*erent to these extrava-
gant speculations which delighted minds full of the
intellectual activity of the Greeks, but corrupted
by the reveries of the East. The disciplinary organ-
isation was the principal work at Rome ; that extra-
ordinary city applied to that its thorouglily practical
genius and its strong energy.
Penitence had always been a fundamental institu-
tion of Christianity. The elect of the future city of
God should be absolutely pure. To avoid sin was
impossible; it was therefore necessary that means
should be found for recovering lost grace. The
Church accordingly at an early period erected itself
into a tribunal, and transformed repentance into
public penitence, imposed by authority and accepted
by the delinquent. A mass of questions which were
to trouble the Church for a century and a half date
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 211
from that time. How could people, after having
fallen often, become penitent again? Do those
means of reconciliation apply to all time ? The
hypothesis of murder was scarcely thought of; the
gentle and timid manners of the sect forbade the
idea of a Christian assassin ; but adultery in a little
congregation of brethren and sisters was common
enough. Apostacy, indeed, seeing the bitterness of
the persecutions, was not rare. Some, to avoid
punishment, went even so far as to curse Christ;
some became the denouncers of their brethren ; while
others contented themselves with a simple denial, " I
am not a Christian." They were ashamed of Christ
without exactly blaspheming him.
It was this last category of persons who caused
the greatest embarrassment. The Church was a
source of such gentleness, that the day after their
fall, the apostates, the denouncers of their brethren,
experienced cruel remorse. They would have desired
to re-enter the assembly they had betrayed. The
situation of those unfortunates was distressing.
Despairing of their salvation, they became the prey
of frightful terrors. They could be seen prowling
around the Church where they had tasted so many
spiritual joys. There was no connection between
them and the faithful. With a severity which Jesus
would not have approved, but which the gravity of
the circumstances excused, they were treated as
people infected by the itch, and were called by a
cruel pleasantry " the savages, the solitary ones."
Many went to see the confessors in prison and found
a sort of austere joy in the hard words which those
addressed to them. The larger portion of the faith-
ful considered them as totally dead to the Church,
and would not admit that there could be any place
of penitence for them there. Some, less harsh, dis-
tinguished between those who had blasphemed Christ
or denounced their brethren and those who had
212 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
simply denied their faith ; these latter could be ad-
mitted to repentance. Others, more indulgent still,
accorded penitence to those who had denied with the
mouth and not with the heart. There was a danger
of pushing rigour too far, for the Jews sought to gain
to the synagogue those the Church had thus expelled.
Besides those great culprits, there were the weak,
the uncertain, the worldly — Christians in some sense
ashamed, and who dissembled as to their faith, and
were thus led unceasingly into semi-apostacies. The
Christian profession was something so strict that, if
the Christian did not live in the society of his brethren,
he was exposed to continual mockery. As he existed
only with the end of the world before his mind, the
Christian of that time was quite sequestered from
public life. Those who were obliged to mix them-
selves in temporal affairs were led more and more
to forsake the society of the saints, and soon to
disdain them, to blush for them as brethren, to hear
them laughed at without replying. Half- dead to
the spiritual life, they fell into doubt. They became
rich ; they made a separate company, in virtue of
the principle that man is led almost necessarily to
cultivate the society of persons who have the same
fortune as himself. They shunned meeting with the
servants of God, fearing that they would ask for
alms. The company of the faithful appeared humble ;
those quitted it in order to lead a more brilliant life
with the Gentiles. These worldHngs did not abandon
God, but they deserted the Church ; they kept the
faith, but ceased to practise it. Some became re-
pentant, and gave themselves up to works of charity ;
others, brought into the society of the Pagans, be-
came like them, and abandoned themselves to pleasure.
This equivocal middle course did not dispose them
to martyrdom. At the least sound of persecution
they made an appearance of returning to idols, to
escape being disturbed.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 213
In the very bosom of the Church what imperfec-
tion I Such were constantly associated with the
congregation, and did not cease to be slanderous,
envious, blundering, bold, and presumptuous. The
administration of the funds of the Church gave place
to such abuses ; certain deacons took the supplies of
the widows and orphans for themselves. Then the
teachers of strange doctrines abounded and seduced
the faithful. Placed as judges in the midst of all
these troubles, the saints inclined sometimes to in-
dulgence and sometimes to severity. What was
serious was that certain sectarian doctors flattered
those who had sinned, in the view of personal interest.
They sold them indulgence, after a fashion ; and in
the hope of being recompensed for their casuistry,
they told them that they had no need of penitence,
and that the pastors were people of an exaggerated
severity.
The fact is that, in such an assembly of saints,
there was scarcely room for lukewarmness. An
enthusiastic piety made them beheve everything.
Prophecy and revelations flourished as in the palmiest
days. There resulted serious abuses from this. The
individual prophets became the plague of the Church.
People went to interrogate them as to the future,
even as to temporal affairs. These men received
money, and gave the replies which were desired of
them. The orthodox admitted that the devils some-
times revealed certain things to impostors, the better
to try the righteous ; but they maintained that they
could always distinguish the prophets of God from
frivolous prophets. Naturally this caused serious
embarrassment, for he whom one called frivolous the
other beHeved guided by "the ange) of the prophetic
spirit."
The orthodox scrupled no more than the heterodox
to provide as food for the pious public the most
audaciouslv fabricated revelations, and these revela-
214 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tions were greedily received. Such especially wa?s a
prophecy whose title alone marked sufficiently its
tendency of spirit. It is related in the book of
Numbers that Eldad and Modad, clothed with a
portion of the prophetic power of Moses, prophesied
out of the ranks and in their entirely individual
capacity. Joshua wished them to be silenced.
Moses stopped him. *'Are you jealous for me^" he
asked. "Would to God that all the people of
Jehovah were prophets, and that Jehovah sent his
spirit upon all I " Eldad and Modad were thus the
representatives, among the ancient people, of the
individual prophet. They were credited with a
book which made much impression on many, and
was quoted as inspired Scripture.
The symbolism of these new prophets appears
sometimes strange and in bad taste. The exhaustion
of their species was visible. All these used-up
machines produce on us nothing but a result of
fatigue and disgust. But for the simple the effect
was great; such prophecies fortified the hesitating
and warmed the cool. They believed they heard
admonitions directly from God.
An apocalypse attributed to Peter was a very
great success ; it was admitted into the canon,
beside that of John, and read in the greater number
of the Churches. Like all apocalypses, it told the
faithful of terrors and future calamities ; like the
Shepherd, of which we shall soon speak, it insisted
on the punishment of different sins ; like the apoca-
lypse of Esdras, it treated, it would seem, of the
state of souls after death. A particular idea of the
author is that abortions are entrusted to a guardian
angel, who charges himself with their education and
development. They suffer the share of sufferings
they would have endured if they had lived, and they
are saved. The milk that women lose, and which
coagulates, is changed into little animal culte, which
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 215
devour them at once. From the beginning, the
bizarre aspects of the book provoked a strong oppo-
sition, and many wished it not to be read in pubHc.
This opposition only increased with time. The
gloomy images which were to be found in it, how-
ever, made them keep it for the readings of the holy
week. Then the antipathy of the Greek orthodox
Church against apocalypses — an antipathy which was
powerless against the apocalypse of John — succeeded
in expelling this, and even in destroying it altogether.
The habit of public reading of the apostolical and
prophetical readings in the Churches consumed, if
one may so express it, many books : the circle of
received writings was quickly run through, and the
readers were thrown with earnestness on the new
books which appeared, even when their titles to
theopneusty were not very correct. There resulted
from this a certain style of habit which went on for
ten or twenty years. Sometimes, when the book
was out of vogue, they limited its reading to one
fixed day yearly.
This may be seen clearly in a curious little writing
of that time, which has been preserved to us. It is
a sort of homily, evidently for the use of the Roman
Church, which the anagnost read after the large
readings drawn from the sacred pages. This homily
is itself a tissue of quotations taken from the
Gospels, the ancient prophecies, and writings which
it is now impossible to determine. The most com-
promising passages of the Gospel of the Egyptians
are there quoted side by side with Matthew and
Luke, and framed in a style of language destined to
excite the piety of the " brethren and sisters." The
writing was attached, as a Roman document, to the
epistle of Clement, and, with it, was copied accord-
ingly into a great number of Bibles.
216 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XXL
ROMAN PIETISM — THE SHEPHERD OF HERMAS.
One book had in this fashion a durable success, and
served during several centuries for the nourishment
of Christian piety. It had as its author a brother ol
Pius, the bishop of Rome. This personage, who
doubtless occupied a considerable place in the Church,
conceived the project of striking a great blov^, suffi-
cient to awaken the saints. He pretended that, fifty
or sixty years before, in the time of the persecution
of Domitian, a certain Hermas, an elder of the Church
of Rome, had had a revelation. Clement, the guarantee
for all the pious frauds of Roman Ebionism, covered
the book with his authority, and was believed to have
it addressed to the churches of the whole world.
Hermas, a foundling born in slavery, had been sold,
by the proprietor of slaves who had brought him up,
to a Roman lady named Rhoda. He had doubtless
succeeded in buying his liberty, and setting himself
up in life ; for at the opening of the work, he is
under the blow of annoyances which his wife, his
children, and his affairs have caused him, as these
last, in consequence of the disagreement of his family,
proceed very badly. His sons had even committed
the greatest crime of which a Christian could be
culpable ; they had blasphemed Christ to escape per-
secution, and had denounced their parents. In the
midst of these sorrows, poor Hermas found out
Rhoda, whom he had not seen for many years. The
small consolation he had in her household rendered
his heart sensitive, it would appear ; he began to
love his old mistress like a sister. One day, seeing
her bathe in the Tiber, he presented his hand to her
to help her out of the river, and said to her, " How
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 217
happy should I be if I had a wife as beautiful and
accomplished I " His thought did not go further, and
such a reflection was all the more excusable that his
wife was bitter, disagreeable, and full of defects.
But the severity of Christian morals was so great
that the quiet Platonic love of Hermas was remarked
in heaven by the jealous watcher of pure souls ; and
he was to be convicted of it as of a crime.
Some time after — in fact, as he was going to his
country house, situated at Cuma, ten stadia from the
Campanian Way, and while he admired the beauty
of God's works, he slept when travelling. In spirit
he traversed rivers, ravines, mountain crevasses, and,
returning to the plain, began to pray to the Lord
and to confess his sin.
Now, while he prayed, the heaven was opened, and he saw the
woman he had desired saying to him, " Good day, Hermas."
Having looked at her, "Mistress, what are you doing here?"
asked he. And she replied, '' I have been brought here to accuse
you of your sins before the Lord." " "What ! are you ray accuser ? "
" No ; but listen to the words I am speaking to you. God, who
dwells in heaven, who has created all things that exist out of
nothing, and has made them great for the holy Church, is angry
with you, because you have sinned in regard to me." " I have
sinned in regard to you !" replied Hermas ; "and in what way?
Have I ever said an improper word to you? Have I not always
treated you as my mistress? Have I not always respected you
as my sister? Why do you represent me falsely, oh, woman,
for wicked and impure acts?" And then, smiling, she said to
him, " For a righteous man like you desire alone is a great sin ;
but pray to God and he will pardon your sins and those of all
your household and those of all the saints." After she had said
these words, the heavens were closed, and Hermas was afraid*
* If this is to be locked on as sin, how is it possible to be saved ? "
As he was plunged in these reflections, he saw
before him a great armchair covered with white cloth.
An aged female, richly dressed, having a book in her
hand, came and sat down in it. Having saluted
Hermas by name, " Why are you sad, Hermas— you
who are usually so patient, equable, and always
218 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
smiling?" "lam," said Hermas, "under the stroke
of reproaches from a very virtuous woman, who has
told me that I have sinned regarding her." "Ah,
fie ! " said she to me, " that this evil should be on the
part of one of God's servants — a man respectable and
well tried, the chaste, simple, and innocent Hermas !
Perhaps, indeed, there has some sentiment taken
possession of your heart on the subject. But that is
not the reason God is angry with you." The good
Hermas breathed hard while the old woman informed
him that the true cause of God's anger w^as his weak-
ness as the father of a family. He did not restrain
his wife and children with sufficient severity; this
was the cause of the ruin of his temporal affairs.
The old woman then read out of her book some
terrible words which Hermas did not remember,
and finished by some good words which he recol-
lected.
The following year, at the same period, as he went
to his country house at Cuma, Hermas saw the same
old woman walking and reading a little book. She
explained to him the object of the book, which was
to exhort all men to repentance, for the times of
persecution were drawing very near. A handsome
young man appeared. " Who, do you think, is that
old woman from whom you have received the book ? "
^* The sibyl perhaps," answered Hermas, his mind pre-
occupied by the neighbourhood of Cuma. "No ; she
is the Church." " Why then is she old ? " " Because
she has been first created, and the world has been
made for her." The old woman enjoined Hermas
to send two copies of the book — the one to Clement,
the other to the Deaconess Grapte. "Clement,"
said she, " will address the book to the cities with-
out, for there is in that his special work. Grapte will
send it to the widows and orphans, and you will read
it in the city for the elders who preside over the
Church. This little book is naturally the work of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 219
the pretended Hermas. The heavenly origin of it is
thus attested."
The third vision is more mysterious. The old
v^^oman appeared again to Hermas, after some fasts
and prayers. They arranged to meet in the country.
Hermas arrived first ; to his great astonishment he
found himself in front of an ivory bench ; on the
bench was placed a linen pillow, covered with very
fine gauze. He began to pray and confess his sins.
The old woman arrived with six young people. She
made Hermas sit at her left (the right being reserved
for those who have suffered for God the lash, the
prison, tortures, the cross, the wild beasts). Hermas
then saw the six young men build a square tower,
emerging from the bosom of the water. Some
thousands of men served them, and brought the
stones to them. Among the stones, those drawn
from the channel of the water were hewn. Those
were the most perfect ; they joined so well that the
tower appeared a monolith. Among the others, the
young men made a selection. Around the tower was
a pile of rubbishy materials, either because they had
defects, or because they were not cut as they should
have been.
" The tower," said the old woman, " is the Church — that is, I,
who have appeared to you, and who shall appear to you again. . ,
The six young men are the angels created first, to whom the Lord
has entrusted'the care of developing and governing his creation ;
those who carry the stones are the inferior angels. The beautiful
white stones, which are dressed so finely, are the apostles, bishops,
doctors, deacons, living or dead, who have been chaste, and who
have lived on a good understanding with the faithful. The stones
which are drawn from the channel of the water, represent those
who have suflTered death for the name of the Lord. Those which
have been rejected, and remain near the tower, represent those
who have sinned, and who wish to repent. If they did this while
the building was going on they might be employed in it ; but once
the building is completed, they are of no more use. The stones
which are broken and rejected are the wicked : there is no more
place for them. Those which are throAvn to a distance from the
220 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tower, which roll into the road, and from thence into the wilder-
ness, are the unsteady, who, after they have believed, have quitted
the true path. Those which fall near the water aid cannot enter
it, are the souls who desire baptism, but recoil before the holiness
of religion and the necessity of renouncing their lusts. As to the
beautiful white but round stones, and which cannot in consequence
be used in a square building, these are the rich who have em-
braced the faith. When persecution comes, their riches and busi-
ness make them renounce the Lord. They will be useless to the
building except when their riches are curtailed, just as to make a
round stone enter into a square construction, it would be necessary
to cut off a large portion. Judge this by yourself, Hermas ; when
you were rich you were useless, now that you are ruined, you are
useful and fit to live."
Hermas asks his informant as to the proximity more
or less of the consummation of the times. " Fool,"
replies the old woman, " do you not see that the
tower is yet being built 1 When it shall be finished,
the end will be ; now it advances towards com-
pletion. Ask no more I "
The fourth vision is again on the Campanian Way.
The Church, which has appeared up till now throw-
ing aside all the signs of old age, and with all the
marks of rejuvenation, now appears in the style of
a girl wonderfully arrayed. A frightful monster
(perhaps Nero) would have devoured her, but for
the help of the angel Thegri, who presides over the
fierce beasts. This monster is the herald of a fearful
persecution which is at hand. Some tortures shall
be passed through which nothing but purity of heart
can enable one to escape. The world shall perish in
fire and blood.
There is here only the mise en scene, in some sense
preliminary. The essential part of the book commences
with the appearance of a venerable personage in
shepherd dress, clothed with a white beast's skin,
with a scrip hung on his shoulders, and a crook in his
hand. It is the guardian angel of Hermas, clothed as
the angel of penitence, who is sent by the venerable
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 221
angel to be his companion all the rest of his life.
This shepherd, who now takes speech till the end
of the book, recites a httle treatise on Christian morals,
embellished with symbols and apologues. Chastity
is the favourite virtue of the author. To think of
another woman than one's own wife is a crime. A
man ought to take back his wife after her first act
of adultery, expiated by repentance, but not after her
second. Second marriages are permissible, but it is
better not to involve oneself in them. The good
conscience of Hermas shows in his taste for gaiety.
Gaiety is a virtue, sadness distresses the Holy Spirit,
and chases him from a soul, for the spirit is given
joyfully to man. The continually sad prayer of a
man does not go up to God. Sadness is like the
drop of vinegar, which spoils the good wine. God
is good, and the commandments impossible without
him are easy with him. The devil is powerful, but
he has no power over the true believer.
An affecting asceticism filled up the entire life
of the Christian. The cares of business hindered
from the service of God : it was necessary to with-
draw from these. Fasting is recommended: now
fasting consists in withdrawing every morning to
one's retreat ; in purifying one's thoughts frooi the
remembrances of the world ; in not eating all day
anything but bread and water ; in saving what you
might have spent, and giving it to the widows and
orphans, who will pray for you. Repentance is
necessary even to the righteous for their venial
sins. Certain severe angels are charged with over-
looking them, and with punishing not only their sins
but even those of their family. All the misfortunes
of life were held to be chastisements inflicted by
these angels on " penitenital pastors." The penitent
should afflict himself voluntarily, should humble
himself, seek adversities and sorrows, or at least
accept those which come upon him, as expiations.
222 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
It would seem, according to this view, that penitence
imposes on God — forces his hand. No, penitence is
a gift of God. To those whom God foresees to be
going to sin still, he does not accord the favour.
In the weighty questions relating to public peni-
tence, Hermas avoids exaggerated severity ; he has
comparisons which shall irritate Tertullian, and give
him, on the part of that fanatic, the name of "the
friend of adulterers." He explains the delay in the
appearing of Christ by a decree of the mercy of
God which allows sinners the chance of a last and
definitive appeal. He who has blasphemed Christ
to escape punishment, those who have denounced
their brethren, are dead for ever: they resemble
dry branches into which the sap can no longer ascend ;
but yet is their lot irrevocable ? In certain cases,
mercy is brought into the author's mind ; for the
sons of Hermas, who were blasphemers of Christ and
traitors to the Church, were admitted to pardon, for
their father's sake. Those who have simply denied
Jesus can repent. " As to him who has denied
from the heart," says Hermas, " I do not know if
he can live." It is necessary also to distinguish the
past from the future. To those who henceforth
would deny Christ, there is no pardon ; but those
who had this misfortune before may be admitted to
penitence. Sinners who have not blasphemed God
nor betrayed his servants may return to penitence ;
but they hasten onwards ; death threatens ; the tower
is about to be finished, and then the stones which
have not been employed would be irrevocably rejected.
For great crimes, there is but one repentance; for
the lesser faults, it is allowable to repent more than
once ; but he who is constantly falling is a suspected
penitent, and penitence will serve him in no wise.
A perfume of chastity, somewhat unhealthy, is
breathed from the vision of the mountain of Arcadia,
and the twelve virgins. The fetes which are given
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 223
in the dream, one would say, were the imagination of
a poor faster. Twelve beautiful girls, fine and strong
as caryatides, stand at the gate of the future temple,
and pass the stones for the construction with their
open arms.
"Thy shepherd will not come to-night," they said : " if he does
not come thou wilt remain with us." " No," said I to them ; " if
he does not come, I shall return home, and to-morrow I will
come back." " Thou shouldst confide in us," they replied ; " thou
canst not leave us ! " " Where would you have me remain ? "
' Thou shalt sleep with us like a brother, and not as a man," they
answered ; "for thou art our brother henceforth ; we shall remain
with you, for we love you very much." I blushed to remain in
their company, but, lo ! she who seemed to be their leader, began
to embrace me ; seeing which, the others imitated, causing me to
make the tour of the building, and to play with me. And, as I
was young, I began also to play with them. Some executed
choruses, some danced, and others sang. As for me, I walked
silently with them round the building, and was joyful with them.
As it was late, I wished to return to the house, but they would not
allow me, and I remained with them over night, sleeping by the
side of the tower. The virgins had stretched out their linen tunics
on the ground, and did nothing but pray. I prayed also with
them incessantly, and the virgins rejoiced to see me pray thus :
and I remained there till next morning at the second hour with
the virgins. Then the shepherd arrived, and he addressed him-
self to them, " You have not done him any harm ? " asked he,
looking at them. " My lord," I said to him, " I have only had
the pleasure of abiding with them." " Of what have you eaten ? "
said he. " My lord," said I to him ; " I have lived all the night
on the words of the Lord." " Did they receive you well ? " asked he.
" Yes, my lord," said I to him.
Those virgins are the " holy spirits," the gifts of the
Holy Ghost, the spiritual powers of the Son of God,
and also the fundamental virtues of the Christian.
A man cannot be saved except through these. The
guardian angel of Hennas giving good testimony to
the purity of his house — the twelve virgins who
wish to have extreme propriety around them, and
are repelled by the slightest defilement, consent to
dwell there. Hermas promises that they shall always
have with him a residence suited to their tastes.
224 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The author of Hermas is a pure Ebionite. The
only good use of a fortune is to redeem slaves — cap-
tives. The Christian, as to himself, is essentially a
poor man ; to practise hospitality towards the power,
the servants of God, that washes out even great
crimes. " One does not imagine," says he, " what
torment is in the punishment; it is worse than
prison ; so that we even see people committing
suicide to escape it. When such a misfortune occurs,
he Avho, knowing the unfortunate one, does not
save him, is guilty of his death." The antipathy of
Hermas to people of the world is extreme. He is
not pleased except when in a circle of simple people,
not knowing what wickedness is, without differences
among themselves, and looking on one another's
affairs, and mingling with each other ; rejoicing in
each other's virtues, always ready to share with him
who has nothing the result of their labours. God,
seeing the simplicity of the holy child-likeness of
these good workers, is pleased with their little
charities. Childlikeness is that which, to Hermas
as to Jesus, takes the first place in God's sight.
The Christianity of the author of Hermas suggests
Gnosticism. He never names Jesus in any other way
than as Christ. He always calls him the Son of God,
and makes him a being before the creatures, a
counsellor of the plans on which God made his
creation. At the same time as this Divine assessor
has created all things, he maintains all things. His
name is beyond comparison with every other name.
Sometimes, in the style of the Elkasaites, Hermas
would conceive Christ as a giant. Oftener still he
identifies him with the Holy Spirit, the source of all
the gifts. Like the Gnostics, Hermas plays with
abstractions. At other times, the Son of God is the
law preached throughout all the earth. The dead
will receive the seal of the Son of God, baptism,
when the apostles and the Christian preachers, after
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 225
their death, descend into hell and baptise the
dead,
A parable explains this singular Christology, and
gives it much analogy with that which, later on,
constituted Arianism. A master (God) plants in a
certain corner of his property (the world) a vine
(the circle of the Elect). Leaving for a journey, he
has entrusted it to a servant (Jesus), who attends^
to it with wonderful care, roots out the weeds (blots
out the sin of believers), and endures extreme pain
(an allusion to the sufferings of Jesus). The master
filled with joy at his return (on the day of judgment),
calls his only Son and his Mends (the Holy Spirit
and the angels) and communicates to them the idea -.,
he has of associating this servant as an adopted son
in the privileges of the only Son (the Holy Spirit).
All consent to this by acclamation. Jesus is intro-
duced by the resurrection into the divine circle ; God
sends him a part of the feast, and he, remembering
his old fellow-servants, shares with them his heavenly
gifts (the charisma). The divine role of Jesus is
thus conceived as a sort of adoption and co-op-
tation which places him beside a former Son of God.
Moreover, Hermas sets forth a theology analogous
to that which we have found among the Ebionites.
The Holy Spirit pre-existed before all, and has
created all. God chose him a body in which he
could dwell in all purity, and realises for him a com-
pleted humanity : it is the life of Jesus. God takes
counsel of his Son and of his angels, so that this
flesh which has served the Spirit without reproach
should have a place of rest, that this body without
stain, in which the Holy Spirit dwells, would appear
not to remain without reward.
All the chimeras of the times came into colKsion
with each other, we can see, without succeeding in
coming into agreement in the head of poor Hermas.
Some grotesque theories, such as the descent of the
P
226 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
apostles into hell, are peculiar to him. He was an
Ebionite in his fashion of comprehending the king-
dom of God and the position of Jesus. He was a
Gnostic in his tendency to multiply beings and to
give angels even to one who has never existed.
A guardian angel is not enough for him ; each man
has two angels — the one to care for his well-being,
the other to seek his hurt. Indeed, in many points
of view, he is a Montanist in advance. He has no
trace of episcopacy about him. The elders of the
Church are, in his eyes, all equal ; he appears to have
been of the number of those who made opposition to
the growing institution which reversed the equality
of the preshyteri. Hernias is an experienced pneu-
matist ; he is an anchorite, an abstainer. He shows
himself severe on the clergy. He complains of the
general laxity. The name of Christian, according to
him, is not enough to save one; a man is saved
above all by the spiritual gifts. The Church is a
body of saints, and it must be disembarrassed of all
impure alliance. Martyrdom completes the Christian.
Prophecy is a personal gift, free, and not subjected
to the Church ; those who receive it, communicate
its revelation to the leaders ; but they do not re-
quire their permission. Eldad and Modad were two
prophets without mission, and beyond the authority
of superiors. The great objection which the orthodox
have to the Shepherd, as to the Montanist revelations,
is that it comes too late, — " that the number of the
prophets is complete already."
The intention of the pseudo-Hermas has been, in
fact, simply and well to introduce a new book into
the body of the sacred writings. Perhaps his brother
Pius lent himself as his support in this. The attempt
of the pseudo-Hermas was very nearly the last of
this kind ; it did not succeed, for the author was
known; the origin of the book was too clear.
The writing pleased by what was edifying in it;
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 227
the better minds advised that it should be specially
read, but not permitted to be read in the Church,
nor as an apostolic writing (it was too modern), nor
as a prophetic writing (the number of these scrip-
tures was closed). Rome especially never admitted
it; the East was more easy, Alexandria especially.
Many Churches held it to be canonical, and did it the
honour of having it read from the pulpit. Some
eminent men — Irenseus, Clement of Alexandria — gave
it a place in their Bible, after the apostolic writings.
The more reserved conceded to it an angelic revela-
tion and an ecclesiastical authority of the first order.
There had always been some doubts and protesta-
tions ; some even went as far as scorn. At the
beginning of the fourth century, the Shepherd was
no longer looked on but as a book for edification,
very useful for elementary instruction. Piety and
art made considerable borrowings from it. The
Roman council of 494, under Gelasus, placed it
among the Apocrypha, but did not take it out of
the hands of the believers, who found in it a help
for their piety.
The work has in some parts a charm ; but a
certain want of taste and talent are to be felt in it.
The symbolism so energetic and so just in the old
apocalypses, is here feeble, ill-adjusted, and without
precise adaptation. The vein of Christian prophecy
is altogether weakened. The language, simple, and
in some sense flat, is nearly that of modern Greek as
to the syntax ; the choice of expression, on the con-
trary, is happy enough. It is the eloquence of a
country cure, simple and grumbling, mingled with
the cares of a sacristan concerned as to gauzes,
cushions, and everything which serves to ornament
his church. Hermas, in spite of his temptations and
his pecadilloes, is certainly chastity itself, although
the way he insists on this point makes us smile a
little. To the terrible images of the old apocalypses,
228 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
to the gloomy visions of John, and the pseudo-Esdras,
succeed the gentle imaginations of a little pious
romance, at once affecting and simple, and whose
childish style is not free from insipidity.
The prophetic attempt of pseudo-Hermas was not,
moreover, an isolated fact ; it belonged to the
general state of the Christian conscience. In fifteen
years the same causes will produce facts of the same
order in the most remote districts of Asia Minor,
against which the episcopacy will employ much
greater severity.
CHAPTER XXII.
ORTHODOX ASIA — POLYCARPUS.
Although Asia was already disturbed by the sec-
tarian spirit, it nevertheless continued to be, next to
Rome, the province in which Christianity flourished
the most. It was the most pious country in the
world; the country in which credulity offered to
the inventors of new rehgions the most fertile field.
To become a god was a very easy matter ; incarna-
tions, the terrestrial alternations of the immortals,
were looked upon as ordinary events : every kind of
imposture succeeded. People were still full of the
recollection of Apollonius of Tyana — the legend
regarding him increased day by day. An author,
who took the name of Moeragenes, wrote the most
marvellous stories about him ; then a certain Maximus
of ^ges composed a book exclusively devoted to the
extraordinary things which Apollonius had done at
uEges in Cilicia. In spite of the railleries of Lucian,
"the tragedy," as he calls it, succeeded astonishingly.
Later, about the year 200, Philostratus wrote at the
THE OHRTSTIAN CHURCH. 229
request of the Syrian lady, Julia Domna, that in-
sipid romance which passed for an exquisite book, and
which, according to a very serious Pagan writer,
should have been entitled, " Sojourn of a God among
Men." Its success was immense. Because of it,
Apollonius came to be considered as the first of
sages, a veritable friend of the gods, as a god him-
self. His image was to be seen in the sanctuaries ;
temples were even dedicated to him. His miracles,
his beautiful speeches, afforded edification for all
classes. He was a sort of Christ of Paganism ; and
undoubtedly the intention of opposing an ideal of
beneficent holiness to that of the Christians was not
foreign to his apotheosis. In the last days of the
struggle between Christianity and Paganism he was
compared only to Jesus, and his life, as revealed in
his letters, was preferred to the Gospels, the work of
grosser minds. A Paphlagonian charlatan, Alex-
ander of Abonoticus, attained through his assurance
a success no less prodigious. He was a very hand-
some man. He had a superb presence, a most
melodious voice, hair of enormous length, which it
was pretended he had inherited from Perseus, and
passed as one who predicted the future with the
frantic enthusiasm of the ancient soothsayers. He
enclosed a small serpent in a goose's egg, broke the
egg before the multitude, and made believe that it
was an incarnation of Esculapius, who had chosen for
his abode the city of Abonoticus. The god attained
maturity in a few days. The people of Abonoticus
were astonished soon to see on a canopy an enormous
serpent with a human head, splendidly clothed,
opening and closing its mouth and brandishing its
sting. It was Alexander himself who was thus
decked out, he having coiled round his chest and
about his neck a tame serpent, whose tail hung down
in front. He had made himself a head of linen,
which he had besmeared artistically enough ; and by
230 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
means of horse hair he made the jaws and the sting
move. The new god was called Glycon, and people
came from every part of the empire to consult it.
Abonoticus became the centre of unbridled thau-
maturgy. The result was an abundant manufac-
ture oi painted images, talismans, idols of silver and
of bronze, which had an extraordinary popularity.
Alexander was powerful enough to raise in his
district a genuine persecution against the Christians
and the Epicureans who refused to believe in him.
He established a cult which, in spite of its wholly
charlatanistic and even obscene character, had much
vogue, and attracted a multitude of religious people.
But the most singular thing of all was that Romans
of high standing, such as Severian, legate of Cappa-
docia, and Rutilianus, a man of consular dignity, one
of the first men of his time, were his dupes, and that
the impostor succeeded in having the name of
Abonoticus changed to lonopolis. He required also
that the coinage of that city should bear henceforth
on the one side the efiigy of Glycon, on the other
his own, with the arms of Perseus and of Esculapius.
Actually the coins of Abonoticus, at the time of
Antonine and Marcus Aurelius, bore the figure of a
serpent with the head of a man with long hair and
beard, and on the obverse the word tatkon. The
coins of the same city, with the medal of Lucius Verus,
bore the serpent and the name mNOnOAElTXiN.
Under Marcus Aurelius we shall see this ridiculous
religion assume an incredible importance. It lasted
until the second half of the third century,
Nerullinus, at Troas, succeeded in a fraudulent
enterprise of the same kind. His statue uttered
oracles, cured maladies ; sacrifices were offered to it,
and it was crowned with flowers. It was especially
the absurd ideas about medicine, the belief in medical
dreams, in the oracles of Esculapius, etc., which kept
the minds of people in that state of superstition. We
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 231
are diim founded at seeing Galian himself addicted to
similar follies. More incredible still is the career of
that u3^1ius Aristides, religious sophist, devout Pagan,
a sort of bishop or saint, pressing pious materialism
and credulity to its utmost hmits ; yet this did not
prevent him from being one of the most admired and
most honoured men of his age. The Epicureans alone
repudiated these follies unreservedly. There were
still some men of intellect, such as Celsus, Lucian,
Demonax, who could laugh at it. Soon, however,
there shall be no more such, and credulity will reign
mistress over a debased world. The name of Atheist
was dangerous, for it put him to whom it was attri-
buted without the pale of the law, and exposed him
even to the scaffold ; yet one was an Atheist because
he denied the local superstitions and stood up against
charlatans. We can conceive how such devices must
have been favourable to the propagation of Christi-
anity. We do not perhaps exaggerate much when
we admit that nearly the half of the population had
avowed Christianity. In certain cities, such as
Hierapohs, Christianity was publicly professed.
Some inscriptions, still decipherable, attest beneficent
foundations which were to be distributed at Easter
and at Pentecost. Co-operative associations of work-
men, societies for mutual succour, were there skilfully
organised. These manufacturing cities, which con-
tained for a long time colonies of Jews, who perhaps
had carried with them thence the industries of the
East, were ready to receive every social idea of the
age. Works of charity were wonderfully developed.
Nursing institutions and establishments for found-
lings were there. The labourer, so depised in ancient
times, attained, through associatiouj^ to dignity of
existence and to happiness. That interior life, all
the more active because it was not disturbed by
politics, made of Asia Minor a field closed to all the
rehgious strifes of the times. The directions in
232 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
which the Church was divided there were singularly
visible ; for nowhere else was the Church in such a
state of fermentation, or showed its internal labour
more distinctly. Conservatives and Progressists,
Judeo-Christians and enemies of Judaism, Millen-
arians and Spiritualists, were there opposed as two
armies, who, after having fought, finished by breaking
their ranks and fraternising together. There had
lived, or was still living, a whole Christian world which
did not know St Paul. Papias, the most narrow-
minded of the Fathers of his times ; Melito, almost as
materialistic as he; the ultra-conservative Polycarpus ;
the presbi/ieri who taught Irenseus his unpolished Mil-
lenarianism ; the chiefs of the Montanist movement,
who pretended to have witnessed again the scenes of
the first supper at Jerusalem. There too were to be
found, or had come thence, the men who had mostboldly
launched themselves into innovations — the author of the
fourth Gospel, Cerdo, Marcion, Praxeas, Noetus, Apol-
linarius of Hierapolis, the Aloges, who, full of aversion
for the Apocalypse, Millenarianism, Montanism, gave
the hand to Gnosticism and to philosophy. Spiritual
exercises which had disappeared elsewhere, continued
to flourish in Asia. They had prophets there — a cer-
tain Quadratus, and one Ammia of Philadelphia.
People gloried especially over the considerable
number of martyrs and confessors. Asia Minor
witnessed numerous executions, in particular cruci-
fixions. The different Churches made a boast of
this, alleging that persecution was the privilege of
truth ; a matter that is debateable, seeing that all
those sects had martyrs ; at times, the Marcionites
and Montanists had more than the orthodox. No
calumny then was spared by the latter in order
to depreciate the martyrs of their rivals. These
enmities endured to the death. We see the con-
fessors, while expiring for the same Christ, turning
their backs on one another, in order to avoid all that
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 233
might resemble a mark of communion. Two
martyrs, born at Eumenia, namely, Cains and Alex-
ander, who were executed at Apamea Kibotos, went
the length of taking the most minute precautious
in order that it might not be thought that they ad-
hered to the inspirations of Montanus and of his
wives. Such conduct shocks us, but we must not
forget that, according to the opinions of the times,
the last words and the last acts of martyrs pos-
sessed a high importance. Martyrs were consulted
on questions of orthodoxy; from the depths of their
dungeons they reconciled dissentients, and gave cer-
tificates of absolution. They were regarded as being
charged by the Church with the role of pacificators,
and with a sort of doctrinal mission.
Far from being hurtful to propagandism, these divi-
sions were serviceable to it. The churches were rich
and numerous. Nowhere else did the episcopate con-
tain so many capable, moderate, and courageous men.
We may cite Thraseas, Bishop of Eumenia ; Sagaris,
Bishop of Laodicea; Papirius, whose birthplace is
not known ; Apollinaris of Hierapolis, wlio was
destined to play a considerable part in the capital
controversies which were soon to divide the Churches
of Asia ; Polycrates, the future Bishop of Ephesus,
the descendant of a family seven members of which
before him had been bishops. Sardis possessed a
real treasure, the learned Bishop Melito, who
already had prepared himself for the vast labours
which, later on, rendered his name celebrated. Like
Origen, at a subsequent date, he was anxious that
his chastity should be distinctly attested. His erudi-
tion resembled much that of Justin and of Tatian.
His theology had also a little of the materialistic
dulness which was a characteristic of these two
doctors ; for he thought that God had a body. He
appears to have been reproached by Papias for his
apocalyptic ideas. Miltiades, on his part, was a
284 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
laborious author, a zealous polemic, who struggled
against the heatheu, the Jews, the Montanists, the
ecstatic prophets, and made an apology for Chris-
tian philosophy, which he addressed to the Roman
authorities.
The aged Polycarpus, in particular, enjoyed high
authority at Smyrna. He was more than an octo-
genarian, and it would seem that he was believed to
have inherited his longevity from the Apostle John.
He was accredited with the gift of prophecy : it was
alleged that each word that he uttered would come
to pass. He himself lived in the belief that the
world was full of visions and of presages. Night
and day he prayed, including in his prayers the
wants of the entire world. As everybody admitted
that he had lived several years with the Apostle
John, people believed that they still possessed in
him the last witness of the apostolic age. People
surrounded him ; everybody sought to please him ;
a mark of his esteem was regarded as a high favour.
His pei'son was charming in the extreme. The
docile Christians adored him ; a band of disciples and
of admirers pressed around him, eager to render him
every service. But he was not popular in the city.
His intolerance, the pride of orthodoxy, which he did
not pretend to dissimulate, and which he communi-
cated to his disciples, wounded deeply both the Jews
and the heathen ; the latter knew but too well that
the disdainful old man looked upon them as wretches.
Polycarpus had all the peculiarities of an old man ;
he had a certain manner of acting and speaking
which made a vivid impression on young auditors.
His conversation was fluent, and when he went to
sit down on the place which he affected — doubtless
one of the terraces of the slopes of Mount Pagus,
whence one could see the sparkling gulf, and its
beautiful surrounding of mountains, it was known
beforehand what he was going to say. *' John and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 235
others who have seen the Lord ; " this was the way
in which he always commenced. He would tell
about the intimacy he had had with them, what he
had heard them say about Jesus, and about his
preaching. An echo of Galilee was thus made to
resound, at a distance of a hundred and twenty
years, upon the shores of another sea. He repeated
constantly that those men had been ocular wit-
nesses, and that he had seen them. He made no
more difficulty than did the Evangelists in regard
to borrowing from the preshyteri the maxims best
adapted to the second century, at the epoch in which
they were reputed to have lived. To so many
other obscure traditions in regard to the origins of
Christianity, a new source, more troublesome than
the others, was now about to be added.
The impression which Polycarpus produced was
not less profound. A long time after, his dis-
ciples would remind one another of the bench
on which he sat, his gait, his habits, his bodily
peculiarities, his manner of speaking. Every one of
his words were graven on their hearts. Now in the
circle which surrounded him there was a young
Greek, of about fifteen years of age, who was des-
tined to play one of the leading parts in ecclesias-
tical history. His name was Irenseus, who after-
wards transmitted to us the image — doubtless often
false, yet, at the same time, in many respects very
vivid — of the last days of the apostolic world,
whose setting sun he had, in a sort of way, been a
witness of. Irenasus was born a Christian, which
did not prevent him from frequenting the schools of
Asia, where he acquired an extensive knowledge of
the poets, and of the profane philosophers, especially
of Homer and of Plato. He had for a young friend
and co-disciple, if one may so express oneself, near
the old man, a certain Florinus, who held a some-
what important posit on at court, and who, sub-
236 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
sequently, embraced at Rome the Gnostic ideas oi
Valentimis.
Poly carpus, in the eyes of every one, was regarded
as the perfect type of orthodoxy. His doctrine was
the materialistic Millenarianism of the old apostolic
school. Far from having broken with Judaism, he
conformed to the practices of the moderate Judeo-
Christians. He resented the foolish embellishments
which the Gnostics had introduced into the Christian
teaching, and appears to have ignored the Gospel
which in his time already circulated under the name
of John. He held to the simple and unctuous
manner of the apostlic catechesis, and would not
have anything at all added to it. Everything that
had the resemblance of a new idea put him beside
himself. His hatred of heretics was intense, and
some of the anecdotes which he delighted to tell
about John were destined to make the violent in-
tolerance which, in his opinion, formed the basis of
the apostle's character, appear in a strong hght.
When any one dared to give vent in his presence to
some doctrine analogous to that of the Gnostics,
some theory calculated to introduce a little of ration-
alism into the Christian theology, he would get up,
stop his ears, and take to flight, exclaiming, " Oh,
good God, to what times hast thou reserved nie,
that I should have to put up with such language ! "
Irenseus was permeated to a large extent with the
same spirit, but the sweetness of his character served
to correct it in practice. The idea of holding fast to
the apostolic teaching became the basis of ortho-
doxy, in opposition to the presumption of the
Gnostics and Montanists, who pretended to have
re-discovered the actual doctrine of Jesus, which, in
their opinion, had been corrupted by his immediate
disciples.
Following the example of Paul, Ignatius, and other
celebrated pastors, Polycarpus wrote many letters to
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23?
the neighbouriog Churches and to individuals, in
order to instruct and exhort there. Only one of
these letters has been preserved to us. It is ad-
dressed to the faithful at PhiHppi, as touching some
confessors who were destined to martyrdom, who
chanced to be with them on their way from Asia to
Rome. Like all the apostolic or pseudo-apostolic
writings, it is a short treatise addressed to each of
the classes of the faithful which composed the Church.
Some serious doubts might be raised against the
authenticity of this epistle if it were not certain that
Irenseus had known it, and held it to be a work of
Poly carpus. Without this authority, we should rank
this short treatise with the epistles of St Ignatius, in
that class of writings of the end of the second century
by which it was sought to cover, by the most revered
names, the anti-Agnostic doctrines, and those which
were favourable to the episcopate. The document,
which is somewhat commonplace, possesses nothing
that is specially befitting the character of Polycarpus.
The imitation of the apostolic writings, particularly
the false Epistles to Titus and Timothy, the first of
Peter, and the Epistles of John, makes itself fully
felt in it. The author makes no distinction between
the authentic writings of the apostles and those
Avhich have been attributed to them. He evidently
knew the Epistle of St Clement by heart. The way
in which he reminds the Philippians that they have
an epistle from Paul, is suspicious. What singular
things all those hypotheses are I The Gospel at-
tributed to John is not cited, whilst a phrase of the
pseudo-Johannine epistle is brought in. Docility,
submission to the bishop, enthusiasm for martyrdom,
after the example of Ignatius, horror of heresies,
which, like Docetism, overthrew the faith in the
reality of Jesus ; such were the dominant ideas of
the author. If Polycarpus is not the author, we can
at least say that if he had been resuscitated a few
238 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
years after liis death, and had seen the compositions
which were read as his, he would not have protested,
and would have even found that people had cor-
rectly enough interpreted his thoughts. Irenseus at
Lyons may have been deceived in this matter like
every one else. If it was an error, he recognised in
this fragment the perfect character of the faith and
the teaching of his master.
Polycarpus, in those years of extreme old age, was
regarded as the President of the Church of Asia.
Some grave questions, which at first had barely been
stated, began to agitate these Churches. With his
ideas of hierarchy and of ecclesiastical unity, Poly-
carpus naturally thought of turning towards the
Bishop of Rome, to whom almost the whole world
about that time acknowledged a certain authority
in composing the divisions in Churches. The contro-
versial points were numerous ; it appears, moreover,
that the two heads of the Churches — Polycarpus and
Anicetus — had some petty grievances against one
another. One of the questions in controversy was in
regard to the celebration of Easter. In the early
days, all the Christians continued to make Easter
their principal feast. They celebrated that feast on
the same day as the Jews, the 14th Nisan, no matter on
what day of the week that day fell. Persuaded, accord-
ing to the allegations of all the ancient Gospels, that
Jesus, on the eve of his death, had eaten the Passover
with his disciples, they regarded such a solemnity
rather as a commemoration of the supper than as a
memorial of the resurrection. When Christianity
became separated more and more from Judaism, such
a manner of viewing it was found to be much out
of place. First, a new tradition was circulated, ac-
cording to which Jesus before his death had not
eaten the Passover ; but died on the same day as
the Jewish Passover, thus substituting himself for
the Paschal Lamb. Besides this, that purely Jewish
THE CHRISTIAN CHUKCH. 239
feast wounded the Christian conscience, especially
in the Churches of St Paul. The great feast of
the Christians was the resurrection of Jesus, which
occurred, in any case, the Sunday after the Jewish
Passover. According to this idea, the feast was
celebrated on the Sunday which followed the Friday
next after the 14th of Nisan.
At Rome this practice prevailed, at least from the
pontificates of Xystus and Telesphoros (about 120).
In Asia, people were much divided. Conservatives
hke Polycarpus, Melito, and all the old school, held
to the ancient Jewish practice, in conformity with the
first Gospels and with the usage of the Apostles John
and Philip. It hence happened that people did not
pray or fast on the same days. It was not till about
twenty years after that this controversy attained in
Asia the proportions of a schism. At the epoch in
which we now are, it had only just had its birth, and
was no doubt one of the least important among the
questions about which Polycarpus felt himself obliged
to go to Rome to have an interview with Pope
Anicetus. Perhaps Irenjeus and Florinus accom-
panied the old man on that journey, which being un-
dertaken during the summer, according to the customs
of navigation of the age, had nothing fatiguing about
it. The interview between Polycarpus and Anicetus
was very cordial. The discussion upon certain points
appears to have been somewhat lively ; but they un-
derstood one another. The question of Easter had
not yet reached maturity. For a long time before
this, the Church of Rome had acted upon the prin-
ciple of exhibiting in this matter great tolerance.
Conservatives of the Jewish order, when they came to
Rome, practised their rites without anybody finding
fault with them, or without causing any one to cease
fraternising with them. The Bishops of Rome sent
the Eucharist to some of the bishops who followed
in this particular another rule. Polycarpus and
240 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Anicetiis observed between them the same rule.
Polycarpus could not persuade Anicetus to renounce a
practice which the Bishops of Rome had followed be-
fore him. Anicetus, on his part, forebore when Poly-
carpus said to him that he held by the rule of John
and the other apostles with whom he had lived upon
a footing of familiarity. The two religious chiefs con-
tinued in full communion with one another, and Ani-
cetus even bestowed on Polycarpus an honour almost
unexampled. He was willing, in fact, that Polycarpus
should, in the assembly of the faithful at Rome,
pronounce instead of him, and in his presence, the
words of the eucharistic consecration. These ardent
men were full of too passionate a sentiment to rest
the unity of souls upon the uniformity of rites and
exterior observances. Later, Rome will display the
greatest pertinacity to make her rites prevail To
speak the truth, the point at issue, in this matter
of Easter, was not merely a simple difference of
calendar. The Roman rite, in choosing for its base
the grand Christian festival the anniversaries of the
death and the resurrection of Jesus, created the holy
week — that is to say, a whole cycle of consecrated
days, to the mysterious commemorations during which
fasting was continued. In the Asiatic rite, on the
contrary, the fast terminated on the evening of the
14th Nisan : Good Friday was no longer a day of
sadness. If that usage had prevailed, the scheme of
the Christian festivals would have been arrested in
its development.
The orthodox bishops had still too many common
enemies for them to pay attention to pitiful liturgic
rivalries. The Gnostic and Marcionite sects inundated
Rome, and threatened to put the orthodox Church
in a minority. Polycarpus was the declared adver-
sary of such ideas. Like Justin, with whom he was
probably in accord, he inveighed fiercely against the
sectaries. The rare privilege which he possessed of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 241
haviag seen the immediate disciples of Jesus, gave
him an immense authority. He pleaded, as was his
custom, the teaching of the apostles, of which he
alleged he was the only living auditor, and maintained
as a simple rule of faith the tradition which ascended
by an unbroken chain to Jesus himself. Nor was he
free from rudeness. One day he encountered in a
public place a man who, for a thousand reasons,
should have commanded his respect — Marcion him-
self " Do you not recognise me ? " said the latter to
him. " Yes," responded the passionate old man ;
" I recognise the first-born of Satan." IrenaBus can-
not enough admire this response, which shows how
very narrow the Christian mind had already become.
Jesus had much more wisely remarked : " He who is
not for you is against you." Is one always quite
sure of not being oneself the first-born of Satan?
How much more wise it is, instead of anathematising
at first him who chooses a different path from
oneself, to apply oneself to discover in what points
one may be right, what method he employs in looking
at things, and if there is not in his manner of
observing some grain of truth that one ought to
assimilate.
But that tone of assurance exercises a great effi-
cacy upon semi-cultured men. Many Valentinians
and Marcionites saw Polycarpus at Rome, and re-
turned to the orthodox Church. Polycarpus hence
left in the capital of the world a venerated name.
Irenaeus and Florinus in all probability remained at
Rome after the departure of their master ; these two
minds, so different from one another, were destined
to pursue paths the most opposite.
An immense result was accomplished. The rule
of prescription was laid down. The true doctrine
will henceforth be that which is generall}' professed
by the apostolic Churches, which it has always been.
Quod semper quod vlnque. Between Polycarpus and
Q
242 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
Valentin the matter is quite clear. Polycarpus held
to the apostolic tradition; Valentin, whatever he
may say himself, has not got it. Individual Churches
formed by their union the Catholic Church, the ab-
solute depository of the truth. He who prefers his
own ideas to those of this universal authority is a
sectary, a heretic.
CHAPTER XXIII.
MARTYRDOM OF POLYCARPUS.
Polycarpus returned to Symrna, as far as we can
make out, in the autumn of 154. A death worthy of
him awaited him there. Polycarpus had always pro-
fessed the doctrine that one ought not to court
martyrdom ; but many people who were not pos-
sessed of his virtue were not so prudent as he. To be
in the vicinage of the sombre enthusiasts of Phrygia
was dangerous. A Plnygian named Quintus, a Mon-
tanist formerly, came to Smyrna and attracted a
few enthusiasts, who followed his example of self-
denunciation, and provoked penal condemnation.
Sensible men blamed them, and said, with good
reason, that tlie Gospel did not demand such a sacri-
fice. Besides these fanatics, several Smyrniote Chris-
tians were also imprisoned. Amongst them were
found some Philadelphians, whom either accident
had conducted to Smyrna or whom the authorities,
after arresting them, had caused to be transferred
to Smyrna — a city of very considerable importance,
in which were celebrated great games. The number
of those so detained was about a dozen. According
to the hideous usage of the Romans, it was in the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, ^ 243
stadium, in default of an amphitheatre, that their
execution took place.
The tortures endured by these unfortunates were
of the most horribly atrocious character. Some were
so lacerated by whips that their veins, their arteries,
and the whole of their intestines were exposed.
Onlookers wept over them, but they could not extort
from them either a murmur or a plaint. The idea
was hence spread abroad that the martyrs of Christ,
during the torture, were separated from the body,
and that Christ himself assisted them, and spoke
with them. Fire produced on them the effect of a
delicious coolness. Exposed to wild beasts, dragged
over sand full of jagged shells,, they appeared in-
sensible to pain.
One only succumbed, and that was rightly the one
who had compromised the others. The Phrygian
was punished for his boasting. In sight of the wild
beasts he began to tremble. The men of the pro-
consul who surrounded him urged him to give in ;
he consented to take the oath and the sacrifice.
In that the faithful saw a sign from heaven, and the
condemnation of those who of their own accord
sought for death. Such conduct, arising from pride,
was considered as a sort of defiance of God. It was
admitted that the courage to endure martyrdom
came from on high, and that God, in order to demon-
strate that he was the source of all strength, was
pleased sometimes to show the greatest examples of
heroism in those who, put to the proof, had been,
distrustful of themselves, almost cowards.
People admired especially a young man named
Germanicus. He gave to his companions in agony
an example of superhuman courage. His struggle
with the wild beasts was admirable. The pro-consul,
Titus Statins Quadratus, a philosophic and moderate
man, a friend of ^Ehus Aristides, exhorted him to
take pity on his own youth. He thereupon set him-
244 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
self to excite the wild beasts, to call to them, to
tease them, in order that they might despatch him
more quickly from a perverse world. Such heroism,
far from touching- the multitude, only irritated it.
" Death to Atheists I Let Polycarpus be brought ! "
was the general cry.
Polycarpus, although blaming the foolish act of
Quintus, had not at first any desire to flee. Yielding
to eager solicitations, he consented, however, to with-
draw into a small country house, situated at no great
distance from the city, where he passed several days.
They came thither to arrest him. He quitted the
house precipitately and took refuge in another ; but a
young slave, when put to the torture, betrayed him.
A detachment of mounted police came to take him.
It was a Friday evening, the 22d February, at
dinner-hour, the old man was at table in an upper
room of the villa ; he might still have escaped, but
he said, " Let God's will be done ! " He quietly
came downstairs, spoke with the police, gave them
something to eat, and asked only an hour in which to
pray unmolested. He made then one of those long
prayers to which he was accustomed, in which he
included the whole Catholic Church. The night was
passed in this manner. The following morning,
Saturday, 23d February, he was placed upon an ass,
and they departed with him.
Before reaching the city, Herod, the Irenach, and
his father Nicetas, appeared in a carriage. They had
had some relations with the Christians. Alces, sister
of Nicetas, appears to have been afiihated with the
Church. They, it is said, placed the old man in the
carriage between them, and attempted to gain him
over. *' What harm can it be," said they, " in order
to save one's life, to say Kyrios Kcesar^ to make sacri-
fice, and the rest?" Polycarpus was inflexible. It
seems that the two magistrates then flew into a
passion, said hard words to him, and ejected him
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 245
SO rndely from the carriage as to peel the skin off his
He was taken to the stadium, which was situated
about midway up Mount Pagus. The people were
already assembled there ; there was a tumultuous
noise. At the moment the old man was brought in,
the noise redoubled ; the Christians alone heard a
voice from heaven saying: "Be strong, be manly,
Polycarpus ! " The bishop was led to the pro-consul,
who employed the ordinary phrases in such circum-
stances.
" From the respect that thou owest to thy age, etc.,
sware by the fortune of Csesar, cry as every one does,
' Death to Atheists ! ' "
Polycarpus thereupon cast a severe look upon
the multitude which covered the steps, and pointed
to them with his hand.
' " Yes, certainly," said he, " no more Atheists," and
he raised his eyes to heaven with a deep sigh.
" Insult Christ," said Statius Quadratus.
" It is now eighty-six years that I have served him,
and he has never done me any injury," said Poly-
carpus. " I am a Christian. If thou wishest to know
what it is to be a Christian," added he, " grant me a
day's delay, and give me thy attention."
"Persuade, then, the people to that," responded
Quadratus.
"With thee it is worth one's while to discuss,"
responded Polycarpus. " We hold it as a principle
to render to the powers and to the established
authorities, through God, the honours which are
their due, provided that these marks of respect do
no injury to our faith. As for these people there, I
will never deign to condescend to make my apology
to them."
The pro-consul threatened him in vain with
wild beasts and with fire. It was necessary to
announce to the people that Polycarpus held pbstin-
246 TilE CHRISTIAX CHURCH.
ately to his faith. Jews and Pagans cried out for
his blood.
"Look at him, the doctor of Asia — the father of
the Christians," said the former.
"Behold him, the destroyer of our gods, he who
teaches not to sacrifice, not to adore," said the latter.
At the same time they demanded of Philippe of
Tralles, asiarch and high priest of Asia, to let loose
a lion upon Polycarpus. Philippe drew attention of
the multitude to the fact that the games with the
wild beasts were at an end.
" To the fire, then ! " So was the shout which
went up from all sides. The people dispersed them-
selves amongst the shops and the baths to search for
wood and fagots. The Jews, who were numerous
at Smyrna, and always strongly incensed against
the Christians, exhibited in this work, as usual, a
zeal wholly peculiar to them.
While the funeral pile was being made ready,
Polycarpus took off his girdle, divested himself of all
his garments, and attempted also to take off his shoes.
This was not accomplished without some difficulty ;
for in ordinary times the faithful who surrouaded
him were in the habit of insisting on relieving him
from that trouble, as they were jealous of the privi-
lege of touchiug him. He was placed in the centre
of the apparatus which was used for fixing the
victim, and they were about to begin to nail him
to it.
" Leave me thus," said he ; " He who gives me the
fortitude to endure the fire will bestow on me also
the strength to remain immovable on the pile, with-
out its being necessary for you to nail me to it."
They did not nail him, they simply bound him.
So, with his hands tied behind his back, he had the
look of a victim ; and the Christians who watched
him from afar saw in him a ram chosen from amongst
the whole flock to be offered up to God as a burnt-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 247
offering. During this time he prayed and thanked
God for having included him in the number of the
martyrs.
The flames then began to rise. The exaltation of
the faithful witnesses of this spectacle was at its
height. As they were some distance from the pile,
they might indulge in the most singular illusions.
The fire seemed to them to round itself into a vault
above the body of the martyr, and to present the
aspect of a ship's sail filled with the wind. The old
man, placed amidst that chapelle ardent, appeared to
them not as flesh which burned, but as bread being
baked, or as a mass of gold and silver in the furnace.
They imagined that they felt a delicious odour like
that of incense, or of the most precious perfumes
(probably the vine branches, and tLe light wood of
the pile had something to do with this). They even
declared afterwards that Polycarpus had not been
burned, that the confector was obliged to give him a
thrust with a poignard, and that there flowed from
the wound so much blood that the fire was extin-
guished by it.
The Christians naturally attached the greatest
value to their possessing the body of the martyr.
But the authorities hesitated to give it to them,
fearing that the martyr would become the object of
a new worship. "They might be capable," said
they, laughing, " of abandoning the Crucified One for
him." The Jews mounted guard near to the funeral
pile, to watch what they were going to do. The
centurion on duty showed himself favourable to the
Christians, and allowed them to take these bones,
*'more precious than the most precious stones, and
than the purest gold." They were calcined. In
order to reconcile this fact with the marvellous
recital, they pretended that it was the centurion
who had burned the body. They put the ashes into
a consecrated place, where people resorted every
248 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCa
year to celebrate the anniversary of the martyr-
dom, and to incite one another to walk in the steps
of the holy old man.
The fortitude of Polycarpns made a deep impres-
sion on the Pagans themselves. The authorities, not
wishing a renewal of similar scenes, put an end to
executions. The name of Polycarpus continued to
be celebrated at Smyrna, Avhilst people soon forgot
the eleven or twelve Smyrniotes or Philadelphians
who had suffered before him. The Churches of Asia
and of Galatia, at the news of the death of their
great pastor, asked the Smyrniotes for the details of
what had taken place. Those of Philomelium, in
Phrigian Parorea, exhibited, in particular, a touch-
ing zeal. The Church of Smyrna caused one of the
elders to write down the account of the martyrdom,
in the form of a circular epistle, which was addressed
to the different Churches. The faithful of Philomel-
ium, who were not far off, were charged with trans-
mitting the letter to the brethren at a distance.
The copy of the Philomelians, copied by a certain
Evarestur, and carried by one named Marcion, served
subsequently as the basis of the original edition.
As happens frequently in the publication of circular
letters, the finales of the different copies were made
to dovetail the one into the other. This rare frag-
ment constitutes the most ancient example known of
the Acts of Martyrdom. It was the model which
people imitated, and which furnished the form and
the essential parts of those kinds of compositions.
Only the imitations had not the naturalness and
simplicity of the original. It seems that the author
of the false Ignatian letters had read the Smyrniote
epistle. There is the closest connection between
these writings, and a great similarity of thought.
After Ignatius, Polycarpus was the person who
copied the most of the thoughts of the false letters
and it is in the true or supposed epistle of Polycarpus
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 249
that he seeks his point d'appui. The idea that mar-
tyrdom is the supreme favour that one ought to
seek after, and to request of Heaven, found in the
Smyrniote encycHcal its first and perfect expression.
But the enthusiasm for martyrdom is there kept
within the Hmits of moderation. The author of this
remarkable writing loses no occasion to show that
true martyrdom, the martyrdom conformable with
the Gospel, is that which one does not seek after,
but which one expects. The provocation appeared
to him so blameable, that he experiences a certain
satisfaction in showing that the Phrygian fanatic
yielded to the entreaties of the pro-consul, and became
an apostate.
Frivolous, light-headed, prone to whimsicalities,
Asia turned these tragedies into stories, and made a
caricature of martyrdom. About that time there
lived a certain Peregrinus, a cynic philosopher of
Parium, upon the Hellespont, who called himself
Froteus, and in regard to whom people boasted of
the facility with which he could assume any char-
acter, and undertake any adventure. Among these
adventures was that of posing as a bishop and
a martyr. Having begun hfe by committing the
most frightful crimes, parricide even, he became
a Christian, then a priest, a scribe, a prophet, a
thiasarch, and chief of the synagogue. He inter-
preted the sacred books, as composed by himself ;
he passed for an oracle, for a supreme authority, in
fact, on ecclesiastical rules. He was arrested for
that offence, and put in chains. This was the com-
mencement of his apotheosis. From that hour he
was adored ; people raised heaven and earth to affect
his escape, and manifested the greatest anxiety in
regard to him. In the mornings, at the prison gate,
the widows and orphans gathered to see him. The
notables obtained, by means of money, the privilege
of passing the night in his society. It was a con-
250 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
stant succession of dinners and of sacred feasts ;
people celebrated the Mysteries in close proximity to
him ; he was called only " the excellent Peregrinus,"
and was looked upon as a new Socrates.
All this took place in Syria. These public scandals
delighted the Christians ; they spared no effort in
such a case to render the manifestation a brilliant
affair. Envoys arrived from every town in Asia for
the purpose of rendering service to the confessor,
and of condoling with him. Money flowed in upon
him. But it was found that the governor of Syria
was a philosopher ; he penetrated the secret of our
subject, saw that he had but one idea, that of dying
in order to render his name celebrated, and he set
him free without punishment. Everywhere in his
travels Peregrinus revelled in abundance, the Chris-
tians surrounded him, and gave him an escort of
honour.
'' These imbeciles," adds Lucian, " were persuaded
that they were absolutely immortal, that they would
live eternally, which was the reason that they held
death in contempt, and that many amongst them
offered themselves up as sacrifices. Their first legis-
lator had persuaded them that they were all brothers,
from the moment that, denying the Hellenistic gods,
they adored the Crucified One, their sophist, and lived
according to his laws. They had, then, nothing but
disdain for things terrestrial, and they held the latter
as belonging to all in common But it were useless
to say that they had not a serious reason for believ-
ing all this. If, then, some impostor, some crafty
man, capable of making use of the situation, came to
them, they immediately laid their riches at his feet,
while he laughed in his sleeve at the silly fools."
Peregrinus having exhausted his resources, sought,
by means of a theatrical death at the Olympian
Games, to satisfy the insatiable desire that he had, to
wit: to make people speak of him. Pompous and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 251
voluntary suicide was, it is well known, the great
reproach which the sage philosophers brought against
the Christians.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CHRISTIANITY AMONGST THE GAUTS — THE CHURCH
OF LYONS.
For a short time it was believed that the death of
Polycarpus had put an end to persecution, and it
would seem that there was in fact an interval of
calm. The zeal of the Smyrniotes was but redoubled ;
and it is about this time that must be placed the
departure of a Christian colony, which, setting out
probably from Smyrna, carried the Gospel with
a bound into distant countries, where the name of
Jesus had not yet penetrated. Pothiniis, an old man
of seventy, probably a Smyrniote and a disciple of
Polycarpus, was, it seems, the chief of this new
departure.
For a long time a course of reciprocal communica-
tion had been established between the ports of Asia
Minor and the shores of the Mediterranean of Gaul
The ancient traces of the Phocians were not jet
wholly effaced. These populations of Asia and
Syria, for whom emigration to the East possessed a
great attraction, were fond of ascending the Rhone
and the Saone, carrying with them a portable bazaar
of divers merchandise, or else stopping on the banks of
these great rivers, at spots which held out to them
the hope of making a living. Vienne and Lyons, the
two principal towns of the country, were mostly the
points aimed at by the emigrants, who went into
Gaul as merchants, servants, workmen, and even as
252 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
physicians, whom the peasants amongst the Allo-
broges and Segusiavii did not possess to the same
extent. The laborious and industrial population of
the great towns on the banks of the Rhone was in a
great part composed of those Orientals, who are more
gentle, more intelligent, less superstitious than the
indigenous population, and, by reason of their insinu-
ating and amiable manners, capable of exercising
upon the former a profound influence. The Roman
Empire had broken down the barriers of national
sentiment, which prevented different peoples from
coming into contact. Certain propaganda which the
ancient Gaulish institutions, for example, had laid
down from the beginning, had become possible.
Rome persecuted, but did not use preventive means,
so that, far from being hurtful to the development
of an opinion aspiring to be universal, she aided it.
These Syrians and Asiatics arrived in the East
not knowing any tongue except the Greek. Among
themselves they did not cast aside that language ;
they made use of it in their writings, and in all
their personal relations; but they quickly acquired
Latin, and even Celtic. Greek, moreover, which
continued to be spoken in the region of the lower
Rhone, was known to a great extent in Vienne and
in Lyons.
These Christians of Lyons and Vienne, in setting
out from a very limited region, Asia and Phrygia,
being almost all compatriots, and having been in-
structed by the same books and by the same teach-
ings, afford an instance of rare unity. Their inter-
course with the Churches of Asia and Phrygia was
frequent : in grave circumstances it was to these
Churches that they wrote. Like Phrygians gener-
ally, they were ardent pietists ; but they had not
that sectarian tinge which soon made the Montanists
a danger, almost a plague, in the Church. Pothinus,
who was at first recoo:nised as the head of the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 253
Church of Lyons, was a respectable old man, and
moderate even in his enthusiasm.
Attains of Pergamos, who like him was a very old
man, appears to have been, after the former, the pillar
of the Church and the principal authority. He was
a Roman citizen and a rather important personage :
he knew Latin, and was recognised in every city as
the principal representative of the little community.
A Phrygian named Alexander, practising the medical
profession, was loved ..nd known by all. Initiated
into the pious secrets of the saints of Phrygia, he
possessed some of the graces, that is to say, the
supernatural gifts, of the apostolic age, which had
been revived in his native land. Like Polycarpus, he
had reached the highest state of the internal spiritual
communion. It was, as we see, a corner of Phrygia
which chance had transported bodily into Gaul. The
continual accessions coming from Asia maintained
that first hold and conserved there the spirit of
mysticism which had been its primitive character.
As soon as he was able, Irenasus, wearied out perhaps
by his struggles with Florimus and Blastus, quitted
Rome for this Church, composed entirely of the
countrymen, disciples, and the friends of Polycarpus.
Communication between Lyons and Vienne waa
constant : the two Churches, in reality, were but one,
and in both the Greek dominated ; but in both like-
wise there existed between the emigrants of Asia
and the indigenous population, who spoke Latin or
Celtic, the closest relations. The effect of this
familar preaching in the house and in the workshop
was rapid and profound. The women especially felt
themselves vehemently carried away by it. The
Gaulish nature, naturally sympathetic and religious,
promptly embraced the new ideas brought by the
strangers. Their religion, at once most idealistic and
most materialistic, their belief in perpetual visions,
their habit of transforming lively and delicate sensa-
254 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
tions into supernatural intuitions, suited those races
very well which were carried away by religious dreams,
and which the insufficient worships of Gaul and Rome
could not satisfy. The evangelic ministry was some-
times exercised in the Celtic tongue. It is remark-
able that amongst the new converts a great number
were Roman citizens.
One of the most important conquests was that
of a certain Vettius Epagathus, a young noble
Lyonese, who, when he had hardly been affiliated
to the Church, excelled everybody in piety and in
charity, and became one of the most distinguished
amongst them. He led so chaste and so austere a
life that he was, in spite of his youth, compared to
the aged Zacharias, an ascetic who was constantly
visited by the Holy Spirit. Devoted to works of
mercy, he became the servant .of all, and employed
his life to the succour of his neighbours with ad-
mirable zeal and fervour. It was believed that the
Paraclete dwelt in him, and that he acted in all cir-
cumstances under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.
The recollection left by the virtues of Vettius
became a popular tradition, which pretended to
ascribe to his family the evangelisation of the neigh-
bouring countries. He was in truth the first-fruits
of Christ in Gaul. Sanctus, the deacon of Vienne,
and especially the maid-servant Blandina, who was
much inferior to him in social dignity, equalled him
in earnestness. Blandina, above all, worked miracles.
She was so slender of body that it was feared she
had not the physical strength sufficient to confess
Christ. She displayed, on the contrary, the day
when the struggle came, an unexampled nervous
force ; she wearied out the torturers for a whole
day ; and it might be said that at each torment she
experienced a recrudescence of faith and of life.
Such was this Church, which in a bound attained
to the highest privileges of the Christian Churches
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 255
of Asia, and stood out in the centre of a still semi-
barbarous country, like a shining beacon. The
Christians of Lyons and Yienne, entrusted with the
Gospel of John and of the Apocalypse, without
having need of the stammering schools through
wdiich Christianity had passed, were carried at the
very first to the summit of perfection. Nowhere
was life more austere, enthusiasm more serious,
the desire to create the kingdom of God more
intense. Chilasmus, which had its home in Asia
Minor, was not less loudly proclaimed in Lyons.
Gaul hence entered the Church of Jesus through
a triumph hitherto unequalled. Lyons was desig-
nated as the religious capital of that country.
Fourvieres and Ainai are the two sacred points of
our Christian origins. Fourvieres, at the time of the
ecclesiastical annals of which we now speak, was
still a city wholly Pagan; as for Ainai (x\thanacum)
it is allowable to suppose that the Christian souvenirs
have some reason for attaching themselves to it.
This suburb, situated on the islands at the confluence
of the rivers, down the river from the Gaulish and
Koman city, came to be the lower part of the town,
the place where the Orientals disembarked, and where
probably they made some sojourn before settling
down. But this was undoubtedly the first Christian
quarter, and the very ancient church which is to be
seen there, is perhaps of all the edifices in France
the one which those who love antique souvenirs
ought to visit wdth the most respect. The Lyonese
character from this time forth was sketched with all
the features which distinguish it — need of the super-
natural, fervour of soul, a taste for the irrational,
perversity of judgment, ardent imagination, and a
profound and sensual mysticism. With this pas-
sionate race, high moral instincts do not spring from
reason, but from the heart and the bowels. The
origin of the Lyonese school in art and hterature
256 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
was already fully traced in that admirable letter
upon the frightful drama of 177. It is beautiful, odd
touching, sickly. There is mixed up in it a slight
aberration of the senses, a something resembling the
nervous quivering of the saints of Pepuza.
The relations of Epagathus with the Paraclete
savoured already of the city of spiritualism, the city
in which, towards the end of the last century,
Cagliostro had a temple. The anasstheses of
Blandiua, her familiar conversations with Christ,
whilst the bull is tossing her into the air ; the hallu-
cination of the martyrs, believing that they saw
Jesus in their sister, at the end of the arena bound
naked to a stake — the whole of this legend which on
the one hand transports you away from stoicism and
where on the other one approaches the catalep-
tic state, and to the experiences of Salpetriere, seems a
subject invented for those poets, painters, thinkers,
wholly original and idealistic, who imagine themselves
to paint only the soul, but in reality only dupes of
the body. Epictetus deports himself better; he
has shown in the battle of life as much heroism as
Attains and as Sanctus, but there is no legend con-
cerning him. The hegemonikon alone says nothing
to humanity. Man is a very complex being. Odc
can never charm or arouse the multitude with pure
truth : one has never made a great man out of a
eunuch, nor a great romance without love.
We shall soon witness the most dangerous chimeras
of Gnosticism finding at Lyons a prompt reception,
and almost by the side of Blandina the victims of the
seductions of Marcus flee from the Church, or com^
there to confess their sin, in habits of mourning. The
charm of the Lyonese, living in a sort of tender
decency and of voluptuous chastity ; her seductive
reserve, implying the secret idea that beauty is a
holy thing ; her strange facility for letting herself be
captivated by the appearances of mysticism and ol
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 257
pity, produced under Marcus Aurelius scenes which
might lead one to think they had taken place in our
own times. Marseilles, Aries, and the immediate
environs received alike under Antonius a first Chris-
tian preaching ; Nimes, on the contrary, appeared
to have resisted as long as possible the cult which
came from the East.
It was about the same time that Africa witnessed
the formation of stable Churches which were soon
to constitute one of the most original parties of the
new religion. Amongst the first founders of African
Christianity, the mystic tinge which in a few years
was denominated Montanist was no less strong than
amongst the Christians of Lyons. It is probable,
nevertheless, that the teaching of the kingdom of God
was in this case brought from Rome and not from
Asia. The Acts of St Perpetua, and in general the
Acts of the Martyrs of Africa — Tertullian, and the
other types of African Christianity — have an air of
fraternity with Pastor Hermas. Assuredly the first
bearers of the good news spoke Greek at Carthage,
as they did everywhere else. Greek was almost as
widespread in that city as Latin ; the Christian com-
munity at first made use of both languages ; soon,
however, the language of Rome predominated. Africa
thus gave the first example of a Latin Church. In a
few years a brilliant Christian literature was produced
in that eccentric idiom which the rude Punic genius
had drawn, b}^ the twofold hifluence of barbarism and
rhetoric, from the language of Cicero and of Tacitus.
A translation of the works of the Old and New Testa-
ments in that energetic dialect responded to the re-
quirements of the new converts, and was for a long
time the Bible of the AVest.
258 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE STRIFE AT ROME — MARTYRDOM OF ST
JUSTIN — FRONTON.
Distressing scenes, the consequence of a vicious
legislation, under the reign of one of the best of
sovereigns, were taking place everywhere. Sentences
of death and the denial of justice multiplied. The
Christians were often in the wrong. Severity, and
the ardent love of the good, by which they were
animated, carried them sometimes beyond the bounds
of moderation, and rendered them odious to those
whom they censured. The father, the son, the
husband, the wife, the neighbour, irritated by these
prying spies, revenged themselves by denouncing
them. Atrocious calumnies were the consequence of
these accumulated hatreds. It was about this time
that rumours, which up till then had no particular
force, assumed a definite form, and became a rooted
opinion. The mystery attaching to the Christian
reunions, the mutual affection which reigned in the
Church, gave birth to the most fooHsh notions. They
were supposed to form a secret society, to have
secrets known only to the initiated, to be guilty of
shameful promiscuity, and of loves contrary to nature.
Some spoke of the adoration of a god with the head
of an ass, others of the ignoble homage rendered to
the priest. One story which received general currency
was this: They presented to the person who was
being initiated an infant covered over with paste,
in order to train his hand by degrees to murder.
The novice struck, the blood poured forth, all drank
eagerly, they divided the trembling limbs, and
cemented thus their alliance through complicity, and
bound themselves to absolute silence. Then they
became drunk, lights were extinguished, and in the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 259
darkness they all gave themselves up to the most
hideous embracements. Eome was a city much given
to slander : a multitude of newsmongers and gossips
were on the watch for bizarre tales. Those silly tales
were repeated, passed off as being of public notoriety,
were transformed into outrages and into caricatures.
The serious part about it was this, that in the legal pro-
cesses to which those accusations gave rise they put
to the question slaves belonging to Christian houses
— women, young boys — who, overcome by the tor-
tures, said all that was wished of them, and afforded
a judicial basis for many odious inventions.
The calumnies, moreover, were reciprocal, the
Christians retorting on their adversaries the lies
invented against themselves. These sanguinary
feasts, these orgies, were practised only by the
Pagans. Had not their god set them the example
in every kind of vice ? In some of the most solemn
rites of the Roman worship, in the sacrifices to
Jupiter Latiaris, did they not indulge in the shed-
ding of human blood? The accusation was in-
accurate, but, for all that, it became one of the bases
of apologetic Christianity. The immorality of the
gods of ancient Olympus afforded the controver-
sialists an easy triumph. When Jupiter himself was
only the pure blue sky, he was immoral like nature
herself, and this immorality had no results. But
morals had now become the essence of religion ;
people required of the gods examples of citizen-like
integrity ; examples like those of which mythology
is full yielded only scandalous and irrefutable ob-
jections.
Above all things it was the public discussions
between the philosophers and the apologist which
embittered the minds of people, and led to the
gravest disturbances. In those discussions people
insulted one another, and, unhappily, the parties
were not equal. The philosophers had a sort of
260 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
official position and state function ; they received
emoluments for making profession of a wisdom
which they did not always teach by their example.
They ran no risks, and they were wrong in making
their adversaries feel that by saying a word they
could extinguish them. The Christians, on their
side, jeered at the philosophers for accepting emolu-
ments. Those w^ere insipid pleasantries, analogous
to those which we have seen exhibited in our times
against salaried philosophers. "Could they not,"
said people to one another, "wear their beards
gratis ! " People affected to believe that they rolled
in gold, treated them as sordid wretches, as para-
sites ; people objected to their doctrine, on the
ground that they knew how to do without men of
their manner of life — a life which appeared as one
of opulence to some people even poorer than them-
selves were.
The ardent Justin w^as at the head of these noisy
altercations, where we see him, towards the end of
his life, seconded by a disciple more violent yet
than himself, we mean the Assyrian Latianus, a
man of a gloomy disposition, and filled with hatred
against Hellenism. Born a Pagan, he studied litera-
ture extensively, and kept a public school of philo-
sophy, not without obtaining a certain reputation
as a teacher. Endowed with a melancholy imagi-
nation, Latianus was anxious to possess clear ideas
upon things which human destiny interdicted him
from acquiring. He had traversed, like his master
Justin, the whole circle of existing religions and
philosophies, had travelled, wished to be initiated
into all the pretended religious secrets, and at-
tended the different schools. Hellenism offended
him by its apparent levity of morals. Destitute of
all literary sentiment, he was incapable of appreci-
ating their divine beauty. The Scriptures of the
Hebrews had alone the privilege of satisfying him.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 261
They pleased him by their severe morality, their
simple style and assurance, by their monotheistic
character, and by the peremptory manner in which
they put to one side, by means of the creation dogma,
the restless cm'iosities of physics and metaphysics.
His contracted and dull mind had found in them
that which it wanted. He became a Christian, and
met in St Justin the doctor best fitted to com-
prehend his passionate philosophy ; he attached him
closely to him, and was in a manner his second in
the contests which he sustained against the sophists
and the rhetoricians.
Their usual antagonist was a cynic philosopher
named Crescentius, a personage, it seems, contemp-
tible enough, who had made a position at Rome by
his ascetic appearance and by his long beard. His
declamations against the fear of death did not im-
pede him from often menacing Justin and Tatian,
and of denouncing them : " Ah, you own, then, that
death is an evil ! " said they to him in turn, wittily
enough. Certainly Crescentius was wrong in abus-
ing thus the protection of the State to his adversaries.
But it must be confessed that Justin did not in that
case show him all the consideration he deserved.
He treated his adversaries as gourmands and im-
postors ; he was right, nevertheless, in reproaching
them with the emoluments they accepted. One can
be a pensioner without being, for all that, a niggardly
and covetous person. A circumstance w^hich occurred
about that time in Rome, showed how dangerous
it is to oppose persecution to fanaticism, even where
fanaticism is aggressive and tantalising.
There was in Rome a very wicked household, in
which the husband and the wife seemed to be rivals in
infamy. The wife was converted to Christianity by
one Ptolemy, abandoned her evils ways, made every
effort to convert her husband, and not succeeding
in this, thought of a divorce. She was afraid at
262 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
being accomplice in the impieties of him with
whom she lived united by society, sitting at the
same table, and sharing the same conch. In spite
of the counsels of her family, she sent to him the
notifications required by law, and quitted the con-
jugal abode. The husband protested, entered an
action, pleading that his wife was a Christian. The
wife obtained several delays. The husband, irri-
tated, directed, as was natural, all his anger against
Ptolemy.
He succeeded through a centurion, a friend of his,
in having Ptolemy arrested, and whom he persuaded
to ask simply of Ptolemy whether he were a
Christian. Ptolemy confessed that he was, and was
put in prison. After a very cruel detention he was
taken before Quintus Lollius Urbicus, prefect of
Rome. He was questioned afresh, and made fresh
avowals. Ptolemy was condemned to death. A
Christian, named Lucius, present at the hearing, in-
terpellated Urbicus. " How can you condemn a
man who is neither adulterer, thief, nor murderer,
who is guilty of no other crime than of avowing
himself a Christian ? Your judgment is indeed little
in accord with the piety of our Emperor, and with
the sentiments of the philosopher son of Caesar"
(Marcus Aurelius). Lucius having avowed himself
a Christian, Urbicus condemned him likewise to
death. " Thank you," responded Lucius ; " I am
obliged to you ; I am about to exchange wicked
masters for a father who is king of heaven." A
third auditor was seized with the same contagious
fury for martyrdom. He proclaimed himself a
Christian, and was ordered to be executed with the
two others. Justin was moved extremely by this
sanguinary drama. As long as Lollius Urbicus was
perfect of Rome, he could not protest ; but as soon
as that function passed to another, Justin addressed
to the senate a fresh apology. His own position
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 263
became precarious. He felt the danger of having
for an enemy a man like Crescentius, who by a
word could put him out of the way. It was with
the presentiment of a near death that he committed
to writing that eloquent defence against the ex-
ceptional situation to which the Christians were
reduced.
There is something bold in the attitude which an
obscure philosopher takes before the powerful body
which the provincials never designated otherwise
than hiera syncletos, " the holy assembly." Justin
brings back these arrogant people to a sentiment of
justice and of truth. The Sclat of their pretended
dignity may create an illusion in them ; but whether
they like it or like it not they are the brothers and the
fellow-creatures of those whom they prosecute. This
persecution is the proof of the truth of Christianity.
The best among the Pagans have in like manner been
persecuted — Musonius, for example—but what a dif-
ference I Whilst Socrates has not had a single
disciple who has been put to death for him, Jesus
has a multitude of witnesses — artisans, common
people, as well as philosophers, men of letters — who
have offered up their lives for him.
It is to be regretted that some of the enlightened
men of which the senate was then composed did
not study these beautiful pages. Perhaps they were
turned from them by other passages less philosophic,in
particular by the absurd demonomania which bristled
in each page. Justin challenges his readers to prove a
notorious fact, which was, that people brought to the
Christians the possessed whom the Pagan exorcists
were unable to heal. He held that to be a decisive
proof of the eternal fires in which demons shall one
day be punished along with the men who have
adored them. One page which ought to shock
wholly those whom Justin wished to convert, is the
one in which, after having established that the violent
264 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
measures of Roman legislation against Christianity
were the work of demons, he announces that God
will soon avenge the blood of his servants, in annihi-
lating the power of the genii of evil, and in consuming
all the world by fire (an idea that the worst wretches
made use of for the purpose of disorder and pillage).
If God differs, said he, it is only to wait until the
number of the elect be complete. Till then, he will
allow demons and wicked men to do all the evil that
they wish.
That which shows indeed what an amount of sim-
plicity of mind Justin combined with his rare sincerity,
is the petition by which he finishes his apology.
He requests that there should be given to his writ-
ing an official approbation, in order to correct the
opinion as to what concerns the Christians. "At
least," says he, " such a publicity would be less
objectionable than that which is given every day to
foolish farces, obscene writings, ballets. Epicurean
books, and other compositions of the same sort,
which are represented or are read with entire free-
dom. We see already how much Christianity shows
itself favourable to the most immoderate exercise
of authority, when this authority shall have been
acquired by it,"
Justin touches us more, when he regards death
Avith impassability : —
I fully expect, says he, to see myself denoanced some day,
and put into the stocks by the people whom I have mentioned, at
least by this Crescentius, more worthy of being called the friend of
noise and of vain show than the friend of wisdom, who goos about
every day affirming of us things of which he knows nothing,
accusing us in public of atheism and of impiety, in order to gain
the favour of an abused multitude. He must have a very wicked
soul to decry us thus, since even the man of ordinary morality
makes a point of not passing judgment upon things of which
he is ignorant. If he pretends that he is perfectly instructed in
our doctrine, it must be that the baseness of his mind has pre-
vented him from comprehending its majesty. If he understood it
thoroughly, there is nothing which obliges him to decry it, if it
THE CHRISTIAN CHUROH. 265
be not tbe fear of being himsi If regarded as a Christian. . . .
Understand, in fact, that I, having proposed some questions to him
on the subject, have clearly perceived, and I have even convinced
him that he knows nothing about them. And to demonstrate to
the whole world that what I say is the truth, I declare that if you
are still ignorant of this dispute I am ready to renew it in your
presence. The latter would indeed be a truly royal work. For,
if you were to see the questions which I proposed to hira and the
responses he made to them, you could not doubt his ignorance,
nor his little love for the truth.
The forecasts of St Justin were but too well
justified. Crescentius denounced him when he ought
to have contented himself by refuting him, and the
courageous doctor was put to death. Tatian escaped
the snares of the Cynic. We cannot enough regret,
for the sake of the memory of Antonine (or, if it is
wished, of Marcus Aurelias), that the courageous
advocate of a cause which was then that of liberty
of conscience should have suffered martrydom imder
his reign. If Justin called his rival " impostor," or
" shark," as Tatian informs us, he deserved the full
penalty which attached to the crime of proffering in-
sults in public. But Crescentius may have been no
less offensive, and he escaped punishment. Justin
was therefore punished for being a Christian. The
law was formal, and the conservators of the Roman
common weal hesitated to abrogate it. How many
precursors of the future suffered similarly under the
reign of the just and pious St Louis I
The attacks of Crescentius were but an isolated
circumstance. In the first century, some of the
most enlightened men were wholly ignorant of
Christianity ; but this is no longer possible. Every-
body has an opinion on the subject. The first
rhetorician of the times, L. Cornelius Fronton,
certainly wrote an invective against the Christians.
That discourse is lost ; we do not know in what
circumstances it was composed, but we can form
some idea of it from that which Municius Felix puts
266 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
into the mouth of his Cascilius. The work was not
like that of Celsus, consecrated to exegetical dis-
cussion ; it was nothing more than a philosophical
treatise. It consisted of several considerations on
the man of the world, and on politics. Fronton
accepted without examination the most calumnious
rumours against the Christians. He believed or
affected to believe what was told of their nocturnal
mysteries and of their sanguinary repasts. A very
honest man, but an official man, he had a horror of
a sect of men of no social standing. Satisfied with
a sort of vague belief in Providence, which he
capriciously associated with a polytheistic devotion,
he held to the established religion, not because he
alleged it was true, but because it was the ancient
religion, and formed part of the prejudices of a true
Roman. There is no doubt that in his declamation
he only took up a patriotic point of view, so as to
preach the respect that was due to national in-
stitutions, and that he only stood up in his con-
servative zeal against the foolish pretension of
illiterate people of mean condition aspiring to
reform beliefs. Perhaps he wound up ironically in
regard to the impotence of that unique God who,
too much occupied to be able to govern everything
well, abandoned his worshippers to death, and with
a few railleries upon the resurrection of the flesh.
The discourse of Fronton appealed only to the
lettered. Fronton rendered a very bad service to
Christianity in inculcating his ideas on the illustrious
pupil whom he educated with so much care, and
who came to be called Marcus Aurelius.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 267
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS.
If we accept the apologists, such as Aristides,
Quadratus, and Justin, who addressed themselves
to the Pagans, and the pure traditionists, such as
Papias and Hegesippus, who regarded the new re-
velation as essentially consisting in the words of
Jesus, almost all the Christian writers of the age
we have just left had the idea of augmenting the
list of sacred writings suscepl^ible of being read in
the Church. Despairing of succeeding in this
through their private authority, they assumed the
name of some apostle or of some apostolic personage,
and made no scruple in attributing to themselves
the inspiration which was indiscriminately enjoyed
by the immediate disciples of Jesus. This vein of
apocryphal literature was now exhausted. Pseudo-
Hermas only half succeeded. We shall see the
Reconnaissances of pseudo-Clementine and the pre-
tended Constitutions of the twelve apostles equally
stamped with suspicion in respect of canonicity.
The numerous Acts of Apostles which were produced
everywhere had only a partial success. No Apoca-
lypse appeared again to disturb seriously the masses.
The success of public readings had, up to this point,
been the criterions of canonicity. A Church admitted
such a writing imputed to an apostle or to an apos-
tolic personage to the public reading. The faithful
were edified. The rumour was spread in the neigh-
bouring Churches that a very beautiful communica-
tion had been made in such a community, on such a
day ; people wished to see the new writing, and
thus, little by little, this writing came to be accepted,
provided that it did not contain some stumbling-
block. But as time went on people became critical,
268 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
and successes such as those which ♦the Epistles to
Titus and to Timothy, the Second Epistle to Peter,
obtained, were no longer renewed.
The fertility of evangelical invention was in reality
exhausted ; the age of great legendary creation was
past ; people no longer invented anj^thing of import-
ance ; the success of psuedo-John was the last. But
the liberty of remodelling was sufficiently extensive,
at least outside the Churches of St Paul. Although
the four texts which became subsequently canonical,
had already a certain vogue, they were far from ex-
cluding similar texts. The Gospel of the Hebrews re-
tained all its authority. Justin and Tatian probably
made use of it. The author of the Epistles of St
Ignatius (second half of the second century) cites
it as a canonical and accepted text. No text, in fact,
destroyed the tradition or suppressed its rivals.
Books were rare, and badly preserved. Dionysius of.
Corinth, at the end of the second century, speaks of the
falsifiers of the " Scriptures of the Lord," which
induces the belief that the retouching continued for
more than a hundred years after the compilation of
our Mathew. Hence the indecisive form in the
sayings of Jesus which is to be remarked in the
apostolic fathers. The source is always vaguely in-
dicated ; great variations are produced in the cita-
tions up to the time of St Ireneeus. Sometimes the
words of Isaiah and Enoch are put forth for the
words of Jesus. There is no longer any distinction
between the Bible and the Gospel, and some words
of Luke are cited with this heading, " God says."
The Gospels thus were until about the year 160
and even beyond that, private writings designed
for small circles. Each of the latter had its own,
and for a long time individuals did not scruple to
complete and to continue already accepted texts.
The compilation had not taken a definite form. The
texts were added to, they were abridged ; such and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 269
such a passage was discussed, and the Gospels in
circulation were amalgamated, so as to form a single
and more portable work. The oral transmission, on
the other hand, continued to play a part. A multi-
tude of sayings were not written down : it would have
been necessary to determine the whole tradition.
Many of the evangelical elements were yet sporadic.
It was thus that the beautiful anecdote of the woman
taken in adultery circulated. It was made use of as
best it might in the fourth Gospel. The phrase, " Be
good money changers," which is cited as being " in
the Gospel," and as "scripture," did not find a corner
anywhere in it.
Certain abridgements which were threatened to be
made were much more serious. Every detail which
represented Christ as a man, appeared scandalous.
The fine verse of Luke, where Jesus weeps over
Jerusalem, was condemned by the uncultured sectaries
who pretended that weeping was a token of weak-
ness. The consoling angel and the bloody sweat on
the Mount of Olives provoked objections and analog-
ous mutilations. But orthodoxy, already dominant,
prevented these individual conceits from seriously
compromising the integrity of the texts already
sacred.
In truth, amidst all this chaos, order was established.
In like manner, between opposing doctrines an ortho-
doxy was designed, just as from amongst a multi-
tude of Gospels four texts tended to become more
and more canonical, to the exclusion of others. Mark,
pseudo-Matthew, Luke, and pseudo-John, tended
towards an official consecration. The Gospels of the
Hebrews, which at first equalled them in value, but
of which the Nazarenes and the Ebionites made a
dangerous use, began to be discarded. The Gospels
of Peter and the twelve apostles appeared to have
various defects, and were suppressed by the bishops.
How was it that people did not go still further, and
270 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
were not tempted to reduce the four Gospels to one
only, either by suppressing three, or in making a
unity of the four, after the manner of the Diatesseron
of Tatian, or in constructing a sort of Gospel a priori,
like Marcion? The honesty of the Church never
appears to greater advantage than in this circum-
stance. With a light heart she placed herself in the
most embarrassing situation. It was impossible that
some of these contradictions of the Gospels should
have escaped observation. Celsus was already keenly
alive to them. People preferred for the future to be
exposed to the most terrible objections, than that the
writings regarded by so many persons as inspired
should be condemned. Each of the four great
Gospels had its clientele, if one may thus express
oneself. To wrench them out of the hands of those
who admired them would have been an impossibility.
Besides, it might have resulted in condemning to
oblivion a multitude of beautiful details in which we
recognise Jesus, although the order of the narration
was different. The tetractys gained the day, except
in imposing upon ecclesiastical criticism the strangest
of tortures — that of making a text accord with four
texts discordant.
In any case, the Catholic Church no longer now
accords to any person the right to revise from top
to bottom the anterior texts, like as has been done
by Luke and pseudo-John. We have passed from
the age of living tradition to the age of moribund
tradition. The book, which until now had been
nothing, became everything for the people, who were
already removed from the ocular witnesses by two
or three generations. Towards the year 180, the
revolution will be complete. The Catholic Church
will declare the last of the Gospels rigorously
closed. There are four Gospels. Irenseus tells us
it is necessary to have four, and it is impossible
there can be more than four ; for there are four
THE OHKISTIAN CHURCH. 271
climates, four winds, four corners of the world,
calling each for a defender ; four revelations, that
of Adam, of Noah, of Moses, and of Jesus; four
animals in the cherub, and four mystic beasts in the
Apocalypse. Each of these monsters who for the
prophet of the year 69 were simple animated orna-
ments of the throne of God, became the emblem of
one of the four accepted texts. It was admitted
that the Gospel was like the cherub, tetramorphous.
To put the four texts in accord, to harmonise the
one with the other, was the difficult task which
shall henceforth be pursued by those who attempt
to form to themselves a conception, be it ever so
little reasonable, of the life of Jesus.
The most original endeavour to get out of this
confusion was certainly that of Tatian, the disciple
of Justin. His Diatesseron was the first essay at
harmonising the Gospels. The Synoptics, together
with the Gospel of the Hebrews and the Gospels of
Peter, were the basis of his labour. The text which
resulted from it resembled closely enough the Gospel
of the Hebrews ; the genealogies, as well as every-
thing which connected Jesus with the race of David,
were wanting in it. The success of the book of
Tatian was at first very considerable ; many of
the Churches adopted it as a convenient rhumS of
evangelical history, but the heresies of the author
rendered the orthodoxy suspicious ; in the end, the
book was withdrawn from circulation, and the diver-
sity of texts finally gained the day in the Church
Catholic.
It was not thus with the numerous sects which
sprang up everywhere. It did not please the latter
that evangelical productions had in a manner be-
come crystalised, and that there was no longer any
reason for writing new lives of Jesus, The Gnostic
sects desired to renew continually the texts, in order
to satisfy their ardent fantasy. Almost all the heads
272 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
of sects had Gospels bearing their names, after the
example set by Basilides, or after the manner of
Marcion, according to their good pleasure. That
of Apelles was drawn, like so many others, from
the Gospel of the Hebrews. Markos drew from
every source the authentic and the apocryphal.
Valentinus, as we have seen, pretended to ascend
to the apostles through personal traditions given to
him. People quoted a Gospel according to Philip,
which was greatly prized by certain sects, and an-
other that they called " The Gospel of Perfection."
The names of the apostles furnished a sufficient
guarantee for all these frauds. There was hardly
one of the twelve who had not a Gospel imputed
to him. No more Gospels were invented, it is true,
but people wanted to know the details which had
been omitted in the four inspired ones. The infancy
of Christ, in particular, excited the liveliest curiosity.
People would not admit that he, whose life had been
a prodigy, had lived for some years as an obscure
Nazarene.
Such was the origin of that which is called " Apo-
cryphal Gospels," a long series of feeble productions,
the commencement of which may be safely placed
about the middle ot the second century. It would
be doing an injury to Christian literature to place
those insipid compositions on the same footing with
the masterpieces of Mark, Luke, and Matthew. The
apocryphal Gospels are the Pourajias of Christianity ;
they have for their basis the canonical Gospels. The
author takes these Gospels as a theme from which
he never deviates ; he seeks simply to elucidate and
perfect by the ordinary processes of the Hebraic
legend. Luke already had followed the same course.
In his deductions in regard to the infancy of Jesus,
and the birth of John the Baptist, he uses processes
of amplification ; his pious mechanism of mise en scene
is the prelude to the apocryphal Gospels. The authors
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 273
of the latter make the utmost use of the sacred rhe-
toric, which, however, was employed by Luke with
discretion. Their innovations were few, imitated,
and exaggerated. They did for the canonical Gospels
what the authors of the Post-Homerica have done
for Homer, what the comparatively modern authors
of Dionysiacso or Argonautics have done for the
Greek epopee. They dealt with those parts which
the canonists, for good reasons, neglected; they added
that which might have happened, that which ap-
peared probable ; they developed the situations by
means of artificial reconciliations borrowed from the
sacred texts. Finally, they sometimes proceeded
by monographs, and sought to construct legend out
of all the evangelical personages in the scattered
details which had reference to them. They thus
limited themselves in everything to embroidering
on a given canvas. This was so different from the
assurance of the old evangelists, who spoke as if in-
spired from on high, and pushed boldly forward, each
in his way, the details of their narratives, without
troubling themselves whether they contradicted one
another. The fabricators of the apocryphal Gospels
were timid. They cited their authorities ; they were
restricted by the canonists. The faculty for creat-
ing the myth was altogether wanting ; they could no
longer even invent a miracle. As for details, it is
impossible to conceive anything more contemptible,
more pitiful. It is the tiresome verbiage of an old
gossip, the vulgar and famihar style of a literature of
wet nurses and nursery maids. Like the degenerate
Catholicism of modern times, the authors of the apo-
cryphal Gospels on their part descended to the puerile
side of Christianity — the infant Jesus, the Virgin
Mary, Saint Joseph. The veritable Jesus, the Jesus
of public life, Avas beyond them, and frightened them.
The real cause of this sad debasement was a total
change in the manner ot comprehending the super-
S
274 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
natural. The canonical Gospels maintained them-
selves with a rare dexterity on the verge of a false
situation, which, however, was full of charm. Their
Jesus is not God, since his whole life is that of a
man. He weeps, and allows himself to be moved by
pity : he is filled with deity : his attitude is compat-
ible with art, with imagination, and with moral
sense. His thauraaturgy, in particular, is that which
is becoming to a divine envoy. In the apocryphal
Gospels, on the contrary, Jesus is a supernatural
spectre, without bodily corporeity. In him humanity
is a lie. In his cradle you would take him for an
infant : but Avait a little : miracles start up round
about him ; this infant calls out to you, "I am the
Logos." The thaumaturgy of this new Christ is
material, mechanical, immoral ; it is the juggleries
of a magician. Wherever he passes, he acts as a
magnetic force. Nature is unhinged, and beside
itself by the eifect of his vicinage. Each word of his
is followed by miraculous effects, " for good as well
as for evil." Doubtless the canonical Gospels were
sometimes not free from this defect ; the episodes of
the swine of the Gergesenes, of the fig-tree that was
cursed, could have only inspired in contemporaries a
rather barren moral refl.ection : " The author of such
acts must indeed be powerful." But these cases are
rare, whilst in the apocryphas the true notion of
Jesus, at once human and divine, is perfectly obKter-
ated. In becoming a pure deva, Jesus lost all which
had rendered him amiable and affecting. People
were constrained, logically enough, to deny his per-
sonal identity, to make of him an intermittent spectre,
which showed itself to his disciples now young, now
old, now an infant, now an old man, now tall, now
short, and sometimes so tall that its head touched
the sky.
The oldest and the least objectionable of these
insipid rhapsodies is the narrative of the birth of
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 275
Mary, of her marriage, of the birth of Jesus, reputed
to be written by a certain James, a narrative to which
has been given the erroneous title of Protevangel of
James. A Gnostic book, the Genua Marias, which
appears to have been known to St Justin, ma}^
have served as the first foundation of it. No book
has had so much importance as the latter as regards
the history of the Christian festivals and Christian
art. The parents of the Virgin, Anne and Joachim ;
the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple, and
the idea that she had been brought up as if in a
convent ; the marriage of the Virgin ; the meeting of
the widowers, the circumstance of the miraculous
wands, the picture of which, in certain parts, has
been sketched so admirably. The whole of this
comes from this curious writing. The Greek Church
regarded it as semi-inspired, and admitted it in the
public readings in the churches, at the feasts of St
Joachim, of St Anne, of the Conception, of the
Nativity, of the Presentation of the Virgin. Its
Hebrew colouring is still sufficiently distinct. Some
pictures of the manners of the Jews recall at times
the Book of Tobias. There are distinct traces of
Ebionite Judeo-Christianity and of Docetism ; in it
marriage is almost reprobated.
Many passages of that singular book are not
destitute of grace, nor even of a certain naivety.
The author applies to the birth of Mary, and to all
the circumstances of the infancy of Jesus, the methods
of narration the germ of which was already to be
found in Luke and Matthew. The anecdotes in
regard to the infancy of Jesus in Luke and in
Matthew are ingenious imitations of what is recounted
in the ancient books and in the modern agadas about
the birth of Samuel, Sam.son, Moses, Abraham, and
Isaac. In this class of writings there was an habi-
tual introduction giving the history of all the great
men, several species of commonplaces, always the
276 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
same, and topics of pious invention. The infant
destined to play an extraordinary part must be born
of aged parents for long sterile, " so as to demon-
strate that the child was a favour bestowed by God,
and not the fruit of an unbridled passion." It was
held that the Divine power shone out to more advan-
tage when human agency was absent. The result
of long expectation and of assiduous prayers, the
future great man was announced by an angel, at some
solemn moment. It was thus in the case of Samson
and of Samuel. According to Luke, the birth of
John the Baptist occurred under such conditions.
It is believed that it was the same in the case of
Mary. Her birth, like that of John and of Jesus,
was preceded by an annunciation, accompanied with
prayers and with canticles. Anne and Joachim are
the exact counterparts of Elizabeth and Zacharias.
Some go even beyond that, and embellish the in-
fancy of Anne. This retrospective application of the
methods of evangelical legend becomes a fruitful,
source of fables responding to the requirements, con-
stantly springing up, of Christian piety. People
could no longer consider Mary, Joseph, and their
ancestors as ordinary personages. The cult of the
Virgin, which later on attained so enormous propor-
tions, had already made invasions in every quarter.
A multitude of details, sometimes puerile yet
always conforming to the sentiment of the times, or
susceptible of removing the difficulties which the
ancient Gospels presented, were disseminated by
means of these compositions, at first not avowed, or
even condemned, but which finished soon in being
right. The case of the nativity was completed ; the
ox and the ass take definitely their places in it.
Joseph is depicted as a widower four score years
old, the simple protector of Mary. We could have
wished that the latter had remained a virgin after
as well as before the birth of Jesus. She was made
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 277
to be of a royal and sacerdotal race, being descended
at once from David and from Levi. People cannot
represent to themselves that she died like a simple
woman. They already speak of her ascension to
heaven. The assumption was created, like so many
other festivals, by the cycle of apocryphas.
An accent of lively piety distinguishes all the
compositions of which we have just been speaking,
whilst one cannot read without being disgusted the
Gospel of Thomas — an insipid work, which does as
little honom- as possible to the Christian family, very
old though it be, which produced it. It is the point
of departure of these flat merveilles in regard to the
infancy of Jesus which, by reason of their very dull-
ness had a success so disastrous in the East. In
them Jesus figures as an enfant terrible, wicked,
rancorous, the dread of his parents and of every-
body. He kills his companions, transforms them
into he-goats, blinds their parents, confounds his
masters, demonstrates to them that they knoAv
nothing about the mysteries of the alphabet, and
forces them to ask pardon of him. People flee from
him as from a pestilence. Joseph in vain beseeches
him to remain quiet. This grotesque image of an
omnipotent and omniscient gamin is one of the
greatest caricatures that was ever invented, and
certainly those who wrote it had too little wit for
one to credit them with the intention of having
meant it as a piece of irony. It was not without a
theological design, that, contrary to the perfect
system of tact of the old evangeHsts as regards the
thirty years of obscure life, it was desired to be
shown that the divine nature in Jesus was never
idle, and that he continually performed miracles.
Everything which made the life of Jesus a human
life was vexatious. " This infant was not a terres-
trial being," says Zachaaus of him ; he can subdue
fire; perhaps he existed before the creation of tlie
278 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
world. He is either something great, or a god, or
an angel, or one I don't know what. This deplorable
Gospel appears to be the work of the Marcosians.
The Nessenes and the Manicheans appropriated it to
themselves, and spread it over the whole of Asia.
The inept Oriental Gospel, known by the name of
the Gospel of the Infancy, brought into vogue
especially by the Nestorians of Persia, is only, in
act, an amplification of the Gospel according to
Thomas. It passes in all the East as the work of
Peter, and as the Gospel par excellence. If India
knew any Gospel, it was this one. If Krechnaism
embraced any Christian element, it is from this
source that it came. The Jesus of whom Mahomet
heard speak, is that of the puerile Gospels, a fantastic
Jesus, a spectre proving his superhuman nature by
means of an extravagant thaumaturgy.
The passion of Jesus owed likewise its develop-
ment to a cycle of legends. The pretended Acts of
Pilate were the framework which was made use of
in which to group this order of ideas, with which were
readily associated the better polemics against the
Jews. It is only in the fourth century that the
episodes, of an almost epic character, which were
supposed to have taken place in the descent of Jesus
to Hades, were put into writing. Later, these
legends in regard to the subterranean life of Jesus
were joined to the false Acts of Pilate, and formed
the celebrated work called the Gospel of Nicodemus.
This base Christian literature, borrowed from a
wholly popular state of mind, was in general the
work of the Judaising and Gnostic sects. The
disciples of St Paul had no part in them. It was
created, to all appearances, in Syria. The apocry-
phas of Egyptian origin, Tlie History of Joseph the
Carpenter, for example, are more recent. Although of
humble origin, and tainted with an ignorance truly
sordid, the apocryphal Gospels assumed very early
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 279
an importance of the first order. They pleased the
multitude, offered rich themes for preaching on,
enlarged considerably the circle of the evangelic
personnel — St Anne, St Joachim, the Veronica, St
Longinus — from that somewhat tainted source. The
most beautiful Christian festivals — the Assumption,
the Presentation of the Virgin — have no basis in
the canonical Gospels ; but they have in the apocry-
phas. The rich chasing of the legends which have
made Christmas the jewel of the Christian year,
is drawn for the most part from the apocryphas.
The same literature has created the infant Jesus.
The devotion to the Virgin finds there almost all
its arguments. The importance of St Joseph pro-
ceeds entirely from them. Christian art finally owes
to these compositions— very feeble, from a literary
point of view, but singularly simple and plastic —
some of its finest subjects. Christian iconography,
whether Byzantine or Latin, has all its roots there.
The Peregrine school would not have had any Spos-
alizio; the Venetian school no assumption, no presen-
tation ; the Byzantine school no descent of Jesus into
limbo, without the apocryphas. The crib of Jesus
without them would have lacked its most beauti-
ful details. Their recommendation was their very
inferiority. The canonical Gospels were too strong
a literature for the people. Some vulgar narratives,
often base, were nearer the level of the multitude
than the Sermon on the Mount, or the discourses of
the fourth Gospel.
So the success of these fraudulent writings was im-
mense. From the fourth century the most instructed
Greek fathers — Epiphanes, Gregory of Nyssa —
adopted them without reserve. The Latin Church
hesitated, even put forth eff'orts to take them out of
the hands of the faithful, but did not succeed. The
Golden Legend draws largely upon it. In the Middle
Ages the apocryphal Gospels enjoyed an extraordin-
280 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ary popularity ; they have even an advantage over
the canonical Gospels, which is this : not being a
sacred Scripture, they can be translated into the
vulgar tongue. Whilst the Bible is in a manner put
under lock and key, the apocryphas are in every-
body's hands. The Miniaturists were ardently
attached to them; the Rhymers seized upon them ; the
Mystics represented them dramatically in the porches
of the Churches. The first modern author of a life
of Jesus — Ludolphe le Chartreux — made them his
principal document. Without theological preten-
sion these popular Gospels have succeeded in
suppressing, in a certain measure, the canonical
Gospels; Protestantism also has declared war against
them, and devotes itself to proving that they are the
work of the devil.
CHAPTER XXVI 1.
APOCRYPHAL ACTS AND APOCALYPSES.
The literature of the false Acts pursues a line quite
different from that of the false Gospels. The Acts of
the Apostles, the individual work of Luke, were not
produced, like the narrative of the life of Jesus, from
the diversities of parallel compilations. Whilst the
canonical Gospels served as a basis for the amplifi-
cations of the apocryphal Gospels, the apocryphal
Acts have little connection with the Acts of Luke.
The narratives of the preaching and of the death of
Peter and Paul never received a final revision.
Pseudo-Clement has used them as a literary pre-
text rather than a direct subject of narrative. The
apostolic history was thus the roof of a romantic
tissue which never assumed a definite literary form,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 281
and which people never cease revising. A sort of
resume of these fables, tainted with a strong Gnostic
and Manichean colour, appeared under the name of
a pretended Leucius or Lucius, a disciple of the
apostles. The Catholics, who regretted that they
could not make use of the book, sought to amend it.
The final result of that successive emendation was
the compliation made in the fifth or sixth centuries
under the name of the false Abdias.
Almost all those who compiled this sort of works
were heretics ; but the orthodox, after subjecting
them to corrections, soon adopted them. These
heretics were very pious people, and at the same
time highly imaginative. After they had been
anathematised, their books were found to be edify-
ing, and the Churches did their very best to have
them introduced into their religious readings. It is in
this way that many of the books, many of the saints,
many of the festivals of the orthodox Church are the
productions of heretics. The fourth Gospel was in this
respect one of the most striking examples. This
singular book made its way amazingly. It was read
more and more, and, apart from the Churches of Asia,
which were too well acquainted with its origin, it was
accepted on all hands with admiration, and as being
the work of the Apostle John.
The false Acts of the Apostles have no more origin-
ality than the apocryphal Gospels. In this order,
similarly, the individual fimcy did not succeed much
better in making itself felt. This was plainly visible
in that which concerned the legend of Paul. A priest
of Asia, a grer.t admirer of the apostle, thought to
satisfy his piety by constructing a short charming ro-
mance in which Paul converted a beautiful young girl
of Iconium, named Hecla, who was drawn to him by
an invincible attraction, and made of her a martyr of
virginity. The priest did not conceal his game well ;
he was questioned, nonplussed, and finished by avow-
282 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
ing that he had done all this out of love for Paul.
The book succeeded none the less for this, and it
was only banished from the Canon with the other
apocryphal writings about the fifth or sixth centuries.
St Thomas, the apostle preferred by Gnostics,
and later, by the Manicheans, inspired in the same
way acts in which the horror of certain sects for
marriage is set forth with the utmost energy. Thomas
arrived in India while the nuptials of the daughter
of the king were in preparation. He so strongly
persuaded the fiancSs as to the inexpediency of
marriage, the wicked sentiments which result from
the fact of having begotten children, the crimes
which are the consequence of esprit de famille, and
the troubles of housekeeping, that they passed the
night seated by the side of one another. On the
morrow their relations were astonished at finding
them in this position, full of a sweet gaiety, and free
from any of the ordinary embarrassments incident
to such circumstances. The young couple explain
to them that bashfulness has no longer any meaning
for them, since the cause of it has disappeared. They
have exchanged the transient nuptials for the joys of
a never-ending paradise. The strange hullucinations
to which these moral errors gave scope, are all
vividly depicted throughout the entire book. The
first outline of a Christian hell, with its categories of
« torments, is found traced there. This singular writ-
^ ing, which constituted a part of certain Bibles, recalls
the theology of the pseudo-Clementine romance, and
that of the Elkasaites. In it the Holy Ghost is, like
as with the Nazarenes a feminine principle, 'the
mother misericordice.' Water represents the purify-
ing element of the soul and of the body ; the unction
of oil is then the seal of baptism, like as with
the Gnostics. The sign of the cross already pos-
sesses all its supernatural virtues, as well as a sort
of magic.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 283
The Acts of St Philip have also a theosophic
colouring, and a very pronounced Gnosticism.
Those of Andrew were one of the parts of the
compilation of the pretended Leucius, who merits
the most anathemas. The orthodox Church was at
first a stranger to these fables ; then she adopted
them, at least for popular use. Iconography
especially found in them, as in the aprocryphal
Gospels, an ample repository of subjects and of
symbols. Almost all the attributes which have been
made use of by imaginative writers to distinguish
the apostles, comes from the apocryphal Acts.
The apocalyptic form served also to express how
much there existed in the heterodox Christian sects
of insubordination, of unruliness, and of dissatis-
faction. An ascension or anahaticon of Paul, which
set forth the mysteries that Paul was reputed to
have seen in his ecstasy, was in great vogue. An
apocalypse of Elias enjoyed considerable popularity.
It was amongst the Gnostics in particular that the
apocalypses, under the name of apostles and prophets,
germinated. The faithful were on their guard, and
the moderate Church party, who at once feared the
Gnostic excesses and the excesses of the pious, ad-
mitted only two apocalypses — that of John and of
Peter. Nevertheless, writings of the same kind, attri-
buted to Joseph, Moses, Abraham, Habakkuk, Zeph-
aniah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Zacharias, and the father of
John, were in circulation. Two zealous Christians,
preoccupied with the substitution of a new world for
an old world, excited by their persecutions, greedy,
like all the fabricators of apocalypses, of the evil
news which came from the four corners of the earth,
took up the mantle of Esdras, and wrote under that
revered name a number of new pages, which Avere
joined to those which the pseudo-Esdras of 97 had
already accepted. It has also been thought that
the apocalyptic books attributed to Enoch received
284 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
in the second century some Cliristian additions. But
this appears to us little probable ; those books of
Enoch, formerly so esteemed, and which Jesus had
probably read with enthusiasm, had fallen, at the
time of which we now speak, into universal discredit.
The Gnostics, in like manner, could show psalms,
pieces of apocryphal prophets, revelations under the
name of Adam, Seth, Noria, the imaginary wife of
Noah, recitals of the nativity of Mary, full of impro-
prieties, and great and small interrogations of Mary.
Their gospel of Eve was a tissue of chimerical equi-
vocations. Their Gospel of Philip presented a dan-
gerous quietism, clothed in a form borrowed from
Egyptian rituals. The ascension or anahaticon of
Isaiah was made up of the same stuff, in the third
century, and was a true source of heresies. The
Archonties, the Hieracities, the Messahans, pro-
ceeded from that. Like the author of the Acts of
Thomas, the author of the Ascension of Isaiah is one
of the precursors of Dante, by the complaisance with
which he expatiates upon the description of heaven
and hell. This singular work, adopted by the sects of
the Middle Ages, was the cherished book of the
Hogomites of Thrace and of the Cathares of the
West.
Adam had likewise his apocryphal revelations. A
testament addressed to Seth, a mystic apocalypse
borrowed from Zoroastrian ideas, circulated under
his name. It is a clever enough book, which recalls
many of the Jeschts, Sadies, and Sirouze of the
Persians, and also at times the books of the
Mendaites. Adam therein explains to Seth, from
his recollections of Paradise and the signs of the
angel Uriel, the mystic liturgies of day and night
which all creatures celebrate from hour to hour before
the Eternal. The first hour of the night is the hour
of the adoration of demons ; during that hour they
cease to annoy man. The second hour is the hour
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 285
of the adoration of fish; then comes the adoration of
abysses ; then the thrice holy of the seraphim : before
the Fall men heard at that hour the measured beating
of their wings. At the fifth hour of the night the
adoration of the waters takes place. Adam at that
hour heard the prayer of the great billows. The
middle of the night is marked by an accumalation of
storms, and by a great religious terror. Then all
nature reposes, and the waters sleep. At this hour,
if one takes water, and if the priest of God mixes it
with holy oil and anoints with this oil the sick who
cannot sleep, the latter are cured. At the time the
dew falls, the hymn of herbs and grain is sung. At
the tenth hour, at the full early dawn, comes the
turn of men, the gates of heaven are opened, so as
to let enter the prayers of all living beings. They
enter, prostrate themselves before the throne, then
depart. Everything that one asks at the moment
when the seraphim are beating their wings and
when the cock crows, one is sure to obtain. Great
joy is shed over the world when the sun shines
forth from the paradise of God upon creation. Then
comes an hour of expectation and of profound
silence, until the priests have oiFered incense to
God.
At each hour of the day the angels, the birds,
every creature, rises up in like manner to adore the
Supreme Being. At the seventh hour there is a
repetition of the ceremony of entering and retiring.
The prayers (Prieres) of all living beings enter, pro-
strate themselves, and walked out again. At the tenth
hour the inspection of the waters takes place. The
Holy Spirits descends over the waters and springs.
Without this, in drinking the water, one would be
subject to the malignity of the demons. At this hour
again water mixed with oil cures all manner of
sickness. This naturalism, which recalls that of the
Elkasaites, was attenuated by the Catholic Church,
286 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
but the principle it contained was not entirely
rejected. The exorcisms of water and of the different
elements, the division of the day into canonical hours,
the employment of holy oils, conserved by the
orthodox Church, had their origin in ideas analogous
to those which the Adamite Apocalypse has complais-
antly developed.
The Christian Sibyl women do little more than
repeat without comprehending the ancient oracles.
Those of the Apocalypse, in particular, she never
ceases vatianating, though, and announcing the near
destruction of the Roman Empire. The favourite
idea at that epoch was that the world, before it came
to an end, would be governed by a woman. The
sympathy of the old sibyllists for Judaism and
Jerusalem is now changed to hatred ; but the horror
for the Pagan civilisation is no less. The domination
of Italy over the world has been the most fatal of all
dominations : it will be the last. The end is near.
Wickedness springs from the rich and the great, who
plunder the poor. Rome is to be burned; wolves
and foxes are to live amongst its ruins ; it will be
seen whether her gods of brass will save her.
Hadrian, when the Sibyllists of the year 117 saluted
with so much expectation, was an iniquitous and
avarcious king, a despoiler of the entire world, wholly
occupied with frivolous devices, an enemy of true
religion, the sacreligious instituter of an infamous
cult, the abettor of the most abominable idolatry.
Like the sibyllists of 117, he of whom we have been
speaking asserts that Hadrian could have but three
successors. Their names (Antonine) recall that of the
Most High (Adonai). The first of the three will reign
a long time, and this evidently refers to Antoninus
Pius. This prince, in reality so admirable, is treated
as a miserable king, who out of pure avarice despoiled
the world and heaped up at Rome treasures which
the terrible exile, the assassin of his mother CNero,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 287
the Antichrist), will abandon to the pillage of the
peoples of Asia.
Oh ! how thou shalt weep then, despoiled of thy brilliant gar-
ments and clad in habits of mourning, 0 proud queen, daughter of
old Latinus ! Thou shalt fall, no more to rise again. The glory
of thy legions, with their proud eagles, will disappear. Where
will be thy strength ! what people will be allied to thee, of those
whom thou hast overcome by thy follies.
Every plague, civil war, invasion, and famine an-
nounces the revenge that God prepares on behalf
of his elect. It is towards Italy especially that the
judge will show himself severe. Italy will be reduced
to a pile of black volcanic cinders, mixed with
naphtha and asphalte. Hades will be its portion.
Then finally equality will exist for all ; no longer
will there be either slaves or masters, or kings, or
chiefs, or advocates, or corrupt judges. Rome will
endure the ills she has inflicted on others: those
whom she has vanquished will triumph in their
turn over her. That will take place in the year in
which the figures cast up will correspond to the
numerical value of the name of Rome, that is to say,
in the year of Rome 948 (195 of J. C).
The author calls this the day which he longs for.
He employs epic accents to celebrate Nero, the Anti-
christ, preparing in the shades or beyond the seas
the ruin of the Roman world. The contests between
the Antichrist and the Messiah will come to pass.
Men, far from becoming better, will only grow more
wicked. The Antichrist is to be finally vanquished,
and shut up in the abyss. The resurrection and the
eternal happiness of the just will crown the apoca-
lyptic cycle. Attached to the initials of the verses
which express these terrible images, the eye dis-
tinguishes the acrostic IH20T2 XPI2T02 ©EOT no
nTHF 2TATA02 ; the initial letters of the first five
words give in their turn IX0T2 "fish," a designation
under which the initiated were early accustomed to
288 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
recognise Jesus. As people were persuaded that the
acrostic was one of the processes which the old sibyls
had employed to make known their secret meaning,
people were struck with astonishment to see so clear
a revelation of Christianity delineated upon the
margins of a writing that was thought to have been
composed in the sixth generation which followed the
deluge. There was an old translation of this singular
production in barbarous Latin verse, which gave rise
to another fable. It was pretended that Cicero had
found his Erythrean fragment so beautiful that he
had translated it into Latin verse before the birth of
Jesus Christ.
Such were the sombre images which, under the
best of sovereigns, assailed the sectarian fanatics.
We must not blame the Roman police for treating
such books at times with severity ; they were now
puerile, then full of menaces : no modern state would
tolerate their like. The visionaries dreamed only of
conflagrations. The idea of a deluge of fire, in con-
tradistinction to the deluge of water, and distinct
from the final conflagration, was accepted by many
amongst them. There was also a talk about a
deluge of wind. These chimeras troubled more than
one head, even outside of Christianity. Under
Marcus Aurelius an impostor attempted, in making
use of the same species of terrors, to provoke dis-
orders which might have led to the pillage of the
city. It is not wise to repeat too often Judicare
seculum per ignem. People are subject to strange
hallucinations. When the tragic scenes which he
imagined were slow in coming, he sometimes took
upon himself to realise them. At Paris the people
formed the Commune because the fifth act of the
siege, which had been promised, did not come to pass.
The Antichrist continued to be the great preoc-
cupation of the makers of apocalypses. Although
it was evident that Nero was dead, his shadow
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 289
haunted the Christian imagination — people con-
tinued to announce his return. Often, however, it
was not Nero that people saw behind this fantastic
personage ; it was Simon Magus.
From Sebaste was to issue Belial, who commands the high
mountains, the sea, the blazing sun, the brilliant moon, the dead
themselves, and who was to perform numerous miracles before
men. It is not integrity, Imt error which will be in him. He
will lead astray many mortals, both of the Hebrew faithful and
of the elect, and others belonging to the lawless race who have
not yet heard tell of God. But whilst the threats of the great
God are being put into execution, and whilst the conflagration
will roll over the earth in huge floods, fire will also devour Belial
and the insolent men who have put their faith in him.
We have been struck, in the Apocalypse, with this
mysterious personage of the False Prophet, a thau-
maturgic seducer of the faithful and the Pagans,
allied to Nero, who follows him to the region of the
Parthians, who must reappear and perish with him
in the lake of brimstone. We are led to surmise that
this symbolical personage designates Simon Magus.
In seeing in the Sibylline Apocalypse " Belial of
Sebaste" playing an almost identical part, we are
confirmed in that hypothesis. The personal rela-
tions of Nero and Simon Magus are perhaps not so
fabulous as they appear. In any case, this associa-
tion of the two worst enemies that nascent Chris-
tianity had encountered, was well adapted to the
spirit of the times, and to the taste for apocalyptical
poetry in general. In the Ascension of Isaiah Belial
is Satan, and Satan assumes in some sort the human
form of a king, the murderer of his mother, who is
to reign over the world, in order to establish the
empire of evil. The author of the pseudo-Clemen
tine romance believes that Simon will reappear as
Antichrist at the end of time. In the third century
a still greater trouble was introduced into that order
of fantastic ideas. People distinguished two Anti-
christs, the one for the East, the otlier for the West
T
290 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
— Nero and Belial. Later, Nero finished by becom-
ing, in the eyes of the Christians, the Christ of the
Jews. The suppulations of the works of Daniel
came to complicate these chimeras. St Hippolytus,
in the time of Severus, is wholly engrossed with
them. A certain Juda proved by Daniel that the
end of the world was to come about the year 10 of
Septimus Severus (of J. C. 202-203). Every perse-
cution appeared to be a confirmation of the dismal
prophecies which had accumulated. From all these
confused data, the Middle Ages drew the grandiose
myth which remains, amidst transformed Chris-
tianity, as an incomprehensible relic of primitive
Messianism.
APPENDIX. I.
It is admitted pretty generally that the Jewish war under Hadrian
entailed a siege and a final destruction of Jerusalem. So large a
number of texts represent this view, that it seems at the first glance
rash to call the fact in question. Nevertheless, the chief critics
who have considered it — Scaliger, Henry de Valois, and P. Pazi— had
perceived the difiiculties of such an assertion, and rejected it.
And to commence with, what is it that Hadrian should have besieged
and destroyed ? The demolition of Jerusalem under Titus was entire,
even exceeding that usual to military operations.
In admitting that a population of so many thousands of persons was
able to dwell within the ruins which the victor of 70 left behind, it
is clear in such a case that this heap of rui)is was incapable of support-
ing a siege. Even while admitting that from the time of Titus to
Hadrian some timid attempts of Jewish restoration might have been
brought about, in spite of the " Legio Xa. Eratensis " who encamped on
the ruins, one is not inclined to suppose that these attempts were
of such a nature as to give the place any importance whatever in
a military point of view.
It is also very true that a great many savants, with whose opinions
we coincide, think that the restoration of Jerusalem, under the name
of " ^lia Capitolina," began in the year 122 or thereabouts.
It is of no use to the adversaries of our theme to lay great stress
on that argument, because they unhesitatingly admit that ^lia
Capitolina was not commenced to be built till after the last destruction
of Jerusalem by Hadrian. But no matter ! If, as we think, -^lia
Capitolina had been in existence for about ten years at the time that the
revolt of Bar-Coziba broke out, about 133, how can one conceive that
the Romans would have had occasion to take it ! JElia, would not
again have possessed walls capable of sustaining a siege. How, more-
over, suppose that the " Legio Xa. Fratensis " had left their positions
knowing that it would be obliged to reconquer them. It may be said
that the same thing occurred under Nero, when Gessius Florus aban-
doned Jerusalem, but the situation was totally different.
Gessius Florus found himself in the midst of a great city in revolu-
tion. The " Legio Xa. Fratensis " was situated in the midst of a popula-
tion of veterans and squatters, all friendly to the Roman cause. Their
retreat would not have explained itself in any fashion, and the siege
292 APPENDIX.
which would have followed would have been a siege in a manner
without purpose.
When one examines the texts, very scarce, which relate to the
War of Hadrian, it is necessary to make a large distinction. The
texts really historical not only do not speak of a capture and a
destruction of Jerusalem, but by the style in which they are couched,
they exclude such an event.
The oratorial and apolegetic texts, on the contrary, where the second
revolt of the Jews is cited, '* non ad narrandum, sed ad probandum,"
for the purpose of serving the arguments and the declamations of
the preacher or of the polemic, imply that all the events that hap-
pened under Hadrian were as if they happened under Titus. It is
clear that it is the first series of texts that deserves the preference.
Criticism has for a long time refused to trust to the precision of
documents drawn up in a style whose essence is to be inaccurate.
The historical texts reduce themselves unhappily into two in the
question which concerns us, but both are excellent. There is, to
commence with, the narrative of Dion Cassius, who appeared not to
have been here abridged by Xiphilin ; there is in the second place, that
of Eusebius, who copied Ariston de Pella, a contemporary writer of
events, and living close at hand to the seat of the war. These two
narratives are in accord with one another. They do not speak a single
word of a siege, nor of a destruction of Jerusalem. Eor an attentive
reader of the two tales cannot admit that such a fact would have
passed unnoticed. Dion Cassius is very particular ; he knows that
it was the construction of -5^1ia Capitolina which occasioned the revolt ;
he gives well the character of the war, which happened to be a war of
little cities, of fortified markf^t towns, of subterranean works — or rural
war, if one is permitted thus to express oneself.
He insists on facts so secondary as that of the ruin of the pretended
tomb of Solomon. How is it possible that he could have neglected to
speak of the catastrophe of the principal city ?
The omission of all notice about Jenisalem is still less understood in the
narrative of Eusebius or rather of Ariston de Pella. The great event
of the war for Eusebius is the siege of Bother, " the neighbouring town
to Jerusalem ; " of Jerusalem itself not a word. It is true that the
chapter of the " Historic Ecclesiastique " relative to that event has for
the title : 'H KaTa ' AvSpiavbv vardTT] 'lovSaiojv 7roXiop%t'a, as the chapter
relative to the war of Vespasian ; and of Titus has for title (I. III. C.V.)
Ilepi TTJs [xera top Xpiarbv vcrrdrrjs 'lovdaicou ToXiopxl-as ; but the word
adapts itself well to the whole of the campaign of Julius Severus, which
consisted in sieges of little cities. In section 3 of the chapter relative
to the war of Adrian, the word iroXiopxi-a is used to designate the
operations of the capture of Bother.
In his "Chronique" Eusebius follows the same plan. In his
"Demonstration Evang^lique," and in his "Theophaive," on the
contrary, he points to that fact, and when he is no longer borne out by
the very words of Ariston de Pella, he allows himself to be led away by
the resemblance which has deranged nearly all the Jewish and Christian
tradition. He pictures the events of the year 135 on the model of the
events of the year 70, and he speaks of Hadrian as having contributed
APPENDIX. 293
with Titus to the accomplishment of the pi'ophecies on the annihilation
of Jerusalem. This double destruction doubly serves him to realise a
passage of Zacharias/ and to furnish a basis for the theory which he
advances of a Church of Jerusalem lasting from Titus to Hadrian.^
St Jerome presents the same contradiction. In his " Chronique,"
mapped out on that of Eusebius, he follows Eusebius as an historian.
Then he forgets that solid base, and speaks, as do all the fathers of the
orator school, of the siege and destruction of Jerusalem under Hadrian.'
Tertullian * and St John Chrysostom ^ express themselves in the same
way. One knows how dangerous it is to introduce into history these
vague phrases, well known to preachers and to apologists of all times.
Still less is it necessary that we should examine the passages in the
Talmud where the same assertion presents itself, mixed up with those
historical monstrosities which destroy the value of the mentioned
passages. In the Talmud the confusion of the war of Titus and that
which took place under Hadrian is constant. The description of
Bether is copied from that of Jerusalem — the duration of the siege
is the same.
Is not this the proof that he had not separate mementoes of a new
siege of Jerusalem, for the good reason that there had not been one.
When the tale was started of a siege by a sort of argument a priori, it is
possible that one a posteriori should be started also to give it in history
a basis which it had not. Naturally, for it is on the first siege on which
one falls back for that. That confusion has been the trap where the
whole popular history of the Jewish mishaps has suffered itself to be
taken. How can we prefer such blunders to strong arguments which,
drawn from solitary historical evidence, we now have in the question
Dion Cassibus or Ariston de Pella ?
Two grave objections remain for me to solve : only can they smooth
away the doubts on the theory which I maintain. The first is derived
from a passage of Appius. This historian, enumerating the successive
destructions which overthrew the walls of Jerusalem, puts one before
the other, and on the same line the destruction of Titus and that of
Hadrian.
The passage of Appius furnishes in every case a strong inaccuracy —
he supposes that Jerusalem was walled under Hadrian. Appius foolishly
supposes that the Jews, after Titus, re-erected their town, and fortified
it. His ignorance on that point shows that he is not guided by the
aforesaid comparison, but by the coarser similarity which has deceived
every one. The difficulties of the campaign, the numberless TroXtopxiat
of which it is full, show that even a contemporary who had not proof
of the facts was able to commit a like error.
Assuredly more grave is the objection derived from the study of the
old coins. It is certain that the Jews during the revolt did not coin
nor stamp money. Such an operation seems at the first glance not to
1 Zach. xiv. 1 et seq.
2 Euseb. H.E.,iv. 5.
3 In Dan. xiv., Joel i., Habakkuk ii., Jereni. xxxi., Ezekiel v. 24., Zach. viiL 14.
4 Contra, J ad. 13.
5 In Judeeos, Homil. v. 2. 0pp. 1, pp. 64-5 (Montf.) Cf. Suedas at the word
^deXvyfia ; Chronique d'Alex, year 119.
294 APPENDIX.
have been possible at Jerusalem. The types of these moneys lead to that
idea. The "legend" is most often, "For the liberation of Jerusalem;"
on some others, the figure of a temple surmounted by a star.
Jewish coin study is full of uncertainties, and it is dangerous to
oppose it to history; it is history, on the contrary, which serves to
throw a light upon it. Besides, the objection about which we speak has
emboldened certain numismatic students of our days to deny absolutely
the occupation of Jerusalem by the followers of Bar-Coziba. One will
admit that the insurgents were able to coin money at Bother quite as
well as at Jerusalem, if one thinks of the miserable plight in which in
that supposition Jerusalem was. On the other hand, it seems that the
types of coins of the second revolt had been imitated or taken directly
from those of the first revolt, and on those of the Asmoneans. There is
here an important point which deserves the attention of numismatists ;
for one could find here a means of solving the difficulties which yet
hover over the entire groups of the autonomous coinage of Israel.
We wish to speak chiefly of the coins with the " impression " of Simeon
Nasi of Israel. We faU into the greatest misrepresentation when we
seek to find this Simeon in Bargioras, in Bar-Coziba, in Simeon, son of
Gamaliel, etc. None of these persons could coin money. They were
revolutionaries, or men of high authority, but not sovereigns. If one or
the other had placed his name on the money, he would have marred the
republican spirit and jealousy of the rebels, and so, up to a certain point,
their religious ideas. ^
A similar matter would be mentioned by Josephus in the first revolt,
and the identity of that Simeon would not be so doubtful as this is.
It is never asked if the French Revolution had any coins with the effigy
of Marat, or of Hobespierre. This Simon, I believe, is no other than
Simon Maccabeus, the first Jewish sovereign who coined money, and
whose coins ought to be much sought after by orthodox persons. As
the aim which they established was to overcome the scruples of the re-
ligious, such a counterfeit would suffice for the exigencies of the time.
It had also the advantage of not putting into circulation only those
types acknowledged by all. I think then, that neither in the first nor
in the second revolt, that they had money struck in the name of a person
then alive. The " Eleazer-Hac- Cohen " of certain coins ought pro-
bably to explain this in an analogous manner, which the numismatists
will hit upon. I strongly think that the latter revolt had not a proper
stamp, and they could best imitate the earlier ones. A material circum-
stance confirms that hypothesis. On the coins in question, in fact, one
never sees |1J?DK^ — one frequently sees IjyDti^ or ^flOtJ*. These two forms
are so frequent that one can see a simple fault as to the position of the
letters. In the second, in a great many cases, we cannot help think-
ing that the last two letters have disa]Dpeared. It is not impossible that
the alteration of the name of Simeon was made expressly to imply a
prayer, — " Hear me " or " Hear us." It is, at all events, contrary to all
probability that one sees in the name of Simeon the true name of Bar-
Coziba. How is it that this royal name of the false Messiah, written
on an abundant coinage, would remain unknown to St Justin, to Aristion
de Pella, to the Talmudists, who clearly speak of the money of Bar-
APPENDIX. 295
Coziba. Still less can one see any president of the Sanhedrim whose
authority would have been recognised by Bar-Coziba.
So anyway, one is led to think that the coinage of Bar-Coziba did
not consist but in impressions done from a religions motive, and that
the types which bear these impressions were of the ancient Jewish
types, which I conclude were for the rebellion of the time of Hadrian.
By this are raised some enormous difficulties which the Jewish numis-
matism presents : — Firstly. That these persons unknown to history or
these rebels should have coined money like sovereigns. Secondly, The
unlikelihood that there is that these miserable insurgents caused issues
of money so handsome and so considerable. Thirdly. The employment
of the archaic Hebrew character, which was out of use in the second
century of our era. Supposing that it had been attempted to bring back
the national character, they would not have given them fashioned so
grand and handsome. Fourthly, The form of the temple tetrastyle
surmounted by a star. This form does not correspond either more or
less to that of the temple of Herod. For one knows the scrupulous
nicety that the ancient masters took to reproduce the features of the
principal temple of the city exactly, by slight but very expressive
touches.
The temple of the Jewish money, on the contrary, without the
triangular pediment, and with its gate of a singular fashion, represents
the secund temple, that of the time of the Maccabees, which appears to
have been tolerably shabby. If we reject that hypothesis, and which
must belong to the second revolt, the types which bear the figure of the
temple, and the era of " the liberation of Jerusalem," we say that the de-
liverance of Jerusalem, and the reconstruction of the temple, were the
only object of the revolts. It is not impossible that they portrayed
these two events upon their money before they were realised. One
takes for a fact that which one aspires to with such efforts. Bether,
before all, was a sort of provisionary Jerusalem, a sacred asylum of Israel.
The numismatism of the Crusades presents, besides, identically the
same phenomena. After the loss of Jerusalem, in fact, the later
authority, transported to St Jean de Acre, continued to mint money
bearing the effigy of the Holy Sepulchre, with the words " + Sepulohri
Domini," or " Rex Ierlm." The moneys of John of Brienne, who never
possessed Jerusalem, presents also the image of the Holy Sepulchre.
"This markedly characteristic type," says M. de Vogli^, "seems to be
on the part of deposed kings a protestation against the invasion, and a
maintenance of their rights in misfortune and exile." There are also
moneys with the title ' Tvrris Davit,' struck a long time after the
taking of Jerusalem by the Mussulman. It must be admitted, however,
that much of the Jewish money of the second revolt was struck away
from Jerusalem. Every one, in fact, agrees that if the revolted were
masters of Jerusalem, they were quickly driven out. One finds coins
of the second and third year of the revolt. M. Caxdoni explained
by this difference of the situation, the difference of the legends min?
^K"IU^\ and D^J^i^T n"l"in?, the second only answering to the epoch when
the rebels were masters oi Jerusalem.
Be that as it may, the possibility of a coinage struck at Bether ia
placed beyond doubt.
296 APPENDIX.
That at one moment of the revolt, and amidst the numberless
incidents of a war which occupied two or three years, the revolted
occupied ^lia, and were speedily driven out ; that the occupation of
Jerusalem, in a word, was a brief episode of the aforesaid war, is strictly
possible ; it is little probable nevertheless.
The " Legio Xa. Fratensis " which Titus left to guard the ruins, was
there in the second and in the third century, and even to the time of
the Lower Empire, as if nothing had happened in the interval. If the
insurgents had been for a day masters of the sacred space, they would
have clung to it with fury, they would have come running there from all
directions ; all the fighting men of Judea would above all bend their
steps there ; the height of the war would have been there ; the temple
would have been restored ; the religion re-established ; there would have
been fought the last battle ; and as in 70 the fanatics would have
caused a general slaughter on the ruins of the temple, or, failing them,
on its site. Now it is nothing of the sort. The grand siege operation
took place at Bether, nigh to Jerusalem ; no trace of the scuffle on the
site of the temple in the Jewish tradition, not a memento of a fourth
temple, nor of a return to the religious ceremonials.
It seems certain, then, that under Hadrian Jerusalem did not suffer
a serious siege, did not undergo a fresh destruction.
How could it be destroyed, I again repeat ?
On the supposition that ^lia did not begin to exist until 136, after
the end of the war, how could one destroy a heap of ruins ?
On the supposition that thee was an Alia, dated either 122 or a
little after, one would destroy the beginnings of a new city which the
Romans would siibstitute for the old one. What good would such a
destruction effect, seeing that, far from relinquishing the idea of a new
Jerusalem as irreverent, the Romans resume that idea from that time
A'ith more vigour than ever ? What has been carelessly repeated about
the plough which the Romans had passed over the soil of the temple
and city, has no other foundations than the false Jewish traditions,
referred to by the Talmud and St Jerome, wherein Terentius
Rufus, who was charged by Titus to demolish Jerusalem, has been con-
founded by Tinlius Rufus, the imperial legate of the time of Hadrian.
Here again the error has arisen from the historical delusion which has
transferred to the war of Hadrian, which one knows is a trifle, the
circumstances much better known of the war of Titus. It has often
been attempted to find in the two bulls which are on the reverse of the
medal of the foundation of .-lElia Capitolina, a representation of a
"Templum Aratum." These two bulls are simply a colonial emblem,
and they represent the earnest hopes which the new " Coloni " enter-
tained for the agriculture of Judea.
APPENDIX. 297
APPENDIX 11.
The epoch when the book of Tobit was composed is very difficult to
fix. In our time, the distinguished critics M. M. Hitzig, Volkmar
Grsetz, have ascribed that writing to the time of Ti-ajan or of Hadrian.
M. Grsetz connects it with the circumstances which followed the war of
Bar-Coziba, and in particular to the interdiction which according to
him was made by the Romans as to the interment of the corpses of
the massacred Jews. But besides the fact of a similar interdiction is
not founded except upon thac of passages of the Talmud stripped of
serious historical value, the characteristic importance attributed in our
book to the good work of interring the dead, explained itself in a
manner much more profound, as we are just now going to show.
Three great reasons, in our opinion, preclude us from accepting the
Book of Tobit as being at a date so early, — forbid us to descend, at least
for the composition of the book, beyond the year 70.
Firstly, The prophecy of Tobit (xiii. 9 et seq., xiv. 4 ct seq.), which
ought naturally to be taken as a " prophetia post eventum," clearly
mentions the destruction of Jerusalem by Nabuchodnosor (xiv. 4) ; the
return of Zerubabel ; the construction of the second temple, a temple
very little to be compared to the first, very unworthy of the divine
majesty (xiv. 5). But the dispersion of Israel would have its end,
and again the temple would be rebuilt, with all the magnificence
described by the prophets, to serve as a centre for the religion of the
whole world.
For the old prophet there was no destruction of the second temple ;
that temple would be the advent of the glory of Israel, would not disap^
pear, except to give place to the eternal temple. M. Volkmar, M.
Hitzig observe, it is true, that in the Fourth Book of Esdras, in Judith,
and in much of the apocryphal book, the destruction of the temple
by Nabuchodnosor is identified with the destruction of the temple by
Titus, and that the reflections which are placed in the mouth of the
fictitious prophet are those which happen after the year 70.
But this opinion, besides being of such secondary application, is not
here admissible. Evidently the verse 5 xiv. refers to the second
temple. The remark that the new temple was very different from the
first — for it was anything but majestic — is an allusion to Esd. iii. 12, told
in the style of Josephus, Ant. xi. iv. 2. Still more this important
passage would lead one to think that at the time when the Book of
Tobit was written, Herod had not as yet put foith his hand on the
second temple in order that he might rebuild it, an event which took
place the 19th year before J.C.
The critics whom I now am fighting apply here the system, getting
greatly into fashion, which seeks to base upon a passage of the pseudo
Epistle of Barnabas, and according to whom there had been under the
reign of Hadrian, a commencement of the rebuilding of the temple under-
taken by consent with the Jews. It is to this reconstruction that may
apply the passage of Tobit xiv. 5. But I have shown elsewhere that
the interpretation of the false passage of Barnabas is wrong.
298 APPENDIX.
Were it true, it would be singular that an abortive attempt, which
would not be without interruption, should become thus the base of the
whole apocalyptic system.
Secondly, the verse xiv. 10 furnishes another proof of the com-
position, relatively old, of the Book of Tobit. " My Son, see what Aman
did to Ahkiakar, who had nourished him, how he cast him from the
light into darkness, and how he repaid him ; but Ahkiakar was saved
and Aman received the chastisement that he deserved ; Manasse likewise
gave him alms, and was saved from the deadly snare which Aman had
spread for him ; Aman fell into the snare and perished." This Ahkiakar
was a nephew of Tobit's father, who figures in the book as the steward
and maitre d'hotel of Esarhaddow. The part he plays is incidental
and peculiar.
The fashion in which he is spoken of, seems to show that he was
known by some other means.
The verse we are quoting does not explain this, unless one admits,
parallelly to the Book of Tobit, another book where an infidel, called
Aman, who had for foster-father a good Jew named Ahkiakar, that
he repaid him with ingratitude and thrust him into prison, but Ahkiakar
was saved and Aman was punished.
This Aman was evidently, in the Jewish romances, the man who
played the part of offering to others snares into which he himself fell,
seeing that in the tales to which Tobit made allusion, the same Aman
suffered the fate which he intended a certain Manasses to undergo.
Impossible, in my opinion, not to see here a parallel of the Haman of
the Book of Esther hung from the gallows where he hoped to hang
Mordecai, foster-father of Esther.
In a book composed in the year 100 or 135 of our time, aU this is
inconceivable. One must refer it to a time and to a Jewish society
where the Book of Esther would exist under an entirely different form
than that of our Bibles, and where the part of Mordecai was played by
a certain Ahkiakar, also a servant of the king.
Now the Book of Esther certainly existed, just as we have it, in the
first century of our era, since Josephus knows of its being interpolated.
Thirdly, an objection none the less grave against the method of M.
Grsetz is that, if the Book of Tobit was posterior to the defeat of Bar-
Coziba, the Christians would not have adopted it. In the interval
between Titus and Hadrian, the religious brotherhood of the Jews and
the Christians is sufficient to account for the fact that books newly
brought to light in the Jewish community, such as that of Judith, the
apocalypse of Esdras, and that of Baruch, would pass without difficulty
from the synagog-ue to the Church. After the intestine broils which
accompanied the war of Bar-Coziba, there would be no room for this.
The Jewish and Christian faiths are henceforth two enemies ; nothing
passed from one side to the other of the gulf which divide them.
Besides, the synagogue really no longer created such books, calm,
idyllic, without bigotry, without hate.
After 135, Judaism produces the Talmud, a piece of dry and
violent casuistry. The religious views are all profane, and of Persian
origin, as that of the healing of demoniacs and of the blind bj the
viscera of fishes. This moderation of the marvellous, in consequence of
APPENDIX. 299
which the two are cured, without miracle, by the prescriptions whereof
those privileged of God have the secret, all this does not belong to the
second century after J. C.
The condition of the people at the time when our author wrote, was
comparatively happy and tranquil, at least in the country where he
composed it. The Jews appeared wealthy, they were in domestic
service under the nobles, acting as go-betweens in all purchases, and
occupying places of confidence, being employed as stewards, major-
domos, butlers, as we see in the Books of Esther and of Nehemiah. In
place of being troubled by the rain, dreams, and passions which en-
grossed every Jew at the end of the first century of our era, the conscience
of the author is serene in a high degree. He is not exactly a Messianist.
He believes in a wonderful future for Jerusalem, but without any
miracle from heaven, or Messiah as king. The book then is, in our opinion,
anterior to the second century of our era. By the pious sentiment which
there reigns, it is far behind the Book of Esther, a book from which all
religious sentiment is totally absent. It might he imagined that Egypt
was the spot where such a romance could possibly have been composed,
if the certainty that the original text was written in Hebrew had not
created a diflBculty. The Jews of Egypt did not write in that language.
I do not think, however, that the book was composed at Jerusalem or in
Judea. What the author intends is to cheer up the provincial Jew, who
has a horror of schism, and abides in communion with Jerusalem.
The Persian ideas which fill the book, the intimate acquaintance
which the author possesses of the great cities of the East, although he
makes strange mistakes as to the distances, bring one to imagine that
he is in Mesopotamia, particularly at Adiabene, where the Jews were
in a very flourishing condition in the middle of the first century of our
era.
In supposing that the book was thus composed about the year 50
in Upper Syria, one can, it seems to me, satisfy the exigencies of the pro-
blem. The state of the usages and of the ideas of the Jews ; above all,
that which concerns the bread of the Gentiles, recalls the time which
preceded the revolt under Nero. The description of the eternal
Jerusalem seems based upon the Apocalypse (ch. xxi.), not that
one of the authors had copied from the other, but that they drew from
a source of mutual imaginations. The demonology, especially the cir-
cumstance of the devil bound in the deserts of Upper Egypt, recall the
Evangelist Mark. Lastly, The form of the personal memoirs, which
the Greek text presents, at least in the opening pages, makes one think
of the Book of Nehemiah : that form was no longer in use in the
apocryphas posterior to the year 70. The inductions which lead one to
assign the date of the composition to an anterior date, inductions which
we have not dissembled, are demolished by the considerations which
prevent us, on the other side, attributing to the book a great antiquity.
One important fact, indeed, is that one does not find, neither amongst
the Jews nor the Christians, any mention of the Book of Tobit before
the end of the second century. Now it is necessary to confess that if the
Christians of the first and second century possessed the book, they would
have found it in perfect harmony with their sentiments. Let it be
Clement Remain, for example ; certainly if he had had such a writing
300 APPENDIX.
at hand, he would have quoted it, just as he quotes the Book of Judith,
If the book had been anterior to Jesus Christ, one cannot comprehend
that it would have remained in such obscurity.
On the contrary, if one admits that it was composed in Oschoeue
or in Adialene a few years before the grand catastrophes of Judea, one
may suppose that the Jews engaged in the struggle would have had
knowledge of it. The book was not yet translated into Greek : the
greater part of the Christians could not read it. Lymmachus or Theo-
dosius would have been found in possession of the original, and they would
have translated it. In that case, the fortunes of the book amongst the
Christians would be commenced.
One leading element of the question, which has not been used here
by the interpreters, are the analogies which a sagacious criticism has
discovered between the Jewish narrative and that collection of tales
which have gone round the world, without distinction of language or
race. Studied from this point of view, the Book of Tobit seems to us
like the Hebrew and godly version of a tale which is related in Armenia,
in Russia, amongst the Tartars, and the Higanes, and which is probably
of Babylonian origin. A traveller finds in the roadway the corpse of
a man which had been refused sepulture because he had not paid his
debts. He stopped to bury him. Soon afterwards, a companion, clothed
in white, offers to journey with him. This companion gets the traveller
out of a bad scrape, procures riches for him, and a charming wife, who
wrests him away from the evil spirits. At the moment of parting, the
traveller offers him the half of all that which he had gained, thanks to
him, save and except his wife,- and naturally so. The companion de-
mands his half share of the woman : great perplexity arises ! At the
moment when he is about to proceed to make that strange division, the
companion reveals himself — ^he is the ghost of the dead man whom the
traveller had buried.
No doubt that the Book of Tobit is an adaptation according to Jewish
ideas of that old narrative, popular throughout the whole of the East.
It is this that explains the fantastical importance assigned to the burial
of the dead, which constitutes a remarkable feature of our book. No-
where else in the Jewish literature is the burial of the dead placed on
the same footing as that of the observance of the Law. The resemblance
to the tales of the East confirms thus our hypothesis concerning the
Mesopotamian origin of the book. The Jews of Palestine did not listen
to these pagan tales. Those of Oschoene would be more open to the
talk of those outside them. We must add that the Book of Esther
could not have existed in that country in the form which it was known
in Judea : this will explain the strange passage concerning Aman and
Ahkiahkar.
Our hypothesis then is that Book of Tobit was composed in Hebrew
in the north of Syria, towards the year 40 or 50 after J.C. ; that it was
at first little known by the Jews in Palestine ; that it was translated
into Greek towards the year 160 by the Judeo-Christian translators,
and that it was immediately adapted by the Christians.
THE END.
London : Printed by the Temple Puhlishivg Companv.
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