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No. 20 

Editors : 


LL.D., F.B.A. 





THE FRENCH REVOLUTION . . . Hilaiee Belloc, M.A. 

Study op Investment and Speculation F. W. Hibst 

IRISH NATIONALITY Alice Stoppobd Geeen 

THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT ... J. Ramsay MaoDonald, M.P. 

PARLIAMENT : Its Histoby, Constitu- 
tion, and Pbactice Sm Coubtenay Ilbebt, K.C.B., 


MODERN GEOGRAPHY Mabion I. Newbigin, D. Sc. 

WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE .... John Masefield. 


THE OPENING-UP OF AFRICA . . Sib H. H. Johnston, G.C.M.G., 

K.C.B., D.Sc, F.Z.S, 


THE SCIENCE OF WEALTH . . . J. A. Hobson, M.A. 


THE ANIMAL WORLD F. W. Gamble, D.Sc, F.R.S. 

EVOLUTION J. Abthub Thomson, M.A., and 

Pateick Geddes, M.A. 

LIBERALISM L. T. Hobhouse, M.A. 

CRIME AND INSANITY Db. C. A. Mebcieb, F.R.C.P., 


THE CIVIL WAR Fbedeeic L. Paxson, Ph.D. 


HISTORY OF OUR TIME, 1885-1911 . G. P. Gooch, M.A. 



THE DAWN OF HISTORY .... J. L. Myres, M.A., F.S.A. 

ELEMENTS OF ENGLISH LAW . . W. M. Geldabt, M.A., B.C.L. 

ASTRONOMY A. R. Hines, M.A. 




# =* 

Other volumes in active preparation. List on request 


1885 — 1911 


G. P. GOOCH, M.A. 









Copyright, 1911, 







Within the narrow limits of this little volume 
it is obviously impossible to describe every event 
and to trace every tendency of the last twenty- 
five years. Much that is of interest, and not a 
little of importance, must be sacrificed to the ne- 
cessity of exhibiting major occurrences in bold re- 
lief. Thus the reader will search these pages in 
vain for the history of Belgium and Holland, of 
Switzerland and Scandinavia, of Australia and 
New Zealand. 

The first six chapters, which record the develop- 
ment of the European Powers and explain their 
relations to one another, form the core of the book. 
In the case of each country we find some dominant 
characteristic which gives a certain unity to the 
story. In Great Britain it is the rise and decline 
of Imperialism. In France it is the defense of the 
Republic against its foes, within and without. In 
the Latin South it is the wrestle with the evil 
legacy of the past. In Germany it is the emergence 
of world ambitions. In Austria- Hungary it is the 


racial conflict. In Russia it is the struggle for a 
constitution. In the Near East it is the eternal 
strife of the crescent and the cross. 

The latter part of the book is mainly devoted 
to a bird's-eye survey of Asia, Africa, and America. 
The closing chapter briefly sketches a few of the 
movements — political, social and religious — which 
know nothing of geographical or racial bound- 

The infinitely complex and variegated life of 
the last generation tempts the historian to crowd 
his canvas with more colour than it will carry. 
The modifications of economic structure, the fer- 
ment of thought, the sensational triumphs of 
physical science, the experiments in literature and 
art, — these and many other phenomena clamour 
for notice. But a small book is never improved 
by cultivating the ambitions of a large one. If 
it is to have a character and a unity of its own, its 
author must frankly recognize the limits within 
which he has to work. For this reason I have 
made this little volume in the main a record of 
political action, though fully conscious that politics 
are but one aspect of the many-coloured tissue of 


Chap. Page 

I The British Emigre 9 

II The French Republic 34 

III The Latin South 57 

IV Germany and Austria-Hungary 82 

V Eastern Europe 108 

VI The Balance of Power 131 

VII The Awakening of Asia 154 

VIII The Partition of Afbica 179 

IX The New World 205 

X "World Problems 231 

Bibliography 251 

Index 255 




If the history of modern England begins 
in 1832 with the first Reform Bill, which sub- 
stituted the rule of the middle classes for 
that of the landed aristocracy, the England 
of to-day may be roughly said to date from 
1867, when the franchise was extended to 
the working-classes in the towns. The shift- 
ing in the basis of power was clearly reflected 
in the legislation of the Gladstone Ministry 
which took office in the following year. A 
national system of elementary education was 
inaugurated, the newly granted vote of the 
working man was protected by the Ballot 
Act, and Trade Unions were legalised. 
When Disraeli was called to the helm in 
1874 political interest was diverted to foreign 
affairs; but though his adventurous policy 
in the Near East, Afghanistan and South 
Africa won him momentary popularity, the 
entanglements in which it involved the 



country and the eloquent denunciations of 
Gladstone produced a reaction to which he 
succumbed in 1880. The death of the great 
Tory leader in the following year left his 
life-long rival the dominating figure on the 
political stage. 

The outstanding achievement of Glad- 
stone's second Ministry, which lasted from 
1880 to 1885, was the concession of the fran- 
chise to the agricultural labourer; but it 
inherited difficulties at home and abroad, 
and its career was stormy and disappoint- 
ing. There was an inglorious war in South 
Africa, incessant conflict in Ireland, and 
dynamite outrages in London. The revolt 
of Arabi was suppressed, but Khartoum was 
captured and Gordon perished. Moreover 
the Ministry was weakened by resignations 
and torn by internal dissension. An un- 
ceasing struggle was carried on in the Cabinet 
between the Whigs and the Radicals, culmi- 
nating in the "Unauthorised Programme" 
of Mr. Chamberlain. 

On Gladstone's defeat in 1885 Salisbury 
formed his first Ministry; but before the 
dissolution took place in November, an im- 
portant change in the political situation had 
occurred. The Crimes Act was dropped, 
and Carnarvon, the new Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland, informed Parnell at a secret inter- 
view of his inclination towards Home Rule. 


For these reasons the Irish vote was cast 
for Conservative candidates throughout 
Great Britain. The result of the election 
was that the Conservatives and Nationalists 
combined exactly equalled the Liberals. 
Gladstone's election address had demanded 
an equitable settlement with Ireland, and 
had asked for a majority independent of 
Irish votes. On failing to obtain it he 
offered to co-operate with Salisbury in an 
attempt to solve the problem on the lines of 
autonomy. The Conservative leader re- 
fused; but Herbert Gladstone had already 
confided to a newspaper that his father was 
prepared to grant some form of Home Rule. 
The Liberals and Nationalists combined to 
overthrow the Government, and Gladstone 
became Prime Minister for the third time. 

The adoption of Home Rule by the Liberal 
leader opened a new chapter in the history 
of the British Empire. Influential Liberals 
like Mr. Morley, Mr.JBryce, and Sir Charles 
Dilke had already avowed themselves Home 
Rulers; and Gladstone's conversion caused 
no surprise to his intimate friends and 
colleagues. He had lost what little faith in 
coercion he had ever possessed. Before his 
resignation he had contemplated an elective 
Central Council for Ireland on lines sug- 
gested by Mr. Chamberlain. In this state 
of mind he was profoundly impressed by 


the return of 86 Irish Home Rulers at the 
first election held on a democratic franchise. 
The vision of a reconciled Ireland gradually 
took possession of him, and to its realisation 
he devoted the evening of his life. 

The approaching split in the Liberal 
party was foreshadowed when the com- 
position of the Ministry was announced. 
The names of several old colleagues were 
missing, while Mr. Chamberlain, in accept- 
ing office, only pledged himself to inquiry. 
The Bill was framed by the Prime Minister 
with the assistance of Mr. Morley, the new 
Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Lord Spencer, 
whose long experience as Lord-Lieutenant 
was of the greatest service. It proposed the 
creation of two Houses or Orders, with 
power over all purely Irish questions. The 
Prime Minister added that a great measure 
of land purchase would accompany the 
scheme. The Bill was received with a storm 
of criticism, the hottest fire being concen- 
trated on the exclusion of the Irish members 
from Westminster. Mr. Chamberlain had 
already resigned when the Bill was defeated 
on second reading with the aid of the dis- 
sentient Liberals. Parliament was dissolved, 
the Gladstonian Liberals were defeated, and 
the Coalition returned with a majority of 

The adoption of Home Rule reduced the 


Liberal party to something like political im- 
potence for twenty years. The change was 
too great to be accepted offhand even at 
the bidding of Gladstone. But the loss of 
one party was the gain of the other. After 
a short interval of uncertainty the dissentient 
Liberals threw in their lot with the Con- 
servatives, and built up a strong Unionist 
Coalition. The Whigs had been drifting 
away from their chief for some years, and 
the adoption of Home Rule merely com- 
pleted their conversion. The creation of the 
Unionist party may be said to mark the 
birth of the Imperialism which dominated 
British politics for twenty years. The 
Unionists now came forward not only as 
the guardians of the Union but as the special 
champions of Imperial expansion and de- 
fence. The gulf between the two historic 
parties deepened, and the Liberal party, re- 
lieved of the incubus of its Whig supporters, 
became more frankly democratic. 

On the fall of the short-lived Gladstone 
Ministry, Salisbury formed a Conservative 
Government with Lord Randolph Church- 
ill, the champion of Tory democracy and 
sometime leader of the Fourth Party, as 
Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of 
the House. But at the end of the year Lord 
Randolph refused to accept the large esti- 
mates for the army and navy on which the 


Cabinet was bent. To his surprise his 
resignation was accepted, and Goschen be- 
came Chancellor of the Exchequer. The 
new minister had refused to join the Glad- 
stone Government in 1880 owing to his 
opposition to the extension of the franchise, 
and Bright had predicted that he would one 
day enter a Tory administration. 

The most difficult, as well as the most 
urgent, problem confronting the Ministry 
was that of Ireland. Salisbury had declared 
that the sister isle needed twenty years 
of resolute government. The medicine was 
unflinchingly administered by the Chief 
Secretary, Mr. Balfour, who, in reply to the 
"Plan of Campaign," carried a drastic and 
permanent Crimes Bill in 1887 by the aid of 
the " guillotine/ ' now used for the first time 
in limiting debate. William O'Brien and 
other political offenders were treated like 
common criminals, and the bloodshed at 
Michelstown excited passionate controversy 
throughout Great Britain. But the situa- 
tion, measured by police statistics, slowly 
improved, land purchase was hurried on, 
and in 1891 the Congested Districts Board 
was created to assist the poverty-stricken 
counties of the West. $ 

The main legislative achievements of the 
Salisbury Government were the creation 
of elective County and District Councils, 


and the grant of Free Education. Both re- 
forms had been advocated by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, and their passage was regarded as 
consideration for Liberal Unionist support. 
Finance was skilfully handled by Goschen, 
and in 1888 the interest on the greater por- 
tion of the National Debt was reduced from 
3 to 2§ per cent., a further reduction to 2 \ 
per cent, to take place in 1903. The conver- 
sion effected an immediate saving of lj mil- 
lions a year in interest. Abroad the sky 
was comparatively unclouded, and Salis- 
bury confirmed his reputation as a skilful 
and peace-loving diplomatist. The celebra- 
tion of the Jubilee in 1887 not only revealed 
to the world the affectionate reverence in 
which Queen Victoria was held, but also 
emphasised the moral unity of the Empire. 
None the less the Government deemed it 
necessary to strengthen the national de- 
fences. The Two Power standard was form- 
ulated, and in 1889 a large increase in the 
navy was begun. 

During the Parliament of 1886 strokes 
both of good and evil fortune befel the 
Unionist party. In April 1887 the Times 
published a facsimile letter of Parnell, ex- 
pressing a partial approval of the Phoenix 
Park murders. The Irish leader instantly 
denied its authenticity. After a year's 
delay, the Government appointed a Commis- 


sion of three Judges to investigate the his- 
tory of the Nationalist movement, both in 
its political and its agrarian aspects. The 
letter was proved to have been forged by a 
needy adventurer named Pigott, who shot 
himself on exposure. The Judges, whose 
Report was not ready till February 1890, 
found that the leaders of the Irish party 
were not collectively engaged in a conspiracy 
to secure the independence of Ireland, but 
that some of them supported separation and 
incited to intimidation though not to serious 
crime. Parnell had no sooner vindicated his 
character than the political world was con- 
vulsed by the news that he had for years 
been living with Mrs. O'Shea. The majority 
of the Irish members at once declared that 
he must for a time withdraw from the leader- 
ship of the party, and Gladstone publicly 
advised in the same sense. Parnell refused 
to resign and fought for his place, turning 
savagely on his old friends and allies, and 
killing himself by overwork in 1891 at the 
age of forty-five. The exposure of Parnell 
and the internecine conflict within the 
Nationalist party destroyed the chances of 
a Liberal triumph at the polls. 

The election of 1892 was a bitter disap- 
pointment to Gladstone, who only secured 
a majority of 40. The second Home Rule 
Bill differed from the first in proposing the 


retention of 80 members from Ireland, with 
power to vote only on matters in which their 
country was concerned. But the "in and 
out" proposal, borrowed from Croatia, broke 
down in debate, and it was determined to 
retain the members for all purposes. The 
Bill was rejected by the House of Lords by 
419 to 41. The Government then proceeded 
to pass a Parish Councils Bill, which com- 
pleted the reform of local government begun 
in 1888. The session of 1893 lasted through 
the winter, and early in 1894 Gladstone re- 
signed the Premiership. His last speech in 
the House of Commons, where he had sat 
for sixty years, pointed the moral of the 
situation by declaring that the issue of 
Lords and Commons had been raised, and 
must be settled in favour of the elected 
Chamber. The duties of a Prime Minister 
weighed heavily on a man of eighty-five, 
sight and hearing were affected, and Home 
Rule was blocked; but the proximate cause 
of his resignation was his dislike of the large 
shipbuilding programme on which a majority 
of his colleagues insisted. 

Lord Rosebery, who had been Foreign 
Secretary in the third and fourth Gladstone 
Ministries, succeeded to the position to which 
Harcourt was widely considered to have a 
prior claim. Harcourt had to content him- 
self with the leadership of the House; but 


his disappointment was followed by the 
greatest triumph of his career. The Budget 
of 1894 instituted graduated duties on real 
and personal property passing at death. 
The majority was small and the problem 
extraordinarily complicated; but the Chan- 
cellor piloted his measure through the House 
without the closure. Though attacked by 
the Opposition with extreme bitterness, the 
Death Duties were retained when the Union- 
ists took office in the following year. The 
Budget of 1894 was the last as well as the 
greatest success of a divided and dispirited 
Government. The Prime Minister com- 
plained bitterly of responsibility without 
power, and in June 1895 the Ministry re- 
signed on a defeat in a thin House. 

At the ensuing election the Unionists se- 
cured a majority of 152, and Salisbury 
formed his third Administration, in which 
the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Chamberlain, 
Lord Lansdowne, and other Liberal Unionists 
held important posts. During the campaign 
Mr. Chamberlain had expounded a policy 
of social reform, of which Old Age Pensions 
were the most popular item; but though 
one surplus followed another no attempt 
was made to redeem the promise. On the 
other hand, it was mainly owing to his 
efforts that an Employers' Liability Bill, 
embodying the principle of contracting out, 


became law in 1897, and was extended to 
include agricultural labourers in 1900. In 
Ireland popularly elected County Councils 
took the place of the Grand Juries in 1898, 
and in 1899 a Department of Agriculture 
and Technical Instruction was established 
on lines suggested by Sir Horace Plunkett, 
who became its first head. On the other 
hand, the Government paid no attention to 
the finding of a strong Royal Commission 
that Ireland was paying one-twelfth of the 
joint expenditure, whereas her proper con- 
tribution would be one-twentieth. 

The main attention of the Government 
and the country was devoted rather to ex- 
ternal than to domestic affairs. The arrest- 
ing personality of Mr. Chamberlain attracted 
attention to the work of the Colonial Office, 
and advantage was taken of the presence 
of the Colonial Premiers at the Diamond 
Jubilee in 1897 to hold an informal Con- 
ference to discuss methods of drawing the 
component parts of the Empire together. 
In 1900 the federal constitution drawn up 
by the Australian Colonies was accepted by 
the Home Government, which, however, in- 
sisted on the retention of the Privy Council 
as a Court of Appeal. Friendly relations 
with the United States were temporarily 
interrupted by a dispute in reference to the 
boundary of Venezuela. Great Britain was 


condemned to look on while the Sultan 
massacred his Armenian subjects by thou- 
sands, but assisted in the expulsion of 
Turkish troops from Crete. A formidable 
insurrection among the tribes on the North- 
West frontier of India led to a costly cam- 
paign in 1897. In the scramble for conces- 
sions in China Salisbury proved no match 
for the rough-handed diplomatists of Ger- 
many and Russia, and the lease of Wei-hai- 
Wei in 1898 failed to avert an abiding 
diminution of British prestige in the Far 
East. In another continent the Govern- 
ment showed greater decision. In 1896 the 
Anglo-Egyptian army advanced to Don- 
gola, and in 1898 the forces of the Khalifa 
were annihilated outside Omdurman. 

While the Empire was occupied with war 
and the rumours of war in every quarter of 
the world, dark clouds were gathering in 
South Africa. On the first day of January 

1896 Dr. Jameson, the Administrator of 
Rhodesia, entered the Transvaal with 600 
men, but was quickly captured by a superior 
force of Boers. The plan, though not the 
exact day of the Raid, was known to Rhodes, 
and it was widely believed that it was also 
known to Mr. Chamberlain. A Committee 
of the House of Commons was appointed in 

1897 to probe the conspiracy; but as Rhodes' 
solicitor, Mr. Hawksley, refused to produce 


the telegrams in his possession and the 
Committee neglected to insist on their pro- 
duction, as Rutherfoord Harris, the Secre- 
tary of the South Africa Company, was no- 
where to be found, and as no punishment 
was inflicted on Rhodes, the report merely 
increased the suspicion of the Transvaal 
Boers that their independence was in danger. 
In the same year Sir Alfred Milner was 
appointed High Commissioner, and imme- 
diately began to champion the claims of the 
Uitlanders with more zeal than discretion. 
On October 9, 1899, after protracted nego- 
tiations, and when a large force was on the 
way to the Cape, the Transvaal issued an 

The South African War was the first con- 
test with white men in which Great Britain 
had engaged since the Crimean conflict. It 
was quickly apparent that both the Intelli- 
gence Department and the equipment of 
the army were gravely at fault. Moreover, 
Sir Redvers Buller, the Commander-in-Chief, 
failed to justify his appointment. But 
when in the closing days of the year 
the British forces were defeated thrice 
in a single week, Lord Roberts was sent 
to take command, with Lord Kitchener as 
his chief colleague. The opening months 
of 1900 completely changed the situation. 
The Boer commandos fell back, Bloem- 


fontein and Pretoria were occupied and the 
Republics annexed. 

The outbreak of hostilities banished every 
other subject of political discussion. The 
masses once again surrendered themselves 
without reserve to the intoxicating emotions 
of a great and victorious conflict. Owing to 
mob violence public discussion of the policy 
of the Government was almost confined to 
the walls of Parliament. While, with one 
or two notable exceptions, Unionists be- 
lieved it to be a just and necessary war, 
Liberal opinion was sharply divided. Camp- 
bell-Bannerman, who had succeeded Har- 
court as the leader of the party early in 
1899, spoke for the great majority of his 
followers when he declared that it might 
have been avoided by a more tactful states- 
manship; but he shared the almost uni- 
versal opinion that the conflict once begun 
must be carried to a successful issue. A 
smaller section, calling themselves Liberal 
Imperialists, pronounced the war to be in- 
evitable. While the party was thus paralysed 
by acute dissensions, Salisbury suddenly 
dissolved Parliament in September 1900. 
The result of a Khaki election is never in 
doubt, and the Unionists were returned by 
an undiminished majority. But the Boers 
developed an unsuspected power of re- 
sistance, and it was not till April 1902 that 


peace was concluded by the Treaty of 
Vereeniging. In addition to an immense 
increase of taxation, the war had added 160 
millions to the National Debt. 

When the conflict was over public atten- 
tion again began to turn to domestic affairs. 
Queen Victoria had died early in 1901, and 
Salisbury resigned on the ground of failing 
health at the conclusion of the war, the 
reversion falling to his nephew, Mr. Balfour. 
In the election of 1900 Mr. Chamberlain and 
other Unionist leaders had invited Liberal 
support on the understanding that domestic 
controversies would not be dealt with in the 
coming Parliament. Despite these promises 
a Bill was passed in 1902 which abolished 
School Boards and transferred the control 
of elementary education to County and 
Town Councils. Denominational schools 
were allowed support from the rates; and 
though the public authority controlled the 
secular education given in them, the head 
teacher was compelled to belong to the de- 
nomination, and a permanent majority of 
denominational managers was guaranteed. 
In 1904 a scarcely less controversial measure 
gave licence holders a statutory right to 
compensation from a fund levied on the trade 
if the licence was not renewed. 

The most important legislative achieve- 
ment of the Parliament was the Irish Land 


Act of 1903. Dual ownership had broken 
down despite the reduction of rents decreed 
by the Land Court set up by Gladstone in 
1881, and far-seeing landlords and tenants 
were coming to regard purchase as the only 
solution of their troubles. To bridge the 
gulf between the price the tenant could pay 
and the price the landlord could accept, a 
bonus of 12 per cent, was promised by the 
Treasury. The landlord received cash, while 
the tenant was to pay off the purchase 
money in 68 \ years by annual instalments 
which represented less than his old rent. 
Under this Act Ireland is rapidly becoming 
a country of small free-holders. Economic 
prosperity has steadily increased, and a re- 
markable intellectual revival, powerfully fos- 
tered by the Gaelic League, is in progress. 
The demand of Catholic Ireland for au- 
tonomy remains unaffected by good no less 
than by evil fortune. 

Among other activities of the Balfour 
Ministry was the reorganisation of the army. 
The office of Commander-in-Chief was abol- 
ished, and control was transferred to an 
Army Council presided over by the Secre- 
tary for War. Still more important was the 
creation of a Committee of Imperial De- 
fence under the presidency of the Prime 
Minister. Higher pay and greater comfort 
for the private soldier augmented the cost 


of the Army; but a still larger increase took 
place in the Navy estimates. The appoint- 
ment of Sir John Fisher to the post of First 
Sea Lord in 1904 was followed by the scrap- 
ping of obsolete ships, the concentration of 
the fleet, and a revision of the methods of 
selecting cadets. The policy of the Govern- 
ment was laid down in the Cawdor Memo- 
randum of 1905, which advised the annual 
construction of four battleships of the newly 
invented Dreadnought type. 

The Ministry began to lose its popularity 
soon after the close of the war, and the by- 
elections went steadily against it. In 1903 
the Government was shaken by an internal 
convulsion. On his return from a visit to 
South Africa Mr. Chamberlain startled the 
world by a speech demanding Colonial 
Preference as a means of binding the Em- 
pire together. He had invited the Colonies 
at the Jubilee of 1897 to form a Zollverein; 
but though Canada granted a preference to 
British goods, and her example was subse- 
quently followed by other Colonies, none of 
them allowed free entry. He had next at- 
tempted to introduce Preference by a back 
door when the Cabinet proposed to remit 
the shilling duty on corn imposed for revenue 
purposes in 1901. Beaten in the Cabinet 
Mr. Chamberlain appealed to public opinion. 
Mr. Balfour declared for retaliation as a 


means of reducing tariffs, but refused to 
accept the taxation of food, and declared 
that no changes would be made by the ex- 
isting Parliament. In September the storm 
burst. Mr. Chamberlain resigned in order 
to be free to conduct his campaign, the Duke 
of Devonshire because he was unable to 
agree with the Prime Minister's newly an- 
nounced fiscal views. The ex-Chancellors, 
Goschen and Hicks-Beach, also declared 
their opposition to the Chamberlain pro- 
gramme, while Mr. Winston Churchill and 
a few other prominent Unionists crossed the 
floor of the House. 

The Cabinet, reconstructed with lesser 
men, held on for two years more, but with 
diminishing strength and prestige. Indig- 
nation was aroused by the introduction of 
Chinese coolies into the Transvaal mines 
under conditions that existed nowhere else 
in the British Empire. Conscious of the 
growing unpopularity of his Government, 
and weakened by the divisions of his party, 
Mr. Balfour resigned office in November 
1905. He had displayed remarkable par- 
liamentary skill; but the greatest personal 
success of the Ministry was Lord Lans- 
downe, whose treaties with Japan and 
France and skilful handling of the Mace- 
donian problem revealed his rare diplomatic 


On the resignation of Mr. Balfour, Camp- 
bell-Bannerman undertook the task of form- 
ing a Ministry. When he accepted the 
leadership of the Liberal party he was only 
known as a capable administrator. The 
divisions that had caused Lord Rosebery to 
resign his post in 1896 and Harcourt to 
follow his example three years later were 
intensified on the outbreak of the Boer War; 
but he held tenaciously to his convictions 
and waited with patient confidence for the 
turn of the tide. The inauguration of the 
Protectionist campaign in 1903 disunited 
the Unionists and reunited the Liberals. 
Among the champions of Free Trade none 
was more active than Lord Rosebery; but, 
shortly before the change of Ministry, he 
asserted that he would never serve under a 
Home Rule banner. Despite his withdrawal 
his political friends accepted office in the new 
Ministry. Though a Liberal victory was 
anticipated, the crushing defeat of the 
Unionists was somewhat of a surprise. But 
the country was ripe for a change both of 
measures and men. It had had its fill of war 
and adventure, and craved more nourishing 
fare. The election marks the end of the 
period of Unionist predominance and Im- 
perialist expansion, the era of Chamberlain 
and Kipling. Among the striking features 
of the election were the solid opposition of 


the North to Protection and the unwavering 
loyalty of Birmingham to its greatest citizen. 
But its most important incident was the 
return of 29 members of the Independent 
Labour Party. The Labour Representation 
Committee, founded in 1900, had done its 
work well. Mr. Keir Hardie had sat alone 
in the Parliament of 1892, and he and one 
or two more working men were members of 
the Parliament of 1900. They now formed 
a recognised party, which quickly earned 
respect by its ability, its sincerity, and its 
scrupulous observance of the forms of the 
House. While the working men who sat on 
the Liberal benches represented the older 
and more individualist Trade Union tradi- 
tion, the Independent Labour Party was 
predominantly Socialist, and spoke also for 
the New Unionism, which dates from the 
Dock strike of 1889. 

One of the first tasks of the new Govern- 
ment was to prohibit the further introduc- 
tion of Chinese labour into South Africa, and 
to grant self-governing institutions to the 
Transvaal and the Orange River Colony. The 
Chinese were repatriated without damage to 
the mining interest, and British and Dutch 
began to co-operate in the development of 
their common country. In 1909 the two 
new Colonies combined with the Cape and 
Natal, and in 1910, General Botha became 


head of the first Union Cabinet. Thus 
South Africa at last passed out of British 
party controversy. 

The most important Bill of the opening 
session was designed to remove the griev- 
ances arising under the Education Act of 
1902; but the Lords insisted on alterations 
which the Government refused to accept. 
The first session also witnessed the addition 
of 6 million workers to those already entitled 
to compensation for accident, the restoration 
to Trade Unions of the powers which they 
had possessed before the Taff Vale judg- 
ment, the recognition of the rights of the 
Tenant Farmer, and the authorisation of 
contributions from the rates to the feeding 
of necessitous school children. The session 
of 1907 was less eventful. A Territorial 
army was created in which the old Volun- 
teer associations were merged, new facilities 
were granted for the establishment of Small 
Holdings, and medical inspection of school 
children was inaugurated. A Bill transfer- 
ring certain departments of local administra- 
tion to a Council sitting in Dublin was 
condemned by the Nationalists as inade- 
quate and withdrawn by the Government. 
When the session was over the Prime Minister 
was struck down. He resigned early in 1908, 
and died soon after. While the Boer War 
had shown his courage and tenacity, his 


leadership of the House revealed his rare 
parliamentary skill and his unequalled capac- 
ity for inspiring the affectionate confidence 
of his followers. Mr. Asquith became Prime 
Minister, and his place as Chancellor of 
the Exchequer was filled by Mr. Lloyd 

The session of 1908 was as crowded and 
eventful as that of 1906. A measure estab- 
lishing Old Age Pensions at the age of 
seventy and protecting child life was car- 
ried; but the largest and boldest project, the 
Licensing Bill, was rejected by the Lords. 
Mr. Asquith immediately declared that the 
Veto was henceforward the dominant issue 
in politics, and the session of 1909 witnessed 
the outbreak of fierce hostilities between the 
Houses. The Budget, which had to find 14 
millions to defray the rapidly increasing ex- 
pense of the Navy and Old Age Pensions, 
was rejected by the Lords on November 30. 
Their action, which was chiefly due to dis- 
like of the land taxes, rendered a dissolution 
inevitable, and the double issue of the 
Budget and the Veto was submitted to the 
electors. Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the 
North of England stood firmly by the Gov- 
ernment; but the Unionists won back the 
South and returned to Westminster with a 
net gain of 100 seats. The two great parties 
were almost exactly equal, but the support 


of the Labour and Nationalist members fur- 
nished a majority of 122 opposed to the Veto 
of the Upper House. 

The Lords accepted the Budget of 1909, 
which was sent up to them unchanged. The 
Government's policy was then presented in 
the form of resolutions, the first abolishing 
the veto on finance, the second limiting the 
veto on other measures to two years, the 
third reducing the life of Parliament from 
7 to 5 years. The limitation of the veto 
had been urged by Bright in 1834, by Glad- 
stone in his valedictory speech, and by Lord 
Rosebery while Prime Minister. It had 
been approved by the Commons on the ini- 
tiative of Campbell-Bannerman in 1907, 
and was now reaffirmed after prolonged de- 
bate. Meanwhile the House of Lords, on 
the instigation of Lord Rosebery, passed 
resolutions providing that the possession of 
a peerage should not of itself carry with it 
a seat in the Upper House. While the armies 
thus stood facing each other in battle array, 
King Edward VII suddenly died, and the 
leaders of the two great parties entered into a 
Conference. In November the failure of the 
Conference was announced, and Parliament 
was immediately dissolved. The Unionist 
leaders promptly outlined a plan for re- 
ducing the size of the Upper Chamber, ob- 
taining half its members by election or 


nomination, and settling grave disputes by 
a Referendum. Thus one party proposed 
the alteration of its composition, the other 
the limitation of its powers. The decision of 
the country was asked and given on a single 
issue, and the Government was confirmed in 
power by an undiminished majority. 

While domestic controversy remains acute, 
a considerable measure of agreement has 
been reached in regard to external questions. 
Both parties accept the Japanese Alliance 
and the Triple Entente, both support un- 
conditional arbitration with the United 
States and the maintenance of a supreme 
Navy. Few men on either side any longer 
wish either to increase or diminish the size 
of the Empire. The problem of to-day is 
to defend, develop, and consolidate the vast 
territories which owe allegiance to the British 
crown. Canada, Australia, and South Africa 
are now less daughter nations than allies. 
The Colonial Conference has become the 
Imperial Conference, the Colonies have be- 
come Dominions, and their Governments 
negotiate commercial treaties with foreign 
Powers. Canada and Australia are creating 
their own fleets. More frequent and sys- 
tematic consultation between the Govern- 
ments is desirable, and an important step 
was taken at the Conference of 1911 when 
the foreign policy of the Mother Country 


was explained to the Dominion Premiers. 
But every project of fiscal, military, and 
political unification must be tested by its 
bearing on the sovereign principle of local 



The history of the Third Republic is a 
record of earnest and successful endeavour 
to extricate France from the abyss into 
which she was plunged by Napoleon III, and 
to make her a powerful, prosperous, and 
democratic State. The thread which runs 
through and connects the main events of 
the last forty years is the establishment of 
republican institutions and their defence 
against enemies within and without. Though 
all Frenchmen are not yet republicans, time 
has confirmed the truth of Thiers' famous 
words, "It is the Republic which divides 
us least." When the Comte de Chambord 
refused to accept the tricolour flag, all but 
the most extreme Monarchists ceased to 
work for his restoration. A republican Con- 
stitution was drawn up in 1875, the Clerico- 
Monarchist attack of Macmahon and the 
Due de Broglie was repulsed, the finances 
were placed on a sound basis by Leon Say, 
the army was enlarged and reorganised, 
Tunis was added to the Colonial Empire, 



secular education was instituted by Jules 
Ferry, and Grevy, a staunch Republican, 
was elected President in 1879. At Gam- 
betta's death in 1882, the edifice of which he 
was the chief architect gave fair promise of 

The Ministry of Ferry, which held office 
from 1883 to 1885, witnessed not only the 
extension of French Indo-China, but also a 
modification of the Constitution. It was 
enacted that the republican form of govern- 
ment should never be subject to revision, 
that members of the families which had 
reigned in France should be ineligible for 
the Presidency, that no more life senators 
should be created, and that single-member 
constituencies should be replaced by the 
scrutin de liste. The fall of the Ministry 
was followed by elections in which nearly 
half the votes were given to Monarchists. 
The Republicans were divided into the Op- 
portunists, who inherited the tradition of 
Gambetta, and the Radicals, of whom the 
most brilliant gladiator was Clemenceau; 
but in face of the common danger they 
combined to elect Grevy for a second pres- 
idential term. Their nervousness was fur- 
ther shown by the expulsion in 1886 of the 
leading members of families that had ruled 
in France, a measure aimed at the Comte 
de Paris, who, since the death of the child- 


less Comte de Chambord in 1883, had 
become the candidate of Legitimists as well 
as Orleanists. 

A foe more formidable to the Republic 
than the Comte de Paris was at hand. Early 
in 1886 Boulanger, whom Gambetta had 
called one of the four best officers in France, 
became Minister of War in the Freycinet 
Ministry. He possessed unusual energy, and 
he ingratiated himself with the soldiers by 
increasing their comforts. At a review on 
the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille 
he was received with acclamation by the 
crowd. A Boulangist movement began under 
the auspices of Rochefort and Deroulede, 
the programme of which was the suppression 
of the parliamentary regime and the dictator- 
ship of the General. Early in 1887 his 
swaggering Chauvinism on the occasion of 
the arrest of Schnaebele increased his popu- 
larity with the mob. The fall of the Ministry 
of which he was a member and his dispatch 
to the command of an army corps in the 
provinces in no way diminished his influence. 
The Clerical, Monarchist, and Bonapartist 
parties saw a chance of overturning the 
Republic, and the Comte de Paris, in spite 
of Boulanger's scandalous conduct to his 
house, supplied money for the campaign. 

The danger was increased by a presidential 
crisis. Shortly after the re-election of Grevy 


it was discovered that his son-in-law, Wilson, 
was selling honours from the Elysee. The 
President was forced to resign, and though 
Car not, the grandson of the Organiser of 
Victory, succeeded him, the prestige of the 
Republic received a damaging blow. At 
this moment of republican disillusion Bou- 
langer came to Paris without permission. He 
was deprived of his command, but was 
immediately elected to Parliament by an 
enormous majority. Though the General 
made no mark in the Chamber, he was re- 
turned by several departments. In January 
1889 his election for the department of the 
Seine by an overwhelming majority showed 
that Paris was behind him; and had he 
struck on the night of his triumph, he would 
have slain the Republic. He let slip the 
opportunity of his life, and a few weeks later, 
on learning that he was to be arrested, fled 
from the country. In his absence he was 
tried for treason, and sentenced to perpetual 
imprisonment. A few months later the sui- 
cide of the sham Napoleon in Brussels brought 
to a fitting close one of the most discreditable 
chapters in the history of modern France. 

The Exhibition of 1889 helped to restore 
confidence in the Republic. Single-member 
constituencies were restored and candida- 
tures for more than one seat forbidden, and 
at the elections of 1889 the Royalist vote 


sank from 45 to 21 per cent, of the total poll. 
A short period of calm followed the violent 
agitations of recent years. No legislation of 
importance was passed except that which, 
on the initiative of Meline, set up a general 
tariff in 1892. But the tranquillity was 
violently disturbed by the Panama scandals. 
The great engineer De Lesseps, after con- 
structing the Suez Canal, determined to 
pierce the Isthmus of Panama, a project as 
old as Philip II. The thrifty peasantry 
readily entrusted him with their savings, 
and a company was formed in 1881. The 
engineering difficulties proved immensely 
greater than had been anticipated, and 
tropical diseases played havoc with the 
workmen. In 1888 the Company was in need 
of further capital, and, failing to obtain it, 
suspended the payment of interest. The 
shareholders were willing to forfeit their in- 
terest till the opening of the canal, and De 
Lesseps was offered the Chairmanship of a 
new Company, with a million to complete the 
work. But he had lost his buoyant self- 
confidence, and refused to undertake further 
responsibilities. Moreover, the United States, 
which had kept up a running fire of criticism 
from the start, now expressed open hostility. 
Three foreign Commissioners were sent to 
Panama, and their report destroyed the last 
illusions of the hapless investors. Though 


50 millions had already been raised, 30 mil- 
lions more would be required, and when the 
canal was open for traffic the prospect of 
revenue was small. These revelations were 
followed by others which intensified the 
poignancy of the disaster. It was discovered 
that barely two-thirds of the vast sum 
already raised had been spent on the isthmus. 
A Parliamentary Committee, appointed in 
the autumn of 1892, reported that past and 
present members of both Chambers had re- 
ceived money. Early in 1893 the Directors 
of the Company were brought to trial. De 
Lesseps himself was sentenced to imprison- 
ment; but as he was nearly ninety, and 
almost imbecile, he was allowed to end his 
days in peace. The Boulanger crisis revealed 
the strength of the enemies of the Republic. 
Panama disclosed the moral weakness of 
some of its own champions. It seemed, in- 
deed, to be pursued by a remorseless fate. 
In 1894 the blameless Carnot was assassi- 
nated by an anarchist, and his successor, 
Casimir-Perier, after seven months of office, 
resigned his exalted post. He had been vio- 
lently attacked by the Socialists and the Ex- 
treme Left, and his ministers withheld from 
him decisions in reference to foreign policy 
and national defence. 

While the Republic was thus receiving 
blow upon blow, it seemed as if it were 


about to make peace with one of its most 
formidable adversaries. Though the clergy 
had hated the Italian policy of Louis Napo- 
leon, they at any rate preferred him to his 
successors. When Macmahon dismissed 
Jules Simon and appointed the Due de 
Broglie, the Church warmly supported the 
attempt of the Royalists to capture the ex- 
ecutive. It was after the historic election of 
1877 that Gambetta uttered his famous 
declaration "Le Clericalisme, voila Pennemi." 
Open war was declared when Ferry banished 
the Jesuits and attempted to forbid mem- 
bers of unauthorised Orders to teach. Under 
the circumstances it was not surprising that 
the Church and the Orders should have 
supported Boulanger in his endeavour to 
overturn the Republic. 

The Boulangist crisis suggested to many 
Republicans the desirability of attempting 
to disarm the hostility of the Church; and a 
powerful influence in the direction of peace 
was exerted from the Vatican. In 1890 
the saintly Cardinal Lavigerie hoisted the 
signal of reconciliation by proposing the 
toast of the Republic in the presence of 
French officers on a visit to Algiers, and in 
1892 the Pope took the decisive step of 
issuing an Encyclical urging French Catholics 
to rally to the Republic. The majority of 
Royalists, led by the Comte de Mun, fol- 


lowed his injunctions and formed the party 
of the "Rallies." The Republicans showed 
their appreciation by dropping the demand 
for the separation of Church and State in the 
elections of 1893; but the halcyon days 
were few and were followed by far fiercer 

A new element of discord had been intro- 
duced by a campaign against the Jews, 
inaugurated by Drumont. His contention 
that France was being exploited by alien 
financiers received some shadow of con- 
firmation from the Panama scandals. The 
support of Catholics was secured by attribu- 
ting the anti-clerical policy of the Republic to 
the influence of the Jews, while the army 
was adjured to purge itself of the Semitic 
virus which was alleged to be working on 
behalf of the national enemy. In October 
1894, La Libre Parole announced a concrete 
case of treason. Captain Dreyfus, a Jewish 
officer of artillery, was arrested on the charge 
of betraying military secrets to Germany. 
He was tried by court-martial, sentenced to 
detention for life, publicly degraded, and 
transported to an island off French Guiana. 
Though the arrest attracted little notice at 
the time, many of his co-religionists sus- 
pected that his condemnation was unjust. 
In 1896 Colonel Picquart, who had become 
head of the Intelligence Department of the 


War Office, informed the Minister for War 
that he believed the incriminating letter to 
have been written by Major Esterhazy. 
The War Office replied by sending Picquart 
on foreign service and replacing him by 
Colonel Henry. The next step was taken 
in 1897 when Scheurer-Kestner, a Protestant 
Senator, announced his conviction that the 
prisoner of the Devil's Isle was innocent; 
but the Meline Ministry replied that it was 
impossible to go behind the judgment of the 

France was now divided into hostile 
camps. On the side of Dreyfus were such 
doughty warriors as Clemenceau, Jaures, 
Joseph Reinach, Zola, and Anatole France; 
against him were the mob, the army and the 
Church, with a few Catholic and Royalist 
intellectuels, such as Brunetiere and Jules 
Lemaitre, Coppee and Bourget. In the latter 
camp was also found President Faure, who 
had succeeded Casimir-Perier and whose 
loyalty to the Parliamentary Republic was 
not above suspicion. Esterhazy was acquitted 
of writing the letter by a court-martial, Zola 
was condemned for an attack on the mili- 
tary authorities, and Picquart was impris- 
oned without trial for his championship of 
Dreyfus. The elections of 1898 led to the 
resignation of the Meline Cabinet and the 
formation of a Radical Ministry under 


Brisson; but the majority was still anti- 
Dreyfusard. When the Chamber met, the 
War Minister, Cavaignac, communicated to 
it new proofs of the prisoner's guilt; but a 
month later Colonel Henry confessed that 
the documents had been forged by himself, 
and committed suicide in prison. The for- 
geries of Henry left the Government no 
choice but to refer the case to the Cour de 
Cassation. The trial was delayed by the 
hostility of Brisson's successor, Dupuy, but a 
formidable obstacle was removed by the 
sudden death of Faure in the early days 
of 1899. 

The defenders of Dreyfus were animated 
by an unselfish determination to secure the 
release of an innocent man; but a simple 
miscarriage of military justice would not 
have convulsed France. As the drama de- 
veloped Dreyfus became the symbol of prin- 
ciples which were supported or attacked 
without much reference to his guilt or inno- 
cence. His chief defenders were almost 
without exception Protestants, Jews, free- 
thinkers, Radicals, and Socialists. The core 
of the anti-Dreyfusard coalition was anti- 
Republican, and the fight for Dreyfus de- 
veloped into a fight for the Republic. On the 
day of Faure's funeral Deroulede, the poet of 
La Revanche and the champion of a plebisci- 
tary executive, attempted to lead General 


Roget, a prominent anti-Dreyfusard who was 
on duty with his troops, against the Elysee. 
The attempt failed and Deroulede was ban- 
ished; but a few weeks later an organised 
assault on the new President, Loubet, on 
the race course at Auteuil, showed that the 
danger was not yet over. 

The existence of the Republic has been 
thrice seriously threatened. The attack of 
1877 had been mainly frustrated by Gam- 
betta, that of Boulanger by Constans. 
That it emerged unscathed from the still 
more formidable onslaught of the anti- 
Dreyfusards was mainly due to Waldeck- 
Rousseau, who took office when the failure to 
screen the head of the State from insult led 
to the fall of the Dupuy Ministry in June 
1899. Under the joint influence of the new 
President and the new Premier the forces 
of reason began to reassert themselves. 
Waldeck-Rousseau had already made his 
name at the bar when he entered Parliament 
in 1879. He quickly attracted the attention 
of Gambetta, and became Minister of the 
Interior in the Grand Ministere and again 
in the long Ministry of Jules Ferry. When 
the latter fell in 1885 his friend and fol- 
lower returned to the bar, where his prac- 
tice was so lucrative that it was generally 
believed that he would never again embark 
on the stormy sea of politics. Yet when the 


existence of the Republic seemed at stake 
in 1899 he responded to the call. His cool 
brain and reserved manners, his prestige 
and disinterestedness, exerted a tranquil- 
lising effect; and his choice of colleagues 
gave ocular demonstration of his resolve to 
unite all sincere Republicans in defence of 
the State. Though declaring himself "a 
convinced individualist," he appointed the 
socialist Millerand Minister of Public Works. 
To reassure the army he persuaded General 
Galliffet, famous as a beau sabreur and as 
the executioner of the Communards, to ac- 
cept the War Office. 

The first task of the new Ministry was to 
liquidate the case around which such furious 
passions had raged. In accordance with the 
decision of the Cour de Cassation Dreyfus 
was brought home and tried before a court- 
martial at Rennes. He was found guilty 
by 5 votes to 2, and sentenced to ten years' 
detention; but the verdict carried no weight, 
and the sorely-tried Jew was immediately 
pardoned by the President of the Republic. 
The whole case was subsequently investi- 
gated by the Cour de Cassation, and Dreyfus 
was reinstated in the army with promotion 
to the rank of Major. The termination of 
"the affair" was, however, only the be- 
ginning of the task of reconstruction to 
which the Ministry was pledged. The great 


officers, "Nationalist" almost to a man, 
had usurped a position which no State could 
tolerate, and one of the first steps was to 
assert the absolute supremacy of the Govern- 
ment over the army. Waldeck-Rousseau 
assumed office not only to rescue the Republic 
from its enemies, but to take precautions 
that they should never be in a position to 
renew the attack. The rapprochement be- 
tween the Church and the Republic was 
rudely disturbed when La Croix, the organ 
of the Assumptionists, and other clerical 
papers flung themselves with fiendish pas- 
sion into the campaign against Dreyfus and 
violently traduced the supporters of the Re- 
public. The attack was repulsed, and the 
Republicans proceeded to retaliate. 

In 1900 the Premier announced the intro- 
duction of legislation in reference to Associa- 
tions. The authorisation of Government was 
required for any association, political, social 
or religious, consisting of more than twenty 
persons; and such authorisation the greater 
religious Orders had never received. Despite 
their precarious legal position their member- 
ship had grown sixfold since their nominal 
suppression by Ferry, while their property 
was estimated at forty millions. Such rapid 
progress in numbers and wealth was watched 
with a not too friendly eye by their historic 
rivals, the parochial clergy, who were assured 


by the Premier that they would not be 
affected by the coming legislation. The Bill 
was introduced in 1901 and passed with little 
opposition. The right to associate for legal 
purposes was freed from restrictions, but 
religious congregations could only be formed 
by a special statute, and the rules of each 
Order were to be submitted for approval. 
No member of an unauthorised Order could 
teach in any school. The Premier denied 
that the Bill was an attack on religion. 
There was no desire, he declared, for a 
wholesale suppression. Each case would be 
decided on its merits. Several Orders, the 
Assumptionists among them, failed to regu- 
larise their position, and were at once 

In 1902, after an election which confirmed 
his power, Waldeck-Rousseau, whose health 
had rapidly deteriorated, resigned office. 
Two years later he died at the age of fifty- 
six. His three years' rule had re-established 
the prestige of France, and his place in the 
hierarchy of the statesmen of the Third Re- 
public is only a little below that of Gambetta 
and Ferry. His successor, Combes, a zealous 
anti-clerical, who had been educated as a 
seminarist, continued the campaign against 
the Associations with a harshness which 
provoked public condemnation by the author 
of the law. In the next place, he closed 


schools recently opened in private buildings 
on the ground that they were conducted by 
members of religious Associations, and fol- 
lowed by the suppression of those conducted 
by Orders which had not applied for author- 
isation. In 1904 a further law forbade mem- 
bers even of authorised Orders to teach. 
Though the harrying of the Associations in- 
volved exile and poverty to individuals, the 
policy of the Government was supported or 
regarded with indifference by the mass of 
the nation. 

No sooner were the Associations dissolved 
than an even graver step became imminent. 
Combes had declared that his shafts would 
be aimed at the monks, not the priests; but 
the distinction could not long be maintained. 
Though the separation of Church and State 
had been advocated in the earlier years of 
the Republic, little was heard of it after the 
papal utterance of 1892, and it was dis- 
avowed by Waldeck-Rousseau. None the 
less an annual motion was brought forward 
by the Extreme Left, and after the inter- 
vention of the Church in the Dreyfus crisis 
the demand for separation became louder. 
With the accession of Pius X in the summer 
of 1903, the conciliatory policy of Leo and 
Rampolla was discontinued. The Premier 
challenged the wording of the papal bulls 
for the institution of bishops, contending 


that the Papacy had no choice but to in- 
stitute the candidate nominated by the 
Government. A deadlock ensued, and no 
further bishops were appointed under the 
Concordat, which Combes now threatened 
to abrogate. The Pope publicly denounced 
the tendencies of the French Government, 
and when President Loubet paid a return 
visit to Victor Emanuel in Rome in April 
1904 he loudly protested. To this tactless 
step the Ministry replied by withdrawing the 
French ambassador to the Vatican. Shortly 
after the Pope issued orders to two bishops 
without communication with the Govern- 
ment. Combes retorted by withdrawing the 
French charge d'affaires and advising the 
recall of the papal nuncio from Paris. 

The inevitable sequel of the embittered 
conflict was the abrogation of the Concordat. 
In pursuance of his task of pacification 
Napoleon had restored the Church in 1801. 
Following the Gallican tradition the Con- 
cordat reserved large powers to the executive; 
and Organic Articles were drawn up which, 
though not accepted by the Pope, were 
applied by successive Governments. The 
arrangement lasted for a century, and might 
have continued but for the almost simulta- 
neous accession to power of two such enemies 
of compromise as Pius X and Emile Combes. 
In the autumn of 1904 a Committee of the 


Chamber was appointed to inquire into the 
problem of separation. The report of its 
chairman, Briand, a Socialist barrister, 
formed the basis of the proposals presented 
to Parliament early in 1905 and carried into 
law by the end of the year. The Combes 
Ministry fell before the discussion began; 
but its policy survived it. The Separation 
Law declared that the Republic no longer 
recognised nor supported any religious or- 
ganisation, and that the property of such 
bodies, of which an inventory was to be 
made by the State, should be transferred to 
Associations of Public Worship. Salaries 
were continued for life in the case of the 
older clergy, and in other cases according to 
the length of service. Precisely the same ar- 
rangements applied to Protestant and Jewish 
ministers, who had likewise received salaries 
from the State, and who, though loyal to the 
Republic, had to suffer with the rest. The 
taking of the inventories of the Churches led 
to frequent conflicts, in which the troops had 
on several occasions to intervene. 

The kernel of the scheme was the Associa- 
tion Cultuelle, which the Protestants and 
Jews adopted, and which with few excep- 
tions the French bishops approved; but the 
Pope, after long consideration, forbade their 
formation. The clergy had no choice but 
to submit, and valuable resources passed out 


of their control. Sincere sympathy for the 
plight of the Church was felt by moderate 
Republicans, and Briand, who became Min- 
ister of Education and Public Worship in 
the Clemenceau Cabinet in 1906, adminis- 
tered the law with marked forbearance. 
Thus the Republic disarmed one of its most 
dangerous foes; but the power of the Church 
for evil or for good has been diminished as 
much by the growing indifference of the 
nation as by drastic legislation. In most 
districts the men have long held ostenta- 
tiously aloof from its ministrations, and 
even in Brittany, that relic of a vanishing 
world, its influence is waning. Protestantism 
holds its own but makes no conquests; and 
as its adherents number little over half a 
million, it plays but a small part in the re- 
ligious life of the nation. In no country has 
religion so entirely ceased to receive official 

Since the termination of the prolonged 
struggle with the Church the attention of 
French statesmen has been mainly directed 
to labour problems. The Commune brought 
suspicion on every kind of Socialism, and it 
was not till the banished leaders returned 
after the amnesty of 1879 that it began to 
raise its head. For a time its leader was 
Jules Guesde, an orthodox Marxist; but 
before long Benoit Malon, Brousse, and 


Allemane declared that more was to be 
hoped from piece-meal reform than from a 
frontal attack on society. They stood for 
what was possible, and the "Possibilists" 
broke off from the intransigeants. Trade 
Unions were legalised in 1884, and a rap- 
prochement between Radicals and moderate 
Collectivists was vigorously urged by Jaures 
and Millerand, two bourgeois converts to 
Socialism. In the election of 1893 fifty 
Socialists were returned, and the Socialist 
vote again increased at the election of 1898. 
The entry of Millerand into a "bourgeois" 
Cabinet in 1899 incensed the party of Guesde, 
and the new Minister was denounced as a 
renegade. Undeterred by these attacks, the 
main body of Socialist deputies, brilliantly 
marshalled by Jaures, formed an essential 
part of the bloc to which France owed her 
restoration to health and strength. The 
alliance became more intimate under Combes, 
and when Clemenceau took office in 1906 he 
appointed a Socialist, Viviani, to the newly- 
created Ministry of Labour. But the rela- 
tions between the Radicals and Socialists now 
began to show signs of strain, The attack on 
the Church which had brought them together 
was over, and the leader of the Left disap- 
pointed the hopes aroused by his accession 
to office. Social legislation was neglected, 
strikes were quelled with extreme severity, 


and the Prime Minister lost no opportunity 
of emphasising his contempt for Socialism. 

The main reason, however, for the disin- 
tegration of the bloc was less the personality 
of Clemenceau than the emergence of revo- 
lutionary types of thought in labour circles. 
On the one hand, a section of Socialist 
opinion extended its support to the extreme 
pacifism of Herve, who advised a military 
strike in case of war. On the other, the 
General Confederation of Labour, founded 
in 1896, developed into a body frankly con- 
temptuous of parliamentary and constitu- 
tional action. A strike in which the capital 
was deprived of electric light was organised 
by the Confederation. The growing power 
and audacity of "Syndicalism" alarmed 
the middle classes, and when the Prime 
Minister hit back he was warmly supported 
by the bulk of public opinion. Though the 
constitutional Socialists as a body never 
identified themselves with these extreme 
schools of thought, they condemned the sen- 
tences passed upon their spokesmen. When 
the championship of the bourgeoisie became 
one of the main tasks of the Ministry, both 
sides realised that the bloc was at an end. 

By an irony of fate the relations of the 
parties became still more hostile when the 
first Socialist Premier succeeded Clemenceau 
in 1909. In his hot youth Briand had advo- 


cated the general strike; but he had long 
been a convinced "Possibilist." The new 
Minister quickly announced his desire for a 
policy of "appeasement," and hinted that 
the dangers which had rendered the bloc 
necessary had passed away. His utterances 
aroused the lively suspicion of the Extreme 
Left; and open war was declared in 1910 
when a serious strike, accompanied by 
sabotage, broke out on the railways. The 
Prime Minister affected to treat it as an out- 
burst of anarchy, and quelled it by calling 
out the strikers in their capacity of reservists. 
His colleagues accepted responsibility for the 
step, but some of them, including Millerand 
and Viviani, were unable to agree to the 
legal prohibition of railway strikes which the 
Premier demanded. Their resignations mark 
the end of the period of Socialist influence in 
ministerial policy which began in 1899. 
While supporting such measures as Old Age 
Pensions, a progressive income tax, and the 
State purchase of railways, and while ready 
to rally to the defence of secular education 
and republican institutions, their attitude in 
Parliament has changed from cordial co- 
operation to that of watchful neutrality. 
They hailed the fall of Briand in the spring 
of 1911 with delight, and welcomed the 
formation of the Monis Ministry as checking 
the recent trend towards the Right. 


The Republic is now so strong that it can 
at need dispense with Socialist support. The 
rapid change of ministries is not, as on- 
lookers once believed, a sign of political in- 
stability, but an indication that the real 
centre of power is in the Chamber. The 
Royalist vote has steadily declined since 
1885, and even in Brittany the existing regime 
is now accepted by a large majority of the 
electors. The peace and prosperity which it 
has brought form a powerful argument 
against attempted change. The Duke of 
Orleans, son of the Comte de Paris and 
great-grandson of Louis Philippe, has neither 
achievements nor personality to reinforce his 
claim. The Royalist cause has received a 
slight accession of strength by the conversion 
of disillusioned intellectuels like Paul Bourget, 
who seek in the restoration of throne and 
altar a bulwark against the advancing flood 
of social and intellectual anarchy. On the 
other hand, it has been gravely prejudiced by 
the unauthorised antics of the Camelots du 
Roi, who advertise their contempt for the 
Republic by personal outrages on its high 

The prospects of Bonapartism are no 
brighter. The disasters which Louis Napo- 
leon brought on his country were too fresh to 
allow his party to raise its head in the years 
when the Republic was a tender infant. The 


death of the Prince Imperial in the Zulu 
campaign in 1879 made Prince Napoleon, 
the gifted son of King Jerome, head of the 
family; but he was no favourite with his 
party, and even before his death in 1891 his 
eldest son, Prince Victor, was recognised as 
the head of the Bonapartists. Though there 
has been an extraordinary revival of the cult 
of the great Emperor during the last twenty 
years in consequence of the works of Masson, 
Vandal, Houssaye, and other historians, a 
political party can hardly be said to exist. 
The sole chance of a third Empire lies in a 
war or in the adoption of the "Nationalist" 
demand for a plebiscitary executive. If the 
Republic remains true to itself it has nothing 
to fear from its enemies. 



The group of statesmen who had co- 
operated with Cavour in the unification of 
Italy governed the new kingdom till the fall 
of Minghetti in 1876. High hopes were built 
on the triumph of the Left; but the new 
pilots quickly showed themselves to be no 
more skilful than the old. Their chief, De- 
pretis, who held office almost continuously 
for a decade, though personally incorrupt, 
well knew how to play on human weakness, 
and by his practice of drawing ministers 
from every party reduced politics to a game 
of skill. Elementary education was made 
compulsory, though without machinery to 
enforce attendance or money to pay for it, 
and the franchise was extended; but the 
later years of his rule were marked by grow- 
ing inertia and rising discontent. The coun- 
try became weary of a minister who lacked 
conviction and initiative, and when he died 



in 1887 the accession of Crispi to office was 
hailed with delight. 

The new Premier was 68 years old. He 
had begun life as a Republican and had 
taken part in the revolt of his native Sicily in 
1848. He was one of The Thousand who 
landed at Marsala, and it was to him more 
than to any man except Garibaldi that the 
liberation of the island was due. After 
the dramatic events of 1860 he accepted the 
Monarchy and entered Parliament. When 
the Right fell in 1876 he became successively 
President of the Chamber and Minister of 
the Interior. The Court accepted him with 
a bad grace. Cavour and Victor Emanuel 
had detested him, and Humbert liked him 
little better. An unsuitable marriage cut 
him off from society, and his manner was 
brusque and arrogant. His accession to 
office revealed in their full extent both his 
ability and his defects. After the flabby 
administration of Depretis the country was 
glad to feel a firm hand on the reins. On 
the other hand, he proved to be both rash 
and variable. His temper became intolerable 
under pressure of work, for he was Foreign 
Secretary as well as Minister of the Interior 
and Premier. He began to be regarded as 
a danger to the country, and his lack of tact 
and contempt for the arts of parliamentary 
management led to his overthrow in 1891. 


Yet within three years an insurrection among 
the Sicilian peasantry and the critical state 
of the finances led to an irresistible demand 
for his recall. 

Crispi's second Administration forms a 
landmark in the history of modern Italy. 
Soon after the savage repression of the dis- 
orders in Sicily, it was announced that the 
Premier and his colleagues had received 
money from the Bank of Rome for the cor- 
ruption of the press and the electorate. 
Crispi at once dissolved Parliament and 
secured a sweeping majority by striking 
thousands of his opponents off the electoral 
list and aiding the Government candidates 
by a display of force. Backed by a large and 
docile majority, and at last enjoying the 
complete confidence of the King, Crispi's 
position appeared thoroughly secure. Two 
years later the most powerful Minister since 
Cavour had wrecked his ministry and ter- 
minated his public career. 

During the decade that succeeded unifica- 
tion Italy had wisely devoted her energies to 
domestic problems; but on entering the 
Triple Alliance in 1882 it began to be felt 
that she ought to become a Great Power. 
Plans for a commercial settlement in Abys- 
sinia had been discussed in the lifetime of 
Cavour; but it was not till 1882 that Depretis 
bought a small strip of coast on the Red Sea 


from a Genoese Company. Three years later 
troops were sent to Massowa, a port in Abys- 
sinia, though it was declared to be merely 
a commercial settlement. In 1887 an advance 
into the interior was commenced on the pre- 
text of rinding healthy quarters for the 
troops among the hills. The Abyssinians, 
who had been ready to concede trading 
facilities, began to suspect designs on their 
independence. The Negus John demanded 
a withdrawal to the coast. The demand 
was refused, and a column of 500 men was 
cut to pieces at Dogali. At this moment 
the scene changed. John was killed in 
battle by the Dervishes, and his successor, 
Menelik, mounted the throne by Italian aid. 
The new ruler signed a treaty which the 
Italian Government understood to recognise 
a Protectorate over the whole of Abyssinia. 
In 1894 Italian troops repulsed a Dervish 
attack and occupied Kassala. Menelik was 
now firmly on the throne, and, perhaps 
encouraged by France and Russia, repudi- 
ated all idea of a Protectorate. Crispi re- 
plied by ordering the occupation of Adowa, 
the capital of one of the feudatory States, 
and demanding a categorical recognition of 
the Italian claim. Several small victories 
were won, but, while reinforcements were on 
the way, General Baratieri with 14,000 men 
attacked an army of 80,000 and lost a third 


of his troops. The King and his Minister 
desired to continue the campaign; but the 
nation passed from exultation to depression. 
Enough blood and money had been spent. 
The claim to a Protectorate was abandoned, 
Crispi resigned, and the ill-starred experi- 
ment in aggressive Imperialism was at an end. 
The disaster of Adowa was a blessing in 
disguise. Italy needed all her energies to 
set her own house in order. The high 
prices and crushing taxation intensified the 
discouragement, and the people began to 
lose faith in their rulers. The crisis came 
in 1898, when riots broke out in the great 
cities. For three days Milan was the scene 
of civil war, and the triumph of the troops 
was followed by savage repression. A panic 
seized on the propertied classes. General 
Pelloux introduced drastic bills relating to 
public meetings and associations, and when 
they were obstructed by the Left he issued 
them as ordinances by royal decree. The 
Supreme Court in Rome courageously de- 
clared them invalid, and, after a further 
attempt to pass the bills, the Premier dis- 
solved Parliament in 1900. In the Latin 
South the Government always obtains a 
majority; but industrial Italy was hostile, 
the Left returned with increased strength, 
and Pelloux resigned. A few days later 
King Humbert was assassinated. - 


The death of the King and the resignation 
of Pelloux brought to a close the mournful 
period which began with the Abyssinian 
disasters. Humbert possessed the courage 
of his race; but he lacked political insight, 
and during his later years he was captured 
by reactionary militarism. The new King, 
Victor Emanuel, belonged to a type totally 
different from his father and grandfather. 
A man of lofty character and scholarly in- 
terests, he had studied the social problems of 
which Humbert knew nothing and was wholly 
free from the craving for adventure which 
had led Italy to overtax her strength. He 
realised that the discontent which had led 
to the crisis of 1898 could only be cured by 
efficient government and fearless reform, and 
at once called the veteran Radical leader, 
Zanardelli, to office. Since his accession the 
fortunes of Italy have steadily improved. 
The termination of the tariff war with France 
in 1898 assisted the revival of trade, the 
production of silk and other staple industries 
rapidly increased, the financial credit of the 
country was restored, one surplus followed 
another, and Luzzatti's conversion of the 
National Debt in 1906 lightened the burden 
of taxation. The octroi on corn and flour 
was abolished, and the grants to education 
increased. On the other hand, successive 
Ministries have been confronted by inces- 


sant labour troubles. One of the features of 
the milder regime which began with the new 
reign was the toleration of strikes if legally 
conducted. Advantage was taken of the 
permission, and strikes abounded. In 1904 
a general strike, accompanied by the destruc- 
tion of property and the cutting of railways, 
caused a revulsion of feeling. Parliament 
was dissolved by Giolitti, who had succeeded 
Zanardelli, and the parties of the Extreme 
Left were routed. 

In addition to attempting to smooth the 
relations of employers and employed, Italian 
statesmen have been confronted with an in- 
dustrial problem which directly concerned the 
State. The railways have always possessed 
a bad reputation, and when the concessions 
of the private companies expired in 1905 
an irresistible demand arose for their pur- 
chase. The transfer was effected, and large 
sums were spent on improving the plant 
and increasing the pay of the employes; 
but the defects of the old management were 
so inveterate that for a time the adminis- 
trative chaos was increased rather than 
diminished. That Italy is poorly supplied 
with brains capable of grappling with com- 
plex administrative tasks was again re- 
vealed by the unskilful handling of the 
problem of relief after the earthquake of 


The new reign has witnessed an advance 
in another direction. Though the claim to 
Temporal Power has never been surrendered, 
the old bitterness between the Papacy and 
the House of Savoy is gradually disappear- 
ing. At the outset of his pontificate Pius X 
allowed the Archbishop of Bologna to wel- 
come the King on his visit to the city, and 
to sit on his right hand at the reception 
banquet. Italy has been substituted for 
France as the Protector of the Eastern 
Catholics. Though in theory abstaining 
from active politics, faithful sons of the 
Church have been permitted, and even en- 
couraged, to take part in warring against 
Socialists and anti-clericals. It may still be 
long before a bridge is built from the Vatican 
to the Quirinal; but the movement is in the 
direction of compromise. 

Though the balance-sheet of the last 
decade compares favourably with the era of 
Crispi and Humbert, there is still no ground 
for exaggerated optimism. The South re- 
mains a running sore — poverty-stricken, ig- 
norant, superstitious, corrupt. That the 
Camorra is not yet extinct has been revealed 
by the prolonged trial at Viterbo. The earth- 
quake which annihilated Messina and the 
villages of the Calabrian coast displayed the 
helplessness as well as the misery of the 
population. The reforms brought forward by 


the Conservative leader, Sonnino, during his 
short Ministry of 1906, were applied in an 
emasculated form when Giolitti returned to 
power. The land-tax was reduced, tariff ex- 
emptions were granted to infant industries, 
communications were improved, and new 
schools were opened. But the problem is so 
vast that improvement is at present scarcely 
perceptible. Another burden inherited by 
United Italy is the enormous National Debt, 
the interest on which amounts to a third of 
the annual expenditure of the State. In the 
next place, public life is still corroded with 
corruption. How little confidence is felt in 
the integrity of Parliament was revealed 
in the excitement that attended the revision 
of the shipping subsidies. Finally, Italian 
politics are sterilised by the obliteration of 
party distinctions and the tendency to fissure 
within the ranks of the separate groups. It 
is above all his skill in the parliamentary 
game that has made the Liberal leader, 
Giolitti, the principal figure in Italian politics 
since the fall of Crispi, and perpetually brings 
him back to power when less practised per- 
formers have been hissed off the stage. 


The recent history of Spain is the record 
of a slow recovery from the condition of 


anarchy which prevailed during the middle 
decades of the century. The six years of 
confusion which followed the expulsion of 
Isabella in 1868 convinced the majority of 
Spaniards that the restoration of the Bourbon 
monarchy was inevitable. Nobody suggested 
the recall of the Queen; but at the end of 
1874 her son, Alfonso, a lad of seventeen, on 
the advice of Canovas, the leader of his 
friends in Spain, issued a proclamation prom- 
ising amnesty and constitutional government. 
The response was immediate. The army pro- 
claimed him, the Monarchists welcomed him, 
the Republicans accepted him. The young 
King was popular and sympathetic, though 
the moral atmosphere of his Court was no 
purer than that of his mother. The Con- 
servatives under Canovas and the Liberals 
under Sagasta alternately held office, accord- 
ing to the system of pre-arranged rotation 
which flourishes in the Peninsula. The level 
of public life was low, but the country was 
tired of pronunciamentos and was grateful for 
a period of peaceful recuperation. In 1883 
the Pope declared his will that Don Carlos 
should receive no support from the clergy. 

Alfonso XII died of consumption in 
November 1885, leaving two daughters; but 
it was known that Queen Christina, an Aus- 
trian princess, was expecting the birth of 
another child. Six months later a son was 


born. The birth of Alfonso XIII and the 
devotion of his mother appealed to the 
chivalry of the nation. When the young 
King recovered from a terrible illness in 
1890 Castelar, the veteran Republican, con- 
gratulated his mother and declared that he 
regarded Alfonso as doubly Xing, by law 
and by miracle. 

Domestic politics during the minority 
were uneventful, and universal suffrage was 
quietly restored by Sagasta in 1890. But 
Spain was confronted with a problem of over- 
whelming difficulty in her over-sea dominions. 
Though the vast fabric of Empire that she 
had established in the sixteenth century had 
gradually crumbled away, she held tena- 
ciously to the fragments. Of these the 
richest and most important was Cuba. Cn 
the news of the expulsion of Isabella, a rising 
had taken place which smouldered on till 
1878, when Martinez Campos, the Spanish 
commander, signed a convention promising 
liberal concessions. The convention was re- 
pudiated at Madrid, and a second rising 
broke out and was ruthlessly suppressed. If 
ever a country deserved to lose its colonies, 
it was Spain. The last act in the long drama 
began with a new and more formidable re- 
volt in 1895. Martinez Campos, whose name 
was the symbol of conciliation, was sent out 
with an olive branch. The Cubans had 


learnt to be suspicious of promises, and the 
General reported that the authority of Spain 
could only be restored by barbarous methods 
which he refused to employ. He was recalled 
in 1896 and succeeded by Weyler, already 
known as "the butcher," whose policy was to 
starve the rebels into surrender by destroy- 
ing their crops and houses and herding the 
non-combatants in concentration camps. 
Though the Spaniards have never been 
squeamish in their dealings with native races, 
Weyler 's methods were too much for them; 
and when Canovas was murdered in 1897 
Sagasta returned to power resolved to bring 
the desperate struggle to an end. A new 
commander was sent out with an officer of 
autonomy, the reconcentrados were set at 
liberty, and a Parliament was summoned. 

It was too late, for the Cubans insisted 
on independence. This time they knew that 
they were not without friends. In the early 
days of 1898 the battleship Maine was sent 
to Havana to defend American interests; but 
soon after her arrival she was blown into the 
air by a mine. The catastrophe cannot have 
been the work of any responsible Spaniard, 
for Spain was now honestly bent on concilia- 
tion. But the situation had passed beyond 
the control of statesmen. A resolution was 
passed at Washington declaring the Cubans 
free and independent, and Spain was peremp- 


torily commanded to withdraw her forces 
from the island. To such a demand there 
could only be one response. The main fleet 
was sent to Cuba; but the ships were foul, 
the guns obsolete and short of ammunition. 
When they entered the harbour of Santiago, 
an American squadron took up its station 
outside. When the town was threatened 
from the land the fleet made a dash for 
liberty, but was sunk or driven ashore. The 
other Spanish fleet had already been de- 
stroyed in the harbour of Manila, the capital 
of the Philippines. Santiago quickly sur- 
rendered, preliminaries of peace were ar- 
ranged in August, and a treaty was signed 
in Paris at the end of the year. Spain re- 
nounced her possession of Cuba, the Philip- 
pines, and Porto Rico. The loss of her 
transmarine empire was a most bitter humil- 
iation; but it was quickly seen to be a bless- 
ing in disguise. For many years the colonies 
had been a source of continual expense, and 
the perpetual conflict in Cuba had produced 
a great weariness. When the first pangs of 
defeat were over, a determination to repair 
the loss by internal development manifested 
itself. Trade and commerce steadily in- 
creased, and the national credit improved. 
The country was in a far healthier condition 
when the Regency ended in 1902 than when 
it began. 


Alfonso XIII began his reign at the age of 
sixteen, and in 1906 married Princess Ena 
of Battenberg. The English marriage was 
popular, as it gave Spain a powerful friend 
and pointed in the direction of liberal govern- 
ment. The Regent had led a very secluded 
life, and the revival of the normal activities 
of the Court was welcomed by Spanish 
society. The courage displayed by the youth- 
ful sovereigns on their wedding-day evoked 
a thrill of sympathy, and the dynasty has 
increased its hold on popular feeling. The 
young King has escaped the criticism often 
aimed at his mother of being too much 
under clerical influence, despite the fact that 
after the fall of Sagasta in 1898 the Con- 
servatives, led successively by Silvela and 
Maura, were almost continuously in office. 
After the death of the veteran Liberal 
leader, none of his lieutenants commanded 
the allegiance of the whole party; but in 
1909 two events, occurring simultaneously, 
brought the long period of Conservative 
domination to an end. 

Though Spain lost her distant possessions 
in 1898, she retained some stretches of the 
coast-line of Morocco. Her power extended 
but a very little way from the shore, and 
when iron and lead were discovered near 
Melilla and a railway built to the mines, the 
tribes revolted and some workmen were 


massacred. The rebellion developed into a 
war which required the dispatch of over 
40,000 troops. The casualties were con- 
siderable, and heat and fever did their 
deadly work. The expenditure of so much 
blood and money on a speculators' war was 
bitterly resented, and heartrending scenes 
were witnessed at the departure of the con- 
scripts for what was believed to be almost 
certain death. While the misfortunes of the 
Melilla campaign were undermining the posi- 
tion of the Maura Government, a fierce re- 
volt suddenly broke out in Barcelona. The 
commercial capital of Spain has never loved 
Madrid, and the demand for Catalonian 
autonomy had steadily grown in strength. 
Moreover, Barcelona was the centre of the 
anti-clerical propaganda which characterises 
the growing cities of the Spanish sea-board. 
A riot grew out of the departure of con- 
scripts for Melilla, and for several days the 
city was cut off from the outer world. Few 
lives were lost; but a number of monasteries 
and churches were sacked. The revolt was 
quelled, martial law was proclaimed, and 
Ferrer, the founder of a network of popular 
schools with a secularist atmosphere, was 
tried by court-martial and shot. 

The execution of Ferrer, nominally in con- 
sequence of alleged complicity in the revolt 
of Barcelona, was universally regarded as 


due to the animosity of the Church. It was 
at any rate a blunder as well as a crime. 
There was an angry explosion of anti-cleri- 
calism all over the world, and the prestige of 
Spain was seriously compromised. When the 
Chambers met, the Government was fiercely 
assailed by the parties of the Left. Maura 
resigned, and the veteran Liberal, Moret, 
formed a Ministry. Civil rights were re- 
stored to Catalonia, and the campaign in 
Morocco was concluded. After troublesome 
negotiations a treaty was signed by which 
Mulai Hafid agreed to pay an indemnity for 
the Riff campaign, recognised the right of 
Spain to hold for seventy-five years the terri- 
tory she had conquered, and entrusted the 
policing of the adjoining districts to a 
Moroccan force under Spanish instructors. 

As Moret was not supported by the full 
strength of the party, he was succeeded in 
1910 by Canalejas, who, on the death of 
Sagasta, had become the leader of a group 
of independent Radicals, pledged to a bolder 
handling of Church questions than the main 
Liberal army cared to adopt. Clericalism 
had overreached itself under Maura's rule, 
and the number of monks and nuns, swollen 
by refugees from the Philippines and from 
France and exempt from nearly all taxation, 
was recognised in almost all quarters to be 
excessive. Many of them resided in Spain 


in defiance of the Concordat of 1851, limiting 
the number of authorised Orders to three. 
Canalejas determined to put the statute into 
operation, and at the same time prohibited 
the establishment of new religious houses, 
ordered their registration, and repealed the 
decree of 1876 forbidding the appearance of 
any emblem or notification on Protestant 
places of worship. Though the majority of 
the Conservative party supported these 
proposals, they aroused the hysterical op- 
position of the Church. Vast demonstra- 
tions and counter-demonstrations were or- 
ganised throughout the country, and old 
and new Spain were brought face to face. 
The Vatican, while frankly expressing its 
dislike of the Premier's policy, discounte- 
nanced the resort to violence, and actual 
conflicts were avoided. Neither Pius X 
nor Canalejas desires an open rupture, and 
the prospects of compromise on the limita- 
tion of the Orders have increased. 


The fortunes of Portugal during the nine- 
teenth century closely resemble those of her 
neighbour. Both countries have suffered 
from a disputed succession, civil war, greedy 
politicians, and financial confusion. Both 
countries have seen over-sea possessions torn 


from them by conquest or revolution. After 
half a century of almost ceaseless confusion 
Portugal entered on a period of comparative 
tranquillity under Luiz, who ascended the 
throne in 1861. The aged Saldanha forced 
himself on the King in 1870, but his quasi- 
dictatorship only lasted a few months. With 
the accession of Carlos in 1889 a reign began 
which witnessed numerous vicissitudes and 
ended in tragedy. The decline and fall of 
the House of Braganza, though mainly due 
to the faults of its members, was precipitated 
by events for which it had no responsibility. 
A few weeks after the new King came to 
the throne a revolution in Brazil overthrew 
the Emperor Pedro II, and established a 
Republic. Though the colony had declared 
its independence in 1822, it had continued to 
be governed by members of the Royal House. 
The blow struck in Rio was felt in Lisbon, 
and the small Republican party was spurred 
to further efforts. 

In the following year the Monarchy 
suffered a still more serious rebuff. During 
the heroic age when Portugal founded an 
empire in the East she had established 
fortified stations in Africa where her fleets 
might be repaired and provisioned. When 
the empire faded away, the African posses- 
sions remained as mute witnesses of a glorious 
past. With the partition of Africa in the 


last quarter of the nineteenth century they 
again became of potential importance, and 
the Portuguese Government claimed enor- 
mous areas of territory in the neighbourhood 
of their settlements. An award by Mac- 
mahon in 1875, deciding that Delagoa Bay 
belonged to Portugal not to Great Britain, 
stimulated her ambition. At the moment 
when the British South Africa Company was 
preparing its plans, Portugal claimed a broad 
belt of land right across the continent, and in 
1889 sent a large force under Major Pinto 
into the territory between the Zambesi and 
Lake Nyassa. The British Government pro- 
tested, and in 1890, after fruitless negotia- 
tions, dispatched an ultimatum. Resistance 
was out of the question; but the public 
humiliation of a people that gloried in the 
epic stanzas of Camoens was passionately re- 
sented. Major Pinto became the hero of the 
hour, and a scapegoat was found in the King, 
who was accused of sacrificing his country to 
his Anglophile sympathies. When a British 
squadron visited the capital the tradesmen 
shut their shops, and Carlos was compelled to 
refuse the Garter offered by Queen Victoria. 
The revolution in Brazil and the British 
ultimatum so weakened the prestige of the 
Monarchy that the Republicans were em- 
boldened to attempt its overthrow. A rising 
took place in Oporto in 1891; but the citizens 


of the second city in the kingdom stood 
aloof. Hundreds of conspirators were de- 
ported, the press was gagged, and an era 
of repression began. The people had little 
sympathy with the Republicans; but they 
resented the suppression of their liberties, 
and the unpopularity of the King was 

The thrilling events of the opening years 
of the reign were followed by a period of 
outward tranquillity; but the decline of 
the country continued at a rapid rate. The 
State was plundered by the Regeneradores 
and the Progressistas, who succeeded one 
another in office according to the approved 
principles of rotativism. The machine of 
government was hopelessly clogged with 
corruption. Despite heavy and increasing 
taxation, every year witnessed a fresh deficit. 
In 1892 it was impossible to meet the interest 
on the external debt. Long negotiations 
took place with the Council of Foreign 
Bondholders, and a special board was set 
up in Lisbon to supervise their interests. 
Some useful Acts were passed, but they were 
rarely put into execution. Factory Acts 
remained a dead letter. Elementary educa- 
tion was made compulsory, but attendance 
was not enforced. The framework of the 
Constitution was rendered more democratic. 
Provision was made for the eventual extinc- 


tion of hereditary peers, and in 1901 adult 
male suffrage, subject to the payment of a 
trifling sum in taxation and ability to read 
and write, was introduced. But the control 
of the people over the Government was in 
no way increased by these changes. The 
Crown retained its power to veto legislation 
and to issue decrees, and elections continued 
to yield whatever result the Government 
of the day desired. 

In 1906 Portuguese politics entered on a 
new phase when the King invited Franco to 
form an independent Ministry. His wealth 
diminished the temptation to dip his hands 
into the Treasury, and his private and politi- 
cal records were unblemished. Had he kept 
his promise of an honest and efficient admin- 
istration, the country might have acquiesced 
in the temporary suspension of constitutional 
forms. A few economies were effected and 
a number of sinecures were abolished; but 
the pay of the army and the civil list were 
increased. Though his wife, Amelia, a 
daughter of the Comte de Paris, brought an 
ample dowry, the King's extravagant tastes 
made it impossible to live within the limits 
of his income, and large sums of public 
money had been advanced to the royal 
family. His debt to the State was assessed 
at £150,000, which the Minister pretended 
to discharge by the surrender of a royal 


yacht and the capitalisation of the rent 
paid by the State for the use of certain royal 
castles. Before Franco had been many 
months in office he had succeeded in setting 
the whole country against himself and his 
master. As the opposition developed the 
Xing allowed him to assume the powers 
of a dictator. The Cortes were dissolved 
in 1907, and the Minister announced that 
he would rule without them. Newspapers 
were suppressed, meetings prohibited, and 
critics of the Government imprisoned or 
banished. Municipal councils were suspended 
on the ground of disaffection and their work 
performed by nominees. Political and civil 
liberty disappeared, and the world looked 
on, wondering when the crash would come. 
In January 1908, the royal family left 
the capital for one of their palaces in the 
country. The situation in Lisbon was known 
to be critical, and some small skirmishes 
took place with the police. At the end of 
the month Franco announced that he had 
discovered a conspiracy, and on January 31 
he issued a decree empowering the Govern- 
ment to imprison or expel suspects without 
form of law. On the following day the 
royal family returned, and while driving 
from the landing-stage to the palace were 
attacked by a band of men who sprang out 
from an arcade. The King and the Crown 


Prince were killed on the spot, Prince Manuel 
was slightly wounded, and the Queen escaped 
as if by a miracle from the hail of bullets. 
The mad experiment of Personal Govern- 
ment had failed, as it deserved to fail. The 
King was dead and the monarchy itself 
was mortally stricken. Franco fled across 
the frontier, his illegal decrees were annulled, 
and a coalition Ministry was formed. For 
a moment it was hoped that the sounder 
elements of the nation might rally round 
the youthful King and inaugurate a better 
era; but the habits of generations were too 
deeply ingrained to be shaken off. King 
Manuel was only eighteen years old and 
lacked personality. No real attempt was 
made to discover the authors or instigators 
of the crime in Black Horse Square, and the 
ship of State drifted rudderless towards 
the rapids. 

While the dynastic parties were engaged 
in sterile conflicts and incessant ministerial 
crises, the Republicans were slowly maturing 
their plans. When the blow fell in October 
1910, the throne toppled over in a night. 
A republic was proclaimed, the palace was 
bombarded by rebel ships in the Tagus, 
the King fled from the capital, and after a 
few hours' desultory fighting in the streets 
the Royalist troops were defeated or joined 
the winning side. A Provisional Government 


was formed, and the provinces and the colo- 
nies accepted the revolution with alacrity. 
The disappearance of the House of Braganza 
was witnessed without a protest and without 
a sigh. The members of the new Govern- 
ment were able, honourable, and enlightened 
men; but they lacked experience. The 
President, Professor Braga, was a scholar 
and poet of European reputation. The 
Foreign Minister, Machado, had lived in 
Paris, and was known for his wide culture 
and sympathetic personality. The Minister 
of Justice, Costa, was a lawyer of extreme 
opinions and iron will. Their ideal was 
a purely secular democracy. The monarchy 
was gone, and they were resolved that its 
allies, the Church and the Orders, which had 
stunted the intellect of the people, should 
follow it. The Republic could tolerate obscur- 
antism as little as despotism. Within a 
few days of the revolution they roughly 
expelled the Jesuits and other Orders on the 
strength of obsolete laws, and announced 
their intention of terminating the connection 
of Church and State. 

A dead calm followed the whirlwind of 
revolution; but it was not long before the 
waters again began to stir. The working 
classes, finding that the change had brought 
them no tangible benefits, lost their enthu- 
siasm and broke into strikes. The Pretender, 


Dom Miguel, announced that as Manuel had 
been deposed and was unlikely to return, he 
held himself ready to accept a call to the 
throne. To these anxieties were added others 
of the Government's own making. Their 
treatment of the Church was needlessly pro- 
vocative, and the banishment of the judges 
who acquitted the ex-dictator, Franco, on a 
charge of treason recalled the worst days of 
the Monarchy. The press was gagged, and 
the expression of any but Republican opin- 
ions vigorously repressed. The postpone- 
ment of the elections till June 1911 gave 
time for discontent to accumulate. For the 
present the main strength of the Republic lies 
in the weakness of its opponents. 



The main events in the history of Germany 
during the years following unification were 
the struggle with the Roman Church, the 
rise of a Socialist party, the establishment 
of Protection in 1879, the nationalisation of 
railways, the inauguration of State-aided 
insurance against sickness, accident, inval- 
idity and old age, and the foundation of a 
Colonial Empire. Modestly realising his own 
limitations and the almost superhuman gen- 
ius of his mighty Chancellor, the Emperor 
William devoted the evening of his life to the 
supervision of his army. It was a fitting close 
to his career that in the year before his death 
a large increase in the forces should be sanc- 
tioned by the Reichstag after an appeal to 
the country. 

In March 1888, William I died at the age 
of ninety; but his son was already doomed 
when he ascended the throne at the age of 



fifty-eight. The Crown Prince Frederick had 
won fame in the campaigns which made the 
Empire, but since 1871 he had fretted in 
enforced idleness. A disease in the throat, 
which the German doctors pronounced to be 
cancer, appeared early in 1887; but the 
operation which might have prolonged the 
sufferer's life was postponed till it was too 
late on the advice of Sir Morell Mackenzie. 
The stricken man passed the winter on the 
Riviera, and when he ascended the throne 
he could no longer articulate. He had only 
ninety-nine days to live; but they were 
enough to indicate the direction in which his 
thoughts were running. He conferred high 
decorations on Jews who had rendered dis- 
tinguished service to the State, and on Vir- 
chow, who was not only a great scientist but 
a leader of the Radical party. Of greater 
importance was the dismissal of Puttkammer, 
Minister of the Interior, a friend of the 
Chancellor and a pillar of the reaction. De- 
spite such flickers of illumination, the reign 
to which Europe had looked forward with 
hopeful eagerness was but a tragic interlude 
of suffering and sorrow. 

The new Emperor, William II, who as- 
cended the throne at the age of twenty-nine, 
had little affection for his parents, but was 
filled with an almost idolatrous admiration for 
his grandfather. He had sat at the feet of Bis- 


marck, for whom he entertained boundless 
enthusiasm, and his accession was hailed with 
delight in Conservative and military circles. 
Whereas the first proclamation of Frederick 
had been to his people, that of his son was 
addressed to the army. The new ruler, in- 
deed, spared no pains to show how little he 
respected his father's memory or his mother's 
grief. He decorated Puttkammer and gave 
him a seat in the Prussian Upper House. He 
restored the name of the New Palace, which 
his father had altered to Friedrichskron. 
These were comparative trifles; but worse 
was to follow. Dr. Geffcken published pas- 
sages from the late Emperor's diary designed 
to show that he had played a more prominent 
part in the foundation of the Empire than was 
commonly believed. Bismarck denounced 
the publication as a forgery, and the Em- 
peror ordered his Chancellor to draw up a 
report on it. The report, though filled with 
statements damaging to his father's memory, 
was published with the Emperor's sanction; 
and when the Court acquitted Geffcken of the 
charge of treason, the whole dossier prepared 
by the prosecution was printed. The Chan- 
cellor was paying off old scores; but for the 
Emperor there was no excuse. 

While William II had no misgivings as to 
his ability to steer the ship of State, Bismarck 
believed himself to be more than ever indis- 


pensable with a young and inexperienced 
ruler on the throne. Disagreements both on 
foreign and domestic policy quickly occurred. 
The anti-socialist law, passed in 1878 and 
renewed at intervals, was due to expire in 
1890; and Bismarck proposed to substitute 
a permanent measure. The Reichstag proved 
hostile, and when a rumour arose that the 
Emperor favoured a milder Bill, it was re- 
jected. In the next place, the Emperor 
objected to the secret treaty with Russia as 
disloyal to Austria. Finally, the Chancellor 
threw cold water on his young master's plan 
to summon an International Congress for the 
discussion of labour problems. The crisis, 
however, did not arise from disagreement on 
policy. The Emperor insisted on entering 
into direct relations with his ministers; and 
when Bismarck quoted the Cabinet Order of 
1852, by which all communications between 
King and ministers were to be made through 
the Premier, he demanded its repeal. Shortly 
after this controversy the Emperor learned 
that the Chancellor had invited Windthorst, 
the Catholic leader, to his palace, and at 
once sent to inform him that he desired to 
be told when political discussions were to 
take place. Bismarck replied that he could 
not let any one decide his visitors for him. 
Early next morning the Emperor arrived at 
the Chancellor's residence and asked what 


subjects he had discussed with Windthorst. 
Bismarck angrily replied that the conversa- 
tion was private, and that he was willing to 
resign if the Emperor desired. The following 
day was a Sunday, and on the Monday the 
Emperor's secretary brought a demand for his 

William II began to reign in 1888, and to 
govern in 1890, when he dropped the pilot. 
He explained in eloquent utterances that he 
would brook neither competition nor opposi- 
tion. "There is only one master in this 
country, and I am he. I shall suffer no other 
beside me." "I see in the people and the 
land which have descended to me a talent 
entrusted to me by God, which it is my duty 
to increase. Those who will help me I 
heartily welcome; those who oppose me I 
shall dash in pieces." He declared that he 
was responsible for his actions to God and 
his conscience alone. Though by far the 
ablest of the Hohenzollerns since Frederick 
the Great, he was unequal to the part of 
universal arbiter in politics and religion, art 
and literature. His ideals of personal govern- 
ment and divine right were out of date. His 
people laughed at his claims and his eccen- 
tricities, and an audacious Bavarian professor 
compared him to Caligula. The new reign 
witnessed not only the emergence of the 
Imperial factor but important changes in 


high policy. Bismarck had won for his 
country the hegemony of Europe, and his 
aim was to avoid whatever might endanger 
it. For this reason he clung to Russia, even 
after the conclusion of the Triple Alliance, 
and gave her a free hand in the Near East. 
William II, on the other hand, entered freely 
into competition with the Tsar for influence 
in Turkey. An even more momentous de- 
parture was soon announced. While Bis- 
marck felt no enthusiasm for a Colonial 
Empire, William announced himself a zealous 
adherent of Imperialism, whose ambition was 
to do for the navy what his grandfather had 
done for the army. With the utterance of 
the famous words, "Our future lies on the 
water," a new chapter of German history 

Bismarck's successor, General Caprivi, 
loyally carried out the orders of his imperious 
master; but his difficulties were enormously 
increased by Parthian shots from Frie- 
drichsruh. "I cannot lie down like a hiber- 
nating bear," cried the fallen hero. He 
sneered at the academic debates of the 
Labour Congress, prophesied revolution when 
the anti-socialist law was allowed to lapse, 
declared the acquisition of Heligoland too 
dearly purchased by the surrender of Zan- 
zibar, pronounced the alliance of France 
and Russia the consequence of blundering 


diplomacy, and encouraged opposition to the 
conclusion of commercial treaties. The 
Emperor retaliated by decorating Bismarck's 
enemies, and by persuading the Austrian 
Court to boycott him when he journeyed to 
Vienna for the marriage of his son Herbert. 
The conflict inflicted such damage on the 
Empire that influential mediators came 
forward. In 1893 the Emperor held out an 
olive-branch, which was repulsed; but in 
1894 a public reconciliation was effected. 
Bismarck was invited to Berlin, and the 
Emperor returned the visit at Friedrichsruh. 
During the last four years of the ex-Chan- 
cellor's life the semblance of friendliness 
was preserved; but the events of 1890 were 
never forgiven. 

During Caprivi's tenure of office the army 
was increased in 1890 and again, after an 
appeal to the country, in 1893, the period of 
service being at the same time reduced to 
two years. The income from the royal 
property of the deposed King of Hanover, 
known as the Guelf Fund, which Bismarck 
had employed to control the press, was 
restored to the Duke of Cumberland. But 
the main achievement of the Chancellor was 
the conclusion of commercial treaties with 
Austria, Italy, Belgium, and Switzerland in 
1891, and with Russia, after a bitter tariff 
war, in 1894. The fierce hostility of the 


Agrarians to the Russian treaty made his 
position untenable, and the Emperor dis- 
pensed with his services. 

His successor was Prince Hohenlohe, a 
liberal Catholic, who had been Prime Minister 
of Bavaria before 1870, Ambassador in 
Paris, and Governor of Alsace-Lorraine. His 
prestige and experience secured him more 
consideration than his predecessor; but as he 
was seventy-five years old and cared little for 
power, his influence was limited. His out- 
spoken Memoirs suggest the difficulties he 
experienced in co-operating with his impulsive 

The lapse of the anti-socialist law and the 
summoning of the Labour Congress in 1890 
had raised hopes of better relations between 
the Crown and the working classes; but 
the expectation was disappointed. The 
Socialists, who had 3 seats in the Reichstag 
of 1871, 35 in that of 1890, and 44 in that of 
1893, increased their poll at every election. 
An annual Congress met for the first time 
in 1890, and in 1891 the Erfurt Programme 
was elaborated. The Emperor watched their 
rapid growth with dismay, and spoke bitterly 
of the "traitorous rabble." Disappointed by 
the results of his policy of conciliation he 
determined to revive coercion; but in 1895 
the Reichstag rejected a measure punishing 
with imprisonment attacks on religion, the 


monarchy, property, and the family. A 
dissolution would have been useless, and 
the Emperor was forced to content himself 
with oratorical denunciations of Socialism. 
For protesting against one of these tirades 
Liebknecht, the leader of the party, was 
imprisoned for treason. The battle con- 
tinued, and on Liebknecht's death Bebel 
became the most formidable critic of the 
system of personal rule. 

The main task of the middle years of the 
reign was to emphasise the role of Germany 
as a World Power by the construction of a 
fleet and the acquisition of new colonies and 
spheres of influence. Heligoland provided a 
convenient naval base at the mouth of the 
Elbe, and the Kiel Canal was completed in 
1895. A few warships were built in the first 
decade of the reign; but in 1897 a programme 
of construction to be carried out by 1904 
was approved. The increase of the navy 
was justified by the rapid development of 
commerce and the growth of the mercantile 
marine; but its main purpose was to enable 
the Fatherland to play a leading part in 
Weltpolitik. With the exception of the 
Socialists every party welcomed the entry 
of Germany into the ranks of naval Powers, 
and the Navy League, which enjoyed Im- 
perial patronage, obtained an enormous 
membership. A new programme was au- 


thorised in 1900, fixing the strength at 38 
battleships, 14 large cruisers, and 38 small 
cruisers, to be completed in 1917. A law 
of 1906 increased the number of large cruisers 
by 6, and in 1908 the life of battleships was 
shortened from 25 to 20 years, necessitating 
the construction of 4 annually in place of 3 
during the years 1908-11. 

Without waiting for the completion of his 
fleet the Emperor began to assert his power. 
In 1895 he joined France and Russia in 
ordering Japan to disgorge her conquests on 
the Chinese mainland. In 1897 he compelled 
China to lease Kiao-Chou in expiation of 
the murder of German missionaries, and dis- 
patched a squadron under his sailor brother, 
Prince Henry, to take possession of it. In 
1899 he secured a new foothold in the Pacific 
by the purchase of the Caroline Islands from 
Spain. In 1900 he obtained the consent of 
the other Powers to place a German General 
at the head of the international force which 
marched to Pekin. In the Near East, German 
influence increased no less rapidly. While 
Europe shuddered at the Armenian atrocities 
the Emperor ostentatiously displayed his 
friendliness for the Great Assassin. His 
spectacular journey to Syria in 1898 provided 
an opportunity for announcing himself the 
protector of Mohammedans throughout the 
world, and the concession to a German 


Company of the right to continue the 
Anatolian railway system to Bagdad and the 
Persian Gulf represented the high-water 
mark of Turkish complaisance. 

Hohenlohe resigned in 1900 and was suc- 
ceeded by Biilow, the Foreign Secretary. 
Though his training had been exclusively in 
diplomacy, he displayed considerable skill in 
driving the parliamentary team. His first 
conflict arose in 1902 on the introduction of a 
new tariff, raising the duty on corn and meat 
after the expiration of Capri vi's treaties. The 
parties of the Left, resting on the vote of the 
towns, vigorously opposed the change, which 
was finally carried by closure in a form even 
more favourable to the Agrarian interest than 
on its introduction. The Chancellor declared 
that he desired no better epitaph than that 
he was a friend of the Agrarians; but the 
unpopularity of the new tariff was shown in 
the election of 1903, when the Socialists 
increased their poll to 3 millions and their 
seats from 58 to 81. 

The second battle was in reference to the 
Colonies. A revolt broke out in German 
South West Africa, which proved unex- 
pectedly difficult to repress. The cost in 
blood and money was continually growing, 
and tales of misconduct increased the depres- 
sion. The Centre, rendered critical by the 
reports of Catholic missionaries, denounced 


the administration of the local officials, and in 
1905 combined with the Socialists to reject 
the estimates for a colonial railway. The 
Reichstag was dissolved, Biilow declared war 
on the Centre and the Socialists, and Dern- 
burg, the Colonial Minister, opened a cam- 
paign in the great cities, painting the future 
of the Colonies in glowing colours. The 
Socialist representation fell to 43, though 
they increased their poll by 250,000; but the 
Centre returned in undiminished strength. 
The Chancellor appealed to the Conserva- 
tives, National Liberals, and Radicals to 
sink their differences. A bloc was formed; 
but it was too artificial to last. Controversial 
legislation was avoided; but when, in 1909, 
despite the issue of numerous loans, new taxa- 
tion to the extent of 25 millions was necessi- 
tated, the Conservatives rebelled against the 
proposed death duties. The Chancellor 
resigned after the passage of the Budget in a 
modified form, and was succeeded by Beth- 
mann-Hollweg, an experienced official but 
without knowledge of foreign affairs. 

While the occasion of Billow's resignation 
was the revolt of the Conservatives, it was 
widely held that the real cause was different. 
Throughout the reign the Emperor's impul- 
sive speeches and telegrams had caused 
anxiety; and in 1908 an utterance appeared 
which stirred Europe more than any action 


since the message to Kruger in 1896. A long 
interview appeared in the Daily Telegraph, 
containing outspoken declarations on his own 
and his people's feelings in the past and pres- 
ent towards England and other countries. 
When the Reichstag met, the party leaders 
roundly declared that such indiscretions must 
cease. The Chancellor communicated some- 
thing like a promise to refrain from personal 
interventions in politics, and added that 
neither he nor any future Chancellor could 
hold office if they continued. On the publi- 
cation of the interview he had offered his 
resignation; but his master had pressed him 
to retain office, at any rate till the new taxes 
were passed. For the next eighteen months 
the Emperor abstained from the expression 
of his personal views. 

Every member of the German federation 
leads a life of its own in addition to sharing 
the fortunes of the Empire. The adoption 
of a common Code in 1900 was dictated by 
practical utility; but the smaller States are 
always on their guard against encroachments 
by the predominant partner. Even in Prussia 
itself resistance to the royal will is not un- 
known. In 1892 a Bill increasing the influence 
of the clergy in the schools was withdrawn 
in consequence of an irrepressible outburst of 
public opinion. In 1899 a still more damag- 
ing blow was struck. The Government pro- 


posed to construct a canal joining the Rhine 
and the Elbe; but the Conservatives, be- 
lieving that it would lower the price of corn 
and meat, rejected the Bill despite the threats 
of their ruler. The leaders of the revolt were 
promptly dismissed from their posts at Court 
and in the local administration; but when the 
Bill was reintroduced in 1901 the hostility 
was as great as ever, and a second defeat was 
averted by the withdrawal of the measure. 

The most burning question of Prussian 
politics is that of the franchise. The Con- 
stitution of 1850 established indirect election, 
and divided voters into three classes accord- 
ing to their income. Thus while the Social- 
ists polled by far the largest number of votes, 
they were without representation in the Land- 
tag till 1908, when they secured 7 seats out 
of a total of nearly 400. Such a parody of 
representative government could only be 
maintained by force; and colossal demon- 
strations in the great cities have revealed the 
strength of the demand for reform. A Bill 
introducing the ballot but retaining the three- 
class system in a modified form was passed 
by the Landtag in 1910; but as it satisfied 
neither the Right nor the Left it was with- 
drawn. A second grave problem is that of 
the Poles. The attempt to Germanise the 
Polish districts by allowing only German in 
the elementary schools has been defeated by 


the stubborn determination of the people to 
maintain their language and by the rapid 
increase in population. In 1906 popular 
resentment flared up. The children declined 
to answer questions in German, and finally 
refused to attend school. The Government 
punished the "school strikes" by fines, expul- 
sions, and imprisonment; but the sullen 
opposition remains. A second line of attack 
began in 1886, when Bismarck embarked on 
an extensive plan of colonisation. The policy 
of subsidised settlements has been continued 
at enormous cost by his successors, but with- 
out effect. Exasperated by failure the Gov- 
ernment carried an Expropriation Bill in 1908, 
empowering the Land Commission to buy 
whatever it needed at its own price. Despite 
these tyrannical methods the Poles hold 
more land to-day than when the colonisation 
began. Nowhere has the regimentation of a 
people been more systematically pursued, and 
nowhere has its failure been more complete. 

Of the other subject nationalities there is 
less to relate. The Danes in Schleswig are 
too few to resist the Prussian steam-roller; 
and a treaty with Denmark in 1907 removed 
some of their worst grievances. The repre- 
sentation of Alsace-Lorraine in the Reichstag 
indicates a gradual diminution of hostility, 
and in 1911 its autonomy was extended and 
the sending of delegates to the Bundesrath 


authorised. The smaller States of the German 
Empire have made steady progress under 
more liberal institutions than those of 


The expulsion of the House of Hapsburg 
from the German Confederation and from 
Italy in 1866 was followed by far-reaching 
internal changes. Hungarian autonomy was 
revived and parliamentary institutions were 
granted to Austria. For some years the 
German Liberals were in office; but in 1879 
Taaffe, a friend of Francis Joseph from 
childhood, became Prime Minister and held 
office till 1893. It was his wish no less than 
that of his master to form a Ministry repre- 
senting all races and parties; and though the 
Germans resented their diminished influence, 
the Government was strengthened by the 
support of the Czechs, who had hitherto 
refused to take their seats in the Reichsrath. 
A Czech University was founded at Prague 
and the Czech language received recognition 
for official purposes, while the support of 
the Polish nobles of Galicia was obtained by 
allowing them to deal with the Ruthenian 
minority at their pleasure. Such a system 
could not last for ever. In Bohemia the 
Old Czechs, who represented the nobility, 
were gradually displaced by the Young 


Czechs, who opposed the Conservative and 
clerical policy of Taaffe, and demanded that 
the Emperor should be crowned King of 
Bohemia, like his predecessors. When Taaffe 
dissolved in 1891, the Young Czechs cap- 
tured every Czech seat. He held on for two 
years; but Bohemia was now in uproar. 

The nationalities continued their bicker- 
ings; but the main interest was transferred 
to electoral reform. The demand for univer- 
sal suffrage was supported by the Socialists, 
the new anti-Semitic party of Christian 
Socialism, the Young Czechs, and the German 
Nationalists. Taaffe had realised the neces- 
sity of enfranchising the working classes, 
but had been forced to withdraw a far- 
reaching scheme. His successors found the 
task no less thorny, and in 1896 a timid 
measure was passed, adding a fifth class or 
Curia of voters by universal suffrage, in which 
citizens over twenty-four, whether entitled 
to vote in the existing Curiae or not, were 
included. To the new class, which com- 
prised 5| million voters, were allotted 72 seats, 
while the remaining 353 members were elected 
by less than 2 million voters. Such a half- 
hearted reform, instead of solving the prob- 
lem, made it certain that it would shortly 
be reopened. 

The Chamber elected in 1897 showed that 
the new voters had only increased the number 


and confusion of parties. Fourteen Socialists 
made their appearance, and the Chamber 
included twenty-four distinct groups. Ba- 
deni, who had passed the Franchise Bill, re- 
quired a majority to renew the decennial ar- 
rangement with Hungary. To obtain it he 
bought the Czechs by the Language Ordinan- 
ces, which threw Austrian politics into con- 
fusion for a decade. Proficiency in Czech and 
German was required from virtually every 
Government official in Bohemia. The de- 
crees only went a little beyond those of Taaffe; 
but the resistance of the Germans was now 
far more vigorous. Behind the equality of 
language they detected approval of an auton- 
omous Bohemia in federal relations with other 
parts of Austria. Their obstruction brought 
the parliamentary machine to a standstill,, 
and Badeni resigned. Two short-lived Minis- 
tries followed, the Budgets were promulgated 
by decree, and the Compromise with Hun- 
gary was provisionally adopted. When a 
third Ministry dropped the Badeni decrees, 
the Czechs borrowed the obstructionist tac- 
tics of their opponents. The confusion sug- 
gested new methods to the Emperor, who in 
1900 chose Korber, an experienced official, to 
conciliate the racial factions by a programme 
of canals and railways. But the Czechs 
continued to obstruct, and a new element 
of discord was introduced after the election 


of 1901 by the appearance of a powerful Pan- 
German and Los von Rom party. 

After an heroic struggle Korber was forced 
to resign in 1904. By this time it was ob- 
vious that a mitigation of the racial conflict 
was impossible without an extension of the 
franchise. Early in 1906 Gautsch, his suc- 
cessor, introduced a Bill which became law 
early in 1907. The five classes were swept 
away, and the franchise was granted to men 
over twenty-four with a residential qualifica- 
tion of one year. The constituencies were 
made as nearly as possible racially homo- 
geneous. The Germans obtained a larger 
and the Czechs and the Ruthenians a smaller 
number of their seats than their numbers 
warranted; but such inequalities were toler- 
ated for the sake of universal franchise. 
The Reform Bill carried with it two great 
changes. In the first place, the Chamber 
was no longer divided almost exclusively on 
racial lines. The two strongest parties, the 
Christian Socialists and the Social Demo- 
crats, represented interests independent of 
racial frontiers, while the Pan-Germans 
almost disappeared. In the second place, 
the Emperor was compelled to buy the assent 
of the Upper House to the measure by sur- 
rendering his right to override opposition by 
an unlimited creation of peers. Universal 
suffrage has on the whole justified the ex- 


pectations of the Emperor. The feud of 
Germans and Czechs in Bohemia, of Poles 
and Ruthenians in Galicia, and of Germans 
and Italians in Tyrol continues; but the sen- 
timent of solidarity grows with every year of 
the reign of Francis Joseph, and the appre- 
hension that the polyglot Empire will go to 
pieces on the accession of his nephew has 

Hungary was punished for its revolt in 
1848 by twenty years of despotic rule from 
Vienna; but the disasters of 1866 deter- 
mined the Emperor to seek a reconciliation. 
Full autonomy was restored, and Francis 
Joseph was crowned King at Buda-Pesth. 
The two halves of the Dual Monarchy were 
connected by their common ruler, by com- 
mon Ministers of Foreign Affairs, War, and 
Finance, and by the Delegations which meet 
alternately in the two capitals. Though 
Kossuth stood aloof and remained in volun- 
tary exile, the majority of Hungarians gladly 
accepted an arrangement which not only 
restored their national life but gave them an 
equal share in controlling the destinies of 
the joint State. 

With the retirement of Deak and Andrassy 
their party crumbled to pieces, and in 1875 
Coloman Tisza, the leader of the Left, be- 
came Premier, and remained the virtual 
Dictator of Hungary for fifteen years. An 


important change in the Constitution was 
effected in 1885. The Great Nobles had for 
centuries possessed the right to attend Par- 
liament in person, though in modern times 
most of them seldom appeared. Such a 
Chamber was clearly doomed. The right of 
hereditary peers to a seat in the Table of 
Magnates was limited to members who paid 
£250 a year in land taxes. This drastic step 
reduced the hereditary members from about 
800 to 250. At the same time life members, 
high officials, and representatives of the 
Churches were introduced. Despite these 
changes the Magyar landed aristocracy re- 
mains supreme in the Upper Chamber. 

Tisza's governing principle was to in- 
crease the power of the Magyars in the 
State. Deak and Eotvos had desired to 
assimilate the non-Magyar races by the 
attraction of superior culture, and guar- 
anteed them certain rights by the Law of 
Nationalities of 1868. Cynically disregard- 
ing their charter, Tisza made Magyar the 
sole medium of instruction in State secondary 
schools, closed the schools of other races, and 
declared that there was "no Slovak nation." 
The high franchise excluded the minor races 
from a share in power, and ruthless pressure 
was exerted by the Government at elections. 
Literary and religious no less than political 
movements among Slovaks and Roumanians 


were suppressed, and constant friction arose 
with Croatia, despite its partial autonomy. 

Tisza fell in 1890, and in 1892 Wekerle, 
the leader of the Extreme Left, became 
Premier. His accession to office was the 
signal for fierce political conflict. Mixed 
marriages were frequent; and the law de- 
clared that the children were to be brought 
up in the communion of the parent whose 
sex they inherited. The priests insisted on 
baptizing all the children of mixed marriages 
and entering their names as Catholics in 
the parish register. To meet this encroach- 
ment registration was taken out of their 
hands, and Wekerle finally determined to 
introduce compulsory civil marriage. The 
Bill passed the Lower House with a large 
majority, but was rejected by the Magnates, 
most of whom were Catholics. The Lower 
House having again passed it, Wekerle 
begged the King to create peers. Francis 
Joseph, who disliked the measure, refused, 
whereon Wekerle resigned. No one, how- 
ever, was able to form a Ministry, and in 
ten days he was recalled. The Bill was ac- 
cepted, and the predominance of the Lower 
House over the Magnates and the Crown was 
established. Wekerle's successor, Banffy, 
carried bills through the Lower House sanc- 
tioning the Jewish religion and establishing 
freedom of worship, which were in turn 


rejected or mutilated by the Magnates; 
but when they were sent up a second time 
the Peers surrendered. 

The Compromise of 1867 had given Hun- 
gary an equal position in the Dual Mon- 
archy; but as she became stronger the de- 
mand for greater independence arose. In 
1889 "The Imperial Army" became "The 
Imperial and Royal Army." When the Com- 
promise fell to be renewed in 1897 Hungary 
obtained an increased influence over the 
joint Bank and a larger share of the common 
customs receipt; but Banff y agreed that 
the new arrangements should remain in 
force till they were cancelled by legislation. 
The Kossuthist party, who desired a merely 
personal Union, protested against the con- 
cession, and Banfly fell. 

The tendency towards greater independ- 
ence now manifested itself even more 
strongly. The Kossuthists claimed a national 
army, while the Emperor-Eang stood immov- 
ably for an undivided force. After contro- 
versies which brought two Ministries to the 
ground, Stephen Tisza, the son of the famous 
Minister, took office with authority to grant 
certain concessions. Hungarian flags and 
banners were to be emplo3 7 ed, and the com- 
mand of Hungarian regiments to be en- 
trusted exclusively to Hungarian officers; 
but German was to remain the common 


language for the words of command. The 
Opposition was dissatisfied, and the Ministry 
was weakened by the formidable hostility 
of Apponyi, who left the Liberal party when 
Tisza took office, and of Julius Andrassy, 
the son of Deak's colleague. An attempt 
to alter the rules of the House led to violent 
scenes; and when Parliament was dissolved 
in 1905 Tisza was routed, and the parties 
of Independence, which rejected or disliked 
the Compromise of 1867, obtained a sweep- 
ing victory. The Coalition demanded con- 
cessions which the King refused to grant; 
and after months of negotiation Fejervary, 
an intimate friend of the King, took office 
without a majority. The Opposition, con- 
scious of their strength, stood firm. It was 
at this moment and in order to break their 
serried ranks that Kristoffy, the Minister 
of the Interior, proposed an extension of the 
suffrage. A compromise was at last reached. 
Wekerle took office, supported by Francis 
Kossuth, the son of the hero, Apponyi and 
Andrassy, and changes in the army were 
postponed till universal suffrage had been 

The rule of the Coalition, though restoring 
constitutional government, brought little 
satisfaction to the country. The Croats de- 
clared that the promises of better treatment 
had not been fulfilled, and the Croatian 


Constitution was suspended. The Ministry 
proposed to neutralise the effects of uni- 
versal suffrage on Magyar domination by 
plural voting and the gerrymandering of 
electoral divisions. Such a scheme was no 
honest redemption of the pledge with which 
they had taken office. The Ministry was 
discredited by corruption, feuds broke out 
between its groups, and in 1910 it resigned. 
Hedervary, a henchman of the King, took 
office, dissolved Parliament, and by un- 
blushing pressure routed the Coalition. The 
separatist policy has received a temporary 
check; but no one can foretell the future of 
Hungarian parties. Universal suffrage and 
the ballot will introduce many new elements 
into the Chamber, and direct attention to 
the needs and sufferings of the Nationalities. 
Alone of the Great Powers, Austria- 
Hungary possesses no colonies; but Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, the administration of which 
was entrusted to the Dual Monarchy by the 
Berlin Treaty of 1878, have been governed 
through a common Finance Minister. The 
efforts of Kallay, a Hungarian, who ruled for 
twenty years, established order and intro- 
duced the material side of civilisation into 
the Turkish provinces. After the annexa- 
tion in 1908 a Constitution was granted; but 
autonomy is still far off. The scheme of a 
Southern Slav State, including Croatia, Dal- 


matia, and the two provinces, and forming 
with Austria and Hungary a federal Empire, 
has some adherents; but its adoption might 
open up more problems than it would 



When Alexander III ascended the Russian 
throne in 1881 he was urged to issue the 
Ukase for a consultative Assembly of Nota- 
bles which Alexander II had signed on the 
morning of his assassination. But the new 
Tsar preferred the principles of Pobedonost- 
seff, Procurator of the Holy Synod, and of 
Katkoff, editor of the Moscow Gazette, who 
taught that autocracy and orthodoxy alone 
could save Russia from the scepticism and 
anarchy of Western Europe. The Tsar, 
whose personal character was exemplary, 
lacked his father's quick intelligence and 
personal charm, and inherited none of the 
generous impulses which had led to the eman- 
cipation of the serfs and the establishment 
of Zemstvos, or county councils. The Court 
lived in impenetrable seclusion, and the gov- 
ernment was carried on by a corrupt and 
reactionary bureaucracy. The Nihilists were 



executed or banished, and in 1888 the Amer- 
ican traveller, Kennan, revealed to the world 
the horrors of the Siberian prisons. The 
press was muzzled, the privileges of Uni- 
versity students curtailed, and the power of 
the Zemstvos severely limited. Russia was 
in the grip of a deadly obscurantism, and the 
Intelligentia either threw themselves into 
Socialism or looked on in dumb despair. 
Homogeneity was sought at all costs. The 
Protestant Stundists of the South were 
mercilessly harried; but no class or race 
suffered so much as the Jews, who were con- 
fined to the towns of the West, excluded 
from a share in local government, partially 
debarred from access to school, and forbidden 
to hold property outside the towns or engage 
in agriculture. It is more than a coincidence 
that it was during this reign that Tolstoi 
began to preach the wickedness of all coer- 
cion. It was also a time of acute and grow- 
ing suffering. In 1891-3 half the country 
was faced with starvation. The reign of 
Alexander III was a period of national 
paralysis, and his only service to his country 
was the maintenance of peace. 

The accession of Nicholas II in 1894 at the 
age of twenty-six aroused hopes of a change of 
system. Several Zemstvos begged that their 
representatives might be invited to assist in 
the drafting of laws; but the reply to these 


loyal counsels was a cruel disappointment. 
The Tsar declared his intention of maintain- 
ing the principles of autocracy inviolate, and 
dismissed the claims to share in the admin- 
istration as "senseless dreams." Like his 
father he was a pupil of Pobedonostseff, and 
the world learned with dismay that the 
numbing influence of the Procurator was to 
dominate the new reign as it had dominated 
the old. Yet forces were at work which in 
time were bound to ruffle the stagnant 
waters. In 1892 Witte had become Minister 
of Finance. His ambition was to develop, it 
might almost be said to create, Russian in- 
dustry. He improved credit by establishing 
a fixed value for the rouble and increasing 
the gold reserve. He extended State mon- 
opolies, buying up private railways and 
making new State lines. A gigantic tariff 
secured the home market to manufacturers. 
In 1894 he established a Government mon- 
opoly of the sale of spirits. He boasted that 
he had altered every tax that he found; but 
his policy of raising revenue by indirect taxa- 
tion increased the burden of the poor. Some 
relief was found when the construction of 
the Siberian railway facilitated migration 
across the Ural mountains. 

Witte approached his work rather from 
the standpoint of a man of business than 
a politician. Alarmed by the discovery that 


less grain was being sown and that the 
consumption of bread was declining, he es- 
tablished a Commission in 1902 to assist 
agriculture, which appointed Committees 
representing the localities. Many of these 
bodies went beyond the original purpose of 
their institution, and demanded freedom of 
the press and representative institutions. 
They were condemned by Pobedonostseff, 
and in 1903 Witte was dismissed from the 
Ministry of Finance after eleven years of 
memorable endeavour. The Tsar was thor- 
oughly scared by the spread of Socialism, 
the strikes among the rapidly increasing 
factory workers, the unrest in the Universi- 
ties, and the growing boldness of the press. 
Though Witte was not a Liberal, he was too 
conscious of the faults of autocratic govern- 
ment to be entrusted with its defence. On 
his fall Plehve, the Minister of the Interior, 
became Dictator of Russia. The first of a 
new series of attacks on the Jews, condoned 
if not originated by the Government, oc- 
curred in 1903 at Kishineff. 

The Japanese War overthrew the system 
of Plehve as the Crimean War had destroyed 
the system of Nicholas I. Indignation was 
aroused by the discovery of unblushing 
peculation and shameful incompetence both 
at the base and the front. Even the co- 
operation of the Zemstvos in the organisation 


of relief was rebuked by the Minister, and 
his assassination, in July 1904, was hailed 
with delight. After deliberating for a month 
the Tsar appointed Prince Mirski, one of 
the most enlightened administrators in the 
Empire. The new Minister's first step was 
to ask for the confidence of the public. A 
Conference of members of Zemstvos at St. 
Petersburg showed itself at once moderate 
and determined. They demanded inviola- 
bility of the person, freedom of conscience, 
speech, meeting, association, and instruction, 
the abolition of exceptional laws, amnesty 
for political prisoners, and an elected national 
assembly, which the majority desired to 
possess legislative powers and which all 
agreed should control finance. The Court 
was torn asunder by conflicting counsels. 
An edict promising a wider franchise and 
larger powers for local bodies was followed 
by a denunciation of the claims of the 
reformers as incompatible with the funda- 
mental laws of the country. A strict censor- 
ship was revived, and the tide of reform 
began to ebb. 

In the early days of 1905 an event occurred 
which opened a deep chasm between the 
Sovereign and the reformers. While a 
salute was being fired a shot fell close to the 
Tsar. He left the capital, and when, three 
days later, Father Gapon headed a gigantic 


deputation of strikers and their families, the 
unarmed crowds were shot down by troops. 
Mirski was dismissed, General Trepoff be- 
came Dictator of St. Petersburg, and Bloody 
Sunday was followed by a fierce struggle 
throughout the country. The peasantry 
attacked the manor-houses, police officers 
were assassinated by scores, and the Tsar's 
uncle, the Grand Duke Serge, was murdered 
in Moscow. The wiser heads at Court 
recognised that the situation called for con- 
cessions, and in March the Tsar declared 
his intention of summoning an elective 
assembly. Reforms affecting the Dissenters, 
the Jews, and the Nationalities were pro- 
mulgated, and the censorship of the press 
once more lapsed. A great Congress of 
Zemstvo leaders at Moscow demanded the 
immediate convocation of a national assem- 
bly. In August a decree announced the estab- 
lishment of a consultative Duma, chosen by 
indirect election. In October the Tsar felt 
himself compelled to dismiss Pobedonostseff 
and Trepoff, and to recall Witte with the 
position of a Prime Minister. The first 
fruits of the change appeared in the Manifesto 
of October 30th, which promised freedom of 
conscience, speech, meeting, and association, 
a wide franchise, a veto on legislation, and 
effective control over the acts of officials. 
The Manifesto satisfied the Conservative 


reformers who followed Shipoff, the head of 
the Moscow Zemstvo, and who were hence- 
forth known as Octobrists. 

On his return to office Witte invited 
Shipoff to join the Ministry. Shipoff con- 
sented on condition that the Constitutional 
Democrats, popularly known as the Cadets, 
who followed Professor MiliukofT, were in- 
cluded. Witte was willing, but the demands 
of the Cadets threatened the prerogatives of 
the Tsar. Another storm now burst over 
the land. Mutinies broke out in the army 
and the fleet, and a revolt in Moscow was 
savagely repressed. Again the Government 
spoke with two voices. Durnovo, the Minis- 
ter of the Interior, encouraged brutal re- 
prisals, and incitements to riot were printed 
in the Government offices and circulated by 
the fanatical Union of the Russian People. 
From the other camp Witte issued a decree 
conceding something like universal suffrage. 
When the elections took place in the spring 
of 1906 the reformers obtained an over- 
whelming majority. The largest party in the 
Duma was that of the Cadets. The newly 
formed Labour Group, representing the 
peasantry, came next, and the Octobrists 
only numbered about fifty. The Extreme 
Right was scarcely represented. Witte was 
succeeded in the Premiership by Goremykin; 
but the leading spirit of the new Ministry 


was Stolypin, who had won his spurs in 
provincial administration. 

In reply to the Speech from the Throne 
the Duma boldly demanded control over the 
executive. It then carried a vote of censure 
on the Ministry, sent a Commission to report 
on the latest pogrom, and introduced a Land 
Bill incorporating the Labour party's princi- 
ple of expropriation. The Tsar again invited 
the leader of the Octobrists to form a Minis- 
try, and Shipoff again insisted on including 
the Cadets. But the Cadets refused to join 
a Coalition Ministry. It was now a choice 
between Miliukoff and a dissolution. The 
Tsar chose the latter, appointed Stolypin 
Premier, and broke up the Duma after a 
session of three months. The Cadets and 
Labour leaders hurried across the Finnish 
frontier to Viborg, whence they issued a 
Manifesto calling on the nation neither to 
pay taxes nor grant recruits till the Duma 
was restored. 

The Viborg Manifesto was a blunder, and 
Stolypin set to work with great energy to 
strengthen the position of the Government. 
Field courts-martial were instituted to punish 
terrorists and suspects. Tens of thousands 
were banished without trial, and the prisons 
were crowded. Yet, despite wholesale in- 
timidation, the elections to the second Duma, 
held early in 1907, gave almost the same 


result as in the first. The Cadets again 
dominated the assembly; but this time their 
main endeavour was to avoid a pretext for 
dissolution. The defensive policy succeeded 
no better than the offensive. The Socialists 
were charged with conspiracy, and Stolypin 
demanded their exclusion. The Duma ap- 
pointed a Committee to examine the evi- 
dence; but without waiting for the report 
the Government dissolved the assembly. 

Reaction now ruled unchecked. The 
Socialists were tried behind closed doors 
and sent to Siberia. The signatories of 
the Viborg Manifesto were sentenced to im- 
prisonment. Hundreds were executed for 
offences committed two or three years before, 
and scoundrels convicted of organising po- 
groms were pardoned by the Tsar. On the 
other side, murders of officials and police 
were of constant occurrence. A restricted 
franchise had been announced after the dis- 
solution of the second Duma, and the elec- 
tions for the third were held in the autumn. 
The new House was chiefly composed of land- 
owners. The largest party was the Octo- 
brists, whose leader, Guchkoff, dominated 
the third Duma as Miliukoff had dominated 
its predecessors. Stolypin had at last pro- 
cured the tame assembly that he sought; 
but even the third Duma was better than 
none. The record crops of 1909 and 1910 


at last balanced the budget and gave new 
confidence to agriculture. The main legisla- 
tive effort of Stolypin has been to enable 
the peasantry to become owners of their 
land. In 1906 the Premier issued decrees, 
which after prolonged discussion were em- 
bodied in a statute in 1910. The law gives 
the peasant the right to claim his holding in 
individual possession and in a single plot, and 
empowers the Commune to substitute pri- 
vate for communal ownership. The ulti- 
mate effect of this far-reaching change, which 
shatters the structure of rural life, it is too 
early to predict. But the Mir has received 
its death-blow. 

In addition to the internal movement for 
reform the Government has been increasingly 
occupied with the outlying nationalities. 
On the transference of Finland from Sweden 
in 1809 Alexander I solemnly guaranteed 
its constitutional rights, which have been 
confirmed by his successors. Affairs of State 
were controlled by the Diet and Senate. The 
conditions of military service were light, and 
the army remained within the limits of the 
country. While Russia was sunk in bar- 
barism and misery, Finland presented a 
spectacle of liberty, culture, and prosperity. 
Towards the end of the reign of Alexander III 
encroachments began to be made; and with 
the appointment of Bobrikoff as Governor- 


General in 1898 a systematic attack began. 
In 1899 the Diet was invited to make Fin- 
land a military district of Russia. The Finns, 
while agreeing to increase the army, re- 
jected the proposal to merge it; but the 
change was none the less carried through 
by Kuropatkin, the Minister of War. In 
the same year it was announced that Finnish 
Bills need only be submitted to the Diet if 
they concerned Finland alone. The postal 
system was amalgamated with that of Russia, 
the censorship was tightened, and Russian 
police were introduced. These steps were at 
first met by passive resistance; but in 1904 
Bobrikoff was assassinated. When a national 
strike broke out in 1905 the Tsar promised 
to restore Finnish liberties and to grant 
universal suffrage. The new Diet met in 
1907, but was dissolved in 1908. Stolypin 
issued an ordinance transferring the control 
of all matters which concerned the whole 
Empire to the Russian Ministry and abrogat- 
ing the right of the Secretary for Finland to 
report to the Tsar. By these and further 
measures passed in 1910 the independence of 
the Grand Duchy has been imperilled. Finns 
and Swedes, Conservatives and Socialists, are 
united in defence of constitutional rights 
which have been pronounced indefeasible by 
the leading jurists of Europe. 

The attack on Polish autonomy began 


after the insurrection of 1863, and the whole 
country was ruthlessly Russianised. Social- 
ism arose with the great industrial develop- 
ment of the last two decades of the century, 
and for a time there was talk of an armed 
rising; but from 1901 the leading parties 
have combined in an attempt to obtain such 
a measure of autonomy as Galicia has 
long enjoyed. In the first two Dumas the 
Poles worked with the Cadets and the Labour 
group. But though reformers of all schools 
urged the importance of a contented Poland, 
pacification is still far off. The Baltic prov- 
inces have been subjected in like manner 
to the steam-roller policy. In 1885 Russian 
became the official language. The names of 
places were changed, German has been for- 
bidden in the schools and in the University 
of Dorpat, Lutheranism has been frowned 
on, local self-government swept away, and 
the press placed under Russian censorship. 
Yet concerted opposition was impossible, 
as the nobles and commercial class are 
German, while the peasantry are Letts. 
When the years of confusion began in 1905, 
the Letts struck at the German landowners 
no less than at the Russian Government; 
but the movement was drowned in blood. 
Nicholas has proved himself as incompetent 
to conciliate the outlying races as to content 
his Russian subjects. 



The Treaty of Berlin, while diminishing the 
possessions of the Sultan in the Balkan 
peninsula, left abundant material for future 
disturbance; and the history of the years 
that have followed is the record of the at- 
tempts of his Christian subjects to complete 
their emancipation. The first step was taken 
in 1885. Though the Treaty of San Stefano 
had given Bulgaria the major part of Mace- 
donia, the Berlin Congress confined her to 
the north of the Balkan Mountains, and re- 
placed Eastern Roumelia under the Sultan, 
endowing it with a Constitution and a 
Governor-General. But the desire for union 
was too strong for treaties. The Governor- 
General was seized, and Prince Alexander 
of Battenberg marched south to Philippopolis. 
The Sultan loudly protested, and the Tsar 
recalled his officers; but when Salisbury 
approved the union the danger of war passed 
away. The bloodless triumph of Bulgaria 
whetted the appetite of Servia. Prince 
Milan, of the house of Obrenovich, assumed 
the royal title in 1882; but the King was 
unpopular, while the Karageorgevich Pre- 
tender was waiting his opportunity. In the 
hope of strengthening his throne, Milan 
declared war against Bulgaria. The Bul- 
garian army was weakened by the with- 


drawal of its Russian officers; but Alexander 
led his troops to victory at Slivnitsa. When 
the road to Belgrade lay open, Austria 
stopped his advance by an ultimatum. The 
struggle was over in a fortnight. 

Bulgaria had won a province and a battle; 
but her ruler paid dearly for his triumphs. 
Some pro-Russian officers forced their way 
into the palace at night, compelled the Prince 
to abdicate and hurried him over the bor- 
der into Russian territory. A Provisional 
Government was formed; but Stambuloff, 
the leader of the anti-Russian army, appealed 
to national sentiment, dissolved the Govern- 
ment, and invited the Prince to return. A 
fortnight later Alexander, who had been 
released by order of the Tsar, re-entered Sofia; 
but he had lost his nerve. He telegraphed a 
submissive message to St. Petersburg, and, on 
the arrival of an unfriendly reply, abdicated 
and left the country for ever. For six months 
the throne was in the market; and when 
Ferdinand, a younger son of the Prince of 
Saxe-Coburg and a grandson of Louis Phi- 
lippe, was chosen, the Tsar refused to recog- 
nise him. The new Prince, though lacking 
the military instincts and popular gifts of his 
predecessor, was an able diplomatist; but 
the real ruler of Bulgaria was Stambuloff, 
the most commanding personality that the 
young Balkan States have produced. Though 


his policy was generally supported by the 
country, the Prince regarded it with less 
favour. His marriage in 1893 and the birth 
of an heir increased his desire for Russian 
recognition. Stambulof? was forced to re- 
sign, and in 1895 he was murdered in the 
streets of Sofia. In 1896 the baby Prince 
Boris was converted to the Greek Church, and 
Ferdinand was recognised at St. Petersburg. 
While Bulgaria was growing in strength and 
prosperity, Servia was condemned to witness 
a series of unedifying quarrels in the royal 
family. The King and Queen had married 
for love as boy and girl; but Milan's affec- 
tions were quickly transferred to other ladies. 
Further, the King leaned to Austria, while 
Natalie was a Russian. Milan obtained a 
divorce in 1889, and immediately afterwards 
abdicated in favour of his only son, Alexander, 
a lad of thirteen. Four years later the 
young King suddenly proclaimed himself of 
age, and abolished the democratic constitu- 
tion granted by his father in 1889. Though 
Milan returned to Belgrade as Commander- 
in-Chief and Natalie occasionally visited her 
son, Alexander followed his own counsel, and 
in 1900 married Draga Mashin, a woman of 
humble birth and doubtful character. No 
children were born, and the Queen was sus- 
pected of plotting to secure the succession 
for one of her brothers. To stem the tide of 


discontent the King granted a more liberal 
Constitution in 1901, but in 1903 he withdrew 
it. Two months later the royal couple were 
brutally murdered in their palace by officers 
led by Colonel Mashin, brother of Draga's 
first husband. As Milan had died in 1901 
and the direct Obrenovich line was extinct, 
Peter Karageorgevich, who had spent his 
life in exile, ascended the throne without oppo- 
sition. The new King was boycotted by most 
of the Powers till 1906, when the chief mur- 
derers retired. Commerce was gravely prej- 
udiced by a tariff war with Austria, and the 
Crown Prince George kept the country in a 
ferment till he was persuaded to resign the 

For several years after the Treaty of Berlin 
the career of Turkey was uneventful. Abdul 
Hamid had gathered the reins of government 
into his own hand, obscurantism brooded 
over the land, and the finances sank into ever 
deeper confusion. The chief sufferers were 
the Christians of Asia Minor and Macedonia. 
The Armenians had petitioned the Congress of 
Berlin for a Christian Governor, but had 
obtained nothing more than a promise of 
reforms. The reforms remained a dead let- 
ter, and in 1894 the savage Kurds, aided by 
Turkish troops, butchered thousands of all 
ages. The Powers compelled the Sultan to 
grant a Commission of Inquiry, and presented 


a scheme of reform which was readily ac- 
cepted. While these futile proceedings were 
taking place, massacres broke out again in 
the autumn of 1895. In the following year 
a band of desperate Armenians seized the 
Ottoman Bank in Constantinople. The 
Sultan now threw aside all concealment, and 
for two days they were slaughtered by 
thousands in the streets of the capital. A 
shudder ran through Europe; but the Powers 
were disunited, and the Great Assassin 
remained unpunished. 

Meanwhile attention was attracted to an- 
other part of the Sultan's dominions. The 
Constitution granted to Crete in 1868 had 
been supplemented by the Pact of Halepa in 
1878. The new Charter worked fairly well 
under Greek Governors till 1889, when a 
revolt caused the Sultan to limit the powers 
of the Assembly and to appoint a Mussul- 
man. Disturbances continued, and in 1895 
a Christian Governor was again selected. 
The Mussulman minority showed their re- 
sentment by attacks on the Christians. In 
February 1897 the Christians proclaimed 
union with Greece, and Colonel Vassos was 
sent with a force to occupy the island in the 
King's name. The Powers in vain ordered 
Greece to withdraw her troops. The ad- 
mirals occupied Canea, and when the insur- 
gents attacked the Turkish troops compelled 


them to desist by a bombardment. Though 
King George had no desire for a conflict, 
armed bands crossed the northern frontier, 
and Turkey at once declared war. The 
Greek army was utterly unprepared and 
badly led, while the Turks had been drilled 
by German instructors. The Greek fleet dis- 
played a masterly inactivity, and when the 
troops of the Crown Prince fled from Larissa, 
the Athenian populace threatened the palace. 
The Powers intervened, an armistice was 
arranged, and the troops returned from Crete. 
The treaty of peace restored Thessaly to 
Greece with the exception of some strategic 
positions, but imposed an indemnity of four 
millions with European control of her debt. 

Though Greece was ignominiously defeated 
Turkish rule in Crete was not restored. In 
1898 a wholesale massacre of Christians 
occurred, British subjects were attacked in 
the harbour of Candia and the vice-consul 
was murdered. The British admiral at once 
bombarded the town, and insisted on the 
removal of the Turkish troops. The Sultan 
yielded, and in a few weeks a solitary Turkish 
flag betokened his suzerainty. Prince George 
of Greece was appointed for three years as 
High Commissioner of the Powers, a con- 
stitution was drawn up, and for some years 
the island enjoyed peace. In 1904 the 
Christians began to quarrel among them- 


selves, and Venezelos, the leader of the 
Opposition, took to the mountains and pro- 
claimed union with Greece. The winter 
cold compelled him to surrender, but in 
1906 Prince George resigned his post in 
disgust, his place being taken by Zaimis, an 
experienced Greek politician. 

After the loss of Crete the Sultan was con- 
fronted by a still more difficult problem in 
Macedonia, which, like Armenia, had never 
obtained the reforms guaranteed by the 
Treaty of Berlin. The sorely tried Chris- 
tians looked to the surrounding States for 
sympathy and support. Greece, Bulgaria, 
and Servia responded by a vigorous racial 
propaganda, while Roumania interested her- 
self in the Vlachs. The feuds were compli- 
cated by difference of religious allegiance. 
For centuries the Balkan Christians had 
looked to the Greek Patriarch at Con- 
stantinople; but in 1870 the Sultan had 
created a Bulgarian Exarch, and Patriarch- 
ists and Exarchists have ever since fought 
the battle of Greek and Bulgarian claims in 

In 1899 the Macedonian Committee at 
Sofia appealed to the Powers to create an 
autonomous Macedonia under a Bulgarian 
Governor-General, and shortly after Bulga- 
rian bands crossed the frontier. Greece and 
Servia followed suit, and the ravages of 


roving bands were added to the torments of 
Turkish misrule. Austria and Russia drew 
up a scheme of reform in February 1903, 
providing for an Inspector-General and the 
reorganisation of the gendarmerie by foreign 
officers. The Sultan accepted the scheme; 
but the disorder increased, and the Bulga- 
rian bands organised a fruitless insurrection. 
In the autumn the Emperors drew up a re- 
vised edition of their programme. The two 
Powers attached Civil Agents to Hilmi, the 
Inspector-General, the gendarmerie was 
placed under the command of an Italian 
General, and the greater part of Macedonia 
was divided up into sections under the super- 
vision of officers of all the Great Powers 
except Germany. But the elaborate machin- 
ery was useless, as the foreign officials and 
officers possessed no executive power. In 
1905 the Sultan was compelled by a naval 
demonstration to permit the establishment 
of a Financial Commission; but the ravages 
of the bands continued. 

In July 1908 the situation in the Near 
East suddenly underwent a dramatic trans- 
formation. The Young Turks, who had 
long preached reform from London and 
Paris, had been recently working at terrible 
risk among the troops. On the one hand, 
they pointed to the intolerable corruption 
and tyranny of the Sultan's regime; on the 


other, they declared that the anarchy of 
Macedonia must inevitably lead to further 
intervention, culminating in the partition 
of Turkey. The propaganda had been car- 
ried far and wide before the Sultan heard of 
it; and when he prepared to strike the 
leaders proclaimed the Constitution of 1876 
and threatened to march on Constantinople. 
The Sultan yielded in panic, the warring 
races and churches joined in celebrating 
the downfall of their common enemy, and a 
Parliament modelled on that of Midhat met 
in the autumn. 

The honeymoon was brief, and the first 
shock came from abroad. In October, 
Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria threw off 
the over-lordship of Turkey, and Austria- 
Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
The Young Turks, indignant though they 
were, bowed to the inevitable and accepted a 
financial indemnity from both Powers. A 
more serious danger revealed itself during 
the winter in divisions among the enemies 
of the old regime. The Committee of Union 
and Progress, which had organised the rev- 
olution and directed the new Government 
from Salonika, irritated the nationalities 
by a rigorous policy of centralisation. The 
quarrels of the reformers were the Sultan's 
opportunity. In April 1909 a revolution 
broke out in Constantinople, and the Young 


Turks fled for their lives. But the Mace- 
donian troops remained loyal to the Con- 
stitution, and within a fortnight Shevket 
Pasha fought his way into the capital. Abdul 
Hamid was deposed, and his brother was 
brought forth from his gilded cage to fill the 
Ottoman throne. The victory of the Young 
Turks was decisive; but the warning was 
thrown away. Large sums were spent on 
the army and navy, the inhabitants of 
Macedonia roughly disarmed, and Albania 
goaded into revolt. The authors of a hideous 
massacre of Armenians at Adana remained 
virtually unpunished. Though they have 
proved themselves more efficient rulers than 
Abdul Hamid, the Young Turks have dis- 
appointed the hopes once inspired by their 
bravery and moderation. Their ideal is 
rather that of a highly centralised military 
State than a reforming regime inviting the 
co-operation of diverse creeds and races. 

When Ferdinand and Francis Joseph tore 
up the Treaty of Berlin, Crete followed suit 
by proclaiming union with Greece. Though 
King George refused to respond, he earned 
no gratitude at Constantinople. A boycott 
of Greek goods was organised, and Turkish 
chauvinism brought the countries to the 
verge of war. The failure to extract advan- 
tages for Greece led to a movement for 
national reorganisation, headed by the army. 


For months the dynasty was in danger and 
Athens was dominated by the Military 
League, which only dissolved on the meeting 
of a National Assembly at the end of 1910. 
The arrival of Venezelos from Crete has 
given Greece the guidance of the first strong 
and statesmanlike hand she has felt since 
the death of Tricoupis. 

Happy are the Balkan States that have 
no history. Roumania has made progress 
under her Hohenzollern ruler, King Charles, 
and his gifted wife, Carmen Sylva, inter- 
rupted only by outbursts of agrarian dis- 
content. Montenegro, the home of warriors, 
can also look back on a generation of un- 
broken peace under the patriarchal sway of 
Nicholas, who granted parliamentary insti- 
tutions in 1905 and celebrated the jubilee of 
his reign in 1910 by assuming the royal 



The present grouping of the Great Powers 
is mainly the result of the Franco- German 
War. So long as Bismarck was at the helm 
Europe was dominated by the newly founded 
Empire; but the last two decades have wit- 
nessed a gradual return to the equilibrium 
which is the normal condition of European 

Throughout the conflict of 1870 Bismarck 
was tortured by the fear of a coalition; and 
when France was beaten the task of his life 
was to keep her in quarantine. Even before 
the war was over he aimed at an alliance 
with Russia and Austria. Alexander II was 
the nephew of the Emperor William, and the 
relations of the two Courts were cordial. 
W T hen the struggle began Bismarck secretly 
encouraged Russia to tear up the restrictions 
on her right to keep warships in the Black 
Sea. An alliance with Austria might seem 
less easy to accomplish; but it was not 
impossible. Bismarck had insisted on taking 



no territory from the conquered party in 
1866. Though Napoleon III expected Aus- 
trian assistance in his time of need, Francis 
Joseph stood aside, chiefly owing to a fear 
that Russia might also join in the fray. 
The anti-Prussian Beust was dismissed in 
1871, and in 1872 the three Emperors met at 
Berlin. No written agreement was con- 
cluded, but it was decided to consult each 
other in international affairs. 

Bismarck supported the Republic in France 
on the double ground that it would be weaker 
and less likely to attract allies than a mon- 
archy; but when she increased her army in 
1875, Moltke demanded a second war. 
France appealed to Russia, the Tsar and 
Gortschakoff hastened to Berlin, and Queen 
Victoria wrote to the Emperor William. The 
danger was averted; but the intervention of 
Russia left an unpleasant impression on Bis- 
marck's mind. When Austria and Great 
Britain declared that the settlement of the 
Near East after the Russo-Turkish War was 
a matter for Europe as a whole, Bismarck 
offered himself as an "honest broker" and 
presided over the Congress of Berlin not as 
a friend of Russia but as an arbiter. Big 
Bulgaria, in which Russian influence would 
be supreme, was vetoed, while Austria, which 
had taken no part in the struggle, was pre- 
sented with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The 


pride of Gortschakoff and his master, who 
expected some return for their benevolent 
neutrality in 1870, was deeply wounded. 
KatkofT denounced Bismarck in the Moscow 
Gazette, and the massing of Russian troops 
on the German frontier seemed to bring war 
within sight. William tried to soothe his 
nephew by an interview; but Bismarck went 
to Vienna and brought home a treaty, the 
assent of the Emperor being secured by a 
threat of resignation. The Dual Alliance 
concluded in 1879, but not published till 
1888, bound the signatories to support each 
other if attacked by Russia. If one was 
attacked by any other Power, the other 
should remain neutral; but if the enemy were 
supported by Russia, the other was bound to 
assist. The alliance was welcomed in both 
countries as a complete safeguard against*a 
Russian attack, and Germany was secured 
against a Franco-Russian onslaught. The 
pact closed the chapter of strife and es- 
trangement between men of German blood, 
and healed the wounds of Sadowa. 

The Dual Alliance marks the beginning 
of the definite division of Europe into two 
camps. Three years later the adhesion of 
Italy created the Triple Alliance. Though 
Italy had combined with Prussia in 1866 to 
attack Austria, her sympathies in 1870 were 
with France. But the French Republic in 


its early years was governed by men who 
resented the loss of the Temporal Power, 
and for some years a French ship lay at 
Civita Vecchia at the disposal of the Pope, 
as a mute protest against the occupation of 
Rome. The danger of intervention passed 
away when Gambetta repulsed the mon- 
archical attack in 1877; but another cause 
of friction soon appeared. Knowing Italy's 
ambitions, Bismarck seized the opportunity 
of the Congress of Berlin to suggest to Wad- 
dington, the French representative, the oc- 
cupation of Tunis. A similar encouragement 
came from Great Britain as the price of 
French acquiescence in the acquisition of 
Cyprus. Backed by these sponsors France 
established a protectorate in 1881. Italy 
seethed with indignation, and if she had 
continued to stand alone a war with France 
might easily have arisen. An alliance seemed 
essential to national security, and she became 
the ally of Germany and Austria for five 
years. Despite the huge increase of ex- 
penditure on armaments that it involved, 
the alliance was renewed in 1887 and has 
remained to this day. 

The formation of the Triple Alliance was 
a further step towards Bismarck's ideal of a 
friendless France. As England was known 
never to enter into alliances, the only Power 
to whom the Republic could look was Russia. 


Accordingly Bismarck exerted himself to the 
utmost to restore friendly relations with St. 
Petersburg. The accession of Alexander III 
in 1881 brought to the throne a ruler whose 
dislike of Germany was notorious, but whose 
love of peace was sincere and whose fear of 
revolution amounted to a mania. In 1884 
the three Emperors bound themselves for 
three years to benevolent neutrality in the 
event of any one of them attacking or being 
attacked by another Power. Thus at last 
France was completely isolated. But in the 
following year the union of Eastern Roumelia 
with Bulgaria led to differences between 
Russia and the Central Powers, and in 1887 
the Tsar determined to withdraw from the 
entente. Bismarck, however, persuaded him 
to renew the bond with Germany for three 
years more, doing his best in return to 
convince Russia of his goodwill. When a 
daughter of the Emperor Frederick desired 
in 1888 to marry Alexander of Battenberg, 
sometime Prince of Bulgaria, he compelled 
the parents under threat of resignation to 
break off the match. Yet the Tsar remained 
convinced that Germany could not be relied 
upon, and before the expiry of the three 
years for which the "reinsurance treaty" 
held good he had resolved not to renew it. 

The fall of Bismarck in 1890 was the 
signal rather than the cause of a great trans- 


formation in European politics. For twenty 
years he had kept France in isolation. He 
had often declared that since 1870 Germany 
was "satiated." William II, on the other 
hand, dreamed of territorial expansion, and, 
trusting in the Triple Alliance, made no 
attempt to renew the treaty with Alexander. 
Thus Russia, no longer pressed or bribed by 
Germany, was at last free to take the mo- 
mentous step to which she had long been 

In 1870 the sympathies of the Russian 
Government had been with Germany, for 
Louis Napoleon's share in the Crimean War 
and his championship of Poland in 1863 were 
not forgotten. But the German and Russian 
peoples have always disliked each other, and 
Alexander II had no desire to see Germany 
dominate the Continent. The intervention 
of 1875 may be regarded as the first step 
towards the Franco-Russian alliance. After 
the rebuff inflicted by the Treaty of Berlin 
many Russian publicists advocated an alli- 
ance; yet the Tsar was unconvinced, and 
Grevy, Gambetta and the majority of French 
statesmen were strongly anti-Russian. But 
events were stronger than individuals. In 
April, 1887, when France and Germany were 
brought to the verge of war by the arrest 
of Schnaebele, who had crossed the frontier 
for a discussion with a German functionary, 


the Tsar sent an autograph letter to the 
Emperor, who ordered the instant release 
of the prisoner. In 1888 the first Russian 
loan was placed on the French market. In 
1890 Russian nihilists were arrested in Paris 
while engaged in the preparation of bombs, 
and the plan of a visit of the French fleet 
to Russia was discussed. In 1891 a squadron 
visited Cronstadt, and the Tsar listened 
bareheaded to the "Marseillaise." Europe 
was startled by the enthusiastic welcome, 
and Capri vi declared that there must be an 
alliance. A month later a treaty was signed 
in Paris by Ribot, the Foreign Minister, and 
Mohrenheim, the Russian ambassador. In 
the following year a military convention was 
drawn up, though it was not ratified till 
1894. A Russian squadron visited Toulon in 
1893, and the sailors received an almost 
delirious welcome. In 1895 Ribot spoke of 
Russia as "our ally" in the Chamber. In 
1896 the new Tsar visited France — the 
first visit of a crowned head to the Third 
Republic — and received an immense ovation. 
Finally, in 1897, Faure returned the visit, 
and the alliance was at last proclaimed by 
the Tsar in the famous words, "nations 
amies et alliees." 

Though the terms of the treaty have never 
been published there can be no doubt that 
Russia is pledged to support her ally in case 


of attack by Germany. That a first class 
Power should desire an alliance was an 
emphatic recognition that France had re- 
covered from her defeat. The glaring differ- 
ences of political institutions and ideas were 
forgotten in the satisfaction of possessing 
a powerful friend. On the Russian side the 
alliance was hailed as good political business. 
Her plans of Asiatic expansion required an 
assured position in Europe, and demanded 
unlimited capital, which thrifty France was 
ready to supply. 

The Triple Alliance no longer dominated 
Europe without a competitor; but the old 
combination was stronger than the new, for 
Great Britain was no friend either of Russia 
or of France. She had joined in the Crimean 
War and she had torn up the treaty of San 
Stefano. She had given moral support to 
Bulgaria during the crisis of 1885. She had 
watched the Russian advance beyond the 
Caspian with unconcealed dislike, and the 
two countries had been brought within sight 
of war by a frontier incident at Penjdeh in 
1885. Aggression on the Pamirs in 1891-2 
confirmed the belief that Russia had designs 
on India and that a great struggle was 
inevitable. The scramble for China which 
began in 1897 added a new source of friction, 
and the seizure of Port Arthur moved Mr. 
Chamberlain to the wrathful exclamation, 


"Who sups with the Devil must have a long 

With France there was a much older 
tradition of hostility, and the era of French 
colonial expansion, inaugurated by Jules 
Ferry, opened up a boundless vista of con- 
troversy. The British Government pro- 
tested against the fortification of Bizerta, and 
for many years refused to surrender its rights 
under the Capitulations in Tunis. A long 
series of bickerings occurred in relation to 
Nigeria. The transportation of convicts to 
New Caledonia was hotly resented by Aus- 
tralia, whither many escaped, and the occu- 
pation of the New Hebrides was contrary 
to repeated declarations. A French attack 
on Siam in support of her claims to the Me- 
kong river brought war within sight. The 
ruthless exclusion of British trade from Mada- 
gascar when the island was annexed in 1896 
excited the indignation of the commercial 
world, and the dispute about the Newfound- 
land fisheries remained unsolved. 

Above all, the British occupation of Egypt, 
in which France had taken a peculiar inter- 
est since the expedition of Napoleon, pro- 
vided a constant source of irritation. For 
some years France comforted herself with the 
belief that on the restoration of order Britain 
would withdraw, in accordance with her 
repeated declarations; but by the irony of 


fate the last chance was frustrated by her 
own action. In 1887 the Wolff Convention 
arranged for evacuation within three years, 
subject to the right to re-enter if the interests 
of the bondholders were threatened. Yield- 
ing to the representations of France Abdul 
Hamid refused the conditions. A few years 
later it was made clear that no limit to the 
occupation was contemplated. In 1895 the 
British Government announced that it would 
regard an attempt by another Power to oc- 
cupy any part of the Nile valley as an un- 
friendly act; and in 1896 the reconquest of 
the Sudan was commenced. Despite the 
Grey declaration, repeated and confirmed by 
the British Ambassador in Paris in 1897 and 
1898, Captain Marchand was dispatched 
from the French Congo in 1896 to establish a 
post on the Upper Nile. He reached Fashoda 
in July 1898; but after the battle of Omdur- 
man Kitchener marched south and ordered 
the force to retire. The dispute was referred 
to Paris. When the French Government 
hesitated, British opinion declared itself in 
uncompromising tones, and war was only 
averted by unconditional surrender. Eng- 
land's loudly expressed disgust at the treat- 
ment of Dreyfus increased the hostility, 
and the Boer War provided France with an 
opportunity of retaliation of which she 
hastened to avail herself. 


The relations of Great Britain with the 
members of the Triple Alliance, on the 
other hand, were thoroughly friendly. Her 
sympathy with Italy was proverbial, and a 
secret understanding was reached in 1887 
guaranteeing the status quo in the Mediter- 
ranean. With Austria, in like manner, there 
was no clash of interest or ambition. With 
the leading member of the Alliance she was 
closely connected by ties of blood. Bismarck 
was friendly and accommodating, and con- 
sistently supported the British position on the 
Nile, remarking, "In Egypt I am English." 
The dispatch of a congratulatory telegram 
to Kruger after the repulse of the Jameson 
Raid created momentary indignation; but 
allowances were made for the impulsive 
temperament of its author, and no one 
regarded it as an indication of any deep- 
seated hostility. At the outbreak of the Boer 
War Mr. Chamberlain pleaded for a new 
Triple Alliance between Great Britain, Ger- 
many, and the United States, and at the 
Lord Mayor's banquet Salisbury declared the 
relations of the two countries to be "every- 
thing we could desire." 

The early years of the twentieth century 
witnessed a gradual alteration of the balance 
of forces, resulting in the transfer of support 
from the Triple to the Dual Alliance. The 
three main steps in this momentous trans- 


formation were the reconciliation of Italy 
with France, of France with England, and of 
England with Russia. 

The quarrel of France and Italy, which 
began with the occupation of Tunis, reached 
its most acute stage during the ministries of 
Crispi. A tariff war began in 1888, and 
incidents constantly occurred which revealed 
and intensified ill-feeling. In 1887 the 
Italian police violated the archives of the 
French Consulate at Florence. In 1888 the 
Italian Commander came into conflict with 
French subjects at Massowah. In 1891 a 
French pilgrim inscribed the words "Vive 
le Roi-Pape" near the tomb of Victor 
Emanuel. In 1893 Italian workmen were 
killed in a brawl at Aigues-Mortes, and the 
Roman mob retaliated by an attack on the 
residence of the French Ambassador. In 
1894 a number of French journalists were 
expelled from Rome. Indeed, the relations 
of France with Italy were worse than with 
Germany. But there had always been a party 
in favour of friendly relations, and after the 
fall of Crispi wiser counsels began to prevail. 
In 1896 Italy recognised the French position 
in Tunis. In 1898 a commercial treaty ended 
the tariff war, which had impoverished both 
countries. In 1901 France announced that 
she would not oppose Italian claims in 
Tripoli, while Italy promised France a free 


hand in Morocco. In 1903 the King of Italy 
paid an official visit to Paris, and the seal was 
set to the reconciliation when President 
Loubet, despite the thunders of the Vatican, 
returned the visit in 1904. 

The second step towards the re-grouping 
of the Powers was taken in May 1903, when 
King Edward VII paid his first official visit 
to Paris. Though the anti-Dreyfusards had 
fallen from power, and though Delcasse was 
more friendly than Hanotaux, France was in 
no mood to make advances to her old enemy. 
The initiative came from the King himself, 
who, unlike his mother, was well known to 
be a sincere admirer of the Republic. The 
position of Great Britain was no longer what 
it had been. So long as she could rely on 
the friendliness of the Triple Alliance, the 
enmity of France and Russia was not very 
dangerous. But German disapproval of the 
Boer War had been expressed in a highly 
offensive manner; and though the Emperor 
refused to see Kruger and the Boer Generals, 
and behaved throughout with scrupulous 
correctness, the old cordiality completely 
disappeared. At the end of 1901 Mr. Cham- 
berlain vehemently protested against Ger- 
man attacks on the British troops, and re- 
called certain features of the campaign of 
1870. Biilow replied in the Reichstag that 
criticisms of the German army were like 


attempts to bite granite. The gulf opened by 
the war was widened by the refusal of the 
British Government to assist in the project 
of the Bagdad railway, and by the obvious 
determination of Germany to become a great 
naval Power. 

King Edward was welcomed in Paris with 
respect if not with enthusiasm, and the 
return visit paid by President Loubet in July 
paved the way for a further interchange 
of ideas. Before the war Mr. Chamber- 
lain had complained of a policy of pinpricks, 
and rudely warned France to mend her man- 
ners. The countries were still at issue on 
several points; but the elements of a bar- 
gain were present. The withdrawal from 
Fashoda left France nothing to fight for on 
the Nile, while Great Britain possessed no 
special interests in Morocco, to which France 
had long been turning her eyes. On these 
foundations a treaty was framed, France 
surrendering all claims to Egypt and under- 
taking not to press for the termination of 
the occupation, Great Britain according 
France a free hand in Morocco. Minor 
disputes regarding West Africa, Siam, the 
New Hebrides, Madagascar, and Newfound- 
land were amicably arranged. The treaty, 
which was signed in April 1904, was wel- 
comed in both countries not only as a settle- 
ment of long-standing differences but as 


paving the way for friendly co-operation. 
For the one it ended a period of political 
isolation which was becoming dangerous. 
To the other it brought an accession of 
security only second in importance to the 
Russian alliance. That Great Britain shortly 
after undertook to render assistance to 
France if attacked by Germany is widely 
believed in spite of official denials. 

France had gained new friends, and she 
was soon to need them. On the eve of the 
signature of the treaty, Delcasse informed 
the German Ambassador in Paris of its 
terms, and Prince Radolin pronounced it 
to be "very natural and perfectly justified." 
On its publication Biilow declared in the 
Reichstag that there was no reason to sup- 
pose it to be directed against any Power, and 
that it contained nothing prejudicial to 
German interests in Morocco, which were 
purely commercial. After such declarations 
the French Government had no hesitation 
in taking the next step forward. In October 
an agreement was signed with Spain, whom 
Delcasse thus associated with his plans of 
pacific penetration. As Morocco adjoined 
Algeria, frontier incidents were of common 
occurrence. Abdul-Aziz, who had ascended 
the throne in 1894 at the age of sixteen, was 
intelligent enough to admire the outward 
trappings of European civilisation but not to 


assimilate its spirit. His love of foreign inven- 
tions irritated his people, and in his nerveless 
grasp the kingdom fell into chaos. Agree- 
ments with France in 1901 and 1902 pro- 
vided for co-operation in the maintenance 
of order; but the whole country needed 
reorganisation, and in 1904 he was presented 
with a bold scheme of reforms to be carried 
out by the aid of French loans. 

The first hint of trouble came from the 
German Minister in Morocco in the early 
weeks of 1905; and diplomatic war was 
declared in March when the Emperor landed 
from his yacht at Tangier, and announced 
that the Sultan was free and independent, 
that it would be unwise to hurry reform, 
and that German interests would be safe- 
guarded. This unexpected outburst, which 
virtually promised support to Morocco in 
resisting French pressure, was followed by an 
invitation to a Conference on the Moroccan 
question. The proposal was a direct chal- 
lenge to French claims, and Delcasse advised 
its rejection. The Rouvier Cabinet refused to 
run risks, and the Foreign Minister, who had 
held the reins for seven years, was forced 
to resign. His fall was a triumph for Ger- 
many, and was marked by the elevation of 
Billow to the rank of Prince. 

The resignation of Delcasse was a second 
Fashoda. French resentment was the keener 


owing to the conviction that Germany had 
taken advantage of the temporary paralysis 
of her ally. The attack on French policy 
began on the fall of Port Arthur, and the 
Tangier speech was delivered after the re- 
verses in Manchuria. It was believed, more- 
over, that Morocco was only the occasion 
to strike at the entente into which she had 
lately entered. A revulsion of feeling set 
in, and large sums were spent on preparing 
the army for instant war. In August the 
Treaty of Portsmouth allowed Russia to 
resume her part in European politics. Thus, 
when the Conference met at Algeciras in 
January 1906, France was in no yielding 
mood. Throughout the prolonged discus- 
sions she was backed by Russia and Great 
Britain, while Italy incurred German resent- 
ment by her obvious friendliness. The United 
States supported her on the merits of the 
case, and even Austria showed a disposition 
to arrive at a fair compromise. Thus while 
the submission of the Moroccan question 
to the European areopagus was a triumph 
for Germany, the Conference itself dis- 
appointed her. Though the integrity of 
Morocco was secured, France and Spain 
obtained a mandate to organise a police force 
for the coast towns, and France was allowed 
a predominant share in the proposed State 
bank. In 1908 a dangerous quarrel arising 


out of the arrest of German deserters at 
Casablanca was settled by the Hague Tribu- 
nal. Finally, by an agreement in 1909, 
Germany recognised the special political 
interest of France. 

The entente which had grown out of the 
Treaty of 1904 had proved itself capable of 
resisting strain; but there was still one more 
step to be taken before the position of France 
could be regarded as satisfactory. Her ally 
and her friend still looked askance at one 
another. The Russo-Japanese War had pro- 
duced an awkward situation. It had re- 
quired all Delcasse's tact to avoid an explo- 
sion when the Russians fired on the Hull 
fishermen, while a new danger arose when 
Japan angrily charged France with assisting 
the Russian fleet during its voyage to the 
Far East. But the common support of 
France during the critical months at Algeciras 
brought Great Britain and Russia nearer 
together. The Tsar had begun to discuss the 
questions at issue with Sir Charles Hardinge 
at St. Petersburg in 1905, and Sir Edward 
Grey was known to have set his heart on an 
arrangement. After long negotiations a 
treaty was signed in August 1907, defining 
the respective spheres of influence in Persia, 
recognising the right of Great Britain to 
control the foreign policy of Afghanistan, 
and pledging both parties to abstain from 


interference in Tibet. The Treaty was 
sharply attacked by one school of critics on 
the ground that the line through Persia was 
unduly favourable to Russia, by another on 
the ground that it virtually partitioned the 
country, and that co-operation with Russia 
was indefensible. In reply it was urged that 
the removal of the fear of Russian attack on 
India was worth some sacrifices, and that the 
Treaty would lead to mutual support in 
European politics. The visit of King Edward 
to Reval in June 1908 revealed such cordial 
relations between the two Governments that 
Germany professed to discover a design for 
her isolation. The entente was further con- 
solidated by the reconciliation of Russia 
and France with Japan on the basis of a 
recognition of the status quo in the Far East. 
A few months after the Dual Alliance had 
expanded into the Triple Entente the waters 
of European diplomacy were once more 
ruffled. Though Austria and Russia had 
agreed in 1897 to work together in the 
Balkans, the world was startled in February 
1908 by an announcement that the Austro- 
Hungarian Foreign Minister had obtained 
permission to make a survey for the con- 
struction of a railway through the Sanjak of 
Novibazar. To ask or accept such a favour 
from Turkey at a time when the only hope of 
Macedonian reform lay in unceasing pressure 


from the Concert appeared something like 
treason. Moreover, it opened the door to the 
ambitions of other Balkan Powers, and Servia 
immediately put forward a demand, which 
was supported by Russia, for a railway to 
the Adriatic. But before either project could 
be commenced, the revolution in Turkey 
altered the whole face of affairs. 

While sympathetically watching the efforts 
of the Young Turks to grapple with their 
gigantic problem, Europe was startled by 
the news that Bulgaria had thrown off the 
suzerainty of Turkey, and that Austria- 
Hungary had annexed Bosnia and Herze- 
govina, at the same time renouncing her 
right to the military occupation of Novi- 
bazar. In a moment the whole of Eastern 
Europe was in a ferment. Servia demanded 
compensation for the destruction of her 
hopes of union with Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
and Montenegro pressed for the removal of 
her fetters on the Adriatic seaboard. Mean- 
while Sir Edward Grey declared that any 
modifications of the Treaty of Berlin must be 
approved by another European Congress, and 
Russia and France supported the demand. 

Bulgaria and Austria-Hungary com- 
pounded for their sins by a cash indemnity; 
but when the danger of war with Turkey 
was removed D'Aehrenthal could afford to 
oppose an unyielding front to the claims of 


Servia. The little kingdom, however, trusted 
to the support of its mighty Slav neighbour. 
Izvolsky, the Russian Foreign Minister, had 
been informed during the early summer that 
Austria-Hungary would some day annex the 
Turkish provinces; but the speedy execution 
of the plan came as a shock to St. Petersburg. 
As the winter advanced Europe became 
sharply divided into two camps. The tension 
was ended in March 1909 by a peremptory 
intimation from the Kaiser to the Tsar that 
if his support of Servian claims were to lead 
to war with Austria, Germany would support 
her ally with all her forces. The opposition 
instantly collapsed, and the Powers of the 
Triple Entente recognised the annexations 
without waiting for a Conference. D'Aeh- 
renthal had played a bold game and won; 
but his victory was dearly bought. The 
indemnity to Turkey and the much larger 
sum spent on preparing the army for instant 
war, the surrender of Novibazar, the boycott 
of Austrian goods in the Levant, the estrange- 
ment of Turkey, Servia, and Montenegro, 
above all, the alienation of the Powers of the 
Triple Entente, might well appear even to 
his countrymen a high price to pay for the 
abolition of Turkish suzerainty over provinces 
that had for all practical purposes belonged 
to the Dual Monarchy for a generation. 
The storm subsided very slowly. On 


visiting the King of Italy the Tsar ostenta- 
tiously avoided passing through Austrian 
territory, and a little later William II on a 
visit to Vienna reminded his hearers how he 
had stood by their ruler "in shining armour" 
in the recent crisis. But there are no eternal 
feuds in European politics except between 
France and Germany. The old cordiality 
between Great Britain and Austria gradually 
returned, and the withdrawal of Izvolsky to 
the Paris Embassy marked a detente between 
Vienna and St. Petersburg. When the Tsar 
visited Potsdam at the close of 1910, Germany 
undertook to facilitate the plans of Russia 
in Persia, and Russia withdrew her opposi- 
tion to the Bagdad railway, which it was 
agreed to extend to the Persian frontier. 
Though it was an exaggeration to assert that 
the Potsdam interviews marked the virtual 
withdrawal of Russia from the Triple En- 
tente, they recorded the closing of the 
breach which had been opened in 1908. 

The mutual suspicion of Germany and 
Great Britain remains; but it is gradually 
becoming less acute. If the German ship- 
building programme is reduced in 1912, as 
the Navy Law provides, the apprehension 
that she is seeking to steal the mastery of 
the seas should disappear. Meanwhile the 
agreement of the two Governments, an- 
nounced in 1911, to inform each other of their 


naval construction will prevent the recur- 
rence of the scare that arose in 1909 when the 
British Admiralty solemnly announced its 
discovery of an imaginary acceleration. More 
important is the surrender by the Bagdad 
Railway Company of its right to carry the 
line to the Persian Gulf in return for per- 
mission to connect it with the Mediterranean. 
The compromise removes a troublesome 
source of friction and brings within sight the 
co-operation or at least the friendly acquies- 
cence of Great Britain in the completion of 
the great enterprise. The sudden dispatch 
of a cruiser to Agadir in July 1911 announced 
the determination of Germany to be con- 
sulted in regard to the new situation in 
Morocco arising from the French expedi- 
tion to Fez and the Spanish occupation of 
posts in the interior; but it gave no reason 
to anticipate a repetition of the agitating 
experiences of 1905. 



The most important event in the political 
history of the last generation is the awaken- 
ing of Asia. The reaction on world politics 
has already been immense, and its further 
influence is the most incalculable element 
in the future. 

After massacring her Jesuit missionaries in 
the seventeenth century, Japan lived a hermit 
life till the coming of Commodore Perry's 
squadron in 1854 forced her to open her 
doors and revise her political ideas. The 
last of the Shoguns resigned in 1867, and 
the power of the Emperor was restored 
after an eclipse of more than two centuries. 
The Daimios chivalrously surrendered their 
privileges, and the remains of feudalism 
were abolished by decree in 1871. Thus in 
four years the country was unified under a 
centralised government. But the task of 
creating a modern State was complicated 



by treaty rights, which not only deprived 
Japan of all power over foreign residents, 
but prevented the raising of the customs 
tariff. After vainly endeavouring to obtain 
a modification of the treaties the Government 
sent an embassy to Europe in 1871. Though 
the mission failed, its members carried back 
the lessons of civilisation. An efficient army 
and navy were created, compulsory educa- 
tion inaugurated, and the judicial system 
reformed. In 1894 Great Britain recognised 
Japan as a civilised State. By 1899 the 
other Powers had followed suit, and ex- 
territoriality was at an end. For the first 
time Europe submitted the fortunes of her 
children to the jurisdiction of an Oriental 

The modernisation of Japan naturally car- 
ried with it the introduction of representa- 
tive institutions, and in 1880 the Emperor 
promised a national Parliament. The plan- 
ning of a constitution was entrusted to Ito, 
who paid a prolonged visit to the West, 
where he fell under the spell of Bismarck. 
In 1885 he became the head of the first 
Cabinet, the members of which were ap- 
pointed by and responsible to the Emperor. 
The first Parliament met in 1890. The con- 
stitution was largely modelled on that of 
Prussia, with a narrow franchise (extended 
in 1900) and an independent executive. The 


early years of Parliament were filled by 
bitter strife with the ministers and the offi- 
cial class, over whom the elected House 
possessed no control. Opposition and ob- 
struction were met by repeated dissolutions, 
and the power of the Emperor remained un- 
diminished. His authority has been con- 
sistently supported by the House of Peers, 
in which the influence of the Elder Statesmen 
is predominant. His person still inspires 
religious veneration, while the long and pros- 
perous reign of Mutsuhito, who ascended the 
throne while Japan was still a feudal State, 
has strengthened the prestige of the Crown. 
The birth of a powerful State in the Far 
East was proclaimed in 1894. An attempt 
had been made to establish closer relations 
with Korea, and a Japanese envoy was sent 
to reside at Seoul in 1880. The legation 
was attacked in 1882, and again in 1884. The 
weakness and misgovernment of Korea was a 
perpetual temptation to her neighbours; and 
Japan invited China to co-operate in demand- 
ing reform. When China refused, Japan en- 
deavoured to set the Korean Government 
in motion, and, as no response was forth- 
coming, issued an ultimatum calling on 
Korea to accept the Japanese programme of 
reforms in July 1894. Korea temporised, 
Seoul was taken without difficulty, and the 
Emperor made prisoner. China immediately 


intervened, but was easily defeated by 
Japanese troops, which had been trained by 
European officers. The capture of Port 
Arthur compelled Li Hung Chang to ask for 
peace, and on the fall of Wei-hai-Wei the 
war was over. In April 1895 a treaty was 
signed at Shimonoseki, by which China 
ceded to Japan the Liao-Tung peninsula 
and the island of Formosa, and promised a 
large indemnity. 

The ink of the treaty was hardly dry 
when Russia, France, and Germany ordered 
Japan to surrender the Liao-Tung peninsula, 
on the ground that the possession of Port 
Arthur threatened the independence of Pekin. 
Japan had no alternative but to submit, 
and the Chinese indemnity was increased 
by five millions. The intervention of the 
Western Powers opened a new chapter in the 
history of the Far East. Russia had reached 
the Pacific in the seventeenth century, and 
the Amur region was secured in 1858-60 by 
Muravief. The trans-Siberian railway was 
begun in 1891. After saving China from the 
loss of the peninsula, Russia concluded a 
convention with her authorising a branch 
line through Manchuria. But the insin- 
cerity of the Powers in forbidding Japanese 
spoliation was soon revealed. In 1897, when 
two German missionaries were murdered in 
Shantung, China was compelled to lease the 


port and district of Kiao-Chow to Germany 
for 99 years. Russia followed suit by ob- 
taining permission to winter her fleet in 
Port Arthur, and in March 1898 demanded 
a lease of the coveted ice-free port. Great 
Britain, not to be outdone, acquired Wei-hai- 
Wei, and an extension of her territory op- 
posite Hong-Kong. France obtained a con- 
cession near Tonkin; but when even Italy 
asked for a bay China plucked up courage 
to refuse. 

The encroachments of the Powers evoked 
intense indignation in China, and killed the 
reform movement which had begun after 
the Japanese war. The only satisfactory 
piece of imperial machinery was the admin- 
istration of the maritime customs by Sir 
Robert Hart. The young Emperor, Kuang- 
Hsu, was convinced of the need of change, 
and adopted the proposals of Kang Yu Wei. 
Learning that her nephew had decided on her 
imprisonment, and taking advantage of the 
growing hatred of the "foreign devils," the 
Dowager-Empress, Tzu Hsi, emerged from 
her retreat. The Emperor's life was spared 
and Kang Yu Wei escaped, but his reform- 
ing colleagues were executed. The Regency 
was re-established, the reform decrees were 
annulled, and China swung back to reaction. 
A society called the Boxers, who claimed to 
be invulnerable, rapidly spread through the 


provinces, preaching death to foreigners. 
Attacks on Europeans began in 1899, and 
became frequent in the early months of 1900. 
In May the Ministers at Pekin asked for 
additional guards. No sooner had they 
arrived than the city was surrounded by 
Boxer troops. An attempt by Admiral Sey- 
mour to reach the capital was frustrated. 
The destruction of the Taku forts, which 
had fired on the allied warships, was treated 
as a declaration of war. The imperial troops 
now joined the Boxers, the German Am- 
bassador was murdered in the streets of 
Pekin, and the foreign residents, who had 
taken refuge in the British Legation, were 
bombarded. Early in August an army of 
20,000 men started for Pekin. The capital 
was entered after sharp fighting ten days 
later, the Empress fled into the interior, and 
the Legations were rescued after a terrible 
siege of two months. The allies insisted on 
the punishment of the ringleaders, the dis- 
mantling of the forts between Pekin and 
the coast, and immense indemnities. To 
prevent a similar occurrence the Legations 
were fortified. Peace was signed in 1901, 
and the Empress returned early in 1902. 

The resentment aroused in Japan by the 
forced surrender of Port Arthur swelled into 
deep indignation when Russia herself seized 
the coveted stronghold. A demand for a 


port on the southern coast of Korea in 1899 
had to be withdrawn; but after the Pekin 
expedition Admiral Alexeieff, the Russian 
Viceroy of the Far East, invited China to 
resume the government of Manchuria under 
Russian protection. Japan protested in 
vain; but her position was strengthened by 
an alliance with Great Britain in 1902, the 
latter promising support if her ally was 
attacked by more than one Power. The 
conduct of the Japanese troops during the 
Pekin expedition had compared very favour- 
ably with that of some of the European con- 
tingents, and the treaty of 1902 recognised 
the entry of Japan into the family of civilised 

A few weeks after the conclusion of the 
alliance a treaty was signed between Russia 
and China, the former undertaking to evacu- 
ate Manchuria in three stages of six months 
each, the latter to defend Russian interests in 
that province. The treaty relieved Japanese 
apprehensions; and in the autumn of 1902 
the Russians withdrew from the first of the 
three sections. But in 1903, instead of 
continuing the evacuation, Russia demanded 
new concessions. Supported by Great Brit- 
ain, Japan, and the United States, China 
refused the demands. At the same moment 
Russian activity increased in Korea. Russian 
speculators had obtained a concession to cut 


timber on the banks of the Yalu, and influ- 
ential members of the Russian Court were 
interested in the enterprise. Japan com- 
plained that the withdrawal from Man- 
churia was not being carried out, and sug- 
gested a treaty which should safeguard 
Russian interests in Manchuria and define 
Japan's position in Korea. Russia refused 
to recognise Japanese claims in Korea, and 
after several months of negotiation, during 
which troops were hurried to the Far East, 
Japan issued an ultimatum in February 1904. 
The course of the conflict was watched 
by the whole world with amazement. Few 
expected Japan to show such perfect organi- 
sation, such strategic genius, such irresistible 
bravery; while on the other hand few were 
prepared for the blundering incompetence of 
Russia. For the Japanese it was a national 
struggle for clearly defined objects, while 
the Russian people knew nothing of the 
causes and aims of the war. A second 
advantage for Japan was that the conflict 
ranged in part over ground familiar to her 
since 1894, while the Russian front was 
6000 miles from the base, and her troops 
had to be transported by a single line. 
When the war began the Russian forces were 
greatly inferior in numbers, and she was 
discouraged at the outset by the destruction 
or damage of several ships at Port Arthur 


and Chemulpo. After these initial successes 
Japanese troops invested Port Arthur, while 
the main army forced their way across the 
Yalu. The Russians were defeated at Liao- 
Yang, and in a prolonged encounter on the 
Sha-ho. On New Year's Day, 1905, Port 
Arthur was surrendered by Stossel, though 
24,000 men and provisions for three months 
remained. The fall of the great fortress set 
free the besieging army, and another titanic 
struggle took place before Mukden in Feb- 
ruary. After a fortnight's righting, in which 
each side lost about 60,000 in killed and 
wounded, the Russians retreated north. 
The Japanese were too exhausted to follow 
up the victory, and both combatants watched 
the leisurely voyage of the Russian fleet 
from Europe. As it entered the Straits 
of Tsushima between Korea and Japan on 
the way to Vladivostock on May 27th, it 
was annihilated by Togo. The command of 
the Pacific was decided in a single day. 

The failure of her last card induced Russia 
to consider the question of peace. Japan, 
whose resources had been strained to the 
uttermost, was equally desirous of an honour- 
able termination of the struggle. A fortnight 
after the battle of Tsushima representatives 
were chosen to discuss terms. No armistice 
was concluded, and the Japanese landed a 
force in Sakhalin. The negotiations opened 


in August, and three weeks later peace was 
signed. The Treaty of Portsmouth recog- 
nised the claims of Japan in Korea, ceded 
the Liao-Tung peninsula and the southern 
half of Sakhalin, and provided for the 
evacuation of Manchuria by Russia. The 
war had cost each side about 100 millions in 
money and 200,000 in killed and wounded. 
The victory of Japan is the most important 
event of the period with which this volume 
deals. In the years immediately preceding 
the war the Powers had been carving China 
into slices. The ringleader had now been 
overthrown in single combat, and the achieve- 
ment thrilled Asia with a confidence and self- 
respect she had never known. The spell had 
been broken. The West was not irresistible. 
The question is no longer what the white 
man will leave to the yellow races, but what 
the yellow races will permit the white man 
to retain. 

In no country was the reverberation louder 
than in China. The reactionary nationalism 
which had culminated in the Boxer movement 
gave place to an enthusiasm for Western 
learning and Western methods. Decrees 
appeared condemning foot-binding, recom- 
mending intermarriage between Manchus and 
Chinese, abolishing the system of literary 
examinations for official employment, and 
forbidding torture and mutilation. Railways 


were built and schools were opened, Japanese 
instructors were engaged, and large numbers 
went to study abroad. A Commission was 
sent to Europe in 1906 to examine the 
systems of government, and on its return the 
Regent announced her intention to grant a 
Constitution. In 1908 she and the puppet 
Emperor died within a day of each other; 
but the death of the most remarkable per- 
sonality of modern China brought no change. 
Provincial assemblies were set up in 1909, 
and conducted their business with dignity 
and skill. A National Assembly, composed 
chiefly of officials and nominees, met at Pekin 
in 1910 and demanded that the first Parlia- 
ment, originally promised for 1917, should 
meet without delay. Almost more remark- 
able as an evidence of reforming zeal is the 
crusade against opium. Though depending 
on the duty for several millions a year, the 
Indian Government undertook in 1907 to 
stop the export to China by gradual steps 
within 10 years, on condition of a correspond- 
ing reduction in her own production of the 
poppy. The bargain was loyally kept, and 
in 1911 China urged the Indian Government 
to co-operate in suppressing the traffic in 
two years. 



While in the Far East the white man has 
been forced to abandon his ambitions, he 
continues to dominate the Middle East. Yet 
here, too, the sleeper is awakening. 

Though the Government of India is rela- 
tively unaffected by party changes at West- 
minster, the personality of a Viceroy often 
stamps the period of his rule. Thus Lytton 
(1876-1880) emphasised the might and maj- 
esty of British dominion, while Ripon's 
term (1880-1884) was marked by a coura- 
geous attempt to associate the people more 
closely with the control of their own affairs. 
His successor, Dufferin, was identified neither 
with Imperialism nor Liberalism. The estab- 
lishment of Abdurrahman on the throne 
of Afghanistan had substituted a friendly 
for an unfriendly influence; but the rapid 
advance of Russia beyond the Caspian con- 
tinued to inspire alarm. Though an agree- 
ment was reached in 1887, the danger led to 
the permanent increase of the army. On 
the other side of India an important conquest 
was effected. The maritime provinces of 
Burma had been annexed in previous wars, 
and at the end of 1885 the remainder of the 
country was conquered. While the savage 
rule of King Theebaw was the nominal pre- 


text for intervention, the governing factor was 
the discovery of his intrigues with French 
agents and concessionaires. No immediate 
resistance was made, but a guerrilla warfare 
broke out and continued for three years. 
On its suppression Burma entered on a period 
of peaceful prosperity, untroubled by famines 
or revolutionary movements. 

The main legislative achievement of Duf- 
ferin's term was the Bengal Tenancy Act 
of 1885, which checked the eviction of the 
ryot; but its most important event was not 
the work of the Government. The intro- 
duction of English literature and English 
ideas under the auspices of Macaulay had led 
to the growth of an educated class, relatively 
small in numbers but of considerable influ- 
ence. In 1886 the first National Congress met 
to discuss questions of common interest. 
Though a few Mohammedans took part in 
the movement, its founders were Hindus. 
Dufferin regarded the Congress as a healthy 
growth, and showed friendliness to the 
leaders. It was a colossal blunder that his 
tactful attitude was abandoned by his 

The term of Lord Lansdowne (1888-1894) 
witnessed an important change in the ma- 
chinery of government. The Queen's Procla- 
mation in 1858 declared that no one should 
be debarred from any office by race or creed. 


A few Indian advisers had been admitted 
to Legislative Councils after the Mutiny; 
but Dufferin had informed the Home Gov- 
ernment that an increase in their numbers 
and powers would be expedient. The Indian 
Councils Act of 1892 gave cautious effect to 
his representations. The nominated members 
of the Viceregal and the Provincial Coun- 
cils were increased, the non-official element 
strengthened, and the Indian Government 
was empowered to permit native members to 
be elected by their fellow-citizens. In another 
field the confidence of the Government was 
shown by accepting the offers of Native Chiefs 
to maintain regiments for imperial service. 
The Lansdowne Viceroyalty also witnessed 
the settlement of differences with Abdurrah- 
man, who was seriously alarmed by the pro- 
posals of the Forward Policy. The Durand 
mission, dispatched to Cabul in 1893, re- 
moved his apprehensions. His subsidy was 
raised from £80,000 to £120,000 a year, and 
it was agreed to determine the still unsettled 
boundaries of Russia, India, and Afghanistan. 
Though his loyalty during subsequent fron- 
tier risings was open to suspicion, the relations 
of the Governments have remained friendly. 
The rule of Lord Elgin (1894-1899) was a 
period of exceptional anxiety. The currency 
question had long been menacing. Owing to 
the increasing production of silver through- 


out the world the rupee had rapidly fallen 
since 1874, when it was worth nearly two 
shillings. The loss to India, which had to 
find large sums in gold for interest, pensions, 
and foreign purchases, was serious. To meet 
the growing burden it was necessary to in- 
crease the salt tax and the income tax, and in 
1893 the coinage of silver was restricted. 
The relief was slight, and Lord Elgin, on 
his arrival, had to revive revenue duties, 
that on cotton goods being accompanied 
by a corresponding excise on Indian prod- 
ucts. The rupee fell to thirteen pence in 
1895, when it again began to rise. In 1899 
a gold currency was introduced, and the 
value of the rupee was fixed at sixteen pence. 
Though gold thus became the standard of 
value, silver remains the coinage of the coun- 
try and legal tender at the fixed rate. At the 
same time two other problems emerged. 
In 1896 plague appeared in Bombay, and 
efforts to eradicate it led to riots and fierce 
attacks in the press. Its ravages have 
continued ever since, and it carries off 
enormous numbers every year. In 1897 
a severe famine visited Central India, and 
despite the institution of gigantic relief works 
nearly a million lives were lost in British 

Like his predecessors, Lord Elgin was con- 
fronted with grave anxieties on the North- 


West frontier. By the Durand agreement 
Chitral was declared within the British sphere. 
In 1895 the native ruler was murdered and 
the British agent and garrison were besieged. 
After a heroic defence of seven weeks the 
fort was relieved by a large British force. 
The Rosebery Government decided to with- 
draw from Chitral; but Salisbury, on resum- 
ing office, determined to retain it, and ordered 
the construction of a road through the 
mountains. A year later the whole frontier 
was in flames, the Mullahs preaching a holy 
war, and the tribesmen watching with anger 
the extension of the British zone. A rising 
began in 1897 among the Swats, Mohmands, 
and Afridis, and the insurrection became so 
formidable that an army of 60,000 men was 
despatched to the Tirah district. By the 
end of the year the resistance was broken, but 
it was not till late in 1898 that the conflict 
was over and the Khyber Pass reopened. 

While some Viceroys are mere figure- 
heads, Lord Curzon, who arrived in 1899, 
was the undisputed ruler of India. His first 
task was the liquidation of the frontier 
problem. The British forces were gradually 
withdrawn from the Khyber and other 
advanced posts, and their places taken by 
tribal levies, the tribes being informed that 
their independence was safe so long as order 
was maintained. A new frontier province 


was created by separation from the Punjab 
in 1901, a step that has been followed by 
almost uninterrupted peace. In domestic 
affairs the Viceroyalty opened badly with a 
renewal of famine in 1900, more costly in 
life and money than that of 1897. But 
after its conclusion the financial situation 
rapidly improved, and the salt tax was 
greatly reduced. The ship appeared to be 
entering calmer water, and the opportunity 
was seized to overhaul every department of 
State by searching commissions of inquiry. 
An attempt was made to bring the system of 
report writing within reasonable limits. A 
new Department of Commerce and Industry 
was established, with a representative on 
the Viceroy's Council. On the advice of 
Lord Kitchener, the Commander-in-Chief, 
the distribution of the army was changed and 
the troops furnished with more efficient 
weapons. A drastic measure was carried 
to prevent the alienation of land in the 
Punjab. The severe condemnation of the 
police by the Frazer Commission led to a 
slight increase of pay, but not to the radical 
reforms that were needed. Steps were taken 
for the conservation of the priceless monu- 
ments of Indian art. Primary schools were 
increased, and an effort was made to save 
older students from the moral contagion 
of city life. 


Lord Curzon laboured with unflagging 
energy and superb devotion; but his method 
of government resembled that of the Philo- 
sophic Despots of the eighteenth century. 
Though he sternly punished the ill-treatment 
of Indians by Europeans, he had little sym- 
pathy with the political aspirations that 
were stirring among educated natives. He 
boycotted the National Congress, diminished 
the representative element on the Calcutta 
Municipal Council, and infuriated the Ben- 
galis by reflections on their truthfulness. 
Finally, on his return from England in 1904, 
he took a step which led directly to the dan- 
gerous crisis of the following years. Bengal 
had already thrown off the North- West 
Provinces and Assam, and a population of 
over 80 millions made a further partition 
desirable. Friendly discussions with the 
leaders of native opinion might have led to 
an acceptable compromise; but the oppor- 
tunity of readjustment by consent was 
thrown away. A new province was created 
in 1905 by a fusion of Assam with a large 
slice of Eastern Bengal, despite the passion- 
ate protests of the Congress party. If it 
was not the greatest political blunder since 
the Mutiny, it played directly into the hands 
of the extreme party which aims at the over- 
throw of British rule. 

The last year of Lord Curzon's term 


witnessed the dispatch of an expedition to 
Lhassa. The Hermit Kingdom had steadily 
repulsed the advances made to it since the 
time of Warren Hastings. When Tibetan 
troops invaded the Protected State of Sikkim 
in 1886, the Government opened negotia- 
tions with China as suzerain of Tibet, and 
signed a treaty in 1890 establishing com- 
mercial posts across the frontier. The 
Tibetans, however, refused all intercourse 
and returned letters unopened. Such con- 
temptuous treatment seemed to Lord Curzon 
damaging to British prestige; and when the 
Dalai Lama engaged in negotiations with 
Russia he obtained leave to send an armed 
mission under Colonel Younghusband. The 
advance was but feebly resisted. The sacred 
city was entered, the Dalai Lama fled, and 
a treaty was made with his successor, pro- 
viding for a Resident in Lhassa, facilities 
for trade, and the retention of the Chumbi 
valley while an indemnity was paid by 
instalments. The treaty was substantially 
modified by the Home Government. When 
it thus became clear that Great Britain had 
no desire to intervene in Tibetan affairs the 
dormant Chinese suzerainty was vigorously 
reasserted. The Power that gained by 
the Younghusband expedition was not India, 
but China. 

In 1905 Lord Curzon resigned, refusing 


to accept Lord Kitchener's proposals for the 
reorganisation of the military department, 
and receiving no support from home. His 
successor, Lord Minto, lacked the knowledge 
and ability of his predecessor; but he felt 
genuine sympathy with the ideals of educated 
Indians. The appointment of Mr. Morley 
to the India Office almost at the same time 
further emphasised the change from the old 
order. The Viceroy and Secretary of State 
were in agreement as to the need both of 
generous political concessions and of un- 
flinching repression of violence. Great ex- 
pectations were aroused among the Congress 
politicians by the appointment of the dis- 
tinguished thinker from whom they had 
learned the principles of Liberalism; but 
his refusal to modify the partition of Bengal 
provoked intense disappointment. The Swa- 
deshi movement began, European goods were 
boycotted in parts of Bengal, and several 
Europeans were murdered. The Government 
replied by drastic laws against seditious meet- 
ings, the press, and the use of explosives. 
Tilak was sentenced to six years' imprison- 
ment, and on two occasions the Regulation 
of 1818 was revived. The deportation of 
men of high character and position with- 
out charge or trial aroused indignation in 
England, and led numbers of Indian politi- 
cians to despair of the Government. The 


National Congress split in two at Surat 
in 1908, the extremists parting company 
with the moderates represented by Gokhale. 
While the campaign of repression was in 
progress a far-reaching scheme of reform 
was being elaborated. A bold step was 
taken in 1909 by the appointment of an 
Indian barrister as Legal Member of the 
Viceroy's Executive Council, and of two 
Indians to the Council of the Secretary of 
State. The Councils Act of 1909 constituted 
a notable advance on that of 1892. A large 
addition was made to the membership of the 
Viceregal and Provincial Legislative Councils, 
an official majority being retained on the 
former alone. Special safeguards for the 
interests of the Mohammedan minority were 
inserted. The Executive Councils of Madras 
and Bombay were to be enlarged from two 
to four, one to be an Indian, and Executive 
Councils were foreshadowed for the other 
provinces. Greater latitude was permitted 
in regard to criticism and debate. The 
reform scheme was welcomed both in India 
and England as wise and generous, and a 
more hopeful feeling was already manifest 
when Lord Minto and Lord Morley laid 
down their burden in 1910. Though they 
failed to mollify the root and branch op- 
ponents of British rule, they opened up a 
fruitful field of common activity between the 


bureaucracy and the leaders of native opinion. 
That Lord Hardinge desired to work the 
new system in the spirit of its authors was 
quickly shown by his cordial reception of Sir 
William Wedderburn, the President of the 
National Congress. 

The history of Persia during the last 
quarter of a century is one of increasing 
degradation, followed by a partially success- 
ful attempt at reform. While Nasreddin was 
a virile despot, his son Muzaffer-ed-din, who 
ascended the throne in 1890, was amiable 
and effeminate, squandering his country's 
resources in costly journeys to Europe, and 
for the first time incurring a foreign debt. 
In 1899 the custom houses were placed 
under the control of Belgian officials, and 
in 1900 and 1902 Russian loans were nego- 
tiated. The gradual mortgaging of the 
country to Russia was watched with jealousy 
by Great Britain, and with indignation by 
the long-suffering Persians. A Constitution 
had been demanded during the reign of 
Nasreddin by the great Mussulman teacher 
Jamaleddin, and in 1891 a passionate outcry 
greeted the grant of a Tobacco Monopoly to 
an English company. The concession was 
revoked at the cost of half a million. 

Though occasional riots occurred in the 
provinces, there was no further explosion in 
Teheran till 1905, when a number of mer- 


chants and mullahs took sanctuary in a mosque 
in protest against the Grand Vizier. The 
Shah promised to dismiss his adviser. The 
protesters returned, but the Minister re- 
mained. A second Bast occurred in 1906, 
when about 14,000 citizens took refuge in 
the grounds of the British Legation. This 
time the demand was for a Parliament, which 
the Shah reluctantly granted. A Constitu- 
tion was drawn up, newspapers and political 
clubs sprang into life, and the National 
Assembly met in October. Muzaffer-ed-din 
died in 1907, and his son, Mohammed Ali, 
who had won a bad reputation as Governor 
of Tabriz, quickly showed his dislike of the 
Constitution. The first Budget cut down 
pensions and sinecures, and turned the annual 
deficit into a surplus without fresh taxation. 
But the reduction of the Shah's civil list 
intensified his hostility to the Mejliss. He 
was only prevented from executing his 
Ministers by the intervention of the British 
charge d'affaires, and early in 1908 an at- 
tempt was made on his life. In June he fled 
to his Summer Palace, whence he carried 
out a coup d'etat with the aid of Liakhoff, 
a Russian officer, and the Cossack Brigade. 
The Parliament House was bombarded, 
Liakhoff was appointed Military Governor 
of Teheran, and the reformers fled for their 
lives. The Constitutionalists held out in 


Tabriz during the winter, closely invested 
by the royalist forces. When the fall of the 
city became imminent Russian troops crossed 
the frontier to its relief. 

When the Constitutional cause had seemed 
to be lost its fortunes suddenly brightened. 
Russia had shown that the Shah could no 
longer hope for her moral support. The 
vigorous tribe of the Baktiaris, which had 
already declared for the Constitution, now 
marched to Teheran, entered the city after 
fighting, and compelled the Shah to abdicate. 
His youthful son was placed on the throne, the 
Mejliss was recalled, and the work of reform 
resumed. But the task was difficult and 
the actors inexperienced. The presence of 
Russian troops in the north prevented out- 
breaks, but damaged the prestige of the 
Government. In the south the roads were so 
insecure that in 1910 Great Britain threatened 
to police them by a Persian force led by 
officers drawn from the Indian army. De- 
spite their urgent need of money the Minis- 
ters refused to raise a foreign loan on the 
only terms on which Russia and England 
were prepared to assist. The acceptance of 
the Regency early in 1911 by Nasr-el-Mulk, 
an alumnus of Balliol, has been followed by 
a distinct improvement in the situation, 
which the employment of American finan- 
ciers may be expected to confirm. 


Throughout Asia two currents are clearly 
visible. On the one hand, there is a desire to 
imitate the West, to learn its secrets, to 
borrow its skill. On the other, there is a 
deep-seated determination to retain and even 
to emphasise traditional ideals and character- 
istics. The tendencies meet not only in 
the same nation but in the same individual. 
In some cases a return to older practices is 
urged by the very men who have drunk most 
deeply at the springs of Western learning. 
The awakening of the East has been rendered 
possible by the appropriation of the ideas and 
methods of the West; but the enduring 
result is the affirmation of its own personality. 



The partition of Africa has taken place 
with lightning rapidity during the years 
covered by this volume. The Powers, seek- 
ing outlets for their population or markets 
for their trade and debarred from South 
America by the Monroe doctrine,- turned to 
the Dark Continent. A generation ago, 
European settlements were patches on the 
coast. To-day, only three independent 
States, Abyssinia, Morocco, and the little 
negro republic of Liberia, remain. Yet 
while the government has passed into white 
hands, the greater part of Africa is closed to 
white men by the iron law of nature. 

Contrary to the expectation and desire of 
the Gladstone Ministry on intervening in 
Egypt on behalf of Ismail's creditors, the 
British occupation has continued for a genera- 
tion. When Sir Evelyn Baring arrived in 



Cairo in 1883 he found a gigantic task await- 
ing him. Arabi's revolt had been quelled by 
British troops, but the dislike of foreign 
interference was undiminished. The Treas- 
ury was empty, and the State owed 100 
millions. Turkey watched the settlement of 
a Great Power in her province with jealous 
eyes, and France waited impatiently for the 
promised evacuation. In the year of his 
arrival an Egyptian army, led by General 
Hicks, was annihilated by the Mahdi in 
Kordofan, and in 1884 another force under 
General Baker was routed. As the Khedi- 
vial army was incapable of fighting, Gordon 
was sent to withdraw the garrisons and civil- 
ians from the interior, but ruined his chance 
of success by proclaiming the abandonment 
of the Sudan and disobeying orders. He 
was surrounded in Khartum, which fell in 
1885 after a prolonged siege. On Gordon's 
death the whole country passed into the 
hands of the Mahdi. 

The loss of the Sudan allowed the British 
Agent to devote his attention to internal 
reform. In 1885 he obtained the permission 
of the Powers to raise a loan of nine millions 
to pay off accumulated deficits and to extend 
irrigation. In 1888 deficits ceased, and the 
financial position steadily improved. No tax 
but the tobacco duty has been increased, 
taxation has been remitted, railways, canals, 

EGYPT 181 

and public works have been provided out of 
revenue, and Egyptian credit has risen to the 
level of many European States. But the 
assistance of the Government was direct as 
well as indirect. Mehemet Ali and his 
successors had realised the importance of 
irrigation without being able to turn it to 
much practical account. A barrage had been 
built below Cairo to irrigate the Delta, but 
the foundations were so weak that it was of 
little use till it had been overhauled by British 
engineers. In 1898 a gigantic dam was con- 
structed at Assuan, which began to work in 
1901 and has since been raised. The economic 
stability of the peasant has been strengthened 
by the provision of agricultural banks, and 
his life rendered easier by the virtual aboli- 
tion of forced labour on public works. 

The restoration of financial equilibrium and 
the increase of the productive power of the 
soil were the most urgent tasks; but efforts to 
introduce the equipment of a civilised State 
were made in other directions. The adminis- 
tration of justice among natives began to 
improve when Sir John Scott was appointed 
Judicial Adviser in 1891. Egyptian judges 
have proved themselves worthy of their trust, 
bribes have become rare, and torture has 
disappeared. The standard of the police has 
been raised by the appointment of British 
inspectors. Public health has steadily im- 


proved, and travelling eye hospitals have 
reduced ophthalmia. Village schools have 
been encouraged by grants-in-aid, and tech- 
nical colleges have been instituted. 

The disasters in the Sudan had arisen 
not only from cowardice but from the arbi- 
trary methods by which the soldiers were 
recruited. Good pay and good food soon 
produced a better tone, and self-confidence 
was strengthened by the co-operation of 
British troops. How great the change 
wrought by the Sirdars, Sir Evelyn Wood 
and Sir Herbert Kitchener, was shown in 
the reconquest of the Sudan. Dervish at- 
tacks on Egypt were repulsed, and in 1896 
the first step was taken by the advance to 
Dongola. The railway was pushed forward, 
Berber was captured in 1897, and in 1898 
the forces of the Khalifa, who had succeeded 
the Mahdi, were defeated at the Atbara 
River and annihilated at Omdurman. The 
Khalifa fled into Kordofan and was killed 
in action a year later. The Sudan hence- 
forth belonged to Britain and Egypt jointly. 
The lease of the great province of the Bahr- 
el-Ghazal to the Congo Free State in 1894 
was annulled in 1906, and the Lado Enclave, 
the only district which French jealous- 
ies had allowed King Leopold to adminis- 
ter, reverted on his death to Anglo-Egyp- 
tian control. Except for some petty revolts, 

EGYPT 183 

the vast area has enjoyed a period of peace, 
and the charge on Egyptian revenues has 
steadily decreased. The Red Sea has been 
connected by railway with the Nile, while 
the Egyptian line has been extended to Khar- 
tum, and the White Nile has been cleared 
of sudd. 

Though financial equilibrium had been 
restored, the hands of the British Agent were 
to a large extent tied by the Commission 
of the Debt established in 1876. Thus, 
when it was proposed that Egypt should 
pay for the reconquest of the Sudan, France 
and Russia vetoed the scheme, and the 
British Government lent the money. An 
immense relief was experienced when the 
Anglo-French Treaty of 1904 secured the 
withdrawal of European opposition and gave 
a free hand in finance. On the other hand the 
Capitulations, or treaty rights possessed by 
the Powers, still prevent either the taxation 
or control of the ever-increasing army of 
European residents. When Lord Cromer 
resigned in 1907, after twenty-four years of 
benevolent despotism, he left the country in 
the enjoyment of a prosperity greater per- 
haps than it had ever known. 

On the material side the work of England 
in Egypt has been highly successful; but 
the more difficult problem of winning the 
confidence and affection of the people remains 


to be solved. The generation which had 
suffered from Ismail is dying out, and the 
increased prosperity of the peasant is largely 
discounted by a sensational rise in the cost 
of living. Large numbers of Egyptians re- 
sent the continued domination of a foreign 
Power which has repeatedly promised to 
withdraw. The Legislative Council and the 
General Assembly instituted by Lord Duf- 
ferin in 1883 have never possessed real author- 
ity. On the death of Tewflk in 1892 his son 
Abbas vainly endeavoured to assert himself 
by choosing his Ministers; but the Nation- 
alist movement grew rapidly in the last years 
of Lord Cromer's rule, and found a leader in 
a young lawyer and journalist, Mustapha 
Kamel. The unpopularity of the Occupa- 
tion was increased by the vindictive punish- 
ments inflicted on the Denshawi villagers in 
1906 for an attack on British officers engaged 
in pigeon-shooting, and was further revealed 
by the assassination of the Coptic Premier, 
Boutros Pasha, and the rejection of the 
Government's proposals in regard to the Suez 
Canal by the General Assembly. Sir Eldon 
Gorst, who succeeded Lord Cromer, was 
prepared to go somewhat further towards 
meeting the wishes of moderate Nationalism; 
but the British residents protested that his 
concessions were weakening British prestige. 
So threatening did the situation become 


that in 1910 Sir Edward Grey announced 
that there was no intention of evacuating 
Egypt and that attacks on the Government 
would be sternly repressed. Since this dec- 
laration the situation has been outwardly 
more tranquil; but the conflict with the 
Nationalist press continues, and the events 
of the last few years have revealed how 
precarious is the foundation on which British 
rule in Egypt rests. 


While France has lost her privileged posi- 
tion on the Nile, she now dominates the 
huge north-west shoulder of the Dark Con- 
tinent. Algeria, the conquest of Louis 
Philippe, has been a drain on the mother 
country; but Tunis has made more rapid 
progress. The Treaty of Algeciras recognised 
her special position in Morocco. A series of 
outrages led in 1907 to the occupation of 
Udja, near the Algerian frontier, and of 
Casablanca and the Shawia district on the 
Atlantic coast. In 1911, the Sultan being 
hard pressed by rebel tribes, French troops 
were dispatched to Fez to restore his au- 
thority. The probability that Morocco will 
be engulfed is increased by the fact that the 
vast territory to the south and east is now 
included in the French sphere of influence. 
An advance into the interior from Senegal 


was undertaken by Faidherbe during the 
Second Empire, and in 1880 began a further 
move to the Upper Niger, though Timbuctoo 
was not occupied till 1903. When the 
scramble for Africa commenced, France de- 
termined to secure a foothold on the Guinea 
Coast. The Ivory Coast was annexed in 
1891, and in 1892 the little kingdom of Da- 
homey was conquered. Meanwhile, desiring 
that no European Power should drive a 
wedge between her new empire on the Niger 
and her Mediterranean colonies, she obtained 
in 1890 British recognition of her sphere of 
influence as far east as Lake Chad. 

Farther south French settlements had ex- 
isted on the Congo coast since Louis Philippe. 
During the early years of the Third Republic 
De Brazza pushed far into the interior simul- 
taneously with Stanley, keeping mainly to the 
northern banks of the great river. When the 
Berlin Conference created the Congo Free 
State, France insisted on a large part of the 
western and northern watershed. Starting 
from their new colony, the French Congo, 
missions pushed north to Lake Chad, thus 
opening up an all-French route to the Medi- 
terranean. By the Anglo-French Conven- 
tion of 1899 Great Britain recognised French 
claims to Wadai. Thus, with the exception 
of Liberia and the European coastal colonies, 
the whole of North- West Africa from Tunis 


to the Congo, from Senegal to Lake Chad, is 
scheduled as the French sphere of influence. 
France is in mileage the greatest African 
power; but a large part of her claim is 
unconquered and even unexplored, while 
the Sahara can scarcely be reckoned as a 
marketable asset. Her rule, moreover, is 
exposed to danger from the Mohammedan 
Sultanates of Central Africa and from the 
mysterious power of the Senussi. On the 
other side of Africa, France has annexed 
Madagascar. A protectorate was established 
over the island in 1885 after severe fighting; 
but the inhabitants refused to acquiesce, and 
the final step was taken in 1895, when a 
French army landed and captured the capital 
Antananarivo. The Queen was deposed, and 
in 1896 the island became a French colony. 

The largest State in Central Africa is the 
Belgian Congo. From the beginning of his 
reign King Leopold had followed the explora- 
tion of the Dark Continent with passionate 
interest. At his invitation a Geographical 
Congress assembled at Brussels in 1876, from 
which arose an International Association 
for the Civilisation of Central Africa, with 
himself as President. Each nation was to 
undertake a section of the work. But the 
national committees became independent, 
and the Association itself was soon a purely 
Belgian body. The journey of Stanley from 


the Indian Ocean to the Great Lakes, and 
from the Great Lakes along the Congo to 
the Atlantic (1874-77), riveted the King's 
attention on the Congo basin. A "Com- 
mittee for the Study of the Upper Congo" 
was founded, and in 1879 Stanley was dis- 
patched to conclude treaties with the chiefs. 
In 1884, when forty stations had been 
founded and five steamers were on the river, 
the Committee of Study changed its name to 
the International Association of the Congo, 
and was recognised by the United States. 
At this moment the new State was threatened 
by a great danger. Portugal persuaded 
Great Britain to recognise her claims over 
the mouth of the river. Leopold immediately 
concluded an agreement with France, offer- 
ing the pre-emption of his territory in return 
for French recognition. Bismarck added his 
protest, and the Anglo-Portuguese treaty 
remained unratified. Germany now recog- 
nised the Congo State, and issued invitations 
to a Conference at Berlin to discuss out- 
standing questions of African colonisation. 
The Conference recognised the Congo State, 
and the King undertook to ameliorate the 
condition of the natives and to allow freedom 
of commerce. 

A year or two after reaching the summit of 
his ambition Leopold began to betray the 
conditions of his trust. Unoccupied land was 


declared to belong to the State. Companies 
received concessions to collect rubber, and 
paid half the profits to the King. In 1891 
permission was given by the Powers to levy 
import duties, and practically the whole 
trade of the country was soon a Belgian 
monopoly. The most valuable parts of the 
vast territory were appropriated as the 
Domaine de la Couronne. The Belgians com- 
mitted or allowed incredible cruelties. A 
crushing tribute of rubber was demanded 
from the villages, and among the penalties 
for non-payment was mutilation. The vast 
country was ruled by a handful of ill-paid 
and uncontrolled officials. Stokes, an Eng- 
lish missionary who had become a trader, 
was suspected of furnishing the natives with 
powder, and hanged without trial. A rail- 
way was built from the coast to Stanley 
Pool, where the river enters the rapids, and 
some of the more obvious necessities of 
civilisation were introduced into the towns; 
but the regime was one of ruthless exploita- 
tion. Harrowing tales were sent home by 
the missionaries, and confirmed by the 
official report of Mr. Casement, British 
Consul at Boma. Meanwhile the Aborigines 
Protection Society urged the British Govern- 
ment in 1896 to take action. In 1897 Sir 
Charles Dilke demanded an International 
Conference to save the natives. When the 


Government refused, the Congo Reform Asso- 
ciation was founded, with Mr. Morel as secre- 
tary. In 1903 Lord Lansdowne at length 
called the attention of the signatories of the 
Berlin Act to the breaches of its provisions. 
Leopold denied the right to intervene, and it 
was hinted that British action was prompted 
by selfish ambitions. 

Though the proceeds of "Red Rubber" 
were used to embellish Brussels and Ostend, 
and Belgium was made heir to the vast 
colonial empire by the King's will of 1889, 
the voice of criticism was at last raised by 
Vandervelde, the Socialist leader. The as- 
sent of Parliament to the King's assumption 
of the sovereignty in 1885 had been given 
without enthusiasm. When made his heir 
Belgium reluctantly advanced a million 
pounds in return for power to annex after 
ten years. When further assistance was 
needed in 1895 the Government arranged to 
annex at once; but public opinion was 
hostile, and the project dropped. Criti- 
cism, both at home and abroad, became so 
insistent that in 1904 the King felt con- 
strained to appoint a Commission of Inquiry. 
Its report revealed such deplorable condi- 
tions that sweeping reforms were at once 
promised, and in 1906 annexation began to 
be discussed. A treaty was concluded in 
1907 by which the Congo State was trans- 


f erred to Belgium; but the opposition to the 
retention of the Domaine de la Couronne led 
to an additional Act in 1908 providing for its 
purchase. With the accession of King Albert 
in 1909 a brighter era seemed to be dawning. 
A new system of government was announced, 
the abolition of forced labour was promised, 
and the Congo basin was gradually opened to 
foreign trade. France and Germany at once 
recognised the transfer, but the British and 
American Governments withhold recognition 
till they are satisfied that the abuses have 

The German colonies in Africa date from 
the scramble of 1884. In 1878 a German 
branch of the International African Associa- 
tion was founded, and both the hinterland 
of Zanzibar and the Southern Congo were 
explored. The first definite step towards 
colonisation was taken in South- West Africa, 
where for many years German missionaries 
had worked among the Damaras and Her- 
reros. In 1883 Liideritz, a Bremen merchant, 
established a trading station at Angra Pe- 
quena in Damaraland; and, after waiting to 
see if Great Britain desired to annex the 
country, Bismarck declared the coast from 
Angola to Cape Colony under German pro- 
tection in 1884. During the same summer 
Togoland, a small kingdom to the east of the 
British Gold Coast, and the Cameroons, a 


large tract in the bend of the Gulf of Guinea 
which ultimately extended inland as far as 
Lake Chad, were declared German Protec- 
torates. In the autumn Dr. Peters, the Ger- 
man Rhodes, landed at Zanzibar. Pushing 
into the interior he signed treaties with the 
chiefs, and founded the German East African 
Company, to which the Government granted 
a Charter, despite the energetic protests of 
the Sultan of Zanzibar. In 1886 the respec- 
tive spheres of Great Britain, Germany, and 
Zanzibar were delimited. The German Com- 
pany was too weak to repress a dangerous 
revolt among the Arabs in 1888, and an Im- 
perial Commissioner was sent to take over the 
Government. In 1890 Germany recognised 
a British Protectorate over Zanzibar in re- 
turn for the cession of Heligoland, and carried 
her own frontier to the Congo State. From 
that time German East Africa has had a fairly 
prosperous career. The fortunes of German 
South- West Africa, on the other hand, have 
been chequered. Incessant conflict with the 
Hottentots filled the first decade; and after a 
peaceful interval a formidable and costly re- 
bellion broke out in 1903 among the Herreros 
in the north, which was not quelled till 1908. 
The Portuguese colonies, the oldest on the 
continent, have been passed in the race, and 
a bold attempt to connect Mozambique 
with Angola brought an ultimatum from 


Great Britain in 1890. Despite this severe 
rebuff, a measure of prosperity has come 
with the railways into the interior, Delagoa 
Bay forming the gate of the Transvaal and 
Beira an outlet for Rhodesia. On the west 
coast Angola has been the scene of raids 
for the supply of servicaes for the cocoa 
plantations on the islands of Principe and 
San Thome. 

The growth of British territory in Central 
Africa has been scarcely less rapid than in 
the north and south. On the west coast King 
Prempeh was dethroned and Ashanti annexed 
in 1896, an expedition was dispatched to 
Benin in 1897 to avenge a massacre, and in 
1898 a rising was suppressed in Sierra Leone. 
But by far the greatest achievement has 
been the building up of Nigeria, which now 
stretches inland to the shores of Lake Chad. 
In 1879 Sir George Goldie amalgamated the 
British firms trading on the river into the 
United African Company. Attracted by the 
development of trade two French Companies 
were formed, but were bought out before the 
meeting of the Berlin Conference, which ap- 
proved the British claim to a protectorate. 
In 1885 a treaty with the Sultan of Sokoto 
secured to the Company the trading rights 
of that thickly populated country and the 
control of its foreign relations. A Charter 
was granted to the Royal Niger Company in 


1886, with control over the banks of the 
river, while in 1893 the outlying districts 
both east and west were organised as a 
Protectorate under the Crown. A brisk 
competition with France for influence on the 
Middle Niger continued till the spheres were 
settled in 1898. By 1899 the task had out- 
grown the strength of the Chartered Com- 
pany, which was bought out by the Crown 
and became Northern Nigeria. In 1902 the 
Fulahs revolted; but Kano was occupied 
and the kingdom of Bornu conquered. The 
Niger Coast Protectorate became Southern 
Nigeria, which was united to Lagos in 1906. 
In 1911 the railway reached Kano, nine 
hundred miles from the sea. 

The East African Convention between 
Great Britain and Germany in 1886 did not 
prevent friction in the hinterland. In 1890 
Dr. Peters entered Uganda and persuaded 
the King to place himself under German 
protection; but in the same year Germany 
surrendered her claim. The British East 
Africa Company, which had received a 
Charter in 1887, found the new territory 
too great a burden and gave notice of with- 
drawal in 1892. Sir Gerald Portal was sent 
to report on the situation in 1893, and by 
his advice Uganda was retained and a Pro- 
tectorate proclaimed in 1894. In 1896 the 
Company sold its rights to the Imperial 


authorities, and the British East Africa 
Protectorate was constituted. The Uganda 
railway, begun in 1896, reached Victoria 
Nyanza in 1909. Though Mombasa and the 
coast-line are unhealthy, Nairobi and the 
highlands have proved themselves well suited 
to European residents. Farther north the 
Imperial Government withdrew from the 
interior of Somaliland in 1910 after a decade 
of costly and ineffectual strife. 


The most important event in the recent 
history of the Dark Continent is the building 
up of a great empire in South Africa under 
the British flag. The premature annexation 
of the Transvaal in 1877 led to a successful 
revolt of the Boers in 1881, and to a harvest 
of racial hostility. The discovery of gold 
on the Witwatersrand in 1886 was followed 
by an enormous influx of Europeans into 
the conservative farming community of the 
Transvaal. A great cosmopolitan city arose 
at Johannesburg within forty miles of Pre- 
toria. Fearing that the immigrants would 
swamp their national life the Boers ex- 
cluded the newcomers, whom they regarded 
as birds of passage, from any share in the 
political life of the country. Had the 
Government been reasonably efficient, the 


anomaly might have been tolerated; but 
the regime of President Kruger was corrupt 
as well as reactionary. In vain did Lord 
Loch, the High Commissioner, visit Pre- 
toria in 1894 and warn the President that 
he must make concessions. In the follow- 
ing year the Netherlands Railway Company 
raised their terms so high that the Cape 
traders sent their goods by wagon across 
the Vaal River. Kruger retaliated by 
closing the drifts, but yielded to a British 

While Kruger stood out as the champion 
of Boer conservatism, Rhodes gradually 
emerged as the representative of British 
claims and ideals. He had settled in South 
Africa in 1870 and rapidly made his fortune 
in the diamond mines at Kimberley. Enter- 
ing the Cape Parliament in 1884 he at once 
became a force, and began to win converts 
for his grandiose visions of expansion. By 
his advice the Imperial Government kept 
open the road to the north by dispatching 
the Warren expedition in 1884 to evict the 
Transvaal Boers who had settled in Bechu- 
analand. Southern Bechuanaland became a 
Crown colony and the North a Protectorate. 
In 1888 Lobengula, King of the Matabele, 
granted a concession of mineral rights to 
Rhodes' agents. In 1889 Rhodes founded 
the British South Africa Company for the 


development of the interior, dreaming of a 
dominion that should stretch to the Zambesi 
and beyond. In 1890 the pioneer expedition 
set forth, guided by Mr. Selous, the famous 
hunter, and a fort was established at Salis- 
bury in Mashonaland. The Transvaal with- 
drew its claim to the north of the Limpopo 
River; and in 1891 an Anglo-Portuguese 
treaty was signed recognising Portuguese 
rights over the coast district of the Zambesi 
and British rights over Matabeleland, Ma- 
shonaland, and the districts beyond the great 
river. Part of the latter was entrusted to the 
Chartered Company under the name of 
Northern Rhodesia. A Protectorate was 
declared over Nyasaland, which in 1893 
received the name of British Central Africa 
and in 1907 that of the Nyasaland Protec- 
torate. The first crisis in the fortunes of the 
Company occurred in 1893, when the Mata- 
bele attacked the scattered settlers. The 
Company was victorious, Bulawayo, the 
Matabele capital, was taken, and Lobengula 
fled. A final revolt, mainly due to harsh 
treatment of the natives, broke out in 1896, 
but was terminated by a visit of Rhodes to 
the Matabele camp. A year later the railway 
reached Bulawayo, and an outlet to the coast 
was effected by a line from Salisbury to 
Beira. The expenses of the new State were so 
great that for many years large deficits were 


incurred, while friction arose between the 
settlers and the Company. In 1905 the rail- 
way crossed the Zambesi, and the vast, thinly- 
populated regions beyond are now divided 
into North- West and North-East Rhodesia, 
the former stretching to the Congo State, 
the latter to German East Africa and Lake 

In 1895 Rhodes was the most successful 
as well as the most striking personality in 
South Africa. He was master of Kimberley, 
Prime Minister of Cape Colony, founder of 
Rhodesia, largely interested in the Rand 
mines, and on excellent terms with Hofmeyr 
and the Bond. Yet by a single false move 
he shattered his power and revived racial 
discord. Despairing of obtaining the redress 
of their grievances from Pretoria, the Out- 
landers determined to take the law into 
their own hands. Rhodes offered the help 
of the Chartered Company's mounted police, 
whom he held in readiness on the western 
frontier. Dr. Jameson, their commander, 
was supplied with a letter pretending that 
the women and children of Johannesburg 
were in danger and summoning him to their 
defence. Differences arose as to what flag 
should be raised if the Outlanders were 
successful. Before agreement had been 
reached, Jameson crossed the frontier on 
December 29th, and was quickly compelled 


to surrender to a superior force of Boers. 
The whole of South Africa was convulsed 
by the Raid, and the Dutch realised that 
they must stand together. Kruger's re- 
actionary government had become abhorrent 
to the progressive Boers, and in the Presi- 
dential election of 1894 he had won by 
a narrow majority; but the Raid revived 
his waning power and made him the symbol 
of national independence. At the next 
election he obtained an immense majority, 
and in 1897 a military alliance was formed 
with the Orange River Colony. At the same 
time the Transvaal began to order large 
quantities of guns and ammunition from 
Europe. The country had been treacherously 
annexed in 1877 and treacherously attacked 
in 1895, and it was common prudence to be 
prepared for a further surprise. 

The mischief of the Raid was increased 
by the failure of the South Africa Committee 
to insist on the production of all the relevant 
documents and by the refusal of the British 
Government to inflict any punishment on 
Rhodes. The Dutch believed that the 
Colonial Office had known of the conspiracy 
and that the missing telegrams would have 
proved it. The relations of the two races 
became steadily worse, and men in both 
camps began to speak of a war for the 
supremacy of South Africa. The situation 


demanded exceptional tact on both sides if 
a rupture was to be avoided; but tact was 
sadly lacking. Kruger was obstinate and 
narrow-minded. Mr. Chamberlain was un- 
fitted by temperament for the delicate tasks 
of diplomacy, and his assertion of suzerainty 
in a form at variance with Lord Derby's 
concessions in the London Convention of 
1884 was needlessly provocative. The situa- 
tion was rendered still more critical by the 
speeches and dispatches of Sir Alfred Milner, 
who was appointed High Commissioner in 
1897. A monster petition from the Out- 
landers early in 1899 extracted a promise 
of intervention. Kruger and the High 
Commissioner met at Bloemfontein in May, 
but failed to reach a compromise. The 
discussion of naturalisation and franchise 
reforms lasted through the summer. In 
September troops were dispatched from 
England and India, and on October 9th the 
Transvaal Government issued an ultimatum. 
The responsibility for the war must be 
divided. A large share obviously falls to 
Kruger; but as Krugerism was dying when 
the Raid gave it a new lease of life, the 
share of Rhodes must be pronounced at 
least as great. Even after the Raid a more 
tactful diplomacy in Downing Street and 
Cape Town might well have avoided the 
terrible conflict. 


The war began with the invasion of Natal, 
where the British troops, after victories at 
Talana Hill and Elandslaagte, fell back before 
superior numbers to Lady smith. At the 
same time Mafeking and Kimberley were 
invested, and Cape Colony was invaded. 
With the arrival of Buller the British forces 
undertook the offensive, and the second 
stage of the war began. Methuen marched 
to the relief of Kimberley, but was hurled 
back at Magersfontein on December 10th. 
On the same day Gatacre was defeated at 
Stormberg, and at the end of the week 
Buller's attempt to cross the Tugela at 
Colenso was repulsed by Botha, who had 
become Commander-in-Chief on the death 
of Joubert. The triple defeat revealed the 
magnitude of the struggle. Lord Roberts 
was appointed to the supreme command 
with Lord Kitchener to assist him, and the 
Colonies vied with one another in the dis- 
patch of volunteers. The third stage in the 
war was reached when French's cavalry, 
making a detour of the Boer camp, relieved 
Kimberley, and Cronje, placed between two 
fires, fled from his entrenchments and sur- 
rendered with 4000 men at Paardeberg. The 
capture of Cronje in February 1900 was the 
turning-point of the war. The Free State was 
quickly overrun and Bloemfontein was occu- 
pied. At the end of the same month Buller, 


after a costly repulse at Spion Kop, relieved 
Lady smith and drove the Boers out of 
Natal. Maf eking, heroically defended by 
Baden-Powell, was relieved in May, and in 
June Lord Roberts occupied Johannesburg 
and Pretoria. Kruger fled to Europe, and 
the war entered on its fourth and final stage, 
in which the Boers fought not for victory but 
for honour, and De Wet revealed his skill 
as a guerrilla chief. The prolonged struggle 
brought increasing embitterment; but neither 
overwhelming numbers, nor the wholesale 
devastation of the country, nor the appalling 
mortality among the children in the Con- 
centration Camps secured the unconditional 
surrender which the Government were long 
unwise enough to demand. The Treaty 
of Vereeniging, signed in May 1902, while 
registering the loss of their independence, 
granted terms which brave men could accept 
without humiliation. 

The prolonged conflict turned a large part 
of South Africa into a desert. The Boer 
prisoners were brought back from India and 
St. Helena, and assisted by grants and loans. 
The mining community returned to Johan- 
nesburg; but the mine-owners, finding a 
difficulty in obtaining native labour at the 
wages paid before the war, prevailed on the 
British Government to sanction the importa- 
tion of Chinese coolies. The victory of the 


Liberal party at the polls in 1906 was followed 
by important changes. The further im- 
portation of Chinese was forbidden, and full 
self-government was granted to the con- 
quered republics. The courageous generosity 
of the act struck the imagination of the world, 
and the conviction of Campbell-Bannerman 
that self-government alone could heal the 
wounds of war was abundantly justified by 
events. Racial bitterness steadily decreased 
when British and Dutch found themselves 
co-operating in the task of reconstruction. 
The Transvaal elections made General Botha 
Premier with a composite Cabinet. The 
Chinese, whose outbreaks had caused terror 
in the environs of Johannesburg, were grad- 
ually repatriated, and their departure was 
followed by a steady increase in the output 
of the mines. 

Attention was soon turned to a problem 
of more than local importance. There were 
now four self-governing colonies, the interests 
of which touched at many points. Questions 
of tariffs, railways, and immigration invited 
common action, and the greatest of all prob- 
lems, that of the native races, suggested the 
union of the white governments for counsel 
and defence. A Convention met in secret 
session at Durban and later at Cape Town 
during the summer of 1908-1909 and framed 
a constitution, not federal but unitary, which 


was accepted by the colonies concerned and 
embodied in a Statute by the British Parlia- 
ment. General Botha, who was invited to 
form the first Ministry, obtained a working 
majority at the elections, and the Union 
Parliament was opened in Cape Town in 1910 
by the Duke of Connaught. 



The war between North and South was 
followed by a rapid restoration of material 
prosperity and by the uncontested pre- 
dominance of the party under whose auspices 
the victory had been won. But the pro- 
longed tenure of office during the period of 
reconstruction demoralised the Republicans. 
General Grant failed as conspicuously in the 
White House as he had shone on the battle- 
field, and a lax spirit invaded the adminis- 
tration. A demand for new methods began 
to make itself heard under Garfield, and 
it was weariness rather than enthusiasm 
for the Democrats which decided the election 
of 1884. The Republican candidate, Blaine, 
was believed to have used his position as 
Speaker to enrich himself by dealings with 
the corporations, and the Mugwumps, or 
reforming Republicans, led by Carl Schurz, 
did not hesitate to vote for Cleveland. 

The new President was confronted by a 
formidable task. His Mugwump supporters 



urged him to stand outside party; but he 
was determined to act as a Democrat, and 
he introduced large numbers of Democrats 
into the Civil Service, which had been a 
Republican monopoly for a generation. As 
the Senate was hostile, party legislation and 
an independent foreign policy were impos- 
sible; yet Cleveland, for the first time since 
Lincoln, stamped his individuality on the 
life of the State, and his sturdy independ- 
ence was shown by his repeated veto of bills to 
extend pensions to the survivors or depend- 
ents of those who had fought in the Civil 
War. The gravest problem that he had to 
face was labour discontent. In the early 
days of Californian development Chinese 
labourers had played a useful part; but as 
their numbers increased the dangers of a 
large alien population which could not be 
Americanised and whose low standard of 
living threatened to drive the American 
workman from the field became apparent. 
In 1882 Chinese immigration was forbidden 
for ten years, and in 1888 the exclusion was 
made permanent at the instance of the 
Pacific States, where riotous attacks on the 
Chinese quarters were frequent. But it was 
not only in the West that troubles arose. 
The Knights of Labour had come to number 
over half a million and had grown to be a 
power in the land. In 1886 a serious conflict 


with the police occurred in Chicago; but a 
reaction of opinion followed the riot. The 
Knights were touched with anarchy, and the 
loosely knit structure crumbled to pieces, its 
place being taken by the American Federation 
of Labour. 

Cleveland was not the only man who 
traced economic discontent in large measure 
to the high tariff imposed during the Civil 
War, and in 1887 he devoted his annual 
Message to the subject. A wholesale re- 
duction of duties passed the House, but 
was rejected in the Senate. In the Presi- 
dential campaign of 1888, General Harrison 
obtained a small majority, and the Repub- 
licans regained control of the House of Rep- 
resentatives. They had learned their lesson. 
The country realised that it could turn 
to the Democrats without danger, and the 
victorious party knew that the days of 
Grant and Blaine could not be restored. 

The wounds of war had been healed, 
but a wide divergence of opinion separated 
the south and west from the east. It was 
the difference between an agricultural and 
an industrial population. The former asked 
for a paper or silver currency to facilitate 
business exchange, resented the power of 
the railways and capitalist corporations, and 
believed that the small farmer and trader 
were being sacrificed to their great com- 


petitors. The Democrats, drawing their 
strength from the west and south, were 
the chief champions of currency changes; 
but the Republicans were unwilling to be 
outdone. In 1890 the Sherman Act com- 
pelled the Treasury to buy 4-|- million ounces 
of silver monthly, paying for it in Treasury 
notes redeemable on demand in gold or 
silver coin, and, when redeemed, to be re- 
issued. The measure did not satisfy the 
advocates of sound money, but was accepted 
by them in order to avoid a bill for the free 
coinage of silver at 16 to 1. In the same 
year a law to restrain trusts was carried, 
and the McKinley tariff largely increased the 
duties on imports. 

Harrison, though estimable and honest, 
possessed no political ability, and Blaine, 
his brilliant Secretary of State, inspired no 
confidence. The Democrats won back their 
majority in the House in 1890, and in 1892 
Cleveland was elected for a second time. 
A candidate of the new People's party re- 
ceived over a million votes. The Populists 
maintained that the nation was on the verge 
of moral and material ruin, the result of 
capitalist oppression. The remedies were to 
be found in free coinage of silver at the ratio 
of 16 to 1, a graduated income tax, State 
ownership of railways, and State loans to 
the people. Many members of the older 


parties also favoured the demand that gold, 
silver, and paper should be equally valid. 
Cleveland, on the other hand, denounced all 
tampering with the standards of value. Dur- 
ing his first presidency he had in vain urged 
the suspension of compulsory coinage of 2 
to 4 million silver dollars monthly im- 
posed on the State in 1878, on the ground 
that they were worth less than their face 
value as compared with gold, that less than 
a quarter of them had found their way into 
circulation, and that as they were legal 
tender they were quickly returned to the 
Treasury. The situation had been rendered 
worse by the Sherman Act. There was 
now outstanding a mass of notes which, when 
redeemed, had to be reissued. The hoard- 
ing of gold increased, and it was difficult to 
obtain money for current business. If the 
Government ceased to pay in gold, silver 
would become the standard of values, prop- 
erty would lose half its value, and credit 
would collapse. In 1893 the situation became 
critical, and on his inauguration Cleveland 
called a special session of Congress, demand- 
ing the repeal of the purchase clause of the 
Sherman Act. The Senate delayed the bill 
for weeks, while business was paralysed. 
Finally, in October, it gave way. 

Though the revenue suffered from the 
panic, Cleveland turned to the revision of 


the tariff. The free list was largely ex- 
tended, the rates generally reduced and 
based on value. But the Senate raised 
the duties and removed several articles 
from the free list. The House accepted 
the mutilated measure in default of anything 
better, and Cleveland allowed the Wilson 
tariff to become law without his signature. 
To meet the loss on the customs an income 
tax was imposed; but though it had been 
in operation during the Civil War it was now 
declared unconstitutional by the Supreme 
Court. The financial position was thus pre- 
carious, and Cleveland desired to stop the 
endless demand for gold by ceasing to reissue 
notes when redeemed. Though both Houses 
were Democratic for the first time since the 
war, they were filled with silver men who 
blocked the proposal. It was a time of depres- 
sion and unrest, and men sought anxiously for 
remedies. Armies of unemployed marched 
through the country, and strikes broke out. 
The workers of the Pullman Company at 
Chicago tried to prevent the use of the 
cars. When traffic was interrupted Cleve- 
land intervened on the ground that the 
mails were being hindered and interstate 
commerce blocked. Federal troops were sent 
and order was quickly restored. 

In foreign affairs Cleveland's second Pres- 
idency was eventful. Hawaii, which pos- 


sessed growing commercial and strategic 
importance, was ruled by a native Queen 
whose authority had gradually been reduced 
to a shadow by American settlers. In 1876 
a reciprocity treaty bound the islands to 
America by close economic ties. In 1884 the 
States leased a naval station. In 1887 the 
suffrage was granted to the white settlers. 
In 1893 the Queen suddenly abolished the 
Constitution and restored the control of the 
Crown. A revolution broke out, forces were 
landed from an American warship in the 
harbour, and a Provisional Government was 
established. The American Minister pro- 
claimed a protectorate on his own initiative, 
and Harrison sent an annexation treaty to 
the Senate. A fortnight later Cleveland 
became President, withdrew the treaty, and 
repudiated the Minister, But as the Queen 
would not consent to an amnesty as a con- 
dition of her restoration, the Provisional 
Government remained in power, and the 
islands were annexed in 1898. 

If Cleveland had no desire to assume new 
responsibilities in the Pacific, he was fully 
prepared to defend the claims of the United 
States on the mainland. The boundary 
between British Guiana and Venezuela had 
never been fixed, and the discovery of gold in 
the disputed territory rendered the settlement 
of the question urgent. When repeated dis- 


cussions led to no result, Cleveland offered 
the mediation of the United States in 1895, 
and Olney, his Secretary of State, demanded 
arbitration. Asserting that the United States 
were "paramount on the American Conti- 
nent," he declared that the Monroe Doc- 
trine "entitled and required" intervention. 
Salisbury refused unrestricted arbitration, 
adding that the Doctrine was inapplicable 
to the controversy and was in any case no 
part of International Law. Cleveland re- 
plied by a peremptory Message, announcing 
that he would appoint a Commission of 
Inquiry and enforce its decisions, what- 
ever they might be. The response to this 
uncompromising assertion of American claims 
was instantaneous, and a wave of warlike 
enthusiasm swept over the States. The 
British Government, amazed at the Message, 
consented to an arbitration which resulted 
in establishing the essentials of the British 

The world did not awake to the full 
significance of the Monroe Doctrine till it 
suddenly discovered that the United States 
were ready to go to war about the boundary 
of Venezuela. When the danger arose in 
1823 of the Holy Alliance assisting Spain to 
recover her colonies in the New World, 
President Monroe, with Canning behind him, 
declared that America was "henceforth not 


to be considered as subject to colonisation 
by any European Power." The declaration 
rested on the idea of a natural separation 
between the Old and the New World which 
had inspired the warning against alliances in 
Washington's farewell address. It asserted 
the right of free peoples to determine their 
own destinies, and proclaimed the principle 
of "America for the Americans." What 
Bismarck described as an international im- 
pertinence has been the corner-stone of the 
foreign policy of the United States. The 
Mexican Empire of Louis Napoleon was only 
rendered possible by the Civil War, and when 
the conflict was over it received notice to 
quit. As the United States increased in 
strength the scope of the declaration was 
widened. While Monroe had declared that 
there would be no interference with existing 
colonies, Grant spoke as if their connection 
with Europe should cease. The Olney 
dispatch carried the doctrine a stage forward. 
After being brought within sight of war the 
relations of the United States and Great 
Britain became more friendly. Before his 
famous Message Cleveland had suggested a 
general treaty of arbitration, and the Vene- 
zuela quarrel increased his desire for it. In 
1897 the two Governments signed a treaty; 
but the two-thirds majority in the Senate was 
not forthcoming, partly owing to its tradi- 


tional disinclination to surrender any fraction 
of its power, partly from fear of the Irish 
vote. Mr. Chamberlain's ill-judged proposal 
of an alliance met with an even less friendly 

With the end of Cleveland's second term 
American politics entered on a new phase. 
His party had broken away from him, and 
the Presidential election of 1896 revealed 
the strength of the new forces. The agri- 
cultural States of the south and west were 
still suffering severely, and clamoured for free 
silver. Business was scarcely less depressed. 
Money was scarce, it was said, because the 
Government insisted on the gold standard, 
though gold was too scarce to be the sole 
medium of exchange. The conviction be- 
came general that the stagnation could be 
relieved by the free coinage of gold and 
silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Many Re- 
publicans were converted, but the party as a 
whole resisted the infection. The Democratic 
Convention, on the other hand, nominated 
Bryan, a young lawyer from Nebraska, on the 
strength of a brilliant speech voicing the 
spirit of passionate revolt by which the as- 
sembly was moved. His phrase "We will 
not be crucified on a cross of gold" became 
the watchword of the campaign. While the 
Populists and the Free Silver Republicans 
supported Bryan, the Conservative Demo- 


crats threw off their allegiance. Though he 
preached his gospel with extraordinary elo- 
quence, and multitudes saw in him a new 
Messiah, the conservative forces in the 
country won. McKinley was elected by a 
majority of half a million on a poll of 14 mil- 
lions, and a Republican majority was returned 
in both Houses. The enormous output of 
gold in South Africa banished the fear of a 
deficiency in the circulating medium, and a 
series of good years restored prosperity to 
agriculture. An Act was passed for the pres- 
ervation of the gold standard, and a large 
gold reserve was established. To meet the 
need of revenue the Dingley tariff was 
hurried through Congress in 1897. 

The new President was to be confronted 
with problems which had played no part 
in the electoral campaign. The renewal of 
the insurrection in Cuba in 1895 and its 
savage repression by Weyler had deeply 
stirred opinion, and in his annual Message 
in 1896 Cleveland threatened intervention. 
American interests had become very large, 
and the island was being steadily ruined. 
In 1897 McKinley formally requested Spain 
to restore order. When the Maine was 
blown up the country clamoured for war. 
Though McKinley had no desire for a con- 
flict, he made no attempt to stem the rising 
excitement. Congress declared the Cubans 


free and independent, authorising the Pres- 
ident to terminate Spanish Government 
in the island, and recording their resolution 
not to annex it. The country was totally 
unprepared for the struggle. The army was 
only 27,000 strong, and the chief burden fell 
on volunteers. The navy, on the other 
hand, though small, was thoroughly efficient. 
One Spanish fleet was destroyed in Manila 
Bay without the loss of a single American 
life, and another in a dash from Santiago, 
in which only one American was killed. At 
the end of July, Spain sued for peace. Only 
one battle had been fought on land. 

At this moment Dewey was proposing to 
attack Manila, and had arranged with 
Aguinaldo, who had recently led the Fili- 
pinos in revolt, to co-operate from the land 
side. The day after the armistice was signed 
at Washington, Manila was captured. Spain 
vigorously resisted the cession of the Phil- 
ippines, which had not been conquered; 
but the blow was softened by the payment 
of 4 millions. The Commissioners of the 
Powers met at Paris in October. The treaty 
of peace gave Cuba to the Cubans, and Porto 
Rico and the Philippines to the victors. 
The revelation of Spanish weakness had 
turned a war of deliverance into a war of 
aggrandisement. The territory of the United 
States was filling up. New markets were 


needed. The Philippines offered a foothold 
in the East, to which the Powers were 
turning their eyes. It seemed as if the 
opportunity for a larger life came with the 
need, and the Republic reached out its hand 
and seized it. 

The enthusiasm of empire disappeared 
almost as rapidly as it had arisen. Aguinaldo 
had been brought from Hong-Kong in an 
American vessel and treated as an ally, and 
he had believed that the Americans were 
helping his fellow-countrymen to gain their 
freedom. When they learned that they had 
only changed their masters they set up a 
republic. A revolt broke out in 1899, which 
required several campaigns and an army of 
70,000 men to suppress. The ravages of 
disease, the barbarity with which the Fili- 
pinos fought, and the cruelties with which 
the troops retaliated sickened America of 
the struggle. The Democrats declared that 
a breach of faith had been committed; but 
no one desired to see the islands occupied 
by Germany or Japan. Heroic efforts were 
made to educate the Filipinos and pre- 
pare them for ultimate self-government; but 
they felt no gratitude, and clamoured for 
independence. The expense of the occupa- 
tion was enormous. A year or two after the 
war, in the words of Mr. Bryce, "the one 
party no longer claimed any credit for the 


conquest, and the other could not suggest 
how to get rid of it." In regard to Cuba, 
the States have loyally observed their pledges. 
A Cuban Republic was established, and the 
relations of the two countries were settled 
by treaty in 1903. Cuba undertook not to 
admit the interference of any foreign Power, 
while the United States reserved the right 
to intervene for the preservation of inde- 
pendence and the maintenance of order. 
Intervention became necessary under the 
latter head in 1906, and the island was ruled 
by an American Governor till 1909. The 
experience of the Philippines is the best 
guarantee of the independence of Cuba. 

The Presidential election of 1900 found 
the Republicans stronger than in 1896. As 
business improved the silver cry lost its 
potency. Bryan stood on the same plat- 
form as before, but there was far less excite- 
ment, and McKinley won by a larger major- 
ity. A year later he was assassinated, and 
the Vice-President was called to the helm. 
McKinley lacked force and originality, and 
conceived it to be his duty to follow public 
opinion. Roosevelt, a born leader of men, 
regarded the Presidency as a position inviting 
the exercise of a vigorous initiative. He 
was aided by his prestige. After an appren- 
ticeship in the New York legislature he had 
learned to know the Middle West as a rancher, 


and had displayed capacity as the head of the 
New York police. He had raised a regiment 
of rough-riders during the campaign in Cuba, 
and shared with the admirals the honours 
of the conflict. On his return he had become 
Governor of New York. Called unex- 
pectedly to the White House in 1901 at the 
age of 42, Roosevelt entered on seven years 
of almost personal rule. In 1902 he began 
to insist on the necessity of legislation to 
control the trusts, and his mediation in a 
great strike of coal-miners in Pennsylvania 
increased his popularity. Though the Re- 
publican bosses were indignant at his attacks 
on wealthy interests which supported the 
party, his bold attitude was generally wel- 
comed. His marked attentions to Booker 
Washington gave satisfaction to the best 
elements in the country at a time when race 
riots were disgracing the central as well as 
the southern States. 

The acquisition of a colonial empire in the 
Atlantic and Pacific rendered the rapid con- 
centration of the fleet essential. The Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty of 1850 provided that if a 
canal were made it should not be under the 
exclusive control of any Power. In 1881 
Secretary Blaine had in vain suggested to 
the British Government that the treaty 
should be modified; but after the settle- 
ment of the Venezuelan controversy the 


relations of the two countries improved. 
Great Britain openly sympathised with the 
States in the Spanish war, and it was widely 
believed that she had nipped in the bud a 
project for joint European intervention. The 
seal was set on their reconciliation in 1901 
when she recognised the right of the United 
States to construct and fortify a canal under 
its own exclusive jurisdiction. The Hay- 
Pauncefote Treaty was followed by the pur- 
chase of all rights and concessions from the 
French Panama Company. Negotiations 
with Colombia as to the status of the canal 
proving fruitless, Panama declared its inde- 
pendence in 1903, and was immediately recog- 
nised by the United States. A strip of land 
across the peninsula ten miles wide was 
granted, in return for a payment of two mil- 
lions and an annual subsidy. Construction 
began at once, and the canal will be open in 

The election of 1904 confirmed the Pres- 
ident in his position. The most striking 
achievement of his second term was his media- 
tion between Russia and Japan in 1905; but 
the rapid influx of Japanese into the Pacific 
States after the war led to ugly manifesta- 
tions of feeling and to the exclusion of Japa- 
nese children from the schools of California. 
State and federal interests were in direct con- 
flict. The dispatch of the fleet to the Pacific 


appeared to indicate tension; but the Govern- 
ments remained cool, and Japan undertook 
to restrict settlement in America, despite her 
treaty rights. At the same time a stricter 
attitude was adopted towards white immi- 
grants. The influx of English and Irish, 
Germans and Scandinavians had rapidly 
declined, while enormous numbers from the 
south and east of Europe now crossed the 
Atlantic every year. The apprehensions 
aroused by the arrival of a lower type of 
civilisation led Congress in 1906 to make a 
knowledge of English necessary for naturalisa- 
tion, and in 1907 to increase the restrictions 
imposed on the invading army at Ellis Island. 
The end of Roosevelt's term was darkened 
by widespread distress. The earthquake 
which destroyed San Francisco in 1906 was 
followed by the Stock Exchange crisis of 
1907, in which most of the banks suspended 
cash payments for many weeks. The Presi- 
dent's feud with the trusts and the bosses 
increased in bitterness, and Wall Street lost 
no opportunity of expressing its dislike of his 
policy. Of a less controversial character were 
his efforts to check the wholesale destruction 
of the natural resources of the country. 

On his election in 1904, Roosevelt had 
declared that he would not stand again; 
and in 1908 his friend and colleague Taft 
was elected without difficulty, Bryan being 


defeated for the third time. The new Presi- 
dent was expected to continue the policy 
of his predecessor; but he differed in temper 
and method, if not in ideas. The business 
world rejoiced in the prospect of less inter- 
ference; but the progressive elements in the 
Republican party became restive. The In- 
surgents were determined to break the power 
of the bosses, and in 1909 Speaker Cannon 
was overthrown. The President attempted 
to prevent a final split between the two 
sections of his party; but his efforts met 
with very partial success. The Payne- Aldrich 
tariff brought no real reduction, and was 
vigorously attacked by the Insurgents. The 
confusion in the Republican ranks was intensi- 
fied when Roosevelt returned from a trium- 
phant tour in Europe in the summer of 1910. 
At the Congressional elections in the autumn 
the Democrats secured a sweeping majority, 
carrying States which had never voted Demo- 
crat before. The main cause of the Republi- 
can rout was the failure to reduce the tariff, 
which had raised the cost of living and 
fostered monopolies and political corruption. 
That the lesson was not lost on the President 
was shown in 1911 by the conclusion of a 
far-reaching measure of reciprocity with 
Canada, and the summoning of a special 
session of Congress for its ratification. 



When the Canadian colonies were federated 
in 1867 the scattered settlements beyond the 
Rocky Mountains were isolated from the 
east and even from Manitoba. To make a 
nation was the task of Sir John Macdonald 
and the Conservative party which came into 
power in the year of federation, and, with a 
short interval, retained office till 1896. Its 
policy was the fostering of industries by Pro- 
tection, the development of communications, 
and the strengthening of the imperial con- 
nection. The Canadian Pacific Railway 
reached its goal in 1886, and the settlement 
of the west began. A revolt of half-castes 
in the north-west, led by Louis Riel, was 
suppressed in 1885 by the Canadian Militia. 
But prosperity and population increased 
slowly, and thousands of Canadians settled 
in the United States every year. The Liberal 
party advocated a lower tariff and closer 
commercial relations with the United States, 
and for a time a few voices supported the 
demand of Gold win Smith for union. Mac- 
donald died in 1891, his party was weakened 
by financial scandals, and in 1896 the Liberals, 
led by Laurier, entered on an uninterrupted 
term of office. They continued the system 
of Protection and bounties, but in 1897 a 
step towards free trade was taken by the 


grant of a preference of 12-|- per cent., subse- 
quently increased to 33^ per cent., to British 
goods. This differentiation led to Germany 
excepting Canada from the most favoured 
nation treatment accorded by her to the 
British Empire. Canada retaliated in 1903 
by a sur-tax on German goods, and the tariff 
war continued till 1910. 

With the opening of the present century 
her fortunes rapidly improved. The dis- 
covery of gold at Klondyke in 1899 caused a 
rush to the west. As the development of 
the Pacific slope proceeded, Chinese and 
Japanese coolies flocked in, and the Federal 
Government was compelled to check them, — 
the former by drastic legislation, the latter 
by treaty. Western Canada attracted an 
ever-increasing army of American settlers. 
It was discovered that wheat would grow 
farther north than had been supposed; and 
Canada began to take her place among the 
granaries of the world. The vast space 
between Manitoba and British Columbia was 
filled in 1905 by the creation of the new 
provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan. So 
great was the influx that the Government 
felt strong enough to raise its standard for 
European immigrants. Amid this whirl of 
change the province of Quebec continues its 
placid life, and its loyalty is expressed in 
the well-known saying that the last shot in 


defence of British sovereignty on the Ameri- 
can continent will be fired by a Frenchman. 
The only grievance of the French Canadian 
has arisen in the schools. When Manitoba 
was made a province in 1870 it retained de- 
nominationalism, but substituted an unsec- 
tarian system in 1890. French Catholics 
appealed to the Privy Council, which de- 
clared that the Federal Government could 
intervene. In 1895 an attempt to override 
the province failed, and it was left to the 
Liberals to remove the grievance by protect- 
ing religious teaching in the Catholic schools. 
The relations of Canada with her great 
neighbour have been smoothed by the suc- 
cessive removal of differences. In 1886 a 
dispute arose in regard to seal fishing in the 
Behring Sea, which after long negotiations 
was submitted to arbitration in 1892. The 
Tribunal reported in 1893 in favour of the 
British contention that it was an open sea, 
and drew up a scheme of joint regulations. 
A second controversy related to the boundary 
of Alaska, the huge Arctic province sold by 
Russia to the United States in 1867. The 
matter was rendered important by the dis- 
covery of gold at Klondyke, and in 1903 the 
arbitrators decided broadly in favour of the 
American claim. A third and even more 
important dispute, relating to American 
fishing rights off Newfoundland and Nova 


Scotia, was referred to the Hague Tribunal 
in 1910, and settled in the main in accordance 
with British claims. The Waterways Treaty 
of 1910 established a permanent Court of 
Conciliation for differencesa rising in bound- 
ary waters. Finally, in 1911, a far-reaching 
measure of reciprocity was framed by the 
two Governments, the United States needing 
a new supply of food and raw materials and 
the Canadian West demanding cheaper man- 
ufactured articles. 


The last generation has witnessed the 
rapid development of large portions of Latin 
America. The gigantic federal State of 
Mexico, in which the native Indian is much 
more numerous than the white man, was 
guided since 1877 by Porfirio Diaz, under 
whose rule British and American capital 
flowed in and peace was maintained. But 
his long reign was frankly despotic, and the 
country was developed by a hideous system 
of virtual slave labour. His overthrow and 
flight in 1911 have brought new men to the 
front, and the future of Mexico is beyond 
calculation. The five small Central American 
Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, Nica- 
ragua, San Salvador, and Costa Rica have 
made but little progress. Federation, though 


often discussed, is still far off, and war and 
insurrections have frightened foreign capital. 
The opening of the canal may lead the United 
States to insist on a minimum standard of 
tranquillity. The first step has been taken 
by the institution of a permanent Court of 
Justice in 1908, under the auspices of the 
United States and Mexico, for the settlement 
of all disputes between the Central American 
Republics. The little State of Panama is 
already, for practical purposes, an American 

The tropical States of South America — 
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru — have 
made scarcely more progress. Their history 
oscillates between dictatorship and revolu- 
tion, and their population consists almost 
wholly of natives, negroes, and mestizos. 
European settlers and European capital alike 
avoid these Republics, with their enervating 
climate and their feverish political life. 
Bolivia and Paraguay are almost wholly 
inhabited by native Indians. The Eastern 
and Western States, on the other hand, have 
made considerable and in some cases rapid 
advance. During the long reign of Pedro II 
many reforms were introduced in Brazil, and 
slavery was abolished in 1888. But an 
empire in a continent of republics appeared 
an anomaly, and in 1889 the Emperor, who 
had no son, was deposed by a bloodless 


military revolution and shipped off to Lisbon. 
Unwise finance has led to a series of crises; 
but Rio has become a great city, and the 
resources of the vast country are only begin- 
ning to be tapped. Far more striking has 
been the career of Argentina, the second in 
size and the first in importance of South 
American States. Since her bankruptcy in 
1889, which provoked the Baring crisis, she 
has attracted a large European population, 
chiefly Italian, and an enormous volume of 
British capital. She will soon be the great- 
est corn and meat exporting country in 
the world. Her comparatively temperate 
climate, rich plains, and easy water com- 
munications promise a future of almost 
boundless prosperity, and Buenos Ayres, 
with a population of a million and a quarter, 
is already by far the largest city in South 
America. Her western neighbour, Chile, a 
mere strip of the Pacific coast two thousand 
miles long, has proved her enterprise, despite 
grave internal troubles. The Presidency of 
Balmaceda, which began in 1886, witnessed 
a sincere attempt towards reform; but Con- 
gress, which was less democratic, thwarted 
his efforts, and in 1891 civil war broke out. 
The President was defeated and committed 
suicide. War with Argentina on boundary 
questions was avoided by submitting the 
dispute to King Edward VII for arbitration. 


The settlement of the gravest frontier 
disputes, the growing preference for arbitra- 
tion, and the increase of European settlers 
and capital suggest a future of peaceful 
development for the largest part of the 
southern continent. Though the human 
material is not of the best, the habits of 
civilised States are gradually being acquired. 
Federation is out of the question; but 
combinations of some of the smaller re- 
publics are not impossible. While saved from 
the fate of Africa by the Monroe Doctrine, 
Latin America is at the mercy of her pro- 
tector. The joint demonstration of Great 
Britain, Germany, and Italy against Presi- 
dent Castro in 1903 was watched with intense 
suspicion by the United States, which pro- 
claimed that even temporary occupation of 
territory could not be permitted. The 
attack on Venezuela prompted the Foreign 
Minister of Argentina to demand the pro- 
hibition of armed intervention for the col- 
lection of debts. The Drago Doctrine was 
widely discussed, and at the second Hague 
Conference it was agreed that force should 
not be employed till the claims had been 
approved by arbitration and payment refused 
by the debtor State. 

The Pan-American Congresses at Washing- 
ton (1889), Mexico City (1901), and Rio 
(1906), and the establishment of the Bureau 


of American Republics at Washington, point 
to still closer relations between North and 
South. But though Latin America is grate- 
ful to her mighty neighbour for protection 
in time of need, she trembles lest that power 
should be abused. The high-handed treat- 
ment of Colombia sent a disagreeable thrill 
through the southern hemisphere. The 
Monroe Doctrine is the most elastic as well 
as the most audacious of political principles, 
and he would be a bold man who dared to 
assert that its development is at an end. 



The most striking outward feature of the 
history of the last generation is the shrink- 
age of the world. No country, no continent 
any longer lives an independent life. The 
expansion of the dominant races has led to 
a fuller occupation of the surface of the 
earth. The curtains which hide its secrets 
are being raised one by one. Lhassa was 
invaded in 1904, the North Pole was reached 
by Peary in 1909, the capitulation of the 
South Pole is within sight. Man at last 
knows his home. As the world contracts 
the human race grows more conscious of 
its unity. Ideas, ideals, and experiments 
make the tour of the globe. Civilisation 
has become international. 

Of the world-movements of the last genera- 
tion the advance of democracy, in its dual 
aspect of liberty and equality, is by far the 
most important. The Parliaments of Japan, 
Persia, and Turkey, the demand for self- 



government in China, India, Egypt, and 
the Philippines, reveal the attraction of 
democratic ideas. The transfer of power 
from the few to the many has gone steadily 
forward. The aggregation of great masses 
in cities has weakened feudal and conser- 
vative influences and enabled the fourth 
estate to organise its forces. The right 
of the majority to give effect to its settled 
wishes is now recognised, at least in theory, 
in most civilised States, and machinery is 
invented to discover what the will of the 
people really is. The Referendum, which 
has long worked to the general satisfaction 
in Switzerland, has been adopted in Aus- 
tralia and in some of the American States; 
while in the form of Local Option it 
has spread throughout the English-speaking 
world. Proportional representation is at 
work in Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, Fin- 
land, Wiirttemberg, some of the Swiss 
cantons, South Africa, and Japan, and is 
steadily gaining ground. In Belgium and 
parts of Switzerland the citizen is fined if 
he does not go to the poll, and a similar 
provision has been proposed in Italy and 

More important than these mechanical 
expedients for arriving at the will of the 
people has been the concession of the fran- 
chise to women in Australia and New Zea- 


land, Norway and Finland, the Isle of Man, 
and five of the United States (Wyoming, 
Colorado, Idaho, Utah, and Washington). 
Nineteen women entered the Finnish Diet on 
the grant of universal suffrage, and one took 
her seat at Christiania in 1911. The demand 
for a vote as the symbol of citizenship reached 
a new stage in Great Britain in 1905, when 
the Women's Social and Political Union, 
founded by Mrs. Pankhurst in 1903, adopted 
militant methods; but the organised attack 
on the sex barrier provoked an organised 
defence, while the great mass of women 
remain indifferent spectators of the con- 
flict which is waged in their name. Several 
Bills have received a second reading in the 
House of Commons, but the historic parties 
are too deeply divided in opinion to take 
up the question officially. On the other 
hand, women have voted in County Council 
elections from the start, and in 1907 became 
eligible for membership. The movement 
towards sex equality makes rapid strides. 
Women doctors are found everywhere, women 
lawyers practise at the French Bar, women 
ministers of religion are common in the 
United States and not unknown in England. 
Nearly every University has opened its 
doors to female students, though Oxford 
and Cambridge still refuse them the degrees 
to which they are entitled. An International 


Council of Women was formed in 1888 under 
the presidency of Lady Aberdeen, and the 
first Congress met in London in 1889. In 
every department of life and work women 
play a part of increasing importance. No 
voice so powerful as that of Mill is raised 
on their behalf; but their ideals have been 
forcibly expressed by such writers as Ellen 
Key, Charlotte Gilman, and Olive Schreiner, 
while the demand for legal equality has been 
set forth in Lady Maclaren's Woman's Char- 
ter. The concession of equal civil and politi- 
cal rights is consistently supported by the 
Labour parties of every country. 

The most decisive sign of the advance of 
democracy is the rise of organised Labour 
parties. The attainment of a democratic 
franchise has naturally been followed by a 
demand for greater equality in the economic 
sphere. In no great country has Socialism 
played such a conspicuous part as in Germany, 
where it has won the allegiance of the vast 
majority of manual workers in the towns. In 
Prussia it has at last forced its way into the 
Landtag. In Saxony its power became so 
great that the menaced interests combined 
to withdraw universal suffrage in 1897. In 
the more liberal South German States the 
Socialists co-operate with the advanced 
sections of the bourgeoisie. In Great Britain 
a Labour party, largely though not wholly 


socialist, emerged from the election of 1906. 
In France and Italy parliamentary Socialism 
became a force in the nineties. In Austria it 
arrived with universal suffrage in 1907. Its 
strength in the first and second Dumas was 
one of the excuses for narrowing the franchise 
of the third. In 1885 a Labour party was 
formed in Belgium, where the Walloon 
miners and factory-workers of the South 
confront the Catholic Flemings of the North, 
and where it is most closely associated with 
the Co-operative movement. In Holland and 
the Scandinavian States it has won a firm 
hold in the Chambers, and in the Finnish Diet 
elected in 1911 nearly half the members were 
Socialists. In Spain it is increasing its hold 
in the seaboard towns. Its leading person- 
alities, Bebel and Bernstein in Germany, 
Adler in Austria, Turati and Ferri in Italy, 
Iglesias in Spain, Jaures in France, Vander- 
velde in Belgium, Troelstra in Holland, Keir 
Hardie, Ramsay Macdonald, and Philip 
Snowden in England, are men of high char- 
acter and unquestionable ability, influential 
in their respective Parliaments and speaking 
for a great volume of working-class opinion 
at the International Socialist Congresses 
held at intervals since 1889. 

The once imposing Marxian structure, 
meanwhile, is falling into ruins, and among its 
critics are many Socialists. Its theory of 


value is untenable, its economic forecast has 
been falsified, its distrust of legislation as a 
means of social betterment is out of date. 
Younger men are turning to the "Revision- 
ism" expounded in the writings of Bern- 
stein, while the assumption of ministerial 
office by French Socialists marks a further 
breach with the exclusive traditions of the 
past. In Great Britain Marxism has declined 
in influence since the death of William Morris, 
and the empirical collectivism of the Fabian 
Society has made steady progress in the fields 
both of theory and practice. The only 
exception to the movement towards evolu- 
tionary doctrine and parliamentary action is 
to be found in Syndicalism, which has won a 
large body of support in France and Italy 
since Sorel published his work, The Socialist 
Future of Syndicates, in 1897. The Syndi- 
calist works through federated trade unions 
instead of through political representation. 
Unions, he declares, must be purely fighting 
organisations, their chief weapon the strike, 
their object the forcible transformation of 
society. While Marx taught that the capi- 
talist movement tended automatically to its 
own destruction, Sorel and his followers 
affirm that the change can only be ac- 
complished by a determined effort of the 

Travelling beyond the boundaries of Europe, 


Socialism is found to a less extent in the 
United States, where private initiative is 
more highly prized than in any other part of 
the world, and where no Socialist entered 
Congress till 1911. In 1901 a Socialist party 
was organised in Japan, where the evils of 
the competitive system are growing with the 
development of industry. In New Zealand a 
period of advanced legislation, equally ac- 
ceptable to the Socialist and the Radical, 
was inaugurated by Seddon. But it is in 
Australia that the Labour party has gained 
its greatest political successes. In 1904 a 
Labour Ministry held office for a few months 
without an independent majority; but in 
1910 the Commonwealth elections gave 
it a substantial majority in both Houses 
and enabled the Fisher Ministry to levy 
a progressive land tax on undeveloped 

In addition to the efforts of the manual 
workers to improve their conditions of life 
by industrial association, co-operative dis- 
tribution, and political action, the members 
of other classes have busied themselves 
increasingly with the social problem. Legis- 
lation aiming at a minimum standard of 
education, health, and leisure is gradually 
filling the statute-books of civilised countries, 
and laggards are brought into line by the 
international meetings and agreements which 


began with the Berlin Labour Conference of 
1890. Social experiments are copied as 
rapidly as scientific inventions. The Ghent 
system of insurance against unemployment, 
inaugurated in 1901, has spread over Central 
and Northern Europe. The Wages Boards set 
up in Victoria in 1896 have been adopted by 
the mother country. Germany has led the 
way with labour exchanges, labour colonies, 
provision against sickness and accident, old 
age and invalidity. Great Britain is about to 
embark on a pioneer scheme of State-aided 
insurance against unemployment. Charles 
Booth and Seebohm Rowntree have described 
the life and labour of the people, and the 
numberless University Settlements, springing 
from the seed sown by Arnold Toynbee, 
testify to a more generous recognition of 
social responsibility. 

In an age of science and democracy the 
power of tradition is everywhere weakening. 
The significant endeavour of Modernism to 
restate the Catholic position has aroused 
world-wide sympathy and interest; but Pius 
X, departing from the cautious tolerance 
of his predecessor, has offered it uncom- 
promising opposition. Loisy and Tyrrell 
felt the heavy hand of the Pope, and even 
Fogazzaro, the last representative of the 
liberal Catholicism of Rosmini, was frowned 
on by the Vatican. The Syllabus "Lamen- 


tabili" and the Encyclical " Pascendi" have 
slain Modernism as a school of Catholic 
thought. The watchword of Pius X is con- 
centration. He prefers an obedient flock to 
a larger number of nominal adherents. Thus 
he imposes on teachers an oath against Mod- 
ernism, denounces the Reformation in the 
Borromeo Encyclical, and penalises mixed 
marriages by the Nestemere decree. The at- 
tempts of Catholics to prove the compatibility 
of their faith with democratic principles has 
been rebuked. The promising Sillonist move- 
ment of Marc Sangnier has been suppressed 
in France, and the excommunication of Rom- 
olo Murri has destroyed Christian Democ- 
racy in Italy. Yet this rigid conservatism 
attracts the type of mind which yearns for 
authority, and there has been a steady flow 
of converts from the Protestant Churches 
and from the ranks of disillusioned sceptics. 
While the older Churches have lost much of 
their ground, the tendency of recent thought 
is rather constructive than destructive. The 
teachings of Mrs. Eddy have spread rapidly 
throughout the United States and found a 
fainter welcome in the Old World. The 
emphasis laid by Christian Science on the 
power of the will reappears in the newer 
psychology of James and Bergson. Philos- 
ophy has passed out of her positivist 
mood, and Science has grown more willing 


to accept idealist interpretations of the 

Though the theological temperature is 
falling, the age-long conflict between Chris- 
tian and Jew has been renewed with increased 
bitterness. But the Anti-Semitism of the 
last two decades of the nineteenth century 
was rather the offspring of economic than 
of racial or religious causes. The crusade 
began in Prussia in 1878 with the denuncia- 
tions of Stocker, a Court chaplain, who 
traced the growing materialism of German 
society to Jewish financiers and journalists. 
He was vigorously supported by the historian 
Treitschke, and despite the opposition of 
Mommsen, Virchow, and other leaders of 
thought, the virus spread over Germany. 
When dismissed by William II he appeared 
in the Reichstag as the leader of a party of 
Anti-Semites. By this time Austria had 
outstripped her ally. The party of Christian 
Socialism, supported by the Catholic clergy, 
obtained the enthusiastic support of the 
small traders of the towns, while its leader, 
Lueger, the burgomaster of Vienna, held the 
capital in the hollow of his hand till his 
death in 1910. In France the poisoned pen 
of Drumont prepared the way for the out- 
burst of Anti-Semitism to which Dreyfus 
owed his sufferings. But it was in Eastern 
Europe, the abode of two-thirds of the ten 


million Jews scattered over the world, that 
the storm raged most fiercely. In Russia 
violent mob attacks began in 1881 and were 
renewed in 1891. A decade later a third 
cycle of persecution opened with the hideous 
massacre at Kishineff, the capital of Bess- 
arabia. Scarcely less terrible have been the 
sufferings of Jews in Roumania. Among the 
conditions on which the new State was 
recognised in 1878 was the removal of relig- 
ious disabilities; but the Government made 
no attempt to fulfil its pledges. Restrictions 
were multiplied to such an extent that life 
became almost intolerable. A great exodus 
began in 1900. Many fled to America, and 
in 1902 Secretary Hay invited the signatories 
of the Treaty of Berlin to common action. 
As Great Britain alone responded, collective 
pressure was impossible, and the only result 
of the American protest was that the Rou- 
manian Government prohibited emigration. 
The answer to Anti-Semitism was Zionism. 
In 1896 Herzl, a Vienna journalist, outlined 
a plan of an autonomous republic under the 
Sultan. The scheme was warmly embraced 
by Max Nordau, Zangwill, and other influen- 
tial leaders, and the first Zionist Congress was 
held at Basel in 1897; but the difficulties of 
the project soon became apparent. Abdul 
Hamid was sympathetic, but failed to make 
a satisfactory offer. Russia was hostile and 


Germany unfriendly. The prosperous Jews 
of Western Europe had no wish to exchange 
the comforts of civilisation for the barren 
soil of Palestine. Despite these discourage- 
ments Zionists refused to abandon hope, and 
an offer by the British Government of an 
alternative refuge in East Africa in 1903 was 
refused after heated discussions. But the 
death of Herzl in 1904 dealt a mortal blow 
at the movement, and the recent project of 
a settlement in Mesopotamia has attracted 
little enthusiasm. 

The filling up of the world has brought 
the white and the coloured races once more 
into close contact. Though slavery and 
the slave-trade had been abolished by civilised 
States before the scramble for Africa began 
in 1884, old evils have reappeared under new 
names. Since the effective exploitation of 
tropical and subtropical territories is beyond 
the capacity of white men, indentured labour 
has been invented, and the "White Man's 
Burden" is too often the dark man's doom. 
The murders and mutilations of the Congo 
Free State, the holocausts of Angola servicaes, 
the cruelties of the Chartered Company in 
Matabeleland and of Dr. Peters in German 
East Africa, the wholesale destruction of 
human life on the hemp plantations of 
Yucatan, the massacre of Blagovestchenk, 
the march of the European armies to Pekin, 


are part of the price that humanity has had 
to pay for the new Imperialism. Of another 
character are the indignities long inflicted on 
educated Indians in the Transvaal under 
Dutch and British rule, the perpetuation of a 
colour bar in the new constitution of South 
Africa, and the undiminished insolence of the 
American towards the negro. 

Yet some progress in the solution of the 
greatest and most difficult of world problems 
has been made. The sense of responsibility 
is growing. Such bodies as the African 
Society, founded in memory of Mary Kings- 
ley, and the South African Native Races 
Committee reveal a new and sympathetic 
attitude towards native questions. The 
noble work of missionaries is bearing fruit. 
The British Anti-Slavery and Aborigines 
Protection Society continues its beneficent 
activity. Thanks to the crusade of the 
saintly Lavigerie and the Brussels Conference 
of 1890 to which it led, the African slave- 
trade is more closely watched, and the sale 
of black ivory is being gradually limited. 
Steps are being taken to save natives from 
the ravages of alcohol. An International 
Conference met at Shanghai in 1909 to 
concert measures against the use of opium. 
No one now doubts that not only the yellow 
but the brown and the black races are capable 
of progress. While Hayti and Liberia show 


how little advance they can make without 
help, Jamaica, Basutoland, and the Malay 
States reveal a marked capacity for develop- 
ment under sympathetic guidance. The 
American negro learns at Tuskegee to be- 
come a useful member of a civilised State, 
and Booker Washington and Professor 
Dubois are among the intellectual assets of 
their country. Pure blooded members of 
the dark races, such as Rizal, the Filipino 
scholar, novelist, and patriot, and Tengo 
Jebavu, the South African journalist, show 
the possibilities of advance. The desire 
to preserve racial purity is common to the 
higher nations. Yet the wisdom of friendly 
co-operation between the higher and the 
lower races becomes ever more apparent. 
If the white man boasts of his superior in- 
telligence, the coloured man possesses a 
scarcely less formidable instrument in his 
overwhelming numbers. 

Though the civilised world has become 
increasingly conscious of its unity, vast 
armaments are still regarded as the only 
guarantee of national security. The acquisi- 
tion of oversea dominions has tempted the 
Powers to supplement their rivalry on land 
by rivalry at sea. The number of men under 
arms in Europe has risen to 5 millions, while 
the war budget exceeds 300 millions. Japan 
and the United States have joined in the race, 


and the South American Republics have 
squandered millions on battleships of the 
largest size. Schemes for a reduction of 
armaments flitted through the restless brain 
of Louis Napoleon, and occupied the atten- 
tion of Salisbury and other statesmen. As 
debt and taxation increased without any cor- 
responding advance in relative strength, the 
cry for relief grew more insistent, and it was 
with a shock of joyful surprise that the world 
learned in 1898 that the most autocratic 
monarch in Europe had invited the Powers 
to discuss the feasibility of a halt. In im- 
pressive language the Rescript lamented the 
growing burden on the peoples and the diver- 
sion of national effort from productive pur- 
suits. Cynics dismissed the proposal as an 
adroit move on the part of a State whose 
finances were in disorder; but there is no 
reason to suspect the sincerity of the Tsar. 
When the delegates met at the Hague in 1899 
it became clear that there was no chance of 
realising the purpose for which the Confer- 
ence had met. The spokesman of Germany 
declared in emphatic words that his country 
found her armaments no crushing burden, 
and that she could entertain no proposal for 
their limitation. 

When the ideal was thus rudely shattered, 
the Conference fell back on arbitration. 
There had been over one hundred arbitra- 


tions between States during the nineteenth 
century. The Alabama award did little to 
assist the cause of arbitration, owing to the 
excessive damages that Great Britain was 
called on to pay. Twenty years later the 
Behring Sea dispute was settled by arbitra- 
tors, two nominated by Great Britain and 
the United States, and three by the rulers 
of countries not concerned in the dispute. 
Other differences have been terminated by 
an independent arbitrator. But it was ob- 
vious that a permanent Court would be 
found highly convenient, and it is the glory 
of the First Hague Conference, at the sug- 
gestion of Lord Pauncefote, to have created 
it. Of the controversies referred to the 
Hague Tribunal by far the most important 
related to the Newfoundland Fisheries. Still 
more recently, the questions involved in the 
escape and capture of Savarkar at Marseilles 
were referred to the Court, and settled in 
favour of the British claim. In addition to 
the growing willingness of States to refer 
their disputes to arbitration, the practice of 
concluding general treaties is becoming com- 
mon. Many contracts have been signed 
during the last generation pledging the 
signatories to submit all questions except 
those touching vital interests or national 
honour. The next step, which was first 
taken by Chile and Argentina, was to under- 


take to refer all disputes without exception. 
The courageous proposal of President Taft 
in 1910 to conclude an unconditional treaty 
with "some Great Power" and the warm 
welcome extended to it by Sir Edward Grey 
in March 1911, bring within sight a new 
hope for the world. 

The Inter-Parliamentary Union, founded in 
1888, meets every year. The Declaration of 
London will supply the International Prize 
Court, established at the Second Hague Con- 
ference, with a recognised code. The exemp- 
tion of private property from capture at sea 
must be secured. But the best hope of 
peace lies in the gradual triumph of reason 
over the suspicions, ignorance, and greed from 
which wars arise. The vested interests which 
thrive on armaments, the Yellow Press which 
lives by sensation, the nervous patriot who 
dreams of invasion, the soldier who glorifies 
the bracing influence of war, are formidable 
but not insuperable obstacles to the reign 
of law. It is the merit of Randal Cremer 
and Hodgson Pratt, of Baroness Siittner and 
Frederic Passy, of Edwin Mead and Andrew 
Carnegie, to have realised that peace needs 
its propaganda like any other good cause. 
It is the achievement of Bloch and Norman 
Angell to have shown that even a successful 
conflict between modern States can bring no 
material gain. We can now look forward 


with something like confidence to the time 
when war between civilised nations will be 
considered as antiquated as the duel and 
when the peacemakers shall be called the 

children of God. 



GENERAL. — The Cambridge Modern History, vol. xii.; 
Rose, The Development of the European Nations, 1870- 
1900; Hazen, Europe Since 1815; The Annual Register; 
The Statesman's Y ear-Book. 

CHAPTER I. — Narratives. -— Bright, History of 
England, 1880-1901; M'Carthy, History of Our Own Times, 
1880-1901 (4 vols.); Herbert Paul, History of Modem 
England, vol. v., 1885-1895. Biographies. — Morley, 
Gladstone; Winston Churchill, Randolph Churchill; Elliot, 
Goschen. Ireland. — Barry O'Brien, Life of Parnell; W. 
O'Brien, An Olive Branch in Ireland; Paul-Dubois, Con- 
temporary Ireland. The Empire. — Hawke, The British 
Empire; Lucas, Historical Geography of the British Colonies; 
Jebb, Studies in Colonial Nationalism, and The Colonial 
Conference; Hobson, Imperialism. 

CHAPTER II. — Bodley, France, and The Church in 
France; Coubertin, The Evolution of the Third Republic; 
Lawton, The Third French Republic; Bracq, France under 
the Republic; Conybeare, The Dreyfus Case. 

CHAPTER III. — Italy. — King and Okey, Italy To- 
day, ed. of 1909; Stillman, The Union of Italy, 1815-1895, 
and Life of Crispi; Lowell, Governments and Parties in Con- 
tinental Europe. Spain and Portugal. — Whyte, A 
Century of Spain and Portugal; Martin Hume, Modern 
Spain; Morse Stephens, Portugal (with additional chapter 
by M. Hume). Archer, The Life of Ferrer, and Shaw, 
Spain from Within, discuss the influence of the Church. 
Wilson, The Downfall of Spain, describes the American 



CHAPTER' IV. — Germany. — Dawson, The Evolution 
of Modern Germany. Lowell, Governments and Parties, 
and B. Howard, The German Empire, describe the Con- 
stitution at work. Headlam, Bismarck, and Lowe, William 
II, are useful for the earlier years. The German Emperor's 
Speeches. Austria-Hungary. — Drage, Austria-Hungary; 
Lowell, Governments and Parties; Seton Watson, Racial 
Problems in Hungary. Hungary To-day, ed. Alden, gives 
the official Magyar version. 

CHAPTER V. — Russia. — Lowe, Alexander III;, 
Pares, Russia and Reform; Wallace, Russia, ed. of 1905; 
Milyoukov, Russia and its Crisis; Nevinson, The Dawn in 
Russia; Kropotkin, The Terror in Russia; Renwick, Fin- 
land To-day. The Near East. — Sir C. Eliot, Turkey in 
Europe; The Balkan Question, ed. Villari, and Brailsford, 
Macedonia, describe the rule of Abdul Hamid. Buxton, 
Turkey in Revolution, and Abbott, Turkey in Transition, 
discuss the Young Turk regime. For Armenia, Bryce, 
Trans-Caucasia and Ararat, ed. 1896. Miller, The Balkans, 
and Greek Life in Town and Country; Beaman, Stambuloff. 

CHAPTER VI. — Bismarck's Reflections; Rose, The 
Development of the European Nations; Dilke, The Present 
Position of European Politics (1887); Benedetti, Essays 
in Diplomacy. For fuller study, Tardieu, La France et 
ses Alliances; and |Lemonon, L' Europe et la Politique 

CHAPTER VII. — General. — Townshend, Asia and 
Europe; Lyall, Asiatic Studies. The Far East. — Uye- 
hara, The Political Development of Japan; Fifty Years of 
New Japan, ed. Okuma; Lafcadio Hearn, Japan, an At- 
tempt at Interpretation; Bland and Backhouse, China under 
the Empress Dowager; W. Cecil, Changing China. India. — 
The Indian Empire, 4 vols. (Imperial Gazetteer of India); 
Lord Curzon in India. Morley, Indian Speeches; Cotton, 
New India; Nevinson, The New Spirit in India, and 
Chirol, Indian Unrest, describe the new nationalism. 
Younghusband, India and Tibet, and Hamilton, Afghan- 
istan, discuss frontier problems. Persia. — Browne, The 
Persian Revolution; Chirol, The Middle Eastern Question. 


CHAPTER VIII. — General. — Johnston, The Open- 
ing-up of Africa. Egypt. — Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt; 
Colvin, The Making^ of Modern Egypt; Rothstein, Egypt's 
Ruin (anti-occupation). Central Africa. — Mockler- 
Ferryman, British Nigeria; Stanley, Autobiography; 
Morel, Red Rubber; Hamilton, Somaliland; Eliot, The 
East African Protectorate; Johnston, Uganda. South 
Africa. — Theal, Story of South Africa; Michell, Life of 
Rhodes; Hobson, The War in South Africa; Cook, The 
Rights and Wrongs of the Transvaal War; The Times History 
of the War in South Africa; De Wet, Three Years' War; 
Brand, The Union of South Africa. 

CHAPTER IX. — The United States. — The Cam- 
bridge Modern History, vol. vii.; Bryce, The American Com- 
monwealth, ed. 1911; Coolidge, The United States as a World 
Power; Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, ed. 1910; 
Whipple, Cleveland. Canada. — Bourinot, Canada, 1760- 
1900; Argyll, Yesterday and To-day in Canada. Latin 
America. — Akers, History of South America, 1854-1904; 
Fisher Unwin's South American Series, Mexico, Brazil, 
Argentina, Peru, Chile, Uruguay; Turner, Barbarous 
Mexico (anti-Diaz); Portez, The Ten Republics. 

CHAPTER X. — Reeves, State Experiments in Australia 
and New Zealand; Sombart, Socialism and the Social 
Movement; Lilley, Modernism; Abbott, Israel in Europe; 
Inter-Racial Problems, ed. Spiller; Booker Washington, 
Up from Slavery; Howard Evans, Sir Randal Cremer; 
Hall, The Two Hague Conferences. 


Abyssinia, 60-2 
Afghanistan, 148, 165, 167 
Africa, South, 20-2, 195- 

Anti-Semitism, 41-3, 240-1 
Arbitration, 149, 212-14, 

229, 245-8 
Armaments, 244-5 
Armenia, 91, 123-4 
Australia, 19, 232, 238 

Bagdad railway, 92, 144, 

Bonapartism, 55-6 
Bosnia and Herzegovina, 

106-7, 150 
British East Africa, 194-5 
Bulgaria, 120-2, 126, 150 
Burma, 165-6 

Catholicism, 40-1, 46-51, 
64, 66, 72-3, 103, 135, 

China, 156-64, 172 

Chinese Labour, 202-3, 206 

Congo, the, 186-91 

Crete, 124-6, 129 

Cuba, 67-9, 218-9 

Drago Doctrine, 229 
Dual Alliance, 133, 141 

Egypt, 139-40, 180-5 

Finland, 117-8 

Greece, 124^6, 129-30 

Hague Conferences and Tri- 
bunal, 148, 245-6 
Hawaii, 210 

Ireland, 9-17, 23-4, 27, 30 

Japan, 149, 154-64, 220-1 

Korea, 156, 160-3 

Macedonia, 120, 126-9 
Madagascar, 139, 144, 187 
Modernism, 238-9 
Monroe Doctrine, 212-3, 

Montenegro, 130, 150 
Morocco, 70-2, 144-7, 153, 


Native races, 242-4 
New Zealand, 232, 237 
Nigeria, 193-4 

Opium, 164, 243 

Panama Canal, 38-9, 220 
Persia, 148-9, 175-8 
Philippines, 69, 216-8 
Poland, 95-7, 118-9 




Proportional Representa- 
tion, 232 
Prussia, 94-7 

Referendum, the, 232 
Roumania, 130 

Servia, 120-3, 126-7 
Siam, 144 
Siberia, 109, 157 
Socialism, 28, 51-4, 89-90, 

116, 234-8 
Somaliland, 195 
Syndicalism, 53, 236 

Tibet, 149, 172 
Triple Alliance, 133-4 
Triple Entente, 143-9 
Tripoli, 142 

Turkey, 91-2, 120, 123-9, 

Uganda, 194-5 

Women's franchise, 232-4 

Zionism, 241-2 

Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proce 
Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: Jt>T4 



111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township. PA 16066 

One copy del. to Cat. Div.