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1822520
RHYNOLDF H!c;TORICA11
GENEALOGY COLLECTTOK
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 01151 3063
HISTORY
OF THE
PACIFIC NORTHWEST:
Oregon and Washington
EMBRACING AN ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGINAL DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST OF
NORTH AMERICA, AND A DESCRIPTION OF THE CONOUEvST, SETTLEMENT AND
SUBJUGATION OF THE VAST COUNTRY INCLUDED IN THE
Original Territory of Oregon
ALSO INTERESTING BIOGRAPHIES OF THE EARLIEST SETTLERS AND
MORE PROMINENT MEN AND WOMEN OF THE
Pacific xNortiiwest
INCLUDING A STATISTICAL AND GRAPHIC DESCRIPTION OF THE CLIMATE, SOIL, PRODUCTIONS,
INDUSTRIES, IMPROVEMENTS AND OCCUPATIONS, AS WELL AS THE NATURAL ADVANTAGES
AND RESOURCES AND ARTIFICIAL ACQUIREMENTS OF THE GREAT STATES OF
Oregon and Washington
6:c •
W ^4 VOLUME I-18S9
^
COMPILED ASD PUBLISHED BY THE
North Pacific History Company
OF PORTLAND, OREGON
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year iS8g, by the
NORTH PACIFIC HISTORY COMPANY,
OF PORTLAND, OREGON
being a private corporation nnder the laws of the .State of Oregon),
in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Wasliington.
PRESSjOK
H. 6. CROCKER & CO.
San Francisco.
1822520
.■^^--.^«'
PREFACE
PRIOR to 1776 (if the piratical cruises of Drake and Cavendish in the sixteenth
century be disregarded), the exploration of the Paciiic coast of North America had
been confined to Spanish and Russian voyages. From Mexico to Prince William's
Sound, sixty-one degrees north latitude, the coast was explored by Spanish navigators.
Russians operating from Kamtchatkan ports discovered and made settlements between
sixty-six degrees and fifty-four degrees forty minutes north latitude.
In 1776, Captain James Cook arrived upon the northwest coast. The order to
examine the coast of New Albion (the name conferred by Sir Francis Drake) was
embraced in his instructions by the British Admiralty. After Cook's voyage, English
explorations followed in the latitude of what is now Washington. Upon the United States
of America entering upon its career as a nation, it became an important factor in North
Pacific discovery, commerce and .settlement. The territorial claims asserted by the United
States and Great Britain were based upon voyages to, or examinations of, the coast north of
latitude fortj'-tvvo degrees north, and the south line of Russian claim, fifty-four degrees
forty minutes north latitude. A vast extent of coast bounded south by the north line
of the Spanish department of California, and north by the south line of Russian
America, or to speak more accurately, by the south line of Russian discoveries and
establishments, was hedged in between forty-two degrees and fifty-four degrees forty
minutes by Spain on the south and Russian America on the northwest.
Early in the present century, the territory fronted by such coast, eastward to the
Rocky Mountains, became known as Oregon.
The sovereignty of this region long continued in dispute between three of the great
powers of the earth, — the claim of each nation respectively resting upon the value,
in a political point of view, to be ascribed to those voyages, expeditions and acts of
settlement.
The region was frequently called " the territory westward of the Stony Mountains."
Within it were included the present States of Oregon, Washington and Montana, west
of the Rocky Mountains, and the territory of Idaho, together with the province of British
Columbia. The claim to the sovereignty of the territory so long and so notably waged
occasioned what is historically and politically termed the OREGON Controversy.
It must be apparent that an intelligible history of this region must chronicle the
various stages of transition from Indian territory, from a fur-bearing region, into states
of the American Union.
In such recital, sufficient details are requisite to illustrate how the coast became
dedicated to settlement, and how it became impressed with national characteristics. Thus
will be traced the antecedents of Oregon, what that historic name comprehends, how
IV PREFACE.
the territory acquired tlie area and boundaries as indicated on the map of the world,
and the steps towards recognition as a part of the United States. Naturally following
is the recounting of those struggles incident to the attainment of present importance, —
in short, the presentation of the Oregon of history, the exhibition of its process
of molding, keeping pace with the region as it has advanced to Americanization and
enlightenment.
Oregon, north and east of the Columbia river, for several years all embraced in
Washington, that particular historic area which for a long period included the territory
which was the real contention between the United States and Great Britain, will receive
its due share of notice.
Nor could Washington, Idaho or Montana history be written, ignoring their Oregon
antecedents and their true significance. Such a work would be analogous to tracing the
biography of an illustrious personage without knowledge of his parentage, his youth,
his manhood, of those circumstances which constituted his very being, his individuality,
and gave to his life its characteristics.
To chronicle those agencies, to appreciate the factors which rendered this interesting
region notable in the world's annals, — in fine, to secure a comprehensive historic view of
that part of Northwest America included within what was formerly and first called
Oregon, — actuate this work.
It is, however, just to the North Pacific History Company, under whose auspices this
book is published, that further explanation should be made as to how they became the
sponsors of its publication.
In the spring of iSSS, Multnomah Camp, No. 2, Indian War Veterans of Oregon and
Washington, pursuant to a resolution passed, appointed a committee for the purpose of
collecting and publishing reliable articles upon the several Indian wars, as also the history
of the early settlements of Oregon. The first plan was to secure, from parties resident
in the several divisions of the territory, historic contributions as to their respective
localities. Speciall}^ it was rather limited to chronicling the struggles of the white
settlers with the aborigines, and the incidents of pioneer life. After thorough
consideration, it became apparent that b}- such scheme, however full of interest, the
result desired could not be obtained ; that anything short of a sufficiently presented
historic notice of the early explorations and settlement of the region, of the different
and necessai-ily adverse elements of its pioneer population, would not carr}' out the
intention of the proposed enterprise.
The intercourse of immigrants or American settlers with and influence over the
native population would serve to illustrate the situation of Oregon's pioneers. A history
of the region was regarded essential to exhibit the relation of the native population to the
white races who migrated to Oregon to occupy and settle the territory.
The motive of the Indian War X'eterans was not only self-justification. They were
also animated with the patriotic desire to vindicate the territorial authorities of Oregon
and Washington, and the volunteers who gallantly' took up arms and successfully
defended that people who had been abandoned by the government, which had invited
their presence here to Americanize and hold the region. It soon became manifest that
the condition of affairs in Oregon, at the time it was organized as an United States
territory, could not be appreciated without a preliminary history of. its exploration and
occupancy, showing the advent of the white races within its borders, and their respective
modes of dealing or intercourse with the native population. That detail will demonstrate
PREFACE. V
that the struggles with a perfidious race cannot justly be attributed to the Oregon
pioneers. The conflict was but the logical sequence of those acts and of his presence
here. The belief is fully warranted that it would have been avoided had the national
government performed a duty it obligated itself to perform by encouraging American
settlement in the territory.
History will also demonstrate that so much of Oregon as was not surrendered to
Great Britain by the Treaty of June 15. 1846, was saved through the presence and
instrumentality of the American settlers of Oregon. It will equally establish that the
people who settled in Oregon, and who Americanized it, were patriotic, patient and
eminently considerate and kind to the aborigines; and that the conflicts between the
natives and settlers were not occasioned by any provocation given by the latter, beyond
the isolated fact that their presence was an offense in the eye of the Indian, who, quick to
observe, took advantage of the neglect of the government to protect the settler, and
attempted to exterminate the American race in that region.
History was required to supply the picture of the surroundings of the Oregon pioneer.
And now, after a full generation, in which these country-savers, these state-builders, have
been under a cloud, denounced as barbarians and robbers of the national treasury, their
single offense being that, in the hour of desolation and doubt, they prevented the American
settlements of Oregon from being wiped out forever, the great fact still remains that that
government, which ignored their presence in the territory, which profited by their services
in the field, still repudiates the full pa3'meut of the debt so justly their due. These men,
these veterans, now deem it a simple act of justice, to themselves and to their children,
to publish a history which maj^ serve also to illustrate the value and importance of the
region they fought to save to the country, humanity and the American occupants. And
they have also deemed it eminently proper to present a picture of the region now, which
in the past was the scene of those historic details and their sacrifices.
A history of the territory embraced within the classic name of Oregon will constitute
the first volume. It will aim to illustrate those struggles and vicissitudes by which
American states and commonwealths are created. A second volume will afford the
illustration of a progress which is the complete justification of every effort put forward
by the Oregon pioneers : I. To wrest by American settlement the Oregon of history from
its British occupancy ; II. To subdue and dedicate it to American civilization.
How those resolves have been performed by the Oregon pioneer will, as we believe,
truthfully appear in the following pages.
Elwood Evans.
GENERAL DIVISIONS
HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST
Oregon and Washington.
VOLUME I .
Part I.
Voyages of Discovery to the Pacific Coast —Voyages to Northwest America — Trading Enterprises
and Settlements upon which Acts, Claim to the Coasts and Territory' Originated, or was Asserted by
Spain, Russia, Great Britain and the United States — The Limits of the Territory Called Oregon
Ascertained. By Hon. Elwood Evans ; Chapter's i to i6.
Part II.
The Oregon Controversy, or the International Conflict as to the Sovereignty of the Territory
Westward of the Rocky or Stony Mountains. By Hon. El wood Evans: Chapters 17 to 20.
Part III.
The Settlement and Americanization of Oregon down to its Organization as a Territory- of the
United States. By Hon. Elwood Evans: Chapters 21 to 35.
Part IV.
Oregon Hi.story, together with the Current Contemporaneous History of Washington, down to the
Admission of Oregon as a State, including the Local Hi.story of Southern Oregon by Colonel L. F.
Mosher. By Hon. Elwood Evans: Chapters 36, 37, 38, 39, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55 and 56.
By Colonel L. F. Mosher: Chapters 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 and 57.
VOLUME II.
Part V.
Historic Summary of the Several States and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains and North
of Forty-two Degrees North Latitude, from the Admission of Oregon as a State to the year 1889, the
date of the Admis.sion of the States of Washington and Montana. B\- Hon. Elwood Evans : Chapters
S8 and 59.
^ , Part VI.
A Graphic Account of the Religions or Mythology of the Indians of the Pacific Northwest, including
a History of their Superstitions, Marriage Customs, Moral Ideas and Domestic Relations, and their
Conception of a Future State, and the Re-habilinient of the Dead. By Dr. G. P. Kuykendall : Chapter
60.
Part VII.
The Pacific Northwest as it is To-day — Its Physical Aspects, Industries, Vast Natural Resources
and Paramount Advantages. By Prof W. H. Lyman : Chapters 61 and 62.
Part VIII.
Interesting Biographies and- Personal Remini.scences of Pioneer Settlers and More Prominent Men
and Women of the Pacific Northwest. By Learned and Entertaining Writers.
Contents of Volume I.
INTRODUCTORY.
To Discover a Sea-path from Europe to India, the lucentive of Pacific Coast Exploration — Voyages, whether
Eastward or Westward from Europe, alike and necessarily Precursors of the Discovery of Northwest America —
Reputed Discoveries by the Cabots and Cortereal — The Strait of Anian Myth — Fictitious Narratives of
Pretended Voyages of Maldonado, de Fuca and de Fonte Stinuilated North Pacific Exploration i
CHAPTER I.
(1513-1543-)
Balboa Crosses the Continent and Discovers the Pacific Ocean — Pioneer Explorations on the West Coast of North
America, Adjacent to the Isthmus and Working Northward — Magellan Passes Through the Strait which Bears
his Name, Enters and Nominates the Pacific Ocean — Cortez Discovers and Subjugates Mexico — Voyages of
Mendoza, Grijalva, Becarra, UUoa, Alarcon, Cabrillo and Ferrelo on the West Coast of America — The Pacific
Coast Examined from Panama Northward to Cape Mendocino ji
CHAPTER II.
(1556-1603.)
Spain Conquers the Philippine Islands — Urdaneta's Returu Voyages Eastward from Manilla to .\capulco — Commercial
Voyages Between Manilla and Mexico — Voyages of Francisco de CVali — Cruise of Sir Francis Drake — Takes
Possession, Calling the Coast New Albion — Voyages of Thomas Cavendish — Voyages of Vizcaino — Cruise
of Martin de Agiiilar — Change of Maritime Policy of Spain 16
CHAPTER III.
(1613-1779.)
Cape Horn Discovered by the Dutch — Theories for Effecting Direct Communication Between the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, or Between Western Europe and the East Indies — Russiau and Siberian Voyages in the North Pacific,
and Discoveries on the Northwest Coast of America 20
CHAPTER IV.
(1683- 1 770.)
Spanish Settlements on the Coast of California — Jesuit Missionary Conquest of Lower California — E.xpulsiou of the
Jesuits by Charles III. — The Franciscans Establish Missions in Upper California — Inland Discovery and
Settlement of San Diego, San Francisco and Monterey — California a Department of Spain, its Northern
Boundary Undefined " 27
CHAPTER V.
(1774-1779-)
Renewal of Spanish Exploration on the North Pacific — Voyages of Perez, Heceta, Bodega and Arteaga ^r
CHAPTER VI.
(1 776-1 779.)
Great Britain Turns .Attention to Discoveries on the Northwest Coast of .\nierica — Voyages of Captain James Cook —
British .Assertion of Claim to Discovery by Sir Francis Drake of New Albion — Captain Cook Denies Existence
of Strait of Fuca — Murder of Captain Cook, Succeeded in Command by Captain Clerke — Death of Captain
Clerke — Lieutenant Gore, a Native of Virginia, in Command — Sails to China with Collection of Furs —
Growing Importance of Fur and East India Trade 31
CHAPTER VII.
(1785-1796-)
The Nootka Treaty Between Spain and Great Britain, and the Events Culminating Therein — Nootka Sound the
Resort for Vessels Engaging in the Fur Trade — The King George's Sound Company — Voyages of Portlock
and Dixon — The Latter Discovers the Channel Separating Queen Charlotte's Island from' the Continent —
Meares and Tipping on Northwest Coast Under Licen.se of East India Company — Voyages of Meares Under
Portuguese Flag — Makes Settlement at Nootka, and Builds Schooner Xorthieesi America — Arrival at Nootka
of American Vessels IVashingloii and Columbia — Martinez Seizes Iphigenia and Noitlru'cst America — .Arrival
of Piiiicess Royal and Argonaut — Martinez Seizes Them — Difficulties Between Spain and Great Britain —
The Nootka Treaty, or Convention of the Escurial — .Arrival at Nootka Sound of Captain Vancouver, British
Commissioner, to Receive Restitution of Property of British Subjects — Unsuccessful Negotiations Between
Senor Quadra and Vancouver — Final Restitution to British Subjects of Seized Property — Spain and Great
Britain .■\bandon Nootka Sound 30
viii CONTENTS OF X'OLUME I.
CHAPTER VIII.
(1787-1792.)
Strait of Juan de Fuca Discovered — Examinatious of Strait by Meares, Gray, Keudrick and Spanish Navigators —
Vancouver's Survey of Strait, Admiralty Inlet, Puget Sound and Gulf of Georgia — Discovery of Columbia
River — Trade of North Pacific Coast Exclusively Enjoyed by American Vessels — Tragic Fate of Crew of Ship
Boston — National Character Ascribed to Several Portions of North Pacific Coast — Termination of Coastwise
Voyages of Discovery — Coast Between Forty-three and Fifty-five Degrees Latitude Claimed by Spain, Great
Britain and United States 49
CHAPTER IX.
(1 766-1 793.)
First Rumors as to Existence of Rocky Mountains and Great River Beyond Flowing Westward to South Sea —
Fabulous Stories of Flennepiu, La Hontau and Others Stimulate Interior Exploration — The Verendryes, First
White Men to Explore Rocky Mountains — Story of a Vazoo Indian, the First to Traverse Continent Between
the Two Oceans, as Detailed to Le Page — Origin of the Name Oregon — Journal of Captain Jonathan Carver —
Indian Idea of Interior of North .America — Indian Knowledge of Great Rivers Rising in Interior of North
America — Their Stories .\bout the Great River of the West — That the Word Oregon is of Spanish Origin,
Inconsistent with Carver's Use of It, nor is It an Indian Name — Overland Exploration Inaugurated in
Prosecution of Inland Fur Trade — North West Company — Two Expeditions of Alexander Mackenzie — First
Party of White Men Cross Rocky Mountains and Reach the Pacific Ocean 57
CHAPTER X.
(1792-1810. )
Western Linuts of the United States of America — Purchase of Louisiana — Abortive Projects for Northwestern
Exploration — Expedition of Lewis and Clark to the Slouth of the Columbia River — The North West
Company Establishes a Trading Post West of the Rocky Mountains — The Missouri Fur Company —
Commercial Enterprises of Citizens of the United States in Northwest America — Captain Winship, in the
Albatross, Attempts an Establishment at Oak Point, on the Columbia River 67
CHAPTER XI.
(1810-1818.)
John Jacob .■Vstor Organizes the Pacific Fur Compau}- — Intriguing Policy of the North West Company — Treacherous
Conduct of Mr. Astor's Partners — Parties Sent by Sea and Overland to the Mouth of the Columbia River —
Founding of Astoria — Loss of the Ship Tonqtiin — Launch of the Schooner J)olly, the First United States
Vessel Built on the Pacific Coast — Pacific Fur Company Dissolved by British Partners — Transfer of Astor's
Stock and Establishment to North West Company — The British Sloop-of-War Raccoon Captures Astoria —
Name Changed to Fort George — End of Pacific Fur Company — .\merican Employes Leave the Country —
British Enter North West Company's Service — Restoration of Astoria Under Treaty of Ghent 76
CHAPTER XII.
(1S14-1824.)
The North West Company Exclusive Occupants of the Territory West of the Rocky Mountains — .\ntecedent History
and Policy of Said Company — Rivalry and Open Hostility Between the North West and Hudson's Bay ■
Companies — .\djuslment of the Differences by a Partnership in Fur Trade Prosecuted Under Charter of
Hudson's Bay Company — License of Exclusive Trade Extending to the Pacific Ocean Granted by the British
Government — The Hudson's Bay Company Succeed to All Rights Under Said License — Tlie North West
Company Merged Into the Hudson's Bay Company 89
CHAPTER XIII.
(1824-1S46.)
The Hudson's Bay Company the Exclusive Occupants of Oregon — Charter of the Company — License of Trade —
Internal Organization — Employes and Their Distribution 95
CHAPTER XIV.
The Hudson's Bay Company Secures a New License of Trade, May 31, 1S38 — Its System of Trade 99
CHAPTER XV.
(1S38-1846.)
Political Mission of Hudson's Bay Comjiany in Oregon, to Strengthen British Claim — Their Establishments —
Gradual .Vbandonment of Posts, and Contraction of Operations — The Puget Sound Agricultural Company —
Its Objects and Plan of Operations ' . . 103
CHAPTER XVI.
(1823-1S36.)
American Trading FCnterprises in the Territory West of the Rocky Mountains — Expedition of William H. Ashlev —
Jackson, Sublette and Smith l-"orm the Rocky Mountain Fur Company — American Trading Vessels in the
Columbia River — Wagons Brought to the Rocky Mountains — South Pass — Pilcher's Expeditions — First
Overland Expedition, Captain Wyeth, to Columbia River — First School West of the Rocky Jlountains —
Captain Bonneville's E.xpedition — Captain Wycth's Second Enterprise — He Establishes Forts Hall and
Williams - iii
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. IX
CHAPTER XVII.
(1807-1827.)
Conflicting Claims to Northwestern Coast of America — Abortive Efforts to Settle the Boundary of Respective
Possessions — Capture and Surrender of Astoria — Convention of iSiS — United States Acquires the Spanish
Claim by Florida Treaty — Russia Limited to Making Settlements Northward of Fifty-four Degrees, Forty
Minutes, b\- Conventions with Great Britain and United States — That Parallel Becomes the Northern Boundary
of the Oregon Territory — Great Britain and the United States the Onl}- Claimants of Oregon — Treaty of 1S27 . 120
CHAPTER XVIII.
(1820-1829.)
Proceedings in Congress Relative to Sole Occupancy of Oregon, and Extension Over It of Federal Jurisdiction —
Efforts to Establish a Territorial Government 134
CHAPTER XIX.
(1S31-1844.)
Negotiations Resumed Between Great Britain and the United States — Resume of Status of Claimants — Presidential
Election. 1S44 140
CHAPTER XX.
(1S35-1S46.)
Congressional and Executive Action — The Oregon Question an Element of American Politics — Presidential Election,
1S44 — The Treaty of Limits, June 15, 1846 149
CHAPTER XXI.
(1S36.)
Settlement of Oregon — Internal Condition of the Territory — Its Elements of Colonization- — Native Population,
Number, Distribution, Characteristics, Disposition, or Relation to the Several White Races Present 170
CHAPTER XXII.
(1821-1846.)
Hudson's Bay Compauj- Officers, Employes and Retired Servants — Biographic Sketches of Dr. John McLoughlin,
Peter Skeen Ogdeu, James Douglas and William Eraser Tolmie, Chief Factors of Hudson's Bay Company —
Notices of Alex. C. Anderson, George B. Roberts and Archibald McKinlay — Early Settlers of French Prairie —
First Settlement at Oregon Citj- 174
CHAPTER XXIII.
(Ante 1836.)
American Settlements — Personnel of Independent Residents of Oregon — First Expedition of Captain N. J. Wveth —
First School West of Rocky Mountains — Second Expedition of Captain Wyeth — Ewing Voung and Hall J.
Kelly — Immigrants of 1S35 ' 182
CHAPTER XXIV.
(1S34-1S44.)
The Oregon Methodist Mission — Visit of Flathead Indians to St. Louis, Asking Mis.sionaries — Formation of Oregon
Methodist-Episcopal Mission — Rev. Jason Lee and Associates Journey- to Oregon, 1834 — Establishment of
Mission in Willamette Valley — Schools Established at Willamette and Fort Vancouver — Missionarv Efforts to
Christianize Indians — Arrival of Dr. Elijah White, Rev. David Leslie and Others — Status of the Mission — It
Abandons the Indian Work — The Oregon Institute Founded — Prominent in Every Popular Enterprise — Rev.
Jason Lee Succeeded by Rev. George Gary — Character of the Mission Changed — Effects of Presence of
Methodist Mission in Oregon 186
CHAPTER XXV.
(.S35-184S.)
Establishment of the Oregon Mission, Under the Auspices of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign
Missions 193
CHAPTER XXVI.
(1838-1848.)
The Roman Catholic Mission 208
CHAPTER XXVII.
(1836-1840. )
Young and Carmichael Abandon Erection of Distillery — Formation of the California Cattle Company — Visit to
Willamette by Purser Slacum, U. S. Navy, Special Agent — First Petition to Congress of J. L. Whitcom and
Others — Farnham, Holman and Others Leave Peoria, Illinois, for Oregon — Sir Edward Belcher's vSurveying
Expedition in Columbia River — Arrival of Rev. J. S. Griffiu — Missionary Party of Clark, Smith and Littlejohn
— Dr. Robert Newell Brings Wagons to Fort Walla Walla — Population of Territory at Close of 1840 214
CHAPTER XXVIII.
(1841.)
Abortive Effort to Form a Provisional Government — The United States Exploring Expedition — Captain Wilkes,
United States Navy — First Fourth of July on Puget Sound — The Red River Colony to Puget Sound 223
X CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
CHAPTER XXIX.
(1S42.)
Appointment of Dr. White as Sub Indian Agent — Fremont's First Expedition to the South Pass — Immigration of
1S42 — Efforts Renewed to Form a Provisional Government — White's Importance as a Public Functionary-
Citizens of Tualitan Plains Combine to Protect Themselves Against Evil-doers — White's Administration of
Indian Affairs in the Interior — His Reports to the War Department 231
CHAPTER XXX.
(1S43.)
Acdtation of the Question of Formation of Government — The "Wolf Meeting" —Committee of Twelve to Report a
' ° Plan for Protection of the Settlement — The Formation of a Government and Election of Officers — First
Legislative Committee — Us Report of an Organic Law— Division of the Territory into Districts — The People
Approve the Organic Law — Boundaries of Territory 236
CHAPTER XXXI.
(IS43-)
Sad Accident Near Willamette I'alls- Departure of Immigrants of '42 for California —The "Petition of 1S43," Its
Authorship and Contents — Dr. John McLoughlin's Answer to Its Charges — Cattle Policy of the Hudson's Bay
Company— Dr. John McLoughlin's Statement as to Formation of California Cattle Company — Rev. Daniel
Lee's Statement as to Said Company — Oregon City Claim — Rev. George Gary, Superintendent of Oregon
Methodist Mission, Sells Its Propertv to Dr. McLoughlin — Section Eleven of Donation Law of September 27,
1S50 — The Immigration of 1S43 — the Cattle Contract — Fremont's Second Expedition 242
CHAPTER XXXII.
(1844-1847.)
Oregon Under the Provisional Goverunient — Indian Depredations at Willamette Falls — Death of George W. Le
Breton — Arming of Citizens for Defense — Amendment to Organic Law, 1S44 — Prohibitory Liquor Law —
First American Settlement North of the Columbia River — Oregon City Incorporated, the First Municipality
West of the Rockv :MouiUains — Incorporation of Oregon Institute — George Abernetby Elected Governor,
,y^5 Petition of Provisional Government to Congress — Visit and Report of Lieutenant Neil M. Howisou,
U. S. Navy — Wreck of the U. S. Schooner Shark — Lieutenant How^ison Presents Her Colors to the Provisional
Government — Reception of Ihe News of the Trtaly of June 15, 1846 262
CHAPTER XXXIll.
(1847-1848.)
Governer Aberiielhy's Mesvage — Resolutions to Raise a Company of Mounted Riflemen for Immediate Service at
Dalles — Citizens' Meeting — First Companv Enrolled — Legislature Authorizes Raising a Regiment — Gilliam
Elected Colonel : Other Officers — Efforts to Procure a Loan — Joel Palmer Appointed Superintendent of Indian
Affairs Peace Commission Appointed — Arrival of the Rescued Captives — Whitman Massacre — Skirmish
with Hostiles Near Dalles — Advance of Colonel Gilliam with Troops — Fight at the Steve Meek Cut-off—
Gilliam Marches for Waiilatpu— His Campaign on the Touchet— Victory Over the Palouses — Death of Colonel
Gilliam — Maxon in Command — Appeal for Provisions and Reinforcements — Lee Appointed Colonel by the
Governor, and Also Superintendent of Indian Affairs — Lee Generously Gives Place to Lieutenant-Colonel
Waters, Who is Promoted to Colonelcy — Lee Accepts Commission as Lieutenant-Colonel — March Into Nez
Perce Country — Close of Campaign — Battle of the .\biqua 277
CHAPTER XXX IV.
(1 846-1 848.)
Oregon's Struggle in Congress to Become a Territorial Government 289
CHAPTER X X X \" .
(.1848-1849.)
The Last Days of the Provisional Government — The Discovery of Gold in California — Exodus to the New Gold
pields— Coinage of Beaver Money — Last Session of the Legislature of the Provisional Government — Progress
of American Settlements on Png'et Sound — Return of Delegates Thornton and Meek — Appointees to the
Territorial Offices — The Provisional Crovernmeut Superseded by Governor Lane's Proclamation .Announcing
Organization of Territory 300
CHAPTER X X X \' I .
(1S49-1S5'.)
Census Superintendent Lane Visits Columbia River Tribes — Attack by Siioqualmies on Fort Nisqually — JIurder
of Leander C. Wallace — Hostile .\tlitude of Snoqnalmies — White Settlers Build Blockhouses — Governor
Lane Arrives at Tumwater — Judicial Districts Declared, and Judges .-Assigned — Sub Indian Agents Thornton
and Newell — Election of Samuel IV. Thurston, Delegate to Congress — fleeting of Legislature — Names of
Counties Changed — Towns in Oregon — Sub-Agent Thornton Visits Pnget Sound — Reward for Wallace's
Murderers — .\ction Disapproved bv Governor Lane — Thornton Resigns — Trial and FCxecution of the Murderers
— Arrival of Mounted Rille Regiment — Deserters to California Gold Fields — Surrender, Trial and Execution
of Murderers of the Wliitinans — Major John P. Gaines Appointed Governor — Governor Lane Resigns, to Take
Effect June iSth, and Leaves for California Mines — .\rrival of the United States Steamer MassarliuscKx —
General Adair, Collector of Customs, Astoria — Seizure of the British Ship Albion at New Dungeness — Survey
of Columbia River — Lieutenant Mc.Arthnr — The Ship Albion Condemned as a Forfeiture — Seizure and
Release of the Schooner Cadboio — Progress of Settlements on Puget Sound — Oysters Discovered at Shoalwater
Bav — United States Census, 1850 3"5
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. XI
CHAPTER XXXVII.
(1850-1853.)
Pre-sidenl Tavlor's .Appointments of Territorial Officers — Their Arrival in the Territorj- — Mail Service and Steamers
Between San Francisco and Portland — Passage of Donation Law — Titles to Private Land Claims — Publication
of li'esteni Star, Oregonian and Oregon Statesman — 'i&i^\o\\ of Legislature, [850-51 — Building of Steamer
Lot W'hitcomb — New Counties Organized — Remodeling Judicial Districts — Location of Public Buildings —
Death of Samuel R. Thurston — Arrival of Chief Justice Nelson — The Oregon Party — Election of General
Lane as Delegate to Congress — Seat of Government Controversy — Quorum Supreme Court Jleets at Oregon
City, and Decides It to be the Seat of Government — Judge Pratt Holds Supreme Court at Salem — In a Letter
Dissents from Justices Nelson and Strong — Quorum of Legislative Assembly Meets at Salem — Session of
1851-52 — Minority at Oregon City — Thurston County Organized — President Fillmore's Official Message on
Capital Controversy — Congress Intervenes, Declares Salem the Seat of Government, and Ratifies Laws Passed
Thereat, Session 1851-52 — Extra Session of Legislature — Renewed Personal Rancor Growing Out of Decision
as to Iowa Laws in P'orce by Legislation of Provisional Government — Judge Deady's Historic Notice of
" Steamboat Code " and the "Blue Books" — Progress of Settlements North of Columbia River — Legislation
of 1852-53 — Creation of New Counties — Judicial Districts Reconstructed — Division of the Territory .... 314
CHAPTER X X X \' II I .
(1S50-1S53.)
Exclusive Reference to Historic .\cts North of the Columbia River Explained — Legislative Representation — United
States Census, 1850 — Status of Settlement North of the Columbia at That Date — Historic View of Progress of
Settlements Upon the Banks of the Columbia — Incubus to Settlement of Vancouver — Conflicting Claims to
Site — Settlements North of River, and North of Olympia — Edmund K. Starling, Indian Agent, Puget Sound
District — The Collection District of Puget Sound Established — Arrival of Revenue Officers — Disastrous
Expedition of Gold Hunters to Queen Charlotte's Island in Sloop Georgiauna — Wreck of Sloop — Passengers
Taken Captive by Hydah Indians — Ransom of Captives — Seizure of Steamer Beaver and Brig Mary Dare at
Olympia — First Term of District Court at Olympia — First Commemoration of Independence Day at Olympia —
Division of Territor}- — JNIonticello Convention — Congress Establishes the Territory of Wa.shington 333
CHAPTER XXXIX.
(1853-1859-)
•Appointments of Territorial Officers by President Pierce — Reconstruction of Judicial Districts — The Election of
General Lane to Congress — Arrival of Governor John \V. Davis — Session of Legislature, 1S53-54 — First
Attempt to Call a Constitutional Convention — George L. Curry Succeeds Governor Davis — Session of
Legislature, 1S54 — Multnomah County Established — Legislative and Congressional Proceedings as to the
Admission of Oregon as a State — Ex-Governor Gaines Nominated b}' Whigs for Delegateship — Election of
June, 1855 — General Lane Re-elected — The Constitutional Convention Defeated — Re-agitation of Location of
Capital — Session of Legislature, 1S55-56 — Counties of Curr}- and Josephine Organized — Organization of the
Republican Party in Oregon — General Lane Renominated by Democrats — The Opposition Supports George
W. Lawson, Independent Free-Soil Democrat — Election of June, 1857 — General Lane Re-elected — Large
Majority for Constitutional Convention — Session of Legislature, 1857 — Election of 1858 — L. F. Grover Elected
to Congress — State Organization — General Lane and Delazon Smith Elected United States Senators — Session
of Legislature, 1858 — Oregon Admitted as a State, February 14, 1859 350
CHAPTER XL.
(T827-1847.1
Southern Oregon — Natural Divisions — Topographical Features — Early Immigration — First Settlement — Introduction
of Cattle — Emigrant Wagon Road — Heroic Corporation — Pioneer Road Builders — Fremont's Old Camp —
Exploring Southeastern Oregon — First Immigrant Train Through Southern Oregon 36S
CHAPTER XLI.
(1S48-1850.)
Early .Argonauts — First American Settlements South of the Calapooias — A Friend of the Whites — United States
Regulars in Southern Oregon — Haifa Regiment Deserts — Fighting Their Way to the Gold Fields — Relief
for the Deserters — A Soldier for Dinner — Dogs for Supper — First Cattle in Oregon — Forcing a Treaty of
Peace — First Civilized Vessel to Enter the Umpqua River — Trying to Boom the Country — Founding of
Umpqua City, Gardiner, Scottsburg and Winchester — Organization of Umpqua County 375
CHAPTER XLII.
(1850-1851.)
Gold in Southern Oregon — Ambushed by Savages — General Phil Kearney — The Settlers' Appeal — Gallantly
Answered — The Military Worsted — Heroic Conduct — Death of Captain Stewart — Reinforcements by
Volunteers — General Jo Lane at the Front — The Indians Beaten — A Bad Appointment 381
CHAPTER X L 1 1 1 .
(1S51.)
Settlement and Organization of Umpqua County — First County Election — First Postoffices and Postmasters — Pioneer
Merchants — United States Collector of Customs — Shipping — Discover}- and Settlement of Port Orford —
Desperate Fight with Savages — Indians Become Acquainted with Cannon — Disastrous Ending of First
Settlement — Second Attempt to Settle Port Orford — Disastrous Explorations — Humane Indian Boy —
Inhuman Massacre — Savage Butchery and Cremation — The First Indian Mission — A Disgraceful Failure —
Military' Expedition — Settlement of Rogue River Valley — Discovery of Gold — Saw-mills and Grist-mills . . 389
XU CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
CHAPTER XLIV.
(1S52.)
Douglas and Jackson Counties Created — First Election — First Court in the Southern District— Early Merchants-
Pioneer Lawyers and Doctors — Pouv Expresses and Territorial Roads — U. S. Mail Route — Gold Discovered
at Rogue River— Gaines' Futile Treaty — Marauding Indians- Volunteers Called Out — War with the Savages
— Settlers Favor a Treaty — Captain Lamerick Banqueted — Heroism of the Pioneers — The Government's
Neglect of Settlers and Volunteers — Protecting and Relieving Immigrants — Indian Ambuscades and Savage
Murders — White Women and Children Butchered — The Settlers to the Rescue — Captain Ben Wright Wreaks
Revenge — Disaster at Port Orford — Prosperity on the Umpqua — A Hard Winter 397
CHAPTER XLV.
(1S53.)
Judge Deady's First Term — The Trial of Joseph Knott — Murderous Savages — Settlers and Miners Assassinated
and Robbed — Securing Arms— Direful Fate of White Victims — Volunteers Called For to Protect the
Settlements — Heroic Response — The First Skirmish — Jackson County Appeals to the Governor of the
Territory — General Lane Besought to Help His Fellow Citizens — His Prompt Response — Nesmith and
Grover Volunteer— Indians Captured — Perfidy of Surrendered Savages — Combination of Indian Tribes to
Exterminate the Whites — Fortified at Table Rock — Pursuing the Savage Warriors— Fatal Conflicts— Genera!
Lane in the Field Ahead of His Commission —Energetic and Successful Prosecution of the War — A Pitched
Battle — Colonel Alden and General Lane Wounded — Surrender of the Indians — Flags of Honor — General
Smith's Heroic March — Treating for Peace — General Lane and Ten Unarmed Negotiators Threatened with
Base Murder — Conclusion and Terms of the Treaty — Retaliatory Depredations— Protecting the Immigrant
Trains — Fighting on the Overland Trail — Conduct of the Treaty Indians — 111 Treatment of the Volunteers
by the National Government — Pony Expresses — Mines and Mining — Other Industries — First Courts in
Jackson and Douglas Counties — Murderers Hanged — More Indians Punished — Many Settlers Assassinated by
the Savages — Discovery of Gold — The Coos Bay Company and Settlement 408
CHAPTER XLVI.
(1S54.)
Mild Weather and Prosperous Times — A New Territory Projected— Conventions Held — The Oregon Legislature —
How Roseburg Became the County vSeat — Milling Industries — Gold on the Seashore — The First Coal from
Coos Bay — Disastrous Navigation — First Newspaper in Southern Oregon — First Term of Court at Empire
City — Protection of Immigrants — Captain Walker's Volunteer Company — Serious Engagement with the
Indians — Repulsed by the Savages — Patriotism of the Volunteers 427
CHAPTER XLVII.
(1855.)
Promised Prosperity Brings Indian Wars to Southern Oregon — New Land District — Hon L. F. Mosher Appointed
Register; George W. Lawson, Receiver — Indian Depredations — The Savages Pursued: They Retreat to the
Reservation — Other Savage Murders — Volunteers Organize and Take the Field — Successful Operations —
Conduct of the Whites — A Dark and Memorable Day — The Savages Inaugurate a General War to Exterminate
the Pioneers of the Pacific Northwest — Numerous Murders — Volunteers to the Rescue — United States Troops
Take the Field — Organizations of Settlers for Defense and Protection — Inhuman and Savage Butchery of
Men, Women and Children, Murdered by the Indians — Governor Curry Calls for Volunteers — Desperate
Conflicts — The Savages Victorious — Reorganization for the War — Plan of Campaign — The Closing Events of
the Year 43'
CHAPTER XLVI II.
(1856.)
The Indian War in Southern Oregon Continued — New Year's Day Finds the Savages Committing Depredations —
Conduct of the Military and Volunteers — Major Bruce in the Field— Another Fight with the Savages —
Pursuing the Indians — The Volunteers Ambushed — Reorganization of the Militia — John Kelsay, Colonel,
and W. W. Chapman, Lieutenant-Colonel, of the New Regiment — A Flag of Truce Protects the Murderous
Savages — Renewal of the Campaign Against the Indians — Captain Poland's Company of Volunteers Surprised
and Butchered— Depredations by the Indians, and Efforts at Self-Protection by the Settlers — Treachery of
Enos — The Big Bend of Rogue River — A Great Battle at That Point — Valor of the Volunteers Saves the
Regulars from Annihilation — Surrender of the Indians — Close of the War 445
CHAPTER XLIX.
(1853-1859-)
Political and Local History of Washington as a Separate Territorial Government Until Admission of Oregon as a
State, Excluding Detailed Narrative of Indian Wars — Area of the Territory — General Features of Organic
Act — President Pierce's Appointments of Federal Officials — Census Taken by Marshal Anderson — Northern
Pacific Railroad F^xploration — Governor Stevens' Arrival — His First Proclamation — Organization of the
Territorial Government — Judicial Districts Defined by Governor — Apportionment of Territory for Legislative
Representation — First Election — Columbia Lancaster Elected Delegate to Congress — Session of F'irst
Legislative Assembly — New Counties Organized — Secretary Mason Becomes Acting Governor — Indian
Disturbances on Puget Sound — Collectors of Customs of Fort Victoria and Puget Sound Both Claim Revenue
Jurisdiction Over ,San Juan Island — Congressional Legislation for Territory — Session of Legislature, 1854-55
— Treaties with Indian Tribes — Indian Council at Walla Walla — Discovery of Gold at Fort Colvile — Murder of
Miners and Indian Agent Holon — Governor Stevens at Council with Hlackfoot Nation — Session of Legislature,
1855-56 — The People in Blockhouses — General Stagnation of Business — The Campaigns Against Indians
Ended — Session of Legislature, 1S56-57 — Organization of Republican Party in Territory — Election of 1857 —
Governor Isaac I. Stevens Elected Delegate to Congress — I'ayette McMullin Appointed Governor — The
Fraser River Excitement — Session of Legislature, 1S5S-59 — Oregon Admitted Into the Union — Enlargement
of Territorial Area by Annexation of Residue of Oregon 459
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. XUl
CHAPTER L.
(1S55-1856.)
The Oregou-Washiugton Indian Wars — Causes, Immediate and Remote — Race Conflict for Supremacy — Agency
of the Treaties — Condition of the Territories as to Defense — Neglect of the Government to Station Sufficient
Troops — The "Ward Massacre," 1854 — Indian Outrages Precipitate the War — Murder of Bolon, Indian
Agent — Haller's Expedition to the Yakima Country — Oflicial Knowledge of the Hostile Intentions of the
Indians — Requisition of Major Rains on the Governors of Oregon and Washington for Volunteers — Response
Thereto — Governor Curry's Proclamation Calling for Ei.ght Companies — Officers and Men, First Regiment
Oregon Mounted Volunteers — Refusal of Major Rains, U. S. Army, to Furnish to Them Arms, Ammunition
and Equipments — James W. Nesmith Elected Colonel — Governor Mason Appoints Major Rains Brigadier-
General of Washington Territory 525
CHAPTER EI.
(1855-1S56.)
Condition of Washington Territory at the Time of the Outbreak — Company A, Washington Territory Volunteers,
Reports to Captain INIalouey, U. S. Army, Fort Steilacoom — Captain Maloney's Expedition Towards the
Yakima Country — Killing of Moses and Miles — Company B, Captain William Strong, Reports to Major
Rains — Uprising of Indians on the Sound — Captain Eaton's Company of Rangers — Killing of Eieutenaut
McAllister — Captain Eaton's Command Besieged — Massacre of Families on White River — War Policy
Established — Hostile Ground Defined — Battle with Hostiles on White River, Novenil)er 3d — Killing of John
Edgar — Disposition of Forces by Captain Maloney, U. S. Army — Night Attack by Hostiles — Killing of
Lieutenant William A. Slaughter, U. S. Army, and Two Corporals, by Kanaskut — The Steamer At live Cruises
near Steilacoom — Return of Governor Stevens from Blackfoot Council — Hostility of General Wool to the
People and Authorities of Oregon and Washington 540
CHAPTERLII.
(1855-1856.)
Operations on the Columbia River, and in the Yakima and Walla Walla Country — Force of Troops and Volunteers
at P'orts Vancouver and Steilacoom — Estimate of Number of Hostiles — Major Rains and Colonel Nesmith
Move into the Yakima Country — Battle of the "Two Buttes " — Colonel Nesmith's Requisition on General
Wool for Arms, etc., to Reinforce Major Chinn — Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly's March to Walla Walla — Battle
With the Walla Wallas — Death of Peu-peu-mox-mox — Colonel Nesmith Resigns — Thomas R. Cornelius
Elected his Successor — The Oregon Volunteers go into Winter Quarters at Walla Walla — Campaign in the
Yakima Country — Disbanding of the Regiment of Oregon Mounted Volunteers 550
C H A P T E R I. 1 1 1 .
(1856.)
Oregon and Washington Indian War — Governor Stevens' Operations — His Return from the Blackfoot Council — He
Addresses the Legislative Assemblj-' — Call for Volunteers — Indian Attack Upon the Town of Seattle — Arrival
of the Ninth Infantry — Governor Mason Goes to Washington City — Governor James Douglas — Patkauim
Has a Battle with Leschi's Baud — Murder of Northcraft and White — Battle of Conuell's Prairie — Indians
Becoming Demoralized — Major Hays Resigns His Command — Raid of Maxon's and Achilles' Companies Up
the Nisqually — Arrest of Wren, McLeod and Others — Habeas Corpus Proceedings — Martial Law in Pierce
and Thurston Counties — Trials by Military Commission — Discharge of Wreu, McLeod and Others — Trial of
Lieutenant-Colonel Shaw and Governor Stevens for Contempt of Court — Campaign of Lieutenant-Colonel
Shaw East of the Cascade Mountains 572
CHAPTER LIV.
(1S56.)
Campaign of the Regulars West of the Cascade Mountains — Condition of Puget Sound, December, 1855 — Pacific
Department Reinforced by the Ninth Infantry Regiment — Two Companies Ordered to Fort vSteilacoom —
Lieutenant-Colonel Casey in Command of Puget Sound District — Six Companies Ordered to Columbia River
— Colonel George Wright in Command of Columbia District — Lieutenant-Colonel Casey Establishes a
Blockhouse at Muckleshoot Prairie — Killing of Kanaskat, the Hostile Chief — Fight with Indians at the
Crossing of White River — Requisition of Lieutenant-Colonel Casey on the Governor of Washington Territory
for Two Companies of Volunteer Infantry — Governor Stevens Declines — Expeditions to Stuck Prairie, Boise
Creek and D'Wamish Lake — Expedition Under Captains Dent, Pickett and Fletcher to the Green and Cedar
River Country — Major Garnett's Command of Two Companies Ordered to Join Colonel Wright East of the
Cascades 590
CHAPTER LV.
(1856.)
Campaign of Regulars East of Cascade Mountains — General Wool's Instructions to Colonel Wright — Attack on the
Cascades — Massacre of Whites — Siege of the Bradford Store at Upper Cascades — Gallant Defense of Middle
Blockhouse by Sergeant Kelly and Eight Men — Attack on Lower Cascades — Lieutenant Phil Sheridan to the
Rescue — Trial and Execution of Indians Engaged in Cascade Massacre — Inhuman Massacre by Whites of the
Spencer Family — Kamiakin's Design in Stimulating the Uprising of Cascade Indians, and the Raid Upon the
Cascade Settlements — Peaceable Excursion of Colonel Wright Into the Yakima Country — The Indians Avoid
Him — Efforts of the Washington Territory Volunteers to Co-operate with Colonel Wright — Peace in the
Yakima Countrj- Announced — Governor Stevens' Attempt to Hold a Council with the Hostile Tribes — Terms
of the Treaty — Volunteers Attacked by the Hostiles — Steptoe Asks Governor Stevens and Volunteers to
Return and Escort Him to the I'matilla — Colonel Wright Ordered by General Wool to March Into the Walla
Walla Country — He Delivers Leschi, Ouiemuth, Kitsap, Nelson and Stehi to Governor Stevens for Trial —
Treaty of Peace with the Hostiles — General Wool Announces the War at an End in Oregon and Washington . 596
XIV ■ CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
C H A P T E R L V I .
{1858.)
Campaign of General Clarke and Colonel Wright, in the Country East of the Columbia River and North of Walla
Walla — The Peace of 1S56 Abortive — Kaniiakin Still Inaugurating Hostile Movements — Combination of
Hostile Eastern Tribes, and Motives of Hostility — Indian Depredations in Walla Walla Region — Expedition
of Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, and His Disastrous Defeat — Colonel Wright's Views of the Campaign Necessary
— Treatv with the Xez Perces — Colonel Wright Sets Out on Northern Expedition — Battle of Four Lakes —
Battle of Spokane Plains — The Spokanes Submit — The Cceur d'Alenes Submit — Death of Owhi and Qualchen
— Submission of the Palouses — The War Ended 62 t
CHAPTERLVII.
(1856-1873.)
Southern Oregon — Counties of Josephine and Curry — Straggling Savages Murder and Rob Umpqua Lighthouse —
Trial and F;xecution of Enos — Chief John Sent to San Francisco — Desperate and Almost Successful Attempt
of Himself and Son to Capture the Steamship — Military Wagon Road — Discovery of Gold in the Umpqua
Vallev — Exploration of the Klamath Lake Country — First Mail Between Sacramento and Portland — More
Indian Depredations — Bailey's Brave Stand Against a Hundred Savages — S. D. F^vans Shot Dead with an
Arrow — The Great Deluge in Southern Oregon — Effects of the Southern Rebellion — Oregon Volunteers
Again in the Field — Indian Council at Klamath I,ake — Causes and Details of the Modoc Indian War — The
Assassination of General Canby — Punishment of the Traitorous Savages 640
INTRODUCTORY.
To Discover a Sea-path from Europe to India, the Incentive of Pacific Coast
Exploration — Voyages, whether Eastward or Westward from Eni-ope, alike
and necessarily Precursors of the Discovery of Northwest America — Kepiited
Discoveries by the Cabots and Cortereal — The Strait of Aniau Myth —
Fictitious Narratives of Pretended Voyages of Maldonado, de Fuca and de
Fonte Stimulated North Pacific Exploration.
THE discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, the voyages to the South African coast
rounding that cape and opening the sea-path from Western Europe to the East
Indies, which had been accomplished within the fifteenth century, proved the forerunners
of grand development of geographic science, knowledge of navigation and the expansion
of commerce. These enterprises had been but shortly preceded by discovery of the
polarity of the magnetic needle and its legitimate sequent, the invention of the mariners'
compass. To China belongs the invention of those important discoveries. The period
at which the compass became first utilized by the navigators of Western Europe is
shrouded in uncertainty. The best authorities ascribe its introduction to Flavio Gioia,
a citizen of Amalfi in the Kingdom of Naples, and designate the year 1307 as the date.
" Encouraged by the possession of this sure guide, by which at all times and all
places he could with certainty steer his course, the navigator gradually abandoned the
method of sailing along the shore, and boldly committed his bark to the open sea.
Navigation was then destined to make rapid progress. The growing spirit of enterprise,
combined with the increasing light of science, prepared the states of Europe for entering
on that great career of discovery of which the details constitute the materials for the
history of modern geography. Portugal took the lead, and in the foremost rank of
the worthies of the little hero-nation stands the figure of Prince Henry, the navigator.
Until his day (i 394-1 460) the pathways of the human race had been the mountain, the
river and the plain, the strait, the lake and the inland sea. It was he who first conceived
the thought of opening a road through the unexplored ocean, a road replete with danger
but abundant in promise."
In the foregoing eloquent extract are presented, not onl}' the causes of ignorance of
geography, cosmography, cartography, — ignorance of the world in which humanity had
stayed at home, or simpl}' crawled over a small area of the earth's circumference, — but
the method whereby knowledge was to be acquired; " opening a road through the unexplored
ocean," harbinger to " abundant promise," which has been more than realized by
executing what Prince Henry conceived in that isolation of his sea-girt, rock-bound
home at Sagres. That pioneer of discovery of worlds and seas dedicated his life to
remove that ignorance, to develop knowledge of the world and its wealth, to expand
commerce, " to find a sea-path to the thesaiiris arabiim ct divitas Indie^y Through his
enlightened foresight and perseverence, the world is indebted for the maritime discovery
of more than half the globe. Having successfully colonized the Azores, Portugal
extended its explorations southward along the Atlantic coast of Africa beyond Cape Bojador,
2 ( 1 )
2 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
seeking a channel leading eastward by which the Indian Ocean might be entered and
the voyage to India shortened. In 1454, Portugal obtained from Pope Nicholas V. the
grant of " exclusive right of navigation, conquest, trade, fishery in all seas and countries
which they might find between Cape Bojador and the Indies, not before occupied by a
Christian nation."
Portuguese voyages continued. Year after 3'ear new lands were being made known.
While Columbus, under the patronage of Spain, had been pursuing his westward
voyages of discovery in search of India, prompted by the theory which had suggested
to Prince Henry the southward voyages, the Portuguese had persevered in their efforts
to reach India by sea ; Vasco de Gama had accomplished this desideratum. He had
rounded the Cape of Good Hope in 1497, and on the 20th of May, 149S, reached Calicut.
Thus the idea and conception of Henry, the navigator, had ripened into fact.
Western exploration had culminated in the discovery of America. Southward and
eastward voyages had opened the sea-path to India. Henry did not live to witness the
realization of that hope, which had been the very soul of his being.
To find the much-coveted, long-hoped-for sea-path to India had been — nay it continued
to be — the key-note of voj^ages of discovery; it "was the consummation devoutly to be
wished." When found it was immediately succeeded by the revolutionizing of the
commerce of the East, the changing of its marts, the adoption of new routes of
transportation. Theretofore the rich products of India had found their way into S3'ria
and Egypt, traversing the Persian Gulf and Red Sea. The Venitians, receiving them at
Bey root and Alexandria, had enjoyed the carrying trade. Thereafter that wealth}^
commerce passed into the hands of maritime nations.
Upon the return of Columbus from his first voyage of discovery, Ferdinand and
Isabella of Spain claimed from Pope Alexander VL that same recognition which had
been extended to Portugal by his predecessor. On the 2d of Ma}', 1493, the papal grant
of 1454 was remodeled ; the undiscovered world was divided between Spain and Portugal.
From pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, was
the line of partition. All lands and seas discovered east of that line were allotted to
Portugal ; all west were awarded to Spain. Expeditions fitted out b}' Spain sailed
westward in search of India. The Portuguese prosecuted their voyages southward and
eastward around the Cape of Good Hope. Neither Spain, Portugal nor the Pope had
contemplated that these vo^'ages respectively made from this common meridian of
departure, as they approached the antipodes, would there meet or pass. Portugal became
dissatisfied with the papal partition, because of the belief that Spain had secured a much
greater extent of ocean. On the 7th of June, 1494, the two nations entered into the
treaty of partition of the ocean, concluded at and sometimes called the Treaty of
Tordesillas. The line was removed two hundred and seventy' leagues westward of the
papal line. No provision, however, had been made for the contingent approach of the
possessory claims of the two nations toward each other, consequent upon the sphericity
of the globe, — of voyages starting in opposite directions from the same meridian. Of
necessity, complications could not be avoided. Portugal, bj- wav of the Cape of Good
Hope, established its power in the Indies, made settlement on the Moluccas or Spice
Islands, and had acquired the Port of Macao in China. Later the Spanish expeditions
to India, via the Strait of Magellan, came into collision with those Portuguese settlements.
Spain claimed exclusive navigation, trade and conquest westward to the extremity
of the peninsula of INIalacca. That contention included all the Moluccas and China.
THE INCENTIVE OF PACIFIC COAST EXPLORATION. 6
Portugal asserted exclusive territorial rights from the partition meridian eastward to the
Ladrone Islands. The treaty of Saragossa, April 22, 1529, adjusted these territorial
differences between the two nations. Spain released to Portugal all claim to the Moluccas.
The relative situation of India to the maritime powers of Western Europe and the
sea-paths to and from ; the prevailing belief that America was the eastern extremity of
India ; that voyages westward would reach that goal of navigators and adventurers in
pursuit of wealth, fully account for projecting westward voyages of discovery. As the
extent of the new continent became appreciable, the vastness of the world's area began to
be realized. Seas and continents were found to separate Western Europe and Western
Asia, which must be traversed before India could be reached by westward voyages from
Europe.
It was ascertained that the South Sea bathed the western shore of a vast continent ;
the hope had been dispelled that i\merica was a projection of India. That same South
Sea had become recognized as the Pacific Ocean. It was realized that long voyages upon
its surface must be made before India could be reached. Discovery had demonstrated
that the world was infinitely more vast than hitherto believed. India, as its remoteness
had been made manifest, had become the more tempting to the adventurer. The new
world laid across this westward sea-path to India. The continent discovered b}- Columbus
as the hoped-for India proved to be the great obstacle to a direct westward voyage from
Europe to India. The discovery of the Pacific Ocean was succeeded by the exploration
of the west coast of North America. Still clinging to the hope, a hope so strong that it
maj' properly be termed faith, that the Pacific shore line was but the projection eastward
of the coast line of India, the Pacific coast was followed northward, westward and then
southward in the expectation that India would be reached. For centuries navigators
continued to explore the Pacific coast from its southern extremit}' to Arctic latitudes,
stimulated by the belief that a channel would be found, — a water-passage from the
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, affording direct route for westward voyages from Europe to
India, avoiding the circuit of the southern extremities of the two hemispheres. Voyages
of discovery, actuated by such motives, constitute the preliminary history of the Pacific
coast of Northwest America.
In the search for the northwest passage, from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea
and to the Indies, venturous spirits of all nations participated, notably of Portugal and
Great Britain.
To understand 'the animus which prompted the voyages of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, it becomes essential to recur to the condition of geographic science,
and the then existing theories as to the connection between the Eastern and Western
hemispheres. Early charts demonstrate that North America was supposed to have been
the eastern portion of Asia. After it had become known that the Pacific Ocean was
separated by a continent from the Atlantic, and ev^en after the western coast of America
had been examined as far north as forty degrees north latitude, the idea was still entertained
that, at no great distance north of that parallel, the coast would sharply deflect westward,
and, after some distance, would then trend southward to the Indies. Another favorite
theory had its devotees, — that to the north of the American continents a channel existed,
through which, by sailing in a northwesterly direction, Asia could be reached from the
Atlantic Ocean. Later, these ideas resolved themselves into a more definite theor}', — that
at a high northern latitude there was a strait penetrating the continent, and constituting
4 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHAVFST — OREGON AND AVASHINGTON.
a water passage connecting the two oceans. The search for the northwest passage was
for centuries the desideratum of the voyages projected by geographers and navigators of
European nations.
To discover a short and direct route from Europe to the Indies was an element in all
North Pacific expeditions, — indeed, it might truthfully be added, all vo3'ages westward
from Europe.
Early as 1497-8, thus wrote Sebastian Cabota :
"And when my father died, in that time when news were brought that Don Christoval
Colon, the Genoese, had discovered the coasts of India, of which there was great talke in
all the court of King Henry VII., who then reigned, in so much that all men, with great
admiration, affirmed it to be a thing more divine than human to saile by the West into the
East, where spices growe, b}' a wa\- that was never known before. By his fame and report
there increaseth in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing; and
understanding by reason of the sphere that, if I should saile by way of northwest, I should,
by a shorter tract, come into India, I thereupon caused the King to be advertised of my
devise, who immediately commanded two caravels to bee furnished, with all things
appertayning to the vo5'age, which was, as farre as I remember, in the year 1496, in the
beginning of summer. I began therefore to saile toward the northwest, not thinking to
find any other land than that of Catha}', and from thence to turn toward India."
The Portuguese, who had discovered the route to India by doubling the Cape of Good
Hope, now engaged in the more hazardous enterprise of seeking the Spice Islands of India
by sailing westward around the northern extremity of North America. The first of these
voyages, reported to have been as earl}' as 1463-4, was by John Yaz Cortereal, who explored
the northern seas b}- order of Alfonso V., and discovered the Terra de Baccalhaos (the
land of codfish) afterward called Newfoundland. It has been asserted that Portuguese
from that time engaged in fishing on the banks of Newfoundland ; but there is no record
that any Portuguese navigator attempted to explore those northern seas after Vaz
Cortereal.
The next voyage to those northern seas after Sebastian Cabot was that of Gaspar
Cortereal, who sailed in 1500 from the Azores, his voyage occupying nearly the whole of
that vear. Of that vo3-age, Ramusio thus speaks :
"In the part of the new world which runs to the northwest, opposite to our habitable
continent of Europe, some navigators have sailed, the first of whom, as far as can be
ascertained, was Gaspar Cortereal, a Portuguese, who arrived there in the year 1500 with two
caravels, thinking that he might discover some strait through which he might pass, by a
shorter voyage than around Africa, to the Spice Islands. They prosecuted their vo3'age in
those seas until they arrived at a region of extreme cold; and in the latitude of sixt}-
degrees north they discovered a river filled with ice, to which the}- gave the name of Rio
Nevado, — that is. Snow river. They had not courage, however, to proceed further."
Gaspar Cortereal, fully persuaded that a northwest passage to India existed, with two
vessels sailed from Lisbon on May 15, 1504, on a second voyage. Reaching Greenland,
bad weather separated the two vessels. After long waiting, without any tidings of
Cortereal, his consort returned to Lisbon, reporting his loss.
In the collection of voyages, the strait which Cortereal is accredited with having
discovered is named Anian. The reason for such nomination is stated to have been in
honor of two brothers of that name who accompanied the expedition. That circumstance
THE STRAIT OF ANIAN MYTH. . O
and such naming, with the ascribed motive therefor, are denied. According to some
authorities, the northwest extremity of America was named Ania ; and that name appears
ixpon early charts. B}^ others it is asserted that Ania was the name of an Asiatic province,
which, so named, appears upon early maps. Purchas, in the "Pilgrims," speaks of
" Anian" as an island off the coast of China. Hakluyt thus refers to the origin of the
name: "An excellent learned man of Portingale, of singular grauet}^, authorite and
experience, told me, very lately, that one Anus Cortereal, captayne of the Yle Tercera^
about the yeere 1574, which is not above eight yeeres past, sent a shippe to discouer the
northwest passage of America, and that the same shippe, arriving on the coast of the
saide America in fiftie-eighte degrees of latitude, founde a great entrance exceeding deepe
and broade, without all impediment of ice, into which the\' passed about twenty leagues,
and found it alwaies to trende towarde the south, the land lying lowe and plaine on ej'ther
side; and they persuaded themselves verel}' that there was a way open into the South Sea."
So much for the name Anian. Its origin is as m^ysterious as was the strait itself
to which it was applied. But to discover that strait, the bravest and most experienced
navigators of Portugal, Spain, England and Russia contined for centuries to devote their
lives in venturesome voj^ages and perilous navigation. Myth though it has proven
to have been,^to the acquisition of geographic knowledge, — to the discover}- of new worlds
and seas, how great an incentive. To that long-continued, that reluctantly-abandoned
faith in the existence of the Strait of Anian, or the northwest passage, is to be attributed those
voyages which mark the early exploration of the coast of Northwest America. Kindred
with the thought which accepted as assured the existence of that mythical strait, indeed,
intensifying the nn-stery and co-operating to render those coasts more inviting to adventure,
were fabulous narratives of pretended voyages and discoveries, which for centuries were
credited. To ascertain the truthfulness of the narratives of the voyages accredited to
Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, Juan de Fuca and Admiral Bartolome de Fonte, upon the
northern and northwestern coasts of North America, were the prompting motives of several
national expeditions.
Maldonado affixed to his fraud the earliest date. "A relation of the discover}^ of the
Strait of Anian, made by me, Captain Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, in the year 1588, in
which is given the course of the voyage, the situation of the strait, the manner in which
it ought to be fortified, and, also, the advantage of this navigation, and the loss which
will arise from not prosecuting it."
Its purpose, its location, sufficiently appear in the following curious extracts :
"And now that I am commanded by your Majesty and the council of state to give
some account of the voj-age and of the method of fortif}'ing the strait, it will be proper
also to give the course to be steered, and the situation and harbor of that strait."
Then follows the sailing directions from Lisbon northwest to Labrador, then northwest
and west \y\ the Strait of Labrador until the strait is cleared, thence southwest until
reaching sixty degrees north latitude, where the Strait of Anian was discovered.
The narrative recites : " The distance from Spain to Friesland is four hundred and
fifty leagues, and from thence to Labrador one hundred and eight}-, and to the termination
of that strait two hundred and ninety, which make, in the whole, nine hundred and
twenty leagues ; and these added to seven hundred and ninety, which we found to be the
distance from the north part of the Strait of Labrador to the Strait of Anian, make, in the
whole, one thousand seven hundred and ten leagues for the distance between Spain and
the Strait of Anian.
6 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
"The strait we discovered iu sixty degrees, at the distance of 1710 leagues from Spain,
appears, according to ancient tradition, to be the one which geographers name iu their
maps the Strait of Anian ; and, if it be so, it must be a strait having Asia on one side and
America on the other."
After detailing the cruise southward to Mendocino, and the vo3'age westward 120
leagues, they return to the entrance of the strait. The narrative concludes :
"We found ourselves at the entrance of the same Strait of Anian, which, fifteen days
before, we had passed through to the open sea, which we knew to be the South Sea,
where Japan, China, the Moluccas, India, New Guinea and the land discovered by Captain
Quiros are situated, with all the coast of New Spain and Peru. At the mouth of the
strait, through which we passed to the South Sea, there is a harbor situated on the coast
of America, capable of holding five hundred ships."
In Spanish literature the name of Maldonado held prominent place. This has been
suggested as a reason that such a name was selected as a nnni de plume to conceal the
imposture ; — a fictitious voyage in which it is represented that a passage by the northwest
was made from the Atlantic to the Pacific, returning in the following year. There is but
little doubt, however, as to Maldonado having been a real personage, and as to the
authorship of " the relation," above recited.
Nicholas Autorico, iu Bibliotheca Hispana, title " Laurent Ferrer Maldonado," ascribes
to that person great proficiency in geograph}^ and navigation, and refers to his published
work on geographic science. The writer claims to have seen the original manuscript,
"the discover)' of the Strait of Anian made by Maldonado (the author) in 1588." Other
autliorities state that IMaldonado appeared before the " Council of the Indies " to secure
payment for two scientific discoveries: i. "To render the magnetic needle not subject to
variation." 2. " To take the longitude at sea."
That he was a man of learning and abilit}' is unquestionable. There is also abundant
evidence that his countrymen attached credit for many years to what subsequently proved a
forger3\ An illustration of how the claim was regarded is found in the fact, that is, fitting
out the vo3'age of discovery (in 1789) commanded by Malaspina, destined for the examination
of the coast of Northwest America, between fifty-three degrees and sixty degrees north.
Among the instructions to the commander, he is directed " to discover the strait b}- which
Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado was supposed to have passed, in 158S, from the coast of
Labrador to the great ocean." Again, in 1790, after Malaspina had sailed, Buache, the
distinguished French geographer, before the Paris Acadeni}' of Sciences, read a memoir
to establish that the voyage accredited to Maldonado had been made, — that the narrative
was genuine and reliable. A translated cop}' of that memoir was forwarded b}' the
Spanish government to Malaspina at Nootka, which reached him at Acapulco, instructing
him to determine the truth or falsity of the narrative. Again, in 1791, when Galiano and
Valdez sailed for Northwest America, in the Suiil and Mexicana, they were also furnished
with the " ' Maldonado ' relation " with instructions to investigate the alleged discoveries.
Nor was the making public of " the relation " less curious. Maldonado himself had
waited twenty 3'ears subsequent to the alleged time of the voyage. In 1626, he published
his geographic work, in which he omitted reference to the Strait of Anian, or his pretended
discovery.
"The relation," copied from a quarto transcript by Munon, March 24, 1781 (printed
in 1788, as already stated), had found a champion in Buache, the French scientist. In
THE STRAIT OF ANIAN MYTH. 7
iSii, Amoretti, the librarian of the Anibrosian Library at Milan, his notice being called
to a small volume in Spanish entitled " relation, etc." (a copy of the paper before cited),
at first looked upon it as a mere sensational paper. On attentive reading, he became
impressed with its truthfulness of claim. He translated it, published it with comments
defending its authenticity and the integrity of its claim. Humboldt had already denounced
it as an imposture, as also had Malaspina, after thorough examination of the coasts of
Northwest America, within the limits prescribed for the existence of the strait. In the
light of present geographic science, the absurdities of the statement of Maldonado's voyage
appear ; wonder is excited that the so-called Maldonado relation as to the northwest
passage should ever have deceived even the most ignorant.
Next in order of chronologic birth is the pretended voj^age of Juan de Fuca. Michael
Lok, Senior, British Consul at Aleppo, originated the narrative, which comprises all the
evidence that there ever existed a man named Juan de Fuca, or that in 1592 such a
personage made a vo3'age to Northwest America.
The voyage, the hero, the claim, are illustrated by the " Note made by me, Michael
Lok, the elder, touching the strait of sea, commonly called Fretum Anian, in the South
Sea, through the northwest passage of Meta Incognita."
" When I was at Venice in April, 1596, haply arrived there an old man, about sixty
years of age, called commonly Juan de Fuca, but named properly Apostolos Valerianus,
of nation a Greek, born in Cephalonia, of profession a mariner, and an ancient pilot of
ships.
" He said he was in the Spanish ship, which, in returning from the Islands
Philippinas, towards Nova Spania, was robbed and taken at the Cape California by Captain
Candish, Englishman, whereby he lost sixty thousand ducats of his own goods.
" He said that he was a pilot of three small ships which the Viceroy of Mexico sent
from Mexico, armed with one hundred men, under a captain, Spaniards, to discover the
Strait of Anian, along the coast of the South Sea, and to fortif}' in that strait, to resist
the passage and proceedings of the English nation, which were feared to pass through
those straits into the South vSea ; and, that by reason of a mutiny which happened among
the soldiers for the misconduct of their captain, that voj^age was overthrown, and the ship
returned from California to Nova Spania, without an3'thing done in that vo3'age ; and
that, after their return, the captain was at Mexico punished by justice.
" Also he said that, shortly after the said vo\'age was so ill ended, the said Vicero}^ of
Mexico sent him out again, in 1592, with a small caravel and a pinnace armed with
mariners onl}-, to follow the said voyage for the discovery of the Strait of Anian, and the
passage thereof into the sea ; which they called the North Sea, which is our Northwest
Sea ; and that he followed his course in that voyage, west and northwest in the South Sea,
all along the coast in Nova Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called North
America, until he came to the latitude 47 degrees ; and that, there finding that the land
trended north and northeast, with a broad inlet of sea, between 47 and 48 degrees of
latitude, he entered thereinto, sailing therein more than twenty days, and found that
land trended still sometimes northwest, and northeast, and north, and also east
southeastward, and very much broader sea than was at the said entrance, and that he
passed by divers islands in that sailing ; and that, at the entrance of this said strait,
there is, on the northwest coast thereof, a great headland or island, with an exceeding
high pinnacle, or spired rock, like a pillar, thereupon." " Also, he said that he went
8 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEvST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
on land in divers places, and that he saw some people on land clad in beasts' skins ; and
that the land is very frnitfnl, and rich of gold, silver, pearls and other things, like Nova
Spania."
" And also, he said that he being entered thns far into the said strait, and being come
into the North Sea already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about
thirty or fort}^ leagues wide in the mouth of the strait where he entered, he thought he had
now well discharged his office ; and that, not being armed to resist the force of the savage
people that might happen, he therefore set sail, and returned homewards again towards
Nova Spania, where he arrived at Acapulco anno 1592."
The narrative of Lok, from which the foregoing extracts are made, contains the only
record, the only evidence of that alleged voj-age. The claim, the service performed, the
result, the motive for asserting the claim, are all exhibited in the language of him who
heralds the great discover}-, one whose real object seems to have been to seek indemnity
for a pretended loss at the hands of pirates. The English government took no notice
whatever of Lok's narrative. It is referred to by contemporary' English writers, without
additional particulars to corroborate it. It does not appear to have been regarded of
sufficient importance to demand verification. The best authorities treated it as a
fabrication. The stor}' of the vo3'age, never credited to au}' great extent, like other
narratives of expeditions in search of the Strait of Anian, kept alive the hope that such
channel was a reality ; it stimulated inquiry. No record is preserved in Spain or Mexico
mentioning the vo3-age of him who is asserted to have made it, or that in an}- wa}'
contributes color of truthfulness to the Lok narrative. Its inconsistencies are patent, are
glaring. The land described, the natives, the alleged elements of wealth, the location of
the strait, its extent, coast line, internal navigation, indeed ever}' peculiarity of the Strait
of Juan de Fuca and its surroundings, repel the belief that the inventor of Eok's statement
could ever have seen or visited the northwest coast of America.
The so-called voj-age of Admiral Bartolome de Fonte completes this trio of fables.
As a preface to the story, it should be remembered that a voyage for fishing or discovery
had been undertaken from New England to Hudson's Bay. The French then in
possession of Canada had crossed overland with intent to extend their settlements to the
shores of Hudson's Bay. M. de Grosseliez, one of the earliest settlers of Quebec, a man
of enterprise, conceiving that advantages would result to the French by the possession of
the ports and harbors of Hudson's Bay, fitted out an expedition to explore its coasts. It
was late in the season when the party landed on the western side of Nelson's river. An
Euglish settlement had been observed which de Grosseliez proposed to attack. On
approaching, a solitar}' hut was found, its half dozen inmates perishing from hunger and
disease. Grosseliez ascertained that they were of the crew of a Boston ship, who had been
sent ashore to find a proper place for their vessel to lie in safet}- during the winter ; that
while on this service the ship had been driven by storm from her anchorage and had never
returned. To James Petiver, a contributor to the " London IMonthl}' Miscellany or
Memoirs for the Curious," the.se circumstances suggested that fabrication entitled, " The
account of a Spanish Expedition from the South Sea, through the interior of America, by
means of rivers and lakes, into the Northern Atlantic," published in that magazine
April, 1708.
M. de Lisle and P. Buache, of the French Acadeni}', translated the article, embellished
it with maps illustrating the routes of de Fonte and Bernardo, giving full faith and
PRETENDED VOYAGES OF MALDONADO, DE FUCA AND DE FONTE. 9
credit to the narrative and to the voyage. Burney termed it an " adventurous piece of
geograph3^"' Alexander Dalrymple pronounced it " an idle invention ; if it had not
made at the time some noise in the world it would be wholly undeserving of notice."
Bartolome de Fonte was the name given the admiral assigned to the command.
Associated with his name were Diego Penalosa as vice-admiral, Pedro de Bernardo and
Felipe de Rinquillo as captains. The fleet, consisting of four vessels commanded by
Admiral de Fonte, is represented to have sailed from Callao in April, 1640, under orders of
the Vicero}' of Peru, to explore the American coasts of the north Pacific, and to intercept
certain vessels reported to have sailed from Boston in search of a northwest passage from
the Atlantic to the Pacific. Arrived at Cape St. Lucas, Vice-Admiral Penalosa was
detached to explore the Gulf of California. De Fonte, with three vessels, proceeded
northward 260 leagues, having sailed in crooked channels among the Archipelago of
San Lazandro, be3'ond which, in latitude fifty-three degrees north, he discovered the
month of the river Reyes. Bernardo continued his examinations further north, while de
Fonte entered the river Reyes, which he ascended to a large lake with beautiful shores,
which he named La Belle. It contained many islands, and was surrounded by a lovel}^
country, inhabited by a hospitable people. On its south shore was a large town called
Conasset. Passing through a strait to the eastward, he reached an Indian town, where
he learned that at a little distance from thence lay a great ship. He sailed thither, and
found aboard only one man, advanced in years, and a youth, who told him that the ship
was from Boston. The next day the captain and owner of the ship appeared. Although
de Fonte had been ordered to make prize of any people or vessels seeking a northwest
passage, he looked upon Boston merchants as trading for skins. Instead of seizing them
he made valuable presents, and received in return their charts and journals, and then
returned to Conasset. Bernardo had ascended another river, called by him Rio de Haro,
into a lake he named Valasea, in latitude sixty-one degrees. There he left the ship and
proceeded northward several hundred leagues, in three large Indian canoes. To de Fonte
he reported that there was no " communication out of the Spanish Sea by Davis's Strait,
for the natives had conducted one of his seanlen to the head of Davis's Strait, which
terminated in a fresh lake of about thirty miles in circumference, in the eightieth degree
of north latitude, and there were prodigious mountains north of it." The narrative ends
by saying that Admiral de Fonte returned to Peru, " having found that there was no
passage into the South Sea by that which is called the northwest passage."
This de Fonte fraud only ceased to find believers after explorations had demonstrated
the utter falsity of its description of the lands and seas in the region claimed to have
been visited.
In dismissing these narratives of those three fabulous voyages, it must be remarked
that they contributed largely to stimulating expeditions for discovery, and as incentives
to exploration. They serve also in a very great degree to illustrate the thought of the
times in which they appeared as to the geography of Northwest America.
In the last half of the sixteenth century, the track of the European vessels engaged
in the commerce of the Pacific Ocean, /. e., between Europe and the East Indies, was
through the Strait of Magellan, the only then known passage between the Atlantic and
the Pacific Oceans. Such voyage was long in time and distance; it was equally hazardous.
To avoid circuity of route, to shorten the time, to escape difficulties of navigation, to effect
directness of course, to secure dispatch, economy and safety, the hope of that period
10 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
became father to the thought, which almost ran mad in seeking a strait of sea through
the North American continent connecting the two great oceans in high northern latitudes.
It is not surprising that the credit ascribed to Caspar Cortereal of having discovered and
nominated the Strait of xA.nian stimulated so many voj^ages of discovery ; that the
educated wish of that age, the existence of the northwest passage, the Strait of Anian,
prompted many to believe Maldonado's " relation ;" that for centuries there continued to
be found those who believed Juan de Fuca to have been a real personage, and to have
made a voyage to the waters bearing his name ; that the narrative of the voyage of
Admiral de Fonte was entitled to have been recorded with those of veritable voyages.
The story of the Strait of Anian has, with difficult}', been discarded ; — the theory has
never been abandoned ; the region in which the passage exists has merel}' been transferred
to Arctic latitudes. Polar exploration to secure shorter passage between the two oceans
has to-da}' just as much attraction for many as had the Lok invention of de Fuca's
voj'age in the sixteenth centur}-.
The mystery has worked for the good of our race, — for the civilization of continents
and worlds. To and from both sides of America, how numerous the expeditions and
voj'ages. In solving the mystery in seeking the northern strait, the northwest passage,
the FRETUM ANIAN of the meta incognita, most valuable have been the contributions to
science. How vast the fields which have been opened to humanity and dedicated to
commerce and civilization, and how important the bearing in the problem of the
establishment of those great commonwealths on the shores of the Pacific Ocean, whose
history it is the purpose of the following pages to chronicle.
Chapter I.
(1513-15430
Balboa Crosses the Continent and Discovers the Pacific Ocean — Pioneer Explorations
on the West Coast of North America, Adjacent to the Isthmus and Working
Northward — Magellan Passes Through the Strait which bears his Name, Enters
and Nominates the Pacific Ocean — Cortez Discovers and Subjng.ites Mexico —
— Voyages of Mendoza, Grijalva, Becarra, Ulloa, Alarcon, Cabrillo and Ferrelo
on the West Coast of America — The Pacific Coast Examined from Panama
Northward to Cape Mendocino.
\/"ASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, Spanish Governor of Antiqna, the province bordering
the Gulf of Darien, to avert arrest npon charges of oppression and abuse of authority,
conceived the thought of conciliating his King by bold acts of discovery. Through the
natives he had learned of the sea extending to the south, and of the great wealth of Peru.
Those reports stimulated his overland march westward in search of the South Sea and the
wealthy provinces upon its coast. On the ist of September, 15 13, with 190 picked men,
he sailed northward to Coyba. On the 6th, the party landed and commenced their march
across the isthmus. On the 26th, from the mountain ridge, they discovered the " Great
South Sea." On the 29th of September, 1513, Balboa took formal possession of these
Indies, the "land and seas," for the sovereign King and Queen of Castile and Aragon, and
named the bay Gulf of San Miguel. Having completed the ceremonial of taking the sea,
Balboa returned to Antiqua. In his many conflicts with the natives, he had not experienced
a single defeat, nor lost a single man. He bore with him pearls and precious metals,
evidences of the wealth and importance of his great discovery, and received an enthusiastic
welcome. The result of the expedition created a sensation in Spain hardly second to the
discover}' of the New World by Christopher Columbus.
At that early period in the development of geographic science, the belief prevailed
that the American continents were extensions eastward of Asia, — were portions of the Indies.
The latter were the imagined lands of pearls and precious gems, of gold and of silver, and
of precious metals, of the spices, of the best of the earth, the repositories of untold and
fabulous wealth. The great South Sea, that vast continuity of waters beyond the ideal
boundary or measured limit of the Atlantic Ocean or North Sea, led directly to these
opulent and luxurious fields. Hence Balboa's discovery was of the greatest importance,
and became the great incentive to new and grander explorations. Under the direction of
Balboa, small vessels were constructed at the Gulf of San Miguel, for the examination of
adjacent coasts and islands. In 1517, Bartolome Hurtardo, in canoes, cruised along the
coast as far north as Costa Rica. In 15 19, Caspar de Espinosa founded the city of
Manama. He sent an expedition northward, which reached the Gulf of Nicoya, in
Nicaragua. In January, 1522, Cil Gonzales Davilla, with a fleet of four vessels, sailed
from Panama. Having reached the Gulf of Nicoya, Davilla headed a land party and
discovered Lake Nicaragua, while Pilot Andres Nino, in one of the vessels, proceeded
westward, discovered and named the Gulf of Fronseca, and, it is claimed, entered the
Gulf of Tehuantepec.
( 11 )
12 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
But the great desideratum of the Spanish government was to find a westward route to
the ]\Ioluccas or Spice Islands of India. For this purpose, in October, 1515, Juan Diaz de
Solis sailed from Spain. He discovered the river La Plata; ascending it, was killed by
natives, and his vessels returned to Spain. A year after the return of the ill-fated Solis
expedition, Magellan submitted to the Emperor, Charles V., his proposition to reach the
Moluccas by sailing westward from Spain.
Fernando Magellan, or, according to his true Portuguese name, Fernao de Magalhaes
(entitled to be styled the " First Circumnavigator," though death defeated his completing
in a single voyage the world's circumnavigation) had for man}' years been in the Portuguese
service in the East Indies. He had been the associate with Serrano in command of the
ships sent out under Abrue for the discover}' of the Spice Islands. Soured with his
sovereign, and insulted by what he deemed a slight, he entered the service of Spain.
Assigned by Charles V. the command of five ships, with the rank of Captain-General,
Magellan set sail from Lucar, September 21, 15 19, " to find a western route from Spain to
the Spice Islands of India."
In October, 1520, he entered the strait now bearing his name. On the 27th of
November, 1520, he sailed out into that vast open sea, to which he gave the name Pacific
Ocean. Heading northwest, Magellan crossed the equator February 13, 1521, and reached
the Ladrone Lslands March 6th, from whence he sailed from the Philippines. On the 26th
of April, 1 52 1, on the Island of Alatau, he was killed in a conflict with the natives.
Sebastian del Cano, in command of the Vittoria, one of Magellan's fleet, returned to Spain
by wa}' of the Cape of Good Hope, reaching Lucar September 6, 1522. Charles Y. received
him with great honors, granted to him a globe for his crest, and the motto " Primus
circumdediste me." Thus Del Cano, the subordinate of Magellan, completed the first
circumnavigation of the globe. His chief had projected the expedition to prove that it
could be done. While in the service of Portugal, Magellan had rounded the Cape of
Good Hope, and had sailed eastward to those islands, where he met his untimely death.
In the two voj'ages he had traversed earth's entire circumference, — had completed the
world's circumnavigation.
The length of the voyage, the difficulties and dangers attending a passage through
the Strait of Magellan, prevented au}' hast}' or spontaneous increase of commerce from
that great discovery. It doubtless stimulated Spanish navigators to seek shorter and
more direct communication between the two oceans. Dominion upon the American
hemisphere, and the control of the commerce of the East Indies, were the great objects
sought by Spanish adventurers.
In the meantime (1517-1521), Hernando Cortez had conquered and reduced Mexico.
Spanish supremacy securely established, he projected an exploration of the adjacent seas
and countries.
As early as 1522, in letters to his sovereign, Cortez alludes to three ports on the
Pacific coast discovered by him, viz. : Tehuantepec, Tntulepec (about 100 miles west, but
in about the same latitude) and Zacatula in eighteen degrees north, where a garrison under
Pedro de Alvarado and a settlement had been established. At this port three vessels were
immediately ordered to be built for northern discovery and exploration. This enterprise
was abruptly suspended by Cortez' departure to Central America to quell an insurrection.
Not until 1526 were the vessels completed, at which time they were joined by another
from the Strait of Magellan under Guoerra, and ordered by the Emperor of Spain to the
Moluccas Islands to relieve a Spanish fleet. Previous to starting in October, 1527, those
hon.geo.abernathy:
FIRST GOVERNOR or OREGON TER.
CORTEZ DISCOVERS AND SUBJUGATES MEXICO. 18
built by Cortez had made a coast voyage under Alvero de Saavedra to Santiago, in Colima,
a port discovered three years before by a land expedition under Francisco Cortez. The
fleet, under command of Saavedra, safely arrived at the Moluccas Islands. Cortez'
purposes are best portrayed in his own letter to the Emperor. They also exhibit the
animus of his cotemporaries. He thus announced his object : " The sailing north and
then west, and finally south until he should reach India ; this would secure the exploration
of the South Sea, with its coast and islands, and finding of a northern passage by water
from the Atlantic to the Pacific."
"In one of three places where I have discovered the sea, there shall be built two
caravels of medium size, and two brigantines, the two former for discovery and the latter for
coasting." " In search of the said strait, because if it exists it cannot be hidden to these
in the South Sea, or to those in the North Sea, since the former will follow the coast until
they find the strait or join the land with that discovered by ]Magalhaes (India), and the
others in the North Sea, as I have said, until they join it to Bacallaos. Thus on one side
or the other the secret will not fail to be revealed." Cortez' personal interest and
investments laid in the south. These he abandoned to gratify an ambition to discover
"the strait," to shorten the voyage between Spain and the Indies, to open direct
communication between Spain and the East India Islands, via Mexico. Such discoveries
would necessarily add rich islands, coasts and seas to the Spanish Empire.
In 152S, Cortez ordered five vessels to be built, to replace the fleet which had sailed
to the Moluccas. These vessels were never completed. Cortez returned to Spain
in consequence of complaints against him ; the Emperor Charles V. appointed him
Captain-General of New Spain, with the title of Marquis of Oaxaca. New Spain embraced
a vast area of territory, with Tehuantepec as its port on the Pacific Ocean. In 1530, Cortez,
on his return to New Spain, found his authorit}- resisted b}^ Nuno de Guzman, Governor
of Panuco (the present province of Tempico), whose jurisdiction had been extended to the
Pacific Ocean by the Emperor's grant of the province of Xalisco. The contest with
Guzman necessarily suspended Cortez' explorations. Nothstanding these disappointments,
these failures of projected enterprises, yet prior to the year 1532, the western coast from
Panama to Zacatula had been thoroughly explored ; the voyage had been made to Colima;
land explorations had penetrated as far northward as San Bias ; ship-bnilding had been
successfully pursued at several ports on the Mexican coast, and voyages had been made»
between Mexico and the East Indies.
In 1532, Cortez fitted out an expedition from Tehuantepec of two vessels under
command of his kinsman, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, with instructions to sail northward
within sight of the coast and to land at all convenient places. Mendoza reached latitude
twenty-seven north, when a mutiny occurred, which obliged him to send back one of his
vessels. The returning vessel in great distress reached Culiacan river, and was then
deserted by her entire crew. Mendoza, in attempting to reach x^capulco, was wrecked
near Cape Corrientes and killed by the natives. His vessel was seized and plundered
by Guzman. In 1533, two vessels went in search of the missing vessel, respectively
commanded by Hernado Grijalva and Diego Becerra. Grijalva, sailing seaward, discovered
the Revilla Gigedo Islands. Becerra followed the coast of Xalisco northward until
murdered by his pilot, Ximenas. The mutineers then sailed westward, reaching a coast
in latitude twenty-three degrees north, where Ximenas and most of the crew were
murdered by the natives. The survivors crossed to Chiametla, a little harbor on the
coast of Xalisco, where the vessel was seized by Guzman. Guzman's repeated acts of
14 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
hostility provoked Cortez to complain to the Spanish court. Dissatisfied with its decision,
he determined to redress his own wrongs. Troops were marched to Chiametla, and three
vessels ordered from Tehuantepec. Upon the arrival of the vessels, without having
encountered Guzman, Cortez sailed westward to the land on which Ximenas had been
murdered, the southern portion of the peninsula of Lower California. On the 3d of
Ma}-, 1535, he took formal possession of that territory-, naming it Santa Cruz. The
reports of the wealth of the cities of the interior prompted Cortez to dispatch new
expeditions to the California coasts. By the arrival of Don Antonia de Mendoza as
Viceroy of New Spain, Cortez had been superseded as Captain-General, but still continued
Admiral of the South Sea, by virtue of which rank he claimed exclusive right to project
voyages and make discoveries in the North Pacific Ocean or upon the coasts of the South
Sea. In 1539, he organized an expedition consisting of three vessels, of which he
appointed Francisco de Ulloa commander. Ulloa sailed from Acapulco July 8, 1539,
explored the Gulf of California to its extreme head, determined that the outlet before
supposed to exist to the north was a great inland arm of the sea penetrating the continent,
and that Lower California was a peninsula. Thence, pursuing his voyage southward,
he doubled the peninsula and followed the coast northward to Cape Engana, latitude
twenty-nine degrees north. From thence Ulloa sent one of the vessels back to Acapulco,
and the other sailing northward was never heard of. Ulloa commanded the last
of the maritime expeditions fitted out by Hernando Cortez. He projected another, to
consist of five vessels, to the command of which he had assigned his son, Don Luis.
Mendoza interfered, a quarrel ensued, and in 1540 Cortez departed for Spain, to submit
his grievances in person to the Emperor.
In 1539, the Viceroy Mendoza sent Marcos de Niza, provincial of the Order of
Franciscans in Mexico, and Honorata, an associate priest, on a tour of exploration into
the interior, which had been reported to contain populous and wealthy cities. A year
later Niza wrote a glowing letter, asserting the existence of a country north of thirty-five
degrees north latitude, abounding in gold, silver and precious stones, inhabited by a
more civilized race than the IMexicans. Cibola, the city from which Niza wrote, contained
20,000 large stone houses, four stories high, adorned with jewels. Other cities farther to
the north, which he had not seen, were represented as more populous and wealthy. The
natives at first were hostile to his coming, but that hostility had been succeeded by a desire
to embrace Christianit}-.
Consequent upon Niza's report, Mendoza organized land and naval expeditions to
penetrate to the interior and verify the story. Two ships under the command of Fernando
de Alar9on sailed May 9, 1540, arrived at the mouth of the Colorado river in August,
ascending it in boats to the distance of eighty-five leagues. Alargon hearing nothing of
wealthy citizens, returned. In his exploration, Alarcon has gone four degrees further
north than the latitude reached by Ulloa. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado commanded
Mendoza's land expedition. After a march of three months he reached Cibola. He
found seven small towns, but none possessing the wealth pictured by Niza. After
learning how severely he and others had been deceived by the fabulous stories as to
wealthy cities and tribes in the interior, he prosecuted his march, on a tour of
exploration, advancing probably to the shores of the Great Salt Lake.
Mendoza, emulating the efforts and fame of his predecessor in discovering new lands
and seas, determined upon continuing the examination of the California coast. Two
vessels were assigned to the command of Juan Roderiquez de Cabrillo, a Portuguese,
COAST EXAMINED NORTHWARD TO CAPE MENDOCINO. 15
with Bartolome Ferrelo as pilot. On June 27, 1542, the\- sailed from Natividad,
crossed the Gulf of California, rounded Cape San Lucas, and continued coasting
northward, discovered San Diego Bay in September (which Cabrillo named San ]\Iiguel),
the Ba}- of IMonterej-, which he named Bay of Pines, and reaching Punta de los Reyes,
latitude thirty-seven degrees ten minutes north, there anchored. From here he was
driven in a storm south to the Island of San Miguel as named by him (now Bernardo),
where he died Januar}' 5, 1543. Cabrillo appointed Pilot Ferrelo to succeed him in the
command, and requested that the voyage should be further prosecuted. Ferrelo sailed
northward. In forty degrees north, he saw mountains covered with snow, and a cape
between, to which he gave the name of Mendocino (i), in honor of the ^'iceroy. Having
reached latitude forty-four degrees north, he headed south for Natividad. The result of
this voyage was the determination of the coast line of California to latitude forty-three
degrees north.
From the result of land explorations of Coronado, in search of wealthy cities, and
the voyage of Cabrillo and Ferrelo, Mendoza had become satisfied that there were no rich
cities in the interior, and that there was no strait or water-passage between Mexico and
forty-two degrees north latitude from the Pacific into the Atlantic Ocean.
The west coast of North America had been thoroughl}- examined from Panama
northward to Cape Mendocino. No regions had been discovered, the wealth of which
tempted the avarice of the Spaniards. With Ferrelo's voyage, explorations of the North
Pacific coast was for the time being suspended. In Spanish nomenclature, " Coast of
California in the South Sea" was applied to the territory north of Cape San Lucas and
extended indefinitely northward. Mexico was known as New Spain. North of Mexico,
where discoveries had been made, the whole coast was claimed b}' Spain under the name
of California.
(i) Prof. Davidsou, U. S. Coast Survey, says ;
'"It is generally stated that Juan Roderiquez Cabrillo named this cape in honor of Don .\ntonio de Mendoza. the Viceroy of Mexico. But
the highest latitude he reached was Punta de Los Reyes, to which he in reality applied tliat name. It is quite probable that under the lee of the
rocks of this cape, Ferrelo, the pilot and successor of Cabrillo, anchored in the last of Februarj-, 1543, and named Cabo de Fortunas iCape of Perils),
although he places his position in latitude forty-three degrees north- The ne.xt day he may have been off Trinidad Head experiencing heavy
northerly weather, and his observations might have placed him in latitude forty. four degrees; but with his vessels, adverse currents, and a
dead-beat-to-wiudward, he could not have made a degree of latitude in a day. Here he turned back, passed the Golden Gate March 5d, and
reached the Island of Santa Cruz on the 5th." (Davidson's Coast Pilot, p. 97.)
Chapter II.
(1556-1603.)
Siiain Coiiqiu'is tin' Philippine Islands — Urdaneta's Ketnrn Voyages Eastward from
Manilla to Acaimh-o — Commercial Voyages Between Manilla and Mexico —
\ oyages ol Francisco de Gali — Crnise of Sir Francis Drake — Takes Possession,
Calling the Coast New Albion — Voyages of Thomas Cavendish — Voyages of
Vizcaino — Crnise of 3Iartin de Agnilar — Change of Maritime Policy of Spain.
I3HILIP II., soon after his ascension of the Spanish throne, ordered Don Lnis de
\'elasco, \'iceroy of Mexico, to conqner the Philippine Islands and establish thereon
Spanish settlements. Andreas Urdaneta, an Anstin friar, whose reputation as a
cosniographer stood very high (who in 1527, then a mariner, had sailed with Saavedra on
the vo3'age to relieve Loaisa), was urged to accompany the expedition. Disqualified by
his priesthood for a command, he was authorized to name the commanding officer. His
choice fell upon Miguel Gomez de Legaspi, upon whom was conferred the title of Governor,
with the fullest powers. On the 21st of November, 1564, the expedition, consisting of five
vessels and numbering about four hundred men, sailed from Natividad. On the 13th of
February, 1565, Legaspi arrived at thePhilippines. The islanders resisted, but, after a
trifling loss, submitted to the invaders. In April, 1565, he took possession in the name of
the Crown of Spain, founded the cit}- of Manilla, on the Island Luzon, and became first
Governor of the Philippine Islands. A return voyage eastward from the Indies to the
American coast had never yet been made. The belief had existed that, in consequence of
the direction of the prevailing winds, it could not be successfully accomplished. Urdaneta
had submitted his theories as to the possibility of accomplishing such return voyage before
he had been selected to accompany the expedition. The time had arrived to test the
correctness of his theories, — to put them into practice.
The San Pedro, in which Urdaneta and Father Aguirre, a brother priest, were companion
shipmates, with a sixteen-year-old nephew of Legaspi, as nominal captain, left Zebu June
I, 1565, for Acapulco. The vessel sailed east to the Ladrones, thence north to latitude
forty-three degrees north, from whence the trade winds bore her safely to Acapulco, at which
port she arrived on the 3d of October. The sailing directions and charts of the first return
voyage from India to Mexico, prepared by Urdaneta, were followed for many years by the
Spanish galleons. The track pursued, long the route from Manilla to Acapulco, was
designated Urdaneta's passage. Manilla became the Spanish metropolis of the East Indies ;
and an important commerce was established. Large vessels sailed at regular intervals
from Acapulco for Manilla and Macao, laden with European goods and the products of
Mexico, returning with silks and spices for Mexico and Spain. In one of those voyages
(on July 4, 1574I, as stated in the Hakluyt collection of voyages (purporting to give
Gali's own narrative translated from the Spaui.sh), Francisco de Gali "made the coast of
New Spain, under seven and thirty degrees and a half." The introduction to the Journal
of Galiano Valdez substituted fifty-seven degrees thirty minutes for thirty-seven degrees
thirty minutes, upon the authority of a French translation of the Gali narrative from
( iti )
,^«^.^==.^%
DR. JOHN MPLOUGHLIN.
vjo^'
nS
t
STEAMER BEAVER,
FiRsr STEAM SHIP TO ROUND CAPE MORN.
PIONEER HUDSON BAY GO'S OPFICIAliS AND STEAMER BEAVER
CRUISE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 17
Hakluyt. Through that erroneous substitution, the Gali voyage became notable. The
controversy as to the coast having been settled, the Spanish title b}^ discovery ceased to be
a theme of international dispute, — no necessity remained to adhere to the French
substitution. So the Hakluyt narrative fixing thirty-seven degrees thirty minutes is now
universally accepted.
The value and increasing importance of Spanish commerce were regarded with
jealous eye by other European powers. Exaggerated accounts of the wealth of conquered
cities and provinces on the Pacific coast were extensively circulated; and adventurous
spirits of other nations determined to share in its wealth. Spain relied upon the grant
of the sovereign Pontiff to secure to her the unmolested occupancy of her American
possessions. England had thrown off allegiance to Rome. Queen Elizabeth "repudiated
any title in the Spaniards by donation of the Bishop of Rome to places of which they
were not in actual possession ; and she did not understand why either her subjects or
those of any European prince should be debarred from traffic in the Indies." Francis
Drake, a young man, had already distinguished himself in predatory voyages to the West
Indies. He had crossed the Isthmus of Darien, looked upon the Pacific, and' had made the
resolution to sail upon that mighty sea. He proposed to the Queen a voyage into the
South Sea, through the Strait of Magellan. No Englishman had yet made such a voyage.
Queen Elizabeth favored the project and furnished the outfit. Drake's vessel, named the
Pelican, loo tons, the Elisabeth^ 80 tons, the Marigold^ 30 tons, with two pinnaces and
166 men, constituted the expedition which sailed December 13, 1577, from Plymouth.
The two pinnaces were broken up before reaching the Strait of Magellan, which was
entered on the 20th of August, 157S. Before passing through he changed the name of
his vessel to the Golden Hind. On the 6th of September the Marigold parted company
and was never heard of afterwards. The Elizabeth did not pass through the strait, but
deserted Drake and returned to England. Alone in the Golden Hind., Drake, on the 25th
of September, sailed out of the strait into the open Pacific, and, heading northward
pursued his voyage along the Spanish-American coasts from Chile to IMexico, seizing
and sacking defenseless ships and towns. His vessel filled with booty, to avoid
encountering Spanish cruisers liable to be met should he returu by the Strait of
Magellan, Drake sought a northern passage into the Atlantic Ocean. He sailed
northward to forty-three degrees north, where, as detailed in the narratives of the
voyage, " the men being thus speedily come out of the extreme heat, found the air so
cold, that, being pinched with the same, they complained of the extremity thereof." He
then steered east, made the coast, and sailed southward in search of a harbor, until the
7th of June, " when it pleased God to send him into a fair and good bay, within thirty
degrees toward the line." In this bay (i) Drake remained five weeks, refitted his vessel,
and took possession of the country in the name of Queen Elizabeth, calling it New
Albion. He then sailed for England by way of the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived
at Plymouth on the 27th of September, 1560.
(I) Is this the Bay of San Francisco? Humboldt places Drakes B.av in thirtv-eight degrees, ten minntes— the Pnerto de Bodega of Spanish
maps. Later authorities fixed his port under the lee of Point Reyes, thirty-seven degrees, fifty-nine minutes, five seconds The adiacent cliffs
being white, resembling the coasts of England in the neighborhood of Dover, suggested the name. New Albion. The latitude of San Francisco
Bay, thirty-seven degrees, fifty-nine minutes, Drake's continuing in the bay thirtv-six days, the white appearance of highlands warrant the
opinion that Drake found that " fair and good bay " in.side the Golden Gate. Its entrance was first seen by Ferrello March % 154^ 'who running
down the coast before a strong north wind, saw what he suppo.sed to be the mouth of a great river. Governor Caspar de P'ortola' in 1^60 made
land discovery of the bay. Prof Davidson, of the U. S. Survey, the best authoritv, says : " Drake's Bay is the Port Francisco of the Spaniards of
about 1595. It was certainly known before the time of Vizcaino, who, having separated from his tender, sought her in Port Francisco- and
according to Venagas account, to see if anything was to be found of the San Augustine, which, in the year 1595. had by order of his Majesty and
the Viceroy, been .sent from the Philippines by the Governor to survey the coast of California, under the direction of Sebastian Roderiquez
Cennanon, a pilot of known abilities, but was driven ashore in this harbor by the violence of the wind ; and among others on board the San
Augustine was the pilot Francisco Valanos, who was also chief pilot of .the squadron. This pilot recognized the bay as being that where he was
wrecked." (Coast Pilot, p. 77.)
18 HISTORY OK PACIFIC XORTHWRST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Two narratives were published of this voyage, viz.: " The Famous Voyage of Sir
Francis Drake, by Francis Pretty, one of the crew of Drake's vessel, written at the
request of and published by Hakluyt, in 1589," and "The World Encompassed, by Sir
Francis Drake, collected out of the notes of Mr. Francis Fletcher, preacher in his
employment, and compared with divers others' notes that went in the same voyage."
According to the " Famous Voyage," the northern point of the x^merican continent seen
by Drake was the forty-three degrees north. In " The World Encompassed," forty-eight
degrees north is claimed. On this discrepancy very much argument has been caused.
Upon its proper settlement very much was thought to depend in the protracted
negotiations between Great Britain and the United States as to their respective claims
to Oregon Territory. The treaty of June 15, 1846, which recognized the title of the
United States to the territory south of forty-nine degrees north, divested the matter of any
significance in a political or international view. The contention is very ably maintained
by Messrs. Greenhow and Twiss, in their treatises on the Oregon question. Were the
expression of an opinion necessary, it would be that the weight of probability and
authoritv establishes that Sir Francis Drake never saw the coast of Northwest America
north of forty-three degrees north latitude.
Drake's successful piratical cruise is noteworthy as the second circumnavigation of
the globe, the first by an Englishman. It occupied two years and ten months. The
Queen long hesitated to recognize the achievements of this renowned freebooter, fearing
such recognition might lead to complications with Spain. Finally she honored Drake
with knighthood, proclaimed her entire and heart}' approval of his every act, and directed
the preservation of his cruiser, Goldoi Hind, " that it might remain a monument of his
own and his countr^-'s glory."
On the 31st of July, 1586, Thomas Cavendish, with three small vessels, sailed from
England. He passed through the Strait of Magellan, cruising along the coasts of Chile,
Peru and Mexico, burnt and sunk nineteen ships, the last of which was the Santa Ana,
off Cape San Lucas. He returned to England by way of Cape of Good Hope, arri\ing
September 9, 1588, having made the circumnavigation of the globe in two years and fifty
days. It is chronicled that his sailors were clothed in silks, his sails were damask, and
his topmast covered with cloth of gold. This cruise was the third circumnavigation ; its
only contribution to geographic knowledge was the 'discovery and naming of Port Desire,
on the east coast of Patagonia.
The increasing commerce between Mexico and the Philippine Islands demanded a port
of refuge on the California coast, in a higher northern latitude. Correct charts for vessels
engaged in voyages between Mexico and the East Indies had become a necessity, and
required accuracy of knowledge. In 1595, Philip II. ordered Count de Monterey, Viceroy
of Mexico, to explore and seize California, and to make an extended and minute survey of
the coast from Acapulco to Cape Mendocino. Sebastian Vizcaino was selected for the
service. In the spring of 1596, three vessels under his command sailed from Acapulco,
crossed the Gulf of California, and attempted to establish a settlement to which \'izcaino
gave the name of La Paz in compliment to the natives for their peaceable reception of the
expedition. Within the year La Paz was abandoned and Vizcaino returned to Acapulco.
Wlien Philip III., who ascended the Spani.sh throne in 1598, had learned of this result, he
issued peremptory commands on the 27th of September, 1599, for the survey of the coast on
the ocean-side of the peninsula of California. With the greatest zeal the Viceroy entered
upon the duty. The preparations were upon a grander scale than had been previously
VOYAGES OF VIZCAINO. 19
made in Mexico. All the requisites for the acccomplishment of the enterprise were
liberally supplied. Pilots, priests, draftsmen, soldiers, were engaged, in addition to full
crews of selected seamen. Friar Antonio, chaplain to the x^dmiral and journalist of the
expedition, pronounced it the most enlightened corps ever raised in New Spain. To
Vizcaino was assigned the command, and upon him was conferred the title and office of
Captain-General of California. The fleet consisted of three large ships, the San Diego^
San Tomas and Tres Reyes. To Admiral Toribbeo Gomez de Corvan was intrusted the
navigation. The fleet, which set sail from Acapulco June 2, 1602, commenced the sur\'ey
of the coast at Cape San Lucas. On the loth of November, San Diego was surveyed.
On the 1 6th of December was discovered and named the Bay of Montere}^, in honor of the
Viceroy. From Monterey, one of the ships was sent back to Acapulco; eighteen days
later the other two vessels sailed north. Twelve days after leaving Monterey, the San Diego
passed Port Francisco; but the smaller vessel having separated, the ship returned to that
port to await the arrival of her consort. On the 12th of January, 1603, the ships reached
Mendocino. Scurvy had made sad havoc with the crews. There were but six able to be on
deck. On the 19th a high headland and snowcapped mountain, in latitude forty-two
degrees north, were discovered. It being the eve of St. Sebastian, Vizcaino gave to this
cape the name Blanco de San Sebastian (i), the northernmost point reached by Vizcaino's
ship. He turned southward, coasted inshore, observing the land, and arrived at Acapulco
March 21, 1603.
The smallest vessel, commanded by Antonio Flores, Martin de Aguilar, pilot, doubled
Cape Mendocino, and continued north to the mouth of a river forty-three degrees north.
Farther north than Monterey's instructions had warranted, with a crew hopelessly
disabled b}' scurvy, Flores turned southward for Acapulco.
After his return to Mexico, Vizcaino endeavored to induce the Viceroy to establish
colonies. Failing in his efforts, he went to Spain and obtained from Philip III. a grant of
thfese regions, with privilege to establish colonies. His death in 1609 defeated the
colonization project.
With the Vizcaino expedition, Spanish exploration of the North Pacific was for the
time discontinued. This was a natural result of the condition of affairs rather than
attributable to change of policy. New Spain or Mexico was in direct communication with
the Spanish East Indies. By the isolation of Mexico, Spain was more likely to remain in
the uninterrupted and unmolested enjoyment of her East India trade. If a northwest
passage should be discovered, it would but open the door and encourage the entry of
piratical cruisers, to pray upon the Spanish commerce of the Pacific. Drake and
Cavendish had passed through the Strait of Magellan ; other pirates could follow. How
infinitely worse for Spanish-Pacific interests and her East India commerce would be a direct
channel from the North Atlantic to the Pacific, than the tedious, long and dangerous
.voyage through the Strait of Magellan. To Spain, the discovery of the northwest
passage had at this time ceased to be a desideratum as a promotive of Pacific commerce.
(i) The Cape Orford of Vancouver.
Chapter III.
(1613-1779.)
CaiMJ Horn Discovered hy the Dutch— Theories for EtTecting Direct Coiiiimmication
Between the Athmtic and Pacific Oceans, or Between Western Europe and the
East Indies — Russian and Siberian Voyages in the North racific,aud Discoveries
on tlie Northwest Coast of America.
UNDER the name of tlie Southern Company, in 1613, Isaac Le Maire, a wealthy citizen
of Amsterdam, associated with himself Captain William Schouten, a native of Hoorn,
an experienced navigator. From the States-General of Holland, they secured the privilege
of making voyages of discovery. The proposed destination of their vessels was concealed
from other merchants and the seamen employed. Schouten (Jacob Le Maire, a son of his
partner, accompanying as supercargo) sailed from the Texel, June 14, 161 5, in two
vessels, the Eendracht and Hoorn. Both ships reached Port Desire in safety; but in
careening the Hoorn was burned.
On the 13th of Januar}-, 1616, the Eendracht sailed southward. On the 20th she
passed the latitude of the Strait of Magellan. On the 24th, the easternmost point of
Terra del Fuego was made, which Schouten named Statenlaud. On the 30th he passed
the extreme southern cape of South America, and nominated it Horn, or Hoorn, in honor
of his birthplace. On February 3d, the greatest southern latitude (fifty-nine degrees,
thirty minutes) was reached. Standing northwest, on the 12th, the western outlet of the
Strait of Magellan had been passed. This expedition had doubled the continent of South
America b}' a newl}^ discovered route from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. It had
determined that vessels could reach the Pacific Ocean without the delay or risk of the
passage through the Strait of Magellan. Spanish cities on the western coasts of Mexico,
Spanish commerce upon the Pacific, had ceased to be exempt from armed cruisers of nations
at war with Spain.
Whether an}- channel existed by which the voyage from European countries to the
East Indies could be rendered less tedious and perilous, than by doubling the Cape of
Good Hope or the South American continent, still continued the prominent problem in
commerce and navigation.
The construction of a canal across the Isthmus of Suez, between the Red Sea or Gulf
of Suez, and the Mediterranean, thence through the Red Sea and Strait of Babelmandel
into the ocean, though several times commenced, had as often been abandoned. Equally
fruitless has been the project of a canal across the Isthmus of Panama connecting the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Abandonment of those schemes was succeeded by other
theories for securing directness of communication, viz. : first, from Europe to the Northwest,
into the supposed open sea of North America and thence into the Pacific Ocean; second,
sailing in a northeast direction into the open sea north of Europe and Asia, through which
the North Pacific Ocean might be reached.
In the development of the latter theory, Russian navigators performed the most
prominent part. By their voyages was demonstrated a continuity of sea north of Europe
( 20 )
COL. M, T.SIMMONS,
J.B.GAGNIER.
GEO.W. EBBERT.
->'?PIDNEER TRAPPERS and SCOUTS.
RUSSIAN AND SIBERIAN VOYAGES IN THE NORTH PACIFIC. 21
and Asia into the Pacific Ocean, the separation from North America, and the distance
between the Eastern and American continents. As early as 1647-8, voyages had been
made from the Siberian town of Jakutzk (Yakoutsk, on the river Lena) to the
northeastward of Siberia. The isthmus between the Arctic Sea and Gulf of Anadir (then
called Tschukotzkoi Noss), had been circumnavigated and the peninsula of Kamtchatka
reached. Miiller, of the Royal Academy of St. Petersburg, asserts that in 1736 he
inspected the records of the tOAvn of Jakutzk, and they established bej^ond doubt that such
voyages had been made. The year 1636 marks the commencement of the navigation of
the frozen sea eastward from the mouth of the Jakutzk or Lena river. The rivers Jana
( Yana) , Indighirka, Alasea and Kolyma were successively discovered. The first expedition
of the two vessels, under the direction of Isai Ignatief, eastward from the Kolyma river
(Kolimskoi) in the year 1646, found the sea full of ice, but a free navigable channel inshore,
in which they sailed two days. In 1647, ^ larger party, in four half-decked vessels, made
search for the month of the Anadir, but encountering too much ice returned. On the
20th of June, 1648, another expedition, commanded by Samoen Deschnew, rounded the
eastern extremity of the land of Tchuktchi (East Cape of modern* geography), reached
the mouth of the Anadir, and the peninsula of Kamtchatka. As the Anadir river could
be reached more expeditiously overland, the further prosecution of these Siberian voyages
was abandoned.
In the early part of the eighteenth century (1711), northern Asia (Siberia) and
Kamtchatka had been conquered and merged in the Russian Empire. Peter the Great,
in the latter part of his reign, devoted his attention to the lately acquired provinces of
Eastern Siberia. Scientific men at Petersburg urged that the question should be
determined whether Asia and America were separate continents. Peter entered into
the solution of the problem with great zeal. He drew up instructions in his own
handwriting, and in person delivered them to Captain Vitus Behring, an officer of Danish
birth, serving in the Russian navy, whom he had selected to command the expedition.
The project of the Czar embraced an examination of the navigation of the whole north
coast of Asia, to accomplish which he ordered two vessels to sail forthwith from
Archangel to the icy sea. That expedition was barren of profitable result. One vessel
was hemmed in by ice and disabled ; the other was never heard of after leaving port.
The purposes of the Czar as to northeastern discoveries fully appear in the instructions
to Captain Behring :
" I. To construct at Kamtchatka, or other commodious place, one or two vessels ;
" 2. With them, to examine the coasts to the north and toward the east, — to see
whether they were not contiguous with America, since their end was not known ;
" 3. To see whether there was any harbor belonging to Europeans in those parts ;
" 4. To keep an exact journal of all that should be discovered, with which the
commander was to return to St. Petersburg."
On the 25th of January, 1725 (but a few days after Behring had received his
instructions), Peter the Great died. On the 5th of February, Empress Catherine, his
widow and successor, and the Senate, confirmed Behring's appointment and approved the
orders. Behring, accompanied by the officers and crews for two vessels and shipwrights
and mechanics, who w^ere to build the vessels, immediately left St. Petersburg, traveling
overland to Okhotsk, Siberia. At that place the first vessel was to be built which was to
transport the company and their supplies to Kamtchatka, where the second vessel was
22 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to be constructed. From thence the expedition was to sail. In midsummer of 1728 the
two ships were ready for sea. The vessel built at Okhotsk was called the Fortnna.
Behring's vessel, the Gabriel, was built at Kamtchatka, and accommodated a crew of forty
men with necessary provisions for a year. Behring, in his journal, thus states his
instructions : " I was ordered to inform myself, among other matters, of the limits of
Siberia, and particularly if the eastern corner of Siberia was separate from America."
Tschirikow and Spaugberg, both of whom subsequently acquired great reputations,
accompanied Behring.
The results of that voyage are thus briefly summed up by its distinguished
commander: "On the 14th of July, 1728, we sailed from the river of Kamtchatka, tracing
the eastern coast of Kamtchatka towards the north. On the 8th of August we arrived in
latitude sixty-four degrees, thirty minutes north, and eight men came rowing towards
us in a leather boat. They told us that all the mainland, at no great distance from us,
extended toward the west. They said that there was a small island before us, to which
we afterwards came. We named it the Isle of St. Lawrence. On the 15th of August
we arrived to latitude sixty-seven degrees, eighteen minutes, but we went no farther,
because it appeared to me that I had fulfilled the instructions which had been given to
me ; for beyond we could discern no land to the north, neither towards the east. And
besides, if we had sailed farther, and had afterwards found a contrary wind, it would have
been impossible for us to have returned in the same summer to Kamtschatka; and it
would have been hazarding too much to pass the winter in a country where there is no
wood, and in the middle of a people who are under no subjection or rule."
Behring and his officers, fully persuaded that they had ascertained that Asia and
America were separate, returned to the river Kamtchatka, where thej' arrived on the
8th of September. Miiller observes, in regard to this voyage : " Our ofiicers frequentl}^
heard relations of the inhabitants of Kamtchatka, that were important enough to merit
their observation; since, according to them, a country must be at no great distance towards
the east, the discovery of which, and following its coasts afterwards, was their duty. They
themselves had not observed such great and high waves, as in other places are common
in the open sea ; they had seen fir trees swimming in the sea, tho' they do not grow in
Kamtchatka. Some men assured them that the}- had seen this nearly situated land, in
clear weather, from the elevated coasts of Kamtchatka."
In honor of this voyage, the channel of sea separating the two continents through
which Behring sailed is known as Behring's Strait. Behring renewed bis voyage on the
5th of June, 1729, laying his course more to the east; but adverse winds prevented his
leaving tlie coast a greater distance than about 200 versts (i). Meeting no land he sailed
back, and steered around the south promontor}' of Kamtchatka, the proper situation and
form of which he described in his map, and returned by sea to the mouth of the river
Bolschaia, whence he went to Okhotsk, on the 23d of July. He then returned to St.
Petersburg, where he arrived March i, 1730.
A Japanese junk had been stranded July 8, 1829, ^^po" the coast of Kamtchatka.
All of the crew except two were murdered by the Kossacks. The survivors found their
way to St. Petersburg, and were the occasion of projecting a voyage to Japan. This wreck
had established the fact that the sea adjacent to Kamtchatka was navigable through the
waters of an intermediate sea (the Pacific Ocean), to the waters surrounding Japan.
(I) The Russian vcrsi is about two-thirds of a mile, or 1,167 yards.
RUSSIAN AND SIBERIAN VOYAGES IN THE NORTH PACIFIC. 23
While Captain Behriiig had been engaged in this exploration of the Siberian coast,
Col. Schestakow, chief of tlie Jakutzk Kossacks, proposed to the Russian Empress:
1. To reduce the Tchuktchi to submission to Russian authority;
2. To discover the extent of their country ;
3. To undertake the discovery of the land opposite of their country ;
4. To examine the Schantarian Isles.
With him was associated Capt. Dimitri Paulutzki of the Dragoons. He had 400
Kossacks under his command with authority to draw reinforcements from the Siberian
garrisons. Arrived at Okhotsk he there found the ships Fortuna and Gabriel. A
detachment in command of Ivan Schestakow was ordered to embark on the Gabriel with
instructions to examine the Schantarian Isles, after which to proceed, to Kamtchatka.
Col. Schestakow, on the Fortuna, sailed for the Gulf of Penschina. She was cast away, and
a number of her crew perished. Being reinforced, Schestakow started by land for Penschina
with 150 men. His force was surrounded March 14, 1730, by hordes of the Tchuktchi,
and he killed with an arrow. Those who were not slain sought safety in flight. Three
da^'S previous to the rout of Schestakow, he had sent orders to Krupischew, a Kossack
officer at Taviskoi, to equip a vessel, sail around the south end of Kamtchatka, and coast
northward to the sea of Anadir. Gwosdew, the surveyor, was instructed to accompany the
voyage. In a vessel constructed from the wreck of the Foriutia, they put to sea. The
knowledge of the results of the Schestakow expedition is ver^- meager.
Miiller observes : "We only know that, in the j-ear 1730, Gwosdew, the navigator,
was actually between sixt3--five and sixt3'-six degrees of north latitude, on a strange coast
situated opposite, at a small distance from the country of the Tchuktchi, and that he found
people there, but could not speak with them, for want of an interpreter. De Lisle relates that
Captain Paulutzki arrived at the Anadir Sea coast, in September, and about the same time
the Fortuna arrived with Gwosdew and Krupischew. That Paulutzki, on learning of
Schestakow's defeat, ordered the Fortuna to sail to the river Kamtchatka, to take on board
the remainder of the provisions left there by Captain Behring, and with them sail to the
Tchuktchi coast" — these orders were executed in the summer of 1731 — "at which time
Gwosdew and Krupischew were on the Tchuktchi coast, where the}- supposed was the
Serdze Kamer (a rock so named from its shape having some resemblance to that of a
heart). But the}- did not meet with Paulutzki, nor did they learn any tidings of him.
They remained on the Tchuktchi coast till a gale of wind forced them from the point which
was the ne plus ultra of Captain Behring in his first voyage. They then steered to the
east, where they found an island, and beyond it a land very large. As soon as they had
sight of this land, a man came to them in a little boat like those of the Greenlanders.
They could only understand from him that he was an inhabitant of a large country where
were many animals and forests. The Russians followed the coast of this land two whole
days to the southward without being able to approach it, when a storm came on and they
returned to Kamtchatka. By this navigation was completed the discovery of Behring's
Strait." Captain Paulutzki made a land march against the Tchuktchi, overcame them,
avenged the death of Schestakow, and triumphantly marched across the peninsula. He
then attempted to execute the orders of Schestakow, the ascertaining of the limits of
Siberia. But after a four months' march, finding the coast of the Icy Sea unexpectedly
take a northerly direction, he abandoned the further examiiration of the coast-line and
turned inland to Fort Anadir. The voyage of Krupischew and Gwosdew created great
interest in Europe. The proximity of America to Asia was regarded by the Russians as
a most valuable discovery.
24 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
On the lyth of April, 1732, the Russian government issued orders "to make voyages
as well eastward to the continent of America, as southward to Japan, and to discover if
possible at the same time, through the frozen sea, the north passage, which had been so
frequently attempted by the English and Dutch." Behring, now a commander, — Spangberg
and Tschirikow, captains, were assigned to the service. Aliiller volunteered to accompany
as far as Siberia, to describe the civil history of that region, the manners, customs and
traditions of that people. Professors Gmelin, Louis de Lisle de Croyere and Steller were
of the scientific corps. While the vessels were being built for voyages to Northwest
America, the coasts of Kamtchatka and northwest Asia were thoroughly examined.
In 173S, Captain Martin Spangberg examined the Kurili Islands. In 1739, Spanberg,
in the SL Michael, Walton, in a double shallop, the Gabriel and a small yacht, made the
voyage to Japan. The building and fitting out of Spangberg's ship delayed the expedition
to Northwest America. Two ships, the St. Paul and St. Peter, were built at Okhotsk for
the voyage of discovery. The smaller vessel was designed for a crew of seventy men.
The St. Paul was commanded by Behring, the St. Peter by Captain Alexer Tschirikow.
In September they left Okhotsk to winter in Awatscha Bay. George William Steller, as
physician and naturalist, and Louis de Lisle de la Croyere as astronomer, accompanied.
They sailed from Awatscha Bay June 4, 1741. The vessels remained in company till the
20th of June, when the}- separated in a storm. Attempts to find each other having failed,
each sailed easterly to reach the American continent. Miiller writes :
"Nothing particular happened till the i8th of Jul}', when the captain-commander
(Behring), after having given orders for steering more and more northerly, got sight of
the continent of America in fifty-eight degrees, twenty-eight minutes north latitude.
Captain Tschirikow reached the same coast three days before, viz.: on the 15th of July, in
fifty-six degrees north latitude. The coast made by the latter was steep and rocky, and
he anchored at some distance from the shore. To examine the country, as well as to
obtain a supply of water, Tschirikow dispatched his mate with ten well-armed men.
They rowed into a bay behind a small cape, but not returning to the ship after a lapse
of several days, it was surmised that the boat might have been disabled. On the 21st
of July, the boatswain with six men, including carpenters, together with necessary
materials, were sent to their assistance. Neither boat returned. The next day two
canoes approached from the land. Expecting the return of their missing companions, all
were on deck to greet them. The Indians, as they proved to be, still a great distance
off, seeing the Russians so numerous, ceased rowing, stood up, and crying out with a
loud voice, 'Agai, Agai!' speedily returned towards the shore. Tschirikow had no more
small boats and was unable to approach nearer the shore with the ship. A strong west
wind arising, he was compelled to get clear of the rocky coast. He again stood inshore
as soon as it was safe, to the place where his men had gone. But he never saw nor heard
anything of them. The officers held a council July 27th, and resolved to return at once
to Kamtchatka. On the 9th of October they entered Awatscha Bay. Of the seventy
men with whicli they sailed twenty-one had died. M. de Lisle de la Croyere, who had
been in a lingering condition, impatient to be landed, fell dead upon the deck on the
arrival of the ship in port. Of the fate of the two crews nothing was ever definitely
known (i).
(I) Chevalier dePoletica, Russian Minister al Washington in i8j2. in a dispatch to the American Secretary of State says that in 1780 the
oPe'i'.;?.,' "^Z^CJZ'':,': Z'ST'^iY ^\ ""^r '^'-'i^ ^"""1' ;" '"! ""i""i"^ finyeight and fifty-nine degrees, " Russian establishm-ents to the number
o( ci^^lain ■ -ihiVFlcoV wh^ twenty fam.hes and four hundred and sixty-two individuals. These were the descendants of the companions
01 Captain tschirikow, who were supposed till then to have perished."
I > ?•,'■'
GENL ISAAC I.STEVENS.
FIRST GOV. WASH. TER.
DISCOVERIES ON THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA. 25
Behring, in the S/. Pa?t/, neared the coast with the view of examining it, as also to
secure a supply of water. He found that the country had terrible high mountains that
were covered with snow. He sailed towards it ; but only small, variable breezes blowing,
he could reach it no sooner than the 20th of July, when, under a pretty large island, not
far from the continent, he anchored in twent3^-two fathoms of water and a soft clayey
bottom. A point of land which there projects into the sea they called St. Elias's Cape, on
account of its being St. Elias day. Chitrow, the master of the fleet, and Miiller, went
ashore. Empty huts formed of smooth boards were found, in one of which was a small
box of poplar and a whetstone on which copper knives had been sharpened. In a cellar
to one was a store of dried salmon. Ropes and household furniture were scattered around.
Appearances indicated that the natives had suddenly decamped on the approach of the
Russians."
Behring's determination was to have followed the coast to the northward, but he found
this impossible, as it soon commenced to extend southwest, and " they met with continual
hinderances from the islands, which were ver}' thick, almost everywhere about the
continent." On the 30th of July Foggy Island was discovered. On the 29th of August
they again made the continent, in fifty-five degrees north, and before it found a multitude
of islands, between which they anchored. They were called Schumagin's Islands, the
name of the first of the ship's company who had died upon the voyage and was there
buried. Andrew Hesselberg, pilot of the expedition, was sent to one of the largest of
this group in search of water. He returned with two samples, both of which were
brackish. The water was almost exhausted ; this brackish water might serve for cooking,
and thus economize the small supply remaining. Adopted through necessity as better
than none, a quantity was taken on ship, and to its use Steller attributed the diseases
which afterward so grievously afflicted the crew. Again setting sail westward, a fearful
storm was encountered, which continued seventeen days. Occasionally seeing land, but
not daring to approach, tempest-tossed for many days, Behring, the gallant commander,
hopelessly ill, many of the crew disabled with scurvj' and other distempers, the supply
of water about exhausted, and the ship almost entirely unfit for continuing the voyage,
on the 31st of October they made an island, and (November 5th) secured an anchorage.
Abandoning all hope of reaching Kamtchatka so late in the season, the}' went into
winter quarters. On the 9th of November Commander Behring was carried ashore upon
a litter.
He dail}' grew worse ; " the place yielded little of antiscorbutic quality. The herbage
that grew on the island was hidden under snow ; and, if that had not been the case, the
Russians in that part of the world were little acquainted with the value of vegetables as
antiseptics." The commodore died on the 8th of December. Miiller says : " He was a Dane
by birth, and had made voyages both to the East and West Indies. He was a lieutenant in
the Russian service in 1707, and captain-lieutenant in 17 10. It is a subject of regret that
his life terminated so miserably. It may be said that he was almost buried whilst alive,
for the sand rolling down almost continually from the side of the cavern or pit in which
he la}^, and covering his feet, he at last would not suffer it to be removed, saying he
felt warmth in it when he felt none in other parts of his body ; and the sand thus gradually
increased upon him till he was more than half covered, so that when he was dead it was
necessary to unearth him to inter him in a proper manner." In honor of Behring, the
island where his remains are entombed bears his name, — is his monument.
26 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The S/. Paid shortly afterwards went to pieces, but the material was carefully saved
b}' the survivors aud reconstructed into a small craft, in which they found their wa}'
back to Petropaulovski, on the bay of Awatscha. Before their departure from this island,
so gloomy in its memories, thirt}- of the crew had been consigned to the grave. On the
27th of August, 1743, all that remained of the crew of the Si. Paul reached Kamtchatka
after an absence of fifteen months. During much of the time the}' had suffered the
greatest privations. Compelled, while sojourning on Behring's Island, to subsist upon sea
animals which there abounded, and to use the skins as a protection against the rigors of
the climate, such skins as were preserved and brought by them to Kamtchatka were
purchased \>y the Siberians with great avidity, at handsome prices. The misfortunes and
necessities of Behring's crew demonstrated that the North Pacific coast was prolific in most
valuable furs. That memorable voyage opened to commerce a new and important feature.
It gave origin to the Russian fur trade, to the Russian establishments on the northwest
coast, — to the Russian claim to Northwest America, which was limited on the south by
the northern line of Spanish discoveries.
Chapter IV.
(1683-1770.)
Spanish Settlements on the Coast of California — Jesnit Missionary Conquest of Lower
California — Expulsion of the Jesuits by Charles III. — The Franciscans Establish
3Iissions in Upper California — Inland Discovery and Settlement of San Diego,
San Francisco and Monterey — California a Department of Spain, its Northern
Boundary Undefined.
THE Spanish government had long been anxious to occnp}- and establish settlements
upon the coast of California. This desire increased with the growing importance of
Manilla commerce. Ports of refuge were not only demanded for the vessels engaged in
the Philippine trade, but these bays and inlets, so long as the}- remained unoccupied, proved
but so many convenient places of concealment for piratical cruisers infesting the Pacific
Ocean to prey upon Spanish galleons returning from the Philippine Islands with their rich
East India cargoes. Colonies if established would not only securely perpetuate Spanish
dominion over the contiguous inland territories, but would render these bays valuable as
harbors. Buccaneers would cease to resort to them as resting places and recruiting
stations.
In 1683, an expedition consisting of soldiers, priests and colonists was placed under
the command of Don Isidro de Otondo, accompanied b}^ Father Kuhn, a German Jesuit
(called by the Spaniards Kino), acting under a special warrant from the King of Spain
authorizing the spiritual conquest of California. They sailed up the Gulf of California,
distributing themselves at various places on the western side. Kino established his
headquarters at La Paz. After three 3^ears of mingled success and discouragement, the
project was abandoned.
The Viceroy of New Spain then offered the Jesuits an annual subsidy to undertake
the reduction of California by the conversion of its native population. This was declined,
but the chapter agreed to furnish necessary missionary aid to accompany any expedition
or colonization project. Father Kino, though unsuccessful in planting a permanent colony
under Otondo's leadership, had dedicated his life to the pious resolution of conquering
California for the church. In furtherance of his purpose, he accepted the appointment of
Superintendent of Missions of Sonora.
He then secured as a co-laborer Father Salva Tierra, equally zealous with himself.
The Fathers preached and exhorted the people, and labored with those in power. In 1697,
Salva Tierra was clothed with authority by the Jesuits to raise contributions for the spiritual
conquest of California. He enlisted Father Ugarte, professor of philosophy in the College of
Mexico, who consented to remain in Mexico and act as agent. Salva Tierra with a small
party crossed the Gulf of California, and established the mission of Loreto, on the 25th
of October, 1697, ^"^ took possession of Lower California in the name of the King of
Spain.
In a short time several missions were founded, all of uniform character, consisting of
a church, a storehouse and a fort. The Indians were persuaded to labor for their own
( 27 )
28 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
maintenance, and to accept instruction from the missionary. The Fathers discouraged any
immigation from European countries, thus avoiding any interference with the exclusive
management of the missions and the natives surrounding them. Within the first half of
the eighteenth century, their establishments extended at convenient distances apart, from
the southern extremity of the Gulf of California, along its eastern half, to the mouth of
the Colorado. A learned author thus accounts for their success in molding the native
population to their wills;
" The Jesuits, superior to the rest of mankind in the art of persuasion, and laboring
for themselves, made an incredible progress in their designs. At the end of fifty years,
and to the disgrace of the other colonies, the country' of the missionaries was filled with
villages, the Catholic faith was triumphant, and the savages, civilized and happy, and
subject to the wisest of governments. No people on earth were more contented; labor and
property were all in common. There were neither rich nor poor, nor dignities, nor great,
nor little ; there w-as no inequality whatever, and consequently neither avarice, ambition
nor jealously; every one contributed equally his portion of labor, and received an equal
remuneration from it. Every village was one numerous family, of which the Jesuit was
the father; and the societ}' itself was the mother of this happy republic."
But this very success provoked a jealous suspicion which occasioned their downfall.
While they received but little countenance or aid from the government, they brought no
revenue, contributed no political strength. Their motives were questioned. It was denied
that they were actuated by religion or philanthroph}' ; and they were charged with being
selfish and mercenar}'. At length the order was accused of " endeavoring to establish an
independent empire in America, and that they had actually' labored to undermine the
authority of the European Sovereigns in Mexico, Peru and Brazil; that no fear of
consequences was capable of limiting the extent of its plan; because the societ}^ was
perpetually renewed, and had never been known to abandon any design which it had once
adopted; and that the general of the order had defended moral irregularities on his own
responsibility."
In 1767, the royal decree was proclaimed b}^ Charles III., King of Spain, by which
tlie Jesuits were expelled from his dominions. During their ascendency in Lower California,
thej' had acquired a mass of information as to the country, its geography, ethnology,
natural history, etc. In 1700, Father Kuhn had determined that Lower California was
a peninsula connected with the continent. True, de Ulloa had settled that geographic
problem as early as 1540; but it had been forgotten, doubted, denied. The charts before
Father Kuhn's di.scovery delineated the peninsula of California as an island. To it has
been ascribed the name Islas Carolinas, in honor of Charles III., King of Spain.
Upon the reception in Mexico of the royal edict banishing all Jesuits from Spanish
territory, their establishments, their property, their " Pious Fund " (that grand aggregate
of contributions from all sources, the treasury by which they supported their missions),
were all transferred to nineteen monks of the Order of St. Francis, of the College of San
Fernando, Mexico. Father Junipero Serra was created President of the Missions.
European nations had remained in ignorance of the result of Russian voyages in the
North Pacific Ocean until after the return, in 1749, from St. Petersburg to Paris, of Joseph
Nicholas de Lisle (i), the eminent French astronomer. In 1750, in a paper read by
de Lisle to the French Academy of Sciences, the world had become advised of the
. '■' J- N; d"^ I-'S'e was the youngest and most illustrious of three distinguished brothers. Guillanie. the eldest ' First Geographer " to King
Louis -W., died in 1726. Louis accompanied Behrillg in 1741, and died the same year, as stated in the preceding chanter Joseph the eminent
astronomer, geographer and author, died in 1758. » t- j j- .
REV.J.S. GRIFFIN
REV. C.EELLS, D.D.
•'-tTfVf
■'1 -^ ^ •»??TS>'^-*^^
REV. SAMUEL PARKER.
jg^_--^;;,i^^*'S^""'- -
REV. H.H.SPALDING. R E V. E . WA LKE R.
PIONEER CONGREGATIONAL) MISSIONARIES.
THE FRANCISCANS ESTABLISH MISSIONS IN UPPER CALIFORNIA. 29
discoveries in Northwest America by Behring and other Russian navigators. To Spain,
this intelligence caused great uneasiness. That government had just cause of fear that
Russia would push her discoveries southward and encroach upon Spanish claims.
Charles III. at once resolved upon vigorous measures to renew the exploration of
the western coast of America, extending voyages to high northern latitudes ; to occup}'
the vacant coasts and islands adjacent to New Spain ; to establish settlements for the
effectual securing to the Crown of those territories, the coasts of which had inured to
Spain by right of discover3\
With this object in view, the "Marine department of San Bias" was organized, to
whom was committed the supen-ision and control of all maritime operations. Don Jose
de Galvez had been appointed, in 1764, to the Council of the Indies. In 1765, as
Visitor-General, he was bearer to Mexico of orders from the King. One of those
instructions was to rediscover San Diego, and to occup}' it and the other harbors on the
coast. Galvez was also special agent of the Crown to see that these orders were executed.
In Father Junipero Serra, President of the Missions, he found a zealous auxilary in the
labor. The Franciscan Fathers were ready to undertake the formation of the settlements.
Without dela}- an expedition by land and sea was ordered. The ships were to transport
supplies and heavy articles, the land party to drive flocks and herds to the new settlements.
Two vessels, the San Carlos, Don Vicente Vila, and the Sail Antonio, Juan Perez, had
been supplied from San Bias, and were being equipped at La Paz for the voyage. All
were to start at different dates, but San Diego was the common destination. The San
Carlos sailed first on January 9, 1769. She carried sixty-two persons. She arrived at
San Diego on the ist of May, having lost all of her crew except the officers, cook and one
sailor bj- the scurv}-, that terrible scourge in those pioneer voyages. The San Antonio
followed on the 15th. With a loss of eight of her crew, she reached her port April nth.
A third vessel, the San Josi\ sailed from La Paz on the i6th of June, but was never heard
of after leaving port.
Gahez selected Gaspar de Portola, Governor of Lower California, Captain of Dragoons,
as leader of the land operations. With him was associated a second in command. Captain
Fernando Rivera y Moncado, who the fall preceding had made the tour of the northern
Jesuit missions, and collected men, provisions and two hundred head of cattle and horses
to stock the colonies. On the 24th of March, Rivera, with the first overland party, left
the northermost Mission, driving the stock. His party consisted of twentj^-five soldiers,
six packers and herders, a guide who acted as journalist, and a large number of converted
Indians. The party was accompanied by a Franciscan priest. On Ma}' 14th Rivera
reached vSan Diego.
Governor Portola, accompanied by Father Serra, with the first part}', left the
northermost Mission May 15th, and arrived July i, 1769, at San Diego. Father Serra,
with imposing religious ceremonies, took possession of the country in the name of the
King of Spain. Thus commenced at San Diego the first white settlement in Upper
California. On the i6th. Father Serra established the mission. On the 14th, with a party
of sixty-five persons, Governor Portola had started for Monterey to establish that Mission.
Passing by Alonterey without seeing it, he journeyed northward till the 25th of October,
when he reached the bay, to which he gave the name of San Francisco, in honor of the
patron saint of the order. Portola's party returned to San Diego, where they arrived
January 24, 1770, after an absence of over six months. In March, 1770, Portola again
marched northward and found Monterey. On the 3d of June, 1770, the San Antonio, with
30 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Father Junipero Serra, arrived; and possession of the bay and adjacent country was taken
in the name of the Sovereign of Spain. Portola then returned to Mexico to superintend
the formation of colonies for the new settlements.
Upper California, from San Diego to its northern line, between the coast and the
mountains, was almost entirely appropriated by the Missions, scattered throughout the
country sufficiently near to secure aid in case of an outbreak, but distant enough to form a
network embracing the whole region. Each Mission extended to and joined its neighbor.
The plan of settlement and construction was uniform. The site for the church and
buildings was located in the center of a large tract, generally about fifteen miles square.
All land fit for cultivation or grazing became the farm and pasturage of the Mission. The
church was built as massive and imposing as the funds would permit; and no pains nor
expense were spared in ornamentation. Near to it were the residences of the Missionary
Fathers. Close at hand were erected the buildings occupied by farmers, mechanics and
employes. All buildings were constructed of adobe, roofed with tiles of the same material.
There were also shops, storehouses, granaries and other necessary buildings. At a short
distance was the "Rancheria" or quarters for the converted natives who labored for and
lived at the Mission. Close bv those quarters was the garrison building or castillo, in
which were accommodated the guard of six or more Spanish soldiers, but which was also
designed as a place of retreat in the event of an outbreak.
In addition to guards and guard-houses to each Mission, presidios were established at
the four principal harbors: San Diego (1769), Montere}- (1770), San Francisco (1776) and
Santa Barbara (17S0). These presidios were inclosures from two to three hundred feet
square surrounded by an adobe wall twelve feet in height, surmounted by guns. Within
the inclosure were the church, storehouses, oificers' quarters and barracks. The
commanding officer was militar}- governor within his district, bound to assist the
missionaries if called upon, but not authorized to interfere with their management. As a
means of relief to the government of supplying these presidios with recruits and provisions,
pueblos or towns were established in the vicinity of the presidios, in which every settler was
entitled to a homestead, a two-hundred vara lot, with privileges of common and timber
lands. There were also three independent towns or pueblos, — settlements by the
discharged Spanish soldiers who intermarried with the natives. These were Los Angeles,
San Jose and Santa Cruz.
From the inauguration of the settlement by Galvez, in 1769, Upper and Lower
California were under the control of a military governor; while the settlements themselves,
except the presidios and the few independent pueblos, were purely missionary colonies, —
independent religious communities governed by the Father in charge. The two Californias
constituted a Department of Spain, its Governor being responsible to the Viceroy of Mexico.
The northern boundary as yet was undefined. Spain claimed as far north as her navigators
had sailed. Russia was pushing her voyages southward, and interposing a check to
further Spanish advance to the north.
Chapter V.
(1774-1779-)
Renewal of Spanish Exi)loration on the North Pacific — Voyages of Perez, Heceta,
Bodega and Arteaga.
IT HAD ever been the policy of the Spanish government to prevent the territories in
America adjacent to Spanish dominions, or such as had been discovered by Spanish
navigators, from being occupied by subjects of other European powers. In maintaining
that polic3% difficulties had been engendered between Spain and Great Britain, growing
out of the expulsion of British colonists from the Falkland Islands by the Spanish
Governor of Buenos Ayres. Spain, under the " family compact," appealed to France to
join her in resisting the encroachments of Great Britain. France declined to engage in
the controversy, but tendered her good offices as mediator. This offer was accepted, and
Avar averted. But Spain had learned that the necessity existed for the actual dominion of
the vacant coasts of North America, or the occupancy at least, in such a manner or to
such an extent as to justif}' the assertion of her right to exclusive possession.
Following the occupancy and settlement by Spain of the Californias, Spanish voyages
of exploration to the northern coasts were \igoroush- renewed. On the 25tli of January,
1774, the sloop of war Santiago sailed from San Bias, under command of Lieutenant Juan
Perez, with Estevan Jose Martinez as pilot. The orders of the Viceroy of Mexico to
Perez were: to sail northward to sixty degrees north; from there to survey the coast
southward to Monterey ; to land at convenient places, and take possession in the name
of the King of Spain. Perez went to Monterey from San Bias, from which port he sailed
for the north on the i6th of June. On the i8th of July he made the land in fifty-four
degrees north (Queen Charlotte's Island), and named the point Cape Santa Margarita. It
is the Cape North of modern geography. He rounded the cape and entered the channel
now called Dixon's Channel. Scurvy having appeared among the crew, his vessel
small and ill provided, Perez turned southward, coasting along the shore for about one
hundred miles, landing and trading with the natives, until driven to sea by a storm. On
the 9th of August he again made land, discovered and entered a bay forty-nine degrees,
thirty minutes north, which Perez called Port Lorenzo. Its present name is Nootka
Sound, the name of the native tribes inhabiting its shores. From Port Lorenzo, Perez
sailed south, Alartinez the pilot claiming that he saw, between forty-eight degrees and
forty-nine degrees north, a wide opening in the land, and that he gave to the point on its
south side the name Martinez. In latitude forty-seven degrees, forty-seven minutes
north, they beheld a snowcapped peak, to which Perez gave the name of Sierra de
vSanta Rosalia, the Mount Ol3'nipus of our present nomenclature. He passed Cape
Mendocino on the 21st of August, determined its true latitude, and on the 27th of August
arrived at Monterey. On the strength of this \oyage, the Spanish claimed the discovery
of the Strait, now called De Fuca ; and their charts named as Martinez the Cape Flatter}-
of modern maps. Through some unaccountable oversight, the Spanish authorities for
( 31 )
32 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
many years concealed the results of this and the succeeding voyages ; as a consequence,
navigators of other nations who made voyages subsequent in date to that of Perez ha\-e
received the honors justly earned by the expedition of Perez.
Upon the return of Perez, Bucarelli, \'iceroy of Mexico, ordered another expedition to
examine the coasts to sixty-five degrees north. Captain Bruno Heceta was assigned to
the Santiago. Perez accompanied as ensign. The schooner Sonora was to accompany,
with A}-ala as commander and Maurelle as pilot. The schooner San Carlos was to
proceed as far as Monterey. The master of the latter having become incapacitated by
illness, Ayala took command of the San Carlos, and Lieutenant Juan Francisco de la
Bodega y Quadra was transferred to the Sonora. Leaving the San Carlos at San Bias,
the Santiago and Sonora sailed north, and on the loth of June, in latitude forty-one
degrees, ten minutes north, anchored in a roadstead, to which they gave the name Port
Trinidad. Here they went ashore, took possession in the name of the Spanish Crown,
and spent nine days in repairing their vessels. They planted a cross, which was respected
by the natives, and still remained when Vancouver visited the coast in 1793. Leaving
Trinidad thev next made the land in forty-eight degrees, twenty-six minutes north. They
then cruised southward in search of the entrance of the straits, looking for it between
fort3--seven degrees and fortA'-eight degrees north, as laid down on Bellin's charts. These
examinations proved abortive. On the 14th of July, in latitude forty-seven degrees,
twenty minutes north, seven of the crew of the Sonora, in her only boat, were sent ashore
for fresh water. The men were well armed, but they were outnumbered by the natives
and all murdered. The Sonora herself was in imminent danger, having been completely
surrounded by the savages in their canoes, who made numerous unsuccessful attempts to
board her. To this place was given the name Punta de Martires (i); to the island near,
Isla de Dolores. This sad occurrence, the unseaworthy condition of the Sonora, and the
breaking out of scur\y among both crews, induced Heceta to desire to return to Monterey.
Perez, Bodega and Maurelle overruled him, and the vessels on July 20th again headed
northward. Shortl}' afterward a storm separated the little fleet. Heceta then turned
southward for Monterey, Bodega continuing the voyage northward.
Heceta first made the land August loth, in latitude forty-nine degrees thirt}- minutes
north. He passed without examination the land visited the A-ear previous by Perez. On
the 17th, being near the coast between forty-six degrees, ten minutes and forty-six degrees,
nine minutes north, he discovered a great ba}', the head of which he could nowhere
recognize. From the currents and eddies setting him seaward he could not enter it. He
believed it the " mouth of some great river, or a passage to another sea." At night the force
of the current set him far out to sea, and defeated his further examination. To the
northern headland he gave the name Cape San Roque; to the southern. Cape Frondosa;
to the ba}', Ensenada de San Roque ; the supposed river he nominated Rio de San Roque.
In compliment to Heceta, the baj' is named by Spaniards Heceta's Inlet. Heceta reached
Monterey August 30th, with two-thirds of his crew disabled by scurv3^
Bodega and Maurelle, after parting from Heceta, pushed out to sea, first reaching the
land August i6th, in latitude fifty-six degrees north. By Bellin's chart they had supposed
themselves to be about one hundred and thirty-five leagues off the American coast.
Heading east, they discovered a mountain in fifty-seven degrees, tw-o minutes north, which
they named San Jacinto (the Mount Edgecombe of Cook). The projecting land which it
(1) Captain Berkley twelve years later, in the Impetiat F.ogle, met with similar treatment of a boat's crew and bestowed upon the island
close at hand the name of Destruction Island. The roint of Martyrs is known as Point Grenville.
REV.J.L.PAFPRISH
i>fr < ''
i^^i^
REV. DAVID LESLIE.
REV.A F.WALLER.
REV.GUSTAVUS MINES. F?EY J. H.WILBUR.
PIONEER METHODIST MISSIONARIES.
VOYAGES OF BODEGA AND ARTEAGA. 33
occupied they named Cape Engano. The bay which flanked this cape on its north side
was called Port Remedios (Captain Cook named it the Bay of Islands). The south bay
was named Port Guadalupe. It is now known as Norfolk Sound. They anchored in Port
Remedios, landed, and in the name of his Spanish Majesty took possession of all those
northern seas and territories. On the 20th, the voyage was resumed; and, coasting north
until the 2 2d, they had reached fifty-eight degrees north. They then headed southward,
and on the 24th discovered an extensive bay on the west side of the largest island of the
Prince of Wales Archipelago, in latitude fifty-five degrees, thirty minutes north. This
they named Port Bucarelli, in honor of the Viceroy of Mexico. At Cape Santa Margarita,
the}' observed the channel to the north, to which they gave the name of Perez Inlet, in
honor of its discoverer the previous year. On the 3d of October, they discovered a bay in
latitude thirty-eight degrees north, on which Bodega bestowed his own name. Having
surveyed this bay, they sailed to Montere}^, and thence to San Bias, where they arrived
November 20th, after a cruise of over eight months.
Upon the results of this voyage becoming known in Madrid, they were regarded as of
the greatest importance. Orders were sent to the Viceroy of New Spain to have the
survey of the American coasts completed by the same officers. Viceroy Bucarelli at once
ordered a large ship to be built at San Bias, named Pruicesa, and another called Favorita
to be built at Guayaquil. The time consumed in building delaj-ed the departure of the
expedition until the first of the 3'ear 1779. Heceta being occupied with other duties, the
command of the Princesa was given to Captain Ignacio Arteaga. Bodega, with Maurelle
as pilot, commanded the Favorita. On the 7th of February, the expedition sailed from
San Bias directly for Port Bucarelli, where they arrived early in Ma^^. The surveying of
the bay, refitting the vessels and trading with the natives occupied nearly two months,
during which the adjacent shores were sur^-eyed with great care. On the ist of July they
pi'oceeded northward. Approaching near the land in a few days, Mount St. Elias became
visible. Then commenced a search westward for the northern passage into the Arctic
Ocean. Early in July, they entered an archipelago sixty degrees north, the largest island
of which was named Magdalena (i). The bay itself was named Ensenada de Regla (2).
On its western side was a good harbor, in which the ships anchored on the 25th; and
possession of the adjacent seas and lands was taken in the name of the Spanish King.
The harbor itself was called Port Santiago. From here boats were dispatched to explore
the surrounding islands and shores. Scurvy now made its appearance; provisions were
becoming short, and no success attended their search for a passage to the north. Arteaga
determined on returning to IVIexico. On the 7th of August, the expedition left Santiago,
eniered San Francisco October 15th, and arrived at San Bias November 21st. Fleurien
observes as to the results of this expedition: "They might have remained at San Bias
without knowledge in geography having sustained any loss by their inaction." The
voyage is notable as the last made for several years by the Spanish from Mexico to the
northern coasts of America. War having been declared between Spain and Great Britain,
in 1779, for the time suspended exploration.
(i) This Island was named by Captain Cook Montagne's Island.
(2) Prince William's Sound, as nominated by the English.
Chapter VI.
( 1776-1779.)
Great Brituin Turns Atteiiti<ni to Discoveries on the Northwest Coast of America —
Voyages of Captain James Cooli — Britisli Assertion of Claim to Discovery by Sir
Francis Drake of New Albion — Captain Cook Denies Existence of Strait of Fuca
— 3Inrder of Captain Cook, Succeeded in Command by Captain Clerke — Death
of Captain Clerke — Lieut. Gore, a Native of Virginia, in Command — Sails to
China with Collection of Furs — Growing Importance of Fur and East India
Trade.
SINCE the cruises of Drake and Cavendish in the latter part of the sixteenth century
(1579-15S7), preying upon Spanish commerce upon the Pacific Ocean and pillaging
defenseless cities on the coast of Mexico (to neither of which can be attributed meritorious
claim as voyages of discovery or exploration), Great Britain, absorbed with the establishment
and government of her Atlantic colonies, had not participated in the development of the
geograph}- or resources of the western coast of North America. That nation now zealously
entered the field, resolved to compensate for past indifference and inactivity.
On the 6th of July, 1776, that greatest of geographers and circumnavigators. Captain
James Cook, was placed in command of two ships, the Resolution and Discovery. His
instructions were to make his way to the Cape of Good Hope, and thence by way of New
Zealand and Otaheite, and, having refreshed his crews, to run directly for the Pacific coast of
North America. " You are to fall in with the coast of New Albion in latitude forty-five
degrees north. You are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and
water, and then to proceed northward along the coast as far as to the latitude of sixty-five
degrees north or further, if not obstructed by land or ice, taking care not to lose any time
in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account until 3'ou get into the
before-mentioned latitude sixty-five degrees north, where we could wish you to arrive in the
month of June." " On his way thither (to New Albion) not to touch upon any part of the
Spanish dominion on the Western continent of America, unless driven to it by some
unavoidable accident, in which case he was to .stav no longer than should be absolutely
necessary, and to be \cry careful not to give any umbrage or offence to an}' of the
inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic Alajesty (Spain); and if in his further progress
northward he should find any subjects of anj' European prince or state, upon au}- part of
the coast which he might think proper to visit, he was not to disturb them or give them
any cause of offence, but on the contrary to treat them with civility and friendship."
In the summer in which Cook was to reach Northwest America, the British Admiralty
dispatched Lieutenant Young in the brig Lion to the western coast of Baffin's Bay on the
Atlantic side of the continent, with instructions to reconnoiter the west shore of that bay
and find if there was any westward passage therefrom, with a ^•iew to co-operate with
Captain Cook, who, it was supposed, would be seeking for such a passage at about the same
time from the opposite side of America. If both succeeded, there would be a likelihood of
their meeting, and the place, it was conjectured, would be in a sea to the north of the
continent of North America.
( 34 )
VOYAGES OF CAPTAIN JAMES COOK. 35
These instructions of the Cook expedition of 1776 are full of interest. They exhibit
the thought of that age, the standpoiut in that eventful }'ear, of progress in geographical
knowledge. The most enlightened scientists, the best informed as to lands and seas which
had been theretofore visited by navigators, continued to regard as probable the existence of
the Strait of Anian, or, to speak more accurately, a passage across the North American
continent from ocean to ocean. To verify such theory or forever dispel it, England now-
sent her most intrepid sailor, the foremost scientific navigator of the world, on that
memorable voyage. In a political view, these instructions are of still more weight}'
import. England for the first time had announced her interest in a region on the Pacific
coast nominated New Albion. That nation had elevated a piratical cruise to a voyage of
discover}', upon which is indicated basis of intention to maintain territorial claim. The policy
is clearly foreshadowed, that, by a private piratical venture made two centuries before,
national right has accrued to occupy the coast which Drake called New Albion. Nor is
the very important concession of rights based upon discoveries inuring to Spain and to
Russia, less worthy of notice, especially to the former power, regarding the territory south
of forty-five degrees north. Still, whether as to Spain or any other nation, it is apparent
that thenceforth English claim b}- right of discover}- is assumed to have attached north of
forty-five degrees north latitude, by virtue of the piratical cruise in 157S of Sir Francis
D^^ke. 18<2520
Captain Cook sailed from Plymouth, England, July 12, 1776, in the ship Resolution,
accompanied by the Discovery, Captain Clerke. George Vancouver, whose name shortly
subsequent became identified with these regions as its first thorough explorer, was a
midshipman on Captain Cook's ship. Having visited the group of islands to which he
gave the name of Sandwich, in honor of his patron, the Earl of Sandwich, First Lord of
British Admiralty, from thence, on the i8th of January, 1778, Cook sailed northeastward,
and upon the 7th of March, in latitude fort}--four degrees, one minute, two seconds
north, came in sight of the Pacific coast of North America. Adverse winds forced his
ship southward to forty-three degrees north, when he again headed northward, but thick
weather prevented tracing a continuation of the coast; so that betv/een Cape Foulweather,
forty-four degrees, fifty-five minutes north, and Cape Flattery, forty-eight degrees,
fifteen minutes north (both so named by Captain Cook), the expedition obtained but
few glimpses of the coast. The latter-mentioned cape was the Point Martinez of the
Spanish charts, named in honor of the pilot of Perez, who discovered it in 1774. Cook
gave it the name of Flattery because the prospect of land near it had given the doubtful
promise of a harbor.
The distinguished geographer, afterwards Admiral Burney, who was in the
Discovery, says : "We were near Cape Flattery on the evening of the 2 2d of March; and
a little before seven o'clock, it growing dark, Captain Cook tacked, to wait for daylight,
intending to make close examination; but before morning a hard gale of wind came on,
with rainy weather, and we were obliged to keep off the land."
Both ships at the time needing repairing in the lower rigging, and a resupplv of water,
compelled the seeking of a port. Cook stood away in the night and failed to see the
entrance of the Strait of Fuca. So failing to find it south of forty-eight degrees, he
denied its existence. On the 29th of March, the vessels arrived at Friendly Cove, Nootka
Sound (the Port San Lorenzo of Perez). Cook named it King George's Sound; but the
native name has adhered to it. Here they remained at anchor until the 26tli of April,
when they set sail for the northward, and during the remainder of that season made a
36 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
thorough examination of the northwest coast of America, the northeast coast of Asia,
passed through and determined the breadth of Behring's Strait, sailing as far north as
seventy degrees, forty-four minutes north. 'He made an extended examination of the
Arctic Sea, in which he sailed in both directions until his further advance was prevented
bv ice. Then, turning southward, he carefully surveyed the Aleutian group of islands.
On the 7th of October, whilst anchored in the harbor of Sanganoodha, John Ledyard of
Connecticut first gave evidence of the enterprise and daring which later in life rendered
him so famous as an intrepid traveler. He was corporal of marines in the Rcsohitiott.
Captain James Burney, the distinguished chronologer of " Northeastern \oyages of
discovery, and the early navigation of the Russians," thus narrates the incident :
" A present of salmon baked in rye flour, accompanied wdth a note in the Russian
language, was delivered to each of the captains, brought by two natives of Oonalaska
from a distant part of the island. Ledyard volunteered to return with the messengers to gain
information. Captain Cook accepted his offer, and sent b}- him a present of some bottles of
rum, wine and porter, and a wheaten loaf, with an invitation to his 'unknown friends.'
Led3-ard embarked in a small baidar, which was a light skeleton wooden frame covered with
whale skin. It was paddled by two men, for each of whom there was a circular opening in
the upper part of the baidar to admit of their being seated; and the lower end of their skin
jacket or frock was then closely fastened to the rim of the opening to prevent the entrance
of water, and they appeared, as it were, hooped in. There was no opening for their
passenger Ledyard; and previous to their both being seated he was obliged to dispose
himself at his length, or, as seamen might express it, to stow himself fore and aft, in the
bottom of the baidar between the two. The space allotted to him neither in height nor
breadth exceeded twent)' inches. The length of the vo3'age performed by Ledyard, pent
up in this slight bark, I understood to be twelve or fourteen miles. At the end of two days
he returned to the ship, being better accommodated in his voyage home than out, and in
company with three Russian traders. These and other Russians who came to us afterwards
communicated their charts, which gave information concerning manv islands in this sea.
They also mentioned that an expedition had been made in the icv sea with sledges,
in the year 1773, to some large islands opposite the river Kolyma."
Shortly subsequent, as Captain Burney states. Captain Cook left Oonalaska for the
Sandwich Islands as a place of refreshment for the ship's companies, and where the stock
of provisions could be recruited to enable him to undertake another expedition to the
north.
" The ships reached Owyhee, the largest of the Sandwich group, late in November,
remaining near it until the middle of January, 1779, — all the time under sail, having
found no convenient anchorage. In the meantime they had discovered a number of small
islands of the same group, adjacent to Owyhee. The natives in canoes had daily visited
the ships, bringing provisions. On the 17th of January, a bay on the west side of Owyhee,
named Karakokooa, was discovered, in which the ships anchored. Captain Cook, desiring
to examine other islands of the group before sailing northward, sailed from the Bay of
Karakokooa on the 4th. On the 8th, while yet in sight of Hawaii, the foremast of the
Resolution was ascertained to be so defective as to require immediate repair. As the other
islands had afforded no good harbor. Captain Cook returned to Karakokooa Bay, in which
port he again anchored upon the nth. His return occasioned great dissatisfaction to the
natives, which they manifested by numerous petty annoyances. On the night of the 13th
the cutter of the Discovery was stolen b}- them. Captain Clerke being too ill to go ashore,
GENIrJOSEPH LANE,
AT THE AGE OF 76.
I
MURDER OF CAPTAIN COOK. - 37
Captain Cook in person visited the native King, Terecboo, and demanded the retnrn of the
stolen boat. The programme was that the King should visit the ship, and be detained on
board until the restoration of the property. Terecboo had accepted the invitation to return
to the ship with Captain Cook. Directions had been given to the crews of the guard-boats
not to interfere with the small canoes, but to prevent the departure of any large boat from
the bay. This order was intended if necessary to make reprisal, and thus force the return
of the ship's stolen cutter. While the King was waiting, ready to accompany Captain
Cook to his ship, a large canoe attempted to pass out of the bay. She was ordered by the
guard-boats to return; but, continuing on her course, the crew fired over her to bring her
to. This .shot unfortunately killed one of the native chiefs. One of King Terecboo's wives,
learning of the catastrophe, rushed up to the King, and with wails of lamentation clung to
him and prevented his getting into the ship's boat. Captain Cook, who had hold of his
hand, now left him and walked toward his boat to return to the ship, as there was too much
excitement to accomplish any settlement. The natives surrounded him; and, in the
struggle, Captain Cook and four of his men were killed."
Thus ignobly perished the illustrious James Cook, of whom it was justl}- said: "No
other navigator extended the bounds of geographical knowledge so widely as he did." His
surveys and determinations of latitude and longitude are extremel}' accurate. He introduced
and practiced a sj-stem of sanitarj- regulations preserving the health of the crews, and
thereafter removed the dread which had till that time attached to long voyages. " Along
the northwest coast of America he effected more in one season than the Spaniards had
accomplished in two centuries. Besides rectifying many mistakes of former explorers, he
ascertained the breadth of the strait which separates Asia from the New World, — a point
which Behriug had left unsettled. Passing the Arctic, as he had crossed the Antarctic circle,
he penetrated farther than any preceding navigator; and as more than half a century had
expired without a nearer approach being made to the southern pole than he had achieved,
a like period elapsed before our knowledge of the American coast was extended beyond the
point which he had attained." He forever exploded the theory of the Strait of Anian or
the existence of any northwest passage across the northern part of the continent of North
America. His labors created a new era in geographic science. Not content with
discovering new continents, islands and seas, he delineated the figure of their coasts, and
determined their latitude and longitude with an accuracy which the appliances of modern
discover}' and improvement have onl}- verified.
On the death of Captain Cook, the command devolved upon Captain Clerke. The
ships continued among the Sandwich Islands until the middle of March, when they sailed
north, anchoring at Awatscha Bay, April 30th. The expedition arrived in Behring Strait,
Jul}' 5th. They passed through the strait, and reached the latitude of sixty-nine degrees,
twenty minutes north; when, being hemmed in by floating ice, their farther advance to the
north was defeated. On the 27th, all further attempt was relinquished, and the ships bent
their course southward, repassing Behring Strait on the 30th. On the 23d of August, two
days before reaching Petropaulovski, Captain Clerke died. Lieut. Gore, a native of
Virginia, succeeded to the command. The season being too far advanced to attempt aiiy
farther northward exploration that year, it was deemed advisable to suspend operations.
The expedition therefore sailed for China, teaching Canton in December. The arrival at
Canton of the Resolution and Discovery, with a small collection of furs from the northwest
coast of America, demonstrated the great avidity of the Chinese for their purchase. So
anxious were that people to acquire them, that they were ready at almost any sacrifice to
38 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
exchange the wares and commodities of the commerce of their own countr3^ As a direct
consequence of this visit of Lieut. Gore to China, a new feature of the fur and East India
trade was developed, vastly increasing its profits and importance. The enterprise or method
of trade to be inaugurated was the collection of furs in Northwest America, their
transportation to China, there to be exchanged for silks, teas and other China goods and
products, which in turn were to be shipped to Europe. This result, flowing directly
from that memorable voyage, which added to the accurate information of the North
Pacific coast and fur-producing countries, revolutionized Pacific commerce, and the trade
with China and the East Indies. A new element had been interjected. The impetus
given to the fur trade by the market in China and the East Indies, and the necessary
expansion of Chinese commerce, may well be regarded as among the most important of
the many benefits which resulted from the third voyage of the world's greatest
circumnaviga'tor. The northwest coast of America became the field to which European
nations turned their attention.
This voyage is notable becavise of its distinguished leader and his tragic fate.
The programme exhibits the fii'st avowal that the value of the territory had become
appreciated b}- the British government — that it is British policy to incorporate it into the
British Empire. It constitutes the first act projected by British authority participating in
its exploration, looking to its settlement or development. It clearly indicates British
animus to acquire British foothold on the North Pacific. That a circumnavigator so
distinguished should have visited these coasts, perpetuating the evidences of that visit and
his examinations, by the names he conferred upon these headlands of the coast observed
by him, render this voyage one of the most important in the prehistoric annals of the
region. Captain Cook saw no portion of the western coast of America in these latitudes,
which had not previously been seen by Perez, Bodega or Heceta. In high northern
latitudes he availed himself of the reports of previous Russian voj-ages ; yet his
examinations are so minute and reliable, correcting so many previous errors, that, as a
contribution to the world's knowledge, the value of his labor is incalculable.
His claim as mere discoverer may be challenged, or even denied. Yet to him must
be awarded the honor of first making known, rendering appreciable to the world and
reducing to actual shape, the crude, imperfect and erroneous data attempted to be laid
down on previous charts. He determined the distance between important points on the
Asiatic and North American coasts, and approximately ascertained the extent of the two
continents. He forever dissipated the theory of an alleged northwestern water passage.
X'oj'ages thereafter to the coast were to be in the pursuit of commerce, the wealth of which
had been demonstrated by the Cook expedition. Spanish, Russian and other navigators
had contributed to the world knowledge of lands and seas. The western coast of North
America had found its place upon the map. Its coast line had been traced, and some of
its harbors, bays and islands been superficially examined. At most, these lands and seas
had been only visited. North of California, no attempt at occupancy or settlement had
been made except the Russian establishment in 1763 on the Island of Kodiak, near the
entrance of Cook's Ba}'.
Chapter VII.
(1785-1796.)
The Jfootka Treaty between Spain and Great Britain, and the Events Culminating
Therein — Xootka Sonnd tlie Kesort for Vessels Engaging in the Fur Trade —
The King George's Sonnd Company — Voyages of Portlock and Dixon — The
Latter Discovers the Channel Separating Queen Charlotte's Island from the
Continent — Meares and Tipping on Northwest Coast Under License of East
India Company — Voyages of Meares Under Portuguese Flag — Makes Settlement
at Xootka, and Builds Schooner Northwest America — Arrival at Nootka of
American Vessels Washington aiul Columbia — Martinez Seizes Iphigenia and
Northwest America — Arrival of Princess Koyal and Argonaut — Martinez Seizes
Them — Difficulties Between Spain and Great Britain — The Nootka Treaty, or
Convention of the Escurial — Arrival at Nootka Sound of Captain Vancouver,
British Commissioner, to Receive Kestitntion of Property of British Subjects
— Unsuccessful Negotiations Between Senor Quadra and Vancouver — Final
Restitution to British Subjects of Seized Property — Spain and Great Britain
Abandon Nootka Sound.
''T^HE principal harbors of the northwest coast of America resorted to by vessels engaged
X in the fnr trade were Nootka, Norfolk and Prince William's Sounds. Nootka had
become the rendezvons and usual port of departure of vessels laden with return cargo. At
these ports collections of furs were concentrated, preparatory to shipment to China or the
East Indies, there to be exchanged for the commodities of Eastern Asia, which, in turn,
were shipped z'ia Cape of Good Hope, or Cape Horn, to European or American ports.
The British government had granted to the South Sea Compan}^ a license of commerce
and trade in all seas and countries westward of Cape Horn, excluding all other British
subjects. The British East India Compan}' had secured a similar license in the regions
east of the Cape of Good Hope. By these grants, all British subjects, except the two
companies, had been restricted from engaging in commerce in all the seas, territories and
islands in that vast portion of the world lying between the Cape of Good Hope eastward
to a line drawn north and south through Cape Horn, or, vice versa^ westward from the
meridian of Cape Horn to the meridian passing through the Cape of Good Hope. British
subjects who desired to engage in Pacific commerce, in the fur trade on the northwest coast
of America, or in the China or East India trade, were obliged to obtain permission of the
one or the other of these companies.
In 1785, a mercantile association was formed in London, styled the " King George's
Sound Company." Its purposes were the procurement of furs on the northwest coast of
America, exchanging them for the commodities of the East Indies or China and shipping
the latter to Europe. Permission having been granted b}- the South Sea and East India
companies, the " King George's Sound Compan}- " fitted out a voyage to the northwest
coast of xA.merica, via Cape Horn. The expedition consisted of the ships King George
and Queen Charlotte^ respectively commanded b}' Captain Nathaniel Portlock and George
Dixon. They sailed in August, 1785, and reached Cook's river in Jul}-, 17S6.
( 39 )
40 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The East India Compau}-, by the Governor-General of India, had granted permission
to Lieutenant John Meares, British navy (on leave), to make a venture in Northwest
America in the Nootka, commanded by himself, accompanied by the Sea Oltcr, Captain
Tipping. Under the East India Company's flag, IMeares and Tipping sailed from Calcutta
in March, 1786. The Sea Otter arrived and left Prince William's Sound before Meares
had arrived, in September. Meares never met Tipping; the Sea Otter and all on board were
lost oflF the Kamtchatkan coast. The Nootka spent the winter at Prince William's
Sound. Captain IMeares returned to China in the fall of 17S7.
During the summer of 1787, Captain Dixon in the Queen Charlotte cruised along the
coast, and demonstrated by sailing through the channel, now called Dixon's Channel, in
honor of its discoverer, that the land between fifty-two degrees and fifty-four degrees north
latitude, theretofore supposed to be the continent, was an island. To this island he gave
the name of Queen Charlotte's, after his vessel. In the fall of 17S7, Portlock and Dixon
sailed for China. Before their departure the Prhicess Royal and the Prince of Wales, of
the King George's Sound Company, respectively commanded by Captain Colnett, of the
British navy (on leave), and Captain Thomas Hudson, had arrived at Nootka Sound.
The Chinese government required excessive port charges from vessels of all European
nations, except the Portuguese (i). To evade such exaction, several British merchants
residing in India, who desired to pursue the fur trade on the northwest coast of America
and exchange furs in China, in the latter part of 1787 associated themselves with and
used the name of Juan Cavalho, a Portuguese merchant. Through the intimacy of
Cavalho with the Governor of Macao, this association of merchant-proprietors secured
permission for the ships Felice and Iphigenia to sail under the Portuguese flag to the
northwest coast of America. The expedition was intrusted to the command of Captain
Meares in the Felice, Captain William Douglas, master of the Iphigenia. The papers of
both vessels were made out in Portuguese, and in the name of Portuguese captains. Don
Francisco Joseph de Viana accompanied the Iphigenia, and is referred to as second captain
bj' Meares in his memorial to the British government, in the year 1788, complaining of
the Spanish authorities at Nootka Sound.
This enterprise in its inception was divested of all claim to British nationalit}',
notwithstanding Meares, its intended and real commander, held a commission in the
British nav}-. The merchant-proprietors fraudulently concealed their nationality, and
thereby forfeited their rights as British subjects in the conspirac}^ to defraud the Chinese
goveniment of the payment of port charges, for which as British subjects they would have
been liable. Neither could the}- as British subjects have lawfully engaged in such
commerce, violating as it did the Crown grant to the East India Company. But no claim
as English subjects was then intended to have been made by the merchant-proprietors. It
was a Portuguese voj-age, under the Portuguese flag; and b}- the letter of instructions of
December 24, 1787, of the merchant-proprietors, all doubt is removed ?s to the national
character which must be ascribed to this adventure. It was alike hostile to English as to
Russian or Spanish authority.
Those instructions will be found at length, appended to the memorial of Captain
Meares. In them the following occurs :
" Sliould you, in the course of your voyage, meet with any Russian, English or
Spanish vessels, you will treat them with civility and friendship, and allow them, if
(i) 111 1785. Captain James Haillia. an Englishman, had made a very successful voyage under the Portuguese flag to the North ]
lission of the Governor of Macao. Exempt from Chinese port charges, the voyage had proven very profitable.
I Pacific, bv
permission (-----
BISHOP BLANCHE!
FATHER DESMET.
-^^.
t . '^jM?CHBISHOP BLANCHEt J ^^
FATHER BF?OUILLET
Bl SHOP OEMEffS.
PIONEER CATHOLIC MISSIONARIES
VOYAGES OF MEARES UNDER PORTUGUESE FLAG. 41
authorized, to examine your papers, which will show the object of your voyage. But you
must, at the same time, guard against surprise. Shoiild they attempt to seize you, or
even carry you out of your way, 3-ou will prevent it by every means in your power, and
repel force b}' force. You will, on your arrival in the first port, protest before a proper
officer against such illegal procedure, and ascertain as nearly as you can the value of your
cargo and vessel, sending such protest, with a full account of the transaction, to us in
China.
" Should you, in such conflict, have the superiority, 3^ou will then take possession of
the vessel that attacked, as also her cargo, and bring both, with the officers and crew, to
China, that they may be condemned as legal prizes, and their crews punished as pirates."
Meares, in his instructions to Captain Douglas, reiterates this direction : " If they are
of superior force, and desire to see your papers, you will show them, should they be either
Russian, English, Spanish or any other civilized nation. Force is to be used if it can be
successfully ; and he is strictly charged to have as little communication with them as
possible." The IpJiigenia sailed directly for Cook's river, where she continued trading
diiring the summer. The Felice sailed directly for Nootka Sound, where she arrived May
13, 1788. On the 25th, Mazuilla, or Maquinna, chief of the native tribe, granted to Meares
" a spot of ground in his territory, whereon a house might be built for the accommodation
of the people we intended to leave there, but had promised us also his assistance in
forwarding our works, and his protection of the party who were destined to remain in
Nootka during our absence. In return for his kindness, and to insure a continuance of it,
the chief was presented with a pair of pistols." On the 28th, the house was completed
and occupied, and the building of the schooner NoriJiiuest Avierica commenced. Everj-thing
being in readiness for the voyage down the coast. Captain Meares interviewed Maquinna
regarding the portion of crew who were to remain at Nootka. Maquinna agreed with
Meares to " show every mark of attention and friendship to the party we (Meares) should
leave on shore ; and, as a bribe to secure his attachment, he was promised that, when we
finally left the coast, he should enter into full possession of the house and all the goods
and chattels thereunto belonging." Such is the character of the first establishment upon
the coast, as given by Captain Meares, its founder. It was a mere temporary shelter and
stockade for the purposes of defense, reverting to the native chief who granted the privilege
of its erection as soon as the grantees should take their departure. This was the first
attempt at a settlement on the northwest coast of America, south of the Russian
settlements.
The statement of these transactions, with the aiiimus of their projectors and the actors
emploj^ed, is essential to the due understanding of the events which were their natural and
necessar}' consequence. These acts of Captain Meares and his associates were assumed
by the British government as the legitimate enterprise of British subjects, entitled to
national recognition and justification. Indeed, they mark the initiation of territorial claim
by the British Crown for these coasts and the adjacent territory.
Leaving a crew at work upon the schooner, Captain Meares occupied the summer in
a voyage of exploration down the coast, returning to Nootka on the 27th of August.
The Iphigenia soon after arrived. By Meares' instructions to Captain Douglas, that
vessel was to spend the summer months on the northern coasts, and meet him at Nootka
Sound about the ist of September. It having been determined that the Iphigenia and
Nortlnuest America should continue upon the coast, the furs collected were transferred
to the Felice^ which sailed September 28th for Macao.
42 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
On the 17th of September, tlie American sloop tVasAzng^on, Ca-ptain Robert Gray,
arrived at Xootka, followed shortly by the American ship Columbia^ Captain John
Kendrick. October 27th, the Iphigenia and Northivest America sailed for the Sandwich
Islands. The two American vessels remained at Nootka Sound that winter and all the
next summer.
These vo3'ages of the fur traders occasioned great uneasiness to Spain. The acts of
the Russians were the most serious cause of alarm. The latter had crowded their
settlements to the southward. The apprehension that Russian traders would attempt to
form an establishment at Nootka Sound had occasioned the Spanish government to
remonstrate with the Russian Emperor against the encroachment of Russians upon the
possessions of Spain, which were claimed to extend as far north as Prince William's Sound,
latitude sixty-one degrees north. In 17S9 the Viceroy of Mexico, with the purpose of
anticipating and preventing occupancy of Nootka Sound b}- traders of other nations, had
dispatched Martinez and de Haro, in the ships Princesa and San Carlos, with instructions
to occupy that port. Martinez was to take possession of it as Spanish Territor}-, by right
of discover}- b}' Perez in 1774. Russians and English were to be treated with proper
courtesy; but the formation of an establishment prejudicial to the claim or interests of
Spain was to be resisted.
The Princesa reached Nootka on the 5th of Ma}-, 1779, and was joined b\- the San
Carlos on the loth. When the Spanish \essels arrived, the American ship Columbia
was in the sound, at a place called Mahwinna ; the Iphigenia was anchored in the bay.
Martinez demanded the papers of both vessels, and their explanation for being at anchor
in Nootka Sound, apprising them that it belonged to the King of Spain. The captain of
the Iphigenia (Viana) replied that he had put there in distress, and was waiting the arrival
of Captain Meares, in the Felice, who was daily expected. This answer satisfied Martinez.
But, having learned that the Ipigenia sailed under orders to capture any Russian, Spanish
or English vessel she was able to capture, he seized her. Martinez, however, being advised
that the orders were intended to apply only to the defense of the vessel, released the
Iphigenia and her cargo, and generously furnished her with necessar}- supplies from his
own ship. On the 8th of June the Northiucst America returned from a cruise and was
seized by Martinez the next da}-.
While these events had been transpiring, Cavalho (whose name served as a cloak to
confer Portuguese nationality upon these voyages, and to remove British national character
from the ships Felice and Iphigenia, whereby China could be defrauded and the East India
Company's exclusive grant evaded) had become bankrupt.
The merchant-proprietors, as a matter of necessity, had combined their interests with
the King George's Sound Company. By the new arrangement, the Felice had been sold,
the Prince of Wales returned to England, the ship Argonaut was purchased, Colnett,
late of the Princess Royal, was put in command, and the Princess Royal was transferred
to Captain Hudson. To Captain Colnett was assigned the charge of the enterprise. In
the instructions to him, the Iphigenia and Nortlnucsl Atnerica were henceforth placed
under his orders, and were to engage in trade on account of the company. Captain
Douglas was to return in the Argonaut, and to transfer to Colnett the Iphigenia and
Northicest America. " We also authorize you to dismiss from your service all persons
who shall refuse to obey your orders, when they are for our benefit ; and in this case we
give you to understand, the Princess Royal, Northwest America, or other small craft, are
always to continue on the coast of America. Their officers and people, when the time of
DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN SPAIN AND GREAT BRITAIN. .43
their services are up, must be embarked upon the returning ship to China. On no account
whatever will we suffer a deviation from these orders." Captain Colnett's instructions
were further " to establish a factory to be called Fort Pitt, for the purpose of permanent
settlement, and as a center of trade around which other stations may be established."
The Princess Royal arrived first at Nootka, and was not molested by the Spanish
commander. On the ad of July the Argonaut was about entering the bay, when Captain
Colnett, being advised of the seizure of the Iphigenia and the NortJiivesi America^ at first
declined to enter with his ship, but changed his resolution. A day or two afterwards
Captain Colnett called on Martinez. He informed the Spanish governor that he intended
to take formal possession of Nootka Sound in the name of Great Britain, and hoist the
British flag; that, in conjunction with Captain Meares and other gentlemen at Macao, a
colony was to be established and a fort to be erected. To this the vSpanish governor
replied : " That possession had already been taken in the name of Spain, and that his
orders and presence there weie to prevent such acts as he (Colnett) contemplated, and
that they would not be allowed." Colnett then asked if the Spanish commander would
prevent him from building a house in the port. Martinez consented to the erection of a
tent, to wood and water, after \\'hich Colnett was at liberty to depart in his vessel when he
pleased. The English captain replied that such was not his intention, but that he was
there to build a blockhouse, erect a fort and settle a colony in the name of Great Britain.
Martinez answered that Colnett's vessel was not a national vessel of Great Britain, not
under its flag, nor was he (Colnett) authorized to transact business of that nature. Colnett
plead his commission to the British nav}-. Martinez replied : " You are on leave, and in
the merchant service, and the commission secures you no consequence." After which an
altercation occurred in the cabin of the Princesa between Captain Colnett and Martinez.
The next day the Spanish commander ordered the seizure of the Argonaut^ and the arrest
of Colnett and his crew. The Princess Royal soon after returned, and she also was seized.
Both vessels were sent to San Bias as prizes. The American vessels in the harbor of
Nootka were not interfered with by Martinez. These events becoming known in Europe,
Spain complained to the British government of the encroachment upon her rights of
territor}^; and England haughtily demanded of Spain immediate reparation for the insult
to her flag. The King of Great Britain, Ma}- 5, 1790, in a message to Parliament,
communicated a detail of those acts, and asked for an augmentation of the army and
navy, " to put it in his ^Majesty's power to act with vigor and effect in support of the
honor of his Crown and the interests of his people." On the 4th of June, 1790, the
King of Spain published a declaration " to all the other courts of Europe," temperately
reciting the rights of territory of the Spanish government " to the continents and islands
of the South Sea." It states, in conclusion : " Although Spain may not have
establishments or colonies planted upon the coasts or in the ports in dispute, it does
not follow that such coast or port does not belong to her. If this rule were to be followed,
one nation might establish colonies on the coast of another nation, in America, Asia,
Africa and Europe, by which means there would be no fixed boundaries, — a circumstance
evidently absurd."
■' But whatever may be the issue of the question of right, upon a mature consideration
of the claims of both parties, the result of the question of fact is, that the capture of the
English vessels is repaired by the restitution that has been made, and the conduct of the
Viceroy ; for, as to the qualifications of such restitution, and whether the prize was lawful
or not, that respects the question of right yet to be investigated ; that is to say, if it has
44 HISTORY CF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
been agreeably to, or in contradiction to, the treaties relative to the rights and possessions
of Spain. Lastly, the King will readily enter into any plan by which future disputes
on this subject may be obviated, that no reproach may be upon him as having refused
means of reconciliation, and for the establishment of a solid and permanent peace not only
between Spain and Great Britain, but also between all nations."
Such being the attitude of Spain, negotiations commenced between that nation and
Great Britain. Mr. Alleyne Fitzherbert, the British Ambassador at the Court of Madrid,
claimed :
" Such full and adequate satisfaction as the nature of the case evidently requires."
Count de Blanca, the Spanish Minister of State, on the 13th of June, presented to Mr.
Fitzherbert the memorial of the Court of Spain, in which, having recited the stipulation
prescribed by the Treaty of Utrecht, " that Spain should never grant liberty or permission
to any nation to trade to, or to introduce their merchandise into, the Spanish-American
dominions, nor to sell, cede or give up to any other nation its lands, dominions or
territories, or any part thereof," Count de Blauca boldly claims: "The vast extent
of the Spanish territories, navigation and dominion, on the continent of America, isles
and seas contiguous to the South Sea, are clearl}^ laid down and authenticated b}- a variety
of documents, laws and formal acts of possession in the reign of King Charles II. It is
also clearly ascertained, that notwithstanding the repeated attempts made b}' adventurers
and pirates on the Spanish coasts of the South Sea and adjacent islands, Spain has still
preserved her possessions entire, and opposed wath success those usurpations, by constantly
sending her .ships and vessels to take possession of such settlements. By these measures,
and reiterated acts of possession, Spain has preserved her dominion, which she has
extended to the borders of the Russian establishments in that part of the world." The
memorial then refers to the affairs in Nootka harbor. Mr. Fitzherbert, for the British
government (June 16), after requiring that matters at Nootka should be put in their
original state, adds : " As certain acts have been committed in the latitudes in question by
vessels belonging to the Royal Marine of Spain, against several British vessels, without
any reprisals having been made, of any sort, on the part of Great Britain, that power is
perfectly in the right to insist, as a preliminary condition, upon a prompt and suitable
reparation for these acts of violence ; and, in consequence of this principle, the practice of
nations has limited such right of reparation to three articles, viz.: the restitution of the
vessels ; a full indemnification for the losses sustained by the parties injured ; and, finall}',
satisfaction to the sovereign for the insult offered to his flag. So that it is evident that
the actual demands of my court has, far from containing anything to prejudice the rights
or dignit}- of his Catholic Majesty, amounted to no more, in fact, than what is constantly
done by Great Britain herself, as well as other maritime powers, in similar circumstances.
Finally, as to the nature of the satisfaction which the Court of London exacts on that
occasion, and on what your excellenc}' appears to desire some explanation, I am authorized,
sir, to assure you, that if his Catholic Majesty consents to make a declaration in his name,
bearing in substance that he had determined to offer to his Britannic Majesty a just
and suitable satisfaction for the insult offered to his flag, such offer, joined to the promise
of making restitution of the vessels captured and to indemnify the proprietors, will be
regarded by his Britannic Majesty as constituting in itself the satisfaction demanded ; and
his said Majesty will accept of it as such by a counter-declaration on his part."
Under date of June i8th Blanca replies : " I cannot give my consent to the principles
laid down in your last letter; as Spain maintains, on the most solid grounds, that the
"fj^ \'.k
BISHOP SCOTT.
REV.JOHN M9CARTY. D.D.
REV.SIMICHAEL PACKLER.
M
JKT ^- 1 ■ ■ ■"■■- ■
REV. J.R.W.SELLWOOD.
PIONEER EPISGOPAliIAN MISSIONARIES
THE NOOTKA TREATY, OR CONVENTION OF THE EvSCURIAL. 45
detention of vessels was made in a port, upon a coast, or in a ba}- of Spanish America, the
commerce and navigation of which belongs exclusively to Spain, b}' treaties with all
nations, even England itself. The principles laid down cannot be adapted to the case.
The vessels detained attempted to make an establishment at a port where they found a
nation actiiall}^ settled; the. Spanish commander at Nootka having, previous to their
detention, made the most amicable representations to the aggressors to desist from their
purposes."
" However, that a quarrel may not arise about words, and that two nations friendly to
each other may not be exposed to the calamities of war, I have to inform you, sir, by order
of the King, that his Majesty consents to make the declaration which your Excellency
proposes in your letter, and will offer to his Britannic Majesty a just and suitable
satisfaction for the insult offered to the honor of his flag, provided that to these are added
either of the following explanations :
"i. That in offering such satisfaction the insult and the satisfaction shall be fulh'
settled, both in form and in substance, bj' a judgment to be pronounced by one of the
Kings of Europe, whom the King, my master, leaves wholl}' to the choice of his Britannic
Majestj^; for it is sufficient to the Spanish monarch that a crowned head, from full
information of the facts, shall decide as he thinks just.
"2. That, in offering a just and suitable satisfaction, care shall be taken that, in
progress of the negotiation to be opened, no facts be admitted as true but such as can be
fully established by Great Britain with regard to the insult offered to her flag.
"3. That the said satisfaction shall be given on condition that no inference be drawn
therefrom to affect the rights of Spain, nor the right of exacting from Great Britain an
equivalent satisfaction if it shall be found, in the course of the negotiation, that the King
has a right to demand satisfaction for the aggression and usurpation made on the Spanish
territory, contrary to subsisting treaties."
The proposition to refer the subject to a European Sovereign being declined by Great
Britain, the required declaration was made July 24th, by the Spanish Minister of State,
which Fitzherbert accepted, and filed a counter-declaration. Up to this stage, neither the
Royal message, the speeches in Parliament, nor the correspondence or statements of the
British negotiator, make the slightest allusion to a claim by Great Britain of any right of
territory, nor any denial of the sovereignty so persistently avowed by Spain. On the i6th
of June, Spain appealed to France to assist her in resisting the power of Great Britain,
should war ensue out of these matters. On the 6th of August the National Convention of
France passed a decree stating that " France will observe the defensive and commercial
engagements which the French government have previously contracted with Spain."
Hope being abandoned of assistance from France, the negotiations proceeded and
terminated, October 28th, in the Nootka Treaty, or Convention of the Escurial. By its
provisions, the buildings and tracts of land on the northwest coast of America, of which
British subjects had been dispossessed in 1789, by Martinez, were to be restored.
Reparation was to be made for all acts of hostility or violence subsequent to April, 1789.
British subjects were to be re-established in possession of property and vessels of which
they had been dispossessed. Just compensation was to be made to them for the losses
which they had sustained by the acts of the Spanish officer. A right in common was
secured to the subjects of both nations to navigate the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas
or to land on places on the coast thereof not already occupied, to carry on commerce
with the natives, and to make settlements with the following restrictions: The King of
46 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Great Britain engaged to prevent navigation or fishery in those seas being made the pretext
for illicit trade with Spanish settlements. No British subject was to navigate or carry on
a fishery in said oceans within ten sea leagues of any part of the coast occupied by Spain.
When settlements were made by subjects of either power, free access to, and full privilege
to trade, were confirmed without molestation. Such was the treaty of Nootka. Belsham,
the British historian, thus comments upon these transactions, this negotiation and treaty:
" By the treaty of 1763, the river Mississippi, flowing from north to south, in a direct
course of 1,500 miles, was made the perpetual boundary of the two empires; and the
whole countrv to the west of that vast river belonged to his Catholic Majesty by just as
valid a tenure as the country eastward of the river to the King of England. Exclusive of
the recent and decisive line of demarcation, by which the relative and political rights of
both nations were clearly ascertained, the Spani.sh Court referred to ancient treaties b}'
which the rights of the Crown of Spain were acknowledged in their full extent by Great
Britain."
Having referred to the British refusal to arbitrate, Belsham proceeds :
"No assistance being had from France, Spain, yielding to necessity, complied with
the harsh demands for restitution and indemnification ; and at length, on the 2Sth of
October, 1790, a convention was signed at Escurial by which every point in dispute was
conceded to Spain. The settlement of Nootka was restored, free navigation and right of
fishing in the South Pacific were confirmed to Great Britain ; a full liberty of trade, and
even of settlement, was granted to all the northwest coast of America, beyond the most
northerly of the Spanish settlements, unaccompanied, however, b}' any formal renunciation
of their rights of sovereignty."
These transactions are of vital historic moment, as they afterwards became prominent
features in the adjustment of the limits of coast and territory inuring to the respective
claimants. As the United States of America afterwards succeeded to whatever rights
Spain had acquired to Northwest America, it is interesting to learn how, if at all, Spain had
become divested by the Nootka Treaty of territorial claim upon the North Pacific coast.
The British government appointed Captain George Vancouver commissioner to receive
the property recited in the first article. With that leading object, an expedition was
intrusted to his command.
Vancouver sailed from England January 6, 1791, in the ship Discovery^ accompanied
by the brig Chatham^ Lieutenant Robert Broughton. On the arrival of Captain Vancouver
at Nootka August 28, 1792, he found the Spanish commissioner, Bodega y Quadra, in
command. Negotiations commenced on the 30th and continued till the iSth of September.
Senor Quadra finally offered to surrender the land actually occupied by British subjects in
1789, the Spani.sh settlement at Nootka to continue until the decision of the English and
Spanish governments had been obtained. This was the extent of Quadra's powers, — of his
concessions. Captain Vancouver demanded " Nootka in toto, and ClaA'oquot or Port Cox.
The former is the place which had been occupied by British subjects; from thence their
vessels were sent as prizes, and themselves as prisoners to New Spain. This is the place
that was forcibly wrested from them and fortified and occupied by the officers of the Spanish
Crown. This place, therefore, with Clayoquot or Port Cox, were comprehended under
the first article of the convention, and were by that treaty to be restored without any
reservation whatsoever ; on these terms and on these only could he receive restitution of
them." Quadra was inexorable and would consent to nothing except to place Vancouver
in possession. He utterly refused to make formal surrender of the territor}' or any claim
RESTITUTION TO BRITISH SUBJECTS OF SEIZED PROPERTY. 47
thereto of Spain. Vancouver adds : " He would not entertain an idea of hoisting the
British flag on the spot of land pointed out by Senor Quadra, not extending more than
one hundred yards in any direction." And so the Quadra-Vancouver negotiations ended
without practical result. The territory was not surrendered. Captain \'ancouver was
never put in possession of Nootka harbor and the adjacent coast; not even the " small
spot of ground," for the use of which, while the party should be building a schooner,
Captain Aleares had presented to Maquilla, the native chief, a pair of pistols.
Notwithstanding their unsuccessful negotiations, the social relations between these
two illustrious navigators were of the most friendly character. Vancouver relates "that
on the 5th September, after a pleasant joint excursion to Friendly Cove, Quadra earnestly
requested him to name some port or island after both to commemorate the meeting and the
very friendly intercourse that had taken place. Conceiving no spot so proper for this
denomination as the place where we had first met, which was nearly in the center of the
tract of land that had first been circumnavigated by us, forming the southwestern side of
the Gulf of Georgia and the southern side of Johnstone's Strait and Queen Charlotte's
Sound, I named that country the island of Quadra and A^ancouver, with which compliment
he seemed highly pleased."
The two commissioners, in the hope that more specific instructions might be leceived,
arranged to meet again at Monterey, in Mexico. A^ancouver had determined on sending
the Challiatu to England with advices as to the failure of settlement. But Seiior Quadra
generously offered Lieutenant Broughton a passage in his ship to San Bias, and thence to
secure him a transit across Mexico, thereby materially hastening the journey to London,
which \'ancouver accepted. The C/ial/iaiii remained on the coast. Lieutenant Puget
succeeding to command. On reaching England, Lieutenant Broughton was dispatched to
Madrid, and upon his return was assigned to the sloop Providence^ with orders to proceed
to Nootka and receive the possessions due to the British subjects under the first article of the
Nootka Treaty. Broughton arrived at Nootka on the i/tli of March, 1796, but found the
place deserted by the Spanish. Bv letters left, he was informed that the restoration had
been made March 28, 1795, " agreeabl}- to the mode settled by the two courts." Lieutenant
Broughton then departed from Nootka. Lieutenant Pierce of the marines was the English
officer to whom the restoration had been made. General Alava representing the Spanish
government. In the letter to the Duke of Portland, April 25, 1795, Lieutenant Pierce,
after stating that the fort at the entrance of the harbor had been dismantled and the
ordnance placed aboard the Spanish ships, writes :
" Brigadier-General Alava and myself then met, agreeably to our respective
instructions, on the place where formerly the British buildings stood, where we signed
and exchanged the declaration, and counter-declaration, for restoring those lands to his
Majesty, as agreed upon between the two courts, x^fter which ceremony I ordered the
British flag to be hoisted, in token of possession ; and the General gave directions for the
troops to embark." Such is the British version of the Spanish surrender at Nootka
Harbor. The contents of the exchanged declaration and counter-declaration, for restoring
those lands to his Majesty, there is no means of ascertaining. After the unsuccessful
negotiations between Vancouver and Quadra had been communicated to their respective
governments, it would seem that both nations agreed that neither should assert exclusiven.ess
of title to the territories of the North Pacific ; that question as to the sovereignty of the
territory had been reserved ; and that matters at Nootka were intended to have been placed
in their original state. The vessels and property seized by Martinez had been restored ;
48 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
and the sum of two hundred and ten thousand dollars had been accepted as reparation for
damages growing out of his acts. Whatever surrender General Alava had made to Lieut.
Pierce was merely a matter of ceremony. Certain it is, no concession was at that
time made by Spain of her territorial claim upon the northwest coast. Belsham, who
never apologizes for his country's wrong-doing, who believes that history should censure,
where deser\-ed, thus forcibly characterizes this temporary yielding to might :
" But though England, at the expense of three millions, extorted from the Spaniards
a promise of restoration and reparation, it is well ascertained : first, that the settlement in
question never was restored by Spain, nor the Spanish ilag at Nootka ever struck ; and,
secondly, that no settlement had been subsequently attempted b}- England on the California
coast. The claim of right set up by the Court of London, it is therefore plain, has been
virtuall_v abandoned, notwithstanding the menacing tone in which the negotiation was
conducted b}- the British Administration, who cannot escape some censure for encouraging
these vexatious encroachments on the territorial rights of Spain."
In 1796, Spain declared war against Great Britain, and never afterwards made an}''
attempt to reoccupy Nootka Sound. Whether such war abrogated the Nootka Treat}^ and
reinstated in their original condition territorial rights claimed to have been regulated or
acquired under such treaty, are questions which have been greatly discussed. Those
unsettled questions of international law upon which publicists have so widely differed were
divested of all political significance b}- the Treat}- of Limits of June 15, 1846, between
the United States, assignee of the Spanish title, and Great Britain. As Nootka is in the
territor}^ which was ceded to Great Britain by the United States, it is of no real moment
whether Lieut. Pierce was invested by General Alava with the territory surrounding
Nootka Sound, or whether he received onl}' a possessory title to the spot upon which the}'
stood, the spot of ground jMaquilla had granted to Meares for a temporary shelter, while
his crew built the Northivest America. With Broughton's brief visit to Nootka Sound
terminated the \isits of the English. No more acts were ever performed by any British
subjects, or attempted within the harbor or upon its adjacent soil, as a result of the Nootka
Treaty, or of the ceremony in which Lieut. Pierce and General Alava participated. Great
Britain never acquired, much less exercised, any territorial rights over Nootka Sound or
the adjacent territory by virtue of the first article of the Nootka Treaty, which reads :
Article I. It is agreed that the buildings and tracts of land situated on the
northwest coast of the continent of North America, or on islands adjacent to that continent,
of which the subjects of his Britannic Majesty were dispossessed about the month of
April, 1789, by a Spanish officer, shall be restored to the said Britannic subjects.
WM. CAMERON M5KAY, M.D.
PENDLETON, OR .
Chapter VIII.
(17S7-1792.)
strait of Jiiaii de Fuca Discovered — Examinations of Strait by Meares, Gray,
Keiidrick and Spanish Navigators — Vancouver's Survey of Strait, Admiralty
Inlet, Puget Sound and Gidf of Georgia — Discovery of Columbia River — Trade
of North Pacific Coast Exclusively Enjoyed by American Vessels — Tragic Fate
of Crew of Ship Boston — National Character Ascribed to Several Portions of
North Pacific Coast ^ Termination of Coastwise Voyages of Discovery — Coast
Between Forty-three and Fifty-five Degrees Latitude Claimed by Spain, Great
Britain and United States.
WHILE the events which led to and grew out of the Nootka Treaty had been
transpiring, discoveries and explorations of especial interest were being made in
the seas and inland waters adjacent to Nootka Sound.
In the year 1786, La Perouse, the illustrious French navigator, was on the northwest
coast. The expedition consisted of the frigates V Astrolabe and La Boussole. Its purpose
was the exploration in the Pacific and examination of the coasts of America, China, Japan
and Tartary. It sailed from Brest August i, 1785, doubled Cape Horn and journeyed
thence to northwest America, where it arrived June 23, 17S6. La Perouse sailed southward
August 9, 1786, and thoroughly examined the coast from Mount St. Elias to Monterey,
where he arrived September 14, 1786. In latitude fifty-eight degrees he discovered and
named Port des Fran9ais, in which harbor the vessels remained about six weeks. He
forwarded his charts and notes from Petropaulovski, but they were not published until
1798, by which time later voyages of navigators had superseded the names given by La
Perouse. On the 7th of Februar}^, 1788, La Perouse, from Botany Bay, advised the
French Minister of Marine of his future movements, which was the last intelligence ever
received from the French expedition.
In 1787, Captain Berkley, in the [mperial Eagle, an Austrian East Indiaman, had
arrived at Nootka. During the summer he examined the coast as far south as forty-seven
degrees north latitude. He discovered the entrance of the strait on the south shore of
Vancouver Island. To him belongs the honor of having ascertained the existence of the
strait afterwards named Juan de Fuca. Continuing southward, he reached the Isla de
Dolores of the Spanish charts. Dispatching a small boat to the same shore in quest of
fresh water, the crew were all murdered by the natives. As a memorial of their sad fate,
he named the island opposite to the mouth of the stream Destruction Island.
During the next winter (1787-8), Captain Berkley communicated to Captain Meares
of Macao, that the outlet of the strait had been observed by him, but that he had not
attempted an entrance or examination. In 178S, Captain Meares again arrived upon the
northwest coast. Having left a small party at Nootka building the schooner Nortliwesl
America. Captain Meares sailed southward in the Felice.^ on the nth of June, on a vo3'age
of exploration. On the 29th, he made a limited examination of the strait south of
Vancouver Island. He described the entrance as twelve or fourteen leagues broad.
5 (49)
50 HISTORY OK PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
" From the mast-head it was observed to stretch to the east by north, and a clear, unbounded
horizon was seen in that direction as far as the eye could reach." He attempted frequent
soundings, "but could procure no bottom with one hundred fathoms of line." Says he :
" The strangest curiosity impelled us to enter this strait, which we will call by the name
of its original discoverer, Juan de Fuca." Subsequently, Mr. Duffin, his first officer, with
a party, explored the strait some fifty miles, determining the port of San Juan. IMeares
sailed southward to examine the so-called mouth of the Rio de San Roque of Heceta. On
the 5th of July, he discovered the entrance of the bay which he named Shoalwater. To
the north point he gave the name Cape Shoalwater, now called Toke Point. After
searching for the entrance of the river San Roque, his conclusion was thus stated : "' We
can now with safety assert that there is no such river as St. Roc exists, as laid down on
the Spanish charts." He further attested his deep-seated convictions that no river entered
the ocean in that vicinity by naming the promontory north of the bay Cape Disappointment.
The bay itself he nominated Deception Bay. Disappointed and deceived, he continued
his cruise southward to latitude forty-five degrees north ; and, upon the 26th of July, he
headed northward, arriving at Nootka on the 27th of August.
In 17S7, Joseph Barrel, a prominent merchant of Boston, projected a voyage of
discovery and commerce to the northwest coast of America. In this enterprise Samuel
Brown, Charles Bulfinch, John Derby, Crowell Hatch and John M. Pintard, all citizens
of the United States, became associated. Two vessels, the ship Columbia, Captain John
Kendrick, and the sloop Washington, Captain Robert Gra}-, were equipped and provided
with assorted cargoes for trade with the natives. They sailed from Boston October, 17S7 ;
and their arrival at Nootka in September, 17SS, has akeady been incidentally mentioned.
In 1789, in a summer voA-age from Nootka down the coast, Captain Robert Gray,
in the Washington, entered the Strait of Juan de Fuca and " sailed through it fifty miles
in an east-southeast direction, and found the pas.sage five leagues wide." In returning to
Nootka, he met the ship Columbia in the strait, ready for sea, bound for China. Captain
Gra}- transferred to the Columbia ; Captain Kendrick exchanged to the sloop, and wintered
upon the coast. The Columbia sailed to Canton, where Gra}' exchanged his furs for a
cargo of tea, with which he arrived at Boston August 10, 1790, via Capeof Good Hope.
To him belongs the honor of having commanded the vessel first to circumnavigate the
globe under the national standard of the United States of xA.merica. In the fall of 1789,
after parting with the Columbia, Captain Kendrick, in the sloop Washington, sailed
through the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Steering northward, he passed through some eight
degrees of latitude, and came out into the Pacific Ocean, north of latitude fiftv-five degrees
north.
The waters adjacent to Nootka Sound continued to be explored by Spanish navigators
while Spain remained in occupanc}- of Nootka. An expedition, consisting of the ship
Conception, Lieutenant Francisco Elisa, the San Carlos, Fidalgo, and the Princess Royal
(the P/incess Royal captured from Captain Colnett), commanded bv Manuel Ouimper,
fitted out by the \'iceroy of Mexico, sailed from San Bias February 3, 1790, arriving earl}^
in .April at Nootka. Fidalgo was sent north as far as Prince William's Sound, thence
southward to examine the coast between fifty-.seven degrees north and Nootka. The
unfavorable weather prevented the coast examination, and Fidalgo returned to San Bias.
To Quimper was assigned the exploration of the Strait of Juan de Fuca. His survey
included the strait and main channel of what is now known as the Gulf of Georgia, —
the main channel between \'ancouver Island and the continent, to which he gave the
EXAMINATION OF STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA. 51
name of Canal de Haro, in honor of his pilot, Gonzalo Lopez de Haro. Such is the
channel so notable in history, separating the Island of Yanconver and San Jnan, now
the water bonndar}- line between Great Britain and the United States, as settled b}'
William I., Emperor of United Germanj\ Elisa, with his ship, wintered at Nootka. In
1 791, the San Carlos retnrned to Nootka accompanied by the schooner Santa Saturnina^
Jose Nan-aez. These vessels engaged in the examination of the strait and the Gulf of
Georgia ; and by them those Spanish names were given which are still borne by islands,
bays and points in the vicinity of Archipelago de Haro and Rosario Straits.
In the fall of 1790, after the release of Captain Colnett, he sailed from San Bias to
Nootka, in the Argonaut^ with an order to have restored to him his schooner Princess
Royal; but she had previouslj- sailed for San Bias. He obtained a valuable cargo of
furs, safely reached Macao, and during the next summer at Hawaii received his schooner
from Quimper.
The expedition of Alejandro Malaspina, which visited Nootka this 3'ear, must not
be omitted. He was appointed to explore and ascertain the exact geographic position of
the Spanish-Pacific possessions. The expedition consisted of the two frigates Disaibierta
and Atravida, which sailed from Cadiz, Spain, Jul}' 30, 17S9. Upon arrival at Acapulco,
Malaspina received from the Spanish government a cop}- of the paper b}- Buache, before the
French Geographic Societ}^, defending the integrit}^ of the claim of the alleged vo3-age of
]\Ialdonado, with instructions to ascertain the truthfulness of the Alaldonado narrative,
and whether the strait claimed to have been discovered had an existence. His denunciation
of the Maldonado fraud has alread}- been noted.
After passing Cape St. Elias, he, with Captain Bustamenti, who commanded the
Atravida, with all the ofl&cers and pilots of both vessels, signed and published the
declaration that from Cape Fairweather to Prince William's Sound no strait had been
found. The expedition reached Nootka Sound early in August, 1791, and remained there
until the close of the month.
Malaspina attempted but little examination of the inland seas in the vicinity. He
discovered the mouth of what is now called Eraser river, naming it Rio Blanca, in
honor of the Spanish Minister of State.
Etienne Marchand, a West India navigator and merchant, in 17S8 projected a
voyage around the world for commercial purposes. He sailed from Marseilles in the
ship Le Solide December 14, 1790, and in August, 1791, reached Queen Charlotte's Island.
A complete map and scientific description of the northwest part of Queen Charlotte's
Island was published in 1798, among the charts prepared b}- this navigator, and in the
narrative of this voyage.
Twenty-eight vessels, under the flags of Portugal, France, England, Spain and the
United States, visited Nootka Sound this year. Of these, five were national expeditions,
the remainder traders.
In 1792, two schooners, the Siitil and Mexicano^ respective!}' commanded by Galiano
and Valdes, arrived at Nootka in May. On June 4th, that expedition anchored in Neah
Bay, and from thence proceeded eastward with the survey of the Strait of Fuca. On the
2ist, Galiano and Vancouver met personally, exchanged notes, charts and information, and
agreed to work thereafter together. \^ancouver freely communicated and received
information, but would not accept as correct the work of Galiano. This nettled the
Spaniard, and the two navigators parted. Galiano thoroughly surveyed the Gulf of
Georgia, and passed out north of Vancouver Island around, to Nootka, claiming that he
52 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
had established the fact of Vancouver being an island. This last Spanish exploring
expedition sailed from Nootka for San Bias abont the ist of September, passing the mouth
of the Columbia river, and verif3dng it as an entrance named by Heceta.
Captain \'ancouver, of the British navv, in addition to his duties as British
commissioner under the Nootka Treaty, had been invested with authority to continue his
voyage as an exploring expedition. Among his instructions are the following: "To
survey the Pacific coast of the American continent from the 35th to the 60th parallel
north ; to report the population, situation and extent of settlements b\' civilized nations
within those limits, and especially to seek any water passage between the British colonies
on the Atlantic side and British subjects on the northwest coast; to examine the supposed
Strait of Juan de Fuca, said to be situated between the 4Sth and 49th degrees of north
latitude, and to lead to an opening through which the sloop IVasliington is reported to
have passed in 1789, and to have come out again northward of Nootka."
On the 30th of April, 1792, the Vancouver expedition had entered the Strait of Juan
de Fuca, and penetrated to a point on the south shore named by Vancouver New Dungeness.
On May ist, thev sailed eastward, and entered a bay by him called Port Discovery. The
island abreast of its mouth received its name of Protection Island. The channel to the
southward of Point Wilson was called Admiralty Inlet. Its two great southern arms were
respectively nominated Hood's Canal and Puget Sound. Each of those, with their
numerous islands, inlets, bays and harbors, were successively explored and described. The
names conferred b}- Vancouver still remain, and are the perpetuation of the testimou}- that
no physical feature of interest escaped Vancouver's notice. He determined the inlets of
the great inland sea, happilv called the Mediterranean of the Northwest. Its ever-tortuous
channel he traced to its ^•ery head, and fully and forever set at rest anj- thought that the
Strait of Juan de Fuca afforded a water passage through the continent. His labor
accomplished in those inland waters, he passed out to the northward, through the Gulf of
Georgia, which separates the island of \"ancouver from the continent. Having
circumnavigated that island, upon which was conferred the name of Quadra and Wincouver,
he arrived August 28th at Nootka.
A departure from strict chronologic order has again become necessary. It has been
observed in preceding pages that a discovery, an event or a historic result frequentlv
depends not upon a single act, but a series of acts through agencies inaugurated
independently of each other, sometimes dictated by adverse interests for rival purposes.
Hence such series of acts, with the motives of the several actors, must be represented in
continuous statement to lead up to the real result, — to intelligently make the record. It
is eminently proper, therefore, not to say indispensable, even at the expense of repetition,
to aggregate tho.se chief incidents which develop the search and determine the existence
of the " great river of the West," and to whom belongs the honor of its discovery.
Heceta, on the 1 7th of August, 1775, while coasting homeward to Monterey, discoAcred
an extensive bay, which he placed in forty-six degrees, seventeen minutes north. Midway
between the headlands he noticed that the currents were too strong for his vessel. Says
he : " These currents and eddies of water caused me to believe that the place is the mouth
of some great river, or of .some passage into another .sea." He named the entrance
Assumption Inlet. To the river, which he believed to exist, he gave the name San Roque.
In the summer of 17S8, Captain Meares made an examination, called the ba}- Deception
Bay, and its north headland Cape Disappointment. He emphaticall}- denied the existence
of a river, and that Heceta's Bav was the mouth of anv river.
MRS. ELIZA WARREN
NEE. MISS SPALDING.
MR S.E.L. CHAPMAN
NEE MISS BEWLEY
MRS. S.M.WIRT
NEE MISS Kl M BALL
MRS. O.N DENNY.
NEE MISS MALL.
SOME OFTHE SURVIVORS OF THE WHITMAN MASSACRE,
WHO WERE CAPTIVES OF THE INDIANS.
DISCOVERY OF COLUMBIA RIVER. 53
In August, 1778, the American sloop Washington^ Captain Robert Gray, made the
northwest coast of America near forty-six degrees north. In an attempt to enter an
apparent opening, the sloop grounded, was attacked by savages, one of the crew killed, and
the mate se\erely wounded. Captain Gra}- believed this to have been the mouth of the
river which he afterwards named the Columbia.
On the aSth of September, 1790, Captain Graj', in the ship Columbia^ sailed from
Boston for the northwest coast of America. On the 29th of April, 1792, he spoke Captain
Vancouver off the entrance of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and communicated to him that
" he had been off the mouth of the river in latitude forty-six degrees, ten minutes north,
where the outset or reflux was so strong as to prevent his entering it for nine days."
Captain Vancouver attached but little importance to that statement of Captain Gray.
He continued upon his course, entering the Strait of Fuca, and upon April 30 he anchored
at New Dvingeness. With the utmost self-complacency he assured himself that he " has
proceeded further up this inlet than Mr. Gray, or (to our knowledge) any other person
from the civilized world." He then observes :
" Considering ourselves now on the point of commencing an examination of an
entirely new region, I cannot take leave of the coast already known without obtruding a
short remark on that part of the continent, comprehending a space nearly 215 leagues, on
which our inquiries had been lately employed under the most fortunate and favorable
circumstances of wind and weather. It must be considered as a very singular circumstance
that, in so great an extent of sea coast, we should not until now (the Strait of Fuca) have
seen the appearance of an}' opening in its shores, which presented any prospect of affording
shelter, the whole coast forming one compact, solid and nearly straight barrier against the
sea. The river Mr. Gray mentioned should, from the latitude he assigned to it, have
existence in the ba}', south of Cape Disappointment. This we passed on the forenoon of
the 27th; and I then observed, if any inlet or river should be found, it must be a very
intricate one, and inaccessible to vessels of our burthen, owing to the reefs and broken water
which then appeared in its neighborhood. Mr. Gray stated that he had been several days
attempting to enter it, which at length he was unable to effect, in consequence of a very
strong outset. This is a phenomenon difficult to account for, as, in most cases where there
are outsets of such strength on a seacoast, there are corresponding tides setting in. Be
that however as it may, I was thoroughly convinced, as were also most persons of
observation on board, that we could not possibly have passed any safe navigable opening,
harbor or place of security for shipping on this coast from Cape Mendocino to the
promontory of Classet; nor had we any reasons to alter our opinions, notwithstanding that
theoretical geographers have thought proper to assert, in that space, the existence of arms
of the ocean communicating with a mediterranean sea, and extensive rivers with safe and
convenient ports."
The usually accurate Vancouver then chronicles objections to parties setting up
claims of discovery, or asserting a belief that channels of communication into the interior
do exist. " These ideas, not derived from anj' source of substantial information, have, it
is much to be feared, been adopted for the sole purpose of giving unlimited credit to the
traditionary exploits of ancient foreigners, and to undervalue the laborioiis and enterprising
exertions of our own countr3'men, in the noble science of discovery."
The feeling maj' be natural to the scientific British navigator, that the American sailor,
making no pretensions to "the noble science of discovery" possessed by Vancouver's
own countrymen, should have the audacity to believe that there was an extensive
54
HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
river near Cape Disappointment asserted by Heceta to exist, which Captain Cook had
failed to obtain sight of, and which Captain Meares asserted did not exist. Awarding
no faith to the statement of Captain Gray, \'ancouver prosecuted his voyage northward.
The latter, satisfied by his own observations, more practical than scientific, returned
southward in search of that river "whose outlet or reflux was so strong as to prevent for
nine days his entering." On the 7th of May, " being within six miles of land, saw an
entrance in the same, which had a very good appearance of harbor, lowered away the jolly
boat, and went in search of an anchoring place, the ship standing to and fro, with a strong
weather current. At one o'clock p. m. the boat returned, having found no place where the
ship could anchor with safety; made sail on the ship; stood in for shore. We soon saw
from our masthead a passage between the sand-bars. At half past three, bore away and
run in northeast by east, having four to eight fathoms, sandy bottom; and, as we drew in
nearer between the bars, had from ten to thirteen fathoms, having a very strong tide of ebb
to stem. Many canoes came alongside. At five P. M. came to five fathoms of water, sandy
bottom, in a safe harbor, well sheltered from the sea by a long sand-bar and spit. Our
latitude observed this day was forty-six degrees, fift^'-eight minutes north." Captain Gray
called this bay Bulfinch Harbor, in honor of one of the part owners of the ship Cohnnbia.
It is now known as Gray's Harbor. Captain Gray remained there until the afternoon of
the loth.
On the nth. Captain Gray, "at four A. M., saw the entrance of our port, bearing east
southeast, distance six leagues ; in-steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. At eight
A. M., being a little to windward of entrance into the harbor, bore away and run east
northeast between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. When we
came over the bar, we found this to be a very large river of fresh water, up which we
steered." To this river, into which he sailed to Tongue Point, Captain Gra}^ gave the
name Columbia^ after the name of his ship.
Upon his return to Nootka Sound, Captain Gra}' furnished Sefior Quadra a sketch of
his summer explorations and discoveries, by whom Captain Vancouver was informed of
them. The Quadra- Vancouver negotiations having been brought to a close, Vancouver
.sailed on the 12th of October on a southern cruise with the Discovery^ accompanied by the
Chatham and Doedahis (i), "to re-examine the coast of New Albion, and particularly a
river and a harbor discovered by Mr. Gra}^ in the Columbia between the forty-sixth and
fortj'-.seventh degrees of north latitude, of which Senor Quadra favored me with a sketch."
The Doedahis was left to explore Gray's Harbor. " At four o'clock on the afternoon
of the 19th, when having nearly reached Cape Disappointment, which forms the north
point of entrance into Columbia river, so named b}^ Mr. Gray, I directed the Chatham to
lead into it, and, on her arrival at the bar, should no more than four fathoms of water be
found, the signal for danger was to be made, but, if the channel appeared to be navigable,
to proceed."
The Discovery followed the Chatham till Vancouver found the water to shoal to
three fathoms, with breakers all around, which induced him to haul ofi" to the eastward,
and to anchor outside the bar in ten fathoms. The Chatham came to anchor in ten
fathoms, with the surf breaking over her. Vancouver was as unwilling to believe there
was much of a river as he before had been to attach any credit to Captain Gray's
statement. He thus exhibited his repugnance to acknowledge Mr. Gray's claim of
(1) The DotJalui hnd been ili.spatclicd from Uiigland August 2o, 1791,10 carry additional instructions to Captain Vancouver She was a
storcship m couinmud of (.aptam-Lieulcuaiit lleiigist, who diid ou the voyage out. She arrived at Nootka prior to \.hS Discovery and Chatham.
TRAGIC FATE OF CREW OF SHIP BOSTON. 55
discovery. Says he : " My former opinion of this port being inaccessible to vessels of our
burthen was now fully confirmed, with this exception, that, in ver}- fine weather, with
moderate winds and smooth sea, vessels not exceeding 400 tons might, so far as we are
able to judge, gain an admittance."
Lieutenant Broughton, in the Chatham^ having rounded Cape Disappointment, was
surprised by the firing of a gun from a small schooner at anchor in the bay. It proved to
be the Jciinv, from Bristol, Rhode Island, commanded by Captain James Baker. This
incident suggested Baker's Baj- as the proper name for the little harbor inside Cape
Disappointment. The Chatham sailed up the river to Gray's Ba}-, where Broughton
anchored. With a cutter and launch. Lieutenant Broughton pursued the further
examination of the river. He continued the ascent for seven da3's, to a distance, as he
reckoned, of one hundred miles from his anchorage. This point he named Point Vancouver.
It is the site upon which is erected the cit}' of Vancouver. He then returned to his vessel.
Having been in the river twelve days, and having, as he says, " took possession of the
river and the country in its vicinit}^ in his Britannic Majesty's name, having every reason
to believe that the subjects of no other civilized nation or state had ever entered this river
before, he recrossed the bar, the schooner Jenny leading, and sailed south to join the
Discox'ery. The only palliation for this attempt of Broughton to claim the honor of
discover}- of the river will be found by according to him sincerity of belief in his theor}'',
that the widening of the Columbia below Tongue Point really constituted a bay, of which
bay Gray was the discoverer ; that the true river emptied into Gray's Bay, and that Gray
was never above its mouth. Brough ton's ungenerous and unjust denial of Gray's claim
has long been ignored ; and Captain Robert Gray, the American sailor, is universally
accepted as the discoverer of the great river Columbia.
Vancouver continued upon the coast until late in 1794. His exploration of coasts,
bays, rivers, sounds and inlets was minutely made. To all he gave a name, and with
notable accurac}' determined their positions. The narrative of his voyage is the record
of the most extensive and complete nautical survey which up to that time had ever been
made. His charts are yet held in the highest regard. His nomenclature is deferentially
adhered to; and the thorough manner in which he performed his labor left to his successors
the mere task of verifying its accuracy.
The general war which waged throughout Europe in the closing A^ears of the last
and the early years of the present century' accounts in a great measure for the suspension
of vo3-ages to Northwest America in European ships, and the withdrawal of European
commerce from these northern seas. The East India Company had discontinued issuing
licenses to British subjects to trade within the limits of their grant. British vessels
other than those of the company could not land cargoes in au}^ East India port. Neither
under their license could the company trade in Northwest America. China had excluded
Russian vessels from its ports. The carrying trade of the North Pacific was for the time
necessarily restricted to vessels of the United States.
In March, 1803, the American ship Boston^ Captain John Salter, while trading at
Nootka, was attacked by natives under the lead of Maquinna, the chief The ship was
destro\'ed and but two of the crew escaped massacre. Those two survivors (one of whom
was John R. Jewett, whose name is widely known from the publication of the narrative of
this disastrous vo\'age) made their escape, after three 3^ears' captivity.
With this ends the chronicle of voyages, which had for their object the exploration or
discovery of the coast, — voyages which either entirely or partiality partook of national
50 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
character; — which were in fact expeditions projected to acquire or maintain territorial
claim; also those voyages, the incidents of which subsequently' affected adjustment of
respective national claims to the coast. Those already recounted will be found to have
constituted the acts and facts by which the coast between certain parallels of latitude
was stamped with nationality of claim. Russia's claim upon the extreme northwest was
undisputed, except that Spain had not abandoned the imaginary right arising from
the grant of Pope Alexander VI. Russian discovery had been followed by settlements
which extended southward to about fifty-five degrees north. Spain had discovered coasts
as high north as Prince William's Sound, sixty-one degrees north, but had not attempted
.settlement north of the mission of San Francisco, latitude thirty-seven degrees, fifty
minutes, — properly speaking, north of the north line of the Spanish departraeiit of
California. Great Britain had asserted claim because Drake, in 1579, had called a part of
the coast New Albion, which coast so named, according to Vancouver, was included
between forty-three degrees and forty-eight degrees. From forty-eight degrees to fifty-five
degrees, that navigator designated New Georgia. Great Britain also denied Spanish
claim to the northern coast above fort^'-eight degrees north, claiming that Spain had
abandoned such territory by the first article of the Nootka Treaty. The claim by Great
Britain of New Albion was a denial also of Spanish claim north of forty-three degrees.
The United States claim by right of discovery was the territory- watered by the Columbia
river. Thus the North Pacific coast, between the north line of California and south
boundary of Russian America, had become a matter of dispute between Spain, Great
Britain and the United States.
""4.
HON. AARON t.WAlT,
1ST CHIEF JUSTICE SUPREME COURT OF
THE STATE OF OREGON.
HON EDWARD LANDER,
T=T CHIEF JUSTICE SU PREM E COURT OF
WASH.TER.
HON.MATHEW R DEADY.
1ST UNITED STATES DISRICT JUDGE
DISTRICT DF OREGON.
HON. C.LANCASTER,
FIRST DELEGATE TO CONGRESS.
FROM WASH. TER.
HON SAMV R THURSTON,
FIRST DELEGATE TO CONORESS.
FROM OREGON TER.
Chapter IX.
(1 766-1 793.)
First Kiunors as to Existence of Rocky Mountains and Great River Beyond
Flowing Westward to Soutli Sea — Fabulous Stories of Hennepin, La Hontau
and Others Stimulate Interior Exploration — The Verendryes, First White
Men to Explore Rocky Mountains — Story of a Yazoo Indian, the First to
Traverse Continent Between the Two Oceans, as Detailed to Le Page — Origin
of the Name Oregon — Journal of Captain Jonathan Carver — Indian Idea of
Interior of North America — Indian Knowledge of Great Rivers Rising in
Interior of North America — Their Stories About the Great River of the
West — That the Word Oregon Is of Spanish Origin, Inconsistent with Carver's
Use of It, nor Is It an Indian Name — Overland Exploration Inaugurated in
Prosecution of Inland Fur Trade — North West Company — Two Expeditions of
Alexander Mackenzie — First Party of White Men Cross Rocky Mountains and
Reach the Pacific Ocean.
AS EARLY as the commencement of the eighteenth century, rumors originated with or
. communicated by Indians roaming west and northwest of the Mississippi river averred
the existence of a great river beyond the mountains, beyond the sources of the Missouri
river. Indian theory, tradition or belief proclaimed a high mountain chain in which the
Missouri found its sources ; that, in those mountains to the west of the headwaters of the
Missouri, another great river took its rise and thence flowed toward the setting sun to a
salt lake of vast circumference. Narratives based on these rumors had been published of
alleged journeys by travelers, embellished with maps and charts indicating the route
pursued, and wonderous matters as to places visited ; their inhabitants, the wealth of
regions, all circumstantially detailed, excited a desire to behold the Shining or Rocky
Mountains ; to see the great river beyond, and to follow it westward down to the South
Sea. Kindred fables to the voyages of Maldonado, de Fonte and de Fuca, the narratives
of Hennepin, La Hontan, Sageau and Carver provoked the attention of the curious, and
invited adventurers, travelers and fur traders to the plains, the mountains, the river
beyond, the illimitable sea into which it flowed, the people which inhabited the region.
The problem of overland travel to and across the Rocky Mountains and to the shores of
the great South Sea, as also the utilization of the wealth of the vast interior of continent,
had become the study of the fur trader. To ascertain accessibility to these fields, and the
means of development of those sources of wealth, were more the incentives to the capitalist
and the adventurous voyageurs than either curiosity or desire to promote scientific
knowledge. But it cannot be denied that these rumors, which had furnished the material
for those fictitious narratives, had contributed much to exciting attention, and tended to
hasten overland journe3'ing westward from the Mississippi river across the Rocky
Mountains. They proved to be the forerunners of path-finding from ocean to ocean.
The discovery of the territory west of the Rocky Mountains and its ultimate appropriation
by our race were the inevitable results.
( 57 )
58 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON' AND WASHINGTON.
In 1 73 1, Alarquis de Beauharuais, Governor-Geueral of New France, conferred
authority upon Pierre Gauthier de Varennes, Sieur de la Verendrye, a fur trader, to equip
an expedition to reach the headwaters of the Missouri. To avoid the dreaded Sioux,
Verendrye had permission to ascend the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers, and to
follow any stream flowing westward into the Pacific. His real purposes were to establish
the fur trade, and to ascertain the practicability of overland communication between New
France (Canada and the Province of Louisiana) and the Pacific Ocean. Aline of posts
was built, extending from Lake Superior northwestward at available points to forts of the
Saskatchewan, and at the junction of the Assiniboin and Red rivers. From these forts,
expeditions were dispatched northward and westward in charge of his brother and sons.
In one of these excursions, in 1743, the brother and son ascended the Missouri river to its
source in the Rocky Mountains. They traveled south to the Mandan country. Discovering
no passage through this vast mountain chain, and warned of danger from the Sioux, they
turned back and reached the Missouri in 1744. To this party belongs the credit of having
been the first white men who had ever seen the Rocky or Shining Mountains.
In 1758 appeared the " Histoire de la Lousiane," by Le Page du Pratz. In it will be
found the story of a Yazoo Indian, euphoniously named Moncacht-Ape, which means,
" he who kills trouble and fatigue." In a fascinating vein, Le Page chronicles the
adventures and observations of this learned aboriginal traveler. He details how he
ascended the Missouri river to its source in the Rocky Mountains, tarrying with Indian
tribes to learn their language and inquire the way ; his crossing those Shining Mountains,
exceeding high and beset with dangers ; his march from thence to the beautiful river which
flowed into the great ocean. He there met a tribe called the Otters, two of whose people,
a man and a woman, accompanied him westward. His first view of the ocean he thus
described : " I was so delighted I could not speak. My eyes were too small for my soul's
ease. The wind so disturbed the great water, that I thought the blows it gave would beat
the land in pieces."
Le Page is recognized as a reliable writer. He vouches his entire belief in the
statements of the Yazoo explorer. That narrative, published, as it was, previous to anj^
other person having crossed the Rocky Mountains or who had jonrnej'ed to the Pacific
Ocean, w^iich subsequent visits of travelers have found to be correct, would seem to carr}'
intrinsic evidence of truthfulness ; and its statements appear to have been based on actual
observation.
The meaning of the word Oregon — from whence and how it originated — has never
been satisfactorily ascertained. The first use of the name, as far as is known, must be
accorded to Captain Jonathan Carver. In the journal of "Three years' travels through
the interior part of North America for more than five thousand miles," he describes
himself as a native of Connecticut, and as a " Captain of the provincial troops in
America."
Captain Carver, who had served in the war against the French, left Boston 1766, and
by way of Detroit and Michilmacinac visited the upper Mississippi region embraced
in the present States of Iowa and Wisconsin. He claims to have remained among the
Indians for two years. In the introduction he thus stated his purpose :
" After gaining a knowledge of the manners, customs, languages, soil and natural
productions of the different nations that inhabit the back of the Mississippi, to ascertain
the breadth of the vast continent which extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, in
its broadest part, between the 43d and 46th degrees of northern latitude. Had I been
JOURNAL or CAPTAIN' JONATHAN CARVER. 59
able to accomplish this, I intended to have proposed to the government to establish a post
in some of those parts about the Strait of Anian, which, having been discovered by Sir
Francis Drake, of course belongs to the English. This I am convinced would greatly
facilitate the discovery of a northwest passage or a communication between Hudson's Bay
and the Pacific Ocean." Disappointed in his intention to continue his journey " by way
of Lakes Du Bois, Du Pluie and Quinipique to the waters of the great river of the West,
which falls into the Strait of Anian," he claims :
" The plan I had laid down for penetrating to the Pacific Ocean proved abortive. It
is necessary to add, that this proceeded, not from its impracticability (for the further I went
the more convinced I was that it could certainly be accomplished) but from unforeseen
disappointments. However, I proceeded so far, that I was able to make such discoveries
as will be useful in anj* future attempt, and prove a good foundation for some more
fortunate successor to build upon. These I shall now lay before the public in the following
pages ; and am satisfied that the greatest part of them have never been published by
an}' person that has hitherto treated of the interior nations of the Indians ; particularly,
the account I give of the Naudowessies, and the situation of the heads of the four great
rivers that take their rise within a few leagues of each other, nearly about the center of
this great continent, viz.: the river Bourbon, which empties into Hudson's Bay, the waters of
St. Lawrence; the Mississippi, and the river Oregon^ or the river of the West, that falls
into the Pacific Ocean at the Strait of Anian."
Such statement is repeated in the introduction and again in the appendix. He
ascends the St. Peter's river two hundred miles, to the country of the Naudowessies of
the plains (the Dakotahs or Sioux), and refers to a branch of the river from the south
nearly joining the Messorie (Missouri). From statements by Indians, he " has reason to
believe that the river St. Pierre and the Messorie, though they enter the Mississippi twelve
hundred miles from each other, take their rise in the same neighborhood, and this within
a mile." After a description of the tribes he visited, he goes on : "I sa}- from these
nations, together with my own observation, I have learned that the four most capital
rivers of North America, viz.: the St. Lawrence, the Mississippi, the Bourbon, and the
Oregon, or the river of the West, have their sources in the same neighborhood. The
waters of the three former are within thirt}' miles of each other ; the latter, however,
is rather further west." * * * * "This shows that these parts are the
highest lands in North America; and it is an instance not to be paralleled in the other
three quarters of the globe, that four rivers of such magnitude should take their rise
together, and each, after running separate courses, discharge their waters into different
oceans at the distance of two thousand miles from their sources. For in their passage
from this spot to the Bay of St. Lawrence, east ; to the bay of Alexico, south ; to Hudson's
Bay, north ; and to the bay of the Strait of Anian, west, each of these traverse upwards
of two thousand miles." When he arrived at this theor}' he was " two hundred miles up
the St. Peter's river," and that was " the utmost extent of my travels towards the west."
Carver, correctl}-, places the source of the river of the West " on the other side of the
summit of the lands that divide the waters which run into the Gulf of Mexico from those
which fall into the South Sea or Pacific Ocean."
" These parts, which are the highest lands in North America, are the Shining or
Rock}- Mountains, which begin at Mexico and continue northward, on the back, or to the
east of California, separate the waters of those numerous rivers that fall into the Gulf of
Mexico or the Gulf of California. From thence continuing their course still northward,
60 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
between the sources of the Mississippi and the rivers that run into the South Sea, the)-
appear to end in about forty-seven or forty-eight degrees of latitude, where a number
of rivers arise, and empty themselves either into the South Sea, into Hudson's Bay,
or into the waters that communicate between those two seas."
Indians whom he met in his journey doubtless were aware of the existence of the
Rocky Mountains. They had learned that the rivers that had their sources west of those
mountains flowed towards the setting sun; — that there were several of those rivers
which became one mighty river, through which the water of all these smaller rivers
or affluents found its way to the ocean. This idea, knowledge, theory or tradition may
have originated from statements of Indians living west of the Rock)- IMountains, numbers
of whom annually crossed those mountains to hunt buffalo. Indians may have informed
Carver of the proximity of the respective sources of the headwaters of the Missouri and
Columbia. So gradual is the ascent of the Rocky Mountains through several of the
passes, the fact that the summit has been reached is indicated by the mountaiu springs of
these great watercourses flowing in the adverse direction. Maps of North America
published as earl}' as 1750 exhibit "the great river of the West," by which name it was
then designated, though it had never been seen b)' white men. Travelers in the valley of
the Alississippi had received the information from Indians of the countries through which
they passed, who had in turn derived it from more remote Indians, the statement having
originated with and come through members of tribes living west of the Rocky Mountains.
According to their customs, Indians would call a verj' large main navigable river, the river
or the big river, while to small streams or parts of streams they would assign a distinctive
name. There is no more evidence from Carver's journal that the word Oregon referred
to the particular river which Gray subsequently discovered, than that the river Columbia
empties into the fabulous Strait of Anian. There is quite as much evidence of the existence
of the Strait of Anian as of Carver's fancied river named Oregon, " that falls into the
Pacific Ocean at the Strait of Anian." Carver's journal possesses no value whatever as a
contribution to science. Neither its geography nor its natural historj^ has any claim to
belief. It is extremely questionable whether the publication of 1778 contains the results
of Carver's personal observations in 1776-9. It added nothing to the solution of the
problem of internal water communication, or lines of travel through the interior of the
North American continent. It may possibl}' have contributed to the belief that there was
a vast river rising in the Rocky Mountains, not far distant from the headwaters of the
Missouri, from which fact the hope was fostered that there might be practicable water
communications between the interior of the continent and the Pacific Ocean.
The Columbia river so soon thereafter having been discovered at its mouth warranted
the assumption that the sources of that vast river were in the Rock}' Mountains. Carver's
fabulous narrative was accepted as probable because it was based upon a theor}- which was
most probable. Gray's discovery of a great river which did emptj- into the Pacific Ocean,
in a latitude which almost conclusively established where it might have its sources, gave
credence to Carver's story that the great river of the West called the Oregon did take its
rise in the Rocky Mountains, at such a place as is described in his journal. The Columbia
was at once accepted as the great river of the West. Its mouth discovered, its immense
volume ascertained, it required no imagination to place its sources in the great highlands
of the interior in that vast dividing ridge, at just such a place in the Rock}' Mountains
where four great rivers might, where in fact the two mighty rivers of North America do,
within the area of a few square yards, take their rise, and flow in opposite directions into the
HON. WALTER CROCKETT, SR.
WHIDBY ISLAND, W.T.
PIONEER 1851.
ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON. 61
two great oceans which are separated by the continent. The little heads which aggregate
into the Missouri and the Columbia are contiguously found in the little valleys among
the summit elevations of the Rocky Mountains. The one flowing east, its waters
ultimately lose themselves in the Atlantic Ocean by way of the Gulf of Mexico, having
in their way swelled the volume of the Missouri and the Mississippi rivers. At the
distance of a few yards, not leagues, the waters flow towards the setting sun. Thej^
contribute to the formation of the great river of the West, the mighty Columbia. To
one of Carver's four great rivers he gave the mythical name, the Oregon. How natural the
belief that the true river Columbia was the great western river which gave origin to the
Indian story or tradition which Carver's journal had promulgated. For a time a color
of plausibility attached to his compilation. His mythical name for the river of the West,
by those who sought to detract from Captain Gray the honor of being its discoverer, was
applied to the river Columbia. But the world would not consent to such injustice. Carver's
mythical name was however perpetuated. The region west of the Rocky Mountains
through which the river of the West found its way to the ocean had been nominated the
Oregon.
The name is a mystery, — doubtless a pure invention of the compiler of Carver's
journal.
It has nevertheless become endeared to every American because of the long struggle
to secure the territory to which the name Oregon was ascribed. It is embalmed in our
affections because Columbia's greatest poet has immortalized it in the best effort of his
lofty genius.
Learned authorities entitled to deference have suggested that the Spaniards applied
the name Oregon to the region, on account of the abundance of wild marjorum (Oreganum)
found along the coast, and conferred the name upon the main river emptying within such
coast limits. This, however, seems untenable. Carver pretended to have picked up this
word among the Indians near Lake Superior, in 1766-8, the narrative of which was
published in 177S. If he was first to apply the name to the river of the West which he
had derived from the Indians in the very heart of the continent, then prior to 1766 they
had learned such name. If he coined it, which is most probable, then for the first time
it was made known in 1778. There is no authentic account that any Spaniard ever landed
upon that portion of the Pacific coast, which fronts the territory drained by the river,
either before Carver's tour, or before the publication of his journal, or Gray's discovery.
Spanish records give the names of every point upon the coast at which they made
anchorages. Heceta, in 1775, named the mouth of the river San Roque. The Spaniards
called the coast California. Gray, in 1792, as soon as the river had been discovered, had
conferred its name Columbia.
The coast had its name among Spaniards, — the river received its name Columbia.
The word Oregon is foreign to the coast ; with that name Spanish explorers had nothing
whatever to do. It was after the Columbia had been discovered, and it proved to be the
great river of the West, that its headwaters were supposed to be identical with that river,
to which Carver had alluded under the name of Oregon.
The late learned Archbishop of Oregon (F. N. Blanchet) relates: "That in 1S57 he
met, at Bolivia, the eminent linguist. Dr. George Haygart, of London, who asserted that
Oregon had its origin in the Spanish word Orejon, meaning big ear." The Archbishop
remarks : " It is probable that the Spaniards who first discovered and visited the country,
when they saw the ears of the natives enlarged by means of huge ornaments, were
62 HISTORY OK PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
natural!}^ led to call them Orejon, 'big ears,' and that they applied the word also to denote
the country inhabited." Had the word Oregon originated on the Pacific Coast ; had the
word been used in a single journal, narrative, voyage or report by any explorer of the
coast ; or had such peculiarity of ornamentation of the aborigines been commented upon
by any traveler in the country itself or its coasts ; or were the Spanish word for big ears
an appropriate descriptive word for the most striking peculiarity of the native population ;
if a single one of these premises had been true, — such theory, through deference for its
author, might be accepted as consistent with fact.
Carver either coined the word and the whole stor}-, or attempted to repeat a story
about the existence of " the river of the West " derived from Indian sources, and to add a
name which may have been suggested by their pronunciation. The statement about
rivers is not dissimilar from stories repeated to all travelers who met Indians from the
west of the Mississippi river, — is not inconsistent with their crude drafts of maps exhibiting
their ideas of physical features, rivers, mountains, distances. Indians west of the Rocky
Mountains may have communicated with Indians whom he saw ; but what is most probable,
he either repeated mere tribal traditions, or what other travelers had communicated as the
belief of Indians as to countries west of the Rocky Mountains and towards the Pacific
Ocean. Nor is the word Oregon found in any vocabular3' of Indian language spoken west
of the Rocky Mountains. It will be looked for in vain in the languages of the tribes or
bands among whom he traveled. The Archbishop, while acknowledging his respect for
the opinion of Dr. Haygart, does not adopt the big-ear theory. It is improbable that the
true origin of the word will ever be satisfactorily determined. Like the word California,
whose meaning and origin have so long puzzled the learned, the word Oregon will ever
remain an enigma.
It may be asserted with safety that, before the so-called journal of Carver was
published, the word Oregon had never been applied by Indians. Such a river as the
Columbia the Indians would have called the river, the big river, or the big river running
toward the setting sun, or words of such import, thereby distinguishing it from the
ordinary streams or the affluents of the great river. The good Archbishop illustrates this
Indian peculiarity : " One tribe only, the Chinooks, who lived near the mouth of the
Columbia, gave the river any name, calling it 'Wikaitli Wimakl,' — the grand river."
A name for the region whose history is being traced had become necessary. How it
acquired the name its subsequent historj- rendered so well known was worthy of
consideration. The region to be called Oregon had had its coasts visited and examined ; now
is to begin the occupancy and exploration of the territory itself. Instead of circuitous
voyages by sea, it is to be traced overland. The continent is to be traversed; mountain
chains are to be crossed ; the might}- rivers permeating the interior are to be examined
and utilized. The theoretic " Strait of Anian " is to give place to practical water
communication and overland travel.
The first white man who crossed the Rocky Mountains and reached the shores of the
Pacific Ocean, overland, who led the first party of civilized men through the " Territory
westward of the Stony Mountains to the South Sea," was Alexander Mackenzie, a native
of Scotland, a partner in the North West Fur Company.
After Canada had become a British province, Montreal became the principal point for
the collection and shipment of furs procured from the interior and northern portion of
North America. The Hudson's Ba}' Company enjoyed the exclusive trade within the
Hudson's Bay Territory. Beyond the boundaries of that territory', the merchants of
THE NORTH WEST COMPANY. • 63
Montreal had sent trading parties who had penetrated westward to the base of the Rocky
Mountains, and northwestward to a distance of twelve hundred miles northwest of Lake
Superior. In 1778, Messrs. Frobisher and Pond of Montreal had built a trading-post on
the Athabasca or Elk river, which, till the building of Fort Chipewyan, was the most
remote trading point from the white settlements. These individual enterprises could not
successfull}- compete with the Hudson's Bay Company. This led to the formation, in
17.84, of the North West Company of Montreal. From a voluntary a.ssociation of
merchants, a mere partnership for purposes of trade, a vast organized power was created,
exercising authority and control, and demanding the service and allegiance, of its
emplo3'es and retainers. The North West Company consisted of twenty-three shareholders
or partners. The wealthiest, who furnished the capital, remained at Montreal. The}^
were called agents, and acted as a board of management of the commercial interests of the
compau}-. The other partners, termed wintering partners, were assigned to the several
trading-posts. In prosecution of the fur trade, the company employed about two thousand
persons, classified as clerks or traders, guides, interpreters and voyageurs. The clerks
or traders, usuall}- young highlanders of good family, entered the service for five or
seven vears, and served a thorough apprenticeship. Meritorious discharge of dutj'-
rendered a clerk eligible to partnership. The clerks traded with Indians at various posts
and trading points upon lakes and rivers, some of which were thousands of miles remote
from frontier establishments. The guides, interpreters and voyageurs enlisted for a term
of years, with opportunity for increased pa}- b}- meritorious service. The}- willingl}-
re-entered from love of the life they pursued, assured also that, when disqualified b}- age
or bodih' infirmity, the}- would be retired with a pension.
The trading goods imported from England were packed in bundles each weighing
ninety pounds, and distributed among the various trading-posts. Furs were packed in
bundles of the same weight. These packs were transported in bark canoes by the chain
of lakes and rivers, which canoes and packs were carried o\er portages by voj-ageurs.
The most remote trading points to which goods were sent and from which furs were
received were distant from Montreal over three thousand miles. Four years would elapse
between ordering goods in Montreal, and the sale in London of furs received from the
remote trading points, in return for such goods. Much valuable knowledge of. the interior
was derived from the employes of this company. Shortly after the formation of the North
West Company, Fort Chipewyan was established near the southwest end of Lake
Athabasca or Lake of the Hills, in latitude fifty-eight degrees, forty-one minutes north.
This lake is about two hundred miles long from east to west, with an average breadth of
thirteen miles, and is about equally distant from Hudson's Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It
receives Athabasca or Elk river from the Rocky Mountains. It discharges itself through
Slave river which, after running north two hundred miles, empties into Great Slave
Lake. Alexander Mackenzie was a North West Companj- partner in charge of this
post. For the purpose of determining whether Great Slave Lake, after receiving the water
of Slave river, emptied into the Arctic Ocean, he projected his first voyage of discovery.
On June 3, 1789, Mackenzie with his party left Fort Chipewyan in three bark canoes.
Having passed through Slave river to Great Slave Lake, he discovered at its northwest
extremity an outlet. Mackenzie followed the river northward for nine hundred miles, to its
mouth in the Arctic Ocean in latitude 69 degrees north, longitude 136 degrees west of
Greenwich. To this river he gave his own name. Returning, he examined the country
on the east side of the river, reaching Fort Chipewyan September 12th. i\s there were
64 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
two large rivers west of Hudson's Bay (Coppermine and Mackenzie) which flowed
northward into the Arctic Ocean, any passage of sea connected with the Pacific must be
still farther west. This voyage therefore aided greatly in establishing the extreme
improbability that any passage of sea existed in Northwest America eastward of Behring's
Strait. On the loth of October, 1792, Mackenzie set out on his second voyage. With
two canoes laden with necessary articles of trade, Mackenzie ascended the Unjigah river,
reaching the base of the Rocky Mountains, latitude 56 degrees, 9 minutes north,
longitude 117 degrees, 35 minutes west of Greenwich on the ist of November.
The party remained at this camp until May 9, 1793. In a bark canoe, light enough
for two men to pack, the part}', consisting of ten men with their equipage and three
thousand pounds of provisions and trading goods, embarked at seven o'clock in the
evening, reaching an island in about an hour. At three o'clock next morning they
continued the ascent of Unjigah river. On the loth of June they reached a lake at its
extreme source, latitude 54 degrees, 24 minutes north, longitude 121 degrees west.
Mackenzie says : " We landed and unloaded, where we found a beaten path leading over a
low ridge of land of eight hundred and seventeen paces in length to another small lake.
The distance between the two mountains at this place is about a quarter of a mile." ''" *
* * " Here two streams tumble over rocks from the right, and lose themselves in the
lake which we had left ; while two others fall from the opposite heights and glide into the
lake which we are approaching, this being the highest point of land dividing these waters ;
and we are now going with the stream."
On the 17th of June they reached a navigable river called by the natives "Tacoutche
Tessee," — the great river. Mackenzie descended this in a canoe for two hundred and fift}'
miles, when, leaving it July 4th, he traveled westward, reaching the Pacific Ocean at what
he calls " the cheek of Vancouver's Cascade Canal," in latitude 52 degrees, 20 minutes,
48 seconds north, longitude 128 degrees, 2 minutes west of Greenwich. As he was about
to set out on his return, says his interesting journal : "I now mixed up some vermilion
and grease, and inscribed in large characters, on the southeast face of the rock on which
we had slept last night, this brief memorial : ' Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada by
land, the twent3'-second day of July, one thousand, seven hundred and ninety-three.' "
The party reached their winter camp upon Unjigah river August 24. Early in
September they arrived at Fort Chipew3'an. The geographic result of this voyage was
the confirmation of Captain Cook's conclusion that the continent of North America
extended in an uninterrupted line northwestward to Behring's Strait. Its great and
immediate practical effect was to invite the great companies engaged in inland fur trade to
a new and extensive field.
Mackenzie marked out the proposed field, detailed its physical features, and urged
British capitalists and enterprise to appropriate it. He suggested combination of North
West and Hudson's Bay Companies to divide between them the interior and northern part
of North x\merica, beyond the frontier of the United States and Canadas. Of south of
the line of this vast domain he thus remarks :
" The line may be traced from whence the line of American boundary runs to the
Lake of the Woods, in latitude forty-nine degrees, thirty-eight minutes north, from whence
it is also said to run west to the Mississippi, which it may do, by giving it a good deal of
southing, but not otherwise, as the source of that river does not extend further north
than latitude fort3--seven degrees, thirt3'-eight minutes north, where it is no more than a
small brook. Consequentl}', if Great Britain retains the right of entering it along the
■*!
r
^ ^
•S5
>^i
COL. WW. CHAPMAN,
PORTLAND, OR.
CAPTJOHN H. COUCH,
PORTLAND, OR.
HON.J.W. NESMITH,
POLK CO. OR.
COL. J. K. KELLY,
PORTLAND, OR.
HON.JOSIAH FAILING,
PORTLAND, OR.
EXPEDITIONS OF ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. 65
line of division, it must be in a lower latitude ; and, wherever that may be, the line must
be continued west till it terminates in the Pacific Ocean to the south of the Columbia.
This division is then bounded by the Pacific Ocean on the west, the Frozen Sea and the
Hudson's Bay on the north and east. The Russians indeed may claim with justice the
islands and coast from Behring's Strait to Cook's Entry."
Referring to utilization of rivers within such region as a line of communication, he
thus speaks of the Rocky Mountains, and the watercourses finding their sources in that
chain : "The succession of ridges of the Stony Mountains, whose northern extremity dips
in the North Sea in latitude sevent}? degrees north, and longitude 135 degrees west,
running nearly southeast, and begins to be parallel with the coast of the Pacific Ocean
from Cook's Entry, and so onward to the Columbia. From thence it appears to quit the
coast, but still continuing, with less elevation to divide the waters of the Atlantic from
those which run into the Pacific. In those snowclad mountains rises the Mississippi (if
we admit the Missouri to be its source), which flows into the Gulf of Mexico; the river
Nelson, which is lost in Hudson's Bay; Mackenzie's river, that discharges itself into the
North Sea, and the Columbia, emptying itself into the Pacific Ocean. The great river
St. Lawrence and Churchill, with many lesser ones, derive their sources far short of these
mountains. It is indeed the extension of these mountains so far on the seacoast that
prevents the Columbia river from finding a more direct course to the sea, as it runs
obliquely with the coast upwards of eight degrees of latitude before it mingles with the
ocean."
Mackenzie established " the non-existence of any passage by sea northeast or
northwest from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean ; but internal communication by rivers
is clearly proved."
He was impressed with the belief that the river he descended, called by the natives
" Tacoutche Tessee," — the great river, — was the Columbia. Such continued popular
opinion until 1812, when the Tacoutche Tessee was traced to its mouth, and proved to be
what is known as Eraser river. With the impression that he had discovered the headwaters
of the Columbia, Mackenzie observes : " By these waters that discharge themselves into
Hudson's Ba}' at Port Nelson, it is proposed to carry on the trade to their source at the
head of the Saskatchewan river, which rises in the Rocky Mountains not eight degrees of
longitude from the Pacific Ocean. The Tacoutche Tessee or Columbia river flows also
from the same mountains and discharges itself likewise in the Pacific in latitude forty-six
degrees, twenty minutes. Both of them are capable of receiving ships at their mouths,
and are navigable throughout for boats."
" The distance between these waters is only known from the report of the Indians.
If, however, this communication should prove inaccessible, the route I pursued, though
longer, in consequence of the great angle it makes to the north, will answer every
necessary purpose. But, whatever course may be taken from the Atlantic, the Columbia
is the line of communication from the Pacific Ocean pointed out by nature, as it is the only
navigable river in the whole extent of Vancouver's minute survey of that coast ; its banks
also form the first level country in all the southern extent of continental coast from
Cook's Entry, and, consequently, the most northern situation fit for colonization, and
suitable to the residence of a civilized people. By opening this entire course between the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and forming regular establishments through the interior, and
at both extremes, as well as along the coasts and islands, the entire command of the fur
trade of North America might be obtained, from latitude forty-eight degrees north to the
66 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
pole, except the portion of it which the Russians have in the Pacific. To this may be
added the fishing in both seas and the markets of the four quarters of the globe. Such
would be the field for commercial enterprises ; and incalculable would be the product of
it when supported b}^ the operations of that credit and capital which Great Britain
pre-eminently possesses. Then would this country begin to be remunerated for the
expenses it has sustained in discovering and surveying the coasts of the Pacific Ocean,
which is at present left to American adv'cnturers, who, without regularity or capital, or the
desire for conciliating future confidence, look altogether to the interest of the moment.
They, therefore, collect all the skins they can procure and in any manner that suits them,
and, having exchanged them at Canton for the produce of China, return to their own
country. Such adventurers, and man}^ of them, as I have been informed, have been very
successful, would instantly disappear from the coast."
The name has now been found for the territory west of the Rocky Mountains. No
passage of sea runs northeast from the Pacific through the continent ; but a magnificent
chain of lakes and might}' rivers constitute a line of water communication throughout the
great interior. Sources of wealth claim consideration of capitalists, of men of enterprise.
The credit and capital of Great Britain is appealed to. American adventurers without
capital, unable to compete successfully with these monster monopolies, are to be driven
from this coast. The sagacious Mackenzie heralded the future policy of the Empire
company, who.se agent he was ; foreshadowed British policy and intent ; defined the lines
by which Great Britain intended to bound her claim to the territory of Northwest America.
Chapter X.
(1792-1810.)
Western Limits of the United States of America — ^ Purchase of Louisiana —
Abortive Projects for Nortliwestern Exploration — Expedition of Lewis and
Clarli to tlie Moutli of tlie Columbia Kiver — The North West Company Establishes
a Trading-Post West of the Kocky Mountains — The Missouri Fur Company —
Commercial Enterprises of Citizens of the United States in Northwest America
— Captain Winship, in the Albatross, Attempts an Establislunent at Oak Point,
on the Columbia Kiver.
BY THE recognition of independence, the United States of America had succeeded
Great Britain as sovereign proprietor of the territory bounded west by the channel
of the Mississippi river. The Canadas were upon the north. Florida, then a Spanish
province on the southern border, separated it from the Gulf of Mexico. Louisiana or
New France, west of the Mississippi river, bordering upon the Gulf of Mexico, extended
indefinitely along the river to the north, and reached westward without prescribed limits,
lu 1762, France had ceded Louisiana to Spain. While it continued a Spanish province,
it mattered not what terms defined its western limits; for Spain asserted territorial claim
on the Pacific coast by right of discover}^, as also by the grant of Pope Alexander VI.
As there was no intervening claimant while Louisiana belonged to Spain, it extended
westward to the Pacific Ocean. The northern boundary of Louisiana had been regulated
by the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), affixing the respective limits of the Hudson's Ba}'
Territory and New France. In 1800, Spain retroceded the province of Louisiana. In
1803, the United States acquired Louisiana by purchase from France.
The " Louisiana Purchase " moved the boundary of the United States indefinitely
westward. The territory thus designated extended from the Gulf of Mexico northward
to the Hudson's Bay Territory.
A digression becomes necessary to learn the extent of the purchase and appreciate
its influence upon, and its direct connection with, the history of the region west of the
Rocky Mountains.
In 1539, Hernando Soto discovered the Mississippi river, near its mouth, and formally
claimed the country watered by it for the King of Spain. Subjects of another nation
settled upon its tributaries. As early as 1772, the French from Canada had thoroughly
explored and occupied its northern affluents. La Salle (1680 to 1683) had examined the
river to its mouth in the Gulf of Mexico. In the name of the King of France he took
possession of the " Country of Louisiana from the mouth of the St. Louis, otherwise
called the Ohio, on the eastern side, and also the river Colbert or Mississippi, and the
rivers which discharge themselves into it, from its sources in the country of the Kious,
as far as its mouth at the sea." Being assured by the natives that his party were the
first whites who had visited the country, he protested against its settlement or invasion
( 67 )
68 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
b}- the subjects of any other nation. In communicating his exploits to the Governor
of Canada (Count Fronteuac), La Salle says: "From the information which I had been
able to collect, I think I may affirm that the Mississippi draws its source somewhere in
the vicinity of the Celestial Empire, and that France will be not only the mistress of all
the territories between the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, but will command the trade
of China, flowing down the new and mighty channel which I shall open to the Gulf of
Mexico." La Salle returned to France and secured letters patent from the King, to
establish settlements at the mouth of the river. He sailed with a colony, but, missing
the mouth of the Mississippi, went to the westward and settled on Matagorda Bay.
In 1689, d'Iberville, a Canadian, entered the Mississippi and founded a settlement
three hundred miles from its mouth. Bienville about the same time made a settlement
where New Orleans was built. Before 17 10, a number of French settlements had been
made upon the river. In 1712, the King of France executed the famous grant to Antoine
Crozat, which defines the province of Louisiana " as including all the territories by us
possessed, and bounded by New Mexico, and by those of the English in Carolina, all the
establishments, ports, harbors, rivers, and especially the port and harbor of Dauphin
Island, formerly called Massacre Island, the river St. Louis, formerly called the
Mississippi, from the seashore to Illinois, together with the river St. Philip, formerly
called the Missouries river, the St. Jerome, formerly called the Wabash (Ohio), with all
the countries, territories, lakes in the land and rivers emptying directly or indirectly into
that part of the river St. Louis. All the said territories, countries, rivers, streams and
islands we will to be and remain comprised under the name of the government of
Louisiana, which will be dependent on the general government of New France and remain
subordinate to it; and we will, moreover, that all the territories we possess on this side
of the Illinois be united as far as need be to the general government of New France, and
form a part thereof, — reserving to ourself, nevertheless, to increase, if we judge proper,
the extent of tlie government of the said country of Louisiana."
In five years, Crozat relinquished his grant. The Illinois countr}- was annexed to
and formed part of Louisiana ; and the territories watered by the Mississippi and Mobile
were in 1717 granted to Laws' Mississippi Compau}', who held it until 1732, when it
reverted to the Crown and was governed as a French province until 1762.
At this time, Spain claimed dominion of the country by grant of Pope Alexander YL
France asserted claim to the Hudson's Bay Territory as part of Canada. Great Britain,
under the doctrines of continuity and contiguit}', regarded the same as included within
her colonial grants, most of which in express terms extended to the South Sea or Pacific
Ocean. Thus it will be seen that the whole breadth of the American continent, between
the Atlantic and South Sea or Pacific Ocean, was adversely claimed by the three great
European nations, Spain, France and Great Britain.
Shortly after the erection of the province of Louisiana, France and Spain entered into
a treaty of the closest amity, which continued until 1793. Between Great Britain and
Spain, as also between France and Great Britain, a constant struggle for colonial
supremacy in Nortli .\merica had been waged. In the wars between the British and
the Frencli, Spain supported France. Unsuccessful in the contest, France, on the 23d of
November, 1762, ceded to Spain the province of Louisiana, together with New Orleans
and tlie island upon which it is situated. On the loth of February, 1763, a treaty was
entered into by Spain and France of the one part, and Great Britain and Portugal of the
other part, whereby Great Britain acquired the Canadas, and Louisiana east of the
•i'4
GEN't GEO. WRIGHT, US. A.
GEN': PHILIP H.SHERIDAN, U.S.A.
GENb E.R.S.CANBr, U.S.A.
GEN!- O.O.HOWARD, U.S.A.
THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA. 69
Mississippi, the mid-channel of that river being fixed as the boundary between the British
and Spanish possessions on the North American continent. The Mississippi was definitely
fixed as the western boundary of the British colonial possessions in North America. Great
Britain renounced all claim to the territor}' westward of that river. Spain had become
assignee of France by the cession of Louisiana, and besides, by reason of the papal grant,
claimed territorial rights on the Pacific coast by right of discovery. Thus the Mississippi
river divided the continent east and west between Great Britain and Spain. The United
States succeeded to Great Britain on the recognition of independence. By the treaty of
peace in 1783, those states which had previously existed as British colonies were limited
in their western boundary by the Mississippi, bj- virtue of the treaty of 1763. In other
words, the established western boundary of the new nation was the mid-channel of the
Mississippi river.
In 1800, the Duke of Parma, a member of the royal family of Spain, received from
Napoleon certain Italian territories. In consideration of which, Spain retroceded to
France " the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent it now has in the
hands of Spain, and which it had when France possessed it, and such as it should be
according to the treaties subsequently made between Spain and other States." The
Spanish King issued the order for delivery of the province to the French Republic on the
15th of October, 1802. The United States purchased Louisiana b}- the treaty of April
30, 1S03.
The extent of the "Louisiana Purchase" at once became the immediate subject of
negotiation between the United States, Spain and Great Britain. The measure of
territorial claim accruing to the United States by that purchase entered largel}' into the
negotiation between the United States and Great Britain upon their respective claims to
the country upon the Pa'cific Ocean.
As soon as peace had been declared between Great Britain and the L^nited States
(1783), commercial enterprises of the new republic introduced its starr)' emblem into the
harbors and seas of Northwest America. Most important and valuable discoveries had
been made by citizens of the United States, conferring upon that nation territorial claim
to the territory bordering upon the Pacific. As a consequence of the general internecine
war in Europe, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, the commerce between
Northwest America and China and the East Indies was exclusively carried on by American
vessels. With this increase of commerce, there was a correspondingly increased desire to
acquire knowledge of the country, as also to foster and retain the control of the trade.
The coast had been thoroughly examined. Its ba3/s, harbors and islands were well
known ; but the interior had remained a vast terra incognita.
In 1786, Thomas Jefferson, then United States Minister at Paris, met John Ledyard
of Connecticut, who had accompanied Captain Cook in his last voyage. Mr. Jefferson
suggested to Ledj^ard that he should proceed overland via the Russias to Kamtchatka ;
from thence across in a Russian vessel to Nootka Sound; thence fall down on the latitude
of the Missouri, and penetrate to and through that region to the United States. Ledyard
enthusiastically embraced the plan. The consent of the Russian Empress was obtained,
and the requisite passports furnished. He proceeded on his journey as far as Irkootsk,
within two hundred miles of the Kamtchatkan coast, where he arrived in January, 1787.
There he was compelled to winter. In the spring, when about to resume his journey, an
officer of the Empress arrested him as a sp}', and forbid his return to Russia. He was
carried night and da}' in a closed conveyance to the Polish frontier, broken in health by
70 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
the severity of his treatment and the hardships of his journey. This frustrated the first
project for the exploration of the interior and western part of the continent.
In 1792, Mr. Jefferson proposed to the American Philosophical Society the engagement
of a competent scientist to explore Northwest America from the eastward, by ascending
the Missouri, crossing the Rocky Mountains, and descending the nearest river to the
Pacific Ocean. Captain Meriwether Lewis, United States army, urgently solicited such
employment ; but Andre Michaux, the French botanist, offering his services, they were
accepted. Michaux received his instructions, left Philadelphia and reached Kentucky,
where he was overtaken by a peremptor}- order from the French Minister to relinquish
the expedition, and to pursue in other fields his botanical inquiries on which he had been
employed b}^ the French government. Thus and thereby European jealous}' a second
time defeated American inland exploration between the Mississippi river and the Pacific
Ocean.
The act of Congress for the establishment of trading-houses with Indian tribes being
about to expire. President Jefferson recommended its continuance, and that its provisions
be made applicable to the Indians of the Missouri. Ever alive to the importance of
acquiring knowledge of the interior and its communication with the Pacific coast, he
embraced this opportunity (iSth January, 1S03) to send a confidential message to Congress,
recommending an exploration to trace the Missouri to its source, to cross the highlands
(Rocky Mountains) and follow the best water communication to the Pacific Ocean.
Congress made an appropriation to carry it into execution. Captain Meriwether Lewis,
the President's private secretary, was selected for the command of the expedition ; and at
his request William Clark was associated with him, and commissioned as a captain in the
United States army. In April, 1803, President Jefferson's instructions were submitted to
Captain Lewis, and were signed June 20th. The governments of France, Spain and
Great Britain were notified of the expedition and its purposes, and passports for the party
were received from the French and English Ministers.
Among other things the instructions provide: "The object of 3'our mission is to
explore the Missouri river and such principal streams of it as, by its course of
communication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, whether the Columbia, Oregon,
Colorado, or any other river, ma}' offer the most direct and practicable water communication
across the continent, for the purposes of commerce."
" The interesting points of the portage between the heads of the Missouri, and of
the waters offering the best communication with the Pacific Ocean, should also be fixed by
observation, and the course of that water to the ocean, in the same manner as that of the
Missouri." * * '■'■ * " Should you reach the Pacific Ocean, inform j'ourself of the
circumstances which may decide whether the furs of those parts may be collected as
advantageously at the head of the Missouri (convenient as is supposed to the waters of
the Colorado and Oregon or Columbia) as at Nootka Sound, or any other part of that
coast ; and that trade be constantly conducted through the Missouri and United States
more beneficially than by the circumnavigation now practiced." * * * " On your
arrival on that coast, endeavor to learn if there be any port within your reach frequented
by the sea-vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea,
in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes ; and should you be of
the opinion that the return of your party by the way that they went will be imminently
dangerous, then ship the whole, and return by sea, by the way either of Cape Horn, or the
Cape of Good Hope, as j-ou shall be able."
EXPEDITION OF LEWIS AND CLARK. 71
Although the negotiations for the purchase of Louisiana had been successfully
concluded April 30, 1803, the news did not reach Washington until the ist of Jul}'.
Captain Lewis left the seat of government on the 5th to prepare the expedition for the
field. The Spanish Governor of Louisiana had not at that time been officially advised of the
transfer of the province of France, and was still acting. The season was late. Captain Lewis
therefore wintered at the mouth of Wood river, on the eastern side of the Mississippi,
making necessary jjreparatious for setting out early in the spring. The party consisted
of nine 3'oung men from Kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the United States army who
volunteered, two French voyageurs as interpreter and hunter, and a negro servant of
Captain Clark, all of whom, except the servant, were enlisted to serve as privates during
the expedition. Three sergeants were appointed from the number by Captains Lewis and
Clark. In addition a corporal, six soldiers and nine water-men accompanied the expedition
as far as the Mandan nation, — forty-three in all, including Captains Lewis and Clark.
On the 14th of May, 1804, the party crossed the Mississippi river and commenced the
ascent of the Missouri, in keel-boats cordelled by hand. The detailed account of this
notable journey must be sought in one of the several interesting joiirnals. On the
1st of November, 1804, having journeyed 1609 miles, it went into winter quarters in the
Mandan villages. On the 8th of- April, 1S05, the party, consisting of thirty-three persons,
resumed their westward march, and upon the iSth of August had reached the extreme
head of navigation of the Missouri river, — upwards of three thousand miles from its
mouth. They had ascended the main river to the three forks, to which they had given the
names respectively of Jefferson, Madison and Gallatin. Regarding the first named to be
the main stream, they had followed it to its source in the Rocky Mountains. Captain
Clark crossed to the headwaters of the Salmon river (the east fork of Lewis or Snake
river), but abandoned it. The party then ascended Fish creek, a branch of the Salmon,
crossed a mountain ridge and entered the valley of the Bitter-root, and ascended to the
mouth of a creek now called Lou-Lou fork, by them called Traveler's Rest. From
thence the}' passed over the headwaters of the Kooskooskie, and, having reached a point
navigable for canoes, constructed boats and followed the river to its mouth in the Lewis fork
of the Columbia (Snake river), which they reached October 7th. Lewis river was
followed to its junction with Clark's fork ; and thence the party proceeded down the main
Columbia to Cape Disappointment, on the Pacific Ocean, at which they arrived November
14th. They stopped but a few days on the north side of the river, but established their
winter quarters at Fort Clatsop, on the south side, near its mouth, where they remained
until March 23, 1806.
Before setting out on their return eastward, several written notices were left with the
natives, and one posted up in the fort, as follows : " The object of this last is, that, through
the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the
world, that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and
who were sent out by the government of the United States to explore the interior of the
continent of North America, did penetrate the same by way of the Columbia and Missouri
rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean, where they arrived on the 14th
day of November, 1805, and departed on their return to the United States by the same
route by which they had come out." This note fell into the possession of Captain Hill of
the brig Lydia^ of Boston, which carried it to Canton, and thence to the United States. On
the back of it was sketched the connection of the respective sources of the Columbia and
Missouri, with the routes pursued, and the track intended to be followed on the return.
72 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGOX AND WASHINGTON.
The expedition returned by substantially the same route, until reaching Traveler's
Rest creek, when the party divided. Captain Lewis, with nine men, pursued the most
direct route to the falls of the Missouri, exploring the Marias river. Captain Clark, with
the remainder of the party, proceeded to the head of Jefferson river, where he left a small
part}' to descend to the Yellowstone, himself advancing directly to the Yellowstone and
tracing it in boats to its mouth. The several parties reunited at the mouth of the
Yellowstone on the i2th of August, and, having traveled nearly 9,000 miles, reached St.
Louis in safet}' on the 23d of September, 1S06, without having lost a member of the party.
A summar}' b}- Captain Lewis indicates the labors of this memorable expedition :
"The road by which we went out by the way of the Missouri to its head is 3,096 miles;
thence b_v land, by wa}' of Lewis river over to Clark's river, and down that to the entrance
of Traveler's Rest creek, where all the roads from different routes meet; then across the
rugged part of the Rocky Mountains to the navigable waters of the Columbia, 398 miles,
thence down the river 640 miles to the Pacific Ocean, — making a total distance of 4,134
miles. ■ On our return in 1806, we came from Traveler's Rest directly to the falls of the
Missouri river, which shortens the distance about 579 miles, and is a much better route,
reducing the distance from the IMississippi to the Pacific Ocean to 3,555 miles. Of this
distance, 2,575 "liles is up the Missouri, to the falls of that river; thence passing through
the plains, and across the Rock}^ Mountains to the navigable waters of the Kooskooskie
river, a branch of the Columbia, 340 miles, 200 of which is good road, 140 miles over a
tremendous mountain, steep and broken, sixty miles of which is covered several feet deep
with snow, on which we passed on the last of June; from the navigable part of the
Kooskooskie we ascended that rapid river seventy-three miles to its entrance into Lewis
river, and down that river 154 miles to the Columbia, and thence 413 miles to its entrance into
the Pacific Ocean. About 180 miles of this distance is tide water. We passed several bad
rapids and narrows, and one considerable fall, 26S miles above the entrance of this river,
thirty-seven feet, eight inches; the total distance descending the Columbia waters 640
miles, — making a total of 3,555 miles, on the most direct route from the Mississippi, at
the mouth of the Missouri, to the Pacific Ocean."
The successful return of Lewis and Clark created a sensation, not only in the United
States, but in European nations. President Jefferson, in a tribute to Captain Lewis a few
years later (1813), says : " Never did a similar event excite more joy through the United
States. The humblest of its citizens have taken a lively interest in the issue of this
journey, and looked with impatience for the information it would furnish. Nothing short
of the official journals of this extraordinary and interesting journey will exhibit the
importance of the service, — the courage, devotion, zeal and perseverance under
circumstances calculated to discourage, which animated this little band of heroes,
throughout the long, dangerous and tedious travel."
Captains Lewis and Clark did not reach Washington until the middle of February,
1807. The services of the party were duly recognized by an extensive land grant. Lewis
was appointed Governor of Louisiana. Captain Clark was made the General of its militia,
and soon after appointed agent of the United States for hidian affairs. Before Captain
Lewis had prepared for publication the journals and reports of this expedition, in a fit of
melancholy he put an end to his existence (September, 1S09). For a long time he had
been subject to these chronic attacks. During one of these paroxysms, business compelled
him to start for Washington. On his journey thither, his illustrious patron and friend
Jefferson most feelingly remarks, "he did the deed which plunged his friends into
-f/
MAJOR N.A.CONOYER,
ADAMS. OR.
ESTABLISHMENT OF TRADING POSTS WEST OF ROCKY MOUNTAINS. 73
affliction and deprived his country of one of her most valued citizens. It lost too, to the
nation, the benefit of receiving from his own hand the narrative of his sufferings and
snccesses, in endeavoring to extend for them the boundaries of science, and to present to
their knowledge that vast and fertile country, which their sons are destined to fill with
arts, with science, with freedom and happiness."
In New Caledonia (now British Columbia), the employes of the North West Company,
earl}' in the nineteenth century, began to explore the region in the vicinity of, and
immediately west of, the Rocky Mountains.
Previous to 1S05, James Finlay and James MacDougal, in the North West Companj'
service, had traveled as far west as Trout Lake, afterwards called McLeod's Lake. In
the spring of that 3^ear, MacDongal had pursued his examinations as far west as the river
afterwards known as the great fork of the Fraser and beyond Carrier's Lake. In the
autumn and winter of that year, Simon Fraser, a partner iu the North West Company, with
a party established a trading-post on McLeod's Lake, called Fort McLeod and subsequently
named Fort Fraser. On May 20, 1806, Simon Fraser and John Stuart with a party left
the Rock}^ Mountain House, the North West Company station at the eastern base of the
Rock}- Mountains, followed the Fraser river down to Stuart river, believing, as did Sir
Alexander Mackenzie, that it was the Columbia. During that year. Fort James on Stuart
Lake was established ; and, in 1807, Fort George was erected at the junction of the Stuart
and Fraser rivers. From this post, Fraser and Stuart took their departure in 1808, and
descended the river Fraser to its mouth.
From an interesting letter, the following extract is copied :
"Among the first of the trappers (of the western frontier of the United States) who
visited the Columbia river was William Weir, grandfather of Allen Weir, Esq., editor of
the Port Toivnsend Argus.
When Captains Lewis and Clark returned from their exploration in 1S06, they were
accompanied by one of the head chiefs of the Mandaus. The next spring, a detachment
of soldiers were ordered to escort him back to his people. They started np the river in a
barge; and about thirty Americans, among whom was Weir, prepared themselves with
traps and a keel-boat, and started in company.
Before reaching the Mandan village, they were attacked by a band of hostile Indians.
The soldiers took to their oars and, with the current, swiftly went down the river. The
hunters crossed to the other side of the river, and continued to give the Indians a fight.
The savages gathered up their skin boats ; one which could seat four men could be carried
on the head of an Indian. The hostiles descended the river some distance, crossed over
and came down in such numbers that the party were overpowered. In a few minutes
seven of the trappers were killed, and about as many more severely wounded. The party
gathered np the dead, fled to their boat and followed after the soldiers. The whole party
returned to St. Louis and waited until next spring. In the meantime the Missouri Fur
Company had been formed. In the spring of i8o8, that company employed about three
hundred men, principally French, who lived about St. Louis, and sent them up the river.
A party of about forty Americans, among whom was Weir, started up the river on their
own account. In 1809, Weir with nine others crossed the Rocky Mountains and struck
the headwaters of the Columbia river and trapped down the river, wintering just above the
Cascade or Coast range.
Another small company of Missouri trappers wintered at the mouth of the river.
They all trapped on the river and its tributaries during the spring of 1810, and returned
74 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
that summer to the Missouri. They fouud the Indians all frieudly ; they subsisted almost
entirely on fish, which came up the river in great quantities.
Weir often spoke of the large fir timber, the mildness of the climate, the beautiful
appearance of the land and soil, and gave it as his opinion that some day it would be
one of the finest countries in the world. He quaintly added, " at that time it was a long
ways from home."
Among the wintering partners of the North West Company was Daniel Williams
Harmon, a native of Vermont. In the spring of 1800, then a clerk, he set out from
Montreal for the northwest. In 1805, after he had become a partner, he organized a party
to explore the headwaters of the Missouri, cross the Rocky Mountains and follow the
Columbia to its mouth. Ill health compelled his abandonment of the trip. In 1S07-S,
he had charge of Fort Chipewyau. In the fall of 18 10, Harmon crossed the Rocky
Mountains, and wintered upon Fraser Lake. The next spring he assumed the
superintendency of the district of New Caledonia. In this capacity he remained on
duty west of the Rocky Mountains until his retirement from the service in 1819,
upon which he returned to Vermont. Shortly thereafter was published at Andover,
Massachusetts, his "Journal of voyages and travels in the Interior of North America."
In 1808, an association was formed at St. Louis called the Missouri Fur Company,
headed by Mauuel Lisa, a Spaniard. Under its auspices, in 1809-10, numerous
trading-posts were established. One of these was at the headwaters of Lewds' Fork
of the Columbia river, in charge of Alexander Henry. It was abandoned in 1810, in
consequence of the hostility of the Indians, and the great difficulty attending the
provisioning and suppl}- of the post. .
In 1809, Captain Jonathan Winship, of Brighton, Massachusetts, projected a trading
establishment upon the Columbia river, and the taking of seals and other furs upon the
Pacific coast. Two ships were secured, — the O'Caiu, of which he was master, and the
Albatross, Captain Nathan Winship. The Albatross sailed from Boston July 6, 1809,
via Cape Horn and the Sandwich Islands, and arrived at the mouth of the Columbia
river May 25, 1810. She was provided with a complete outfit; and her company
originally numbered twenty-five, to which had been added twenty-five Kanakas.
Through ignorance of the channel, inaccuracies of charts, strong currents and
occasional shoal places, the passage up the Columbia was attended with delays and
difl&culties. After some ten dax's cruising on the river. Oak Point, on the south
side of the river, was selected as the proposed site of the establishment. Land was
cleared, a garden was prepared, seeds were sown, and the erection commenced of the
trading-house and dwelling. The summer freshet of the Columbia river soon after
occurred and effectually checked all further labors. The house, almost completed, was
flooded to the depth of eighteen inches, and the adjacent land overflowed. Captain
Nathan Winship having been advised of the arrival of the O'Cain at the bay of Sir
Francis Drake (now San Francisco), determined to consult his brother, the projector of
the expedition, before attempting another location. He sailed from the Columbia river
July 18, 1810. The Winships, having learned of Mr. Astor's contemplated enterprise at
the mouth of the Columbia river, deemed it unwise to compete with him, and gave up
their project of making a settlement upon the Columbia. Both vessels continued upon the
coast in quest of seal islands and in trading (i).
(r) Chapter XIV, page 173, of Franchere's charming narrative, details the visit of the ship Albatross to Astoria on the 4th of August, 1813. She
bad been chartered by Wilson P. Hunt to bring him from Canton.
CAPTAIN WIXSHIP ATTEMPTS ESTABLISHMENT ON COLUMBIA RIVER. 75
Francliere says: "Captain Smith informed us that in 1810, a year before the founding
of our establishment, he had entered the river in the same vessel, and ascended it in boats
as far as Oak Point ; and that he had attempted to form an establishment there ; but the
spot which he chose for building, and on which he had even commenced fencing for
a garden, being overflowed in the summer freshet, he had been forced to abandon his
project and re-embark. We had seen, in fact, at Oak Point, some traces of his projected
establishment. The bold manner in which this captain had entered the river was now
accounted for."
On the strength of this statement of Franchere, Greenhow accredits the making of
the Oak Point settlement to Captain William Smith of Boston. But while it is true that
Captain Smith was with the Albatross in May, 18 10, there is no doubt that at the time she
was commanded by Captain Nathan Winship. In an article entitled, " Americans at Sea,"
Niles Weekly Register^ August 12, 1820, the able editor, in illustration of his text, quotes
from the Boston Daily Advertiser notices of the exploits of Captain William Smith, of
Boston, from which we extract : " A friend has furnished us with the following remarkable
narrative of the very active and useful life of Mr. William Smith, who was born November
14, 1768, at Flowery Hundred, Prince George county, Va., and came to Boston in 1780.
Since that date he has sailed out of this port. He has since that period performed eight
voyages around the world, besides one voyage and back." Then follows a detail of the
voyages, among which the following occurs :
" 8th voyage. Sailed July 6, 1809, in the ship Albatross^ Nathan Winship, master,
and returned in the ship (9' (Ta/;/, Robert McNiel, master, October 15, 181 7. For about
seven years of this voyage he commanded the Albatross^ etc."
While these inland operations were being enacted, American vessels were pursuing
an active trade in these latitudes. Nootka Sound continued the chief resort, but the
Columbia river was frequently visited. James G. Swan, in his very readable " Northwest
Coast," supplies a list of the northwest trading vessels from 1787 to 1809. It is of great
historical interest, and may be accepted as a true exhibit of commercial enterprise in
Northwest America.
Chapter XL
(1810-1818.)
John Jacob Astor Organizes the Pacific Fur Company — Intriguing Policy of the
Nortli West Company— Treaclierons Conduct of Mr. Astor's Partners — Parties
Sent by Sea and Overland to the Mouth of the Columbia Kiver — Founding of
Astoria — Loss of the Ship Tonquin — Launch of the Schooner Dolly, the First
United States V^essel Built on the Pacific Coast — Pacific Fur Company
Dissolved by British Partners — Transfer of Astor's Stock and Establishment
to North West Company — The Britisli.Sloop-of- War Raccoon Captures Astoria,
Changes Name to Fort George — End of Pacific Fur Company — American
Employees Leave the Country — British Enter Nortli West Company Service —
Restoration of Astoria Under Treaty of Ghent.
IN iSio, John Jacob Astor, a native of Heidelberg and citizen of the United States,
residing at New York, who had amassed a princely fortune in successful commercial
operations, projected an enterprise which combined the prosecution of the fur trade in
every portion of the unsettled territories of America claimed b}- the United States ; the
furnishing of the Russian settlement with trading goods and supplies, receiving furs
in exchange ; and the China trade. At the mouth of the Columbia river was to be
established the depot and center of trade. Through the interior, along the Columbia
and Missouri rivers and their tributaries, at convenient places to insure facilities of
communication, posts were to be located for conducting trade across the continent. Briefl}-,
his grand scheme involved the concentration of the fur trade, the exclusive right to supply
the Russian establishments, and to receive in return Russian furs ; from the sale of which
said supplies were to be paid, as also commission retained. Mr. Astor, had he not been
baffled b}' the treachery or cowardice of his agents, would have controlled the commerce
between China and Northwest America.
A vessel was to be dispatched at regular intervals from New York to the Columbia
river, laden with trading goods and supplies. Having discharged her cargo, she was to
trade on the northwest coast and visit the establishments of the Russian Fur Company,
then return to the river, and, with the furs collected during the year, sail to Canton and
obtain her return cargo of China goods for New York. Mr. Astor regarded this Russian
trade as a most important feature. Arrangements with the Russian government had
guarded against difficulties likely to arise between the coasting vessels of the two
companies.
The North West Compau}- had no trading-posts west of the Rocky Mountains south
of fift3--two degrees north. That company's operations had been confined to the region
called New Caledonia. Its managers were men of great energy and experience. Its
business was conducted with perfect system and managed- with consummate ability. Mr.
Astor sought to avoid competition with that company. With this in view he made known
( 76 )
WE AS KUSH. THREE FEATHERS.
NOTED INDIAN CHIEFS.
ORGANIZATION OF PACIFIC Fl'R COMPANY. 77
his plans to them, invited their co operation, generousl}' offering a one-third interest in the
enterprise. To gain the necessary time to enable the North West Company to send a
party to occupy the mouth of the Columbia river before Mr. Astor's party could have
reached such point, they pretended to take Mr. Astor's proposition under advisement.
Having started David Thompson, the surveyor and astronomer of the company, with
instructions to occupy the mouth of the Columbia river, to explore the river from its
headwaters, and to watch the progress of the Astor enterprise, the North West Company
formally declined ^Ir. Astor's proposition. Mr. Astor, fully aware of this ungracious
return for his generosity and good will, prosecuted his enterprise with renewed vigor.
On the 23d of June, 1810, the Pacific Fur Company was formed. Mr. Astor says:
" I preferred to have it appear as the business of a company, rather than that of an
individual ; the several gentlemen were, in effect, to be interested as partners in the
undertaking, so far as respected the profit which might arise ; but the means were
furnished by me, and the property was solely mine, and I sustained the loss."
He associated as partners Alexander Mackay, Duncan MacDougal and Donald
Mackenzie, all late of the North West Company, men of great experience. Mackay
had accompanied Alexander Mackenzie in his two voyages of discover}-. The partners
subsequently admitted were David and Robert Stuart and Ramsay Crooks, Scotchmen, all
of whom had been in the service of the North West Company, John Clarke, of Canada,
Wilson P. Hunt and Robert Maclellan, citizens of the United States.
The articles of organization provided : Mr. Astor as the head of the company should
remain at New York and manage its affairs. Vessels, goods, supplies, arms, ammunition
and every necessary were to be furnished by him at prime cost, provided they did not
necessitate at any time an advance to exceed $400,000. The stock was divided into
one hundred shares, of which Mr. Astor retained fifty. The remainder went to other
partners, and such persons as might be added to the company. Mr. Astor reserved the
right to introduce other persons as partners, at least two of whom were to be cotiversant with
the Indian trade ; but no individual should be permitted to hold more than three shares of
stock. Twenty years was the duration of the company ; but at the end of five years, if
the business was found to be unprofitable, it might be dissolved. For the first five years,
all the loss was to be borne by Mr. Astor ; after which each partner shared the loss in
proportion to his stock.
The chief agent on the Columbia held the position for five years. Wilson P. Hunt
was selected for the first term. When such chief agent was absent, the vacancy was to be
temporarily filled by a meeting of the partners who were present. To faithfully execute
the objects of the company, and to go to such places as they might be assigned, the
partners solemnly bound themselves. Two of the British partners, before having
subscribed, communicated to Mr. Jackson, British Minister, then in New York, the full
details of Mr. Astor's project. They sought of him knowledge as to their s/a//is as British
subjects trading under the flag of the United States, in the event of a war between the
United States and Great Britain. Mackay was assured by the minister " that he saw our
object was purely commercial, and that all that he could promise was that, in case of a war,
they should be respected as English subjects and merchants." All scruples of those
British partners were dissipated. Their patron did not learn until too late of this gross
disregard of mercantile honor, or, possibly, he might have guarded himself from the
humiliating sacrifice which effectually transferred his enterprise to unscrupulous enemies.
The main party, consisting of Messrs. Mackay, MacDougal, David and Robert Stuart,
78 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
partners, twelve clerks (among whom was Gabriel Franchere, the author of the narrative
of the voyage), five mechanics and thirteen Canadian voyageurs, was to go to the mouth
of the Columbia river, via Cape Horn and the Sandwich Islands, until Mr. Hunt, chief
agent, should arrive at the mouth of the river. Mr. IMacDougal was to take charge. To
convey this party, the ship Tonquin, 290 tons, was fitted for sea, commanded by Captain
Jonathan Thome, a lieutenant in the United States navy, on leave. A full assortment of
Indian trading goods, a bountiful supply of provisions, and the frame timbers of a schooner,
designed for coasting, garden seeds and other articles, in short, everything necessary to
secure comfort, were provided for the proposed settlement.
Before the Tonqiiin was ready for sea, Mr. Astor had been advised that a British
vessel of war was cruising off the Atlantic coast to intercept the Tonqiiin and impress
the Canadians as British subjects. This was at the instance of the North West Company,
purposed to defeat the arrival of the Tonquin, or so delay it that Mr. Thompson's party
would have ample time to arrive first at the mouth of the Columbia. To thwart such
interruption, Mr. Astor secured from the United States convoy off the coast, till the
Tonqiiin could proceed on her voyage without interference from British cruisers.
On the 8th of September, the Tonquin sailed under convoy of the United States
frio-ate Constitution, Captain Isaac Hull, United States navy. The incidents of that
voyage will be found in that most readable of books, " Irviug's Astoria," and in the very
fascinating narrative of Franchere. Mr. Hunt, chief agent, with whom was associated
Donald Mackenzie, was to lead a party overland to the mouth of the Columbia river, and
had gone to Montreal and Fort William to recruit the necessary voyageurs for the service.
The Tonquin arrived at the mouth of the Columbia, and anchored in Baker's Bay on
the 22d of March, iSii. The crossing of the bar and the entrance of the river were
attended with most serious difficulties. Eight of the crew were lost in the attempt to
examine the shores and bays, and mark out the channel.
On the i2th of April, the launch, with sixteen persons, freighted with supplies,
crossed the river and landed upon Point George. There and then was established a
settlement, to which was given the name of Astoria, in honor of the projector of the
enterprise. By the end of the month, the keel of the schooner of thirty tons had been
laid, to be constructed of the frame timbers brought out in the Tonquin.
The report that a party was establishing a post at the second rapids of the Columbia
was the occasion of Mackay ascending the river to the first rapids, now called the Cascades.
His Indian crew refused to go farther. At that point nothing could be definitely learned
of any Whites being on the upper Columbia. The intelligence that a trading-house had
been established by the North West Company, on the Spokane river, was shortly afterwards
confirmed (i).
On the first of June, the Tonquin sailed north, Alexander Mackay, one of the partners,
accompanying as supercargo. By the middle of the month, she had reached Cl3-oquot
Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver's Island, and was anchored opposite the Indian
town of Newitty. They were about to commence trade with Indians of Wicanish's tribe
for sea-otter skins. At a preconcerted signal, the Indians, who had unwisely been
permitted to crowd the deck of the Tonquin, commenced an attack. Captain Thorne and
Mr. Mackay were almost immediately killed. All upon deck met a like fate. When
Captain Thorne first observed that the actions of the Indians indicated hostility, he had
(ij This was the Spokane House, established twenty miles from the mouth of Spokane river by Macdonald. clerk in the North West
Company's service. About the same lime, that company also established forts on Clark's Fork of the Columbia, and on the Kooteuais.
LOSS OF THE SHIP TONOUIN. 79
endeavored to make sail, and had ordered some of the crew up into the rigging. Five of
the sailors were still aloft ; one in ascending was badly wounded. The remaining four
had continued concealed. x\fter the fight was over, the Indians went ashore. Returning
to rob the ship, the five survivors successfully repelled the savages with firearms. In the
night, at the urgent solicitation of Lewis, the wounded sailor, the four left the ship in one
of her boats. Next morning the Indians in great numbers again boarded the Tonquui.
When they had most numerously collected, the gallant Lewis, the wounded sailor, fired
the magazine, blew up the ship, creating sad havoc among the hordes of savages who were
stripping and robbing the Tonquin. Thus was the murder of Captain Thorne and the
crew of the Tonqnin promptly avenged. The four sailors who had endeavored to escape
were overtaken and put to death with atrocious torture. One Indian interpreter was the
sole survivor of that cruel massacre. He was retained in close captivity for more than
two years, when he escaped through the various coast tribes. The account of the loss of
the Toiiquin was derived from the interpreter on his return to Astoria. There had been a
misunderstanding between Captain Thorne and the Indian chief on the preceding day.
Captain William Smith, an old and experienced trader on the North Pacific coast, then
mate of the Albatross^ of Boston, attributed the real provocation of this tragic affair to
the conduct of Captain Ayres, of Boston. A short time previous the latter had been
trading at Clyoquot Sound, and had induced some ten of the tribe to accompany him to
the islands near the Bay of San Francisco, to hunt seals. He had given a most positive
assurance for their safe and early return. He sailed southward and violated that promise.
In accordance with Indian custom, his inhuman perfidy was revenged by an equivalent
sacrifice, from white men who fell into the hands of the outraged tribe.
On the 15th of July, David Thompson, astronomer of the North West Company, in
a canoe bearing the British flag, with a crew of eight white men, arrived at Astoria. In
the summer of iSio, the North West Company fitted out the Thompson party; and, when
the necessary start had beeu secured to effect their object, the}- declined Mr. Astor's
proposition for co-operation in his project. Thompson reached the Rocky Mountains, but
was long dela3-ed in finding a pass. Several of his party deserted, which necessitated his
return to the nearest post to winter. In the early spring of iSii, he hurried forward,
crossing the Rocky Mountains in fifty-two degrees north, and striking the extreme
northern source of the Columbia, where a canoe was built to descend the river. In their
descent they built huts at the forks of rivers, erecting flags, distributed little flags among
the natives, and took formal possession of the country watered by the Columbia and its
tributaries, in the name of the King of Great Britain, for the North West Company.
But Mr. Astor's settlement had been effected. Thompson could not occupy the lower
Columbia and its mouth ; but he made an exploration and reconnoissance of the river and
the immediately adjacent country. Franchere observes : " Mr. Thompson kept a regular
journal, and traveled, I thought, more like a geographer than a fur trader. He was
provided with a sextant, chronometer and barometer, and, during a week's sojourn at our
place, had an opportunity to make several astronomical observations." Though sent by
the North West Company to countervail the operations of a rival enterprise, in fact upon
a hostile expedition, yet Mr. MacDougal, the temporary chief agent representing Mr.
Astor, received him with the utmost cordiality. Against urgent remonstrance of David
Stuart, he furnished Mr. Thompson with supplies and the means to return. David Stuart
was about starting for the Spokane country to establish a post, when Mr. Thompson
arrived. Mr. Stuart consequentl}- delayed his departure until the 23d, when both parties
80 HISTORY OK PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Started in canoes for the upper Columbia. They continued together for more than six
hundred miles, when Mr. Thompson and his party left the river and marched overland
across the Rocky Mountains. At the junction of the Columbia and the Okanagon rivers,
Mr. Stuart erected Fort Okanagon, the first interior post west of the Rocky Mountains
south of latitude forty-nine degrees north. Of the drift wood collected on the promontory
made by the two rivers, he built a log house in which he and his company wintered.
On the 2d of October, the schooner Dolly was launched. She was the first United
States vessel built on the Pacific coast. The infant settlement at Astoria was in a very
discouraging, despondent condition. The little band, reduced in numbers, had not learned
of the sad fate of the Tonquin, now overdue; and their anxiety for their fellows was
intensified by Indian rumors, that a ship on the Strait of Fuca had been destroyed and
her crew murdered. Their supplies were growing low; nothing had been heard of Mr.
Hunt and his overland party. Winter was upon them, and there was but little to give
encouragement.
On the 8th of January, 1812, a portion of Mr. Hunt's party reached Astoria in a most
wretched plight. The remainder arrived on the 15th of February. The party had
experienced the most severe hardships in their tedious journey. Messrs. Hunt and
Mackenzie, at Montreal, in their efforts during the summer of 18 10 to secure men, had
been subjected to the greatest difficulty through the jealous interference of the North
West Company. Men who had engaged to serve were dissuaded, threatened and bought.
Unsuccessful at Montreal, they went to Fort William, where the same annoyances were
renewed. From thence they went to St. Louis, where they arrived September 3d. At that
point the Missouri Fur Company baffled Mr. Hunt's effort, even more than the North West
Company had done at Montreal and Fort William. To retain the men he had secured,
Mr. Hunt, on the 21st of October, left St. Louis. The party in three boats ascended the
Missouri river four hundred and fifty miles to the mouth of the Nodowa, where, on the
i6th of November, he established winter quarters. Mr. Hunt, to reinforce his party, then
returned to St. Louis, where he arrived January i, 181 1. After continued anno^^ance and
vexatious disappointments, he made up his force, returned to the winter camp, and started,
April 17th, for the Columbia river. They ascended the river in four boats, the largest of
which mounted a swivel and two howitzers. In the party were five partners, Messrs. W.
P. Hunt, Donald Mackenzie, Robert Maclellan, Ramsay Crooks and Joseph Miller, one
clerk, forty voyageurs, an interpreter and several hunters. The Missouri Fur Company
continued its persecutions during the ascent of the river, subjecting Mr. Hunt's party to
delays, difficulties and annoyances by the Indians. Having traveled fourteen hundred
miles, they abandoned the boats and marched overland. Following the headwaters of the
Yellowstone, they crossed the Rocky Mountains in September. Having reached one of
the affluents of Lewis' Fork of the Columbia, the party built canoes, intending to descend
to the mouth of the Columbia. In consequence of the rapids and dangerous navigation,
the river was abandoned and the journey to Astoria resumed b}- land.
On the 5th of May the Beaver, a ship of 490 tons. Captain Sowles, which had been
dispatched by Mr. Astor the preceding October, arrived at Astoria. She brought as
passengers John Clarke, of Canada, a partner, six clerks, and twenty-six Kanaka laborers.
Among the clerks was Ross Cox, author of the " Adventures on the Columbia River."
In those " Adventures," Tvlr. Cox thus pictures Astoria, as it was upon his arrival in
May, 181 2 :
J\ 5, ^ r i
1
1 ^
, t-
^\
'1
-^
^
%
— •isSi.
>>5
THE PACIFIC FUR COMPANY. 81
" The spot selected for the fort was a handsome eminence called Point George, which
commanded an extensive view of the majestic Columbia in front, bounded by the bold and
thickly wooded northern shore. On the right, about three miles distant, a long, high and
rocky peninsula, covered with timber, called Tongue Point, extended a considerable
distance into the river from the southern side, with which it was connected by a narrow
neck of land; while on the extreme left Cape Disappointment, with the bar and its terrific
chain of breakers, were distinctly visible. The buildings consisted of apartments for the
proprietors and clerks, with a capacious dining-hall for both ; extensive warehouses for
the trading goods and furs, a provision store, a trading-shop, a smith's forge, carpenter's
shop, etc. ; the whole surrounded by stockades forming a square, and reaching about
fifteen feet above the ground. A gallery ran around the stockades, in which loopholes
were pierced, sufficiently large for musketry ; each bastion had two stories, in which a
number of chosen men slept every night ; a six-pounder was placed in the lower story of
each, and they were both well provided with small arms. Immediately in front of the
fort was a gentle declivity, sloping down to the river's side, which had been turned into an
excellent kitchen garden ; and, a few hundred rods to the left, a tolerable wharf had been
run out, by which bateaux and boats were enabled, at low water, to land their cargoes
without sustaining any damage. An impenetrable forest of gigantic pines rose in the
rear ; and the ground was covered with a thick underwood of briar and whortleberry,
intermingled with ferns and honej'suckle."
In June, the brigades, as the}' were called, left Astoria for the interior, respectively
under the charge of John Clarke and Donald Mackenzie, who were sent to the Upper
Columbia country to establish trading-posts. The former established a post at the junction
of the Spokane and Coeur d'Alene rivers, and the latter on the Shahaptan river, or the
Lewis' Fork of the Columbia, now called Snake river. A third party under David Stuart
returned to Fort Okanagon, and during the season went north to Thompson's river.
On the Willamette, 150 miles from its mouth, another trading-post was located.
Robert Stuart left at the same time to cross the continent as bearer of dispatches to Mr.
Astor. He was accompanied by Robert Maclellan, Ramsay Crooks, Joseph Miller,
partners, Benjamin Jones, hunter, and two voyageurs. The parties traveled together to
the Walla Walla river. Robert Stuart's party then traveled southeast, and, in the month
of November, discovered the South Pass in the Rocky Mountains, which afterwards
became the great gateway of the emigrant route to the Pacific. They wintered on the
Platte river, and arrived in St. Louis in April, 1813.
On the 4th of August, the Beaver sailed for Sitka, Mr. Hunt accomjDanying. Pursuant
to Mr. Astor's instructions, she was to have returned to Astoria for the furs there collected
before sailing to Canton, and hence was due at Astoria in October. While at Sitka, Mr.
Hunt negotiated with Baranofif, Governor of Russian America, a highly advantageous
arrangement for the Pacific Fur Company. The two companies were not to interfere
with each other's hunting or trading grounds ; and they were to operate jointly against
trespassers on the rights of either. The Pacific Fur Company was to enjo}' the exclusive
privilege of suppl3nng the Russian posts, the pa}' for which was to be in peltries. The
Pacific Fur Company was to receive all the Russian furs and convey them to Canton, and
to receive a commission for their sale.
Having collected large quantities of furs, the Beaver proceeded to Canton via the
Sandwich Islands, instead of returning to Astoria. Mr. Hunt went with her to Oahu,
there to await the vessel then expected from New York, by which he was to return to
82 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Astoria. Before this agreement could go into effect, war had been declared between
Great Britain and the United States. Mr. Astor learned that the North West Company
was fitting out the Isaac Todd, a ship mounting twenty guns, to seize Astoria. As a
large majority of the employes of the company were British subjects, Mr. Astor anticipated
difficulty, as soon as the existence of the war should become known. He appealed to the
United States government for a force to defend Astoria, to maintain possession of
the mouth of the river.
His efforts being in vain, he fitted out the Lark, which sailed March 6, 1813. In the
early part of 181 3, matters at Astoria were in a ver}- unsatisfactory condition. The
Beaver, with Mr. Hunt on board, expected in October preceding, had not been heard from,
and great anxiety was felt as to her safety. Mr. IMackeuzie had been very unsuccessful at
his post on the Shahaptan river and, becoming disheartened, had determined on being
assigned to another post. In this mood he visited Mr. Clarke. While Mackenzie was
there they were visited b}- John George MacTavish, a partner of the North West
Company, who communicated the news of the declaration of war, and boastfully stated
that the North West Compan3-'s armed ship, the Isaac Todd, had sailed, and was to be at
the mouth of the Columbia in March, and that he had received orders to join her at that
time ; that full supplies had been sent by his company for the countrj- west of the Rocky
Mountains, and, with the coming spring, the North West Compau}- w'ould be prepared for
vigorous opposition. Mackenzie no longer doubted as to his course. He at once returned
to Shahaptan, broke up the post, cached all the provisions, and with his party went to
Astoria, which they reached January i6th.
Having communicated the news of the war to MacDougal, who was agent-in-cliarge
during Mr. Hunt's prolonged absence, the two, the only partners present, resolved to
abandon Astoria in the coming spring and recross the Rocky Mountains. To enable
them to execute this resolve, Mackenzie set off at once to recover the cached provisions,
and with them purchase from the Indians necessary horses. He carried dispatches
from MacDougal to Messrs. Clarke, and D. Stuart, apprising them of the resolution to
abandon Astoria and to return to the United States, and advised the making of necessar}-
preparations. On his way, Mackenzie met a party of the North West Company in
command of MacTavish and Laroque, en route to the mouth of the Columbia to await the
arrival of the Isaac Todd. The parties camped together, leaders and men, as the graceful
Irving remarks, " mingled together as united by a common interest, instead of belonging
to rival companies trading under hostile flags.''
When Mackenzie reached Shahaptan, he found his cache had been robbed by the
Indians ; he was therefore without means to purchase horses. He forwarded the orders
of MacDougal to Messrs. Clarke, and David Stuart. Walla Walla was agreed upon as
a rendezvous for the three parties to meet, to proceed together to Astoria for conference.
In two boats and six canoes, they together descended the Columbia river, reaching Astoria
June 1 2th. MacDougal had determined on dissolving the company July ist, and had so
apprised MacTavish. Both Stuart and Clarke, who had been very successful, refused to
break up their posts ; and they utterly ignored the advice to provide horses and make
preparations for leaving the countr}-. Mackenzie's provisions having been stolen, he
had failed to accomplish anj-thiug, and of necessity the departure was deferred. Messrs.
Clarke and Stuart finally yielded consent, that if aid did not come from the United States,
and the prospect at Astoria improve, the countr}^ should be abandoned in the ensuing
year.
TRANSFER OF ASTOR'S STOCK AND ESTABLISHMENT. 83
MacTavisli, who was camped at the fort, made application to purchase trading goods.
MacDougal proposed to sell to him the post on the Spokane, for horses to be delivered the
next spring. After much urging by MacDougal and Mackenzie, this proposition was
accepted. Messrs. Clarke and Stuart were to winter at their posts. Mackenzie was
transferred to the post on the Willamette for the winter; three clerks, among whom
was Ross Cox, were transferred to the service of the North West Compan3^ An
arrangement for the dissolution of the company, to take effect June ist of the next j'ear,
in accordance with the articles of agreement, which provide for an abandonment of the
enterprise should it be found unprofitable, was signed by the four partners. Clarke and
Stuart were extremely reluctant, yielding because of the determination of MacDougal and
Mackenzie to abandon the country. On the 20th of August, Hunt arrived at Astoria.
He was powerless to change the result. The causes of discouragement were presented by
MacDougal, who pretended that he desired to save Mr. Astor's interest before the place
fell into the hands of the British vessels on their way out. Mr. Hunt at length acquiesced,
and consented that the management of the business should be intrusted solel}- to
MacDougal, if he (Hunt) did not return by the ist of January. Mr. Hunt then sailed to
secure a vessel to convey the property to the Russian settlements till peace was declared,
and also to give a return passage to the Sandwich Islands of the Kanaka laborers. Hunt
agreed that, if the men became dissatisfied, they might be transferred to the North West
Company, MacTavish becoming responsible for their wages, accepting goods to discharge
indebtedness to them.
On the 2d of October, Mackenzie, with a party of twelve men in two canoes, started
to advise Messrs. Clarke and Stuart of the new arrangement. He met MacTavish and J.
Stuart, partners of the North West Company, with sevent3'-five men in ten canoes, on their
way down the river to meet the frigate Plicebc and the ship Isaac Todd. Clark had been
advised of the alarming news, and he had come with them as a passenger. Mackenzie
camped with the party that night and resolved to return with them to Astoria. Mackenzie
and Clarke during the night made an attempt to slip off, with a view of getting a start,
and reaching Astoria first with the news. But as they pushed out into the river two of
MacTavish's canoes followed. On the 7th of October, MacTavish and Mackenzie both
reached Astoria. The North West Company's party camped at the fort. Alacdougal
prohibited the hoisting of the American flag by the young American employes. The next
day MacDougal read to the assembled employes a sensational letter from his uncle Angus
Shaw, one of the principal stockholders of the North West Company, announcing the
sailing of the frigate Plicebe and the ship Isaac Todd^ with orders " to take and destroy
everything American on the northwest coast."
This dramatic scene was followed by a proposition of MacTavish to purchase the
interests, stocks, establishments, etc., of the Pacific Fur Company. MacDougal then
assumed sole control and agency because of the non-arrival of Hunt, and after repeated
conference with MacTavish, in which the presence of the other partners was ignored, the
sale was concluded at certain rates. A few da3's later, Mr. J. Stuart arrived with the
remainder of the North West part}'. He objected to MacTavish's prices, and lowered the
rates materially. ]\Ir. Stuart's offer was accepted by MacDougal ; and the agreement of
transfer was signed October i6th. B3' it Duncan MacDougal, for and on behalf of himself,
Donald Mackenzie, David Stuart and John Clarke, partners of the Pacific Fur Compan}',
dissolved Jul}' ist, pretended to sell to his British confreres and co-conspirators of the
North West Company " the whole of the establishments, furs and present stock on hand,
84 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
on the Columbia and Thompson's rivers," payable in three drafts on Montreal. This
transaction, so dishonorable and perfidious to Mr. Astor, so disgraceful to the parties who
consummated it, is thus detailed by John Jacob Astor in a letter to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary- of State :
" MacDougal transferred all my property to the North West Company, who were in
possession of it by sale, as he called it, for the sum of fifty-eight thousand dollars, of which
he retained fourteen thousand dollars for wages said to be due to some of the men. From
the price obtained for the goods, etc., and he having himself become interested in the
purchase and made a partner of the North West Company, some idea may be formed as to
this man's correctness of dealing. He sold to the North West Company eighteen
thousand, one hundred and seventy and a quarter pounds of beaver at two dollars, which
was at that time selling in Canton at five and six dollars per skin. I estimated the whole
property to be worth nearer two hundred thousand dollars, than forty thousand dollars,
about the sum I received in bills on Montreal."
After David Thompson had returned, in iSii, from his expedition to secure for the
North West Company the first occupancy of the mouth of the Columbia, the North West
Company urged interference by the British government to prevent the establishment of
American settlements in the territory drained by the Columbia river. The British
government, while peace continued, had declined to assert acts of exclusive sovereignty
over the region. Upon the declaration of war, the North West Company renewed its
efforts with the government to expel its rivals, to seize and occupy the territory. Its
appeals were based on national policy. The wealth and importance of the country were
portrayed ; the Americans should be prevented from firmly establishing themselves and
acquiring the territory. The company's petitions were successful. They asked for convoy
for their ship Isaac Todd, which was a storeship to carry out supplies, provisions, goods
and necessaries to establish settlements, to hold the country against Americans, and
acquire its entire trade. A squadron, consisting of the frigate Pho'be, the sloops-of-war
Raccoon and Chcnib, was ordered to the mouth of the Columbia " to take Fort Astoria
and destro}' the settlement." Ross Cox, one of Astor's clerks who deserted him and took
serv'ice in the North West Company, thus narrates the capture of Astoria :
"The Isaac 7t»«'rt' sailed from London in March, 1S13, in company with the Pluvbe,
frigate, and the Cherub and Raccoon, sloops-of-war. They arrived safe at Rio Janeiro,
and thence proceeded around Cape Horn to the Pacific, having previousl}^ made
arrangements to meet at Juan Fernandez. The three men-of-war reached the latter
island, after encountering dreadful gales about the cape ; they waited there some time
ior \.h.& Isaac Todd; but, as she did not make her appearance. Commodore Hillyer did
not deem it prudent to remain any longer inactive. He therefore, in company with the
Cherub, proceeded in search of Commodore Porter, who, in the American frigate Essex,
was clearing the South Seas of English whalers, and inflicting other injuries of a serious
nature on our commerce. He shortly after met the Essex at \'alparaiso, and after a severe
contest captured her.
" At the same time he ordered Captain Black, in the Raccoon, to proceed direct to the
Columbia, for the purpose of destroying the American settlements at Astoria. The
Raccoon arrived at the Columbia on the ist of December, 1813. The surprise and
disappointment of Captain Black and his officers were extreme, on learning the
arrangement that had taken place between the two companies, by which the
establishment had become British property. They had calculated on obtaining a
.-'*^''%, 3
ISSV* ^S
CAPT. W'!!' MARTIN,
PENDLETON, OR.
A PIONEER OF 1843.
CAPTURE OF ASTORIA BY BRITISH SLOOP-OF-WAR RACCOON. 85
splendid prize by the capture of Astoria, the strength and importance of which had
been much magnified ; and the contracting parties were therefore fortunate in having
closed their bargains previous to the arrival of the Raccoon.
" On looking at the wooden fortifications, Captain Black exclaimed : ' Is this the fort
about which I have heard so much ? D — n me, but I'd batter it down in two hours with
a four-pounder.' Captain Black, however, took possession of Astoria in the name of his
British Majesty, and re-baptised it by the name of Fort George. He also insisted on
having an inventory taken of the valuable stock of furs, and all other property purchased
from the American company, with a view to the adoption of ulterior proceedings in England
for the recovery of the value from the North West Company ; but he subsequently
relinquished this idea, and we heard no more about his claims."
The formal capture of Fort Astoria took place on the 12th of December, at which
time the colors of the United States were hauled down and the flag of Great Britain
raised.
In the August preceding, Mr. Astor's chief agent, Mr. Hunt, had left Astoria in the
ship Albatross for the Sandwich Islands to procure a ship to receive the property of the
Pacific Fur Company, and to afford passage to such of its emplo3'es as desired by sea to
return to the United States. The ship Lark sent out by Mr. Astor, on arriving at the
Islands, was wrecked. The Beaver was still blockaded in China. Mr. Hunt at length
purchased the brig Ped/er., put Captain Northup, late of the Lark, in command, and
returned to Astoria on February 28, 1814. He found the fort converted into a North
West Company establishment. His late 'copartner MacDougal, whom he had left in
charge to represent Mr. Astor, was still in charge, but now transformed into a North West
Company partner. There was nothing left Mr. Hunt to do but to receive from MacDougal
the drafts on Montreal, the purchase-money for the stock and establishments of the Pacific
Fur Compau}'. The Pcdler then sailed for New York, by way of Canton, Mr. Hunt and
three of the clerks of the late company being passengers. The remainder of the employes
either engaged in the service of the North West Company, or returned overland with
Messrs. Mackenzie, Clarke and David Stuart, who started April 4th. The arrival of
the ship Lsaac Todd on the 17th of April, with a full cargo of trading goods and supplies,
enabled the North West Company, now exclusive masters of the field, vigorously to
prosecute the fur trade, and establish themselves in the territory.
Thus disgracefully failed a magnificent enterprise, which merited success for sagacity
displayed in its conception, its details, its objects ; for the liberality and munificence of its
projector in furnishing means adequate for its thorough execution ; for the results it had
aimed to produce. It was inaugurated purely for commercial purposes. Had it not been
transferred to its enemies, it would have pioneered the colonization of the northwest coast
by citizens of the United States ; it would have furnished the natural and peaceful solution
of the question of the right of the territory drained by the Columbia and its tributaries.
Perhaps, had Mr. Astor been a native of the United States, instead of one of its most
patriotic, generous and wealthy adopted citizens, he would have appreciated that in
1809-10, when about to develop this grand conception of mercantile genius, that the
antipathy between natives of the British Empire and the United States, the natural result
of the latter having conqxiered its independence, had not then been effaced. Indeed, at
that time it was manifesting itself in a bitter renewal, which so shortly afterward developed
into actual war. As a merchant devoid of such national prejudice because of his different
nationality, he could not, did not, realize that a purely mercantile arrangement might not
8G HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
be successfully conducted by and between citizens and subjects of different countries. He
entirely overlooked that inbred, ineradicable, national prejudice (for it had no place in his
bosom) which displa3'ed itself in the contempt that Vancouver so conspicuously had
manifested for Gray when off the Strait of Fuca, the latter having ventured to assert a
belief that a river emptied into the ocean where was aftenvards discovered the great
Columbia ; which the sagacious, able, but narrow-minded, though ever British, Sir
Alexander Mackenzie had so palpably exhibited in his appeal to the capitalists of Great
Britain to advance the fur trade, to occupy the territory and coasts of Northwest America ;
wherein he contemptuousl}' ridiculed " American adventurers who would instantly
disappear before a well-regulated trade." The big-souled Astor had failed or was quite
unable to realize what might result from a national hatred and jealousy, which could not
be concealed because the great Columbia was discovered b}' a practical American sailor,
when scientific navigators had failed to find its mouth ; which aimed to head off Lewis and
Clark by the effort to reach the mouth of the Columbia river in advance of those gallant
American soldiers and explorers ; which had converted the men to whom he had
bountifully supplied the means to acquire wealth, without possibility of risk or loss, into
informers to his enemies of plans revealed to them in confidence ; which converted rivals
in business into unscrupulous and unrelenting personal and national enemies.
The scheme was grand in its aim, magnificent in its breadth of purpose and area of
operation. Its results were naturally feasible, not over-anticipated. They were but the
logical and necessary sequence of the pursuit of the plan. Mr. Astor made no
miscalculation, no omission ; neither did he permit a sanguine hope to lead him into any
wild or imaginar}' venture. He was practical, generous, broad. He executed what Sir
Alexander Mackenzie urged should be adopted as the policy of British capital and
enterprise. That one Americati citizen should have individually undertaken what two
mammoth British companies had not the courage to try was but an additional cause which
had intensified national prejudice into embittered jealousy on the part of his British rivals,
the North West Company.
The effect of war upon a commercial enterprise mutually engaged in by subjects of
the hostile nations had not been considered by Mr. Astor. He believed that, for favors
conferred, a sense of gratitude might dictate loj-alt}' of service to the patron and friend ;
that common interest in an undertaking would hold together the parties enlisted. He
trusted those whose every prejudice had been fostered and educated to hate the success of
a rival trader ; who coveted for their King and country the territory which Mr. Astor had
selected for his fields. The act of Mackay and MacDougal, which revealed to the British
Minister Mr. Astor's purposes and offers before they had subscribed the articles, proves
them to have been more loyally British than true to the Pacific Fur Companj^ or honest to
Mr. Astor. The breaking up of the post of Shahaptan by Mr. Mackenzie on the first
tidings of war between the two countries exhibits the true animus of Mackenzie to disavow
connection with Mr. Astor the moment his exalted idea of being a British subject demanded
its assertion. The premature resolve of MacDougal and Mackenzie in Januar}-, 1813, to
dissolve the Pacific Fur Company, to abandon their trusts and leave the country, was
dictated by treachery to Mr. Astor, loyalty to his enemies, or to cowardice. Their
continued and persistent purpose to carry out this intention demoralized the other
partners and destroj-ed the business committed to their charge. Thus far perhaps their
conduct finds extenuation in admitting that it was but the natural response to their
national prejudices; nor should Mr. Astor censure for doing what love of country or
allegiance prompted.
RESTORATION OF ASTORIA UNDER TREATY OF GHENT. 87
It might be claimed that their fear was well grounded ; that the territory and the
establishment were to fall into the hands of the British expedition en roiife to capture Astoria;
and that, by those acts, something could be saved to Mr. Astor. But MacDougal's conduct
from this point was in studied and consistent obedience to the interest of the North West
Company. Not satisfied with deserting Mr. Astor's service, he transferred to the rival
company every vestige of the labors of Mr. Astor, banishing from the territory, and from
existence, the Pacific Fur Company. He then was admitted as a full partner of the North
West Company on the da}- that Captain Black of the British navy raised the British flag
over Fort Astoria, and attempted to efface the memory of the origin of the settlement by
giving it the new name of Fort George. This fact he concealed from his late partners,
continuing to represent Mr. Astor, though partner of the North West Company in charge
of Fort George, until Mr. Hunt's arrival, on the 28th of February, 1S14. The Pacific Fur
Company's weakness was in the fact, that it was organized as a commercial operation, nay,
more ; — it incorporated diffuse and hostile national elements. Had it been exclusively
American, the North West Company might have supplanted it by open hostilit}' ; it could
not have destroyed it by demoralization of its agents. Astor had not reall}' aimed to
Americanize the North Pacific, nor the territory in which he operated. The North West
Compan}- pursued the reverse polic}'. It sought to appropriate territory, to strengthen
and expand the British Empire, looking to that nation to build it up, to afford it protection.
It aimed to defeat the United States or any of its citizens in acquiring territorial rights on
the northwest coast. As said by Alexander Mackenzie, it aimed to expel American
adventurers from prosecuting the fur trade west of the Rocky Mountains.
Great Britain never swerved from the polic}^ of encouraging these colonizing acts of
her mammoth companies b}- the prestige of recognition. She espoused every difficulty
which resulted from the acts of her subjects in appropriating territory. The United
States hesitated, until by the blockade of her Atlantic ports she was furnished an excuse
for allowing the project of John Jacob Astor to become abortive. National recognition
would have offset British demoralizing influence ; the mouth of the Columbia might not
have fallen into the hands of the eneni}'. Had the Pacific Fur Company been a genuine
American movement, Astoria might have been captured by the British during the war of
181 2 ; it would not have been insidiousl}^ circumvented and destro3'ed by the perfidy and
ingratitude of trusted agents.
Pursuant to the first article of the treaty of peace between the United States and
Great Britain (the Treaty of Ghent, December 24, 1814), providing " that all territory,
places and possessions whatsoever taken by either party from the other, during or after
the war, should be restored, the United States, in September, 1S17, dispatched to the
mouth of the Columbia river the sloop-of-war 0)iiario, Captain James Biddle, U. S. navy,
with whom was associated J. B. Prevost as commissioner, " to assert the claim of the
United States to the sovereignty of the adjacent country, and especially to reoccup}'
Astoria or Fort George." The British government transmitted orders to the agent of the
North West Company to deliver said fort or post " as one of the places captured during
the war." Captain Biddle entered the river in August, 1818, and on the 19th raised the
flag of the United States over Astoria, restoring to it that name. U. S. Commissioner
J. B. Prevost had been detained in Chile, arriving in the British frigate Blossom, Captain
Hickey, R. N. James Keith, partner of the North West Company, was in charge. The
formal surrender by Captain Hickey, on the part of the Crown, and by Mr. Keith, on
behalf of the North W^est Company, is dated October 6, 18 18. The fort had been
88 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
considerably enlarged. It consisted of a stockade 250 by 150 feet, within which were a
number of dwelling-houses, stores, workshops and other buildings. The defenses were
two eighteen-pounders, four four-pounders, two six coehorns and several swivels, — all
mounted. Twenty-three Whites, twenty-six Kanakas, twenty Canadian half-breeds and a
number of women and children resided and were emplo3'ed within the inclosures.
Though Mr. Astor urged the United States government to repossess Astoria, and
intended to resume operations in the territory, the Pacific Fur Company was never
resuscitated. Neither did Mr. Astor ever reoccupy Astoria or engage in the fur trade
within the territory. The North West Company continued its trade with the Indians
under the provisions of the treaty of October 20, 1818, between Great Britain and the
United States, usually called the Joint-Occupancy Treaty. Its third article provides:
"That any country which may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of
America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays and
creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of
ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens
and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be
construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties
may have to au}' part of the said country ; nor shall it be taken to effect the claims of any
other power or state to any part of said country ; the only object of the high contracting
parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences amongst themselves."
HON. ALBERT BRIGGS,
PORT TOWNSEND, W. T.
PIONEER 16*7
Chapter XII.
(1814-1S24.)
The North West Company Exclusive Occupants of the Territory West of the Rocky
Mountains — Antecedent History and Policy of Said Company — Kivalry and
Open Hostility Between the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies —
Adjustment of the Differences by a Partnership in Fiu* Trade Prosecuted Under
Charter of Hudson's Bay Company — License of Exclusive Ti'ade Extending to
the Pacific Ocean Granted by the British Government — The Hiulson's Bay
Company Succeed to All Rights Under Said License — The North West Company
Merged Into the Hudson's Bay Company.
■''T^HE disastrous and disgraceful termination of Astor's enterprise in October, 1S13, left
J. the Northwest Company in exclusive occupancy of the Columbia. Their posts
extended through the basins of the Columbia and New Caledonia. With the exceptions of
the establishments of the Russians upon the extreme northwest, and one or two trading
posts of the American Fur Company in the extreme southeast, the North West Company
enjoyed sole possession, and were without competition in the Indian and fur trade, in the
territory west of the Rocky Mountains. This state of affairs continued without change
for several years. The Joint-Occupancy Treaty of October 20, 1818, between the United
States and Great Britain, conferred upon the company as British subjects full sanction to
prosecute their trade in the territory.
For a period the North West Company wielded a powerful influence in British
America. Its operations reached far and wide into the unexplored, unoccupied interior of
the continent. It respected no right of territor}? ; it sent out its parties wherever profit
remunerated its labors. The inland vo3^ages of discovery of Sir Alexander Mackenzie
were made in its interest. In 1804, advised of the proposed expedition of Lewis and
Clark, it attempted to forestall that great project of Jefferson to acquire knowledge of the
interior and great west, by sending Daniel W. Harmon in charge of a party, with
instructions to reach the mouth of the Columbia in advance of the United States
expedition. Owing to his health, that effort at circumvention proved abortive. Mr.
Laroque, another partner, started the next year (1805) to establish posts and occupy the
terrritory upon the Columbia and its tributaries. The Mandan country was the western
terminus of his expedition.
In 1806, Simon Fraser, another partner, successfully led a party across the Rocky
Mountains, and established a post on Eraser's Lake, fifty-four degrees north. The country
west of the Rocky Mountains north of fifty-two degrees north latitude was thereafter
called New Caledonia by the North West Company ; and in it several of their trading-posts
had soon after been established. In every instance the territory had been taken in the
name of the British Crown, for the North West Company. Identified with the region for
years the company controlled its native population, and absorbed the wealth of the
( 89)
90 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
country. The territory in fact was its domain. Its establishments and possessions
constituting those material acts upon which Great Britain relied to support her territorial
claim, it becomes interesting to learn the antecedents, the origin, the policy, the history
of the North West Company, — how far it molded the history of the region.
Although organized in 17S4, the North West Company did not attain to its imperial
influence and prestige until early in the present century. In 1805 it had become the
successful rival of the Hudson's Bay Compau}^ for the fur trade of the interior and the
northern part of the continent of North America. It not only prosecuted «the trade, but
aggressivel}' denied the vast territorial claims of the Hudson's Ba}^ Compan}' ; it insisted
that that companj-'s grant should be strictly construed and restricted to the Hudson's Bay
Territory as defined in its charter. For upwards of a century before the North West
Company had an existence, the Hudson's Bay Compau}-, to a very great extent, had
enjoj'ed the fur trade of the interior and northern part of North America. The policy and
organization of those two model trading companies were radically dissimilar. The internal
regulation, system of trade and establishments were widely different. The ultimate
purpose was the same ; its accomplishment was by methods that were diametrically
opposite.
The Hudson's Bay Company had been granted by the Crown vast territories, under
which they made settlements, occupied country and pi-osecuted trade. The North West
Company was a joint-stock association, a partnership of enterprising traders who waited
for no royal charter, but pursued their business in the unoccupied wilderness. To them
possession was sufficient. They cared not for territory ; settlement was no part of their
mission. The Hudson's Bay Company relied upon its franchise of exclusive trade to
guarantee it against competition within the territories granted by Charles II. Its
trading-posts were established sufficiently near to each other to render them accessible to
the whole Indian population, thus absorbing the entire Indian trade, — sufificientl}^ near for
assuring co-operation in the event of Indian outbreaks. Thus were the native tribes held
in check ; and the brigades were furnished convenient halting places in the transportation
of supplies and trading goods to the remote posts, and the returns from them of furs and
peltries. At each fort a store well supplied with articles ministered to the v,-ants, or
gratified the desires, of the natives. The Indians had become dependent upon those posts
for the necessaries of life ; zealously the}- collected furs to barter for articles which to
them had become indispensable. That company's entire dependence for furs was upon the
native hunters. The winter months were occupied by Indians in hunting and trapping ;
in the summer the}' visited the posts to sell their winter's work. The system of the
Hudson's Bay Company encouraged the Indians to bring to their posts furs and peltries.
At stationary posts, the company prosecuted the trade. It neither employed nor sent out
hunting parties. The furs were brought to them and exchanged at their own fixed tariff
of prices. As all competitors were excluded from their territor}-, the company enjo3'ed a
perfect monopol}-.
The old North West Company (a French association which had ceased to exist when
the Canadas became British provinces) had become competitors of the Hudson's Baj'
Company, beyond the recognized area of the Hudson's Bay Territor}-. The boundaries of
Prince Rupert's Land or the Hudson's Bay Territory had never been definitely determined.
There had alwa3's been contention in those regions to which the Hudson's Bay Company
asserted claim, but which other fur traders or companies would not recognize. Upon the
retirement of the old French company, the fur trade continued to be prosecuted by
HISTORY AND POLICY OF THE NORTH WEST COMPANY. 91
iudividuals, many of whom were prominent merchants of Montreal. These enterprises
proved powerless against the competition of the Hudson's Bay Company. The North
West Company of Montreal assimilated those individuals into a joint-stock association.
Its theory of trade was the reverse of the stationar}' policy of the Hudson's Bay Company.
From the center of operations, from established posts, the company dispatched at all
seasons of the year parties in all directions to scour the whole country, to the villages and
resorts of the natives. At the homes of the hunters, furs and peltries were bought.
Trading-points or places of rendezvous among the various tribes were established, which
were visited at regular intervals by traders, to which the natives brought their furs for
barter. Combined with this was the regular trade at permanent forts. At each of these
forts a winter-partner superintended the trade of a district, of which the post was the
center. The Hudson's Bay Company required but few employes compared with the
North West Company, which in its best days employed several thousands. The clerks or
traders of the North West Company served as apprentices for a term of seven years, for a
small salary and clothing. That term completed successfully, the salary was doubled ;
meritorious service entitled the trader to be eligible for partner. This incentive was
productive of the best results. Preferment was open to the shrewd and thrifty trader.
He was stimulated to effort ; successful trading found its sure reward.
In the Hudson's Bay Company, the compensation of every grade was fixed.
Promotion was slow, passing through these several grades by length of service. No
stimulus was offered to invoke extraordinary diligence. Faithful service was exacted, but
nothing more than in the routine of allotted duty.
The Hudson's Bay Company had been granted vast regions north of the Canadas,
called Prince Rupert's I^and, or the Hudson's Bay Territory, so vaguely described that the
boundary continued an interminable dispute, — first between the French and the English,
afterwards between the company itself and other fur traders. Beyond the Hudson's Bay
basin, the North West traders considered the interior of the country an open field. Beyond
the conceded jurisdiction, or those districts in which the Hudson's Bay Company had
established trading-posts, the North Westers penetrated the remote northwest, established
their posts, and prosecuted the fur trade. The Hudson's Bay Company claimed all
territory westward from Hudson's Bay, southward to the old line of New France, — all of
British North America except the Canadas. Adverse claims to trading fields necessarily
engendered constant strife between the rival fur traders. The bitterest competition had
arisen in what was known as the North West Country, the territory lying west and north
of Lake Superior.
In iSii, Lord Selkirk, a wealthy Scotch nobleman, joined the Hudson's Bay Company
and acquired a majority of its stock. On the 12th of June of that year, he secured from
that company a grant of the territory upon the Red river of the North, for the purpose of
establishing agricultural colonies from Scotland. His grant extended from fifty-two
degrees, thirtj'-one minutes north latitude to the high land dividing the waters of the Red
river from those flowing into the Missouri and Mississippi, and including a large part of
the present State of Minnesota. It embraced not only a vast area of the Hudson's Bay
Territory, but also a large portion of United States territorj^ The Selkirk grant was
drained by the Red river and its tributaries on the western side, while the basin of the
Winnipeg, from its extreme source, constituted the eastern portion. The area of those
two basins, with the intermediate country, was over one hundred thousand square miles.
The project of establishing agricultural colonies in the Red river country provoked
92 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
bitter hostilities of the North West Company. The introduction of civilization would
prove the precursor of the destruction of the fur trade. But this scheme occasioned
greater opposition because it was an attempt to obstruct the channels of the North West
Company's trade.
The Selkirk country laid directly across the path between Montreal and the interior, —
between Fort William and the northern and northwestern posts. Its occupancy was a
blockade, — an obstruction of the North Western routes to and from Fort William to their
trading-posts. The intended effect was to cut their communication, interposing a hostile
territory between their posts and the center of operations. From these very plains the
North West Company had drawn their supplies of pemmican and provisions for voyages
from Fort William to the north. Colonization was inimical to the presence of fur-producing
animals, — was destructive of the business in which they were engaged. The North West
Company resolved to defeat Lord Selkirk's scheme. They protested to the government
against the validity of the grant to Selkirk, alleging that it had been corruptly secured,
and that he received it as a free grant. They denounced the grant of territory as an
usurpation by the Hudson's Bay Company, who had no territorial rights that could be
conveyed, claiming that such grant could only emanate from the Crown. They denied
that said grant was within the Hudson's Bay Territory, and urged that suit be instituted
to test the validity of the Selkirk deed. But the British government declined to
interfere; it favored the Selkirk project. In 1S12 and 1813, considerable numbers of
Highlanders arrived in the Red river country, forming a colony called Assiniboia. The
Governor (Colonel Miles McDonell) warned off parties of the North West Compan}^ and
prohibited the killing of any animals within the territory. To these proclamations the
North Westers paid no respect. Difficulties between the settlers and the emploj-es of the
company became of constant occurrence. Many settlers abandoned the colony ; some
were taken back to Canada. In 1S14, Governor McDonell issued a proclamation in which
he set forth the boundaries of Assiniboia. He prohibited all other persons under penalty
of seizure and prosecution from carrying out of the defined limits during that year " any
provisions, either of flesh, dried meat, grain or vegetables." This proclamation, aimed to
prevent the North West Company from purchasiug supplies, was successfully ignored by
the North West Company employes. The settlers generally disregarded it. A number
of farmers abandoned the settlement; it became a dead letter. In 18 15, the colon}' was
reinforced from Scotland by Lord Selkirk. Open hostilities followed ; posts and forts were
taken and destroyed. On the 19th of June, 1816, a decisive battle was fought in which
the forces of the North West Company routed the colonists, twent3'-two of whom were
killed, among whom was Mr. Semple, the Governor of Assiniboia. This terminated the
Red river colonization scheme of Thomas, Earl of Selkirk. As a civil magistrate. Lord
Selkirk seized Mr. McGillivray, the principal partner of the North West Company, in
charge at Fort William, and all the property. Numerous arrests were made of the North
Westers who participated in the battle. They were tried in Canada and acquitted. The
British Cabinet ordered the Governor-General of Canada " to require the restitution of all
captured posts, buildings and trading stations, with the propert}' they contained, to the
proper owners, and the removal of any blockade or any interruption to the free passage of
all traders and British subjects, with their merchandise, furs, provisions and effects
throughout the lakes, rivers, roads and every route of communication used for the purpose
of the fur trade in the interior of North America, and the full and free permission for all
persons to pursue their usual and accustomed trade without hindrance or molestation."
R. S.WILSON, M. D.
PORTLAND, OR.
GEO. K. GAY.
PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN THE NORTH WEST AND HUDSON'S BAY COIMPANIES. 93
The competition between the two fur companies continued. The Governor-General
of Canada appointed a commissioner to make investigation, who recommended, as the only
means of restoring peace, the union of the two companies in the prosecution of the fur
trade. Nothing resulted from that investigation ; the competition was more embittered
and ruinous than ever. Both companies were reduced to the verge of insolvency. At this
juncture, in the winter of 1819-20, Lord Bathurst, British Secretary of State for the
colonies, interposed to promote a union of the two companies. His mediation was finally
successful. On the 20th of March, 182 1, an agreement was entered into by which both
companies were to carrj' on the fur trade under the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company.
The leading features of that settlement were that both companies should share equally
the profits of the trade for the term of twenty-one years, commencing with the outfit of
182 1. Each company was to furnish an equal amoiint of the capital. The expenses were
to be paid by and out of the trade. No expense relating to colonization, nor to au}^
business separate from the fur trade, could be a charge upon the partnership. Profits
were divided into one hundred shares, fort}' of which were divided among the chief factors
and chief traders. If a loss occurred one j'ear ou the forty shares allotted to the factors
and traders, it was to be made up by the profits of the next year. An inventory and
general accoiint were to be made out annuall}- on the ist of June; and, if profits were not
paid to the shareholders in fourteen da3'S, an interest of five per cent was allowed.
The governor and company were to appoint governors to preside at councils of chief
factors, who carried into effect all acts authorized by the charter. In the absence of chief
factors, senior chief traders were called upon to fill the council. Two-thirds constituted a
majority for decision. It was necessary to have three chief factors, besides the president,
to form a council.
The forty shares to be divided among the chief factors and chief traders were
subdivided into eighty-five shares. To each chief factor was allotted two of these
subdivided shares ; to each chief trader, one ; the remaining seven were reserved for seven
years to be divided among old servants in certain proportions.
Auxiliary to and as a guarantee of the accomplishment of the arrangement, a bill was
introduced into the British Parliament entitled, " An act for regulating the fur trade and
establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction in certain parts of North America." This
act passed July 2d, and enabled the Crown to issue a license of exclusive trade to this
partnership, " as well over the country to the east as bej-ond the Rock}' ^Mountains, and
extending to the Pacific Ocean, saving the rights of the Hudson's Bay Compan3'over this
territory." That is to say, in the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Company by
their charter, this license did not operate. The company in the Hudson's Bay Territory
already enjoyed exclusive privileges ; and this license recognized that territory as a
province, excepting it as a British province from the operation of this license.
On the 5th of December, the British government, by virtue of the provisions of the
Statute of July 2d, granted to the Hudson's Ba}' Company and to William McGillivray,
Simon McGillivray and Edward Ellice, representing the shareholders of the North West
Company, a license of exclusive trade for twenty-one years, as against all other British
subjects, " in all such parts of North America to the northward and westward of the lands
and territories belonging to the United States or to an}' European government, state or
power, reserving no rent." The grantees executed a penal bond in the sum of ^5,000,
conditioned to duly execute civil process in suits where the matter in controversy exceeded
in value _;^200, all criminal process, and to deliver for trial in Canada all persons charged
94 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
with the commission of crime. In brief, the law required, and they covenanted, that British
law and judicature should be enforced in the countries the}' occupied. By this operation,
criminal jurisdiction, and civil jurisdiction in matters over _^ 200, of the courts of Upper
Canada, were extended to the Pacific Ocean, in all places outside of organized British
provinces, and not included in "any legally defined civil government of the United States."
In civil actions involving less than ^200, the matter was cognizable by a Justice of the
Peace, appointed by the Crown. Every British subject in the territory west of the Rocky
Mountains was guaranteed the protection of British law. There was no exemption for a
citizen of the United States from being sent to Upper Canada to be tried for an offense
in such unorganized American territor}' as this company might enter and conduct its
trade. Despite the obligations of the treaty of 1818, which had expressly provided that
neither nation would assert rights of sovereignty against the other, but that all subjects
and citizens of both nations should be permitted to occupy, yet, in 18 11, the Oregon
territory was, by an act of the British Parliament and a license issued under it, declared to
be west and north of the United States, and as such was conferred upon this partnership
of the two great British fur companies. They were granted the exclusive trade upon the
consideration that they would convert the territory into a British governed province. This
fur-trading partnership was assigned a political mission, — to occupy the "territory
westward of the Stony Mountains," and therein enforce British law.
In 1824, the Hudson's Bay company acquired to themselves all the rights and
interests of the shareholders of the late North West Company, and became the sole
grantees under the license of exclusive trade of December 5, 1S21. The North West
Company had been absorbed by its rival and enemy. It did not long survive the treacherous
demoralization and supplanting of the Pacific Fur Company. The northwest coast of
America, between California and the Russian settlements, had become to be known quite
generally as Oregon. In 1824, the Hudson's Bay Company, by its license for a term of
years, enjoyed exclusively the Indian trade of that region ; practically, it was the sole
occupant of the territory.
Chapter XIII.
(1824-1846.)
The Hudson's Bay Company the Exchisive Occupants of Oregon — Charter of the
Company — License of Trade — Internal Organization — Employees and Their
Distribution.
THE Hudson's Bay Company having acquired sole ownership of the license of trade
issued December 5, 1821, succeeded to the Indian trade west of the Rocky Mountains.
The numerous forts and trading stations scattered throughout the territory enabled the
company to exercise absolute dominion. Its power was recognized from forty-two degrees
north latitude to the south line of the Russian possessions. This state of affairs continued
for almost a quarter of a century, during which Oregon was an Indian trading district of
the Hudson's Bay Company, — its history merely a chronicle of the Indian and fur trade.
The Hudson's Bay Company was present in Oregon by virtue of its license for a term
of years to prosecute the Indian trade in those parts of North America not included in
their chartered territory. Their charter not only conferred corporate existence ; — it was
an immense grant of territory by the King of Great Britain. But that grant did not
extend to territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Under the Joint-Occupancy Treaty of
18 18, as British subjects, this corporation extended its operations into Oregon. By the
license of trade, all other British subjects had been excluded. In 1S24, by operation of
the act of Parliament of July 2, 1S21, and the assigned exclusive license of trade on
December 5, 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company was the only British subject permitted to
trade with the Indians west of the Rocky Mountains.
The charter of May 2, 1670, by Charles II., constituted Prince Rupert and his associates
and successors a body corporate, under the name of " The Governor and Company of
Adventurers of England, trading into Hudson's Bay." In 1690, the charter was ratified
by the British Parliament. It granted the sole trade and commerce of all seas, straits,
bays, rivers, lakes, creeks and sounds, within the entrance of Hudson's Straits, together
with all lands and territories upon its coasts not now actually possessed by any Engli.sh
subject, or by subjects of any Christian prince or state, with the fishing of all sorts of
fish, the royalty of the sea, all mines royal ; and that the said lands be henceforth known
as one of our colonies in America, called " Rupert's Land."
The company was constituted " The true and absolute lords and proprietors of the
territories, limits and places, saving always the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion
due to us (the Crown), our heirs and successors, for the same, to hold as tenants in free
and common soccage, and not by knight's service, reserving, as a yearly rent, two elks
and two black beavers."
All visits by other persons were strictly prohibited under penaltj^ of forfeiture of
their goods and merchandise, with the ships in which they were laden, one-half of which
forfeiture vested in the Crown, the other half in the company. The offender was also
( 95 )
96 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
liable to severe punishment, and compelled to give bonds of one thousand pounds not to
trade or again enter into the company's territory. The King covenanted that no grant nor
license should ever be issued to any other persons ; but the company might grant licenses
of trade within their territories to whom and as they deemed proper.
The value of a share of stock was one hundred pounds. For every share at each
meeting (which was called a general court), the holder was entitled to one vote. A holder
of less than a share could, by adding to other part shares, make up the par value of a
share or hundred pounds, and thus the aggregated fractions be entitled to a vote. At
such general courts, by-laws, orders and regulations could be enacted.
The executive management was intrusted to a governor, deputy-governor and
executive committee of seven, who were elected at the annual meetings. Such officers
subscribed an oath and were subject to removal by the general courts for misbehavior or
malfeasance. Absolute authority was conferred " over all the lands, territories, islands,
plantations, forts, fortifications, factories or colonies where their trade and factories were
established, reserving only sovereignty in the Crown. The company had full power to
appoint and establish governors and all other necessar}' officers, who were clothed with
jurisdiction to try persons employed in the company's service, according to the laws of
Great Britain. If the offense occurred at a post where there was no governor nor council
competent to try the accused for the offense charged, it then became the duty of the chief
factor to arrest the offender, and send him to an accessible fort where there were a governor
and council, or to England for trial.
Power was granted " to send ships of war, men or ammunition to any fort, post or
place for the defense thereof; to raise military companies, and appoint their officers ; to
make war or conclude peace with any prince or people (not Christian), in anj^ of their
territories." The company was empowered " to seize the goods, estate or people of those
countries for damage to the compan3^'s interest, or for the interruption of trade ; to erect
and build forts, garrisons, towns, villages ; to establish colonies, and to supply such
establishments by expeditious fitted out in Great Britain ; to seize all British subjects not
connected with the compau}', or employed by them, or in such territorj^ by their license,
and send them to England."
Over their factors, agents and employes, the power of the company was absolute.
" Should one of them contemn or disobey an order, he was liable to be punished b}^ the
president or council, who were authorized to prescribe the manner and measure of
punishment. The offender had the right to appeal to the company in England, or he
might be turned over for trial by the courts. For the better discovery of abuses and
injuries by their servants, the governor and compan\^, and their respective president, chiet
agent or governor in any of the territories, were authorized to examine upon oath all
factors, masters, pursers, supercargoes, commanders of castles, forts, fortifications,
plantations or colonies, or other persons, touching or concerning any matter or thing
sought to be investigated."
As though this charter were not sufficiently liberal and extensive in its almost
unlimited powers, it concludes with the royal mandate to all " admirals, vice-admirals,
justices, mayors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs, and all and singular other our officers,
ministers, liegemen, subjects whatsoever, to aid, favor, help and assist the said governor
and company to enjoy, as well on land as on the seas, all the premises in said charter
contained, whensoever required."
I
THOMAS J.ShlADDEN
M? MINNVI LLE, OR.
DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYES OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. 97
It were difficult to conceive or invent a more ample grant of powers than contained in
this charter. Endowed with an empire over which the companj' exercised absolute
dominion, subject only to fealty to the Crown, its membership powerful nobles and citizens
of wealth residing near and at the court jealously guarding its every interest, and securing
for it a representation in the government itself, is it to be wondered that this " iniperium
in imperio " triumphantly asserted and firmly established British supremacy in every
region in which it operated ?
On the 6th of June, 1834, the company executed a Deed Poll, " for the purpose of
ascertaining the rights and prescribing the duties of the chief factors and chief traders,
and for conducting the trade." Its varied purposes rendered necessary a large number of
emploj^es. These were classified as chief factors, chief traders, clerks and servants.
The chief factors superintended the affairs of the company at the trading-posts. The
chief traders, under the directions of the chief factors, managed the trade with the natives.
The clerks served under both. Extra allowances of necessaries, free of charge, were made
to chief factors wintering at inlai*d posts. Personal and private trade with the Indians for
individual benefit was not tolerated. The failure to annually make strict account was
severely punished by the council, who possessed the power to reprimand, impose penalties
or suspend a servant.
Three chief factors and two chief traders were annually allowed to leave the country
for one year. Wintering three years in the country entitled a factor or trader to retire
with full share of profits for one year, and half profits for four years. Wintering five
years entitled the retiring factor or trader to half-pay for six 3'ears. Three chief factors,
or two chief factors and two chief traders, were permitted annually to retire according to
rotation. The legal representatives of a deceased chief factor, who had wintered in the
country', were entitled to all the benefits deceased would have received had he lived. A
proportionate allowance was made for a shorter duration of service. After the payment of
all expenses, sixt}- per cent of all the profits went to the proprietors or shareholders, and
forty per cent to the chief factors and chief traders in lieu of salaries. The next grade
below traders were clerks, whose salaries varied from ^20 to ^100 per annum.
The perfect absolutism of the company's system is found in the enlistment of the
servants. The pay was £\'] per annum, out of which the servant clothed himself.
The terms of service, or more properly to speak, enlistment, was (i) five years from the
date of embarkation. He bound himself by indentures to devote the whole of his labors
and time to the sole benefit of the company ; to obey all orders of the officers and agents ;
to defend the company's property ; not to absent himself from service ; not to engage nor
be concerned in any trade or employment, except for the company's benefit, and under
their orders. He was faithfully to obey all laws, orders and regulations and at all
times to maintain and defend the officers and agents to the utmost of his power. He
further engaged, if required, to enroll as a soldier in offensive or defensive service ; to
attend drills and military exercises. In consideration of his wife and children being
furnished by the company with provisions, he obligated that they should render such
services as hay-making, sheep-shearing, weeding or other light work upon the company's
farms. If a servant desired to return to Europe at the end of his enlistment, he gave a
year's notice of his intention before expiration, and entered into obligation to work a
year longer, or until the next ship should leave for England. If called upon to enroll as
(I) There was also a class of servants articled in Canada or the Hudson's Bay Territory for the term of three years. They entered service
at the time of leaving the Hudson's Bay Territory, and were employed as packers, etc.. en route to their respective station west of the Rocky
Mountains. They vi^ere entitled to be returned to the place of enlistment, and made the return trip in similar capacitj' within the term of
enlistment. From such, the company at their Oregon posts secured about two and one-half years of service.
98 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
a soldier, he was entitled to be furnished by the company with a uniform suit every two
years, and be supplied, free of cost, with arms and ammunition. Should he desire to
remain in the country after the expiration of his term, as a settler, he was allowed
fifty acres of land, for which he rendered annually, for seven years, twentj^-eight
days' service. The company retained the right to dismiss the servant during his
term or at its conclusion; in which event he was carried back in one of their ships
free of expense. Desertion or neglect of duty was followed by forfeiture and loss of
wages, without redress. With such pittance is it to be wondered that at the end of
his term the servant was in debt for advances ? As a consequence, he was obliged to
continue service to discharge the obligation. Marriage with Indian women was encouraged.
Attachments were formed ; and, at the end of the enlistment, the servant, surrounded by
a family to whom he owed support, could not abandon them. Thus precluded from
gratifying the desire of returning to his native land, he was left the election between
re-enlistment or acceptance of the grant of land, continuing dependent upon the company
for the necessaries of life.
The ingenuity and ability with which every interest of and advantage to the company
were guarded command admiration. In times of peace, laborers and operatives were ever
on hand at mere nominal wages ; in times of outbreak, they were at once transformed into
soldiers, amenable to military usage and discipline. The feudal law did not more absolutely
bind the vassal to his baron. In a new countr}', where labor was impossible to be secured
or necessarily high, the company had the benefit of servants upon terms and wages which
successfully defeated competition. Should a servant leave its sen-ice and settle upon
company lands, for years afterwards the compan}' continued its control. His payment
was made in goods which he must accept at the company's tariff of rates. Thus this
self-supporting and self-sustaining institution retained its vast numbers of employes,
receiving back for the necessaries of life all the earnings. None did nor could contribute
to the country, or its advancement. Social progress does not advance from such agency.
The success of such an institution must of necessity impoverish the region, and retard
and demoralize the community within its influence.
Discouraging to industrial advancement b}^ its cheap labor; its inordinate profits
realized from the muscles and sinews of men ; embarrassing the early American settlers
in their trading pursuits; the company so managing its business, that no benefit whatever
could accrue to the bona-fide settlement of Oregon by the presence of its numerous employes
(for their earnings in the country were at once returned to the coffers of the foreign
company, to be sent out of the country for distribution among non-resident shareholders) ;
crushing out every trade or merchant who attempted to establish business ; and to all
these the encouragement of marriages with Indian women, to alienate the attachment of
their employes for native land and early kindred, and fasten them in the country. Such
were the consequences of the presence of such an influence. By those marriages the
employes had no choice but to remain in the country and continue subject to the
disposition of the company. Social ties with which an emploj^e was content during a
stay in a wild, unoccupied region could not be sundered without a breach of honor and of
duty ; — attachments which carried with them the loss of self-respect, often so strong as to
reconcile the party to perpetual exile from native country and kindred.
Every agency which contributed to render a servant dependent on the company, which
fastened him to the service, was fostered and approved. In its ever}- detail, nothing was
lost sight of which would promote the company's success, perpetuate its control,
subordinate its employes to its domination.
Chapter XIV
The Hudson's Bay Company Secures a New License of Trade, May 31, 1838 —
Its System of Trade.
ON THE 31st of May, 1S38, the Hudson's Bay Company surrendered the license of
trade of 1S21, and received a renewed license for twenty-one years. The renewed
license granted "the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in all such parts of North
America, to the northward and westward of the islands and territories belonging to the
United States of America, as shall not form part of any of our (British) provinces in
North America, or of any lands or territories belonging to the said United States of
America, or to any European government, state or power. Without rent for the first four
years, and afterwards the 3'earl3' rent of five shillings, payable on the first of June." The
company were to keep an accurate register of their employes, a duplicate of which was to
be filed in the office of the Secretary of State. Bond was to be given in the sum
of ^5,000, for insuring, " by their authority over the servants and persons in their
employ, the due execution of all civil and criminal process by the officers and persons
legally empowered to execute such process within all territories included in the grant, and
for the producing or delivering into custody, for the purpose of trial, all persons in their
employ or acting under their authority within the said territories, who shall be charged
with any criminal offences." Regulations for carrying on the fur trade with the Indians,
and the conduct of employes, were to be submitted to the government for approval, bj^
which was to be secured " the diminishing and preventing the sale or distribution of
spirituous liquors to the Indians, and the promotion of their moral and religious
improvement."
The license strictly prohibited the company " from claiming or exercising any trade
with the Indians on the northwest coast of America westward of the Rocky Mountains to
the prejudice or exclusion of any of the subjects of anj^ foreign state, who, under or by
force of any convention for the time being between Great Britain and such foreign states,
may be entitled to and shall be engaged in such trade."
Under this license, which extends over the whole territorj' west of the Rocky
Mountains, between forty-two degrees north latitude and the Russian line, the trade
required the emplo^'ment of a thousand men. The company possessed twenty-two
permanent establishments, twelve of which were south of the forty-ninth parallel. It
annually dispatched and maintained two trapping and trading expeditions, emploj^ed a
steamer (i) (the Beaver) and five sailing vessels, from one hundred to three hundred tons
register, all well armed and equipped, devoted to coasting and trade upon the Pacific. A
large ship heavily laden with goods annually arrived to supply the posts. Fort Vancouver,
the depot of the company, was the destination of those annual voyages.
(i) The steamer Beaver arrived at Fort Vancouver from Blackwall, England, iu the spring of 1838, She was the pioneer vessel propelled by
steam upon the Pacific Ocean. She was a side-wheel steamer of 120 tons' register, substantially built of oak at Blackwall. Strength, durability
and hard service were attained rather than beauty or speed. Her engines were low pressure, built by Bolton and Watts, her paddle wheels small
and set far forward. She carried a crew of thirtv men, an armament of four six-pounders, and was extensively supplied w-ilh small arras. The
decks were protected by border netting, to prevent access bv the natives other than by the gangways. More than thirty Indians were never
allowed on deck at one time unless they were accompanied by their wives and children, .\fter departing from Fort Vancouver that fall, .she never
again entered the Columbia river, but coasted in norlliem seas, to collect furs, and to supply the northern posts.
( 99 )
100 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The goods were divided into three classes, and a tariff of rates established. The first
class, consisting of knives and tobacco, were for presents and gratuities to the Indians.
The second class, or trading goods, included blankets, guns, cloth, powder and ball, etc.,
etc. The third class, termed Indian goods, consisted of shirts, handkerchiefs, paints,
beads and small articles, with which debts for insignificant services and Indian labor were
compensated, and for game, fish and berries purchased of Indians.
The company made advances to the trappers employed. To insure their return,
parties of twent}- or thirt}' were formed, and their families were allowed to accompany.
These parties were placed in charge of an officer of the company. The trapping parties
left for Vancouver in the fall and returned in the following June.
The inland posts were annually supplied from Fort Vancouver. In the month of
June, the brigade, as it was termed, left Fort Vancouver by way of Fort Okanagon,
Colvile and Thompson's river for Fort James, on the south end of Stuart's Lake in
latitude fifty-four degrees north. After the summer trappers had been fitted out, the
brigades left Fort James in the spring months, with the year's collection of furs, on its
return to Fort Vancouver. The route of the brigade was up the Columbia river in boats
to Okanagon. These boats were especialh' made for and adapted to the service. Thej^
were clinker-built, sharp at both ends, about thirt}' feet long and five and a half feet beam,
made so light that the crews could carr\- them over the portages. Each boat was capable
of carrying three tons. Sixty packages of ninet}' pounds each, besides the crew, constituted
the customar}' load.
Goods for the interior, regardless of bulk, were put up in ninety-pound packs. Ease
of trans-shipment across the portages, and convenience of packing on horses from
Okanagon to Thompson's river, were thus afforded. The overland route between the two
latter posts occupied about twenty days. The crew of each boat consisted of eight oarsmen
or voyageurs, and one helmsman. The chief the party, generally a chief factor or chief
trader, allowed but forty packs in his boat.
The method of accounts was extremel}^ simple. Fort Vancouver was called the
depot. Each j-ear's supply of goods for trading purposes was called the outfit. The outfit
year began June ist,and ended on the 31st of May. At the beginning of each outfit year,
each post or district was charged as follows : ist. With goods remaining on hand on the
31st of May; 2d. With additional goods forwarded for the trade of the year; 3d. With
an uniform addition of thirty-three and a third per cent over the prime cost in London ;
4th. With the amount of wages of servants and clerks emplo3'ed at such post during
the year. At the close of each outfit year, each post or district was credited as follows :
I St. With the goods remaining on hand ; 2d. With the value of furs and peltries traded
during the year, which are called returns, and which were each year estimated enough
below selling prices in London to pa}- for their shipment thither. Each post, at the close
of the outfit year, was also credited with goods furnished to any other post, or charged
with those received. These statements compared would show the profit or loss for the
year. The details of goods issued from the depot were kept in transfer books " A ; "
and the details of goods transmitted from post to post were kept in transfer books " B." No
account of expenses of erecting or repairing forts or buildings was kept, as the labor was
performed b}- the company's regular enlisted servants, or by Indians who were hired at cheap
rates for goods or trinkets. The erection of posts was considered as an incident in the
purchase of furs.
£.
?<l ;^
-4\
' k
W^^-'
DAVID J.SGHNEBLY, ESQ ,
ELLENSBURGH , W. T.
SYSTEM OF TRADE OF THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. lOl
At the depot, an account headed " General Charges " exhibited a detail of all presents
and donations, the value of articles and provisions supplied to or consumed by visitors,
and all expenses which could not be charged in any particular post or district. The sum
of those items was annually carried to profit and loss.
Accuracy and method are apparent everywhere in the system of operations. The
code of rules embraced the highest authority, as well as the humblest employe. All were
amenable, and every one was bound to obe}' the most minute details, and subject to the
strictest accountability. Each man had his dut}' defined, and was liable to the most rigid
scrutiny. A fixed price was established upon every article of purchase and sale, and to it
all must and did adhere.
The company's Indian policy alike commands favorable consideration. How
profitable the lesson, how worthy of adoption, that system upon which was predicated the
successful career of the company, in acquiring absolute control and unbounded influence
over the aborigines of the territories in which it operated. This policy had a two-fold
object : first, to hold in moral subjection the native tribes, as a matter of self-defense and
economical management ; and, second, to convert them into dependents and allies. Thus
did the company draw to itself and retain all the Indian trade, as a matter of preference.
At the same time it converted the native tribes into auxiliaries, ready to serve the company
should such service be required.
The sale or gift of ardent spirits to the Indians was positively prohibited. Their
successful maintenance of this policy cannot be too highly approved. It would be
useless to dwell on the bad effects of such traffic with the Indians ; — how much difficulty
has resulted from its introduction into Indian territory. The company did not permit
such trade ; their successful control of the native population for so long a period affords
the best evidence of the wisdom of such policy. With comparatively few to defend their
posts, oftentimes established in the midst of large bands of Indians, completely isolated and
unprotected, yet those posts and the employes continued safe. Under Hudson's Bay rule
there were no Indian outbreaks nor wars, and but little bloodshed. The establishment of
schools, the effort to educate Indian children, the employment of Indians, the treatment of
half-breeds, all embraced within their Indian polic}^, contributed to assure the confidence
and gain the friendship of the native population.
Their purposes did not require the banishment or seclusion of the Indian. It was
policy to use and employ him ; to incite his zeal to bring to their posts furs, fish and
game. The company required little or no land for settlement ; and as a consequence the
Indian had no occasion to fear that he should be expelled from his hunting or fishing
grounds, or that the graveyards of his people would be appropriated. By conciliating the
Indian, the company promoted success in its pursuit of trade, secured peaceable passage
through the countrj' for their parties, and stimulated the procurement by natives of furs
and peltries.
They located their posts among the tribes, employed Indians at such posts, and sent
others on necessary expeditions. Thus they scattered the native population, and
prevented the combination of tribes without such motive appearing. This system defeated
concentration of numbers, and rendered impossible concerted movements by Indians,
without the company's officers being at once apprised. The Indians had early abandoned
their weapons after the advent of the traders. They had become dependent upon the
posts for arms and ammunition. Having learned the comfort of blankets, their use
became indispensable. Other articles introduced by the Whites had become quite as
102 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
essential, such as fishing hooks, wearing apparel and cooking utensils. On the posts the
Indians placed their entire reliance for those articles and supplies, the substitution of
which for their primitive mode of livelihood had become a necessity of Indian life. In
fact, the trading goods of the company had absolutely become their sole dependence.
If an Indian displa3-ed violent or threatening conduct, he was promptl}' and severely
punished. If any depredation was committed, the tribe or party were instantly pursued
by an armed force, and the wrong-doers demanded. No half-way measures were used.
Uniformly kind and conciliatory to the well-disposed, punishing with promptness and
firmness the wrong-doer, the natives were taught that it was their true interest to live on
terms of friendship with the compau3^ The influence which the company accjuired over
the Indian population was eradicated with difficulty. Indian suspicion of Americans
resulted from their educated friendship to the Hudson's Bay Company, continuing for
many years after the actual withdrawal of the company from the territor}'.
Missionaries, United States officials in the military, naval or civil service, persons of
influence and wealth, were treated with marked kindness and courtesy. The hospitality '
of the officers in charge of their posts to the early American immigrants entitle the
company to the lasting gratitude of the early settlers.
But the American who made an effort to trade with the Indians, to trap, hunt, or do
anything in which the company engaged, found in the company a rival and competitor.
In such opposition, the result was generally that the American trader was compelled to
retire from the field. Whenever an American established a trading-house, post or kindred
enterprise, immediately the company formed a counter-establishment in the vicinity.
American vessels were obstructed, nay, defeated, in obtaining cargoes upon the coast.
Hudson's Bay Company vessels were not allowed to import, from the Sandwich Islands,
goods and supplies ordered or purchased by American merchants. Without mere}' for a
rival trader, yet the unfortunate who suffered by land or sea was freely offered shelter
and food in the various establishments of the company.
Chapter XV.
(1838-1846.)
Political Mission of Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon, to Strengthen British Claim
— Their Establishments — Gradual Abandonment of Posts, and Contraction of
Operations — The Puget Sound Agricultural Company — Its Objects and Plan
of Operations.
BY ITS admirable system of trade and Indian policy, the Hudson's Bay Company
absorbed the wealth of the region, and acquired dominion over the country and its
population. It constituted the great agency whereby Great Britain aimed to perpetuate
its power in Northwest America, and to obtain supremacy in Pacific commerce. One of
the conditions upon which the license of trade had been granted was that English laws,
and the jurisdiction of the English courts, should be extended over all parts of North
America not yet organized into civil or provincial governments. By the treaty of 1818,
between the United States and Great Britain, it had been provided that neither government
would do any act to acquire or mature claim, or that an}' act by either, or the citizens or
subjects of either, could prejudice the claim of the other; but that the citizens of both
nations should, for the term of ten years, freely enter and trade in the territory without
molestation. The presence of the company with such a duty imposed by the British
government to extend fourteen years beyond the time when such Joint-Occupancy Treaty
should expire by its express terms, exhibits too palpably the anunns of the British
government to acquire Oregon ; and that Great Britain relied upon her grantees to
contribute to the defeat of the claim of the United States ; to exalt and perfect British
right to the territory, by acts of occupancy and settlement.
In 1837, ^s the time of expiration of the license was approaching, the Hudson's Bay
Company petitioned for its renewal, with increased privileges. The first license had
merely conferred the right of exclusive trade. The company now asked for a grant of
the land for settlement. It was urged that the efficient services of the company in
excluding American traders from the territory entitled them to favorable consideration.
The violation of the spirit as well as the letter of the Joint-Occupancy conventions of
1818 and 1827 was boastfully cited as worth}' of reward. Sir J. H. Pelly, chief officer of
the company's affairs in England, thus presents the petition :
" When your lordships come to consider the very hazardous nature of the trade,
requiring a degree of enterprise almost unknown to any other business, together with the
heavy losses to which the parties interested therein were subjected for a long series of
years, from the want of protection and support which they had a right to expect from her
Majesty's government, I feel sure that your lordships will join me in opinion that the
profits now arising from the business are no more than a fair return for the capital
employed, and the services of tlie Hudson's Bay Company rendered the mother country
in securing to it a branch of commerce which they are at present wresting out of the
( 103 )
104 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
hands of the foreigners, subjects of Russia and of the United States of America, but which
the company would have been unable to prosecute had the}^ not been protected by
the license of exclusive trade the}' now hold.
" The company now occup}' the country between the Rocky Mountains and the
Pacific, by six permanent establishments on the coast, sixteen in the interior country,
besides several migrator}^ and hunting parties; and they on the coast maintain a marine of
six armed vessels, one of them a steam vessel. Their principal establishment and depot
for the trade of the coast and interior is situated ninety miles from the Pacific on the
northern banks of the Columbia river, and called Vancouver, in honor of that celebrated
navigator. In the neighborhood they have large pasture and grain farms, affording most
abundantly every species of agricultural produce, aud maintaining large herds of stock of
every description; these have been gradually established; and it is the intention of the
company still further, uot only to augment and increase them, to establish an export trade
in wool, tallow, hides and other agricultural produce, but to encourage the settlement of
their retired servants and other emigrants under their protection. The soil, climate and
other circumstances of the country are as much adapted to agricultural pursuits as any
other spot in America ; and with care and protection the British dominion may not only
be preserved in this country, which it has been so much the wish of Russia and America
to occupy to the exclusion of British subjects, but British interest and British influence
may be maintained as paramount iu this interesting part of the coast of the Pacific. "
* * :i: :i: ^J * -i*
" Your lordships will perceive that much has already been done by the Hudson's Bay
Company, resulting from the privileges they enjoy; but that much more, involving great
outlay of money and heavy responsibility, will soon be required to be done, in order to
complete the operations they have in hand, and to give effect to the measures they have
in contemplation, which may hereafter become important to Great Britain in a national
point of view; and that, without the extension of the term of license the company now
hold, they could not feel justified, with a due regard to the interests of the numerous
parties connected with the business, in following up several of the extensive and expensive
arrangements before mentioned, which are now in progress."
Sir George Simpson, governor of the companj^'s affairs in America, adds his testimony:
" Previous to 1S21, the business of the Columbia department was very limited; but it
has since been greatly extended at much expense, and, I am sorry to state, at a
considerable sacrifice of life among the company's ofiicers and servants, owing to the fierce,
treacherous and blood-thirsty character of the population and the dangers of the
navigation. It now comprehends twenty-two trading establishments, besides several
migrator}^, hunting and trading expeditions, and six armed vessels on the northwest coast.
The fur trade is the principal branch of business at present in the country situated
between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean.
" On the banks of the Columbia river, however, where the soil and climate are
favorable to cultivation, we are directing our attention to agriculture on a large scale; and
there is every prospect that we shall soon be able to establish important branches of export
trade from thence in the articles of wool; tallow, hides, tobacco, and grain of various kinds.
" The country situated between the northern bank of the Columbia river, which
empties into the Pacific, in latitude forty-six degrees, twent}- minutes, aud the southern
bank of Fraser river, which empties itself into the Gulf of Georgia, in latitude forty-nine
degrees, is remarkable for the salubrity of its climate and excellence of its soil, and
HON. S.ELLSWORTH,
LA GRANDE, OR.
A.W.PATTERSON,
EUGENE, OR.
POLITICAL MISSION OF HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY IN OREGON. 105
possesses, within the Strait of Juan de Fuca, some of the iinest harbors in the world, being
protected from the weight of the Pacific by Vancouver's and other islands. To the
southward of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, situated in latitude forty-eight degrees, thirty-seven
seconds, there is no good harbor nearer than the Bay of San Francisco, in latitude
thirty-seven degrees, forty-eight seconds, as the broad, shifting bar off the mouth of the
Columbia, and the tortuous channel through it, renders the entrance of the river very
dangerous to navigation even to vessels of ver}^ small draught of water.
" The possession of that country to Great Britain may become an object of very great
importance; and we are strengthening that claim to it (independent of the claims of prior
discover}' and occupation for the purpose of Indian trade) by forming the nucleus of a
colony through the establishment of farms, and the settlement of some of our retired
officers and servants as agriculturists."
In the protracted controversy between the United States and Great Britain, the vast
importance of the company's interests which had grown up in Oregon by their presence
for a quarter of a century, fostered and encouraged by the British government, as the
element whereby British claim was to be ripened into British title, occasioned the great
delay, in fact, was the material cause of difficultly. The British government struggled to
secure to the company indemnity from any loss which it would be compelled to sustain
by withdrawal from Oregon, and at the same time transfer to the United States the liability
to compensate the company for its able services in attempting to defeat the United States'
territorial claim to Oregon. The British government's championship of the company's
services well-nigh embroiled the two nations in war. For the sake of peace, the United
States accepted the terms of the Treaty of Limits of June 15, 1846; — the United States
surrendered claim to territory spanned by five degrees and forty minutes of latitude,
between the Rocky Mountains and Pacific Ocean ; yielded all claim to Vancouver Island ;
shared with Great Britain the navigation of the Strait of Juan de Fuca; consented to
respecting such possessory rights as the Hudson's Bay Company might assert ; bound
the nation to purchase the farms and lands of the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, or
confirm them to that so-called company ; and granted to the Hudson's Bay Company the
right of free navigation of the Columbia river, from the forty-ninth parallel to the Pacific
Ocean. True, the treaty was made to settle differences between two nations; as such it but
partially fixed the northern boundary of the United States claim to Oregon. Beyond that
it was a mere transfer by the British government to the United States of the duty to protect
the interests of the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural Companies in what was
left of Oregon, south of the forty-ninth parallel. Justice to the Hudson's Ba}' Company
compels the avowal, that they executed their policy so ably, that the Americanization of
Oregon had been rendered almost impracticable, the territorial claim of the United
States almost defeated.
The extent of that companj^'s operations, and how far it really absorbed the territory,
will be better understood by an exhibit of its establishments. At the date of the treaty
(June 15, 1846), there were in Oregon, south of the boundary, nine forts and several
establishments for trading and farming. In the location of those forts, the conipan3''s
officers exhibited great judgment and sagacit}'. They had seized and occupied all the
advantageous positions, embracing within their field of operations almost the entire
countr}-, well adapted to hold the native tribes in subjection, to assure facilities for the
concentration of trade, and ready access to every portion of the territory.
106 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Fort Vancouver (the site of the present city of Vancouver, and the United States
military depot) was established in 1S24 by Dr. John McLoughlin, manager of the
Hudson's Bay Company trade on the Pacific coast. The post was inclosed in a stockade,
two hundred yards by one hundred and sevent3'-five \'ards, defended by bastions at the
southeast and northwest angles, on which bastions were mounted heavy guns. In the
inclosure were the residence of the chief executive officer, two buildings occupied by
clerks, a row of buildings for residences of families, five large two-story houses, with a
number of offices. The original site stood upon high ground a half a mile back from
the river. Outside was a huge warehouse, and a salmon house on the banks of the
Columbia river. Near the fort was a village of cabins affording dwellings to numerous
Kanakas, Canadians and servants of the company. A grist-mill was erected in 1836, and
the company also established a saw-mill, which was prevented from running at high
stages of water. Several tracts of laud were occupied and cultivated b}' servants.
Fort Vancouver was the headquarters of the Columbia district, which included all
the territory west of the Rocky IMountains. The returns from all the posts in Oregon
were made to this point ; and from here all accounts were transmitted for settlement.
The chief factors were located at this post, and a very large business was transacted.
Fort Colvile^ next in importance to Fort Vancouver, located on the east bank of the
Columbia river, south of Clark's Fork, latitude forty-eight degrees, thirty-nine minutes
north, was established in 1825. The stockade was about seventy yards square, within
which were the residence of the chief factor, four storehouses, several small cabins, a
cattle yard, hay sheds, a number of huts occupied by servants, and three buildings used
for warehouses. There was a cattle coral nine miles distant, on the Schlowskan river, and
a grist-mill three miles from the fort, on the same stream. An extensive farm in the
vicinity raised a sufficienc}- of wheat to supply the northern inland posts with flour. At
one time a chief factor was assigned to its management. Here were concentrated the furs
and peltries previous to transmission to Canada ; and from this point the inland northern
forts were supplied. Shortlj- after the treat}', this post ceased to be of importance.
Fort Okanagon was established by Mr. Astor's company in iSii, and passed into the
hands of the North West Company in the transfer by the Pacific Fur Company. It came
into the possession of the Hudson's Bay Company by assignment of the North West
Company. It possessed many advantages of position, and afforded a stopping-place for
the annual brigades on their passage to and from Fort Vancouver.
Fort Kootenais^ upon IMcGillivra3''s river, southeast of Flatbow Lake, was a small
post, in charge of a Canadian, who acted as trader, with but two or three men under him.
This establishment never was of much importance, except in the scheme of the occupanc}'
of the country. To the southeast was a trading-post among the Flathead Indians, not of
sufficient extent or importance to be classed as a fort.
Fort Walla Walla ^ on the Columbia river, near its junction with the Walla Walla,
was originally called Fort Nez Perce. It was established in 1S18 b}- Peter Skeen Ogden,
then a North West trader. He was attacked b}- Indians of the Walla Walla tribe, on the
ground where the old fort stands, and obliged to retreat to the island near the fort, where
he made a successful defense and completely repulsed the savages. As a trading-post, it
was entitled to but little consideration. It was important, however, as a stopping-place
for trains, and for keeping the Indians in check. It consisted of an inclosure of pickets
some two hundred feet square, witli a platform inside, from which the pickets could be
overlooked. At the northeast and southwest corners were bastions. The buildings, four
ESTABLISHMENTS OF HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY. 107
in number, were built of logs and mud, one story liigli, used as residences of employes.
Up the Walla Walla river twenty miles were a farm and dair}', where some twenty acres
were cultivated. A dam had been erected, but it had disappeared early after the treat3^
The country some little distance back was appropriated for grazing, but immediately
adjacent to the fort was a complete desert of drifting sand, on which nothing appeared to
vegetate except wild sage.
Fort Hall^ established by Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth of Boston, in 1834 (who was
forced to abandon it and sell out to the company), was located at the head of Snake river.
It was built of clay, with a large sally-post fronting the Port Neuf, with walls extending
towards the banks of Snake river. A block-house is at one of the angles ; and the
buildings within the inclosure are against the side walls. A main building was occupied
by the officers in chargfe ; and several cabins furnished residences for employes. It
derived its great importance from being on the great emigrant trail ; and, by its proximity
to Great Salt Lake, it was rendered valuable as a trading point.
Fort Boise, established by the compan}^ to compete with Fort Hall, is located on the
east bank of Snake river, near the mouth of the Owyhee. The entrance fronts on Snake
river; and block-houses were placed at the corners for purposes of defense. The walls
were of clay, as also the one-stor}' buildings used as residences and storerooms within
the inclosure. After Wyeth's abandonment of the couutr}-, it possessed no importance
except as a stopping-place.
Fort Umpqua, on the south bank of the river of that name, was established in 1832 by
John McLeod, a chief trader, and Michael de Framboise. It was the principal post south
of the Columbia, and was located about forty miles from the Pacific Ocean, three miles
below the mouth of Elk river, on a plain comprising upwards of two hundred acres of land,
of which forty were under cultivation. Its trade was principally with the coast Indians, in
beaver and seal furs. The buildings were log huts, four in number, inclosed within
pickets twelve feet high, with bastions at two of the angles. The Indians in the vicinity
were very troublesome, and on more than one occasion attacked it. In 1839, this fort was
besieged for a number of hours ; but, after several Indians had been severely wounded, they
retreated. It was in charge of a Frenchman, who, with some friendly Indians, successfully
resisted the attack. The post was of little importance, being a mere trading station.
The other possessions of the company, occupied or claimed at the time of the treaty,
were a house and granary at Champoeg, on the Willamette river, an acre of ground below
the falls of the Willamette, six hundred and forty acres of land on Sauvies Island, with a
house, dairy and farm. This was the Wapato Island of Lewis and Clark, and was
occupied by Captain Wyeth of Boston, in 1834-5, as a fishing and trading station. He
sold to the compau}', when unable to succeed against their competition. A granary and
five acres of land were occupied near the mouth of the Cowlitz river, a tract of land upon
Cape Disappointment (i), and a small establishment near Chinook.
Fort Nisqually, the only post in the Puget Sound region, was established in 1833 by
Lieutenant Kittson, of the voltigeurs, then acting as a clerk in the company's service.
There was a large warehouse on the banks of the Sound, near the mouth of the
(1) Cape Disappointment, at the month of the Columbia river, was taken as a claim by an American named Wheeler. Peter S. Ogden, Esq.,
chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, under instructions from England, obtaine'd possession by buying out Wheeler, and himself in
February, 1S48, entered the claim under the land laws of the Oregon Provisional government. The instructions were issued from England just
subsequent to the abrupt termination (August 30, 18451 of negotiations on the Oregon boundary between Sir R Pakeuham and Mr. Buchanan, the
United States Secretary of State. The taking of this claim was for no other purpose than military occupancy of the mouth of the Columbia river.
It had no value as a trading point. There were but few Indians in its vicinity ; and the stations of Fort George (Astoria) and the Chinook were
both near at hand. Nor could it ever be claimed, even if the license of trade permitted such charter of establishment, that it had any utility for
agricultural purposes. Yet the Hudson's Bay Company, having seized this point for aggressive hostility to the United Slates, claimed the sum
of $14,600, for the occupancy of little over lour months, without improvements, except merely enough to indicate possession.
108 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Sisqualicliew creek, erected in 1840. The fort stood upon the table land about three-
quarters of a mile from the Sound, ou the south side of the creek. Outside of the inclosure,
the creek is dammed and admirably adapted for the washing of sheep. The post consisted
of a number of buildings within a stockade, with bastions at two of its angles.
Outbuildings were erected near, a barn, blacksmith shop and cabins, used by the servants
for residences.
This post derives its importance from commanding the tracts in the viciuit}-, w'hich
constituted the largest portion of the lands and farms of the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company.
Before referring to the establishments in the name of the Puget Sound Agricultural
Compan}', it is proper to notice that compau}' and its formation. A prospectus signed by
Wm. F. Tolmie, Forbes Barclaj- and Geo. B. Roberts exhibits the intention of the proposers,
the plan upon which it was to be formed, its objects and purposes. The preamble recites
that the soil and climate of the country ou the Columbia river, particularly the district
situated between the headwaters of the Cowlitz river and Puget Sound, is considered
highly favorable for raising flocks and herds, with a view of producing wool, hides and
tallow, and the cultivation of agricultural produce. The association was to be under the
protection and auspices of the Hudson's Ba}' Compau}-. Its operations were to be
confined to the country west of the Rocky Mountains. The capital stock of the company,
_;^20o,ooo, was divided into 2,000 shares. During the pendenc\- of negotiations as to the
title of Oregon, the management of the business was to be conducted solely b}- agents
resident in England ; and John Henry Pelly, Andrew Colvile and George Simpson were
named. The first general meeting of stockholders was to be held in London, December,
1840, and within said month in every ^-ear afterwards on fourteen days' notice, published
in two newspapers printed in London or Middlesex count}'. The Puget Sound Compan}-
were to purchase, of the Hudson's Bay Company, their stock of sheep, cattle, horses and
implements of husbandry. The three agents in London selected managing agents in
the district, and fixed their salaries ; but any agent so appointed was placed under the
superintendence of the officers of the Hudson's Bay Comjiany managing the fur trade in
the district. The London agents were to execute a bond to the Hudson's Bay Company,
conditioned that neither the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, nor any person in their
employ, nor by them taken into the district, should directly or indirectly trade in furs and
peltries wliile in the employ or under agreement with the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company, and in making such agreement with employes, that the employe should observe
the above conditions. The agents were to retain authority to dismiss snch employe, and
remove him out of the district, to the point where his services were engaged ; and that all
such employes were subject to the conditions, restrictions and regulations of the Hudson's
Bay Company.
Whenever the Crown of Great Britain became possessed of the sovereignty of any
part of said district, application was then to be made for an act of incorporation. In
the meantime, a deed of settlement was to be executed by the London agents, properly
defining the duties of officers and agents, and for the successful carrying on of the business
of the company.
The Puget Sound Agricultural Company was a mere copartnership on the joint-stock
principle, consisting of parties interested in the Hudson's Bay Company. Its purpose
was to seize and occupy lands for agricultural purposes, intending to obtain a grant, in the
event of Great Britain obtaining sovereignty of the Oregon country. As the Hudson's
THE PUGET SOUND AGRICULTURAL COMPANY. 109
Bay Company could not lawfully acquire lands, it was an artifice to evade such disability.
Great Britain never did acquire title to the lands recited in the preamble ; and the Puget
Sound Agricultural Company, as a consequence, failed ever to acquire a legal existence,
enabling it to own lands and alienate them. Their title was but a mere occupancy,
terminating on the dissolution of the partnership by the withdrawal or death of an}' of
the copartners or shareholders. The treat}-, by the language it uses, may recognize title.
Surely it never conferred it. But, as the United States has since purchased the claims,
further comment is useless.
We pause to consider, nay, to admire, the vast influence which that remarkable
organization wielded in international affairs, carr3-ing the two great empires of the world
to the verge of war ; a war which must have proved destructive to the best interests of
civilization and humanity. It had the power to force its recognition as one of the
conditions of peace ; to exact that " the farms, lands and other property of ever}'
description belonging to the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, on the north side of the
Columbia river, shall be confirmed to the said company. In case, however, the situation
of those lands and farms should be considered by the United States to be of public and
political importance, and the United States government should signify a desire to obtain
possession of the whole, or any part thereof, the property so required shall be transferred
to the government, at a proper valuation, to be agreed upon between the parties."
The language made use of recognizes the fee to be in the company, subject only
to the reserved right by the United States to purchase the land at the price agreed upon
between the parties, when si:ch property of the company may be deemed as useful for
public and political objects.
Of the two thousand shares, six hundred and forty were never sold ; and the holders
paid but ten per centum upon the stock. While California was a Mexican province, on
consent of the government of Mexico, the company imported five thousand sheep from
California, three thousand of which were brought to Oregon overland, and two thousand
by sea. The sheep stocked the Nisqually and Cowlitz farms.
Under the treaty of 1S46, the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, so called, asserted
claim to the following tracts of land :
" First. The tract of land at Nisqually, extending along the shores of Puget Sound
from the Nisqually river, on the one side, to the Puyallup on the other, and back to the
Cascade Range of mountains, containing not less than two hundred and sixty-one square
miles, or one hundred and sixty-seven thousand and forty acres ; of which said tract of
land a portion is improved and under cultivation for farming and agriculture ; and the
remaining portion thereof was occupied and used by the company for grazing and pasturage
of their cattle, horses and sheep, and for cutting wood and timber thereon, and for other
purposes connected with their business ; together with Fort Nisquall}', bastions, houses,
stores, barns, shops and outbuildings, with the fencing and inclosures at the main posts
and establishments, and the houses, barns, outbuildings, fencing and inclosures at other
points on the said land.
" Secondly. The farm at Cowlitz river known as the Cowlitz, consisting of three
thousand five hundred and seventy-two acres, more or less, of which upwards of fifteen
hundred acres are improved and under cultivation for farming and agricultural purposes ;
and the remaining portion is used for cattle and sheep ranges and pasturage, and for other
110 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
purposes connected with the business of said company ; the establishment and buildings
of the Cowlitz farm, consisting of dwelling-houses, saw-mills, stores, granaries, barns,
stables, sheds and piggeries, and of a great extent of fencing and inclosures,
" Thirdly. The company also owned and possessed livestock, consisting of three
thousand one hundred head of neat cattle, three hundred and fifty horses, and five
thousand three hundred sheep, of the value of twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, which
were pastured and fed on the said lands before and at the time of the conclusion of the
treaty of the 15th of June, 1846."
The above claims are recited in the language of the memorial of the Puget Sound
Agricultural Compan}^ to the Joint Commission provided by the Convention between the
United States and Great Britain of March 3, 1S64, to award compensation for the possessory
rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and the lauds, farms and property of the Puget
Sound Agricultural Compan3% imder the treaty of June 15, 1S46, known as the Treaty of
Limits. It fixed a northern boundary of the United States upon the northwest coast. It
then incorporated provisions whereby the United States obligated itself to purchase south
of the boundary the very territory the treaty had conceded belonged to the United States.
No territorial claims were to have been acquired under the Joint-Occupancy Treaties of
1818 and 1827, by virtue of which the Hudson's Baj' Companj' secured a presence in
Oregon. And 3'et five millions of dollars were asked by this company, for occupanc}' of
this territory to the exclusion of citizens of the United States for about a quarter of a
century.
Chapter XVI.
(1823-1836.)
American Trading Enterprises in tlie Territory West of tlie Kocliy Mountains —
Exi)etlition of William H. Ashley — Jackson, Sublette and Smith Form the
Rocky Mountain Fur Company — American Trading Vessels in the Columbia
Kiver — Wagons Brought to the liocky Mountains — South Pass — Pilcher's
Expeditions — First Overland Expedition, Captain Wyetli, to Columbia Kiver —
First School West of the Kocky Mountains — Captain Bonneville's Expedition —
Captain Wyeth's Second Enterprise — He Establishes Forts Hall and Williams.
'^"^HE dissolution of the Pacific Fur Company had been followed, in 1814, by the
X entire withdrawal of American trading vessels from the northwest coast, and also
of American traders, trappers and hunters from the territory west of the Rocky
Mountains. The urgent demands of western members secured the passage by Congress
in April, 1816, of an act regulating the Indian trade. By its provisions, none but citizens
of the United States were permitted to trade in the Indian country. This enactment
occasioned the retirement of British traders from the United States teYritory east of
the Rocky Mountains, and secured to the citizens of the United States the exclusive
enjoyment of the fur and Indian trade in that immense area drained by the Mississippi
and Missouri rivers.
John Jacob Astor had continued at the head of the North American Fur Company,
whose main field of operations embraced the regions watered by the Upper Mississippi
and Missouri rivers. American traders had ventured into the northern provinces of
Mexico, and had established a trade between Santa Fe and St. Louis. In 1822, the
Columbia Fur Company was projected by members of the North West Company
dissatisfied with the coalition in 182 1 of the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies.
It was but short-lived, soon merging itself into the North American Fur Company.
William H. Ashley, of St. Louis, who had for many years successfully prosecuted
the fur trade in the Upper Missouri country, determined upon establishing trading-posts
west of the Rocky Mountains. In the spring of 1823, he left the Missouri frontier with
a party of mounted men, a large quantity of trading goods and merchandise transported
by pack-animals. He ascended the Platte river to its source, exploring its northern branch,
to which he gave the name Sweetwater. He crossed the Rocky Mountains in latitude
forty-two degrees, twenty minutes north, and summered upon Green river, a branch of
the Colorado of the West. For many years this continued the rendezvous of the
American Fur Company. In 1824, he again crossed the Rocky Mountains by the South
Pass and journeyed to Great Salt Lake. To a neighboring smaller lake to the southeast,
discovered by Ashley, he gave his name. Having built a fort and established a trading-post
upon Fort Ashley, he left one hundred men to winter, and returned to St. Louis. Hitherto,
Ashley had transported his trading goods by pack-animals. In 1826, he fitted out
( 111 )
112 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
another expedition to Fort Ashley, accompanied by a six-pounder drawn by mules. Seven
months were occupied in accomplishing the journey and return of the party to St. Louis.
The safe transit of the Rocky Mountains with the gun was accepted as the demonstration
of a feasible wagon road.
In three years, the collection of furs at Ashley's post realized, at St. Louis, one hundred
and eight}- thousand dollars. Having amassed a large fortune, Ashley sold out, in 1829,
to the Rocky Mountain Fur Compan}-, composed of David Jackson, William Sublette
and Jedediah S. Smith. Captain William Sublette was the leading spirit. Each partner
had been in charge of annual parties trapping and hunting in, and west of, the Rocky.
Mountains, returning at the time and to the rendezvous agreed upon before setting out.
About the time of Ashley's retirement, independent of individual enterprises, several
small fur-trading companies had been formed. The success of Fort Ashle}- stimulated
renewed activity ; at least six hundred trappers were employed in the Rocky Mountain
trade. To such extent was the spirit of competition carried, that a man attached to one
company risked his life if he disposed of furs to a rival trader or company. The free
trapper (i) could onl}^ deal for the season with the company who had secured his services,
and by whom he had been furnished his outfit.
In addition to the Rocky Mountain and North American Fur Companies, there were
the St. Louis Company and a number of " lone traders" and "free trappers." Conspicuous
among these were Robert Campbell, J. O. Pattie, Major Pilcher, Colonel Charles Bent,
William Bent, Captain John Grant, Milton Sublette and others. Expeditions extended
into Mexico, Sonora and California, but seldom entered within the recognized fields of
the Hudson's Bay Company-. St. Louis was the headquarters of the Rocky Mountain
trade, except the North American Fur Company, whose headquarters were in New York.
The Rocky Mountain Fur Compau}- had existed since the spring of 1S24. During that
year Smith, with five trappers, had crossed the Rock}- Mountains and trapped until fall
on the headwaters of Lewis' Fork or Snake river. They met a part}- of Hudson's Ba}'
Company trappers returning to Flat Head post, whom they accompanied, and with whom
they passed the winter, returning to rendezvous in the earl}- spring of 1S25. With a
party numbering about forty. Smith crossed the Sierra Nevada Mountains and established
a camp on the American Fork of the Sacramento river. He distributed small trapping
parties on the tributaries of that river, who met with great success. Smith returned with
several bales of beaver skins.
The Rocky Mountain Fur Company now resolved to prosecute the trade in the
countries bordering on the Pacific. In the Snake river country, the number of
men employed had been increased to between five and six hundred. Encouraged by
the success of the previous year. Smith, with a larger party, set out for the country west
of Great Salt Lake. Having gone too far west to feel sure of a safe return over the great
desert with his reduced stock of provisions and exhausted animals. Smith pushed forward
to the Pacific. He resolved to go to the Columbia and follow up that river and meet his
partners in the Snake river country. To obtain horses and necessary supplies with which
to execute his purpose, he went as far south as San Diego, thoroughly exploring the
country as he journeyed. The native Californians regarded all strangers with jealousy,
but those coming from the United States with especial suspicion. Smith was unable to
purchase horses or supplies until he had procured from General Echandia, the military
(l) A free trapper is one not indentured to .tn^- company, who hunts u]>ou certain terms of agreement concerning the prices of the furs he
secures, and the cost of his outfit.
I.m'^i
.^-■s^-":
F. W. PETTYGROVE ESQ.
POF?T TOWNSEND^WT.
EXPEDITION OF JEDEDIAH S. SMITH. 113
commandant of the presidio, a passport allowing him to remain in the country, and to
return to his camp. Several American shipmasters, then trading upon the coast of
California, certified to his honesty and that his objects were perfectly harmless. That
singular document reads :
" We the undersigned, having been requested by Jedediah S. Smith to state our
opinion regarding his entering the province of California, do not hesitate to say that we
have no doubt but that he was compelled to, for want of provisions and water, having
entered far into the beaver country that lies between the latitudes of forty-two degrees and
forty-three degrees west ; that he found it impossible to return by the route he came, as his
horses had most of them perished for want of food and water. He was therefore under
the necessity of pushing forward into California, it being the nearest place where he could
procure supplies to enable him to return.
" We further state as our opinions that the account given by him is circumstantially
correct, and that his sole object was the hunting and trapping of beaver and other furs.
" We also examined the passports produced by him from the superintendent of Indian
affairs for the government of the United States of America, and do not hesitate to say that
we believe them perfectly correct.
" We also state that, in our opinion, his motives for wishing to pass by a different
route to the Columbia river, on his return, is solel}^ because he feels convinced that he and
his companions run great risks of perishing if they return by the route the}- came.
" In testimony whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seals this 20th day of
December, 1826. (Signed) William P. Dana, Captain of schooner Waverly ; William H.
Cunningham, Captain of the ship Courier ; William Henderson, Captain of the brig Olive
Branch ; James Scott; Thomas Robbins, Mate of the schooner Waverly ; Thomas Shaw,
Supercargo of ship Couriery
Smith made several unsuccessful efforts to proceed to the Columbia river. It was
equall}^ impracticable to return eastward through the Sierra Nevada Mountains. He was
informed by the Christian Indians from the Mission of San Jose that Father Duran, in
charge, was very desirous of knowing who he was, and the purpose of his party being in
the country. Smith thus satisfied the curiosity of the missionary:
^^ Reveretid Father: I understand through the medium of one of 3'our Christian
Indians, that you are anxious to know who we are, as some of the Indians have been to
the mission and informed you that there were certain white people in the country. We
are Americans, on our journey to the Columbia river. We were in the mission San
Gabriel in January last. I went to San Diego and saw the General, and got a passport
from him to pass on from that place. I have made several efforts to pass the mountains,
but the snows being so deep I could not succeed in getting over. I returned to this place,
it being the only point to kill meat, to wait a few weeks until the snows melt, so that I
can go on. The Indians here also being friendly, I consider it the most safe point for me
to remain until such time as I can cross the mountains, with my horses, having lost a
great many in attempting to cross ten or fifteen days since. I am a long ways from
home, and am anxious to get there as soon as the nature of the case will admit. Our
situation is quite unpleasant, being destitute of clothing and most of the necessaries of
life, wild meat being our principal subsistence. I am. Reverend Father, your strange, but
real friend and christian brother.
"May 19, 1827. ^^^^"^^^ J.S.Smith."
114 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
That certificate of Jedediah S. Smith's peaceable intentions towards the province of
California, and his letter to Father Duran of San Jose mission, are preserved in the
archives of the State of California as mementoes of the first crossing of the Sierra Nevada
Mountains by white men, — of the consummation of the first overland trip from the
Atlantic States to the Bay of San Francisco.
Smith and his party reached the coast at the mouth of Rogue river, from whence they
followed the beach, reaching the south bank of the Umpqua, where the Indians stole the
only axe the party possessed. It was a severe loss, for upon it the party had depended to
construct rafts to cross the rivers, and to supply fuel. The chief having been taken
prisoner, the axe was returned. Early next morning Smith, accompanied by two white
men and an Indian, was ascending the river in a canoe to find a ford to cross the pack
animals. Having reached the middle of the stream, still in sight of the camp, the Indian
snatched Smith's gun and jumped into the river. Smith seized his companion's gun,
shot the Indian dead, and made for the opposite shore. Without provisions, with one
gun between them, Smith and his companion fled. Contrary to Smith's orders, a large
number of Indians had been allowed to come into camp. At a concerted signal, each
man was attacked by five or six savages armed with knives and clubs. Of the nineteen
constituting the party, fifteen were killed. Of those remaining in camp. Black alone
survived the massacre. Black had just cleaned his rifle, when three Umpquas closed in
upon him. He succeeded in freeing himself, fired upon the crowd, and, amid the
consternation, effected his escape. Concealed in the woods until the Indians had retired,
he then swam the Umpqua river, and followed up the coast, aided by friendly Indians, till
he reached Cape Lookout. He then gave himself up to a party of Tillamook Indians,
who conveyed him in safety to Fort Vancouver, where he arrived August, 1S28. Dr.
McLoughlin rewarded the Tillamooks for bringing Black to the fort. On hearing Black's
story, Dr. McLoughlin sent Indian runners with presents to the Willamette chiefs,
requesting that search be instituted for Smith and his two companions. A liberal reward
was offered for their safe return ; and the Indians were warned that if these men were
harmed severe punishment would follow. A party of forty armed men was immediately
equipped, to go to the Umpqua country'. Just as the party was embarking. Smith and
the two men arrived at Fort Vancouver. The party was then dispatched with sealed
instructions to be opened by the officer in charge on arrival at the Umpqua. These
instructions were : " The Indians were to be invited to bring their furs to trade, as though
nothing had happened. The furs were then to be counted; and, as the American trappers
mark all their skins, the stolen skins were to be kept separate, to be returned to Smith.
The Indians were not to be paid for those, but were to be told that they got them by
murdering Smith's party." The Indians denied the murder, but admitted that they
bought the skins from the murderers; the}- were then told to look to the murderers for
payment. The murderers were requested to restore the propert}- received in exchange for
the stolen skins. A war followed among the Indians, and the murderers were severely
punished by their own people. Property of Smith's to the value of $3,200 was restored
to him, without any expen.se ; and himself and the other refugees were treated with the
greatest kindness. Sir George Simpson, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Territory, present
at Fort \'ancouver at the time, offered Smith a free passage to London in the company's
next returning vessel. The offer was declined; and Smith sold his furs to Dr. McLoughlin.
With the remnant of his party, he set out, in the spring of 1829, for the Rocky
Mountains, meeting, at Pierre's Hole, Fitzpatrick, who liad been sent in search. The
WAGONS BROUGHT TO THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS — SOUTH PASS. 115
generous hospitality and liberality of Dr. RIcLoughlin to Smith and his unfortunate
companions dispelled all spirit of competition ; and, at Smith's solicitation, the Rocky
Mountain Fur Company retired from the hunting and trapping fields of the Hudson's
Bay Company.
In 183 1, Smith, in charge of a trading expedition en route to Santa Fe, was killed on
the Cimmarron river in an encounter with Comanche Indians. For several years after
Smith's death, the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, its parties led b}^ Bridger, Fitzpatrick
and the Sublette brothers, continued the prosecution of the fur trade. Under the auspices
of this company, the wagon train reached the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains. In
a letter to the Secretary of War, October, 1829, the company reported the successful
accomplishment of the undertaking, boldly declaring the entire practicability of a good
wagon road across the Rocky Mountains via South Pass to the great Falls of the
Columbia. This letter, which accompanied the special message of President Jackson to
Congress, January 25, 1S31, said:
"The i8th of April last (1829), we set out from St. Louis, with eighty-one men
mounted on mules, ten wagons, each drawn by five mules, and two dearborns (light
carriages or carts), each drawn by one mule. Our route was nearly due west to the
western limits of the State of Missouri, and thence along the Santa Fe trail, about forty
miles from which the course was some degrees north of west, across the waters of the
Kansas, and iip the great Platte river to the Rocky Mountains, and to the head of the
Wind river, where it issues from the mountains. This took ns until July i6th, and was
as far as we wished the wagons to go, as the furs to be bought were to be collected at
this place, which is, or was this year, the great rendezvous of the persons engaged in that
business. Here the wagons could easily have crossed the Rocky Mountains, it being
what is called the Southern Pass, had it been desirable for them to do so, which it was not
for the reason stated."
The success of the Missouri fur traders soon provoked the competition of the North
American Fur Company. The latter dispatched trapping and trading parties west of the
Rocky Mountains, but formed no permanent establishments. Private parties also
inaugurated individual enterprises without important or permanent results.
In 1 82 7, Mr. Pilcher left Council Bluffs with forty-five men and one hundred horses,
crossed the South Pass, and wintered upon Green river. The next spring he proceeded to
Snake river and followed the western base of the Rocky Mountains as far north as Flat
Head Lake, where he remained during the winter of 1828-9. The next season he
descended Clark's Fork of the Columbia to Fort Colvile, and recrossed the Rocky
Mountains by the northern Columbia route on the Hudson's Bay Company trail to York
Factory.
These expeditions of the American fur-trading parties west of the Rocky Mountains
were confined to the country watered by the Snake river and its tributaries, and the region
to the southward. Inroad was not made into Oregon; and competition with the Hudson's
Bay Company was avoided. They were migratory parties without established posts, —
with temporary depots adopted as rendezvous, where the results of trade were concentrated,
from which supplies were distributed, and to which the parties at a designated time would
return. While these American fur-trading operations were being prosecuted in and about
the western base of the Rocky Mountains, United States vessels were again attempting to
renew trade in the Columbia river. In February, 182 1, the brig Owyhee of Boston, Captain
Dominis, entered the Columbia,' followed a month later by the schooner Convoy, Captain
116 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Thomas, belonging to the same owner. As soon as it was learned at Fort Vancouver that
two American vessels were trading at the mouth of the river, the sloop Multnomah, laden
with trading goods, was sent to Fort George (Astoria) to trade. Captain Dominis having
sailed up the coast, the Convoy went up the Willamette river to Clackamas Rapids, and
there opened trade with the natives. On the recession of the summer high waters, the
schooner grounded. The Indians, taking advantage of Captain Thomas' misfortunes,
became insolent and menaced both vessel and crew. On hearing of the Convofs condition.
Dr. McLoughlin sent assistance, and compelled the Indians to make restitution of the
stolen propert)'. After this relief, the Convoy sailed up the coast. The Oivyhee returned
to the Columbia, where she wintered. The Convoy wintered at the Sandwich Islands.
She returned in the spring to the Columbia river, where both vessels remained during the
summer.
The visit of the Oicyliee and the Convoy aptly illustrates the polic}- of the Hudson's
Bay Company to American traders, as also the humanity of Governor John McLoughlin
to those who met with misfortune, — a broad humanity which never halted to inquire as to
race, sect or nationalit}'.
As chief executive officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, intrusted with the entire
management of its affairs and business west of the Rocky IMountains, he would not
tolerate the presence of a rival trader within the company's fields of operations without the
most bitter competition. But, when misfortune overtook an^- fellow being, he was ever
ready to proffer S3'mpathy, to extend assistance. With the utmost promptness, he
punished with severity ever}- depredation by Indians upon the white race, English or
American. The wrong-doer was demanded; if not surrendered, the tribe or band were
treated as accessories, and received merited punishment. Where thefts were committed,
restitution must follow. Always justly severe when necessary, the Indians knew what
they had to expect; and they universally loved Dr. McLoughlin as a man, and respected
his authorit}' as a chief On March lo, 1S29, the Hudson's Ba^- Company's ship William
and Ann was wrecked on the north spit, in nearly a direct line between Cape
Disappointment and Clatsop Point. Such of the crew as escaped by boats were murdered
by the Indians at Clatsop. Suspicion was aroused that, after the ship had been disabled,
the Indians had overpowered the crew, and stripped and plundered her. None had
sur^'ived to tell the tale; and much of her cargo was in possession of the Indians. Dr.
McLoughlin with a party, armed with a swivel, demanded restitution of the wrecked goods.
The demand was met by the Indians firing upon the party. L^pon the discharge of the
swivel the Indians fled, except one, who raised his gun to fire and was shot dead. The
wrecked property was then peaceably surrendered. The Indians were admonished that they
could not profit by disasters to vessels, nor murder white men for plunder. The next year
(May 2, 1830), the ship Isabella, from London, struck on the northeast point of Sandy
Island. Her officers and crew, demoralized at the fate of the William and Ann, at once
deserted her, never landing from their boats until thev reached Fort Vancouver. The cargo
remained undisturbed by the Indians, and was entirely saved by a part}- from Fort George.
In I S3 1, Captain B. L. E. Bonneville, United States Arm 3-, applied for two years'
leave of absence " to explore the country to the Rocky Mountains and beyond, with a view
of ascertaining the nature and character of the several tribes of Indians inhabiting those
regions ; the trade which might profitably' be carried on with them ; quality of soil,
productions, minerals, natural historj-, climate, geography, topograph^', as well as geology,
of the various parts of tlie countr}- within the limits of the territories of the United States
-«=r^ ,?vW
JACOB FRAZER ESQ.
PENDLETON, OR.
A PIONEER OF I8S0.
CAPTAIN BONNEVILLE'S EXPEDITION. 117
between our frontier and the Pacific." On the 3rd da}' of August of that year,
Major-General Macomb, Commander-in-Chief, United States Army, granted the requested
leave until October, 1833, instrncting Bonneville that the government would be at no
expense, but that he must provide suitable instruments and the best maps, especially of
the interior ; " and that he note particularl}' the number of warriors that ma}- be in each
tribe of natives that ma}' be met with, their alliances with other tribes, and their relative
position as to state of peace or war ; and whether friendly or warlike positions towards each
other are recent or of long standing; their manner of making war, mode of subsisting
themselves during a state of war and a state of peace ; the arms and the effect of them ;
whether they act on foot or on horseback ; in short, every information useful to the
government."
During the ensuing winter, an association was formed in New York from which
Captain Bonneville received the necessary financial aid. On the ist of May, 1832, the
Bonneville party, numbering 1 10 men, with twenty wagons, started from Fort Osage,
carrying a large quantity of trading goods destined for the regions watered by the
Colorado and Columbia. He remained west of the Rocky Ivlountains over two years.
The narrative of Bonneville's adventures is among the most fascinating of the works of
Washington Irving; and upon such notable circumstance the historic claim of this
expedition mainlv depends. In that narrative, In'ing, in his own inimitable style, has
chronicled the vicissitudes and novelties of life in the Rocky Mountains, as experienced
by trappers and adventurers. In language more thrilling and varied than romance, he
has pictured the trapper's life, its dangers, its exciting pleasures, the bitter rivalry of
competing traders, the hostility of savages ; in short, a pen picture has been produced by
a master hand, from which latest posterity can learn what constituted the fur trade and
how it was prosecuted in the heart of the American continent and in Oregon within the
first half of the nineteenth century. Bonneville went as far west as Fort Walla Walla.
His parties penetrated the valleys of the Humboldt, Sacramento" and Colorado. Competed
with by the Hudson's Bay Company, encountering the most bitter and unceasing rivalry
of the more experienced Missouri fur traders, Bonneville's venture was pecuniarily a
failure.
In 1S32, Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth, of Massachusetts, crossed overland to Oregon
with the purpose of establishing salmon fisheries on the Columbia river, in connection
with prosecuting the Indian and fur trade. He dispatched a vessel via Cape Horn to the
Columbia with trading goods. Captain Wyeth and party reached Fort Vancouver October
29th. It was calculated that such vessel would make the voyage to the Columbia in
about the same time it occupied his party to prosecute the overland journey. But the
vessel never reached the Columbia river. She was never heard from after sailing. John
Ball, a member of Wyeth's party, opened a school at Fort Vancouver in January, 1S33,
but the attempt proved a failure. On the ist of March following, Solomon H. Smith,
another of Wyeth's company, accepted from chief factor Dr. McLoughlin an engagement
to teach school for six months. The teacher was at first discouraged. Instead of an
English school, he found a great confusion of tongues. Says he (i): "The scholars
came in talking their respective languages, — Cree, Nez Perce, Chinook, Klickitat, etc., etc.
I could not understand them, and when I called them to order there was but one who
understood me. As I had come from a land where discipline was expected in school
management, I could not persuade myself that I could accomplish anything without order.
(i) lu a letter to the author.
118 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
I therefore issued ray orders ; and, to my surprise, he who understood joined issue with
me upon my government in the school. While endeavoring to impress upon him the
necessity of discipline and order in the school, and through him making such necessity
appreciated by his associates, Dr. McLoughlin, chief factor, entered. To the doctor I
explained nn' difficulty. He investigated m^- complaint, found nu' statements correct,
and at once made such an example of the refractory boy that I never afterwards
experienced any trouble in governing. I continued in the school over eighteen months,
during which the scholars learned to speak English. Several could repeat Murray's
grammar verbatim. Some had gone thro' arithmetic, and upon review copied it entire.
These copies were afterwards used as school books, there having been only one printed
copy at Fort Vancouver. The school numbered twent\'-five pupils."
Captain Wyeth returned overland to Boston in 1833, most of his part}- remaining in
the country, several making settlements in the Willamette valley. Not disheartened with
the failure of the first attempt, Captain Wyeth renewed his efforts to establish direct trade
between Boston and the Columbia river. Having dispatched the brig May Dacre, Captain
Lambert, laden with trading goods and supplies, to the Columbia via Cape Horn, he
crossed the continent with two hundred men. In that overland train were Dr. Nuttall and
John K. Townsend, of Philadelphia, both well known to science, the latter being the author
of a pleasing narrative of this journey. The pioneer part}' of the Oregon Methodist
Mission consisted of Revs. Jason and Daniel Lee, and ]\Iessrs. P. L. Edwards and Cyrus
Shepherd, lay members. Courtney M. Walker, employed by the mission for one year, also
accompanied. They left Independence, Missouri, April 24, 1S34, and reached the junction
of Snake and Port Neuf rivers early in July. At this point, Wyeth built a trading-post
called by him Fort Hall, in which he stored his trading goods. Having fitted out trapping
parties, he proceeded to Fort Vancouver, reaching that place about the same time that the
May Dacre arrived in the river. At the lower end of Wapato (now Sauvie's) Island,
Wyeth established a salmon fishery and trading-house, which he named Fort William.
The salmon fishery proved unsuccessful. His efforts to trade with the Indians and to
purchase beaver skins were without profit. Competition of the Hudson's Bay Company,
constant trouble with the Indians, the loss of several of his men killed by Indians or
drowned, at length discouraged him. It is stated by competent authority (i), "that the
island was thickly inhabited by Indians until 1S30, when they were nearly exterminated
by the congestive chills and fever. There were at the time three villages on the island.
So fatal were the effects of the disease, that Dr. McLoughlin sent a party to rescue and
bring away the few that were left, and to burn the village. The Indians attributed the
introduction of the fever and ague to an American vessel that had visited the river a 3'ear
or two previousl}'. It is not therefore a matter of surprise to an}- who understand Indian
character, and their views as to death resulting from such diseases, that Wyeth's attempted
establishment on Wapato Island was subject to their continued hostility. He was of the
race to whom they attributed the cause of the destruction of their people ; and his
employes were but the lawful compensation according to their code for the affliction they
had suffered."
A half cargo of salmon having been obtained, the brig sailed in 1835, and never
returned to Fort William. In 1835, Captain Wyeth broke up that establishment,
disheartened, and returned to Massachusetts. The remnants of his property in Oregon
he endeavored to sell in London to the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company. The
(l) George B, Roberts, Esq., loug Probate Judge of Wahkiakum county, who arrived in Oregon, 1S31, in service of the Hudson's Bay Company.
J
CAPTAIN WYETH's SECOND ENTERPRISE. 119
board of management referred him to the officers in charge at Fort Vancouver. In 1837,
Dr. McLoughlin purchased Fort Hall from Captain W3'eth's agents. The emploj^es and
laboring men generall}' remained in the territory. The acquisition by the Hudson's Bay
Company and its occupancy of Fort Hall was the end of the x-Vmerican fur trade west of
the Rocky Mountains. After two or three 3-ears, it was finally abandoned.
The results of Wyeth's expedition, though disastrous to him financiall}', were in the
greatest degree valuable to the United States and to the territory itself His memoir
printed b^' order of Congress attracted the attention of American people to Oregon, its
value, its claim to colonization. The statement as to its resources, its climate, soil,
productions and accessibility stimulated immigration. Oregon hereafter is to be settled
and Americanized.
Chapter XVII.
(1807-1827.)
Conflicting Claims to Northwestern Coast of America — Abortive Effoi-ts to Settle
the Boundary of Respective Possessions — Captiu*e and Surrender of Astoria
— Convention of 1818 — United States Acquires the Spanish Claim by Florida
Treaty — Russia Limited to Making Settlements Northward of Fifty-four
Degrees, Forty Minutes, by Conventions with Great Britain and United States —
That Parallel Becomes the Northern Boundary of the Oregon Territory —
Great Britain and the United States the only Claimants of Oregon — Treaty
of 18'47.
I^HE exploration, settlements and acts heretofore narrated constitute tlie bases upon
which Russia, Spain, Gi'eat Britain and the United States respectively asserted
claim to the territory on the northwest coast of America. Russia exclusively claimed the
coast north of fiftj^-one degrees north, with all adjacent islands. Her tenable or recognized
claims, as defined b}^ herself, will be found in the grant (July 8, 1799), by Emperor Paul,
to the Russian-American Fur Company : " In virtue of the discovery b}- Russian navigators
of a part of the coast of America in the northeast, beginning from the fift^'-fifth degree of
latitude, and of claims of islands extending from Kamtchatka, northward towards America,
and southwards toward Japan, Russia had acquired the right of possessing those lands.
And the said company is authorized to enjoy all the advantages of industry, and all the
establishments upon the said coast of America, in the northeast, from the fifty-fifth degree
of latitude to Behring's Strait and beyond it, as also upon the Aleutian and Kurile
Islands and the others situated in the Eastern Ocean."
Nor did Russian traders subsequent to that 3'ear establish settlements or make
discoveries south of that parallel. Still Russia assumed the fifty-first degree to be the
southern limits of her possessions as against the United States, upon the ground that
such parallel was midway between Sitka and the mouth of the Columbia river. That power
also maintained rights of sovereignty over the whole of the Pacific north of fifty-one degrees,
inasmuch as that portion of the ocean was bordered on both sides by Russian territory,
and was for such reason a close sea. Consonant with these views, though asserted later
than the period which marks the commencement of this chapter, Russian pretensions to
sovereignty on the northwest coast are all well illustrated in the Imperial Ukase of
September 4, 182 1, immediately following the renewal of the charter of said compau}'.
That Ukase asserts " that the whole west coast of America north of the fifty-first
degree, the whole east coast of Asia north of forty-five degrees, fifty minutes, with all
adjacent and intervening islands, belong exclusively to Russia ; and it also prohibits the
citizens and subjects of all other nations, under severe penalties, approaching within one
hundred miles of any of these coasts, except in cases of extreme necessity."
( 120)
j^f'T-^.
.^■c
CAPT. W.B.WELLS, /
PORTLAND, OR. f
i^ :%
MRS. M.J. BRISTOW,
PORTLAND, OR-
HON.L.F. MOSHER,
F?OSEBURGH, OR
DR.G. KELLOGG,
PORTLAND, OR.
MRS.DR.G. KELLOGG,
PORTLAND OR.
CONFLICTING CLAIMS TO NORTHWESTERN COAST OF AMERICA. 121
The Spanish claim was equally bold: " The right and dominion of the Crown of Spain
to the northwest coast of America, as high as the Califoruias, are certain and indisputable,
the Spaniards having explored it as far as the forty-seventh degree in the expedition
under Juan de Fuca in 1592, and in that under Admiral Fonte to the fifty-fifth degree in
1640. The dominion of Spain in its vast regions being thus established, and her rights
of discovery, conquest and possession being never disputed, she could scarcel}^ possess a
property founded on more respectable principles, whether of the law of nations, of public
law, or of any others which serve as a basis to such acquisitions as compose all the
independent kingdoms and states of the earth." Such was its assertion by Chevalier de
Onis, so long the accomplished Minister of Spain to the United States. It was made while
Spain was asserting title adversely to all other nations. It expressed the measure of
Spanish claim, not only when uttered but as asserted for centuries. This contention
derives additional value, indicating as it does the conviction as entertained b}' a most
eminent Spanish stateman, tliat 110 territory nor claim thereto had been surrendered to
Great Britain in the Nootka Treat}^ and the incidents growing oiit of it.
Great Britain did not assert exclusive title to au}- portion of the northwest coast.
The voyages of Drake, Cook, Meares, Vancouver and others to the coast, of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie across the continent, followed by the formation of establishments within the
territory, all afford evidences that portions of the coast and much of the interior had been
claimed by British subjects in the name of their sovereign. Whatever rights could attach
to or grow out of those acts, the British government had no idea of relinquishing. Two
of her eminent negotiators thus defined her status. " Great Britain claims no excbtsive
sovereignty over any portion of that territory. Her present claim, not in respect to any
part, but to the whole, is limited to a right of joint occupancy, in common with other states,
leaving the right of exclusive dominion in abeyance. In other words, the pretensions of
the United States tend to the ejection of all other nations, among the rest, of Great Britain,
from all the rights of settlement in the district claimed by the United States. The
pretensions of Great Britain on the contrary tend to the mere maintenattce of her own
rights, in resistance to the exclusive character of the pretensions of the United States^
British authorities thus commented upon the Spanish claim : " If the conflicting claims
of Great Britain and Spain, in respect to all that part of the coast of North America, had
not finall}' been adjusted by the convention of Nootka in the year 1790, and all the
arguments and pretensions, whether resting on priority of discovery, or derived from any
other consideration, had not been definitely set at rest by the signing of that convention,
nothing could be more easy than to demonstrate that the claims of Great Britain to that
country, as opposed to those of Spain, were so far from visionary or arbitrarily assumed
that they established fnore than a parity of title to the possession of the country in question,
either as against Spain or any other nation."
Fairl}^ stated. Great Britain asserted no exclusive title, but preferred to acquire and
rely w^ow possessio)i, strengthening her claim by settlements permitted by other nations,
who in such permission admitted that their title was insufficient to authorize her exclusion.
Being thus in possession, and herself the judge of the indefeasibility of adverse title, she
could elect whether she would be ousted. The situation is thus defined: "While we have
not the title, we want the possession. In the meantime, we do not admit your title to be
any better than ours. In other words, just such a title as in all ages of the world might
has made right.''''
122 HISTORY "OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The claim of the United States was at that time of a two-fold character : In its own
right, based upon the discovery of the Columbia river by a citizen of the United States ;
subsequent explorations of that river by Lewis and Clark, from its sources to its mouth,
followed and strengthened by American settlements upon its banks. Upon the universally
recognized principle of the law of nations, that the discovery of a river, followed by acts
of occupancy, secured the right to the territory watered by it and its tributaries, the United
States claimed the territory west of the Rocky Mountains lying between forty-two degrees
and fifty-one degrees north latitude, subject to the claim of Spain by virtue of the voyages
of discovery b}' Spanish navigators to portions of the coast or its adjacent islands.
As successors to France: By purchase of Louisiana in 1S03, the United States
acquired the claim of continuity to the territory from the Mississippi westward to the
Pacific Ocean, of the breadth of that Province, its north line according to the Treaty of
Utrecht (1713) being the dividing line between the Hudson's Ba}' Territory and the
French Provinces in Canada. The doctrine had for centuries been recognized, that
continuity was a strong element of territorial claim ; indeed its application had been
universal to the colonization of the Atlantic seaboard. All European powers, in making
settlements, maintained that colonial grants or charters (if not otherwise expressed)
comprised not only the limits named therein, but included a region of country of like
breadth extending across the continent to the South Sea or Pacific Ocean. For the
integrity of this principle, the war between Great Britain and France had been waged,
which terminated by the treaty of 1763. By that treaty the former power received Canada
and Illinois, renounced to France all territory west of the Mississippi, and thereby
surrendered any claim by continuity westward of that river. Thus was conferred upon
France all claim to the territory on the American continent westward of the Mississippi
river, which, \)y the principle of continuity, extended westward to the Pacific Ocean,
subject alone to the claims which might be set up b}- Spain. To the summit of the
Rocky Mountains, the French title to the Louisiana territory was absolute and
indefeasible; and, it may be safel}' contended, good to the South Sea or Pacific Ocean,
if not interfered with by actual occupancy of an adverse power. The treat}- of 1763
transferred to France whatever benefits might accrue from the recognized doctrine of
continuity, and forever barred Great Britain from asserting such claim ; for she was
therein exclusively limited to the Mississippi river as the western boundar}- of her
American possessions. The treat}^ of peace in 1783, between Great Britain and the United
States, established our national independence, constituted the United States successor
of Great Britain, with its western boundar}', the Mississippi river, as prescribed and
defined by the treaty of 1763. The Louisiana Purchase, therefore, restored to the United
States, assignee and successor to France, the great link of continuity which Great Britain
had lost b}' the treaty of 1763. Such were the relative claims to this territory in the
early part of the nineteenth century.
Shortly after the Louisiana Purchase, negotiations were commenced between the
United States and the British government for the adjustment of the boundary line
between the respective possessions westward of the Mississippi river. This resulted in
the signing of a convention (in 1807) by negotiators of the two governments, by the
fifth article of which " the forty-ninth parallel, from its intersection by a line drawn
from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods, westward to the Rocky
Mountains, was defined as said boundary ; but nothing in the present article shall be
construed to extend to the northwest coast of America, or to the territory belonging to or
ABORTIVE EFFORTS TO SETTLE RESPECTIVE BOUNDARIES. 123
claimed by either party on the continent of America to the westward of the Stony
Mountains." President Jeiferson objected to the proviso, as " it could have little other
effect than as an offensive intimation to Spain that the claims of the United States
extended to the Pacific Ocean. However reasonable such claims may be compared with
those of others, it is impolitic, especially at the present moment, to strengthen Spanish
jealousies of the United States, ivliich it is probably an object ivitli Great Britain to excite
by the clause in question.'''' The President rejected the treaty without submitting it to the
Senate.
In the negotiations which terminated in the Treaty of Ghent (December 20, 1814),
the effort was renewed to establish the northern boundary of the United States, westward
of the Mississippi river. The United States commissioners offered the boundary line
and proviso of the convention of 1807. The British negotiators signified their willingness
to accept the proposition, coupled with the right of navigation of the Mississippi river
from British America to the Gulf of Mexico. That proposition was not entertained; and
the treaty was concluded without allusion to the northern boundary of the United States
westward of the Lake of the Woods.
There was, how^ever, in the first article of the Treaty of Ghent, a stipulation, the
fulfillment of which became an important feature in the Oregon controvers}^, to wit : " All
territory, places and possessions whatsoever, taken by either part}"- from the other during
the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored without
delay."
On the iSth of Jul}^ 1815, James Monroe, Secretary of State, notified the British
Minister at Washington that the United States government would immediately take the
necessary steps to reoccupy the post at the mouth of the Columbia river, called Astoria by
its founder, but nominated Fort George by the British. In 1817, Captain James Biddle,
United States Navy, in command of the sloop-of-war Ontario.^ sailed for the mouth of the
Columbia river, bearing hence Hon. J. B. Prevost, United States Commissioner. The object
of this voj'age was to assert United States sovereignty in the country adjacent to the
Columbia river in a friendly and peaceable manner, and without the employment of force.
On the sailing of the Ontario^ the British Minister at Washington remonstrated.
Discussion ensued as to the method of restitution, character of settlement, and the effect
that such surrender w'ould have on the respective claims of the two governments. It was
insisted by the United States, and conceded by the British negotiators, that the status quo
ante belluni should be restored ; that, in treating of the title, the United States should be
in possession. The unconditional surrender of Astoria to the United States having been
agreed upon, negotiations on the question of the northern boundary west of the
Mississippi were resumed.
In pressing a final disposition of the boundary to include the territory west of the
Rocky Mountains, the United States asserted the intention " to be without reference or
prejudice to the claims of any other power." At this time, the boundary between the
Spanish North American possessions and the United States had been undetermined ; the
Russian possessions on the northwest coast, which advanced southwardly, had not
been definitely limited. The proposition submitted by the United States was the
forty-ninth parallel, from its intersection by a line drawn through the northwest extremity
of the Lake of the Woods westward to the Pacific Ocean. The British negotiators again
insisted upon the right of navigating the Mississippi from its sources to the Gulf It was
not expected that the proposition would be entertained ; and thus ended the matter.
124 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The relative rights of Great Britain and the United States to the territory of the
Pacific coast were freely discussed. Messrs. Gallatin and Rush maintained that the
discover}? of the Columbia river by Captain Robert Gray, the exploration from its
headwaters to the ocean by Lewis and Clark, and the American settlement on its banks
near its mouth (Astoria), rendered the claim of the United States "at least good against
Great Britain to the countrj? through which such river flowed, though they did not assert
that the United States had a perfect right to the countr}'." The British commissioners,
in reply, referred to the discoveries by British navigators, especiall}- those of Captain
Cook, and to purchases from the natives south of the river Columbia, which they alleged
to have been made prior to the American Revolution. They made no formal propositions
as to boundary, but intimated that the Columbia was the most convenient that could be
adopted ; nor would they agree to any settlement that did not give to Great Britain the
harbor at the mouth of the Columbia river in common with the United States. As the
discussion progressed, difl&culties multiplied. Agreement being impossible, negotiations
were brought to an end by the treaty of October 20, 181S, which determined the boundary
of the United States luestward to the Rocky Mountains.
The third article of that treaty refers to Oregon Territory as follows :
" It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party, on the northwest
coast of America westward of the Stony (Rocky) Mountains, shall, together with its
harbors, bays and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and
open for the term of ten years from the date of signature of the present convention, to the
vessels, citizens and subjects of the two powers. It being well understood that this
agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two
high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country."
Immediately after the conclusion of the so-called Joint-Occupancy Treaty, which was
really a mutual covenant that neither government would attempt acts in prejudice to the
other's claims, the United States renewed negotiations with Spain for the adjustment of the
southwestern boundary of the former natiou. This resulted (February 22, 1819) in the
Treaty of Florida.
In consideration of the cession of Florida b}' Spain, the Sabine river was constituted
the western boundary of the United States. The southern boundar}' was designated by
" a line drawn on the meridian from the source of the Arkansas river, northward to the
forty-second parallel, thence along the parallel to the Pacific (i) ocean;" and Spain ceded
to the United States " all rights, claims and pretensions to au}^ countr}- north of the said
forty-second parallel."
Thus and thereafter, the Florida Treaty had eliminated Spain from the controversy,
and left the United States successor in interest, clothed with all the rights which has inured
to Spain by virtue of the discoveries of Spanish navigators.
Such being the attitude of the respective claimants, John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State, on the 22d of July, 1823, addressed instructions to Richard Rush, Minister to
England, that memorable letter insisting upon the adjustment of the boundaries of the
several claims on the northwest coast of America, which clearly exhibits the view of the
government as to its territorial rights west of the Rocky Mountains, and the weight
attached by it to the claims of other nations. Says he : " Among other subjects of
negotiation with Great Britain which are pressing upon the attention of this government
(i) By treaty, January 12, 1S28, the Republic of Mexico adopted, as her northern boundary line, said western and southern line of the United
States as defined by the Florida Treaty.
^*/^
J.J.H.VANBOKKELEN.
PORTTOWNSENn,WT.
INSTRUCTIONS TO RICHARD RUSH, MINISTER TO ENGLAND. 125
is the present condition of the northwest coast of this continent. By the treaty of amity,
settlement and limits between the United States and Spain of February 22, 1819, the
boundary line between them was fixed at forty-two degrees north latitude, from the source
of the Arkansas river to the South Sea. By which treaty the United States acquired all
the rights of Spain north of that parallel.
" The rights of the United States to the Columbia river, and to the territory washed
by its waters, rest upon its discovery from the sea, and nomination by a citizen of the
United States ; upon its exploration to the sea by Captains Lewis and Clark ; upon the
settlement of Astoria made under the protection of the United States and restored to them
in 1818; and upon the subsequent acquisition of all rights of Spain, the only European
power who, prior to the discovery of the river, had any pretensions to territorial rights on
the northwest coast of America. The waters of the Columbia extended by the Multnomah
to the fort^'-second degree of latitude, thence descending southward, till its sources almost
intersect those of the Missouri. To the territory thus watered, and immediately contigous
to the original possessions of the United States as first bounded by the Mississippi, they
consider their rights to be now established by all the principles which have ever been
applied to European settlements upon the American hemisphere."
Mr. Adams then adverts to the claim of Russia. The subsequent acquisition of
Alaska by the United States has imparted a vast interest to this letter; yet its bearing on
the history of Oregon is so remote, that omission becomes necessary. Returning to the
British pretensions, he continues: " Until the Nootka Sound contest, Great Britain had
never advanced any claim to territory upon the northwest coast of America by right of
occupation. Under the treaty of 1763, her territorial rights were bounded by the
Mississippi. On the 22d of Jul}^, 1793, Mackenzie reached the shores of the Pacific by
land, from Canada, in latitude fiftj^-two degrees, twenty-one minutes north, longitude
one hundred and twenty-eight degrees, two minutes west of Greenwich.
"It is stated in the fifty-second number of the Quarterly Revieiu, in the article on
Kotzebue's voyage, ' that the whole country, from latitude fifty-six degrees, thirty-nine
minutes to the United States, in latitude forty-eight degrees or thereabouts, is now, and
has long been, in the actual possession of the British North West Company; that this
compau}- have a post on the borders of a river in latitude fifty-four degrees, thirty minutes
north, longitude one hundred and twenty-five degrees west, and in latitude fifty-five degrees,
fifteen minutes north, longitude one hundred and twenty-nine degrees, forty-four minutes
west. By this time (March, 1822), the united company of the North West and Hudson's
Bay have in all probability founded an establishment.'
" It is not imaginable that, in the present condition of the world, any European
nation should entertain the project of settling a colony on the northwest coast of America.
That the United States should form establishments there, with views of absolute territorial
rights and inland communication, is not only to be expected, but is pointed out by the
finger of nature, and has for years been a subject of serious deliberation in Congress. A
plan has been for several sessions before them for establishing a territorial government on
the borders of the Columbia river. It will undoubtedly be resumed at their next session ;
and, even if then again postponed, there cannot be a doubt that, in the course of a very
few years, it must be carried into effect.
" Previous to the restoration of the settlement at the mouth of the Columbia river in
i8i8,and again upon the first introduction in Congress of the plan for constituting a territorial
government there, some disposition was manifested, by Sir Charles Bagot and Mr. Canning,
126 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to dispute the right of the United States to that establishment ; and some vague intimation
was given of British claims on the northwest coast. The restoration of the place, and the
convention of iSiS, was considered a final disposition of Sir Charles Bagot's objections;
and Mr. Canning declined committing to paper that which he had intimated in convention.
" The discussion of Russian pretensions in the negotiations now proposed necessaril}'
involves the interests of three powers, and renders it manifestly proper that the United
States and Great Britain should come to a mutual understanding, with respect to their
respective possessions, as well as upon their joint views with reference to those of Russia.
" The principles settled by the Nootka Convention of 28th October, 1790, were:
" ist. That the rights of fishing in the South Seas or trading with the natives of the
northwest coast of America, and of making settlements on the coast itself, for the purpose
of that trade, north of the actual settlements of Spain, were common to all the European
nations, and of course to the United States.
" 2d. That as far as the actual settlements of Spain had extended, she possessed the
exclusive rights, territorial, of navigation and fishery, extending to the distance of ten
miles from the coast actually so occupied.
" 3d. That on the coasts of South America and adjacent islands, south of the parts
alreadv occupied b}' Spain, no settlement should thereafter be made either by British or
Spanish subjects ; but on both sides should be retained the libertv of landing and erecting
temporary buildings for the purposes of fishing. These rights were also, of course, enjoyed
by the people of the United States.
" The exclusive rights of Spain to any part of the American continents have ceased.
That portion of the convention, therefore, which recognizes the colonial rights of Spain
on the continents, though confirmed as between Great Britain and Spain, b}- the first
additional article of the treaty of the 5th of July, 1814, has been extinguished b}'^ the
fact of the independence of the South American nations and of Mexico. Those independent
nations will possess the rights incident to that condition; and their territories will, of course,
be subject to no exclusive right of navigation in their vicinity, or of access to them by any
foreign nation."
That great statesman then promulgates the great vital principle, the application of
which must eventually Americanize this continent :
" A necessary consequence of this state of things will be that the American
continents, henceforth, will no longer be subject to colonization. Occupied by civilized,
independent nations, they will be accessible to Europeans, and each other, on that footing
alone ; and the Pacific Ocean, in every part of it, will remain open to the navigation of
all nations ; in like manner will the Atlantic. Incidental to the condition of national
independence and sovereignty, the rights of interior navigation of their rivers will belong
to each of the American nations within its own territories.
"The application of colonial principles of exclusion, therefore, cannot be admitted by
the United States as lawful upon any part of the northwest coast of America, or as
belonging to any European nation. Their own settlements there, when organized as
territorial governments, will be adapted to the freedom of their own institutions, and, as
constituent parts of the Union, be subject to the principles and provisions of the Constitution.
If the British Northwest and Hudson's Ba}- Companies have any posts on the coast, as
suggested in the article of the Quarterly Reviciu above cited, the third article of the '
convention of the 20th of October, 18 18, is applicable to them. Mr. Middleton (envoy
to Russia) is authorized by his instructions to propose an article of similar import, to be
NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES. 127
inserted in a joint convention between the United States, Great Britain and Russia, for a
term of ten years from its signature. You are authorized to jnake the same proposal to
the British government, and, with a view to draw a definite line of demarkation for the
future, to stipulate that no settlement shall hereafter be made on the northwest coast,
or any of the islands thereto adjoining, by Russian subjects south of latitude fift3^-five
degrees, b}- citizens of the United States north of latitude fifty-one degrees, or b}' British
subjects either south of fiftj'-one degrees or north of fifty-five degrees.
" I mention the latitude of fifty-one degrees as the bounds within wdiich we are willing
to limit the future settlement of the United States, because it is not to be doubted that the
Columbia river branches as far north as fifty-one degrees (i), although it is most probabljr
not the Tacouche Tessee of Mackenzie (2). As, however, the line runs already in latitude
forty-nine degrees to the Stony Afountains, sliojild it be earnestly insisted upon by Great
Britain, we will consent to carry it in continuance on the satne parallel to the sea^
The copiousness of the extracts has been deemed essential to a thorough understanding
of the attitude of the United States in the initiation of its diplomatic policy regarding the
territory west of the Rocky Mountains. Those instructions render plain that protracted
diplomatic war. Briefly, but forcibly, is exhibited the claims of the three great powers.
Temperately, firmly, and without arrogance, the title of the United States is maintained.
How unmistakably is the polic}- indicated that should govern. Indeed here is found the
full recital of the American claim. With a proper spirit of concession, dictated only by a
disposition to avoid disturbing friendly relations, the American Secretary consented that,
as the line of forty-nine degrees had become historical east of the Rocky Mountains, it
might be adopted as the continuing boundary, westward to the Pacific Ocean.
" At the proposal of the Russian Imperial government, made through the Minister of
the Emperor residing here, full power and instructions have been transmitted to the
Minister of the United States residing at St. Petersburg, to arrange by amicable
negotiations the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast
of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the
government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The government of the
United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value
which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to
cultivate the best uuderstanding with his government. In the discussion to which this
interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which the}' may terminate, the occasion
has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of
the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent
condition whicli they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as
siibjects for future colonization by any Eiiropean power. "^
On the ist of April, 1824, Mr. Rush opened negotiations with the British Ministers,
Messrs. Stratford Canning and William Huskisson. Mr. Rush persistently endeavored
to secure what the government had instructed him to obtain. His propositions were
rejected. The British negotiators offered the forty-ninth parallel until its intersection
with the northeasternmost branch of the Columbia river (Clark's Fork), thence follo<ving
said river to the ocean, guaranteeing to the citizens and subjects of both nations the
perpetual right of free navigation of the Columbia river. Mr. Rush rejected the
proposition, and the negotiations terminated.
(i) Recent explorations have determined that the Columbia river, having risen in the Rocky Mountains, flows northerly as high as fifty-two
degrees, ten minutes, when it receives the Canoe river, this latter tributary taking its rise in latitude fifty-three degrees.
(2J The Tacouche Tessee of Sir Alexander Mackenzie has since proven to be the Fraser river.
128 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
On the 17th of April, 1824, Mr. Middleton, Minister to Russia, concluded a treaty at
St. Petersburg, between the United States and Russia, by which fifty-four degrees, forty
minutes north was fixed as the line, north of which the citizens of the United States were
prohibited from making settlements, and south of which no Russian settlement should be
allowed. In February, 1825, Great Britain and Russia entered into a treaty- b\- which the
line of fifty-four degrees, fort}- minutes was fixed as the dividing line between their
respective territorial claims on the Pacific coast. Thus and then was stamped upon the
region the far-famed line of fifty-four degrees, forty minutes. The Oregon Territorj-
hereafter in controversy between Great Britain and the United States may be described as
the region Iving between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean, and between forty-
two degrees and fifty-four degrees, forty minutes north latitude.
In 182S an attempt was renewed to secure from Great Britain an adjustment of the
northern boundary of Oregon Territory. Albert Gallatin then represented the United
States at the British Court. Henr)^ Cla}?, Secretary of State (June 19, 1826), thus
instructed him :
"It is not thought necessary to add much to the argument advanced on this point in
the instructions given to Mr. Rush, and that which was employed by him in the course of
the negotiation to support our title as derived from prior discovery and settlement at the
mouth of the Columbia river, and from the treaty which Spain concluded on the 2 2d
of February, 18 19. That argument is believed to have conclusively established our
title on both grounds. Nor is it conceived that Great Britain Jias^ or can viake out^
even a colorless title to any portion of the northern coasts The opinion of that illustrious
statesman as to the effect of the acquisition of the Spanish claim by the Florida Treaty is
expressed in this language : " By the renunciation and transfer contained in the treaty
with Spain of 1819, oicr right extended to the sixtieth degree of latitude.^''
In a later dispatch to Mr. Gallatin (February 24, 1827), Mr. Clay referred to the
British claims as " new and extraordinary', " adding " that they have not yet produced any
conviction in the mind of the President of the validity of the pretensions brought forward,
nor raised any doubts of the strength and validity of our own title." In regard to
the American offer of the forty-ninth parallel, he said: "It is conceived in a genuine
spirit of concession and conciliation, and it is our ultimatnm^ and you may so announce
it." Mr. Gallatin, having advised the State Department of its rejection by the British
negotiators, Mr. Clay instructed him to declare " that the American government does not
hold itself bound hereafter, in consequence of any proposal which it has heretofore made,
to agree to the line which has been so proposed and rejected, but will consider itself at
liberty to contend for the full extent of our just claims; which declaration you
must have recorded in the protocol of one of your conferences ; and to give it more
weight, have it stated that it has been done by the express direction of the President.''''
In this negotiation (1826-7), the British claim was represented by Messrs. Huskisson,
Charles Grant and Henry W. Addington. Mr. Gallatin so powerfully sustained the United
States claim, that the British negotiators ultimately admitted that Gi'eat Britain did not
diSsert any title to the country, but urged that her claivi was good against the United
States ; that it conferred right to occupy the territor}^ in common with other nations ; that
Oregon was free and open territorj- to British subjects under concessions by Spain in the
Nootka Convention. Complaint was made by the British negotiators of the recommendation
by President Monroe in his annual message to Congress, December 7, 1824, to establish
a military post at the mouth of the Columbia river, as also of the passage by the House
MRS. HANNAH J.OLMSTEAD,
WALLA WALLA, W.T.
TREATY OF 1 82 7. 129
of Representatives, December 23, 1824, of the bill "To provide for occupying the Oregon
river." Mr. Gallatin answered, citing the Act of the British Parliament of July 2, 182 1,
" An Act for regulating the fur trade, and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction in
certain parts of North America." Whilst by its provisions vast and unrestricted privileges
were conferred upon the Hudson's Bay Company, the company were endowed with all the
powers of government ; nor were American citizens within the territory exempted from
liability to civil and criminal jurisdiction of British courts. He also urged that the
United States possessed no such companies, nor did the power exist to charter
them ; that its only method of protection to its own citizens was through the forms of
a territorial government, which could not do more for American citizens than did the act of
Parliament for those British subjects who might be present in the territory under the
license of trade ; that the said act of Parliament actually clothed the licensed Hudson's
Bay Company with the exclusive occupancy of the territory. He further contended that
a territorial government, established solely with the motive of protecting citizens of the
United States present within the territory, in nowise infringed upon the treaty of 1818;
and that, under the provisions of that treaty, there was not the slightest impropriety in
the United States government erecting forts within the territory for the protection of its
citizens against the native population. These explanations were entirely satisfactory to
the British negotiators ; and no further objections were made.
Mr. Gallatin again offered the fort3--ninth degree, to the Pacific Ocean, with the
further concession that " the navigation of the Columbia river shall be perpetually
free to subjects of Great Britain in common with citizens of the United States, provided
that the said line should strike the uortheasternmost or any other branch of that river at
a point at which it was navigable for boats." This offer was summarily rejected by the
British Ministers, who renewed the offer of 1824, with this addition. " To concede to the
United States the possession of Port Discovery, on the southern coast of de Fuca's
Inlet, and annex thereto all that tract of country comprised within a line drawn from
Cape Flattery along the southern shores of de Fuca's Inlet to Point Wilson, at the
northwestern extremity of Admiralty Inlet ; from thence along the western shore of that
Inlet across Hood's Canal to the point of land forming the northeastern extremity of said
Inlet ; from thence along the eastern shore of that inlet to the southern extremity of the
same ; from thence direct to the southern point of Gray's Harbor ; from thence along
the shore of the Pacific Ocean to Cape Flattery as before mentioned." The British
Plenipotentiaries coupled this offer with a protest against " its being considered as a
prejudice to the claims of Great Britain included in her proposals of 1824; ^i^^ declared
that such offer was not called for by any just comparison of the grounds of those claims
and of the coiinterclaim of the United States, but rather as a sacrifice which the
British Government had consented to make, with a view to obviate all evils of future
indifference in respect to the territory west of the Rocky Mountains." The proposition was
rejected by Mr. Gallatin. Tlie negotiations terminated in the treaty of August 6, 1827.
At the opening of the first session of the twenty-fifth Congress (December, 1S27),
President John Quincy Adams, in his annual message, announced the negotiation of the
treaty of August 6, 1827, which continued in force the treaty of 1818 for an indefinite
period from and after October 25, 1828, at which date the third article of the former treaty
defining the rights of both governments in the Oregon territory would have expired. It
was, however, provided that either government might abrogate the latter convention,
by giving twelve months' notice.
130 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The next chapter reciting the proceedings in Congress in regard to Oregon will be
found to chronicle facts which have occurred anterior to the time to which we have traced
those negotiations. This has been essential to presen-e the integrity and intactness of
diplomatic history, not only because of the intimate connection of events, consequent
upon each other, and entirely independent of such congressional acts, but really because
the treaty of 1827 was a mere enlargement of the term of joint occupancy provided by
the treaty of iSiS. The onl}' change in the s/a/us of parties to each other, to, in or about
the territory, had occurred when the claims of the United States had become augmented
by the assignment of the Spanish title. It was alike essential to an appreciation of
congressional proceedings, thus to have traced the antecedents, extent and territorial
rights, — in short, what constituted the Oregon Territory, about which Congress was
inaugurating legislation.
There can be no doubt that, during the continuance of these two treaties, British
foothold in Oregon was immeasurably strengthened and the difficulty of the adjustment of
boundaries materially enhanced. Nor does this reflect in the slightest degree upon those
great publicists who managed the claim of the United States in those negotiations.
Matchless ability and earnest patriotism, firm defense of the integrity of the United States'
claim, and withal a disposition to compromise to avoid rupture with any other nation,
mark those negotiations in ever}- line. The language and intention of those treaties are
clear and unmistakable. Neither government was to commit any act in derogation of the
other's claim, nor could any advantage inure to either; during their continuance the
territor}- should be free and open to citizens and subjects of both nations. Such is
their plain purport ; such the only construction which their language will warrant.
Yet it cannot be controverted that the United States had thereby precluded itself from
the sole enjoyment of the territory which it claimed in sovereignty ; nor that Great
Britain acquired a peaceable, recognized and uninterrupted tenancj'-in-common in regions
where her title was so imperfect, that she herself admitted she could not successfully
maintain, nor did she even pretend to assert it. She could well afford to wait. Her's was
indeed the polic}' later in the controversy styled masterly inactivity : " Leave the title
in abeyance, the settlement of the country will ultimately settle the sovereignty." In no
event could her colorless title lose color; while an immediate adjustment of the boundary
would have abridged the area of territory in which, through her subjects, she already
exercised exclusive possession, and had secured the entire enjoj-ment of its wealth and
resources. The Hud.son's Bay Company, b}^ virtue of its license of trade excluding all
other British subjects from the territory, was Great Britain's trustee in possession ; — an
empire company, omnipotent to supplant enterprises projected by citizens of the United
States, which had effectually closed the door of the territory td citizens of the United States.
Indeed, the territory had been appropriated by a wealthy, all-powerful monopolj', with
wliom it was ruinous to attempt to compete. Such is a true exhibit of the then
condition of Oregon, produced by causes extrinsic to the treaty, which the United States
government could neither counteract nor avoid. The United States had saved the right
for its citizens to enter the territorj-, had protested likewise that no act nor omission on
the part of the government or its citizens, or any act of commission or omission by the
British government or her subjects during such joiut-occupanc}- treaties, should affect in
any way the United States' claim to the territory.
It is neither expedient nor profitable to inquire whether the Hudson's Ba}- Companj-
had intention to strengthen British claim to Oregon, beyond the natural and laiidable
A
MOTIVES AND RESULTS OF THE JOINT-OCCUPANCY CONVENTIONS. 131
desire of English subjects to covet perpetuation and extension of British grandeur and
power. Certain it is that the company, by its wealth, organized efficiency and absorbing
tendencies, did exclude for many years all other persons from that territory ; did achieve
for the British government a sole occupancy by its subjects ; did afford the basis for the
only lien the British government ever acquired to Oregon Territory or any part of it.
During the continuance of that mere franchise of trade, mere privileges of presence,
amplified into possessory rights of such importance that their divestment became a matter
of vast concern,— a complication in that prolonged controversy. In fact, those joint
occupancy treaties secured to Great Britain all that she desired, — time for the Hudson's
Bay Company to ripen possessory rights into a fee simple in the soil itself.
The treaties of 1818 and 1S27 have passed into history as conventions for joint
occupancy. Practically, they operated as grants of possession to Great Britain, or rather
to her representative, the Hudson's Bay Company, who, after the merger with the North
West Company, had become sole occupant of the territory. The situation may be briefly
summed up : The United States claimed title to the territory. Great Britain, through
its empire-trading company, occupied it, — enjoyed all the wealth and resources derivable
from it.
That no injustice may be done to the memory of those three model American
statesmen, Adams, Clay and Gallatin, under whose auspices those treaties had been
negotiated, three as great minds and devoted patriots as our own or any nation has ever
produced, whose sole end and aim were the grandeur and progress of their country and its
institutions, this chapter is concluded with the explanation of the motives prompting, and
the results accompanied by, those joint-occupancy conventions, by John Ouincy Adams,
who, as Secretary of State, was connected with the treaty of iSiS, and, as Chief Magistrate
of the Union, had assented to the treaty of 1827.
In the memorable debate in the National House of Representatives (session 1845-6)
on the Oregon question, the venerable John Quincy Adams, on the 9th of February, 1846,
in his demonstration of the validity of the title of the United States up to fifty-four degrees,
forty-minutes, and his masterly exposition of the fallacy and audacity of British claim to
any portion of the territory on the Pacific coast, thus construes the third article of the
treaty of 1818, made pursuant to instructions given by him as Secretary of State, and
continued in force b}' the convention of 1827, while he was President:
" There is a very great misapprehension of the real merits of this case, founded on
the iiiisnomer vi\v\c\i declares that convention to be a convention oi joint occupation. Sir,
it is not a convention of joint occupation. It is a convention of non-occupation, — a promise
on the part of both parties that neither of the parties will occupy the territory, for an
indefinite period: first, for ten years; then until the notice should be given by the one
party or the other that the convention shall be terminated ; that is to say, that the
restriction, the fetters upon our hands, shall be thrown off which prevents occupation."
:;: * :;■■ -i: * =i= *
" There is no occupation now. Occupation is the thing we want. Occupation is what I am
putting an end to that convention for, becau.se it says that we shall not occupy that
territory. The gentlemen from Georgia (Hon. T. Butler King), in his personal remarks
to me, has thought proper to call on me to say why, in 1818, and again in 1827, I was
willing to agree to this convention with Great Britain, while I now pretend to say that we
have a right to the whole of Oregon. Why, I will tell the gentleman and this house."
132 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Mr. King (Mr. Adams j-ielding the floor) explained that he had asked the gentleman
why he had not entered a protest against the claim asserted by Great Britain, if he believed
that he had the right to the whole territor}'.
Mr. Adams (continning), " I will endeavor to answer the gentleman according to his
own idea, why I did not answer a protest. In the first instance, it was in a subordinate
capacity that I acted as Secretary of State, under a most excellent man, whose memory I
shall alwa3's retain with veneration, James Monroe, the President of the United States.
And in the second place, when I held the ofl&ce of President of the United States, / did
fnakc (he protest in the convention itself. If the gentleman will read the convention, he
will see a formal protest against the claim of Great Britain. The third article of the
convention of 1818 is as follows :
" ' It is agreed that an}- country that may be claimed b}- either party on the northwest
coast of America westward of the Stony Mountains shall, together with its harbors, baj's
and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the
term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels,
citizens and subjects of both powers. It being well understood that this agreement is
not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting
parties may have to any part of the said country; nor shall it be taken to affect the
claim of an}- power or state to any part of said country ; the only object of the high
contracting parties in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences.'
" Is that joint occupation or separate occupation ? No such thing. It is nou-occupation.
The territor}' is to be free and open to all the world, to the vessels, citizens and subjects ot
the two powers for ten years ; and this convention is expressly declared not to affect an}^
claim of either of the two high contracting parties. Now please to observe this, for I
mean to draw an argument from the wording here : ' nor shall it be taken to affect the
claims of any other power,' * '=' 'the onl}- object.' Now, I give my answer to the
gentleman from Georgia, being to prevent disputes and differences among the contracting
parties. That is the object, and that being the only object, and the article itself being
confined to ten years, is there not a decided intimation that at the end of ten years
differences would come again ? Is there not a sufficiently clear protest against auv
claims Great Britain may have ? And not onl^- so, but a reservation of the rights of an}-
other party ? Who was that other party? Spain was; and that is a very clear and explicit
admission that Spain had a right to that country, which was not to be affected. Well,
this was in 1818. Now this convention was stipulated for ten years; and I desire this
committee to observe this very expression, showing that both parties understood that this
question as to their respective claims was not to be settled during the course. of that ten
years ; but, at the expiration of that term, that they would come up again. It was
equivalent to a full, plain claim to the whole territory, just as our Secretary is making it
now ; but it was said that both parties, not choosing to settle their dififerenqes, agreed, for
ten years, that the country, with its harbors, bays, creeks and rivers, shall be open to the
navigation of both parties, without either party claiming exclusive jurisdiction during
that time. That was all.
"Now I come to the second convention of 1S27. The first convention was for ten
years ; and I say it was not intended by the parties to be permanent. But there was a
claim in arrears, which we were afterwards, as time should serve, and as circumstances
should authorize, to assert and maintain. In the convention of 1827, please to observe the
variation of the phra.se of the article." (Here Mr. Adams stopped that day; but on the
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MOTIVES AND RESULTS OF THE JOINT-OCCUPANCY CONVENTIONS. 133
13th of April, 1846, having again the floor, he thus adverted to the convention of 1827):
" What I wanted to show, when upon the floor of the House before, was the variation of
expression between the convention of 1818, and that of 1827, i" neither of which the
word 'settlements' was used." (Mr. Adams then referred to the Nootka Sound Convention
and the discussion upon it in the negotiations in 1818, and thus continued): '' Well, sir,
I make no question whatsoever, whether the treaty of Nootka Sound was abolished by
war or not. I say that if Great Britain was entitled to make settlements by the treaty
of Nootka Sound, in 1790, she has forfeited and aba'ndoned that right by the omission
of the word in the conventions of 1S18 and 1827. ^^^ 1818, the convention was made
between us and Great Britain. Great Britain claimed at that time the privileges of the
Nootka Sound Convention ; but she did not choose to claim the right to make settlements
for the limited term of ten years. That convention itself excluded it ; it left out that
word ' settletnents^^ copying the Nootka Sound Convention in all other respects, leaving
the country open to navigation, commerce and trade with the savages. Why, sir, did
they leave out the word ' settlements '? There was no reason assigned for leaving it out ;
but, if it had been included, we should have had the right of settlement as well as they.
They forfeited it. They renounced it by omitting the word 'settlements' in the convention
of 1818; and it continues to be omitted to this day. In 1827, when the convention came
to be renewed, an indefinite time was assigned instead of ten 3'ears ; and then again the
reservation of rights of any third poiuer was omitted^ clearly because ive had acquired all
the rights of the third power whose rights were reserved before ; and the word ' settlements'
continued to be omitted. Great Britain having ?io rights under that convention to make any
settlement luhatever.''^ [Congressional Globe ^ vol. 15, twenty-ninth Congress, first session,
pages 340, 341 and 664.)
I
Chapter XVIII.
(1820-1829.)
Proceedings in Congress Relative to Sole Occupancy of Oregon, and Extension
Over It of Federal Jurisdiction — Efforts to Establish a Territorial Government.
IN THE winter of 1S20-1, Ramsa}' Crooks of New York and Russell Farnham of
Massachusetts, two of the party sent by John Jacob Astor to establish Astoria, visited
Washington city. Dr. John Floyd, a Representative in Congress, of Virginia, and
Thomas H. Benton, a Senator-elect for the State of Missouri (then apph'ing for admission
into the Union), occupied rooms at the same hotel. From Messrs. Crooks and Farnham,
Messrs. Flo3'd and Benton became advised of the value of Oregon, the statistics of its fur
trade, its features of general interest, its importance to the nation in a commercial and
military view ; as also the thorough manner in which the great British fur companies
had secured occupancy of the territory, and were controlling its native population, and
enjoying the exclusive profits of the fur trade and Indian trade west of the Rocky
Mountains. On the 19th of December, 1820, Mr. Floyd, in the House of Representatives
of the United States, moved the appointment of a committee "to inquire into the situation
of the settlement upon the Pacific Ocean, and the expediency of occupying the Columbia
river;" which, having been adopted, Messrs. Floyd, Metcalf of Kentucky, and Swearingen
of Virginia, were appointed. On the 25th of Januar}', 182 1, the committee reported a
bill " to authorize the occupation of the Columbia river, and to regulate trade and
intercourse with the Indian tribes therein." A lengthy report accompanied, vindicating
the United States' title, and urging the acquisition of possession, in order to secure the
advantages of the fur and East Indian trades. The bill was placed upon the calendar,
but failed to be reached during that session.
Earl}' next session (December 17, 1822), the House resolved itself into Committee of
the Whole upon said bill. Mr. Floyd opened the discussion in a speech supported by
statistics, showing the value of the fur trade west of the Rocky Mountains, as also the
East Indian trade, which he maintained should be diverted to the United States. Said
he; " This is the trade I would turn to Oregon, and from the mouth of that river make
the shipments, and return with the rich exchange to our Atlantic cities, and save much of
the silver and gold which is now sinking in Asia." Said he: "Now, Mr. Chairman, we
cannot be mistaken when we apply the same calculation to the route to the mouth of the
Oregon, as steamboat navigation we all know to be safe and sure ; wherefore, it will take
a steamboat twenty-four days to arrive at the falls of the Missouri ; thence I allow a wagon
fourteen days to travel two hundred miles to tlie mouth of Clark's river; thence seven
days to the mouth of the Oregon, — making the time necessary for that trip forty-four
days." On the next day, Mr. Wright, of Maryland, advocated the bill. Having defended
the United States' title, he adverted to the value of the fur trade, and portrayed the
advantages to the American whale fisheries, by the establishment of an American
( 134 )
PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO SOLE OCCUPANCY OF OREGON. 135
settlement at the mouth of the Columbia river. Mr. Baylies, of Massachusetts, followed,
demonstrating the importance of a post in our Pacific possessions for the benefit of our
commerce and whale fisheries, alluding to the valuable timber which must ultimately
become a source of profit and wealth, and to the growing importance of the Northwest
trade. He replied to the fears expressed, that because Oregon was so remote the tie would
be weak that bound her to the nation. His eloquent peroration, then prophecy, now histor}',
glowingly pictured our common country, its past development, its future expansion,
its westward tendency. '' A population of scarcely six hundred thousand swelled into
ten millions ; a population which in their youth extended scarcely an hundred miles from
the Atlantic Ocean, spreading bej^ond the mountains of the west, and sweeping down those
niightj- waters which open into regions of such matchless fertility aud beauty. Some now
within these walls maj-, before they die, witness scenes more wonderful than these ; and
in after times maj' cherish delightful recollections of this day, when America, shrinking
' from the shadows of coming events,' first placed her foot upon untrodden ground, scarcely
daring to anticipate the grandeur which awaited her. Let us march boldly on to the
accomplishment of this important, this useful and this splendid object; and, my word for
it, no one who gives his vote for this bill will repent. On the contrary, he may consider
it one of the proudest acts of his life."
Mr. Tucker, of South Carolina, opposed the bill, " because it was calculated to draw
off the population and capital to a point where they will be less efficient and useful than
at present, where they must be eventually lost to the States." While he considered that
the progress of population to the west was inevitable, he had no wish to accelerate it,
because, in the nature of things, the people of the east and west sides of the Rocky
Mountains must have a permanent separation of interests.
On the 27th of January, 1823, M'"- Floyd moved to take up the bill, on which Mr.
Chambers, of Ohio, called the yeas and nays ; and, by a vote of sixty-one ayes, one
hundred noes, the bill received its quietus for that session. In the Senate, February, 1823,
Mr. Benton introduced a resolution " instructing the committee on military affairs to
inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation to enable the President of the
United States to take and retain possession of the territories of the United States on the
northwest coast of America." On the 17th, the resolution was modified with Mr. Benton's
consent, substituting a reference to the Committee on Foreign Relations, on which occasion
Mr. Benton made the first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the United States
immediately asserting its claim to Oregon. He affirmed the following propositions :
" I. That our claim of sovereignty is disputed by England; 2. That England is now the
party in possession ; 3. That she resists the possession of the United States ; 4. That
the part}' in possession in 182S will have the right of possession, under the law of nations,
until the question of sovereignty shall be settled by war or negotiation." He thus
concluded : " That it was now apparent that the Republic, partly through its remissness,
partly from the concessions of our Ministers in London, but chiefly from the bold
pretensions of England, is in imminent danger of losing all its territory beyond the Rock}'
Mountains. The evils of such a loss to us, and the advantages of such an acquisition to
her, are too obvious to be here insisted upon. Every one can see that the mouth of the
Columbia in the hands of England would immediately be converted into a grand naval
station for the protection of her trade and navigation in the Pacific Ocean, and for the
destruction of the commerce of all other powers. Not an American ship will be able to
show herself beyond Cape Horn, but with the permission of the English. The direct
18G HISTORY OK PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
intercourse between the valley of tlie Mississippi and Asia would be intercepted. The fur
trade of the Rocky Mountains would fall into the hands of British subjects, and with it
the entire command of all the Indians west and north, to be turned loose upon the frontiers
of Missouri and Arkansas and Illinois and Michigan, upon the first renewal of hostilities
between the United States and Great Britain."
The resolution was adopted, but no report emanated from the committee. At the first
session of the eighteenth Congress (December 29, 1823), a committee was appointed by the
House of Representatives (Mr. Floyd, chairman), to inquire into the expedienc}^ of
occupying the mouth of the Columbia river. The committee's report, April 15, 1824,
embodied a letter of General Thomas S. Jesup, Quartermaster-General, United States
Arm}', on the difficulties of establishing a military post at the mouth of the Columbia
river. That experienced veteran asserted, that the possession and military command of the
territory and Columbia river were necessary, not onl}' for the protection of trade, but to
the security of our western frontier. He recommended " the immediate dispatch of a force
of two hundred men across the continent, to establish a fort at the mouth of the Columbia
river; that, at the same time, two vessels, with arms, ordnance and supplies, be sent thither
by sea. He further proposed the establishment of a line of posts across the continent to
afford protection to our traders ; and, on the expiration of the privilege granted to British
subjects to trade on the waters of the Columbia, to enable us to remove them from our
territor}-, and secure the whole to our citizens. Those posts would also assure the
preservation of peace among the Indians in the event of a foreign war, and command their
neutrality or assistance as we might think most advisable."
Suggestions from such a source invoking immediate congressional action in regard to
Oregon would seem to have merited attention. Congress was, however, unwilling to assert
exclusive right to the territory; and it is ver}- questionable whether it was sound polic}- to
herald views, demonstrating the importance to the United States of extending their
possessions westward to the Pacific Ocean ; the militar}- necessity of the exclusive control
of the mouth of the Columbia, as the key to the vast region, and the varied advantages to
accrue from the sole occupancy of the countr}-. It was alleged that the publication of this
able document furnished a strong incentive to Great Britain to labor more assiduousl}- to
retain the advantages of that occupanc}^ which had accrued to her subjects b}' the treaty
of 1818.
Following the appearance of those views, there was a growing interest in the territory
west of the Rock}- IMountains ; there was an increased appreciation of the value of Oregon
to the United States; the national duty of asserting exclusive right to the territory was
commending itself to popular favor. The letter of General Jesup exposed the motives of
Great Britain for dela}'. It openly advocated the adoption of such an American policy as
would serve as a counterpoi.se to the accretion of title and benefits to Great Britain from
her more extensive and methodic occupancy of the country. In short, its theory was that
llie United States government should embrace the opportunity to secure advantage under
the treaty of 1818, and "mature acts" preserving and perfecting its own title. The
avowed .sentiment of the Monroe Administration justified the belief, that, upon the
termination of the convention of 1S18, measures would be resorted to, tending to exclusive
American occupancy. Hence this indication that Oregon was growing into American
notice, coupled with the recommendation by an officer of high rank and acknowledged
experience, that the territory should be occupied for military purposes, did stimulate
British covetousness, did tend to magnify pretension into claim, did prove an obstacle to
adjustment, did prolong the controvers}'.
I
1 policy t
JAMES S.DAVIS,
WHITMAN CO.,W. T.
PROCEEDINGS RELATIVE TO EXTENSION OF FEDERAL JURISDICTION. 137
At this late daj' it seems proper to commend such views, and their proclamation
inviting governmental attention. It is now clear that the only practical method to have
checked British pretensions, fast being transformed from mere denial of exclusive
right in the United States into avowal of exclusive British title, was the action
and voice of Congress strengthening the hands of the Executive, which, as boldlj^
as General Jesup and the Select Committee, had asserted its readiness to maintain
American supremacy in Oregon. History will generously award credit to the sagacious
Jesup for indicating, in 1823, the unerring way to preserve the American title to
Oregon Territory. Nor will it fail to commend the earnest devotion of that little Oregon
part}- in Congress for placing on record wh}- the government should immediately assert
exclusive jurisdiction within its own territory.
At the opening of the next session of Congress (December, 1824), President Monroe,
in his annual message, thus invited the attention of Congress to Oregon : " In looking to
the interests which the United States have on the Pacific Ocean, and on the western coast
of this continent, the propriety of establishing a military post at the mouth of tlie
Columbia river, or at some other point in that quarter within our acknowledged limits, is
submitted to Congress. Our commerce and fisheries on that sea and along the coast have
much increased, and are increasing. It is thought that a militar}- post, to which our
ships-of-war might resort, would afford protection to ever\' interest, and have a tendenc}- to
conciliate the tribes of the Northwest, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought
that, by the establishment of such a post, the intercourse between our western states and
territories and the Pacific, and our trade with the tribes in the interior on each side of the
Rocky Mountains, would be essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect, the
appropriation of an adequate sum to authorize the emploj'ment of a frigate, with an
officer of the corps of engineers, to explore the mouth of the Columbia river and the coast
contiguous thereto, to be enabled to make such an establishment at the most suitable point,
is recommended to Congress."
December 20, 1824, on motion of Mr. Floyd, the House resolved itself into Committee
of the Whole, to consider the bill " for the occupation of the Columbia river." The speech
of Mr. Floyd was a masterly vindication of American title to Oregon, — an able exhibit of
its political, commercial and military importance to the United States. Mr. Poinsett, of
South Carolina, thought the point for location should be left to the President, and
submitted an amendment to that effect. Mr. Cook, of Illinois, moved the recommitment
of the bill to the committee to whom the above portion of the President's message had
been referred. This motion was opposed b}' Mr. Trimble of Kentucky, and lost b;^ a
decisive vote. Mr. Buchanan moved to strike out the section providing for the
establishment of a port of entry, and extending the revenue laws over the territory, on the
ground that it was an infringement of the convention of 18 18. Mr. Gazlay, of Ohio,
contended that the location of a port of entry could onl}- involve the collection of duties
from other foreign powers ; that the treaty of 1818 would secure the admission of goods of
British subjects free of duty. To all objections, Mr. Flo3'd, in explanation, referred to the
provisions of the bill, which proposed to confer such powers only upon the President,
when he might deem that the public good should require it. Mr. Taylor, of New York,
desired the bill so amended as to conform to the President's plan of establishing a military
post, but opposed any act looking to the formation of a territorial government. This
could be accomplished by striking out all that authorized the appointment of governor,
judges and other officers ; and he made a motion to that effect. Mr. Smythe, of Virginia,
138 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
moved a further amendment by striking out the proposed name of the territor}', and
describe it as " the territory of the United States on the northwest coast of America." Mr.
Taylor's amendment having been adopted, Mr. Floyd replied to his colleague (Mr.
Sm3-the), when the latter modified his motion so as to strike out the section making
grants of land to actual settlers. On the 23rd of December, the consideration of the bill
was resumed ; and on that day it passed b}- a triumphant vote of one hundred and thirteen
to fift3--seven. The title of the bill was amended to read " to provide for occup3-ing the
Oregon river."
On the 25th of Februar}-, 1S25, the Senate took up the bill " to provide for occupying
the Columbia river." Mr. Benton moved an amendment, providing for an additional
pavniaster. The bill was then laid on the table. The next da}- the Senate resumed its
consideration ; and Mr. Barbour, of Virginia, ably urged its passage. Mr. Dickerson, of
New Jersey, contended that it was a violation of the treat}' of joint occupancy-, which
would not expire till 1828, until which time it would be highly improper to take
possession of the territory b}' military force or establish therein a port of entry, or, indeed,
to exercise any act of possession or occupation which we did not exercise in 181S, at the
period of making the treaty. Mr. Dickerson moved to lay the bill upon the table, which
prevailed by a vote of nineteen to seventeen. On the ist of March, Mr. Hayne, of South
Carolina, moved to take up the bill to afford Mr. Benton the opportunity to reply to Mr.
Dickerson, agreeing that the bill should be postponed after Mr. Benton should conclude.
Mr. Chandler, of Maine, opposed taking time to discuss a bill that there was no intention
to pass. Mr. Hayne's motion, however, prevailed, and Mr. Benton made an exhaustive
speech. In his "thirty-years' view," he thus sums up that unanswerable plea in behalf of
the American Oregon :
" I do not argue the question of title on behalf of the United States, but onl}' state it
as founded upon : ist. Discovery of the Columbia river bj- Captain Gra}- in 1792 ; 2nd.
Purchase of Louisiana in 1803 ; 3rd. Discovery of the Columbia river, from its head to
its mouth, by Lewis and Clark in 1S05 ; 4th. Settlement of Astoria ; 5th. Treaty with
Spain in 1819; 6th. Contiguity' and continuit}' of settlement and possession. Nor do I
argue the question of the advantage of retaining the Columbia, and refusing to divide or
alienate our territory upon it. I merely state them and leave their value to result from
their enumeration: ist. To keep out a foreign power; 2nd. To gain a seaport with a
military and naval station on the coast of the Pacific ; 3rd. To save the fur trade in that
region, and prevent our Indians from being tampered with by British traders ; 4th. To
op'en a communication for commercial purposes between the Mississippi and the Pacific ;
5th. To send the lights of science and religion into Eastern Asia."
Mr. Benton having concluded, the bill went to the table by the decisive vote of
twentjf-five ayes, fourteen noes.
President John Quincy Adams, in his first annual message to Congress (December,
1825), thus adverts to the northwest coast :
" Our coasts along many degrees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean,
though much frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have rarely been visited
by our public ships. The river of the \\' est, first fully discovered and navigated by a
countryman of our own, still bears the name of the ship in which he ascended its waters,
and claims the protection of our national flag at its mouth. With the establishment of a
military post there, or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor.
EFFORTS TO ESTABLISH A TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 139
and already matured in the deliberation of the last Congress, I would suggest the
expedienc}- of a public ship for the exploration of the whole of the northwest continent."
On the i6th of December, 1S25, the House passed a resolution introduced by Mr.
Baylies, requesting the Secretary of the Navy to inform the House whether the
sloop-of-war Boston might not be employed in exploring the northwest coast of America,
its rivers and inlets, between the parallels of forty-two and forty-nine degrees north,
without detriment to the naval service." On January 16, 1826, Mr. Baylies, chairman
of the Select Committee, to whom had been referred the subject of establishing a military
post at the mouth of the Columbia river, submitted an elaborate report in advocacy of
immediate measures to secure the occupation of Oregon. On the 15th of May, he made
a supplemental report from the same committee. No further action was taken by
Congress during the session.
President John Quincy Adams, in his annual message, December 4, 1827, referring
to the treaty of 1818, which had effected a temporary compromise of the respective claims
to the territory westward of the Rock}- Mountains, and which would expire by its own
limitation October 20, 1828, advised Congress that, by the treaty of August, 1827, the
joint-occupanc}' arrangement had been continued for an indefinite period, leaving each
party the right to abrogate the same upon twelve months' notice.
During that session, Hall J. Kelly, of Massachusetts, representing an association of
citizens who proposed emigration to Oregon, presented a petition to the House of
Representatives, praying for a grant of lands and other protective legislation. John M.
Bradford, of New Orleans, was the head of a similar association, composed of citizens of
Louisiana. Albert Town and his associates, citizens of Ohio, constituted a similar
organization. The people of the United States were beginning to agitate the occupancy
of Oregon ; and ably their representatives invoked the attention of Congress to those
petitions. Those memorials and their subject-matters were referred to the Select Committee
on Oregon Territory, of which ]Mr. Floyd was chairman. He reported a bill providing
for military occupation of the territory, the extinguishment of the Indian title to the
lands, the granting lands to actual settlers, and providing an appropriation for the
exploration of the territory.
The bill was reached December 13, 1828, and occupied the House until the 9th of
January, 1829. ^" *^'i^t ^^^ debate, among the most zealous advocates of its passage,
the record bears the names of Floyd of Virginia, Edward Everett of Massachusetts,
Cambreleng of New York, Drayton of South Carolina, Richardson and Gurley of
Louisiana. Of its equally zealous opponents, the chronicle is not less brilliant,
embracing the names of Edward Bates of Missouri, Gorham of Massachusetts, Taylor
of New York, Polk (afterwards President) and Mitchell of Tennessee. All concurred in
the justice and validity of the claims of the LTnited States; but the contention of the
opponents of the bill was that its passage would be an infringement of the recently
renewed Joint-Occupancy Treaty, and would endanger the peaceable relations of the two
nations. Others suggested that reports regarding the territory were conflicting, and
definite action should not be taken until explorations had furnished necessary reliable
information. On the 9th of January, the Committee of the Whole were discharged from
further consideration of the bill, and the House refused to order it to a third reading by a
vote of ninety-nine to seventy-five. For a number of years, efforts in Congress to assert
sole jurisdiction over Oregon Territory were not resumed.
Chapter XIX.
(1831-1844.)
Negotiations Resinned Between Great Britain and the United States — Kesnme of
Status of Claimants — Presidential Election, 1844.
DURING the administration of President Jackson, Edward Livingston, Secretary of
State, in his instructions (August 31, 1S31), to IMartin Van Buren, Minister to
London, revives the question of settlement of the Oregon boundar}-. Their tone indicates
that the United States government was not averse to the occupancy of territor}' bj^
British subjects, in common with American citizens. The assertion of claim is not
accompanied with arrogance ; but confidence in the title of the United States to the ivliole
territory- is strongly marked. After referring to the convention of 1827, which by its
language is, " to give time to mature measures which shall have for their object a more
definite settlement of the claims of each party," Mr. Livingston proceeds : "This subject,
then, is open for discussion; and, until the rights of the parties can be settled by
negotiation, ours can suffer nothing b}' delay." Masterly inactivity thus admitted to be
the policy of the national government, nothing was accomplished under those instructions.
The next efforts to adjust the Oregon boundar}' were during the administration of
President Tj'ler. The request came from Great Britain. Lord Aberdeen, on the iSth of
October, 1842, addressed instructions to Henry S. Fox, British Minister at Washington,
to invite the American Secretary of State " to move the President to furnish the United
States Minister at the Court of London with such instructions as will enable him to enter
upon the negotiation of this matter with such person as may be appointed hy her IMajest}'
for that object ; and you will assure him that we are prepared to proceed to the consideration
of it in a perfect spirit of fairness, and to adjust it on a basis of equitable compromise."
Those instructions were communicated to the State Department on the 15th of
November, 1842. Daniel Webster, Secretary, answered on the 25th, "that the President
concurred entirely in the expediency of making the question respecting the Oregon
Territory- a subject of immediate attention and negotiation between the two governments.
He had already formed the purpose of expressing this opinion in his message to Congress,
and, at no distant day, a communication will be made to the Minister of the United States
in London."
This suspended for the time formal negotiations. Mr. Webster resigned as Secretary
of State July 24, 1S43, and was succeeded by Abel P. Upshur, who, October 9, 1843,
addressed instructions to Edward Everett, American Minister at London. With the desire
of compromise which actuated all his predecessors, Secretarj^ LTpshur said :
" The offer of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude, although it has once been rejected,
may be again tendered, together with the right of navigating the Columbia river upon
equitable terms. Bej'ond this, the President is not prepared to go. Nevertheless, 3'ou
( 140 )
J
■"■^-?^f^'--!i^?«i**^^^fe -'^-fef-l'*
HON.H.L.YESLER,
SEATTLE.W.T.
I
NEGOTIATIONS RESUMED BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES. 141
may propose or receive, subject to the approval of this government, an}^ other terms of
compromise which, in the progress of your discussions, may appear to promise satisfactory
adjustment of this important question."
In February, 1844, Hon. Richard Pakenham, British Plenipotentiary, arrived in
Washington with instructions to negotiate relative to the boundaries of the Oregon or
Columbia Territory. On the 24th, he addressed a note to Secretary Upshur; their first
conference took place on the 27th. On the next day, of gloomy memory, the explosion
of the Paixhan gun on the United States steamer Princeton^ caused the instant death of
Secretary Upshur.
On the 6th of March, 1844, John C. Calhoirn succeeded Secretary Upshur.
Negotiations were resumed July 2 2d. Mr. Pakenham invited Mr. Calhoun's attention to
the condition of the Oregon negotiation, so abruptly terminated by the death of his
predecessor. Mr. Pakenham renewed the former British offer of the Columbia river
boundary, with the addition, " to make free to the United States any port or ports which
the United States might desire either on the mainland or on Vancouver Island, south of
latitude forty-nine degrees."
This offer Mr. Calhoun declined September 3, 1844, " on the ground that it would
have the effect of restricting the possessions of the United States to limits far more
circumscribed than their claims clearly entitle them." x\fter demonstrating the validity
of claim in our own proper right to the region drained by the Columbia by priority
of discovery, priority of exploration and prioritj' of settlement, he adds: "To these we
have added the claims of France and Spain. The former was obtained by the Treaty of
Louisiana, ratified in 1803, and the latter by the Treaty of Florida, ratified in 18 19.
By the former, we acquired all the rights which France had to Louisiana, ' to the extent
it now has ( /8oj ) in the hands of Spain ^ and that it had when France possessed it, and such
as it should be after the treaties subsequently entered into by Spain and other states.'' By
the latter, his Catholic Majesty ' ceded to the United States all his rights.^ claims and
pretensions ' to the country lying west of the Rocky Mountains, and north of a line drawn
on the forty-second parallel of latitude, from a point on the south bank of the Arkansas,
in that parallel to the South Sea, that is, to the whole region claimed by Spain west of
those mountains, and north of that line.
"The cession of Louisiana gave us undisputed title west of the Mississippi, extending
to the summit of the Rocky Mountains, and stretching south between that river and those
mountains to the possessions of Spain, the line between which and ours was afterwards
determined by the Treaty of Florida. It also added much to the strength of our title to
the region bej'ond the Rocky Mountains, by restoring to us the important link of
continuing westward to the Pacific, which had been surrendered by the treaty of 1763, as
will hereafter be shown.
"That continuity furnishes a just ground for a claim of territory, in connection with
those of discovery and occupation, would seem unquestionable. It is admitted by all that
neither of them is limited by the precise spot discovered or occupied. It is evident that,
in order to make either available, it must extend at least some distance beyond that
actually discovered or occupied ; but how far, as an exact question, is a matter of
uncertaint}-. It is subject in each case to be influenced by a variety of circumstances. In
the case of an island, it has been usually maintained in practice to extend the claim of
discovery or occupation to the whole ; so, likewise, in the case of a river, it has been usual
to extend them to the entire region drained by it, more especially in cases of a discovery
142 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON' AND' WASHINGTON.
and settlement at the mouth, and eniphaticall}^ so when accompanied by exploration of the
river and region through which it flows. Such, it is believed, may be affirmed to be the
opinion and practice in such cases since the discovery of this continent. How far the
claim of continuitj^ may extend in other cases is less perfectly defined, and can be settled
only b}' reference to circumstances attending each. When this continent was first
discovered, Spain claimed the whole b}' virtue of a grant of the Pope ; but a claim so
extravagant and unrea.sonable was not acquiesced in b}' other countries, and could not long
be maintained. Other nations, especially England and France, at an early period
contested her claim. The}- fitted out voyages of discovery, and made settlements on the
eastern coast of North America. They claimed for their settlements, usually, specific
limits along the coasts or bays on which they were formed, and generally a region of
corresponding width across the entire continent to the Pacific Ocean. Such icas the
character of the limits assigned by England in the charters which she granted her former
colonies^ now the United States^ when there was no special reason for varying from it.
" How strong she regarded her claim conveyed b}' these charters, and extending
westward of her settlements, the war between her and France, which was terminated by
the Treaty of Paris, in 1763, furnishes a striking illustration. That great contest, which
ended so gloriously for England, and effected so great and durable a change on this
continent, commenced in a conflict between her claims and those of France, resting on her\
side on this z'cry right of continuity, extending wcsttcard from her settlements to the Pacific
Ocean, and on the part of France on the same right, but extending to the region drained
by the Mississippi and its waters, on the ground of settlement and exploration. Their
respective claims which led to the war first clashed on the Ohio river, the waters of which
the colonial charters in their westward extension covered, but which France had been
unquestionably the first to settle and explore. If the relative strength of these different
claims may be tested by the result of that remarkable contest, that of continuity westward
must be pronounced to be the stronger of the two. England has had at least the advantage
of the result, and luould seem to be foreclosed against cojitcsting the principle as against us,
who contributed so much to that result, and on 'whom that contest and her example and
pretensions, from the first settlement of our country, have contributed to impress it so
deeply and indelibly.
"By the treaty of 1763, which terminated that memorable and eventful struggle,
yielded, as has been stated, the claims and all the chartered rights of the colonies bej'ond
the Mississippi. The seventh article establishes that river as the permanent boundary
between the possessions of Great Britain and France on this continent. So much as
relates to the subject is in the following words: ' The confines betzveen the dominions of
his Britannic Majesty and that part of the zuorld [the continent of America) shall be fixed
irrevocably by a line drazvn along the middle of the river Mississippi from its source to the
river Iberville ; and from thence by a line drazvn along the middle of this rizrr and the
Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea, etc'
"This important stipulation, which thus establishes the Mississippi as the line 'fixed
irrevocably ' between the dominions of the two countries on this continent, in effect
extinguishes, in favor of France, whatever claims Great Britain ma}' have had to the
region lying west of the Mississippi. It of course could not aftect the rights of Spain,
the only other nation which had any pretense of claim west of that river; but it prevented
the right of continuity, previously claimed by Great Britain, from extending beyond it, and
transferred it to France. The Treaty of Louisiana restored and vested in the United
CONTINUANCE OF NEGOTIATIONS. 143
States all the claims acquired by France, and surrendered by Great Britain under the
provisions of that treaty, to the country west of the Mississippi, and amo7ig others the
one in question. Certain it is that France had the same right of continuity, in virtue of
her possession of Louisiana, and the extinguishment of the right of England by the
treaty of 1763, to the whole countr}- west of the Rocky IMountains, and lying west of
Louisiana, as against Spain, which England had to the country westward of the Alleghany
Mountains, as against France, with this difference, that Spain had nothing to oppose to
the claim of France at the time but the right of discovery, and even that England has
since denied ; while France had opposed to the right of England, in her case, that of
discovery, exploration and settlement. It is, therefore, not at all surprising that France
should claim the country west of the Rocky Mountains (as may be inferred from maps)
on the same principle that Great Britain had claimed and dispossessed her of the region
west of the Alleghanies ; or that the United States, as soon as they had acquired the right
of France, should assert the same claim, and take measures immediately after to explore
it, with a view to occupation and settlement. But since then we have strengthened our
title by adding to our own proper claims and those of France the claims also of Spain, by
the Treaty of Florida, as has been stated."
Mr. Calhoun proceeds to notice Spanish discoveries and their extent, contrasting
them with cited English voyages, adding " that they (the Spanish navigators named)
discovered and explored not only the entire coast of what is now called the Oregon
Territory, but still further north, are facts too well established to be controverted at this
day. But," says Mr. Calhoun, " it has been objected that we claim under various and
conflicting titles, which mutually destroy each other. Such might indeed be the fact
while they are held by different parties ; but since we have rightly acquired both those of
Spain and France, and concentrated the whole in our hands, they mutually blend with
each other and form one strong and connected chain of title against the opposing claims
of all others, including Great Britain."
This able and lucid state paper then dwells at length on the restoration of Astoria in
1818, refers to previous negotiations, and closes b}' referring to the claim of continuity,
constantly gaining strength as time progresses, by the western states pouring their tide
of emigration into the valle}' of the Columbia.
Sir R. Pakenham answered, on the i2tli of September: "To the observations of the
American Plenipotentiary respecting the effect of continuit}' to furnish a claim to territory,
the undersigned has not failed to pay due attention ; but he submits that what is said on
this head maj' more properly be considered as demonstrating the greater degree of interest
which the United States possess by reason of contiguit}-, in acquiring territory in that
direction, than as affecting in any way the question of right."
In regard to the Spanish claim, Mr. Pakenham observes :
" It must, indeed, be acknowledged that, bv the treaty of 18 19, Spain did convey to
the United States all that she had the power to dispose of on the northwest coast of
America, north of the forty-second parallel of latitude ; but she could not, \>y that
transaction, annul or invalidate the rights which she had, b}' a previous transaction,
acknowledged to belong to another power. By the treatv of October 28, 1790 (Nootka
Convention), Spain acknowledged in Great Britain certain rights in respect to those parts
of the western coast not already occupied. This acknowledgment had reference especially
to the territory which forms the subject of the present negotiation. If Spain could not
make good her own right to exclusive dominion over those regions, still less could she
144 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
confer such a right on another power ; and hence Great Britain argues that, from nothing
deduced from the treaty of 1819 (Florida Treaty), can the United States assert a valid
claim to exclusive dominion over any part of the Oregon Territory."
Mr. Pakenham thus labors the claim of Heceta and Captain Gray as to priority of
discover}-; and this aptly illustrates the whole dispatch :
" To one and to one onl}' of these commanders can be conceded the merit of discover}'.
If Heceta's claim is acknowledged, then Captain Gray is no longer the discoverer of the
Columbia river. If, on the other hand, preference is given to the achievement of Captain
Gra)% then Heceta's discovery ceases to be of any value. But it is argued that the United
States represent both titles, the title of Heceta and the title of Gray ; and, therefore, that
under one or the other, it matters not which, enough can be shown to establish a case of
prior discovery as against Great Britain. This maj^ be true as far as relates to the act of
the first seeing and first entering the mouth of the Columbia river; but if the Spanish
claim to prior discover}' is to prevail, whatever rights may thereon be founded are
necessarily restricted b}' the stipulations of the treaty of 1790, which forbid a claim to
exclusive possession.
" If the act of Captain Gra}-, in passing the bar and actually entering the river, is to
supersede the discovery of the entrance, which is all that is to be attributed to Heceta, then f
the principle of progression or gradual discovery being admitted as conveying, in
proportion to the extent of discovery or exploration, superior rights, tlie operations of
J '^a II coil e'er in entering^ surveying and exploring^ to a considerable distance in/and, the river
Columbia, would, as a necessary consequence, supersede the discovery of Captain Gray, to
sav nothing of the act of taking possession in the name of his so7<ercig}i, which ceremony zcas
duly pciformed and authentically recorded by Captain Vancouver.''^ J
The British Plenipotentiary then ingeniously arrays the more thorough surveys and
commercial enterprises of English navigators against the voj-ages of Spanish officers,
the voyage of Mackenzie across the continent against the expedition of Lewis and Clark,
and attempts to avoid the consequence of the restitution of Astoria in 18 iS. He then
presents his view of the attitude of the question in the following bold and arrogant
language :
" In fine, the present state of the question between the two governments appears to be
this : Great Britain possesses, and exercises in common with the United States, a right
of joint occupancy of the Oregon Territory, of which right she can be divested with
respect to an}- part of the territory only by an equitable partition of the whole between
the two powers. It is for obvious reasons desirable that such a partition should take place
as soon as possible; and the difficulty appears to be in devising a line of demarkation
which shall leave to each party that precise part of the territory best suited to its interests
and convenience."
Mr. Pakenham then justifies the British proposal of the Columbia river boundary :
" As regards extent of territory, they would obtain acre for acre nearly half of tlic
entire territory divided. As relates to the navigation of the principal river,' they would
enjoy a perfect equality of rights with Great Britain ; and, in respect to its harbors, it
would be seen that Great Britain shows every disposition to consult their convenience in
that particular. On the other hand, were Great Britain to abandon the line of the
Columbia river as a frontier, and to surrender her rights to the navigation of that river,
the prejudice occasioned to her by such arrangement would, beyond all proportion, exceed
the advantage accruing to the United States from the possession of a few more square
A L ALDERMAN,
DAYTON OR
HON. JOHN KELLY,
SPRINGFIELD, OR
J. L. STOUT,
ILWAGO.W.T.
GEO.MERRALL,
PORTLAND.OR
STATEMENT OF EXTENT OF CLAIMS OF UNITED STATES. 145
miles of territory. It must be obvious to every impartial investigator of the subject that,
in adhering to the line of the Columbia, Great Britain is not influenced by motives of
ambition with reference to extent of territory, but by considerations of utility, not to say
necessity, which cannot be lost sight of, and for which allowance ought to be made in an
arrangement professing to be based on considerations of mutual convenience and
advantage."
This admirable document, exhibiting so fearlessly how Great Britain progresses in
her determined mission, " by considerations of utility, not to say necessity," to preserve
to herself the elements of future wealth and grandeur, and at the same time an entire
change of front in regard to British claim to Oregon, closes with the request that Mr.
Calhoun will state the extent of the claims of the United States, and what proposal he has
to" offer for the adjustment of the controversy.
Mr. Calhoun answers, September 20, 1844, in that terseness of style and perspicuity
of expression for which the great Carolinian was so pre-eminent :
" The undersigned does not understand the counter-statement as denying that the
Spanish navigators were the first to discover and explore the entire coasts of the Oregon
Territory ; nor that Heceta was the first who discovered the mouth of the Columbia river ;
nor that Captain Gray was the first to pass the bar, enter its mouth and sail up its stream ;
nor that these, if jointly held by the United States, would give them the priority of
discovery which they claim. On the contrary, it would seem that the counter-statement,
from the ground it takes, admits that such would be the case on that supposition ; for it
assumes that Spain, in the Nootka Sound Convention, in 1790, divested herself of all
claim to the territory founded on the prior discovery and explorations of her navigators,
and that she could, consequently, transfer none to the United States by the Treaty of
Florida. Having put aside the claims of Spain by this assumption, the counter-statement
next attempts to oppose the claims of the United States, by those founded on the voyages
of Captains Cook and Meares, and to supersede the discover}^ of Captain Gray, on the
ground that Vancouver sailed farther up the Columbia river than he did, although he
effected it by Captain Gray's discoveries and charts. It will not be expected of the
undersigned that he should seriously undertake to repel what he is constrained to regard
as a mere assumption, unsustained by any reason. It is sufficient on his part to say that,
in his opinion, there is nothing in the Nootka Sound Convention, or in the transactions
which led to it, or in the circumstances attending it, to warrant the assumption. The
convention relates wholly to other subjects, and contains not a word in reference to the
claim of Spain. It is on this assumption that the counter-statement rests its objection to
the well-founded American claim to priority of discovery. Without it there would not
be a plausible objection left to them."
Mr. Calhoun follows with an examination of the counter-statement in detail, and thus
disposes of Mr. Pakenham's innuendo against the claim of continuity as urged by the
United States :
" The counter-statement intimates an objection to continuity as the foundation of a
right on the ground that it may more properly be considered (to use its own words) as
demonstrating the greater degree of interest which the United States possessed, by reason
of contiguity, in acquiring territory in a westward direction. Contiguity may, indeed, be
regarded as one of the elements constituting the right of continuity, which is more
comprehensive, and necessarily associated with the right of occupancy, as has been shown
in previous statement (September 3d). It also shows that the laws which usage has
146 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
established in the application of the right to this continent give to the European
settlements on its eastern coasts an indefinite extension westward. It is now too late for
Great Britain to denj' a right on which she has acted so long, and by which she has
profited so much, or to regard it as a mere facility, not affecting in any way the question
of right. On what other right has she extended her claims westwardly to the Pacific
Ocean from her settlements around Hudson's Bay, or expelled France from the east side
of the Missisippi river, in the war which terminated in 1763 ? "
He thus deals with the argument of Mr. Pakenham, that the Nootka Sound
Convention aifected the s/alus of Louisiana, while that province was a Spanish possession :
" As to assumption of the counter-statement, that Louisiana, while in the possession
of Spain, became subject to the Nootka Sound Convention, which, it is alleged, abrogated
all the claims of Spain to the territory, including those acquired with Louisiana, it will be
time enough to consider it after it shall be attempted to be shown that such in reality was
the effect. Li the meantime, the United States must continue to believe that they
acquired from France, bj' the Treaty of Louisiana, important and substantial claims to
the territory." ■
The United States' negotiator closes this document bj' joining issue with the British
Plenipotentiar}'. With what remarkable clearness he exhibits what had now become the
Oregon controversy !
"The undersigned cannot consent to the conclusion to which, on a review of the
whole ground, the counter-statement arrives, — that the present state of the question is,
that Great Britain possesses and exercises, in common with the United States, a right of
joint occupancy in the Oregon Territory, of which she can be divested only by an equitable
partition of the whole between the two powers. He claims, and he thinks he has shown,
a clear title on the part of the United States to the whole region drained by the Columbia,
with the right of being reinstated and considered the party in possession while treating of
the title, in which character he must insist on their being considered in conformity with
positive treaty .stipulations. He cannot, therefore, consent that they shall be regarded
during tlie negotiation merely as occupants in common with Great Britain. Nor can he,
while thus regarding their rights, present a counter-proposal based on the supposition of
a joint occupancy merely until the question of title to the territor}- is fully discussed. It
is, in his opinion, only after such a discussion, which shall fully present the titles of the
parties respectively to the territory, that their claims to it can be fairly and satisfactorih'
adjusted. The United States desire only what they may deem themselves justly entitled
to, and are unwilling to take less."
In response to the invitation of Mr. Pakenham, that Mr. Calhoun should define the
United States' claims to other portions of the territorv, bevond the regions drained b}- the
Columbia, he answers :
" The\- are derived from Spain by the Florida Treaty, and are founded on the
discoveries and explorations of her navigators, and which they must regard as giving them
a right to the extent to which they can be established, unless a better can be opposed."
This conclusive reply of Mr. Calhoun's terminated the correspondence. On the
24th of September, the last conference was held, at which Mr. Pakenham noted tlie
following protest :
" That, reserving for future occasions such observations as he might wish to present
by way of explanation, in repl}- to the statement last presented by the American
Plenipotentiary, he was for the present obliged to declare, with reference to the concluding
RESUME OF STATUS OF CLAIMANTS. 147
part of that statement, that he did not feci antJwrizcd to enter into discussion respecting the
territory north of the forty-ninth parallel of latitude^ which was understood by the British
government to form the basis of negotiation on the side of the United States, as the line of
the Columbia formed that of Great Britain. That the proposal which he had presented
was offered by Great Britain as an honorable compromise of the claims and pretensions of
both parties ; and that it would of course be understood as having been made subject to
the condition recorded in the protocol of the third conference held between the respective
Plenipotentiaries in London, December, 1S26."
After this illustration of British diplomacy, — to reserve the territory north of
forty-nine degrees, and offer to negotiate for the remainder, and tliat too as the
consideration of withdrawing from what she was willing tu concede to the United States —
this exhibition of her " perfect spirit of fairness," her " basis of equitable compromise,"
upon which Lord Aberdeen invited Mr. Webster, while Secretary of State, to a renewal of
negotiations, how eminently just was the remark, shortly afterwards made by him as a
Senator of the United States: " He did not believe that Great Britain had any just right
to any part of the country not tributary to the waters of the Hudson's Bay, and that side
of the continent. All her pretended right was founded on the encroachments of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and the usurpations, spoliations and diplomatic trickery of her
government."
The Oregon question had as materially changed in another feature. Indifference had
heretofore marked the actions of the American government and people. It now became
a matter of national concern. The arena of its discussion had become vastly enlarged.
No longer confined to the negotiations between diplomatic representatives of the respective
governments, it had become the leading topic in the United States Congress and British
Parliament. On the stump, orators maintained our title to the whole of Oregon, and
protested against compromise. The people of each nation held up their hands in support
of their respective governments. The question had arrived at its crisis; settlement or
rupture could not much longer be dela3^ed. Such was the change in the surroundings of
the question. The gist of the controversy had been alike transformed. England, from
a passive or negative position, had assumed the aggressive. No longer restricting herself
to questioning or denjang the claims of the United States, and claiming herself to be in
joint possession of the whole territory by force of a right to some portion, she stood upon
an exclusive right to the territory north of forty-nine degrees, and was ready to negotiate
for the region south of that parallel bounded south and east by the Columbia river.
True, even now she pretended to no greater affirmative right than when the controversy
originated ; but her more persistent denial of her rival's claims practical!}' amounted to
an assertion of exclusive right in herself Her rights were of that nature that she could
not abandon an occupancy extending throughout the territory, without the portion she
wanted was segregated and set apart for her sole enjoyment.
History may admire the wisdom which prompted the desire to acquire and maintain
a foothold upon the Pacific Ocean. Future generations may learn, that boldness of
pretensions and pertinacity in maintaining them are links of vast importance in claim
to territorj'. But it will, nevertheless, appear that Great Britain solemnly renounced, in
1763, all claim in America to territor}' westward of the Mississippi river; that the voyages
of British navigators to any portion of the northwest coast of America, subsequent to
that date, conferred no legitimate claim to any part of the coast, b}- right of discovery or
settlement; that Spain yielded to Great Britain no territorial rights by the Nootka Sound
148 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Conveutioii of 1790; that, although the right was conceded to make settlements in
unoccupied territory north of the line of actual Spanish settlements, Great Britain had
renounced whatever rights she had thus secured by the two conventions with the
United States of 1818 and 1827: ist. B}- that of 1818, in covenanting not to do any
act to the prejudice of the United States, or afij o//icr //a/io/i ; 2d. B}- that of 1S27, as
the United States had then succeeded to Spain, by renewing that stipulation; 3d. By
the omission of the word settlements in both of said conventions, which can only be
construed as evidencing the fact that Great Britain herself did not believe that her
pretensions to the territor}- derived au}^ strength whatever from the Nootka Sound
Convention ; and if she so regarded it, then it was a formal and final renunciation of
claim. That, apart from the fact that the forty-ninth parallel had been fixed as the
north boundary of the Louisiana Purchase, in accordance with the supposed intent and
meaning of the Treaty of Utrecht, there is not another act or fact, connected with the
histor}' of the Pacific coast, or of the territory abutting upon it, which attaches any
exchisiveness of claim as connected with said forty-ninth parallel. True, that line as a
boundary had been offered time and again ; but the wherefore, except as a compromise,
cannot be deduced from the histor}^ of discoveries, explorations or settlements made upon
the coast or within the territory' west of the Rocky Mountains.
W
' ,a .' -^-^
A.M.CANNON ESQ.
SPOKANE FALLS.W.T.
Chapter XX.
(1S35-1846.)
Congressional and Executive Action — The Oregon Question an Element of
American Politics — Presidential Election, 1844 — The Treaty of Limits, June
15, 1840.
WHIIvE the American government was working np to the determination to assert
sole occnpanc}' of whatever right of territory it possessed in Oregon, emigrants
from the United States had been settling in the territory ; and the leaven of healthy
Americanization was duly at work within its borders. Each of the processes of converting
Oregon from a possession of British trading companies to a territory of the United States
has its distinct history. Knowledge acquired from parties who had visited, traveled in,
or were residents of, the territor}-, enabled Executive departments and members of
Congress to act and speak more advisedly. So, also, did information embodied in
congressional reports and speeches serve to bring the country into notice, and prove a
stimulus to emigration. Senators and Representatives, imploring the government to do
its duty and take immediate steps to maintain its territorial rights, must have had a
powerful effect in creating the belief, by every American settler, that his government
would ultimately adopt measures to guarantee protection. The Federal government was
slow in arriving at its conclusion ; yet the validity of American claim had always been
maintained. In the negotiations during the protracted struggle, it was a source of proud
satisfaction that the United States negotiators had always held the advantage. The real
cloud to be removed was ignorance of the value and importance of the country.
Apathy existed, engendered by the feeling that the region was so remote, so inaccessible ;
for that reason alone the opinion had been readily adopted that the country was not worth
contending for. Ignorance of its resources, and failure to appreciate the future
importance of the Pacific slope ; the remoteness of Oregon from the seat of government,
and the then centers of population and American power ; the vast quantity of unoccupied
land lying between ; the belief that the Rocky Mountains were an insurmountable obstacle
to the land transit of the continent, constituting a line which must effectually divide
settlements on the western slope from those on the eastern, — the poet's thought had been
accepted as a truism: "Mountains interposed make enemies of nations, who had else, like
kindred drops, been mingled into one. "
All these, and more especially repugnance to a contest with Great Britain, combined
to prolong the controversy, and afforded that nation the opportunity of securing a foothold
within the territory, most difficult to remove. There were, however, acts of government,
revivals of efforts in Congress to relieve this pathway to American occupancy of
Oregon, of its seeming indifference. Here and there a champion was found to plead
the cause of the American Oregon. Now and then some resolution was introduced
provoking discussion, in which manly claims were asserted, and which tended to create the
( 149 )
150 HISTORY OF PACIFIC XORTHWEST — OREGON AXD WASHINGTON.
belief that the United States did intend at some time to assert sole jurisdiction over
Oregon. These occurrences, 'tis true, were " few and far between ;" the aggregation of
them will be presented in this chapter.
In the latter part of 1S35 (November 11), President Jackson appointed William A.
Slacum, United States Navy, special agent to visit Oregon Territor}- to examine into its
political, physical and geographical condition. His duty was " to stop at different
settlements of Whites on the coast of the United States, and on the banks of the Columbia
river, and also at the various Indian villages on the banks, or in the immediate neighborhood
of that river; ascertain as near as possible the population of each ; the relative number of
Whites (distinguishing the nation to which they belong) and aborigines ; the jurisdiction
the Whites acknowledged ; the sentiments entertained b}- all in respect to the United
States, and to European powers having possessions in that region; and generally to
endeavor to obtain all such information, political, physical, statistical and geographical, as
ma}' prove useful to the government."
The result of Air. Slacum's observations was embodied in a memorial to Congress on
the iSth of December, 1837.
At the second session of the twenty-fifth Congress, 1837-8, the Oregon question was
revived. In the Senate, Lewis F. Linn, of Missouri, and, in the House, Caleb Cushing,
of Massachusetts, abl}' and earnestly labored for the Americanization of Oregon. Mr.
Linn introduced a bill on the 7th of February (183S), establishing a territory north of
latitude forty-two degrees north, and west of the Rocky Mountains, to be called Oregon
Territor}-. It provided for the erecting of a fort at the mouth of the Columbia, and the
occupanc}' of the territor}- by United States troops. A port of entry was located; and the
revenue laws were to be extended over the territory. Fifty thousand dollars were to be
appropriated to carry into effect the provisions of the bill. Mr. Linn moved its reference
to the Committee on Military Affairs. After some discussion, in which Senators Clay,
Buchanan and Benton participated, on motion of the latter it was referred to a select
Committee of five, with Mr. Linn as chairman. The Vice-President filled the committee
by appointing William C. Preston of South Carolina, Robert J. Walker of Mississippi,
Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, and Garret D. Wall of New Jersey.
On the 13th of February, on motion of Mr. Linn, the Secretary of War was requested
to furnish all information in possession of the department relating to Oregon Territory,
and cause a map to be made of all the country claimed by the United States on the
western slope of the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean.
On the 25th of May, Mr. Linn reported the bill with amendments, and presented au
elaborate report, accompanied with valuable statistics, giving a truthful picture of the
territory, a thorough vindication of the claim of the United States, and unanswerable
reasons why the govenimeut should not further delay in the settlement of the controversy.
While these proceedings were being consummated in the Senate, Mr. Cushing
introduced the subject in the House of Representatives, offering a resolution, March 17,
1838, calling upon the President for information relative to the subjects of officers of any
foreign government intermeddling with the Indian tribes in Michigan, Wisconsin and the
territory bc}-ond the Rocky Mountains, or elsewhere within the limits of the United
States, by the supply of munitions of war, the distribution of gratuities or pensions, or
othenvise ; and likewise all correspondence, in regard to the title and occupation of the
territory of the United States beyond the Rocky Mountains.
EXPEDITION OF LIEUTENANT CHARLES WILKES. 151
On the 3rd of IMa\', President Van Buren transmitted to the House a report from the
Secretary of State, embodying the correspondence in regard to the title and occupation of
the territor}-. On the 17th, ]\Ir. Gushing moved the reference of the message to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, with instructions to inquire into the expediency of
establishing a post on the Columbia river for the defense and occupation of the territory
of the United States watered by said river, and of provision by law to prevent any
intermeddling by subjects of any foreign power with Indians of the territor3\ In support
of the motion, Mr. Cushing addressed the House that day, concluding his remarks on the
22d. Mr. Howard, of Marj-land, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, replied
to Mr. Cashing. Mr. Elmore, of South Carolina, moved to amend the resolution, directing
the committee to inquire into the extent of the country claimed, the title under which it is
claimed, and the evidence of the correctness of title, the extent of seacoast, the number
aud description of harbors, nature of climate, soil, productions and trade, and whether it is
expedient to establish a territorial government, or one or more military posts, with the
expense thereof. Mr. Elmore expressing a desire to speak to his motion, the House
adjourned. Upon the next day he yielded the floor, and the resolution, as proposed by
Mr. Cushing, was adopted. This concluded all legislation in regard to Oregon that
session.
By act of Congress, approved March 14, 1836, the President had been authorized to
send out an exploring expedition to the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas. On the 20th
of March, 1S38, Lieutenant Charles Wilkes was assigned to command. The sloops-of-war
Vincennes and Peacock^ the ship Reliefs brig Porpoise^ and tenders Sea Gull and Flying
Fish^ were placed under his orders. On the nth of August, 183S, Secretary Paulding
issued instructions to Lieutenant Wilkes, which, having designated where he should
cruise until his arrival at the Sandwich Islands, orders : " Thence you will direct your
course to the northwest coast of America, making such surveys and examinations, first of
the territory of the United States on the seaboard of the Columbia river, and afterwards
along the coast of California, with special reference to the Bay of San Francisco, as you
can accomplish by the month of October following your arrival." On the 17th of August,
that year, the exploring squadron sailed from Hampton Roads. At the next session of
Congress, Mr. Linn (December 11, 1838), introduced in the Senate a bill "to authorize
the occupation of the Columbia or Oregon Territory," which was referred to a Select
Committee, consisting of Mr. Linn, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay, Robert J. Walker and
Franklin Pierce. In the House of Representatives, Mr. Cushing, from the Committee on
Foreign Affairs, submitted an elaborate report, in which the American title is exhaustively
maintained, the importance of the countrj' demonstrated, and the policy of Great Britain,
operating through the Hudson's Bay Compau}^, to acquire the sole occupancy of the
territory and control of the Indian population, thoroughly exposed. A bill accompanied,
directing the President to employ such portion of the army and nav}' as he deemed
necessary for the protection of the citizens of the United States who resided in the
territory of Oregon, or are employed in commerce on the Columbia river, or its tributaries,
or upon the adjacent coasts.
On the 2Sth of January, 1838, Mr. Linn presented in the Senate the first petition
from American settlers in Oregon, signed by J. S. Whitcom and thirty-five others residing
south of the Columbia river, praying Congress to extend protection to their settlements
aud to embrace Oregon within Federal jurisdiction. On the 22d of Februar}-, Mr. Linn
addressed the Senate in favor of his bill ( introduced at the previous session). Some
152 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Senators suggested that its passage during the pendency of negotiations with Great
Britain on the northeast boundary might by the latter government be regarded as an
unfriendly act tending to embarrass the negotiations ; and the bill and petition were
referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
At the next session, Air. Linn introduced (December i8, 1839) joint resolutions upon
the Oregon question, which were referred to a Select Committee, of which he was
appointed chairman. On the 31st of March, 1840, he reported substitute resolutions,
authorizing the President to adopt such measures as would secure protection to the
persons and property of citizens of the United States residing in Oregon, and to erect
a line of military posts from F'ort Leavenworth to the Rock}^ Mountains. They also
provided that, after the adjustment of the boundaries between Great Britain and the
United States, one thousand acres should be donated to each White inhabitant over
eighteen 3'ears of age, and that an Indian agent should be appointed for the territory.
On the 2Sth of April, 1840, Senator Linn introduced a bill "to extend certain portions
of laws of the United States over the territory." But the Senate closed its session without
coming to a vote on either of Mr. Linn's proposed measures. On the 8tli of January,
1841 (t\vent3--sixth Congress, second session), Mr. Linn introduced a resolution authorizing
the President to take measures to secure the occupation and settlement of Oregon Territory,
and for extending over it certain laws of the United States.
At the extra session (first session, twenty-seventh Congress), Mr. Linn, August 2d,
introduced a resolution requesting the President to give the twelve months' notice to
Great Britain (as required b}^ the treaty of 1827) of the termination of the convention
pennitting a joint occupancy of the territory west of the Rocky Mountains. By consent
of Mr. Linn, the resolution was so modified as to direct the Committee on Foreign
Relations to inquire into the expedienc}' of making such a request of the President. The
committee never reported. At the second session of this Congress, Mr. Linn introduced
a bill (December 16, 1841), the preamble of which recited: "Whereas, the title of the
United States to the territory of Oregon is certain and will not be abandoned." This bill,
like its predecessors, looked to the assertion of sovereignt}' over Oregon, the establishment
of a line of posts from the Alissouri river to the best pass for entering the valley of the
Oregon, and also a fort at or near the mouth of the Columbia river. It provided for a
grant of a section of land to each settler, and the appointment of two Indian agents. The
laws of Iowa were to be in force in the territory ; with the proviso that, if an offender
were a British subject, he was to be delivered to the British authorities. Two additional
justices of the Supreme Court of Iowa were provided in consequence of the enlarged
jurisdiction. The office of justice of the peace was created, and jurisdiction defined.
The Select Committee unanimously recommended the passage of the bill. Before its
consideration had been reached, Lord Ashburton, special ambassador, charged with
negotiating certain matters of difference between the two countries, arrived. It was
generally supposed that the Oregon boundary was among the questions for settlement ;
hence further action was suspended in Congress. The Ashburton- Webster negotiations
did not include adjustment of the Oregon boundary, and terminated with tlie treaty of
.•\ugust, 1S42, generally remembered as the Ashburton Treaty.
Early in the spring of 1842, the Indian Bureau appointed Dr. Elijah \Miite, of
Oregon, sub Indian agent of the territory west of the Rocky Mountains.
The United States exploring expedition, commanded by Lieutenant Charles Wilkes,
spent the summer months of 1S41 in surveying the Columbia river, the bays and harbors
N.A.EBERMAN,
SEASIDE, OR.
I
I
EXTRACT FROM PRESIDENT TYLER'S ANNUAL MESSAGE. 153
of Paget Sound, and making explorations of the country. In 1842, Lieutenant J. C.
Fremont, United States Army, by order of the Topographical Bureau, examined the
country westward from the Missouri frontier to the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains.
In 1843, Fremont went to the Columbia river, connecting his work of 1842 with the survey
of Lieutenant Wilkes. Those overland expeditions were of value, in their effect upon the
popular mind, vastly beyond any information furnished to the country and the routes
thereto. They served to verify what trappers and missionaries had years before made
known. Their great importance, however, was a realization of the hope that the
government was about to assert jurisdiction; that it was growing alive to its duty of
protecting the emigrant and encouraging settlement.
Doubt no longer remained that Oregon was to be settled by a population from the
United States. At this period the scene was about to change. The Oregon question had
become a theme of popular discussion. Oregon settlement had become a matter of popular
interest. Now is heard
" The tread of pioneers
Of uations yet to be ;
The first low wash of waves, where soon
Shall roll a humau sea."
On two occasions, the government had 3aelded to Great Britain opportunity of
maturing and manufacturing claim by admission of a joint occupancy of the territory.
But henceforward the actual presence of settlers from the United States within the territory
is the assurance that the transition has commenced ; that Oregon has passed through her
middle age. She is about to shake off the worse than feudal bonds whicli have retarded
her career. She is to be transformed from a mere hunting park and dependency, held by
the Hudson's Bay Company, attorney-in-fact of Great Britain. She is to become an
American territory; to be dedicated to American settlement; to become an integral portion
of the American Union. Within the limits of the territory, " governments are to be
founded on the natural authority of the people."
Still the government continued inactive; but the people responded to the distant
voice from Oregon. Throughout the nation, emigration societies were formed to people
that territory. Those associations agitated the public mind as to the importance of
Oregon. Petitions to Congress invoked governmental action. State legislatures passed
memorials, and instructed their Senators and Representatives in Congress. The
American element in Oregon breathed out its eloquent appeal that it might be fostered
and guaranteed protection. Interest in Oregon had become national. The voice of the
people was giving its mandate to the government, to abandon the policy of " masterly
inactivit}'," and reclaim its own. The first effort of the American settlers (in 1841) to
form a provisional government had been unattended with success. The influence of the
Hudson's Bay Company, the Roman Catholic mission, and the advice of Lieutenant
Wilkes, delayed the effort; yet the attempt provoked the attention of the people of the
United States. In 1842, a numerous emigration crossed the plains and arrived in Oregon.
On the 7th of December, 1842, President Tyler's annual message, having commented
on the relations of the government with Great Britain as satisfactorily changed by the
ratification of the Ashburton Treaty, thus refers to Oregon:
" It would have furnished additional cause for congratulation if the treaty could have
embraced all subjects calculated in future to lead to a misunderstanding between the two
governments. The territory of the United States commonly called Oregon Territory,
154 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
lying on the Pacific Ocean, north of the forty-second degree of latitude, to a portion of
which Great Britain lays claim, begins to attract the attention of our fellow-citizens; and
the tide of population, which has reclaimed what was so lately an unbroken wilderness
in more contiguous regions, is preparing to flow over those vast districts which stretch
from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. In advance of the acquirement of(
individual rights to these lands, sound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted
to by the two governments to settle their respective claims. It became manifest at an
early hour of the late negotiations that au}' attempt, for the time being, satisfactoril}'
to determine these rights, would lead to a protracted discussion, which might embrace
in its failure other more pressing matters; and the Executive did not regard it as proper
to waive all the advantages of an honorable adjustment of other difficulties of great
magnitude and importance, because this, not so immediately pressing, stood in the way.
Although the difficult}- referred to may not, for several years to come, involve the peace
of the two countries, yet I shall not delay to urge on Great Britain the importance of its
early settlement."
Some Senators thought differently. Mr. Linn urged that the action of the government
in reclaiming Oregon was "immediately pressing." On the 2ist of December, 1S42, he
introduced in the Senate a resolution, " that the President be requested to inform the
Senate of the nature and extent of the informal communications " which took place
between the American Secretary of State (Daniel Webster) and the British special
Minister (Lord Ashburton) on the " subject of the claims of the United States and Great
Britain to the territory west of the Rock}- Mountains " and also the reasons which
prevented any agreement, and which made it inexpedient to include that subject among
the subjects of formal negotiation. The resolution was adopted. On tlie 19th, he had
introduced a bill to authorize the adoption of measures for the occupation and settlement
of the territory, with similar provisions to bills previously introduced. It was referred
to a Select Committee, consisting of Messrs. Linn, Walker, Sevier, Merrick and Phelps.
On the 2 1st of December, the committee unanimousl}- recommended its passage. After
protracted debate, the bill passed February 6, 1843, bj- a vote of twenty-four aj-es,
twent3'-two noes.
Reported to the House, it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr.
Reynolds of Illinois, on the 9th of Februar}-,- 1843, reported from the Select Committee on
Oregon Territory a bill of similar provisions to the Senate bill, which was also referred to
the Committee on Foreign Affairs. John Ouincy Adams, chairman of that committee,
reported adversely to the passage of the bill, on the ground that the government had
precluded itself from taking any step towards the occupancy of the territory until the
twelve months' notice had been given to Great Britain, as provided in the convention of
1827. That report disposed of the bill in the House for that session.
The passage of the " Linn bill " was among the last of the persistent efforts of Dr.
Lewis F. Linn, the devoted champion of the American Oregon. He died October 3, 1843,
at liis residence in St. Genevieve, Missouri. Those who dwell with interest upon the
history of the great Northwest, who linger with pride as they recall the efforts of American
statesmen to develop the nation and extend the blessings of free institutions, constitutional
liberty, and the rights of mankind, will read with grateful satisfaction the merited tribute
to the memory of this father of American Oregon by his illustrious colleague, Thomas
H. Benton. Sa3's he :
TRIBUTE TO DR. LEWIS F. LINN. 155
" But how can I omit the last great act, as yet unfinished, in which his whole soul
was engaged at the time of his death. The bill for the occupation and settlement of
Oregon was his ; and he carried it through the Senate when his colleague, who now
addresses you, could not have done it. There is another historical truth fit to be made
known on this occasion, and which it is declared to this large and respectable assembly
under all the circumstances which impart solemnity to the declaration. He carried that
bill through the Senate ; and it was the measure of a statesman. Just to the settler, it
was wise to the government, x^las ! that he should not have been spared to put the
finishing hand to a measure which was to reward the emigrant, to protect his country, to
curb England, and to connect his own name with the foundation of an empire. But it is
done. The unfinished work will go on ; it will be completed, and the name of Linn will
not be forgotten. That name will live and be connected with Oregon while its banks bear
a plant, or its waters roll a wave."
At the commencement of 1S43-4, President Tyler thus invokes the attention of
Congress to Oregon:
"The territorial limits of the two countries (Great Britain and the United States) in
relation to what is commonly known as Oregon Territory, still remain in dispute. The
United States would at all times be indisposed to aggrandize themselves at the expense of
au}- other nation ; but, while they would be restrained by principles of honor, — which
should govern the conduct of nations as well as individuals, — from setting up a demand for
territory which does not belong to them, the}' would as unwillingly consent to a surrender
of their rights. After the most rigid, and, as far as practicable, unbiased examination of
the subject, the United States have alwaj-s contended that their rights appertain to the
entire region of country lying on the Pacific, and embraced within forty-two degrees and
fifty-four degrees, forty minutes of north latitude. This claim being controverted by
Great Britain, those who have preceded the present Executive, actuated no doubt by an
earnest desire to adjust the matter upon terms mutually satisfactory to both countries,
have caused to be submitted to the British government proposals for settlement and final
adjustment, which, however, have not proved heretofore acceptable to it.
" Our Minister at London has, under instructions, again brought that subject to the
consideration of that government ; and, while nothing will be done to compromise the
rights or honor of the United States, every proper expedient will be resorted to in order to
bring the negotiation now in progress of resumption to a speedy and happy termination.
In the meantime, it is proper to remark that many of our citizens are either already
established in that territory, or are on their way thither for the purpose of forming perfect
settlements, while others are preparing to follow. And, in view of these facts, I must
repeat the recommendation contained in previous messages, for the establishment of
military posts at such jalaces on the line of travel as will furnish security and protection to
our hardy adventurers against hostile tribes of Indians inhabiting those extensive regions.
Our laws should also follow them, so modified as the circumstances of the case seem
to require. Under the influence of our free system of government, new republics are
destined to spring up at no distant day. on the shores of the Pacific, similar in policy and
feeling to those existing on this side of the Rocky Mountains, and giving a wider and
more extensive spread to the principles of civil and religious liberty."
At the session of Congress 1843-4, memorials, petitions and resolutions of state
legislatures and popular assemblages in all portions of the Union flooded in upon
Congress. Acts providing for the immediate resumption of the claim of the United States
150 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to the whole of Oregon, and to give notice to Great Britain of the termination of the
convention of 1827, were introduced and discussed. During the recess of Congress, the
Presidential election transpired. The Democratic National Convention in its platform
declared : " Our title to the whole of Oregon is clear and unquestionable. No portion of
the same ought to be ceded to England or any other power ; and the reoccupation of
Oregon at the earliest practical period is a great American measure."
James. K. Polk, of Tennessee, was the nominee of that part}- for President of the
United States. In accepting the nomination, the people had the assurance that he intended
to adopt those principles as the polic}^ to govern his administration in the event of his
election. This remark is not a reflection on his subsequent administration, hampered as the
government must have regarded itself by previously repeated offers of compromise by
preceding E.xecutives. It is stated to exhibit the value that the great political part}- v.-ho
supported Mr. Polk's election attached to the American claim to Oregon. " Fiftj'-four,
forty or fight " was the issue, as it was understood and accepted. Earnestl}- that party
went to the ballot-box, and there asserted that " war with Great Britain was preferable to
a surrender of an)- part of Oregon."
The position of the Whig party, if not so arrogant in assertion of claim, was equallj-
unequivocal upon the validity of the United States' title. Henry Clay, its most illustrious
chief, was selected as its nominee for the Presidency. His position on the title to Oregon
was well defined. On May 8, 1826, in his instructions to the Panama commissioners, he
had irrevocably committed himself on the measure of relative claim by foreign powers to
the territory on the northwest coast. Said he :
" From the northeastern limits of the United States in North America, to Cape Horn
in South America, on the Atlantic Ocean, with one or two inconsiderable exceptions, and
from the same cape to the fifly-liist degree of north latitude in North America, on the Pacific
Ocean, without any exception, the whole coast and countries belong to sovereign resident
American powers. There is, therefore, no chasm within the prescribed limits in which a
new European colony could now be introduced, without violating the territorial rights of
some American state. An attempt to acquire such a colon)', and by its establishment to
acquire any sovereign rights for an}- European power, must be regarded an inadmissible
encroachment."
Shortly subsequent to the date of that instruction, in one of his dispatches to Mr.
Gallatin, referring to the acquisition of Spanish title by the Florida Treaty, Mr. Clay
asserted : " Our right extended to the sixtieth degree of latitude^ Voting for either of
the candidates for President was voting that " our claim to Oregon was clear and
unquestionable ; " while voting for Mr. Polk carried with it also the assent that war was
to be preferred to the surrender to Great Britain of any portion of that territor}-. Such
was the attitude of the two great political parties ; such the opinion as to the title to
Oregon entertained by the respective Presidential nominees. From the national Capitol,
the Oregon question was transferred to the stump. Throughout the nation, at every
political meeting, appeals were made to the popular heart ; and the response was
enthusiastic : " Oregon of right belongs to the United States ; and it is the duty of the
government, at all hazards, to maintain that right unimpaired." Never in the history of
any country was a popular verdict so unmistakably and unanimously rendered. Never
was a government more signally advised by the voice of a united people. The popular
pulse had been felt ; and it beat strongly in favor of prompt and decisive measures to secure
the immediate reoccupation of Oregon. It equally proclaimed "that no portion thereof
ought to be ceded to England."
HON.R R PRIM
JACKSONVILLE, OR.
HENRY KLIPPEL,
JACKSONVILLE, OR.
cap: henry H.WOODWARD,
ROSEBURGH, OR.
E.K.ANDERSON,
ASHLAND, OR.
J. M. MCCALL,
ASHLAND, OR
CONGRESSIONAL AND EXECUTIVE ACTION. 157
President Tyler, at the opening of the session of 1S44-5, i" his annual message,
informed Congress that negotiations had been resumed. He urgently reiterated his
previous recommendations, designed to protect and facilitate emigration, and adds :
" Legislative enactments should also be made which should spread over him (the
emigrant) the trgis of our laws, so as to afford protection to his personal propert}- when
he has reached his distant home. In this latter respect, the British government has been
much more careful of the interests of such of her people as are to be found in that
countr}' than have the United States. She has made necessary provision for their security
and protection against the acts of the viciousl}- disposed and lawless ; and her emigrant
reposes in safety under the panoply of her laws."
President Tj-ler's administration ended without satisfactory termination of the
negotiations. On the 15th of January, 1845, ^^^ British Minister (Sir R. Pakenham)
proposed that the matters in controversy be settled by arbitration ; which Mr. Calhoun
declined, January 21, in a brief note, expressing "the hope that the question may be
settled by the negotiations pending between the two countries."
In the house of Representatives, December 16, 1844, under a suspension of rules (125
ayes, 53 noes), Mr. Duncan introduced a bill "to organize a territorial government in
Oregon." The bill was referred to the Committee on Territories, and reported to the
House December 23a. It provided a government for the territory west of the Rocky
Mountains, bounded south by latitude forty-two degrees north, and on the north by
latitude fifty-four degrees, forty minutes north. A governor, who was also to act as Indian
agent, a judge, secretary, marshal and attorney were to be appointed by the President. It
provided for a legislative assembly, consisting of a council to be composed of five members,
and a house of representatives not to exceed fifty members. The council was to be
selected by the house of representatives, one to go out annually ; every five hundred
inhabitants were entitled to a representative. The elective franchise was restricted to
citizens of the states or territories, unless actual residents of the territor}'. All suspected
of a want of fidelit}' to the United States, or who refused to take the oath of allegiance
thereto, were excluded from voting. The veto power was conferred on the governor ; but
laws could be passed over the veto b}- two-thirds. Congress reserved the right to
disapprove anj' law passed by the legislative assembly. Suitable forts were to be
established within the territory, and on the main routes leading thereto.
The bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole ; where, on motion of Robert C.
Winthrop, of Massachusetts, by a vote of one hundred and thirt}'-one to sixtj^-nine, it was
amended by incorporating the proviso, "that there shall neither be slavery nor involuntary
servitude in the said territorj-, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the
part}' shall have been duly convicted." That glorious vote, dedicating to freedom the
great Northwest, explains wh}- so much of Oregon so soon thereafter was so readily
surrendered to Great Britain. Lying north of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes (the
compromise line on the admission of Missouri ), it would necessarily remain free territory
and ultimately become free states. The territorial integrit}- of Oregon, though so heartily
indorsed by the people, had been already' sacrificed. The bill was further amended to
require the delivery to British authorities of any British subject arrested. Grants of land
were made, subject to the settlement of the title of the territory by the two governments.
No obstruction of harbors, bays or rivers, against vessels and subjects of Great Britain,
was to be permitted until the twelve months' notice should have been given to Great
Britain, as provided by the convention of 1827. The amendment requiring the President
158 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to give said notice, and to secure the rights of British subjects until the termination of
the requisite twelve months, passed by a vote of one hundred and twentj^-one to eighty-two.
The bill passed Februar}' 3, 1S45 : aj-es one hiindred and forty, noes fift3'-nine.
In the Senate, Mr. Atchison of Missouri introduced, December 19, 1S44, a bill to
organize a territorial government in Oregon, which was referred to a Select Committee,
consisting of Messrs. Atchison, Walker, Rives, Crittenden and Allen. On the i6th of
January, 1845, ^I''"- Atchison reported the bill with an amendment. On the 4th of
February, the House bill was read and referred to the Select Committee on Oregon
Territory. On the 7th, the bill was reported to the Senate, with an amendment. On the
19th of February, in answer to a resolution of the Senate, President Tyler reported that
the negotiations were progressing favorably. On the 3d of March, the friends of Oregon
tried to press the Senate to a vote upon the bill ; but that bod}- (twenty-one ayes,
twenty-three noes) refused.
Up to the close of President Tyler's administration, both branches of Congress, at
different sessions, had asserted by the passage of bills that immediate measures should be
taken by the government to reoccupy Oregon. In the election of 1844, the people had,
with eutire unanimity, expressed their will that the government would be sustained in
extreme measures adopted to settle the Oregon question. It may be trul}^ claimed that
the sole occupancy of the whole of Oregon Territor}^ by the United States had been
advised by the American people.
That the President-elect so construed the popular verdict is evident from his very
able inaugural address, March 4, 1845, ^^1 which he thus in advance committed his
administration :
" Nor will it become in a less degree ni}- dut}- to assert and maintain, b}- all
constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of our territory which
is bej'ond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to the country of Oregon is clear and
unquestionable ; and already are our people preparing to perfect that title b}- occup3'ing
it with their wives and children. Within that period, within the lifetime, I might say, of
some of my hearers, our people, increasing to many millions, have filled the eastern
valle}' of the Mississippi ; adventurousl}- ascended the Missouri to its head springs ; and
are already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in val]e3-s, of which
the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of
our emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately, wherever they
may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws and the benefits of our republican
institutions should be extended over them in the distant regions which they have selected
for their homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse will easil}' bring the states, of
which the formation in that territory cannot be long delayed, within the sphere of our
Federative Union. In the meantime, every obligation imposed by treat}- or conventional
stipulations should be sacredly respected."
On the i6th of July, 1845, a conference was held between James Buchanan, Secretary
of State, and Sir Richard Pakenham, British Minister, when negotiations were resumed.
Mr. Buchanan had presented a proposition dated July 12th, in which he most lucidly-
demonstrated the title of the United States to the whole territory. He concluded :
" We have a perfect right to claim under both these titles ; and the Spanish title
alone, even if it were necessar}- to confine ourselves to it, would, in the opinion of the
President, be good as against Great Britain, not merely to the valley of the Columbia,
but the whole territorj' of Oregon. Our own American title to the extent of the valle}- of
RESUME OF NEGOTIATIONS. 159
the Columbia, resting as it does on discover_v, exploration and possession (a possession
acknowledged by a most solemn act of the British government itself), is a sufficient
assurance against all mankind ; whilst our superadded title, derived from Spain, extends
our exclusive rights over the whole territory in dispute, as against Great Britain."
" Such being the opinion of the President in regard to the title of the United States,
he could not have consented to yield any portion of the Oregon Territory, had he not found
himself embarrassed, if not committed, by the acts of his predecessors. In view of these
facts, the President has determined to pursue the present negotiation to its conclusion
upon the principle of compromise in which it commenced, and to make one more effort
to adjust this long-pending controversy. He has, therefore, instructed the undersigned
again to propose to the government of Great Britain, that the Oregon Territory shall be
divided between the two countries by the fort3'-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the
Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, offering at the same time to make free to Great
Britain any port or ports on Vancouver Island south of this parallel, which the British
government may desire."
The British Minister, under date of Jul}' 29th, assumed the responsibility of rejecting
this offer. Mr. Buchanan, in an elaborate reply (August 30th), ably reviewed Mr.
Pakenham's position, and thus closed the negotiation :
"And how has this proposition been received by the British Plenipotentiary ? It has
been rejected without even a reference to his own government. Nay, more, the British
Plenipotentiar}', to use his own language, ' trusts that the American Plenipotentiary will
prepare to offer some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question, more
consistent ivith fairness and equity^ and ivith the reasonable expectations of the British
government.' Under such circumstances, the undersigned is instructed by the President
to say that he owes it to his country, and a just appreciation of her title to the Oregon
Territory', to withdraw the proposition to the British government which has been made
under his direction ; and it is hereby accordingly withdrawn."
Matters were in this situation at the commencement of the session of Congress,
December 21, 1S45, when President Polk delivered his first annual message. That
document contains a most interesting history of the negotiations. They were evidently
cited by the President in justification of his magnanimous and liberal offer of compromise,
in view of the committal of the administration by his letter of acceptance and inaugural
address. That the administration, after so man}' repeated offers by predecessors, should
have attempted to secure a peaceful adjustment, is in the highest degree commendable.
No censure can justly attach for that effort to maintain peace between nations. By its
manly assertion of the United States' claim, the Polk administration had brought the
Oregon question to the happiest juncture occupied in its forty years' discussion. The
administration had embraced the opportunity to withdraw its offer of compromise ; and
the nation now asserted its rightful title to the whole territor}'. Its peace-oflfering had
been spurned, and, by direction of the President, had been formally withdrawn. The
administration was free and untrammeled. It was about to march forward to give effect
to the great popular mandate of 1844, that no portion of Oregon should be ceded to Great
Britain. Such appeared to have been the animus of the President in that first message
to Congress. He urged that the twelve months' notice to Great Britain required b}' the
convention of 1S27 should immediately be given ; that the United States desired the
abrogation of the Joint-Occupancy Treaty. He invoked Congress to adopt measures for
160 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
maintaining the rights of the United States to the whole of Oregon ; that Federal
jurisdiction be extended over the territor}'. He recommended such legislation as would
afford protection and securit}' to American settlers.
In both houses of Congress numerous measures, responsive to the President's
suggestions, were introduced. The House of Representatives, on the 9th of February,
1846, by the decisive vote of one hundred and sixty-three to fifty-four, passed a joint
resolution directing the President to give Great Britain twelve months' notice of the desire
of the United States to abrogate the convention of 1827. The Senate modified the resolution
so as to authorize the President, " at his discretion," to give such notice, and passed it
April i6th, by a vote of forty to fourteen. The House of Representatives refused to
concur in the Senate amendment, which led to a conference, resulting in the Senate
phraseology being substantially adopted. On the 23d of April, the resolution passed both
houses : In the Senate, forty-two ayes, ten noes ; in the House, one hundred and forty-two
ayes, forty-six noes.
The notice embodying the joint resolution was promptly given April 28, 1846. The
occasion was so important, such proceeding so unusual between nations, the precedent
of such weight)^ interest, that its insertion at length is justified :
"Whereas, the Congress of the United States have adopted a 'Joint Resolution
concerning the Oregon Territor}^,' of which the following is a copy :
"'Joint Resolution concerning the Oregon Territory.
" ' Whereas, by the convention concluded the twentieth da}' of October, eighteen
hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten j'ears, and afterwards
indefinite!}' extended and continued in force b}' another convention of the same parties,
concluded the sixth day of August, in the 3-ear of our Lord eighteen hundred and
twenty-seven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed b}- either party on the
northwest coast of America westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, now commonl}'
called the Oregon Territory, should, together with its harbors, ba3's and creeks, and the
navigation of all rivers within the same, be " free and open " to the vessels, citizens, and
siibjects of the two powers, biit without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties
might have on any part of said country; and with this further provision, in the second
article of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven,
that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, on giving due notice of twelve
months to the other contracting party.
" ' And whereas, it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United
States and Great Britain should be definitelj' settled; and that said territory may, no
longer than need be, remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of
its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national
jurisdiction, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two
countries.
" ' With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention
of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, in the mode prescribed in its
second article, and that the attention of the governments of both countries may be more
M.
A.A.PLUMMER,
PORT TOWNSEND, W. T-
A PIONEER or 1850 ,
1
4
JOINT RESOLUTION CONCERNING THE OREGON TERRITORY. 161
earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper measures for a speedy and amicable
adjustment of the differences and disputes in regard to the said territory :
" ' Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America, in Congress assembled, that the President of the United States be, and he is
hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give to the government of Great Britain the notice
required by the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen
hundred and t\vent3--seven, for the abrogation of the same.
" 'Approved April 27, 1S46.'
" Now, therefore, after a careful consideration of the premises, I, James K. Polk,
President of the United States, in the exercise of the authorit}' and discretion vested in
me by the said 'joint resolution concerning the Oregon Territory,' and in pursuance of
the second article of the convention of the 6th August, 1827, therein mentioned, do hereby,
in behalf of the United States, give notice to her Majesty, the Queen of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, that, at the end of twelve months from and after
the delivery of these presents by the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States at London, to her Britannic Majesty, or to her Alajesty's principal
Secretar}' of State for Foreign Affairs, the said convention shall be entirely annulled and
abrogated.
" In testimony thereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto
affixed. Given under my hand, this twenty-eighth day of April, A. D. 1846, and of the
independence of the said United States the seventieth.
[l. s.] "James K. Polk.
" By the President ;
r" James Buchanan, Secretary of State."
The acceptance of the notice was equally prompt. It was as follows :
"Foreign Office, May 22, 1846.
" The undersigned, her Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Aifairs, has
had the honor to receive the note of Mr. McLane, Envoy Extraordinary and Aliuister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, dated the 20th, and delivered on the 24th
instant, inclosing the document dated the 28th day of April, signed bj' the President of
the United States of America, and countersigned b}' the Secretary of State, in which, after
reciting a joint resolution concerning the Oregon Territorv which has been adopted bv
the Congress of the United States, the President, in conformit}^ with the terms of that
resolution, gives to her Britannic Majesty's government the notice required b^- the second
article of the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, between Great Britain and the
United States, for the abrogation of the same. The undersigned acknowledges,
accordingly, on the part of her Majesty's government, the receipt of the said notice, and
declares that, in conformity with its tenor, her Majesty's government will consider the
convention of the 6th of August, 1827, abrogated accordingh' from the 2i.st day of
May, 1847.
" The undersigned has the honor to renew to Mr. McLane the assurances of his high
consideration. " Aberdeen.
" Louis McLane, Esq., etc."
162 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
While these events had been transpiring in Congress, negotiations had been resumed.
On the 27th of December, 1845, ^^i" R- Pakenham, by order of his government, made the
proposition to submit the question " of an equitable division of Oregon to arbitration."
Mr. Buchanan promptly declined it, because, to submit to such a proposition was an
avowal of a right of Great Britain to a portion of the territory, and equally as strong an
admission that his government was wrong in laying claim to the whole of it ; besides, it
would conclude the United States from making claim to the whole territory before the
arbitrator." On the 17th of January, 1846, Sir R. Pakenham submitted a modified
proposition to refer " the question of title in either government to the whole territory to
be decided ; and, if neither were found to possess a complete title to the whole, it was to
be divided between them according to a just appreciation of the claims of each."
Mr. Buchanan replied :
" If the governments should consent to an arbitration upon such terms, this would be
construed into an intimation, if not a direct invitation, to the arbitrator to divide the
territory between the two parties. Were it possible for this government, under any
circumstances, to refer the question to arbitration, the title, and the title alone, detached
from every other consideration, ought to be the only question submitted. The title of the
United States, which the President regards clear and unquestionable, can never be placed
in jeopardy by referring it to the decision of any individual, whether sovereign, citizen or
subject. Nor does he believe the territorial rights of this nation are a proper subject of
arbitration."
But the venue of contention is now to be changed. On the 6th of June, 1S46, Sir R.
Pakenham submitted to Secretary of State Buchanan a draft of a proposed treaty, which
had been transmitted to him by the British government. President Polk at once presented
the same to the Senate of the United States, accompanying therewith the following
message :
" To THE Senate of the United States :
" I lay before the Senate a proposal, in the form of a convention, presented to the
Secretary of State on the 6th instant, by the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty, for the adjustment of the Oregon question,
together with a protocol of this proceeding. I submit this proposal to the consideration of
the Senate, and request their advice as to the action which, in their judgment, it may be
proper to make in reference to it.
" In the early periods of the government, the opinion and advice of the Senate were
often taken in advance upon important questions of our foreign policy. General
Washington repeatedlj' consulted the Senate and asked their previous advice upon pending
negotiations with foreign powers; and the Senate in every instance responded to his call by
giving their advice, to which he alwa3's conformed his action. This practice, though rarel}'
resorted to in latter times, was, in my judgment, eminently wise, and ma}', on occasions
of great importance, be properly' revived. Tlie Senate are a branch of the treaty-making
power; and by consulting them in advance of his own action upon important measures
of foreign policy which ma}' ultimately come before them for their consideration, the
President secures harmou}- of action between that body and himself The Senate are,
moreover, a branch of the war-making power; and it may be eminently proper for the
Executive to take the opinion and advice of that body in advance upon any great question
MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT POLK. 163
which may involve in its decision the issue of peace or war. On the present occasion, the
magnitude of the subject would induce me, under an3^ circumstances, to desire the previous
advice of the Senate ; and that desire is increased by the recent debates and proceedings
in Congress, which render it, in my judgment, not only respectful to the Senate, but
necessary and proper, if not indispensable, to insure harmonious action between that body
and the Executive. In conferring on the Executive the authority to give the notice for
the abrogation of the convention of 1827, the Senate acted publicly so large a part, that a
decision on the proposal now made by the British government, without a definite
knowledge of the views of that bodj^ in reference to it, might render the question still more
complicated and difficult of adjustment. For these reasons I invite the consideration of
the Senate to the proposal of the British government for the settlement of the Oregon
question, and ask their advice on the subject.
" My opinions and my action on the Oregon question were made fully known to
Congress in m}' annual message of the second of December last ; and the opinions therein
expressed remain unchanged. Should the Senate, by the constitutional majority required
for the ratification of treaties, advise the acceptance of this proposal, or advise it with
such modifications as they may, upon full deliberation, deem proper, I shall conform my
action to their advice. Should the Senate, however, decline by such constitutional majority
to give such advice, or to express an opinion on the subject, I shall consider it my duty to
reject the offer.
" I also communicate herewith an extract from a dispatch of the Secretary of State
to the Minister of the United States at London, under date of the aSth of April last,
directing him, in accordance with the joint resolution of Congress ' concerning the Oregon
Territory,' to deliver the notice to the British government for the abrogation of the
convention of the 6th of August, 1827 ; and also a copy of the notice transmitted to him
for that purpose, together with extracts from a dispatch of that Minister to the Secretary
of State, bearing date on the i8th of May last.
"James K. Polk.
"Washington, June 10, 1846."
" Protocol.
" A conference was held at the Department of State, on the 6th of June, 1846,
between the Honorable James Buchanan, Secretary of State, the American Plenipotentiary,
and the Right Honorable Richard Pakenham, the British Plenipotentiary, when the
negotiation respecting the Oregon Territory was resumed. The British Plenipotentiary
made a verbal explanation of the motives which had induced her Majesty's government
to instruct him to make another proposition to the government of the United States for
the solution of these long-existing difficulties. The Secretar}' of State expressed his
satisfaction with the friendly motives which had animated the British government in this
endeavor.
" Whereupon, the British Plenipotentiary submitted to the Secretary of State the
draft of a convention (marked A), setting forth the terms he had been instructed to
propose to the government of the United States for the settlement of the Oregon question.
"James Buchanan.
" R. Pakenham."
164 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
"A." (Preamble omitted.)
" Article I.
" From the point on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, where the boundary
laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United
States terminates, the boundary line between the territories of her Britannic Majesty and
those of the United States shall be continued westward along the said forty-ninth parallel
of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from
Vancouver Island ; and thence southerly through the middle of said channel and of
Fnca's Strait to the Pacific Ocean ; provided, however, that the navigation of the whole of
said channel and strait south of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude remain free and
open to both parties.
" Article II.
" From the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude shall be found to
intersect the great northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of said branch
shall be free and open to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading
with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia,
and thence down the main stream to the ocean, with free access into or through the said
river or rivers ; it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus
described shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers,
British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as
citizens of the United States ; it being, however, always understood that nothing in this
article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the government of the
United States from making any regulation respecting the navigation of said river or rivers,
not inconsistent with the present treaty.
" Article III.
" In the future appropriation of the territory south of the forty-ninth parallel of north
latitude, as provided in the first article of this treaty, the possessory rights of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and of all British subjects who may be already in the occupation of land
or other property, lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected.
" Article IY.
" The farms, lands and other property of every description belonging to the Puget
Sound Agricultural Company, on the north side of the Columbia river, shall be confirmed
to said company. In case, however, the situation of these farms and lands should be
considered by the United States to be of public importance, and the United States
government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole, or of any part
thereof, the property so required shall be transferred to the said government at a proper
valuation, to be agreed upon between the parties."
" The Senate being in executive session :
"On motion of Mr. Maugum, the Senate proceeded to consider the message of the
President of the United States of the loth instant, communicating a proposal for the
adjustment of the Oregon question ; and, after debate, Mr. Haywood submitted the following
resolution :
,^>| ^:^fs0^''
HON. ORANGE JACOBS.
SEATTLE, W.T.
LETTER OF SECRETARY BUCHANAN. 165
" ' Rcsohi'd (two-thirds of the Senators present consenting), that the President of
the United States be, and he is hereby, advised to accept the proposal of the British
government, accompanying his message to the Senate dated June lo, 1846, for a
convention to settle boundaries, etc., between the United States and Great Britain, west
of the Rocky or Stony Mountains.'
" On June 12, 1846, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution submitted by Mr.
Haj'wood on the nth instant. On the question to agree to the resolution, it was
determined in the affirmative: yeas thirty-eight, nays eleven. Those who voted in the
affirmative are: Messrs. Archer, Ashley, Bagby, Benton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers,
Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Colquitt, Davis, Dayton, Dix, Evans, Green, Haywood,
Houston, Huntington, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Lewis, McDuffie,
Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Niles, Pearce, Pennypacker, Phelps, Rusk, Sevier, Simmons,
Speight, Turney, Upham, Webster, Woodbridge, Yulee. Those who voted in the negative
are: Messrs. Allen, Atherton, Breese, Cameron, Dickenson, Fairfield, Hannegan, Jarnagin,
Jenness, Semple, Sturgeon.
" The Senate having, by the necessary constitutional majorities, advised the President
to accept such proposed treaty, the said action was communicated to the British
government in the following letter:
" Secretary Buchanan to Minister McLane.
" Department of State,
"Washington, June 13, 1846.
'■'■Sir: The President communicated to the Senate, on the loth instant, a confidential
message, of which I transmit you a copy, asking their previous advice in regard to the
project of a convention for the adjustment of the Oregon question, delivered to me by Mr.
Pakenham on the 6th instant.
"On yesterday the Senate adopted the following resolution:
'■''■Resolved (two-thirds of the Senate present concurring), that the President of the
United States be, and he is hereby, advised to accept the proposal of the British
government accompanying his message to the Senate dated loth June, 1846, for a
convention to settle boundaries, etc., between the United States and Great Britain, west
of the Rocky or Stony Mountains.'
" The vote of the Senate stood thirty-eight to eleven.
" I have learned from the best sources that the Senate gave this advice under the
conviction that, by the true construction of the second article of the project, the right
of the Hudson's Bay Company to navigate the Columbia would expire with the termination
of their present license to trade with the Indians, etc., on the northwest coast of America,
on the 3otli day of May, 1859. In a conversation with Mr. Pakenham to-day, I
communicated this fact to him, and requested him to state it in his dispatch to Lord
Aberdeen.
"The treaty will be signed and sent to the Senate on Monday next; and it is more
than probable that they will, in some form or other, place upon their records their
understanding of its true construction in this particular.
" I am, etc., "James Buchanan.
"Louis McLane, Esq., etc."
166 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The treaty as proposed was signed June 15, 1S46, by the representatives of the two
nations. On the iSth of June, it was submitted to the Senate, and ratified by a vote of
forty-one ayes, fourteen noes. The herculean Benton \vas its most zealous champion.
From his very remarkable speech in its advocacy, the following very remarkable language
is extracted. Said he :
" The first article of the treaty — and it is the main one, and almost the whole treaty
— is in the very words which I myself would have used if the two governments had left it
to me to draw the boundary line between them. The line established by that article — the
prolongation of the boundar}- on the east side of the Rocky Mountains — follows the
parallel of forty-nine degrees to the sea, with a slight deflection through the Straits of Fuca
to avoid cutting the south end of Vancouver Island. All this is right in my opinion.
Forty-nine is the line of right, and of mutual convenience, between the two powers,
offered b}^ us since the time of Mr. Jefferson, and wonderfully adapted to the natural
divisions of the country and the actual possessions of the two parties. It parts the two
streams of water (those of the Columbia and Fraser rivers) as naturall}^ and commodiously
on the west of the mountains as it parts on the east of the same mountains the two
systems of waters which belong on the one hand to the Gulf of Mexico, and on the other
to Hudson's Ba\-; and on both sides of the mountains it conforms to the actual discoveries
and settlements of both parties. There is not upon the face of the earth so long a line,
and so straight and so adapted to the rights of the parties and the features of the country.
From the Lake of the Woods to the Pacific Ocean is twenty degrees of longitude (fifty
miles to the degree in that latitude); and throughout that long distance the line follows
the highlands which divide great rivers and their basins, cutting off nothing but the heads
of rivers of little consequence ; and these excisions most wonderfully balance.
" It is a marvelously proper line, and does great honor to the discretion, or illustrates
the good fortune, of the French and British commissioners under the Treat}- of Utrecht,
by whom it was so long ago established. Mr. Jefferson offered this line in its full extent in
1807. Mr. Monroe made the same offer in 1818, and again in 1824. ^^i"- Adams offered
it in 1826, Mr. Tyler in 1842, and Mr. Polk in 1845. For fort}' j-ears, save one, this line
has been offered by our government to the British government, and by all except the last,
as a line of right, adapted to the actual possessions of the parties and to the natural
divisions of the country. Since thirty years, I have been accustomed to stud}- the question
of this line; and during all that time I have been in favor of forty-nine degrees. As often
as I have had occasion to express my opinions about it — and those occasions commenced
with the Treat}' of Ghent in 18 15 — I have declared uniformly in favor of that line, but
always as a basis, never as an inflexible demarkation, yielding to no accidents of land or
water. I never talked the nonsense of every inch and acre up to fort}--nine, or war. I
knew the Straits of Fuca, and that those straits formed a natural boundary for us, and
also divided the continent from the islands, and the fertile from the desolate regions. I
knew that the continental coast and the inhabitable country terminated on the south shore
of those straits, and that the northwest archipelago — the thousand desolate and volcanic
islands, derelict of all nations — commenced on their shore ; and I wanted to go no farther
than the good land and the continental coast went. I was always in favor of a deflection
of a line through the Straits of Fuca ; but I said nothing about it. It was a detail, and I
confined myself to the proposition of the line as a basis. I had expected the deflection to
have commenced further back — on the continent — so as to have kept our line a little
farther off from Fort Langly, at the mouth of Fraser river, almost in sight of which it
SPEECH OF THOS. H. BENTON ADVOCATING TREATY OF LIMITS. 167
now passes. If this had been asked, I for one would have been willing to grant it ; but
the British did not ask it, probabl}- for the reason that I would have granted it, namely,
the entire worthlessness of the desolate region about the mouth of Fraser river.
" The deflection leaves out Vancouver Island, and I am glad of it. It is one of the
most worthless of the thousand worthless islands which the northwest archipelago presents,
and is the derelict of all nations. The Nootka Sound quarrel between Great Britain and
Spain was not for the island, but for the insult to Great Britain in the deportation and
incarceration of her subjects by the Viceroy of Mexico. Reparation for that insult was
the point of the quarrel ; and, that being obtained in a treaty of restoration and indemnity,
both parties abandoned the island, and neither has since occupied it. It is now vacant
and desolate, and I want none of it. I would not accept it as a present, nor would the
poorest lord of the isles that ever lived on the western coasts of Scotland. The fictitious
importance lately attributed to this island, upon the disparagement of the mouth of the
Columbia, has vanished upon the revelation of the true character of that river. The
estuary of the Columbia is now shown to be a good port ; and, with the advantage of
lights, buoys, beacons, pilots and steam tow-boats, ready to become one of the best in the
world. This knowledge of the true character of the Columbia puts an end to all pretexts
of necessity to go north three hundred miles to hunt a substitute port in the remote and
desolate coasts of Vancouver Island. That island is not wanted by the United States for
any purpose whatever. Above all, the south end of it is not wanted to command the
Straits of Fuca. It so happens that these straits are not liable to be commanded, either in
fact or in law. They are from fifteen to thirt}' miles wide, — rather too wide for batteries
to cross their shot, and wide enough, like all other great straits of the world, to constitute
a part of the high seas, and to be incapable of appropriation by any nation. We want
nothing of that strait but as a boundary, and that the treaty gives us. With that
boundary comes all that we want in that quarter, namely, all the waters of Puget Sound
and the fertile Olympic district which borders upon them.
" When the line reaches the channel which separates Vancouver Island from the
continent (which it does within sight of the mouth of Fraser river), it proceeds to the
middle of the channel, and thence, turning south, through the channel de Haro (wrongly
written Arro on the maps) to the Straits of Fuca, and then west to the middle of that
strait to the sea. This is a fair partition of those waters, and gives us everything that we
want, namely, all the waters of Puget Sound, Hood's Canal, Admiralty Inlet, Bellingham
Bay, Birch Ba}-, and with them the cluster of islands, probably of no value, between
de Haro's Channel and the continent. Neither the Spanish discoveries, nor our own
discovery and settlement of the Columbia, would have given us these waters. Their
British names indicate their discoveries; and the line of forty-nine gives them to us."
Thus was temporized the Oregon controvers}^ b}' that hasty and ill-digested surrender
of a large portion of territory to which our title was "clear and unquestionable." That
treaty settled only so much of the boundary line as lies upon the main land, carrying the
parallel of forty-nine degrees north westward to the coast of the Gulf of Georgia. Hardly were
the ratifications exchanged, when, early as the fall of 1846, the boundary dispute was revived
by the claim being asserted that Rosario Strait was the main channel, and the channel
intended by that treaty as the northwest water boundary, instead of the Canal de Haro.
That question remained a matter of controversy between the two governments, until the
award in 1S73, by the Emperor William of Germany, that the Canal de Haro was the
main channel referred to in the treaty. By it also the Hudson's Bay Company was
108 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
I
permitted to continue in Oregon; and the United States stipulated to respect possessory
rights, which were to have been terminated, b}' their license, Maj^ 30, 1859; yet that
compau}- and its offshoot, under the alias of the Puget Sound i\gricultural Company, ■
claimed ^^5,000,000 against the United States as a compensation to them to withdraw from
Oregon, to abandon their rights, and for rights claimed to have been acquired during their
occupanc}' of Oregon, under the Joint-Occupancy Treaties of 181S and 1827.
Such was the Oregon question, and such its abortive termination. It aptly proves
that to governments, like individuals, " nothing is denied to well-directed industry." The
world is afforded the strongest illustration that persistent claim gives as good a title to the
territor}- as actual right.
The actors in the consummation which secured peace without honor (though it is not
believed that Great Britain would have dared to go to war with the United States in
support of her Oregon pretensions) have passed away. Robert J. Walker, Secretary of
the Treasury- in the cabinet of President Polk, thus explains (i) the readiness to surrender
so much of Oregon to Great Britain :
" We own now the whole western Pacific coast from Lower California to the Arctic
Sea, except British Columbia, which (against ni}- earnest protest in the cabinet) was ceded
to England in 1846. I say ceded ^ for our title to the whole of Oregon from the forty-second
parallel northward to Russian America was in truth clear and unquestionable. British
Columbia was lost to us by the most unfortunate diplomacy extending through a long
period of time."
Wh}' we so willingly jdelded it, Mr. Walker explains in the following :
" The opposition to the acquisition of Louisiana was geographical and anti-slavery.
In 1821, Texas was relinquished partly from geographical, but mainly from anti-slaver}-,
opposition. In 1845, the opposition to the annexation of Texas was based mainly upon
anti-slavery grounds. In 1846, in connection with the unfortunate action of preceding
administrations, Oregon, north of the forty-ninth parallel, was lost to the Union. While
the history of annexation in the United States shows various obstacles by which it has
been retarded, yet the chief among these was the discordant element of slavery. Thus it
was that, while the free states to a great extent opposed the acquisition of slave territor}-,
the slave states opposed the acquisition of free territory. But for these opposing principles,
our area would be far greater than it is now. On extinguishing slavery, we have removed
the principal cause which retarded annexation. We see already the good effects of the
disappearance of this institution in the almost unanimous vote of the Senate b}^ which the
Alaska treaty was ratified. Before the extinction of slavery^ that treaty would liave been
defeated upon the same principle that Oregon north of the forty-)iinth parallel was ceded to
E7igla)idy
On another branch of this case, apprehension of war with England, Mr. Walker
remarks :
" We all know how she availed herself of our war with Mexico to deprive us of our
rightful territory of Oregon north of the forty-ninth parallel. In other words, a war with
Mexico to secure Texas must not be endangered bv the conflict with England for our
rights in Oregon."
Mr. Walker thus acquits Mr. Polk and Mr. Buchanan of voluntarily and too-readily
abandoning the policy avowed in such manly terms by the Administration and Department
of State in regard to the United States' title to Oregon :
( 1 1 Letter, January 24, iS6S. on the purchase of Alaska. St. Tlioinas and St. Johns. WashUigtoti Daily Morning Chronicle, January 2S, 1S6S.
HENRY HEWITT,
WHEATLAND, OR.
MF?S. E.M.HEWITT.
WHEATLAND, OR.
ROBERT J. WALKER ACQUITS MR. POLK AND JIR. BUCHANAN. 169
" In the letter of the 3d of March, 1S45, of the late James K. Polk, tendering me the
office of Secretary of Treasnry, he inclosed me his proposed inaugnral address discussing
the Oregon and Texas questions, in which letter he says : ' If 3'ou, sir, concur with me
in these opinions and views, I shall be pleased to have your assistance in my administration
as a member of my cabinet, and now tender to you the office of Secretary of Treasury.
I shall be pleased to receive your answer at your earliest convenience.' In m\' replj- of
that date to Mr. Polk accepting the tender, I said : ' The reannexation of Texas in the
mode proposed in ui}- letter of Sth of January, 1S44, may be regarded as nearly
consummated. The kindred measure referred to in the letter, namely, our just and
rightful claim to the whole of Oregon, will, I trust, be successfully asserted by you ; this
would leave no European power on our Pacific coast except Russia, whose well-known
friendship to us would, it is hoped, induce her to cede to us her North American territory.'
" This correspondence needs no comment. It is due, however, to my late excellent
friend and chief, James K. Polk, to say that he was most sincerely desirous of retaining
the whole of Oregon, and only abandoned it when he arrived at the conclusion that
Congress would not sustain him in the measure.
"It is due to the Secretary of State, James Buchanan, to say that he yielded with
great reluctance to the sacrifice of an}- portion of Oregon."
Chapter XXI.
(1836.)
Settleineiit of Oregon — Internal Condition of tlie Territory — Its Elements of
Colonization — Native Popnlation, Nnniber, Distribution, Characteristics,
Disposition, or Kelation to the Several White Kaces Present.
I^HE Canadian-French settlement on French Prairie, in the Willamette valley, the
erection of a mill and farmhouses by Dr. John McLoughlin at Willamette Falls (now
Oregon City), and the cultivation of small tracts near the Hudson's Bay Company posts
at Vancouver and the Cowlitz, had been the only attempts at settlement hitherto made.
Oregon occupancy had been restricted to exploration and prosecution of the fur and
Indian trade. Henceforth the country is to become the home of American men and
women and children. Its occupants, — settlers, — are to develop its resources, clear its vast
forests, cultivate its valleys and prairies, and transform the region into American
communities and states.
Heterogeneous elements enter into its colonization, diverse in character and purpose,
yet all operating within the same period. For years each maintained an individuality, —
worked out its peculiar or particular mission.
Present in Oregon at the dawn of American settlement were its native population,
the Hudson's Bay Company with its trading-posts, establishments, trading and trapping
parties, holding almost exclusive possession of the country, — individual or independent
enterprises impotent to gain a foothold b_v reason of its vigilant and crushing competition.
Here were also retired sen-ants of the company, who were taught to regard themselves as
its tenants for land by them cultivated, whose loyalty to the company still continued.
Here and there, one who had never been in the service of the Hudson's Ba\- Compan}^
who had either dropped out of and remained after the expedition to which he had been
attached had abandoned the country, or some trapper or sailor, who had drifted in from
the Rocky Mountains or California. Then came the missionary colonies, and finally
immigration proper, — American settlers seeking homes. Such was Oregon at that period.
In brief, general terms must be considered: I. The native population; II. British
subjects, viz., officers and employes of the Hudson's Bay Company, and its discharged
servants, chiefly Canadian French ; III. A class who may be styled the independent
element, — trappers, traders and sailors never in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company;
IV. The missionary stations ; V. The immigrants, or American settlers.
The Indian bands or tribes adopted their names from a river, island, bay or other
natural feature of the country which constituted or gave identity to their vicinage.
Although sometimes combined under one great chief, yet legitimate recognition of
authority or clearly defined tribal boundaries did not exist. Their crude form of
government was patriarchal. Blood asserted its claim for chieftainship, and also for
recognition as medicine man. These offices of rank continued in families, and descended
( 17U )
I
NATIVE POPULATION OF OREGON. 171
from father to son. The relation of members of bands to each other, or between different
bands, were social rather than political. Combinations resulted from accident or caprice
rather than tribal ties or mutuality of grievance. War sometimes continued until a well-
defined tribe became destroyed, — its identity lost, — its survivors merged into another
nation. Their language was stilted in idea, and of complicated structure. Words had no
stable or uniform signification ; they differed in pronunciation and meaning not only
between bands, but were widely dissimilar in significance as used by individuals of the
same band. The race was vagrant. If fishing, their haunts were the seas, bays and
rivers; if berrying, they sojourned upon the plains; if hunting or trapping, the banks of
the streams or forests were their abiding places. They pitched their camp wherever
necessity prompted. They were homeless, landless, ungoverned except by a few traditional
customs, or where one, by superiority of will, exacted respect or provoked fear. Hostility
between rival bands necessitated chieftains, many of whom were born leaders, some orators
of great power, strategists of ability.
They sought not knowledge, required not skilled labor, were content to manufacture
their own utensils, — weapons useful in war or in securing game and fish. Nothing
indicated a purpose to establish homes, or to cultivate the soil, to acquire or to confer value
upon land by its occupanc}' or use.
The fur traders utilized them as trappers and hunters. So valuable was the Indian
and fur trade, that it created the greatest competition between the great trading companies
of Great Britain, Canada and the United States.
The occupancy of the territory west of the Rock Mountains which should, in
accordance with the spirit of the Joint-Occupancy Treaties of iSi8 and 1827, ^la-ve been
shared by citizens of the United States and subjects of Great Britain, was really, after
182 1, sole and exclusive by the Hudson's Bay Company. Citizens of the United States
who endeavored to participate in this trade and to obtain a foothold in the territory were
foiled in every effort, supplanted in every enterprise.
In 1S32, some Oregon Indians had expressed their desire to be taught about God.
Their condition seemed to endow them with peculiar claims to sympathy. The religious
world became alive to their spiritual needs ; and missionary organizations vied with each
other in efforts to establish missions west of the Rocky Mountains. Missionary colonies
were introduced as factors in Oregon occupancy and settlement. The effect upon the
native race of the presence of the two civilizers, trading and teaching, is an interesting
problem. Certain castes effectuall}' conciliated the native population, permanently retained
their good will, and secured their steady loyalty and entire subserviency. The American,
whether trader, missionary or settler, was not so successful. Of him the Indian was
suspicious, was hostile to his presence in the territory.
The Hudson's Bay Company had no occasion to acquire lands, nor to abridge the
Indian's haunts. Profitable trade depended upon the continuance of peace, — peace among
the Indians, and peace between the Whites and Indians. The officers followed alike the
dictates of policy and humatiity, cultivated the friendship of the Indian, and encouraged
their employes to assimilate with and thereby gain moral control over him. Under the
Hudson's Bay Company rule, the country throughout its vast area was safely traveled by
its single and unarmed white employes ; at every Indian camp the compan\''s men found
shelter and welcome.
The American settler was not less friendl}' disposed to the native, the American
missionary as disinterested as the French or Canadian priest ; yet, to the Indian mind, it
172 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON- AND WASHINGTON.
was apparent that American occupancy meant settlement. It demanded the transformation
of the wilderness into American homes. It involved the destruction of those elements
which give to a region all its value as regarded by the Indian. To effect this purpose, the
American needed to appropriate land, and to exclude others. The necessar}- concomitant
of American settlement was the banishment of the Indians from their customar}- haunts.
Game, their main subsistence, retired before its forward march. An aggressive civilization
drove before it the Indian himself, dissipating in its onward movement his very means of
sustenance. While really guiltless of depriving the Indian of an^-thing he owned, yet
American occupancy, expelling the native, lessened his means of acquiring a subsistence.
Settlement of an}' country inhabited by Indians necessitates conflicts. The savage
insists that the wilderness shall so remain ; the settler gives heed to the first great
command, "to subdue the earth and replenish it." The first cultivation of the earth in
Oregon had been immediately followed by the introduction among the Indians of that
dreadful destroyer of their race, fever and ague. It has become axiomatic that, with the
advance of white settlement, the Indian race disappears or decreases. Tribes most
powerful when Lewis and Clark visited the country had dwindled to mere bands,
preserving only their tribal name. This decrease cannot be attributed to wars between
hostile tribes ; for comparativel}- few had lost their lives at the hands of the white race, or
the wars maintained bj' the Whites against them. Fever and ague, small-pox, measles,
dysenterj"^, diseases of the lungs, contagious diseases, have been the scourges before which
the native population have withered away since the advent of the white race, and the
introduction of the customs and vices of a so-called superior civilization.
Since 1829, five-sixths of the Indians upon the Columbia river had been destro3-ed
b}' fever and ague. The great mortality may in a great measure be attributed to the
absurd Indian treatment of disease. When the fever had reached its highest stage, the
victim plunged into the cold river and remained immersed until the fever was allayed ;
the chill which followed was usuall}- fatal. In that year the shores of the streams
were strewn with native dead ; villages were depopulated ; and entire tribes vanished.
Indian authority asserts that this disease had been unknown to the Indians, —
unknown in the country, — until the 3'ear which marks the occasion of the first plowing
in Oregon (i). The scourge which proved so fatal that year (1S29) to the Indian race
extended along the upper coast and as far south as California.
The Aborigines comprised about sevent}^ bands or tribes, who may be thus classified:
South of the Columbia river and west of the Cascade INIountains . . 2,500
North of the Columbia river and west of the Cascade Mountains . . 7,600
East of the Cascades, who ma}- be properlj^ called Indians of the plains 16,900
27,000
These differed in their habits of subsistence and language, and are claimed to have
been separate communities. In geographical divisions limited b}- natural boundaries,
such as mountain chains, rivers and bays, the tribes closel}- assimilated ; and tribal
distinctions were but faintly defined. As a rule, the Indians east of the Cascade
Mountains were a nation of horsemen, their wealth consisting in horses. Man, woman
and child were mounted as they moved from place to place. Their entire use for the
horse was for traveling and moving camp ; that great friend of man was never used by
them in agriculture or othef labor. Hunting was the main dependence of the Indians
(1) Missionary Journal, Rev. S. Parker, 1.S35, page 17S.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NATIVE POPULATION. 173
of the plains ; fishing was an incident. West of the Cascade Mountains, the Indians
subsisted princii^all}' by fishing, although those more remote from the bays and rivers
made hunting a considerable pursuit. All gathered roots and berries, vyith which the
territory abounded. As those Indians who crossed the Rocky Mountains and hunted
buffalo were of the highest type, — the bravest warriors, — so, among the western Indians,
those who in their canoes braved old ocean to capture the whale were the most warlike
and formidable. The coast tribes are of moderate intelligence, dirty, insolent, deceitful
passionate, superstitious, addicted to gambling, and grossly libidinous. These qualities
are less marked in the interior nations. The Sahaptan family, including the Walla
Wallas, Nez Perces, Cayuses and Shoshones, are similar to the Indians east of the
Rocky Mountains, — cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike and fond of hunting (i).
They were very superstitious. In their primitive condition, they had no well-defined
idea of a Supreme Being. There is not in anj- dialect of an Oregon tribe a synonym
for the word or idea of God (2). They recognize the presence of a " Great Spirit," who
controls and regulates important events ; who would become displeased with their
shortcomings, and would visit on them misfortune as a punishment. There was an
" Evil Spirit," to whom was attributed all the evils to which they were subjected, which
were not the merited punishment for having provoked the anger of the " Good Spirit."
They were believers in a future state of existence, in which they would enjoy to an
increased degree the peculiar pursuits which in this life had conferred pleasure.
Gambling was the universal ruling passion, manifested by horse-racing, foot-racing,
athletic exercises, trials of skill and in games of chance. Theft was so prevalent a habit,
that its extent and universality alone depended upon the opportunity for gratification.
Subjects of diffei'euce were always referred to their chief; if be3-ond his capacity, if
any principle was involved, the question would be submitted to a white man. They
deferred to the white race ; simple-minded, ignorant, they looked up to the white man who
had come among them, — whom they had learned to know and fear. This characteristic
largely accounts for the jealousy and hostility of the Indians to American settlers. Two
white races with adverse interests were present in Oregon. From early in the present
century, the Indians had been acquainted with the hostility of interests between the
Americans and British, or, as they were distinguished by the natives, " Bostons " and " King
Georges," at which time those distinctive appellations had originated. Not onl}' two white
races were present, engaged in trade, but there were, also, two adverse and hostile systems
of religious belief, the teacher of each struggling to gain supremacy over the Indian
mind. How aptly the scriptural aphorism — "No servant can serve two masters: for
either he will hate the one and love the other; or else he will bold to the one and despise
the other" — defined the attitude of the Indian population towards the British and American
occupants of Oregon, — towards the Catholic and Protestant missionaries laboring therein.
For many years, the Indian west of the Rocky Mountains had become accustomed to
the Hudson's Bay Compan^^'s rule. They had learned to depend on the posts for many of
the necessaries of life. Many of their women were wives of servants of the company ; and
a bias for the British, by whom they had been treated with uniform justice, was strong, as
it was natural. Constituted as is the Oregon Indian, predjudice against, and suspicion of,
the rival white race, the American settlers, was the natural consequence of that allegiance
he had learned so thoroughly, and now so willingly accorded to the officers of the Hudson's
Bay Company, their servants and employes.
(i) Indians of Northwest America, — Hale's Not Ihut:^! America.
(2) Ibid.
Chapter XXII.
(1821-1846.)
Hudson's Bay C<»ini)aii.y Officers, Employees and Retired Servants — BiograiJhic
Sketches of Dr. John 3IcLonghlin, Peter Skeen Ogden, James Douglas and
VVllliani Fraser Tolmie, Chief Factors of Hudson's Bay Company — Notices of
Alex. C. Anderson, George B. Roberts and Archibald McKinlay — Early Settlers
of French Prairie — First Settlement at Oregon City.
WITH isolated exceptions, there were no white residents of Oregon Territory except
officials and attaches of the Hudson's Bay Compan}', or its discharged servants.
Previous to the coalition of the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies in iS2i,the
headquarters of the fur trade west of the Rocky Mountains had been Fort George (the
Astoria of the Pacific Fur Company).
In 1824, Dr. John McLoughlin, chief factor in charge of affairs of the Hudson's Bay
Company west of the Rocky Mountains, removed the compau}' headquarters to Fort
Vancouver. From 182 1, as head of the fur trade west of the Rocky Mountains, he had
really been governor of the entire Pacific slope, between California and Russian America.
The ablest among his pioneer contemporaries (i) eloquently sums up the virtues and
characteristics of this eminent friend of humanity. The eulogium is a justly merited
tribute to the man ; nay, it is much more. While it most admirably illustrates his method
of governing, and his wonderful administrative ability, it equall}' exhibits the influence
of that power then supreme in the region, and the company's philosophic solution of the
Indian problem. It vindicates also the only policy which has ever been successful with
the native population, wherever the white race have been compelled to encounter or deal
with them, or to live in their midst. Said his eminent friend :
" When I first saw Dr. McLoughlin (1S43), he was about sixt}^ years of age. His
head covered with locks white as snow, taken in connection with his large and commanding
stature and usually black dress, made his Indian name of ' Bald Eagle ' quite appropriate.
While his presence was dignified, his open, benevolent countenance banished awe ; and
his cordial manner invited confidence. Those under his command seemed to obey more to
please a revered father than through fear of a master whose power was absolute. I once
attended, in his compau}', the Catholic Mission Church near Champoeg. A large number
of the discharged Canadian servants of the compau}^ w^ere in attendance. Dr. McLoughlin
took his place near the door. He had a hearty greeting for each father and son, a cordial
kiss for each wife and daughter, as they passed into church. After mass the people
flocked to him, some to consult him about their private affairs, others his advice about
public measures or improvements, others to recount their losses and afflictions. For each
of the former he had a word of advice ; for the latter he manifested a warm sympathy.
Though this scene seemed to belong to another age, or at least another country, and
(l) Hon. Jesse Applegate, in a letter to Mrs. Frances Fuller Victor, October 15, 1S65.
( 174 )
BIOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF DR. JOHN McLOUGHLIN. 175
might be regarded at variance with republican equality, yet was it pleasant to see those
who had stood toward each other in the relation of master and servant for most of their
lives meet as parent and child after such relation had been dissolved, — strong evidence
that the master had been just and lenient, the servant faithful and true. But his kindness
was not confined to his old servants. He was a philanthropist in the strongest sense of
the term. He did not stop to inquire to what race, country or religion the sufferer
belonged. The needy was supplied, not with ostentation or prodigality, but with such
judgment and prudence as to make the alms not merely a temporary relief but a lasting
benefit.
" To each immigrant, British or American, Catholic or Protestant, who required
assistance, — and few did not, — he gave a helping hand, and in such a way as to be least
wounding to the feelings of independence and self respect. Those desiring to cultivate
the earth were supplied with seed, — a loan to be returned, when they were able, from their
own crops. Mechanics were furnished with tools ; and they, as well as common laborers,
were frequently employed by him in works that made but small return for the wages given.
Families could obtain provisions and necessaries, to be paid for at the end of the year.
The seeds loaned, though not in all cases gifts to the borrowers, were never returned —
nor expected to be — to the company's granaries ; but from year to year, as destitute
immigrants arrived, they were given orders upon some neighbor for seeds that had been
borrowed from the company. And thus the wheat, oats, potatoes, etc., which had assisted
the first settler in a particular location, were made to do a like service to the lately arrived
neighbor. Nor was the company much better paid for other advances. Before Dr.
McLoughlin retired frojn the company's service, uncollected debts of this character had
accumulated to the amount of fifty thousand dollars. As giving these credits was in
violation of the rules of the company, this large sum was charged upon the books of the
company to Dr. McLoughlin. Subsequently, however, the board of management at
London made an order, ' that, in consideration of the eminent services Dr. McLoughlin
had rendered the company, this charge against him was rescinded.'
" For those eminent services. Dr. McLoughlin deserves .a very high place in the
history of Oregon. They not only directly advanced the interests of the company for
whose benefits they were rendered ; but they benefited the Indians, and contributed in an
eminent degree to the safety and prosperity of Oregon in its first settlements. That
service consisted in his entire success as a pioneer in an unknown region, inhabited by
savages, a race who, though reduced to less than half of their strength while under his
control, have, under a different policy, cost the United States government much blood and
treasure, and still continue a great annoyance to the frontier settlements.
" Under his judicious management and humane treatment of the natives, without war
and almost without bloodshed, the Hudson's Bay Company, in comparatively a few years,
spread a network of its posts, and monopolized the trade of the vast region comprehended
between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean, and forty-two degrees and fifty-four
degrees, forty minutes north latitude, then known as Oregon. In this region, inhabited
b}' numerous tribes, equally treacherous aud rapacious, if not so warlike as those east of
the Rocky Mountains, so hostile were they to the whites, that, upon the first arrival of
the compau}^, it was necessar}' for a guard of from thirty to fifty men, well armed, to
accompany each caravan. In 1843 ^"^ years earlier, a single person belonging to the
company or enjoying its protection could travel anywhere in safety to life and property.
In fact, the company's messengers to the different posts in the territory claimed aud
176 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
received the hospitality of any Indians they chanced to meet. Dr. AIcLoughlin ascribed
this success to a just appreciation of the Indian character. He considered them as the
children of nature, whose moral seutiments had not been developed by education ; and, as
children, the}' were to be treated kindl}-, dealt with honestly, and, when they transgressed,
punished certainh', if not severely'. He impressed upon them that trade and intercourse
would be as advantageous to them as to the company. If they thought otherwise, he had
no desire to establish trade with them.
"A strict discipline was imposed upon the officers and servants of the Hudson's Ba}-
Compan3^ The officer in charge of a post or part}' was alone authorized to deal with the
natives. Interference with their women (the so-frequent cause of trouble between the
Indians and Whites) was strictly forbidden and rigorously punished. Spirituous liquof,
that curse alike of civilized and savage, was never taken into the Indian country, save the
one gallon of brandy and two gallons of wine annually furnished each post for medicinal
purposes. By a judicious system of penalties and rewards, the Indians were taught to
speak the truth and respect their promises. Theft or murder was never suffered to go
unpunished. Tribes as well as individuals were stimulated to industry and good behavior,
by suitable presents and distinctions. If a theft or murder was committed, the tribe to
which the offender belonged was held responsible, and required to deliver him up for
punishment. If the tribe hesitated or delayed, trade was withdrawn until the thief was
surrendered. If a tribe refused to give up a murderer, war at whatever cost was waged
until full satisfaction was obtained.
" The provisional government of Oregon, in excluding liquor from the countrv,
merely sanctioned and continued the rule established by Dr. McLoughlin. An American
vessel had come into the harbor with a cargo of liquor, to trade with the Indians for fish
and furs. To prevent the evil consequences which such a trade would produce, at a heavy
pecuniary sacrifice. Dr. McLoughlin purchased the whole cargo and sent it out of the
country."
Dr. McLoughlin was associated at Fort \'ancouver, in the management of the interests
of the Hudson's Bay Company, with two chief factors, Peter Skeen Ogden and James
Douglas.
Governor Ogden was born in Quebec, Lower Canada. His father, Isaac Ogden, a
native of England, had settled in New York before the American Revolution ; continuing
loyal to the Crown, he removed to Canada. By profession a lawyer, for many years he
held the exalted position of Chief-Justice of that province. He had five sons, all of
whom became distinguished, and two daughters. Henry, one of the sons, was collector of
the port of New York, 1841-5, under Presidents Harrison and Tyler.
Peter Skeen commenced life as a clerk in the office of John Jacob Astor in New
York City. He pursued for a time the study of law ; but, owing to his harsh and
squeaking voice, he abandoned the profession, and, in iSii, joined the North West Fur
Company. Prior to the coalition with the Hudson's Bay Company, he had served west of
the Rocky Mountains. He continued in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, and
for many years conducted a trading and trapping party in the Rocky Mountains. In
his numerous expeditions, he thoroughly explored what is now Montana, the entire
Yellowstone country, the heads of Snake river, Salt Lake, and Colorado and California.
In 1833, ^^^ ^^'^-^ placed in charge of a party for extending the business and establishing
permanent josts on the northwest coast. In 1S35, he was assigned to the New
Caledonia district, now British Columbia, then embracing eight posts, with Fort St.
y
-^
CAPT. HENRY ROEDER,
WHATCOM, W.T.
BIOGRAPHIC SKETCHES OF PETER SKEEN OGDEN AND JAMES DOUGLAS. 177
James on vStuart's Lake as headquarters. He there remained until 1S44, when he went
East upon a furlough. On his return, he was appointed senior member of the board of
management west of the Rocky Mountains, consisting of himself and chief factors John
Work and James Douglas. Dr. McLoughlin having retired, Governors Ogden and
Douglas continued at Fort Vancouver until 1849, when the latter removed to Fort Victoria,
on Vancouver Island. In 1852, Governor Ogden visited England, Canada and the United
States. The writer spent several days with Governor Ogden at the National Hotel
in Washington City, in the spring and summer of 1S52. The old governor recounted, in
his quaint and humorous manner, many adventures and experiences in the fur trade. At
that time he was the most genial, companionable and interesting of old men, full of jokes,
anecdotes and bonhomie. In the spring of 1854, he returned to Oregon. The steamer
upon which he was passenger went ashore in a fog, just south of San Francisco. From
this exposure and privation resulted a severe cold from which he never recovered. He
reached Oregon, and died at the residence of his son-in-law, Archibald McKinlay, Esq.,
at Oregon City, on the 27th of September, 1854. Governor Ogden was of a most
cheerful disposition, and possessed an amiable, equable temper. His subordinate
officers and voyageurs looked up to him as a father. For him they would undergo any
privation; with him the}- would willingly incur any danger. He was a natural leader of
men. Simple-minded as a child, but of most determined character, nothing could daunt
him. In the midst of greatest danger, he would have his jokes ; and seldom did he betray
anxiet}' or excitement, or allow his temper to become ruifled.
James Douglas (since distinguished as Sir James), the first and very efficient governor
of British Columbia, was eminently worthy to be the confrere of McLoughlin and Ogden.
Son of a West Indian planter, educated at Glasgow, Scotland, he entered the service of
the North West Company in 181 7-18 as an apprentice clerk. In 1835, having passed the
different grades of clerkship, he was made chief trader. In 1840, he had attained to the
rank of chief factor. His earlier services had been in the Athabasca country. Five
years had been spent in New Caledonia, after which he served at Fort Vancouver till his
promotion to the chief tradership. While book-keeper, it was part of his duty to
conduct alternate seasons the overland express between Fort Vancouver and York Factory,
on Hudson's Ba3^ In the performance of this dutj?, he several times crossed the Rocky
Mountains. From the lowest position to the exalted one in which he added luster to
the name of Douglas, every duty intrusted to him was conscientiously and well
discharged. From apprentice, to governor of a wealthy province, he conferred honor upon
each grade while occupied by him. He filled every station with dignity, and never forgot
what was due to himself and to those who had placed their confidence in his management.
He never acted upon impulse, but was always cool, wise, dispassionate and brave. He
leaves a name illustrious in Pacific coast history, dear to the early settlers of Oregon,
Washington and British Columbia. The American settlers of Puget Sound can never
forget his generous response in the winter of 185 1-2 in behalf of the Georgiana captives
on Queen Charlotte's Island. In the Indian war that visited Washington Territor}^
in 1855-6, Governor Douglas furnished the needed supplies, arms and ammunition to enable
its people to make a defense, neglected as they were hy their own government. He sent
thither an armed vessel to co-operate with the territorial authorities in protecting the infant
settlements of Puget Sound. The Indians were taught that in making war upon
Americans they warred against the white race. The Indians learned, as did our people,
that Douglas was a Christian and a white man in such a war. The savage was forever
13
178 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
disabused of his previous idea, that Indian hostility to the " Bostons " was meritorious in
the sight of a " King George."
The most prominent of the corps of Hudson's Bay Company oflBcials to whom was
intrusted the management of its affairs in the Puget Sound country was Dr. William
Fraser Tolmie. For a number of years before the advent of American settlers to that
region, he had been in charge at Fort Nisqually, near Puget Sound. During the
establishment of all the early settlements upon and in the vicinity of that marvelous inland
sea, he continued in charge of that post. The large tracts of many .square miles of land
claimed by the Puget Sound Agricultural Compau}' (whose agent he was), upon the
Nisqually plains and Cowlitz prairies, brought him in constant contact with the settlers ;
but his firm and discreet conduct, his forbearance and even temper, disarmed open hostility
and prevented combined opposition to his plans. He was respected for his loyalty to the
compan}''s claims, and his apparent real desire, as far as compatible with his relations to
the company, to promote the best interests of the settler.
He was born at Inverness, Scotland, Februar}- 3, 1812. He received a liberal
education in his native place, and at au earU' age commenced the study of medicine and
surgerj- in the Medical College of Edinburgh. Having taken his degree, while yet under
twenty-one years of age, he joined the service of the Hudson's Ba^- Companv, embarked
in the Ganyiuede, one of the company's vessels, for Fort Vancouver, where he arrived in
August, 1833. Dr. Tolmie there commenced his career as clerk and medical adviser. At
the time of his arrival, Governor Peter Skeen Ogden, chief factor, was fitting out an
expedition for the purpose of establishing trading-posts up the northern coast to the
Russian possessions. Dr. Tolmie was assigned to duty with this party as surgeon.
Having returned to Fort Vancouver (1836), he performed the duties of surgeon of that
post until 1841, when he was granted leave of absence, during which he visited his
birthplace. Within the year he had returned to the companj^'s service in North America.
He took passage in one of the company's vessels to York Factory on Hudson's Bay, and,
shortly after his arrival, journeyed overland to Fort Vancouver. Upon reaching that post.
Dr. Tolmie was assigned to Fort Nisqually, having risen to the rank of chief trader.
American settlers upon Puget Sound, United States army officers on duty or who
visited Fort Steilacoom, government officials on dut}- in the territor}-, persons passing
through the country or transacting business on the sound, in fact, all who were here
in early days, will cheerfully attest the genuine hospitalit}- of Dr. Tolmie. He was
ever the genial companion, the true-hearted gentleman. Perhaps of all persons in the
country at that time best informed as to its resources, its facilities for travel, yet he was
ever willing to impart information, and to give advice and assistance where necessar}-.
During the Indian outbreaks occurring on Puget Sound previous to and leading up to the
great conspiracy and war of 1855-6, he rendered mo.st valuable services to the territorial
authorities and the settlers of both Oregon and Washington in pacifs'ing the Indians, or
in bringing them to punishnient for their misdeeds. Dr. Tolmie was a thorough
and accomplished Indian linguist. He studied Indian dialects, Indian customs and
characteristics con aiuorr, but also as an auxiliarj- in tlie company's business. None
more than he thoroughly understood Indian character ; and to none more than he did the
native population award respect and obedience. That influence which he had gained over
the Indian mind was always used for the benefit of the companv, and the white race. To
the Indian he was like an affectionate father; when punishment became necessary, it was
BIOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF WILLIAM FRASER TOLMIE. 179
SO visited upon a malefactor, under his administration, that it rather served as a lesson
than an act of retribution. The American settlers on Puget Sound were greatly indebted
to him for his ever-ready willingness to investigate their grievances and, when deserved,
to redress them. By judicious exercise of that power over the native population, he
greatly assisted in the preservation of peace, saved the remote and weaker settlements
from the horrors of Indian barbarity, and rendered the country safe for the American
settler with his family to make a home upon Puget Sound.
He was a ripe scholar, an able writer, an indefatigable and methodic collector of facts
and statistics; in brief, he was a good citizen and an honest man, true to himself, and to
those in whose service he was enlisted, — true to his friends, true to, and sympathetic with,
the Indians who looked up to him for protection and counsel, and who always trusted
him ; nor was that confidence reposed in him by the Indian ever abused nor misplaced in
his quarter-century's intercourse with the tribes of Puget Sound.
He was a thoroughly moral man, of irreproachable personal habits and amiability of
disposition. He loved mankind and the lowly of earth. He hated oppression, and was an
abolitionist. He despised any influence which dragged down humanit}' ; and the cause of
temperance found in him a staunch and consistent advocate, without cant or hypocrisy in
his manly nature. He practiced what he preached. In his family he not only set a good
example to his numerous offspring in forbidding the use of intoxicants, but in his walk
through life himself consistently abstained. It was his conviction that the use of
liquor was hurtful to health and promotive of vice and disease. Such being his belief, he
was the ardent and consistent advocate of temperance. Those who were honored by being
of his circle of friends will hear with painful surprise that he was ever charged with
professing a code of morals, as proper for other men, which he himself violated (i).
Shortly after the Fraser river excitement had made Victoria a growing British
emporium of Northwest America, Puget Sound lost him as a citizen. He went to
Vancouver Island in 1859, and continued in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company
until 1870. Dr. Tolmie served his fellow citizens of British Columbia in the colonial
legislature, and held numerous offices of honor and trust, in all of which he acquitted
himself with credit and to the satisfaction of the people. Much of his later life was
devoted to literary labor, — to his favorite investigation of Indian dialects and customs. He
found time to exhibit a spirit of enterprise. He labored to benefit his neighbors, and was
highly esteemed b}' the community in which he lived. Full of years and beloved by all,
this philanthropist, friend of the Indian and of the early American settler, went to his rest
at the ripe age of three-quarters of a century.
Other officers of the Hudson's Bay Company earned distinction by meritorious service,
and entitled them.selves to grateful remembrance for hospitality, kindness and assistance
to our fellow-countrymen. In our sister province of British Columbia, several of them
subsequentl}- acquired distinction in affairs of state. Let a few be named who never lost
tlieir interest in the territory so long their home: The veteran Archibald McKinlay, Esq.,
who held Fort Walla Walla from 1841 to 1S46, so well known and highly esteemed b}'
ancient Oregonians, is rounding off an eventful and useful life at Lac la Hache, in
British Columbia; Alexander C. Anderson, who half a century ago was on duty on the
Columbia river and upper coast, a painstaking writer of distinguished learning and ability,
long recognized as the oracle of the history of those early times ; George B. Roberts, who
I See Hubert Howe Bancroft's Works, Vol. .XXXII, History of British Columbia, page 303.
180 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
served the company so zealousl}- and well, long before Americans began to settle in Oregon,
long the respected Probate Jndge of Wahkiakum count}-, who resided at Kathlamet. Of
those venerable men, McKinlay alone survives.
" They were men, take them for all in all,
We shall not look upon their like again."
Of those who rose to the rank of chief factor, chief trader or even clerk, instances
are rare of retirement from the company's service to settle in the countr}'. But those
who were termed servants, including the farmers, dairymen and men-of-all-work who
constituted the enlisted emploj-es, after having served their full term of five j-ears and
probably a re-enlistment, became settlers of Oregon. Of these, many were natives of
Scotland and the Orkney Islands ; the remainder were Canadian trappers and voj-ageurs.
This latter class, when retired, as alread)' stated, located upon French Prairie, in the
Willamette valley, and upon Cowlitz Prairie ; a very few settled upon the Steilacoom
Prairie, near Puget Sound.
The number of British subjects in Oregon as then defined, emplo3^es of the
Hudson's Baj' Company and its retired servants, approximated twelve hundred.
French Prairie, about sixty miles south of the Columbia river, bounded on the west
and north by the Willamette river, was the first permanent settlement in the Willamette
valley, or with perfect propriety it might be said, in Oregon Territory, /. r., that vast
region west of the Rocky Mountains, bounded south by the California bouudary,
forty-two degrees, and north b}' the Russian line, fiftj^-four degrees, forty minutes.
Etienne Lucier was the first settler. He had been a trapper, who had come to Oregon
in 1811, in the overland party of John Jacob Astor's Pacific Fur Company, commanded
by Wilson P. Hunt, one of the partners. His first settlement was on the east side of the
Willamette, opposite to where Portland now stands. There he remained for several years,
when, in the fall of 1S27, he took the tract on French Prairie, and became the pioneer of
that settlement. Before the spring of 1830, the free trappers (those who were engaged in
trapping, not enlisting in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company) had selected farms
upon the French Prairie. Several of the old retired servants of the North West Company
had also made .settlements.
From the parish register of St. Paul's church, which contained the names of earl}-
settlers of French Prairie, their birth, age, and date of death, Hon. Willard H. Rees, in his
most valuable annual address upon " The Early Settlements and Settlers of French Prairie,"
delivered at the Pioneer's Annual Reunion of Oregon, 1S79, gives a most interesting
extract, furnished by Rev. B. Delorme, pastor: " Francis Quesnel, died 1844, aged 65
years. Philip Degie, born at Sorel, Canada, 1739, died February 27, 1847, aged loS years.
This oldest inhabitant first crossed the continent with Lewis and Clark in 1S05. Francis
Rivet, died September 15, 1852, aged 95, first came to Oregon with Lewis and Clark.
William Cannon, born in Pennsylvania in 1755, died in 1854, aged 99 3'ears. Etienne
Lucier, died March 6, 1853. Lewis Labonte, died in i860, aged 80 years. Joseph Gervais,
died July 13, 1861, aged 84 years. (Cannon, Lucier, Labonte and Gervais were free
trappers, and together came to Oregon, in 1811, in Wilson P. Hunt's overland party.)
Francis Dupra, died 1858, aged 99 years. Andrew Longtain, born in 1782, died in 1879,
aged 97 3'ears." Of this pioneer settlement Mr. Rees eloquently remarks : " French
Prairie, comparatively limited in extent, is nevertheless a prolific field abounding in many
stirring and important events in connection with the early history of Oregon. Here have
HON.CHA? C.TERRY.
SEATTLE. W.T.
EARLY SETTLERS OF FRENCH PRAIRIE. 181
lived and now lie buried two of that gallant band of pioneers wbo, with Lewis and Clark,
in 1805, followed the waters of the Columbia from their sources to the uttermost limits of
the west. Here were the homes of Gervais, Lucier and Cannon, and, on the west side of
the river, Labonte and La Framboise, four Canadians and two Americans, all Astor men,
who came to Oregon with Captain Hunt in iSii, some of whom were with Sir Alexander
Mackenzie, ' the first white man who ever crossed the Rocky Mountains.' In later
years (with the exception of La Framboise), these five free trappers were the first to
introduce the civilizing arts of husbandry in the valley of the Willamette. Here the
pioneer missionaries first proclaimed the salvation of the cross to the native tribes. Here,
too, in 1841, were held the first political meetings which eventuated, in 1S45, in giving to
the whole people of the territory a provisional form of republican government, a work of
Oregon pioneers, the history of which must endure while the ' River of the West ' shall
continue to roll his waters to the briny deep."
In the fall of 1830, the first servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, retired by Dr.
McLoughlin, had commenced settling upon French Prairie. These servants, Canadian
French, were married to native women ; and some were about to have united themselves to
the native tribes to which their wives belonged. Through the influence of Dr. McLoughlin,
such scheme was abandoned ; and they were induced to take claims and cultivate farms.
Some of these retired servants had also about this period commenced to occupy lands
adjacent to the farms of the Hudson's Bay Company, upon the Cowlitz Prairie, north of
the Columbia river.
While Dr. McLoughlin was thus encouraging the retired servants to engage in
agriculture on French Prairie, he himself, in 1829, commenced the erection of a saw-mill
at Willamette Falls (now Oregon City). The employes engaged in getting out the
timbers wintered there in 1829-30. Progress was made in blasting out a mill-race, four
houses were built, and the timbers prepared for the saw-mill and a store.
Chapter XXIII.
(Ante 1836.)
Aoiericaii Settlements — Personnel of Independent Residents of Oregon — First
Expedition of Captain N. J. Wyetli — First School West of Rocky 3Iountaius
— Second Exjiedition of Captiiin Wyeth — Ewing Yonng and Ilall J. Kelly —
Immigrants of 1835.
PRE\'IOUS to the establishment of the Oregon Methodist ]\Iission in the Willamette
valley, exclusive of those whose presence might be attributed to the Hudson's Ba}-
Compan}', there were not to exceed fifteen white inhabitants, west of the Rock}- Mountains
and between forty-two and fift3'-four degrees, forty minutes north latitude. Those were
persons who had remained from vessels which had entered the Columbia river, or had
come from the Rock}' Mountains or California. They were mountain meu, trappers or
adventurers and sailors. As a general rule, they were married to native women.
(1832.) Of the overland party of Captain Nat. J. Wyeth, of Massachusetts, ten
remained after Wyeth's return in 1833, to Boston, of whom Solomon H. Smith, John Ball and
Calvin Tibbetts settled in the Willamette valley. On the ist of January, 1833, John Ball
opened a school at Fort Vancouver, for Indian and half-breed children. He continued
teaching until March, and was then succeeded by Solomon H. Smith. This was the first
school taught west of the Rocky Mountains.
(1834.) Of Wyeth's party of 1834, there settled in the Willamette, James A. O'Neill,
Thomas J. Hubbard and Courtney M. Walker. In November, came Ewing Young and
Hall J. Kelly, with a party of eight others, among whom was Captain Joseph Gale,
afterwards one of the executive committee or board of three governors of Oregon, uuder
the first Provisional government.
Of American names connected with this period of Oregon settlement, none are more
notable than those of Ewing Young and Hall J. Kelly.
Ewing Young was an adventurer of great force of character. Kelly was a visionar}'
enthusiast. The latter, en route to Oregon via Mexico and California, met Young at
Monterey, and induced him to come to Oregon. Young brought a herd of California mares
and horses. He erected a dwelling on the Willamette river opposite Champoeg, the first
house built upon the west side by an American. He entered Oregon uuder a cloud, attributed
to the circumstance that in the party were reckless characters, who, after the California
settlements had been left, returned to ranches and drove off horses. When those
depredations had become known to Figueroa, Governor-General of California, and that
the destination of Young and his party was Oregon, that official denounced them as horse
thieves.
The Hudson's Bay Company's sloop Cadboro was then at Monterey, bound for Fort
Vancouver. By this vessel. Governor Figueroa notified Governor McLoughlin of the
coming to Oregon of this party, accusing them of having stolen horses. The sloop
( 182 )
EWING YOUNG AND HALL J. KELLY. 183
had arrived at Fort Vancouver before Young and his party. The charge of horse stealing
had preceded Young's arrival. Dr. McLoughlin says : " I refused to have communication
with any of the party. Young maintained he had stolen no horses, but admitted that
others had. I told him that might be the case; but, as the charge had been made, I could
have no dealings with him till he cleared it up. But he maintained to his countrymen,
and they believed that, as he was a leader among them, I acted as I did from a desire to
oppose American interests."
Courtney M. Walker, in a paper of the proceedings, 1881, of the Oregon Pioneers,
characterizes Ewing Young as "a very candid and scrupulously honest man, thoroughgoing,
brave and daring." He writes: "Mr. Young being in want of some supplies, and having
a few beaver skins, sent them to Fort Vancouver to exchange for his supplies. But Dr.
McLoughlin having been apprised, b}^ no less authority than the Governor-General of
California, that Young was at the head of banditti, refused to purchase the beaver, but
sent Mr. Young the articles which he had wished to purchase, besides sending him
several articles of refreshments for his table. But when the articles came, Young
indignantl}- refused to receive the goods or refreshments, but went in person to
Vancouver. The Doctor satisfied Mr. Young that he could not, beiug at the head of
a company trading directly with California, have acted otherwise than to have given
credence to the charge by the Governor of California. On the return of the Cadboro to
California, Dr. McLoughlin wrote to the Governor of California, as also did Mr. Young.
The ensuing fall the Governor wrote to Dr. McLoughlin and Mr. Young, withdrawing
the charges against Young, and regretting the occurrence."
Mr. Walker refers to Hall J. Kelly and the hospitable attentions to him at Fort
Vancouver, and the free passage to the Sandwich Islands. He then obsei-\'es: "On Mr.
Kelly's arrival at Boston, he published an account of his travels, and dwelt with a good deal
of severity upon the of&cers of the Hudson's Bay Company, and how he and Young had been
treated. This pamphlet was sent to the United States' Consul at the Sandwich Islands, who
was instructed to make the necessary inquiries about Young and other citizens on the
Columbia. About this time Lieutenant W. A. Slacum, United States Navy, arrived at
Oahu ; and the United States' Consul chartered a little brig and got Lieutenant Slacum
to come and see, etc." (This was in the winter of 1S36.)
This article of Walker possesses value, as it doubtless gives Young's version of his
interview with Dr. McLoughlin. It also exhibits the view entertained by early settlers,
of the purposes of the mission of Purser William A. Slacum, United States Navy, special
agent appointed by President Jackson.
Hon. M. P. Deady, foremost among reliable and painstaking collectors of the
historic data of early Oregon, thus wrote in 1867 of Ewing Young: "He was a man of
mark, fond of adventure, and endowed with force of character. He was a native of
Tennessee. At an early age we learn of him in New Mexico, where he married a native
woman, by whom he had a son, Joaquin Young. For some reason, he left his Mexican
partner and progeny sa)is ceremoiiic. In the summer of 1834, at Monterey, he was
induced by Hall J. Kelly, of Boston, to accompany him to Oregon. The party arrived
at Vancouver in October, 1834. Mr. Kell3''s health failed him, and he soon returned
home by the way of the Sandwich Islands. Young settled in Yamhill county, where he
died in the winter of 1840-1. He left no relations in the country, nor in the world, so
far as was then known. He died intestate, and left what was considered a large estate.
This circumstance, and the necessity of providing for the disposition of this propert}-, led
184 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to the first attempt to form a Provisional government in Oregon. A committee, chosen
at Young's funeral, called a mass meeting of the inhabitants of Oregon south of the
Columbia river to be held at the Methodist Mission in the Willamette valley, on the 17th
and i8th of February, 1841, to take steps for the government of the communit}-, and to
provide for the disposition of the estate of Ewing Young.
"The meeting was held pursuant to call, and comprised nearly all of the male
adults south of the Columbia. It was fitl}- called ' The Primarj- IMeeting of the People
of Oregon.' The Rev. David Leslie acted as chairman. The meeting, after electing
officers, adjourned to meet on Thursday, June 11, 1841.
" The Provisional authorities took possession of the Young estate. In the message
of the Executive Committee to the Legislative Committee, dated Willamette Falls,
December 15, 1844, and signed Osborne Russel and P. G. Stewart, it is stated that the
estate had been settled; and the net proceeds amounted to the sum of $3,734.26, which sum
had been loaned to various individuals.
" December 24, 1S44, the Legislative Committee passed an act directing the funds
of the estate to be collected and paid into the treasury of the Provisional government,
pledging the faith of the government that the same should be refunded whenever claimed
bv the heirs or creditors of Young. By the same act, $1,500 of the funds of the estate
were appropriated for the building of a jail at Oregon City. The jail was dulv erected,
but after some ^-ears was destro3-ed by fire. This was probably the first jail west of the
Missouri. So it may be said that the early Provisional government in Oregon grew out
of the death of Ewing Young, and that its treasur}- was first filled from the funds of his
estate."
For Hall J. Kelly, merit has been claimed for inviting attention to the American
colonization of Oregon. He was born in Gilmanton, New Hampshire, in 1789. In 1827,
then teacher of a public school in Boston, he had become zealously interested in the
territory west of the Rocky Mountains. He addressed a memorial to Congress, urging
"the founding of a new republic of civil and religious freedom on the shores of the Pacific
Ocean, and extending the blessings of Christianit}' to the Indian tribes."
Lentil 1828-9, his colonizing efforts were restricted to lecturing, memorializing State
Legislatures and Congress, and through the public journals. He made several abortive
efforts to organize a colon}- to proceed overland to the territor}-. From 1820 to 183 1, he
devoted his time to procuring a charter from the Massachusetts Legislature. At the
session of 1830-31, he secured the incorporation of "The Society for Encouraging the
Settlement of Oregon Territory." A large number enrolled to go to Oregon; two only,
John. Ball and Calvin Tibbetts, who accompanied Captain Wyeth on his first expedition,
ever reached Oregon.
Kelly then made an ineffectual effort to send a part}- by sea to Puget Sound. With
a small party, he went to the City of Mexico via Vera Cruz, and thence to California. His
party having abandoned him in Mexico, with a single companion he overtook a part of the
trapping party of the Hudson's Bay Company, about 200 miles from San Francisco,
returning to Fort \'ancouver. Joining them, in a few days the remainder of the party
were overtaken, with whom was Ewing Young.
The treatment which Ewing Young received at Fort Vancouver has been related.
Dr. McLoughlin says : " I treated all of the party in the same manner as Young, except
Kelly, who was very sick. Out of humanity I placed him in a house, and attended on him
till he left iu 1836, when I gave him a passage to Oahu in one of the company's vessels.
HON. J.W.NORVAL,
SUMMERVILLE.OR
HON.RUFUS MALLORY,
PO RTLAN D, O R.
IMMIGRANTS OF 1835. 185
On his return to the States, he published a narrative of his voyages, in which, instead of
being grateful for the kindness shown him, he abused me and falsely stated that I was so
alarmed with the dread that he would destroy the company's trade that I had kept a
constant watch over him. This was published in a report made by him to the United
States Congress."
Kelly, having returned to Massachusetts, devoted much time to publishing matter
relating to the climate, soil and advantages of Oregon. Session after session, he labored to
secure a congressional grant of land in Oregon in remuneration for his services in behalf
of the colony, but failed. Some charitable friend, noticing his death, which occurred on
the 20th of December, 1S73, thus refers to his latter life: "Doomed and disappointed,
poor and needy, unable to stem the adverse tide, he became so irritable as to drive his wife
and family from him. Having a small house and a little land, heavily mortgaged, he has
lived for more than twenty years a hermit's life, brooding over his troubles. His mind
partially gave way ; and for j^ears, in every little trial even down to his last hours, he
traced, through every unfriendly act or annoyance, the persecutions of the Hudson's Bay
Company, through their emissaries, who, he believed, still followed him with relentless
hostility, because of his early efforts in colonizing Oregon. No efforts of friends or
relatives could induce him to leave his hermitage on the side of the hill facing the common
at Three Rivers, though they offered him a good home and the comforts of life."
For 1835, a single expressive quotation from the memoranda of Dr. McLonghlin
exhibits the character and progress of settlement : " Five English and American deserted
sailors, having lost two of their number murdered by Indians, made their way from
California to Willamette."
Chapter XXIV.
(1834-1844.)
The Oregon Methodist Mission — Visit of Flathead Indians to St. Louis, Aslcing
Missionaries — Formation of Oregon Metliodist-Ejjiscopal Mission — Kev. Jason
Lee and Associates Journey to Oregon, 1834 — Establishment of Mission in
Willamette Valley — Schools Established at Willamette and Fort Vaiiconver —
Missionary Elforts to Clu-istianize Indians — Arrival of Dr. Elijah White, Kev.
David Leslie and Others — Status of the Mission — It Abandons the Indian
Work — The Oregon Institute Founded — Prominent in Every Popular Enterprise
— Kev. Jason Lee Succeeded by Kev. George Gary — Character of the Mission
Changed — Eflects of Presence of Methodist Mission in Oregon.
IN THE fall of 1832, four Flathead Indians accompanied a returning party of Rocky
Mouutain trappers to St. Louis. Two of the number had died in that city; and the two
survivors started upon their return, but never reached their people. These Indians had
communicated to General William Clark, then residing at St. Louis, that they had been sent
East by the chief men of their tribe to solicit that the " word of God '' might be taught to
their people. The publication that such an appeal had been made, the wearisome journey
to carr}^ the petition, the tragic fate of the messengers from the knowledge-craving tribe,
invoked the zealous interest of religious denominations ; it created at once a sensation in
missionar}' circles. Wilbur Fisk, D. D., President of Wesle3"an University, eloquently
urged immediate response. The Board of Missions of the Methodist-Episcopal Church
invited laborers. Rev. Jason Lee and his nephew, Daniel Lee, of Stanstead, Lower
Canada, members of the New England Conference, volunteered ; and the former was
appointed Superintendent of the Oregon Mission.
(1833.) The Board, October i6th, appropriated three thousand dollars for an outfit,
and authorized the emploj-ment of two la}' members. The Messrs. Lee repaired to Boston
to consult Captain W3'eth, who had but latel}- returned from Oregon. That gentleman was
about dispatching the brig A/aj' Dacrc to the Columbia river ; the next season he proposed
to lead a party across the continent. Thus was afforded the opportunit\' to ship their
outfit and to travel overland with a safe escort. Cyrus Shepherd, of Lynn, Mass., and
P. L. Edwards, of Richmond, Mo., were selected as lay members; and Courtney M. Walker,
of the latter place, had been hired for one year.
(1834.) On the 2Sth of April, the missionaries left Independence, Mo., with Captain
N. J. Wyeth's second Oregon expedition, and on the 13th of September reached Fort
Vancouver. The May Dacre had alread}- arrived and was lying in the Columbia, near
the mouth of the Willamette. The purpose had been to establish this mission among
the Flatheads ; but Superintendent Lee counseled wdth Dr. McLoughlin, who urged that,
to accomplish anything with the Indians, their establishments must be where they could
collect the Indians around them. They could teach them to cultivate the ground and live
( 186 )
THE OREGON METHODIST MISSION. 187
more comfortably tlian by hunting. Wbile doing this, they should teach them religion. He
suggested that the Willamette valle}' was the proper field ; and his recommendations were
adopted.
Having received their supplies, leaving Mr. Shepherd at Fort Vancouver on account
of sickness, the Lees, Mr. Edwards and Mr. Walker ascended the Willamette river sixty
miles. On the 6th of October, upon the east side of the river, they established the first
mission station in Oregon. Their building, thirtj'-two by eighteen feet, was readj^,
November 3d, for occupancy. A manual-labor school was immediatel}- opened for
Indian children.
(1835.) A similar school had been established by Mr. Shepherd at Fort Vancouver,
and continued till spring, when he joined the mission. In October, Rev. Daniel Lee,
impaired in health, visited the Sandwich Islands ; and Mr. Edwards took charge, during
the winter, of the mission school at Champoeg.
(1836.) The increased number of scholars required additional buildings. At this
time missionar}' efforts were largel}^ devoted to preventing the introduction of ardent
spirits into the Willamette valley and among the Indians.
The Oregon missionary undertook to teach the gospel to a savage race who had
neither knowledge nor conception of Christianity. The Oregon Indian had accustomed
himself to the presence of the trader, the trapper and the sailor; but such inteixourse
was transient ; nor was its purpose moral or mental improvement. The missionary was
the first to teach, to christianize, to civilize. His was the herculean task of transforming
Indian character, of mollifying savage nature, of preparing the Indian mind for the
presence of a superior name with entirely variant purposes of life. To an unappreciative
people, the missionaries urged the adoption of an aggressive civilization content onl}- with
supplanting every custom, tradition and characteristic of that people. To accomplish any
result in such a field, the missionary must tangibly demonstrate to the savage the
advantages which attend Christian conduct. The Indian must be convinced that the
daily life of the white men under Christian influences exhibited evidence of a higher
scale of happiness than he enjoyed. Missionary duty also found fruition in adapting the
country for the homes of civilization. To successfully accomplish such results, how
plausible the theory that the mission required to be self-sustaining and independent.
Within itself should exist the ability to subsist its members. People to whom it ministered
should be dependent upon it, — should look up to it and should co-operate with it. The
Methodist Board, recognizing this policy, as promptly reinforced its Oregon Mission as
the means of communication afforded.
In May, Dr. Elijah White and wife, William H. Wilson, Alanson Beers and wife,
Misses Downing and Johnson, arrived at the mission (i). They had sailed from Boston
in June, 1836, in a whaling vessel, and reached the Sandwich Islands, where they were
delayed several months waiting for a passage by a Hudson's Bay Company's vessel to the
Columbia river.
In September, the mission was further strengthened by the arrival of Rev. David
Le-slie and family. Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and Miss M. J. Smith. On Christmas, a general
meeting was convened; and the Oregon Missionary Society was formed. A new station at
The Dalles, among the Wasco Indians, to be called Wascopam, was ordered, to which was
assigned Revs. David Leslie and H. K. W. Perkins. Superintendent Lee was selected to
go East and solicit aid and additional missionary force.
(I) On the i6tli of July, Rev. Jason Lee married Miss Ann Maria Pitman ; and Cyrus Shepherd married Miss Susan Downing. The ceremony
was performed by Rev. Daniel Lee in a grove in front of the Mission House.
188 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
(1838.) Ou the 26th of March, leaving the mission in charge of Rev. David Leslie,
Rev. Jason Lee started East accompanied by P. L. Edwards, a Mr. Ewing of Missouri, and
two Chinook Indians (i).
With the two Indians he reached New York in the fall. The Methodist Board
resolved (November 6th) to send five additional missionaries, one ph3-sician, six mechanics,
four farmers, a steward and four female teachers.
During the winter of 183S-9, missionary meetings were held bv Lee and his Indian
companions through the Northern States. Including appropriations made by the Board,
over fort}' thousand dollars were contributed. Agricultural implements, a saw and grist
mill, trading goods, a complete outfit for a colony, were purchased. On the 9th of October,
1S39, the reinforcement, consisting of fifty-two persons, sailed from New York in the ship
Lausanne^ Captain Spalding : Revs. Jason Lee and J. H. Frost, A. F. Waller, W. W.
Kone, L. H. Judson, Josiah L. Parrish, J. P. Richmond, M. D., and Gustavus Hines (2),
preachers; Dr. I. L. Babcock, physician; George Abernethy (3), steward and accountant;
Messrs. W. W. Ra3nnond, H. B. Brewer, James Olley, H. Campbell, and their families;
Misses Ware, Clark, Phelps and Lankton, teachers. In the colony were sixteen children.
During this 3'ear, Rev. David Leslie and William H. Wilson established a station near
Fort Nisqually on Puget Sound. The Lausanne arrived at Fort Vancouver on the ist of
June, 1S40. On the 13th, a general meeting of the mission was held. Dr. Richmond
was assigned to Nisqually, Mr. Frost to Clatsop, Messrs. Hines and Kone to the Umpqua
countr}'. Dr. Babcock was located at Wascopam. The mission colony now numbered
sevent3--five, twenty of whom w^ere children. That the founders of the Oregon Methodist
Mission were actuated by the philanthropic motive of civilizing and christianizing the
native population, is apparent. That the IMissionary Board duly appreciated the
remoteness of the territor}-, the difficult}- of obtaining supplies, and necessar}' dependence
on the Hudson's Bay Compau}', are manifest in the liberality in reinforcing this mission.
That the missionaries selected were prompted by similar laudable motives ma}' be
charitably believed. The Oregon Mission entered upon its career, embracing men of
ambition, men of force, men who could and did see a great future for Oregon, if erected
into an American State.
A foreign corporation was their neighbor, exercising control over the Indian
population, as also over the majority of the white population then present in the territory.
The one was British and worldly, the other American, claiming to be actuated by higher,
holier, purer motives. So long as the mission confined itself to religious and educational
pursuits, — so long as it continued missionary in its labors, — it enjoyed the sympathy and
received the direct aid and support of the Hudson's Bay Company.
Indian civilizing soon ceased to be an occupation of the mission. The work changed
to ministering to the white settlers who were gathering in the Willamette valley. As the
mission strengthened in influence with those settlers, its power became a political lever as
much as moral agency. The missionaries had commenced their labor in the education
and care of Indian children. Time and money had been liberally expended, at first with
seeming assurance of success. The building of the enlarged mission schoolhouse in
1842, at an expense often thousand dollars, had been succeeded by a remarkable mortality
of Indian children. A number of them died, which occasioned a number to run away, and
(i) On the 26th of June, 1S38. Mrs. Jason Lee gave birth to a son,— Oregon's first-born American white male. On the 27th, mother and child
became occupants of one tomb, — brief but sad chronicle of the birth and death of an Oregon first born ,— the first death of a woman of our race west
of the Rocky Mountains.
(2) The historian of the Oregon Mission, — author of a most entertaining narrative of the niissionarj' voyages.
(3) Governor George Abernethy, of the Oregon Provisional Government, 1845-6.
STATUS OF THE MISSION. 189
the parents of others to withdraw their children. The attempt to educate the Indian youth
had received its quietus. As the only rational hope of transforming an Indian is in
alienating him while a youth from Indian customs and traditions, so, by the refusal of
Indian youths to submit to missionar}- teaching, Indian civilization ceased to be a part of
missionary labor. The missionaries continued to receive and instruct those Indians who
would receive instruction; but their efforts being unappreciated by the native, they turned
their active attention to the American settlers, — the white population who had commenced
the transformation of Willamette valley into an American community. Here were their
own race engaged in mechanical branches, in cultivating the extensive mission farms, in
caring for their rapidl}- increasing stock of cattle and horses The mission had developed
into a wealth-producing community. Its power was to continue by its acquiring and
retaining influence with the increasing population. It had become a candidate for popular
favor. From its farms, stores and granaries, it could furnish sustenance, siipply necessary
implements for the pursuit of husbandr}^ or mechanical vocations. It could not only
furnish employment, but could supply its employes with all the necessaries of life.
The community was as dependent upon it for temporal wants as for spiritual food. The
reinforcement of 1840 no longer meant Indian mission ; it was colonization, power, —
moral, social, political.
The world will harshl}' criticise those who, having dedicated themselves to a service
which required self-denial and sacrifice, abandoned such for more tasteful or more profitable
employment, even though the latter proved more practicable of good results. The erection
of mills, the successful pursuit of trade, the cultivation of lands, the holding of office, are
all benefits to our race, and are also sources of wealth. But such pursuits will not be
accepted as missionary labor. Large tracts of land had been taken by the mission for
itself; and each member had located his section of land. The mission supported a large
force of employes. The country was without established government or laws ; there was
no agency to restrain lawlessness but the presence of the missionaries. It was a
recognized associate governing power; and the settler early learned to look up to the
mission, to respect its authority, to defer to its leading members. Nor was it slow to
assume authority thus voluntarily acknowledged, to exercise that control to which the
settler had voluntarily submitted. Thus its members acquired influence in the community.
If greed for gain or personal ambition may have prompted some to use that power
inconsistently with the precepts of the Gospel which they were sent to Oregon to impart
to the Indians, the individual should be condemned ; the mission should only be censured
where it participated in the wrong, shared in the profit, or suffered such wrong to pass
unrebuked.
Located in the Willamette valley, the mission became the nucleus of American settlers.
It sympathized with them. Its leading members mingled with the people. The mission
molded public opinion. As the country increased in population, its purposes materially
changed. Education became a subject of vital popular interest. The little community
looked to the mission for educational opportunities. Jason Lee called a meeting at his
residence on the 17th of January, 1842, of the members of the mission and all friendly to
education. Dr. Babcock and Revs. Leslie and Hines were appointed to report a plan
for an institution of learning. On the ist of February, 1842, an adjourned meeting
was held at the Oregon Mission House. Friends of education, irrespective of sect,
participated, prominent among whom was Rev. Harvey Clark, Congregationalist. Thus
and then was inaugurated the OREGON Institute.
190 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
It was to commence as an academical boarding school, to be converted as early as
practicable into an university. Although designed for white children, a person of color
who produced a certificate of good moral character, and could read, write and speak the
English language, could gain admission. It was to be placed under the supervision of
some evangelical branch of the Protestant Church. Until such denominational character
should be ascertained, subscribers of fifty dollars and upward were authorized to transact
the business. A fifty-dollar subscription conferred the right to participate in meetings of
business. Five hundred dollars entitled its subscriber to a perpetual scholarship. When
subscriptions should amount to four thousand dollars, buildings were to be erected.
Subscriptions were payable, one-third cash, and the remainder in cattle, lumber, wheat,
or property delivered at the institute at market prices. Money was then unknown in
Oregon. Cash meant accepted orders either upon the mission at Oregon Cit}-, or upon
the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Vancouver. Four thousand dollars were promptly
subscribed. On the 26th of October, 1S42, the Methodist-Episcopal Church of Oregon
pledged itself to sustain the Oregon Institute ; and thus it became a ^Methodist institution.
On the 29th of May, 1S43, the subscribers to the institute met at Wallace Prairie,
the selected site. Previous proceedings were ratified, and the Oregon Institute was
formally transferred to the Methodist-Episcopal Church of Oregon. B}- November i6th,
1843, the buildings had been erected at a cost of three thousand dollars, under the
supervision of William H. Gray, General Superintendent and Secular Agent.
At the first annual meeting of the Trustees, Rev. Jason Lee was elected President, and
selected as agent to visit the Atlantic States to solicit funds and donations for a librar}-,
apparatus and other educational appliances.
The mission and its prominent members zealously entered into all popular enterpri.ses.
By establishing the institute, it had commended itself to popular sympathy and support.
Any secular work which promised benefit to the masses, or wealth or influence to the
mission, was sure to secure its hearty co-operation, the direct assistance of its leading
spirits. In its earliest days, it had been the prime agency in stocking Oregon with cattle.
If a mill was needed, it supplied the capital and skilled operatives for its erection. If a
store was to be established, it furnished the goods. Its prestige was invoked against the
competition of the Hudson's Ba}- Compau}-. In the spring of 1841, Ewing Young, an
independent settler, died without any relative in the territor}-. He had amassed
considerable property-. How was it to reach his legal heirs or representatives ?
Unconnected with either Hudson's Ba}^ Compau}^ or the mission, in the absence of laws
providing for the settlement of estates, who was to take the custod}- of his effects ? The
mission and its members were willing to adopt a code of regulations to establish law and
order, to submit to lawful aiithority, to empower the will of a majority to be exercised in
a system of government.
Then, as at every succeeding attempt of the American settlers of Oregon to adopt some
form of government, the Methodist missionaries, clergy and laity, took a prominent part.
They molded the political issues of those daj^s, and were the popular leaders. There
were, however, a series of tolerated acts which reflect no credit upon the mission. The
investigation ordered b}- the Methodist-Episcopal Missionar}- Board, the result of that
investigation, and the action of the new superintendent, are tacit condemnations of the
worldly and financial policy of the Oregon Mission.
Dr. Elijah White had been dismissed in 1840, and returned to the States. Oral and
written complaints against the superintendent had followed. It was charged that the
CHARACTER OF THE MISSION CHANGED. 191
Board had been misled as to the number of Indians in the territory, in consequence of
which misrepresentations, a much greater number of missionaries had been sent and
maintained than was necessary. There was delay in making report of the manner in
which the large appropriation to the reinforcement of 1840 had been di.sbursed. As a
consequence, the Board, on the 19th of July, 1843, recommended to the bishop in charge
of foreign missions an investigation of the financial concerns of the Oregon Methodist
Mission. Bishop Hedding appointed Rev. George Gary, of Black River, New York,
superintendent of the Oregon Mission. Unaware of this hostile action, without notice to
the accused of pending charges. Rev. Jason Lee had, during the fall of 1843, started for
the east via the Sandwich Islands to solicit funds for the Oregon Institute. Rev.
Gustavus Hines was to have accompanied him. They had arrived at Honolulu, where,
awaiting a vessel bound for the United States, they learned that Mr. Lee's successor was
en route to Oregon. A passage for only one offering, to Mazatlan, was embraced by Lee,
who from thence proceeded via Vera Cruz to New York.
Rev. Gustavus Hines returned to Oregon, where he arrived April 23, 1844. The
annual meeting of the mission was held, Rev. D. Leslie acting as superintendent. Leslie
was assigned to the Willamette settlement, Hines to Tualitan Plains, Parrish to Clatsop,
and Perkins to The Dalles. Rev. Dr. Richmond and Revs. Kone, Frost and Daniel Lee
had previously abandoned the mission and had already returned to the East.
The only Indian mission was at The Dalles. The four appointments, the mission
school and the several secular departments now constituted the Oregon Methodist
Mission. Superintendent Gary shortly arrived. He was vested with unlimited discretion
and full powers to continue the mission as conducted, or abolish its secular character.
Superintendent Gary called a meeting of all the missionaries, ministers and laymen.
The result was a decision to sell the Clatsop mission farm and stock. The lay members
were discharged, except H. B. Brewer, at The Dalles. They were allowed a sum sufficient
to enable them to reach the eastern States, or, if they elected to settle in the country, an
amount in propertv equal to such traveling expenses. Dr. Babcock returned to the
States ; all the rest became settlers.
The Oregon Mission Manual-Labor School still remained undisposed of It had been
erected at an expense of ten thousand dollars. Superintendent Gary called a meeting of
the Oregon Methodist-Episcopal Church June 26th, at the mission schoolhouse, to
determine what disposition should be made. It was resolved to abandon it. Superintendent
Gary sold the property to the trustees of the Oregon Institute for four thousand dollars.
The Oregon Institute farm found a purchaser; and the Oregon Mission Manual-Labor
School became the Oregon Institute. Thus terminated the colonial character of the
Oregon Methodist Mission.
Rev. Mr. Perkins left for the East in the fall. The Oregon mission after ten years
of existence numbered four preachers, viz. : Superintendent Gar}^ David Leslie, A. F.
Waller and Gustavus Hines. The latter remarks: "The finances of the Oregon Mission
were thus summarily brought to a close ; and the mission was not onl}^ relieved of a
ponderous load, but assumed a decidedh' spiritual character."
Tlie presence in Oregon of the Oregon Methodist Mission had not material!}-
contributed to the temporal or spiritual advancement of the native population of Oregon.
As a civilizer or christianizer of the Indians, it was a failure. But to the future of Oregon,
its presence was salutary. Reports to missionary boards gave valuable information of the
192 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
country, its soil, climate and resources. The support of the Provisional government fused
the American element and hastened the extension of Federal jurisdiction over the
territor3^
As an Americanizer, as an impresser of Oregon social life by the establishment of
churches and schools, its agency in colonization was lasting and incalculable. The Oregon
Mission became the Oregon Conference, a wholesome adjunct, but not a factor in settlement.'
From a little mission party of four, it had become the Methodist-Episcopal Church of
Oregon.
RICHARD CORBALY.
SPOKANE FALLS, W.T.
Chapter XXV.
(1835-1848.)
Establishment of the Oregon Mission, Under the Auspices of tlie American Board
of Commissioners of Foreign Missions.
THE x\merican Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, chiefly sustained by
Congregationalists, furnished support to missionaries connected with Presbyterian,
Congregational and Dutch Reformed Churches. Its Oregon Mission embraced the Indian
tribes east of the Columbia river. Its several stations or branches were established among
the Cayuse, Nez Perce and Flathead nations. In the spring of 1834, the Board appointed
Rev. Samuel Parker, Rev. John Dunbar and Samuel AUis, Jr., to make an exploring tour
" among the Indian tribes near or beyond the Rock}- Mountains." If impracticable to
proceed so far that year, they were to visit the Pawnee nation, on Platte river. They
left Ithaca, New York, May 5, 1S34, and arrived at St. Louis on the 23d, too late to
accompany the annual caravan of the American Fur Company. Messrs. Dunbar and
Allis continued their journey to the Pawnee country. Mr. Parker returned to the East.
(1835.) Marcus Whitman, M. D., having been associated with Rev. Samuel Parker,
the latter left Ithaca on the 14th of March, 1S35, reaching St. Louis April 4th, where Dr.
Whitman awaited him. The missionary explorers crossed the plains and Rocky
Mountains with the annual caravan of the American Fur Company; and on the 12th
of August they reached Green river. The missionaries remained together several days,
meeting a large number of Indians. Nez Perce and Flathead chiefs, to whom were
explained the designs of the American Board, enthusiastically welcomed the coming of
missionaries and teachers, and desired that religious instructors might be sent to their
country to establish missions among them. Both missionaries concurred in the opinion,
that there was a promising field beyond the Rocky Mountains ; both assured the Indians
present that their wishes should be gratified.
On the 2 2d of August, Dr. Whitman returned with the caravan to report to the Board.
Mr. Parker, escorted by Indians, arrived at Fort Walla Walla on the 6th of October. On
the 1 6th, he was most hospitably received by Chief Factor McLoughlin, at Fort
Vancouver. Stopping over one night at the fort, he continued his exploration to the
mouth of the Columbia. On the 30th, he had returned to Fort Vancouver, where he
remained during the winter. In the spring, he traversed much of Oregon.
Oa the 2Sth of June, 1836, he embarked on the Hudson's Bay Company's bark
Columbia for Honolulu, en route to the United States. At the Sandwich Islands, he
sojourned from July 14th until the 17th of December, then sailed for New London
in the whaling ship P/iavii.v, where he arrived May 15, 1837. On the 23d, he
reached his home at Ithaca. The journal of this missionary tour imparted most valuable
information. The route to Oregon, and importance of that territory, and many interesting
features as to native population, climate, geology and natural history, became known,
u ( 193 )
194 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
It exhibited how Oregon was then reached by land and sea ; its isolation ; its mail
communications, afforded only by whaling vessels which resorted to the Sandwich Islands,
connecting with the Hudson's Bay Company's vessels which remained on the coast,
making occasional vo3'ages to those islands and from thence to the United States ; or
by the annual expresses accompan^nng the caravan of the American Fur Company ; or a
brigade of the Hudson's Bay Company en route between Fort \'ancouver and York
Factory.
On receiving Dr. Whitman's report in the fall of 1835, the Board determined to
establish the Oregon Mission, and selected him to perform the labor. Betrothed to
Narcissa Prentice, she consented to accompany him. Rev. Henry H. Spalding and
wife, and William H. Gray, mechanic, were associated in the proposed mission. The
party accompanied a caravan of the American Fur Company to Green river. There they
met a trading party of the Hudson's Bay Company, with whom the}^ traveled to Fort
Vancouver, where they arrived September 12, 1836. This journey demonstrated that the
continent could be safely crossed by women ; that Oregon could be peopled overland from
the western frontier; that the great American desert and Rocky Mountains were not
insurmountable barriers to transcontinental travel.
By the middle of November, a station among the Cayuse Indians at Waiilatpu,
twenty-five miles east of Fort Walla Walla, in charge of Dr. Whitman, and another among
the Nez Perces, at Lapwai, on the Koos Kooskie or Clearwater river, no miles eastward
from Waiilatpu (Rev. H. H. Spalding), had been established.
(1837.) (^) Necessary- buildings having been erected at the two stations, Mr. Gray
returned to the East for missionaries. His little party reached the headwaters of the Platte
in safety, where they were attacked by the Sioux. The Nez Perces who accompanied him
were killed. Mr. Gray, with his white companions, succeeded in making their escape.
(1838.) Revs. Cushing Fells, Elkanah Walker and A. B. Smith, with their wives,
Cornelius Rodgers, mechanic and teacher, William H. Gray, mechanic and teacher, and
wife, reached Waiilatpu on the ist of September. Rev. A. B. Smith was assigned to
Waiilatpu, Messrs. Gray and Rodgers to Lapwai. Messrs. Fells and Walker having
selected Tshimikan, near Fort Colvile, among the Spokane Indians, as the site for their
station, returned to Waiilatpu, where they wintered.
(1839.) Edwin O. Hall, printer of the Honolulu Mission, accompanied by his wife,
arrived at Lapwai earl}' in Ma)^ This was the introduction of printing west of the Rocky
IVIountains. During the subsequent fall and winter, elementary books were printed in
the Nez Perce and Flathead languages. In the fall, another station was established among
the Nez Perces, at Kamiah, on the Clearwater river, about sixty miles east of Lapwai, Rev.
Asa B. Smith, missionarj'.
(1840.) On the nth of January, the mission building at Tshimikan was destroyed
by fire. Through the efficient service of A. McDonald, a chief factor of the Hudson's Bay
Company, in charge of Fort Colvile, and the zealous co-operation of the Indians, buildings
to protect the missionary families from the inclemencies of the winter were proniptl_v
afforded. At the outset the Indians had welcomed the missionaries, and assisted in the
selection of land for the several stations. For a time thej- had continued friendly and
well disposed, and eagerly received religious as well as other instruction. The officials of
the Hudson's Bay Compan}-, uniformly courteous, had always proffered their good offices
and active sympathy.
(I) Ou the Mth of March, 1S37, Alice C. Whitman, daughter of Marcus Whitman, M. D., was bom at Waiilatpu. She was the first white
female child born in Oregon. She was drowned iu the Walla Walla river June 22. 1S39.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE OREGON MISSION. 195
The American Board exercised no ecclesiastical control. The missionaries were
allowed to adopt their form of church government. " Six members favored Congregational
church polit}', four were Presbyterians, two Dutch Reformed. The Mission church was
Presb3-terian in name, but practically Congregational. The Oregon Mission was first
formed, afterwards the number of stations determined. The mission was the body, the
stations the branches. According to men and means, operations were enlarged or
contracted, the number of stations increased or diminished. It began with two stations,
which were increased to four. The missions of the American Board of Foreign Missions
were little republics. All important arrangements in regard to each station were made in
annual meetings of all members of the mission, and determined bv a vote of the majority
of those present " ( i ) .
(1S41.) To this constitution of the mission, its irresponsibilit}- to a superior
ecclesiastical tribunal, without a chief officer or superintendent, must be attributed that
non-congeniality of its several constituents which so soon detracted from its success. In
that " little republic," jealousies had already- arisen. Complaints and harsh criticisms, as
to motives, competenc}- and Christian character of the most prominent missionaries, and
inveigling against the utility of certain stations, had been forwarded to the Missionarj''
Board. Criminations and recriminations, personal rancor and suspicion of each other,
were too certain indications to the Board, that the mission was not in a healthv or hopeful
condition.
In April, Rev. A. B. Smith and wife sailed for the Sandwich Islands, leaving Kamiah
station vacant. Sectarian differences among the native population had also made their
appearance. In 1S39, the Catholic missionaries had commenced labors among the Indians
of the interior. The priests had not located permanent stations ; but missions were
designated to which, at fixed times, the Indians repaired to receive instruction. Already
there were Catholic as well as Protestant believing Indians. The Caj-uses — though
called Dr. Whitman's Indians — numbered partisans of each faith. In the same camp,
the two religions had their respective votaries. About Waiilatpu the Indians had begun
to display insolence. There were no settlements, no settlers, no white population in the
valley of the Upper Columbia, except the missionary stations of the American Board with
their thirteen members, six of whom were women, and the trading-posts of the Hudson's
Baj- Company at Walla Walla and Colvile. Those missionaries, the entire American
population, were at the mercy of the Indians, who were only restrained b}' a knowledge
that the missionaries had the active sympathy of the officials of that company in charge at
Forts Walla Walla and Colvile.
In September, indignities to Dr. Whitman and family by Cayuses were of frequent
occurrence. This condition of affairs, known at Fort Walla Walla, had been communicated
to Dr. McLoughliu, who thereupon invited Dr. Whitman to Fort Vancouver. He
recommended his absence from Waiilatpu for a year or two, predicting that the Indians
would beg his return. Between Dr. Whitman and Chief Trader Archbald McKinlay,
in charge of Fort Walla Walla, there was great intimacy. The latter was extremely
anxious about the condition of things, and frequently warned Dr. Whitman of the restless
and perfidious character of the Cavuses. The missionary acted with Christian forbearance,
endeavoring to conciliate and gain the Indian's confidence and respect by kind treatment.
The Indian mistook this kindness for fear of him, and only increased his insolence. A
(I) Extract from letter of Rev. Cushing Hells to author.
196 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
difficult}' occurred, occasioned by an employe ordering an Indian out of the kitchen. Mr.
Gra}', the mechanic, resented the indignit}', while Whitman literally obeyed the injunction
to " turn the other cheek." Such Christian example was entirely lost on the perfidious
race among whom Dr. Whitman labored. INIcKinlay, on learning of that outbreak, warmly
espoused the cause of the outraged missionaries. He sent for the Indians engaged in
it, severely lectured them, and informed them if such a thing again occurred, that
Governor McLoughlin would send a force to teach them better manners. These good
offices were reported to the Board by Dr. Whitman, and Chief Trader McKinlay received
the thanks of its Executive Committee.
Sir George Simpson, Governor-in-Chief of the Hudson's Bay Company's territories,
visited Fort Walla Walla in August, 1S41. He met the missionaries. Adept as he was
in discipline and knowledge of Indian character, he thus noted his conclusions :
"But the ministers of the gospel moreover had a grievance peculiar to themselves;
for, instead of finding the savages eager to embrace Christianity, as they had been led to
expect, they saw a superstitious, jealous and bigoted people. They soon ascertained that
they could gain converts only bv bu3'ing them ; and the}' were even reproached by the
savages on the ground that, if they were really good men, they would procure guns and
blankets for them from the Great Spirit, merely by their prayers. In short, the Indians,
discovering that the new religion did not render them independent of the traders any-
more than their old one, regarded missionaries as mere failures, or nothing better than
impostors."
The Executive or Prudential Committee of the Board had been fully advised of the
condition of affairs. So discouraging had become the outlook, that an order had been
issued discontinuing Waiilatpu, Lapwai and Karaiah stations, recalling Rev. H. H.
Spalding and Mr. Gray, and directing Dr. Whitman to settle the business of the
southern branch (which included those stations), and to join Revs. Eells and Walker
at Tshimikan. This order was the special matter of consideration of a meeting of the
mission at Waiilatpu in September, 1842. Dr. Whitman was opposed to abandoning
Waiilatpu. To maintain it as a station, he had resolved on going East to secure a
rescinding of the order. The Spaldings at Lapwai had secured a large attendance of
Nez Perce youths of both sexes, and had a keen solicitude to continue their labors.
Whitman and vSpalding opposed immediate compliance with the order of the Board.
Instead of breaking up the southern branch. Dr. Whitman insisted that such stations
should be strengthened by reinforcement. An immigration of Christian families to the
vicinity of the several stations would relieve the missionary of secular responsibilit}-,
and afford more time to labor for the social and moral improvement of the Indian. A
minister for Waiilatpu, qualified to come in contact with frontiermen, was also required.
Waiilatpu was on the line to be traveled by those who crossed the Rock}' IMountains
en route to the lower Columbia and the Willamette valley. Dr. Whitman thoroughly
appreciated the value of the country and the importance of the station, and was not willing
to surrender it, nor abandon the field. Actuated by such motives, Dr. Whitman determined
to make the winter journey of 1842-3.
There was a decided opposition on the part of Revs. Eells and Walker to Dr.
Whitman's proposed journey; but when it became evident that he would go, even if such
going should cause his severance from the mission, those gentlemen finally united in
approval. Mrs. Whitman having made preparation to remain at The Dalles during her
husband's absence. Dr. Whitman, accompanied by General A. L. Lovejoy, started October
3, 1842.
,:^
i:
' il 4r
^*.\
HON. JAMES SEAVEY,
PORT TOWNSEND.W.T.
DR. whitman's journey TO THE EAST. 197
He crossed the continent by way of Salt Lake, Taos and Santa Fe, and reached
Boston on the 30th of the ensning March (1843). He labored earnestly with the
Prudential Committee of the Board. They censured his leaving his post, but revoked the
obnoxions order. The stations of Waiilatpu and Lapwai were continned ; but the Board,
however, refused to engage in Dr. Whitman's missionary colonization scheme for the
Oregon missions.
When he had abandoned hope that the Board would encourage a missionary colony of
Christian families to accompany him to Oregon, Dr. Whitman left Boston and overtook
the great migration of 1S43 upon the Platte river. He reached Waiilatpu on the 25th of
September.
To this journey, actuated solely b^^ the condition of affairs of the mission, great
political consequences have been attributed :
1. It has been alleged that Dr. Whitman projected the journey to defeat the British
claim to that part of Oregon lying north of the Columbia river;
2. That he arrived at the city of Washing'ton about the time a treaty exchanging
Oregon, north of the Columbia river, for enlarged fishing privileges on the coast of
Newfoundland, was being negotiated between Great Britain and the United States ; that
his opportune presence frustrated such surrender of territory ;
3. That he went East to organize, and that to his efforts was due, the great migration
of 1S43.
As to the first claim, it is sufficient to reply that Dr. Whitman's zealous interest in
the mission prompted the journey to secure assistance for it. Tlie statement of the
second refutes itself. There were no negotiations pending at the time as to the Oregon
boundary. There never was, either by Great Britain or the United States, an offer of
exchange of the character referred to; nor could Dr. Whitman under any circumstances
have interfered with or influenced pending negotiations.
The third claim is based upon an impossibility. Dr. Whitman left Waiilatpu October,
1842, and reached Boston March 30, 1843. No opportunity, by mail or otherwise, afforded
communication with parties proposing to start for Oregon in the spring of 1843. Such
persons had made all preparations during the previous fall or winter.
Dr. Whitman had but taken his departure, in October, 1S42, when the Walla Walla
aud Ca3'use Indians became turbulent. Dr. Elijah White, United States Sub-Agent for
the Indian tribes west of the Rocky Mountains, had crossed the plains in the summer of
1842. In the Willamette settlements, rumors were current that a hostile combiuation of
Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Nez Perces had been formed, whose purpose was to destroy
the Protestant missions in the interior, and American settlements in the Willamette
Valley. The Walla Wallas occupied the country surrounding Fort Walla Walla,
numbering abmit two thousand, with six hundred warriors. The Cayuses, speaking a
similar dialect with the Nez Perces, numbered six hundred, of whom two hundred were
waiTiors. The Nez Perce country extended from the mouth of the Salmon to the mouth
of the Palouse, and of that breadth eastward to the Bitterroot Mountains. The nation
numbered two thousand, with six hundred warriors.
Appreciating the isolation and defenseless condition of the mission stations, the
Indians at Lapwai and Waiilatpu had grown insolent. The missionaries had yielded to
their demands in the hope that conciliatory conduct would retain their good will.
Proportionate, however, to Christian forbearance, Indian insolence increased. At Lapwai,
Rev. H. H. Spalding was grossly assaulted by members of the Nez Perce tribe. He and
198 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
his wife were the only Whites in a circuit of fifty miles. At Waiilatpii, similar indignities
had been committed. United State Sub-Agent White, accompanied b}- Thomas McKay
and Cornelius Rodgers, as interpreter, reached Fort Walla Walla on the 30th, where they
were joined by Chief Trader McKinla}-. When they arrived at Waiilatpu, the Indians
were scattered. A time was fixed for their return, and the Walla Wallas and Caj'uses
notified to come in. The agent and party then proceeded to Lapwai, reaching that station
December 3d. On the 5th, a council was held, which was addressed by Agent White,
Chief Trader McKinlay, Cornelius Rodgers and Thomas McKay, who were followed by
Ache-kiah, or Five Crows, Bloody Chief (over ninety years of age, and a chief when
Lewis and Clark visited the country) and six others. At this meeting. Dr. White caused
Ellis to be elected head chief, together with twelve sub-chiefs. A code of laws was
adopted, prescribing penalties for homicide, arson, larcen\' and trespass. If any Indian
violated this code, he was to be tried b}- the chief If a white man transgressed against an
Indian, he was to be reported to the agent. Murder and arson were punishable by death,
other offenses by fines and lashes. On the return of Sub-Agent White and party to
Waiilatpu, so many of the Indian principal head men were absent, that the council
was postponed until the loth of May, 1843.
For many years the system of chieftainship among the Indians had been ignored by
the Hudson's Bay Company ; and prominent or influential members of bands had been
distributed, thereby effectually defeating mischievous combination. That wise policy,
attended with most salutary results, was now reversed by Sub-Agent White. Ellis, newly
elected head chief of the Nez Perces, had been educated at Red river, and with that
education had acquired great self-importance. As chief, he was haughty and overbearing,
and administered White's code with extreme harshness. Indians were humiliated by
punishment for acts which in their eye had no turpitude ; and the belief prevailed that
White designed their ultimate subjugation. The arrival of the immigrants of 1842,
accompanying the sub-agent, the rumor that Dr. Whitman would return with increased
numbers, unsettled the Indians. Reports were prevalent of a general combination against
the Wliite settlements, and that hostile parties had been sent to the Rocky Mountains to
cut off the expected immigrant train of 1S43. O" the 20th of April, exciting rumors reached
the Willamette. The great complaint of natives was that Americans designed to appropriate
their lands. Father Demers, Catholic missionar}^, had returned to Fort Vancouver from the
interior with intelligence that hostile feeling existed only against Americans. Upon the
strength of that statement. Dr. McLoughlin had counseled against Agent White going,
and advised that all should remain quiet ; that in all probabilit}' the excitement among
the Indians would soon subside. But Dr. White was agent; and it Avas all-important that,
from and by him, the Indians should learn that fact. Accompanied by Rev. Gustavus
Hines, an interpreter and servant, he started on the 28th of April, and reached W^aiilatpu
on the 8th of May. Mrs. Whitman and William Geiger had been anxiously waiting.
The story had been assiduously circulated among the Indians that the Americans would
deprive them of their lands. On hearing such statements, the 3-oung men of the
disaffected tribes were for going to the Willamette to attack the settlements. The old
men, who advised cautious measures, had sent Peu-peu-mox-mox (Yellow Serpent), chief
of the Walla Wallas, to consult Dr. McLoughlin. Yellow Serpent had returned and
informed the Cayuses that the Americans had no intention to attack them. The Indians
at once peaceably returned to the cultivation of their little garden-patches, which before
they had refused to do. The Walla Wallas and CaA-uses refused to treat with Sub-Agent
White without Ellis and the Nez Perces were present.
I
HOSTILITY OF THE INDIANS TO AMERICANS. 199
On the 23d of May, the chiefs and principal men had assembled at Waiilatpu.
Tau-i-taii, chief of the Cayuses, called the conncil to order. The object having been
explained by Sub-Agent White, Ellis said that it was not proper for the Nez Perces to
speak until the Cayuse nation should receive the laws, to which the Cayuse chiefs replied:
" If you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them. We cannot
take them unless we know what the}^ are."
The reading of the code followed, and then general discussion by the Indians. The
first day's talk ended without result. The next da}', after long debate, in which most of the
chiefs expressed themselves, the code of laws was adopted. Tau-i-tau received a majority
for head chief of the Cayuse nation, after a bitter opposition, but on the following daj^
declined serving, because a majorit}' of his tribe were of a different religion. Ache-kiah
(Five Crows), the brother of Tau-i-tau, was then elected. The council closed with a
barbecue ; and Sub-Agent White returned to the Willamette.
The proceedings had demonstrated that the Indians of the interior were soured at
the presence of the Americans ; that their promises, which had been made as to
compensation for lands occupied by the missionary stations, were to be complied with,
and that further delay was a grievance ; that sectarian opinions had been introduced, which
had already engendered feeling between the Protestant and Catholic believing Indians.
Dr. Whitman had returned to Waiilatpu in the fall of 1843. He was keenly
solicitous that the country should be occupied by Americans. Upon the arrival of each
immigrant train, he endeavored to secure reinforcements to his little missionary colony.
The Indians, both atLapwai and Waiilatpu, for the next few years, had conducted themselves
to the entire satisfaction of the missionaries. They had given evidence of improvement
in industrial pursuits ; a number had attached themselves to the Church and professed
religion. The number of Catholic-professing Indians had also increased. In 1847, it had
become manifest that the Indians were disaffected towards the Protestant missionaries.
Archibald McKinlay, the firm friend of Dr. Whitman, had left Fort Walla Walla. Dr.
Whitman was loth to abandon Waiilatpu ; and, at times discouraged, he resolved to submit
the question to a vote of the Indians.
The real obstacle was his objection to relinquishing the missionary field to Catholics.
He had been fully advised of, and thoroughly understood, the animus of the Indians,
which, though seemingly friendly, was liable at any time to manifest itself in hostility.
Despite those discouragements, the Doctor and his wife remained at their posts, and
continued to treat the Indians as brothers ; zealously they labored for their advancement.
The station of Waiilatpu, on the line of travel from the Rocky Mountains to the
Willamette settlements, had become an asylum and resting-place for the immigrant, worn
out and broken down by the severe journey across the plains; a hospital for the
disease-stricken, regardless of caste or condition ; a church and altar for spiritual culture
and consolation ; a school to disseminate knowledge ; a farm to supply the necessaries of
life ; an industrial school to impart to Indians lessons of labor, and to teach them how to
earn a subsistence. Saw and grist mills, shops and granaries, had been erected. The
superintendent's residence had been furnished with a good library ; and a valuable cabinet
of specimens had been collected, illustrating the natural history and mineral wealth of
the country. The Indian room, including kitchen, school and lecture room, over which,
upon the second floor, were lodging apartments, were attached to the superintendency.
Another large building afforded accommodations for travelers. At a distance of eight
miles up Mill Creek, was the saw-mill and a dwelling-house.
200 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The Catholic bishop of Walla Walla (Very Rev. A. M. A. Blanchet), Rev. J. B. A.
Broiiillet, V. G., and six other priests from Canada, arrived at Fort Walla Walla
September 5, 1S47, ^^<^ were sojourning at the camp of Tau-i-tau, on the Umatilla river,
twent3'^-five miles from Waiilatpu station. Seventy-two persons resided at Dr. Whitman's
station. Dr. Whitman's household illustrates the character of that missionary and his
wife. It consisted of Dr. Whitman and wife ; Mr. Rodgers, teacher ; ten adopted children,
seven of whom were the Sagar orphans, whose parents had died crossing the plains in
1844, and three half-breed girls ; two half-breed boys whom he had raised ; Joseph Stanfield,
a Canadian, and Joe Lewis, the latter of whom had come with the immigrants of 1847 from
Fort Hall. Dr. Whitman, scant of accommodations, had objected to Lewis stopping, but
gave him employment. Lewis detailed to the Indians a conversation which he represented
that he overheard between the doctor and members of the family. To his diabolical 13'ing
ma}^ in great measure be attributed that excitement of feeling which made the events
transpiring so soon thereafter a possibility.
At Waiilatpu were Miss Bewle}- and her brother, Mr. Hoffman, Mr. Sales, Eliza
Spalding, ten years of age, daughter of Rev. H. H. Spalding. Of those, Messrs. Bewley
and Sales were sick patients, confined to their beds. The remaining fift}' were Americans,
principally of the overland immigration, 01 route to the Willamette valle}^, who had
remained to winter. Eighteen were adults, eight of whom were women. Of the number,
ten were under Dr. Whitman's medical treatment.
Early in the afternoon of the 29th of November, 1S47, school having just been called,
an ox, which had been shot and was being dressed, engaged the attention of several of the
mission emploj^es at a distance from the house. The Indians came, as was their wont
when a carcass was being cut up. When all the conspirators had assembled, their
weapons concealed under their blankets, one went to the kitchen, called the doctor,
complained of sickness and asked for medicine. The kind physician was bestowing his
attention. Tamahos stepped behind him, and felled him b}' two desperate blows of a
tomahawk. Then followed a carnival of butchery, which scarcel}' finds a parallel in the
narratives of Indian perfidy aud murder. The victims were Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, the
teacher, Rodgers, Mr. Saunders, John and Francis Sagar, Messrs. Marsh, Kimball, Gill,
Gittern, Young, and the two sick men, Bewley and Sales. Excepting Mrs. Whitman, the
lives of the women and children were spared. ]\Ir. Hall, Mr. Canfield, Mr. Osborn and
family, a child of Mrs. Hayes, and two of the doctor's adopted children, succeeded in
concealing themselves during the confusion, and reached Fort Walla Walla in safety.
Two families (Messrs. Smith and Young), were at the saw-mill up Vi\\\ Creek, from
whence they were brought to the station next da3\ Of these there were four men, Mr.
Smith, Mr. Young, and two grown-up sous. By the interposition of a Nez Perce chief,
the lives of these men were spared ; and they swelled the number of captives to fift3--one.
Upon Mr. Hall's communicating the sad tidings to Chief Trader McBean, that officer
dispatched an interpreter and men to Waiilatpu, to rescue survivors. The part\- met
Finlay and the half-breed boys coming to the fort, and returned with them. On the 30th
of November, McBean forwarded letters to the Board of Management of the Hudson's Bay
Company, at Fort Vancouver, in which he states: "Fever and ague have been raging
here and in this vicinit}', in consequence of which a great number of Indians have been
swept awaj', but more especiallj^ at the Doctor's (Whitman's) place, where he attended
upon the Indians. About thirty of the Cayuse tribe died, one after another. The
survivors eventually believed the Doctor had poisoned them, in which opinion they were
l\
f
JOHN. C.BELL
ASTORIA, OR
"■^K-v^
MRS. J C. BELL,
ASTORIA, OR.
COL. JOHN E.ROSS
JACKSONVILLE, OR
(TAKEN I05S1
HON. A. G. HOVEY,
EUGENE CITY, OR.
COL.G. O. HALLER,
SEATTLE , W T.
-r-
THE MASSACRE OF DR. WHITMAN AND OTHERS. 201
unfortunately confirmed b^' one of the Doctor's party (Joe Lewis). As far as I have been
able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the dreadful butchery. In order to satisfy-
any doubt as to their suspicion that the Doctor was poisoning them, it is reported that they
requested the Doctor to administer medicine to three of their friends, two of whom were
really sick, but the third only feigning illness. All of these were dead the next morning."
The ringleaders in this horrible butchery were Telo-ka-ikt and his son Tamsuky,
Esticus and Tamahos. The murderers were the Doctor's Indians, the Cayuses.
Governor James Douglas, communicating the disastrous news to Governor George
Aberneth}', of the Provisional government of Oregon, and to the American Board of
Commissioners of foreign missions, thus commented :
" The Cay-uses are the most treacherous and intractable of all the Indian tribes in
this country, and had on many former occasions alarmed the inmates of the mission by
their tumultuous proceedings and ferocious threats ; but unfortunately these evidences of
a brutal disposition were disregarded by their admirable pastor, and served to arm him with
a firmer resolution to do them good. He hoped that time and instruction would produce
a change of mind, a better state of feeling towards the mission; and he might have lived
to see his hopes realized had not the measles and dysentery, following in the train of
immigrants from the United States, made frightful I'avages this year in the upper country,
many Indians having been carried off through the violence of the disease, and others
through their own imprudence. The Cayuse Indians of Waiilatpu, being sufferers in
this general calamity, were incensed against Dr. Whitman for not exerting his supposed
supernatural powers in saving their lives. They carried this absurdity bey'ond that point
of folly. Their superstitious minds became possessed w-ith the horrible suspicion that
he was giving poison to the sick instead of wholesome medicine, with the view of working
the destruction of the tribe, their former cruelty probably adding strength to this suspicion.
Still some of the more reflecting had confidence in Dr. Whitman's integrity; and it was
agreed to test the effects of the medicine he had furnished on three of their people, one
of whom was said to be in perfect health. They all unfortunately died. From that
moment, it was resolved to destroy the mission. It w-as immediately after burying the
remains of these three persons that they repaired to the mission and murdered every man
found there."
Upon the receipt of the intelligence at Fort Vancouver, Governor Peter Skeen
Ogden, associate chief factor, on the 7th of December left for Fort Walla Walla with
sixteen men, servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, to prevent further bloodshed and to
rescue the American captives. On arriving at Fort Walla Walla on the 19th of December,
couriers were dispatched to the chiefs and head men of the Cayuse nation.
On iiie 23d, a council was held which continued until late at night, the Indians
agreeing to deliver up the captives within six days upon the pay^ment of the ransom agreed
upon. At that council Governor Ogden thus addressed the Cay-uses :
" I regret to observe that all the chiefs whom I asked for are not present. Two being
absent, I expect the words I am about to address to you to be repeated to them and your
young men on your return to your camps. It is now thirty years since w-e have been
among you. During this long period, we have never had any instance of blood being
spilt until that inhuman massacre which has so recently taken place. We are traders,
and a different nation from the Americans. But recollect we supply you with ammunition
not to kill the Americans. They are the same color as ourselves, speak the same
language, are children of the same God ; and humanity makes our hearts bleed when we
202 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
behold you using tliem so cruelly. Besides this revolting butcher}^, have not the Indians
pillaged, ill-treated the Americans, and insulted their women when peaceably making
their wa}- to the Willamette ? As chiefs, ought you to have connived at such conduct on
the part of your 3-oung men ? You tell me the young men committed the deeds without
your knowledge. Why do we make you chiefs if 3'ou have no control over your
3'oung men ? You are a set of hermaphrodites, and unworthy- of the appellation of
men as chiefs. You 3'oung, hot-headed men, I know that 3-ou pride 3'ourselves upon 3-our
braver3', and think no one can match 3-ou. Do not deceive yourselves. If you get the
Americans to commence once, 3'ou will repent it ; and war will not end until ever3' one of
3'ou is cut off from the face of the earth. I am aware that a good man3' of your friends
and relatives have died through sickness. The Indians of other places have shared
the same fate. It is not Dr. Whitman who poisoned them ; but God has commanded that
the3' should die. We are weak mortals, and must submit ; and I trust 3'ou will avail
3'Ourselves of the opportunit3\ B3' so doing, it ma3- be advantageous to you ; but at the
same time remember that you alone will be responsible for the consequences. It is merel3'
advice that I give you. We have nothing to do with it. I have not come here to make
promises or hold out assistance. We have nothing to do with your quarrels ; we remain
neutral. On m3f return, if you wish it, I shall do all I can for 3'ou ; but I do not promise
3'OU to prevent war.
" If 3'OU deliver me up all the prisoners, I shall pa3- 3'ou for them on their being
delivered ; but let it not be said among 3'ou afterwards that I deceived 3'ou. I and Mr.
Douglas represent the company (H. B. Co.); but I tell you once more we promise you
nothing. We S3'mpathize with these poor people, and wish to return them to their friends
and relatives b3' paying 3'ou for them. My request in behalf of the families concerns
3'OU, so decide for the best."
The young chief Tau-i-tau replied as follows :
" I arise to thank 3'ou for 3'our words. You white chiefs command obedience with
those that have to do with you. It is not so with us. Our 3'oung men are strong-headed
and foolish. Formerl3' we had experienced good chiefs. These are laid in the dust. The
descendants of my father were the onl3' good chiefs. Though we made war with the other
tribes, 3'et we alwa3's looked and ever will look upon the Whites as our brothers. Our
blood is mixed with 3'ours. M3' heart bleeds for the death of man3' good chiefs I had
known. For the demand made by 3'ou, the old chief Telau-ka-ikt is here. Speak to him.
As regards m3'self, I am willing to give up the families."
Telau-ka-ikt said : "I have listened to 3'our words. Young men, do not forget them.
As for war, we have seen little of it. We know the Whites to be our best friends, who
have all along prevented us from killing each other. That is the reason wh3' we avoid
getting into war with them, and wh3' we do not wish to be separated from them. Besides
the tie of blood, the Whites have shown us a convincing proof of their attachment to us,
b3' burying their dead alongside with ours. Chief, your words are weight3'. Your hairs
are gra3'. We have known you a long time. You have had an unpleasant trip to this
place. I cannot therefore keep these families back. I make them over to 3-ou, which I
would not do to another 3'ouuger than 3-ourself "
Pue-pue-mox-mox continued : " I have nothing to sa3^ I know the Americans to be
changeable; still I am of the opinion as the 3'oung chief The Whites are our best friends,
and we follow your advice. I consent to 3'our taking the families."
RANSOM OF THE CAPTUES BY GOVERNOR OGDEN. 203
Mr. Ogden then addressed two Nez Perce chiefs in behalf of Rev. Mr. Spalding and
party, requesting that the}- should be delivered to him on receiving the ransom, and
spoke to them at length. Both chiefs, James and Fiminilpilp, promised to bring them,
and immediatel}' started with a letter from Chief Factor Ogden to Mr. Spalding.
On the evening of the 29th of December, a few principal Cayuses arrived at Fort
Walla Walla, bringing in captives and returning stolen property. The next day the
ransom was paid. A da}^ later the Spaldings were brought in, and on New Year's day,
1S4S, Governor Ogden, with the American captives, left Fort Walla Walla for Fort
\'ancouver.
In recounting his successful mission, Governor Ogden wrote, December 31st: ''I
have endured man}- an anxious hour, and for the last two nights have not closed my e\-es.
But, thanks to the Almighty, I have succeeded. During the captivity of the prisoners,
they have suffered ever}- indignity, but fortunately were well provided with food. I have
been enabled to effect m}- object without compromising myself or others ; and it now
remains with the American government to take what measures it deems most beneficial to
restore tranquility ; and this, I apprehend, cannot be finallj^ effected without blood flowing
freely. So as not to compromise either party, I have made a heavy sacrifice of goods ;
but these indeed are of trifling value compared to the unfortunate beings I have rescued
from the hands of these murderous wretches; and I feel truly happy."
The following comprises a list of the captives ransomed b}' Governor Ogden :
Missionar}' children adopted by Dr. Whitman, viz.: Mar}- T. Bridger; Catherine
Sagar, aged 13 years; Elizabeth Sagar, 10; Matilda J. Sagar, 8; Henrietta N. Sagar, 4;
Hannah L. Sagar; Helen M. Meek. (The two last named died soon after the massacre.)
From Du Page county, Illinois : Joseph Smith ; Mrs. Hannah Smith ; Mary Smith, aged
15 years; Edwin Smith, 13; Charles Smith, 11; Nelson Smith, 6 ; Mortimer Smith, 4.
From Fulton county, Illinois : Mrs. Eliza Hall ; Jane Hall, aged 10 years ; Mary Hall, 8 ;
Ann E. Hall, 6 ; Rebecca Hall, 3 ; Rachael M. Hall, i. From Osage count}^ Mississippi:
Elam Young; Mrs. Iren Young; Daniel Young, aged 21 j'ears ; John Y^oung, 19. From
La Porte count}', Indiana : Mrs. Harriet Kimball ; Susan Kimball, aged 16 j-ears ; Nathan
Kimball, 13 ; Byron M. Kimball, 8; Sarah S. Kimball, 6; ^lince A. Kimball, i. From
Iowa: Airs. Mary Sanders; Helen M. Sanders, aged 14; Phoebe L. Sanders, 10; Alfred
W. Sanders, 6 ; Nancy I. Sanders, 4 ; Mary A. Sanders, z ; Mrs. Sally A. Canfield ; Ellen
Caufield, 16; Oscar Canfield, 9; Clarissa Canfield, 7; Sylvia A. Canfield, 5; Albert
Canfield, 3. From Illinois : Airs. Rebecca Hays ; Henry C. Haj's, aged 4 years ; also
Eliza Spalding, Nancy E. Alarsh, Lorinda Bewley.
The ransom was effected with the following property, expended out of the Nez Perce
outfit, viz.. Sixty-two blankets, three points ; sixtj'-three cotton shirts; twelve company
guns ; 600 loads ammunition ; thirtj'-seven pounds tobacco ; twelve flints.
Received from Telau-ka-ikt, appertaining to the mission, for the use of the captives:
Seven oxen, small and large ; sixteen bags coarse flour.
Governor George Abemethy, in acknowledging the philanthropic services of Governor
Ogden, says :
" Their (the captives) condition was a deplorable one, subject to the caprice of the
savages, exposed to their insults, compelled to labor for them, and remaining constantly in
dread lest the}- should be butchered as their husbands and fathers had been. From this
state, I am fully satisfied, we could not have relieved them. A small party of Americans
would have been looked upon with contempt ; the approach of a large part}- would have
204 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
beeu the signal for a general massacre. Your immediate departure from Vancouver, on
receipt of the intelligence from Waiilatpu, enabling you to arrive at Walla Walla before
the news reached them of tbe American party having started from this place (Oregon
City), together with your influence over the Indians, accomplished the desirable object of
relieving the distressed."
The Cayuse murderers, before Governor Ogden arrived at Fort Walla Walla, had,
on the 2oth of December, assembled in council at Umatilla, Tau-i-tau, or Young Chief,
Telau-ka-ikt, Ache-kiah, or Five Crows, and Camaspelo, the head chief of the Cayuses, with
all the principal men of the nation. Bishop Blanchet told them that they were assembled
to deliberate on a most important subject, that of avoiding war, which is alwa^-s a great
evil. It was wise to consult each other, to hold a council. Had they deliberated together
but a few days before, probably they would not now have to deplore the horrible massacre
at Waiilatpu, nor to fear its consequences. Two Nez Perces had asked him to write to the
Governor of Oregon to obtain peace ; but this he could not do without consent of the
Cayuse chiefs. That the Nez Perces proposed: ist, that the Americans should not come to
make war; 2d, that they should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of
peace; 3d, that when these great men should arrive, all the captives should be released;
4th, that the}^ would offer no offense to Americans before knowing the news from below.
Camaspelo spoke first, approving the proposition. Telau-ka-ikt followed, speaking
two hours. He recounted the killing of the Nez Perces who had, in 1837, accompanied
Air. Gra}' east; the killing of Elijah, son of Pue-pue-raox-mox, by Americans, in
California. He concluded by saying that, as the Indians had forgotten all this, he hoped
the Americans would also forget what had been recentl}^ done; that now they were even.
Neither Ache-kiah nor Tau-i-tau had much to say. Edward, son of Telau-ka-ikt,
made the closing speech, justifying the Cayuses and arraigning Dr. Whitman for poisoning
the Indians, pretending to credit the statement of Joe Lewis, alleging that the d3'ing
declaration of Mr. Rodgers corroborated Joe Lewis. After deliberation, the Cayuses
requested Bishop Blanchet, in their names, to send to Governor Aberneth}' the following
manifesto :
" The principal chiefs of the Cayuses, in council assembled, state : That a 3'oung
Indian (Joe Lewis), who understands English and who slept in Dr. Whitman's room, heard
the Doctor, his wife and Air. Spalding express their desire of possessing the land and
animals of the Indians ; that he stated also that Air. Spalding said to the Doctor : ' Hurry
giving medicines to the Indians that they may soon die ;' that the same Indian told the
Cayuses: 'If you do not kill the Doctor soon, you will all be dead before spring;' that
they buried six Cayuses on Sunday, November 24th, and three the next day ; that the
schoolmaster, Air. Rodgers, stated to them, before he died, that the Doctor, his wife and Air.
Spalding poisoned the Indians ; that, for several 3'ears past, they had to deplore the death
of their children, and that, according to these reports, the}' were led to believe that the
Whites had undertaken to kill them all, and that these were the motives which led them
to kill the Americans. The same chiefs asked at present :
" I St. That the Americans ma}- not go to war with the Ca3'uses ;
" 2d. That they (the Americans) may forget the lately committed murders, as the
Cayuses will forget the murder of the son of the great chief of the Walla Wallas,
committed in California (i);
(I) This refers to the killing, in 1S44, of Elijah (son of Pue-pne-inox-mox), by Californiaus. In the spring nf 1847,3 band of Cayuses and
a'alla Wallas went to California to avenge his death, but. finding the Americans too strong, they retvirned without striking a blow, leaving,
according to the Indian view, the matter unsettled. They returned early ni the fall, and severa'l of the party died from sickness; such an
unlortuuate termination of their expedition added fuel to the flame, and only intensified their hostility to the Americans.
4
'-.' '"'/J^sHl^wk^-'^^i
A.HANEN,
DAYTON, W.T.
COUNCIL OF THE CAYUSE CHIEFS. 205
" 3d. That two or three great men may come up and conclude peace ;
" 4th. That as soon as these great men have arrived and concluded peace, they may
take with them all the women and children ;
" 5th. That they give assurance that they will not harm the captives before the arrival
of these two or three great men ;
"6th. That they ask that Americans may not travel any more through their country,
as their young men might do them harm."
This document was signed by Telau-ka-ikt, who led the murderous gang at Waiilatpu,
Camaspelo, Tau-i-tau and Ache-kiah (Five Crows), the wretch who appropriated Miss
Bewley as his share of the triumph.
In the letter accompanying, Bishop Blanchet states :
" After an interview with the chiefs separately, I succeeded in assembling them in
council, which was held 3'esterday, and lasted four hours and a half Each of the chiefs
delivered a speech before giving his opinion. The document which accompanied the
present will show you the result. It is sufficient to state that all these speeches went
to show that hostilities had been instituted by the Whites ; that they abhorred war ; and
that the tragedy of the 29th of November had occurred from an anxious desire of
self-preservation ; and that it was the reports made against the Doctor and others which
led them to commit this act. They desired to have the past forgotten, and to live in
peace as before. Your Excellency has to judge of the document which I have been
requested to forward to you. Nevertheless, without having the least intention to influence
one way or the other, I feel myself obliged to tell you that by going to war with the
Cayuses you will undoubtedly have all the Indians of the country against you. Would
it be to the interest of a young colony to expose herself? But that you will decide with
your council."
The status of the several elements of population within the hostile region has now-
been fully exhibited. The Americans expelled from the country ; the Protestant Missions
at an end ; whilst officers and servants of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Catholic
priest with safety remain.
Many causes for this enormity have been alleged ; its immediate precursor was the
death of several Indians caused by dysentery and measles. Several families of the
overland migration (1847) had reached the Waiilatpu station, members of whom were
sick with those diseases. As a consequence, the former disease broke out with considerable
fatality among the Indians. Those savages who adopted the Indian remedy of the
sweating-oven, followed by plunging into the river, invariably died. Of those who applied
to Dr. Whitman for treatment, several cases proved fatal.
By Indian custom, the medicine-man forfeits his life to the kindred of the patient if
death ensues. It has never been claimed that the Indians exacted this penalty as to Dr.
Whitman; still, by their superstitious tenets, he was regarded as instrumental in compassing
those deaths which occurred. They pretended to believe that Dr. Whitman could sicken
or kill by aid of his " bad niedichies.'' This being their state of mind, how easy the task
of the infamous fiend, Joe Lewis, who had inflamed them by representing that he had
overheard Dr. Whitman, his amiable wife and Rev. H. H. Spalding, plotting to poison
the Indians, and secure their lands and horses.
Had Dr. Whitman alone been killed, his murderer laboring under a delusion that he
was a " bad nicduiiic-nian,'' a poisoner of Indians, such might be accepted as prompting
206 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
the act. But the Cayuse murderers slaughtered those who were unsuspected of any
meditated wrong; sick men, and those who had but recentlj' come from the East, who were
on their journey to the Willamette. Instead of their murderous acts being restricted to
those who had been accused of meditating or practicing wrong, all the concomitants of
savage warfare were displayed against those of certain nationality, against whom war
was thereafter to be waged. The fuel had been accumulating for years. The pile of
inflammable material embraced jealousy of a superior race; opposition to the permanent
settlement in the country of Americans ; a bias in favor of the " King George," as the
Hudson's Bay Company's employes were called, the natural result of a quarter-century's
intercourse with the company's posts, and, in a corresponding degree, a prejudice against
the American or "Boston;" the presence of diverse religious systems, and Dr. ^\'hitman's
encouragement of American settlement. As a doctor of medicine, he was an object of
awe to the Indians, and, by their ritual, amenable for the life of his patients. The more
superstitious pretended to believe that he was instrumental in causing a contagious
disorder to have been spread among them. This mass of combustibles was readily fired
by a ruthless incendiary, who acquired prestige with the Indian, because he was by them
regarded as a member of the Doctor's household. All these influences contributed to
create that animus towards Americans, to engender the motive for breaking up the
mission, and the expulsion of Americans from the country-. The massacre was an outburst
of national hostility and hatred against Americans. Waiilatpu and its peaceful and
unarmed inmates had been doomed because it was an American missionary station,
and because it was the home of Americans. The Whitman massacre was an Indian
raid by hostile Cay uses against the American inmates of Waiilatpu.
The immediate sequel of the massacre was a bitter controversy between Protestant
and Roman Catholic settlers of Oregon. There were those who claimed to believe that
the Cayuses had been incited by the agency of servants of the Hudson's Bay Company.
That company almost exclusively occupied the interior, and, by its matchless Indian
policy, had acquired perfect control of the Indians. The horror of Waiilatpu was
accredited by others as the result of anti-American combined with anti-Protestant
influences. Time, alike mollifying sectarian rancor and national prejudice, has dissipated
such opinions, which are merely chronicled as among the most unhappy concomitants of
that terrible crime.
The introduction of a religion in conflict with one previously taught, the presence of
two sets of religious teachers denouncing the teachings of each other, two white races,
Avith adverse interests, striving for mastery of the country and control of that race,
nnist of necessit}' have aroused prejudices liable to be dangerous in their consequences.
Except, however, the efforts of the Catholic clergy to propagate their faith, to establish
missions in a field preoccupied, no blame can attach to the Catholic missionaries present
in the vicinity. While the Catholic priests could and did remain in the country, there is
no evidence that any of their number counseled those barbarities, approved the deed, or
attempted to shield the murderers. It must also be remembered that the Catholic fathers
had apprised Dr. Whitman of the growing hostility of the Indians to the presence of the
mission; and it is due to the memory of the Blanchets and Brouillets and their missionary
confreres to say that their piety and Christian virtues forbid the thought that they could
have in the slightest degree, directly contributed to incite that perfidious massacre.
The early consequences of the great crime was the erection of Oregon into a territory
of the United States, and the arrival of United States troops to afford protection to
SUMMARY OF THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU. 207
American settlements hitherto ignored. The blood shed at Waiilatpu was the eloquent
protest against the continuance of a policy which had rendered possible such a loss of
valuable lives. With the Whitman massacre terminated the existence of missionary
stations of the American Board in Oregon. In 1848, Tshimikan was abandoned; the
Revs. Eells and Walker, with their families, left the country at the close of the Cayuse
campaign, in the spring of that year.
The Cayuse war was the necessary consequence of that massacre ; its history belongs
to the histor}^ of the Oregon Provisional government, who declared and waged that war to
punish the perfidious murderers of the Whitmans and the innocents who were sojourning
at Waiilatpu on that dread da}?, the 29th of November, 1S47.
Chapter XXVI.
• (1838-1848.)
The Roman Catholic Mission.
1"^HE Oregon Roman Catholic Mission was intrusted to two zealous priests, to whom
the Hudson's Bay Company gave free passage into the country. It depended for
sustenance upon associations for the propagation of the faith in Lyons and Quebec ; the
voluntary donations of the few Catholic inhabitants of the territory ; the contributions by
the officers and employes of the Hudson's Ba}' Company ; the mite contributed by natives;
and products of the mission farms on Cowlitz and French Prairies.
On July 3, 1834, and February 23, 1S35, the Canadian-French families of the
Willamette valley addressed the Roman Catholic Bishop of Red river (i), requesting that
" missionaries be sent to instruct their children and themselves." On the 6th of June,
1835, the bishop answered that there were no disposable priests at Red river, but promised
missionaries from Europe or Canada. In that eloquent paternal letter " to all the families
settled on the river Willamette, and other Catholic persons be3'ond the Rocky
Mountains," he foreshadows the purpose of the Oregon Roman Catholic Mission. " My
intention is not to procure the knowledge of God to you and your children onl3', but also
to the numerous Indian tribes among which you live."
The bishop applied to the Hudson's Bay Company for passage for two priests from
Red river, and for consent to establish a mission on the Willamette river; but the governor
and committee in London, and the council at Hudson's Bay, would not consent to any
establishment south of the Columbia river.
On the 13th of October, 1S37, the bishop of Red river renewed his application for the
privilege to send two priests to Oregon. On the 17th of February, 1838, Sir George
Simpson addressed the Archbishop of Quebec :
" When the bishop iirst mentioned this subject, his view was to form the mission on
the banks of the Willamette, a river falling into the Columbia from the south. To the
establishing of a mission there, the governor and committee in London and the councils
in Hudson's Bay had a decided objection, as the sovereignty of that country is still
undecided ; but I last summer intimated to the bishop that if he would establish the
mission on the banks of the Cowlitz, or the Cowlitz portage, falling into the Columbia
from the northward, and give his assurance that the missionaries would not locate
themselves on the south side of the Columbia river, but would form their establishment
where the compan3''s representative might point out as the most eligible situation on the
north side, I should recommend the governor and committee to afford a passage to the
priests, and such facilities towards the successful accomplishment of the object in view as
would not involve an}^ great inconvenience or expense to the company's service. By the
(l) Very Rev. Joseph Norbert Provencher, whose title was Bishop of Juliopolis.
( 208 )
HON.J. M.BACON,
OREGON CITY, OR
PIONEER OF 1845.
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION. 209
letter received yesterday, — already alluded to, — the bishop enters fully into my views, and
expresses his willingness to fall in with my suggestion. That letter I have laid before
the governor and committee ; and I am now instructed to intimate to 3'our lordship, that if
the priests will be ready at Lachine to embark for the interior about April 25th, a passage
will be afforded them ; and, on their arrival at Fort Vancouver, measures will be taken by
the compan3''s representative there to facilitate the establishing of the mission, and the
carrying into effect the objects thereof generally."
Rev. Francis Norbert Blanchet, of Montreal, on April 17, 1838, was appointed by the
Archbishop of Quebec to the charge of the Oregon Roman Catholic Mission. His associate
was Rev. Modeste Demers, selected by the bishop of Red river. The instructions to the
" missionaries for that part of the diocese of Quebec, which is situated between the Pacific
Ocean and the Rocky Mountains," drafted by the Archbishop of Quebec, exhibit the
designs of the founders of the mission :
" First. They must consider as the first object of their mission to withdraw from
barbarity, and the disorders which it produces, the Indian nations scattered in the country.
"Second. Their second object is, to tender their services to the wicked Christians
who have adopted there the morals of the Indians, and live in licentiousness and
forgetful ness of their duties. In order to make themselves sooner useful to the country
where they were sent, they will apply themselves, as soon as they arrive, to the study of
the Indian languages, and will endeavor to reduce them to regular principles, so as to be
able to publish a grammar of them after some 3-ears of residence there.
" The territory which is particularly assigned to them is that which is comprised
between the Rocky Mountains on the east, the Pacific Ocean on the west, the Russian
possessions on the north, and the territory of the United States on the south. It is only
within the extent of that territory that they will establish missions ; and they are
particularly recommended not to form any establisment on the territory, the possession
whereof is contested by the United States. They can, however, in accordance with the
indult of the Holy See, under date of February 23, 1836, a copy whereof accompanies
the present, use their powers, when needed, in the Russian possessions, as well as in that
part of the American territory which borders on their missions. As to that part of the
territory, it is probable that it does not belong to any of the dioceses of the United States ;
but if the missionaries were informed that it forms a part of some diocese, they will
abstain from performing any act of jurisdiction there, in obedience to the aforesaid indult,
unless they be aiithorized to do it by the bishop of such diocese.
" As to the place where they will fix their principal residence, it will be on the river
Cowlitz or Cowiltyha, which empties into the river Columbia, on the north side of the
river. On their arrival at Fort Vancouver, they will present themselves to the person who
represents the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company ; and they will take his advice as to the
precise situation of the establishment.
" They are particularly recommended to have all possible regard for the members and
employes of that company, with whom it is very important, for the holy work with which
they are charged, to be constantly in good intelligence."
On the 5th of Jiily, 1838, the bishop of Red river, in a pastoral letter to the Catholics
established on the river Willamette, having referred to his endeavors for three years, to
send them priests, saj^s :
" At last it has been granted this year ; and two pious and zealous priests abandoned
all the hopes of this world, in order to go to you, and to speak to you of God, and induce
210 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
you to practice His hoi}' religion. You will, though, be a little disappointed in seeing
that the missionaries will not settle among you at the Willamette. Your settlement is
situated on the territory of the United States, and consequentl}^ outside the diocese of
Quebec. The company' cannot favor the establishment of a colon}' in a foreign country;
and I, as a bishop, British subject, cannot allow the priests whom I send to establish
themselves anywhere else than on British territory, because the line which divides the
two powers also bounds my jurisdiction. It is the reason why the passage of the
missionaries was refused last year ; and itT has been granted this year only on the special
condition that the missionaries would fix their residence on the north side of the Columbia
river ; thus this change does not come from any ill will on my part, which I thought
proper to let you know. The missionaries, however, can go and visit you, but always
temporarily, and will not be able to fix their residence among you. You might, perhaps,
in course of time, join them in moving to their establishment. The desire of the salvation
of your souls shall induce you to do it."
The Very Rev. F. N. Blanchet, Y. G., left Montreal May 3, 1838, in a bark canoe,
carrying the express of the Hudson's Bay Company. He arrived June 6th at St.
Bonifacius, where he was joined by his associate, Rev. Modeste Deniers. On the loth
of July, they commenced their journey for Oregon, reaching Nonvay House in seven days.
On the 26th, the annual brigade, under command of Chief Trader Rowand, started
westward. It consisted of ten boats laden with merchandise, a large number of hired men,
women and children. Among the travelers accompanying were Messrs. Banks and
Wallace, English botanists, on a tour of scientific exploration.
The journey of those two devoted priests to the field of their future missionary
labors was a long and toilsome one, but unaccompanied with special danger or accident
until the arrival of the brigade at the " big bend " of the Columbia river. In the transfer of
persons and freight from that point to the House of the Lakes, one of the boats was badly
wrecked; and, of twenty-six on board, twelve were drowned. The travelers. Banks and
Wallace, with the wife of the latter, were among the lost. The brigade remained eighteen
days at the House of the Lakes, after which the journey was resumed. The two missionary
priests ('?i fon/r, at the various forts and stopping-places of the company, baptized and
confirmed Indians and company employes who had assembled to meet them. Fathers
Blanchet and Demers arrived at Fort Vancouver on the 24th of No^•ember, 1838.
On Sunday, November 25th, the two priests celebrated their first mass at Fort
Vancouver. To obey the instruction establishing at Oowlitz the principal station. Father
Blanchet left \''ancouver on the 12th of December, reaching Cowlitz Prairie on Sunday,
the 1 6th. The settlement consisted of the families of four retired servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company, who had taken claims upon the prairie on the west side of the
river. Mass was celebrated on Sunday and Monday, at the house of Simon Plemondou.
A section of land was taken for the mission, and preparation made to obtain timber for
buildings, after which Father Blanchet returned to Fort \'ancouver.
(1839.) Early in January, with the approbation of Chief Factor Douglas, Father
Blanchet visited the Catholic families residing on French Prairie. A log church seventy
by thirty feet had been built in 1S36. On Sunday, January 6th, the Vicar-General blessed
the chapel under the patronage of St. Paul, and celebrated the first mass in the Willamette
valley. This visit continued for five weeks, after which Cowlitz mission was established.
In the spring. Father Demers visited the Indians of Puget Sound. He returned to
Fort Vancouver by June, and met the trading expedition of the Hudson's Bay Company
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION. 211
on its annual return to Vancouver from New Caledonia and the interior posts. After
which he visited the Upper Columbia, Forts Walla Walla, Okanagon and Colvile.
On the 9th of October, Governor James Douglas communicated to the Vicar-General
" that the governor and committee have no further objection to the establishment of a
Roman Catholic mission in the Willamette, and that the missionaries were at liberty to
take any means towards the promotion of that object." Father Blanchet assumed charge
of Willamette mission, and assigned Cowlitz mission to Rev. Modeste Demers.
In the spring of 1840, Vicar-General Blanchet visited the Indians of Puget Sound,
extending his mission as far as Whidby Island. There he erected a cross, taught' the
Indians, baptized children, and reconciled two hostile tribes engaged in war. Father Demers
accompanied the brigade of the Hudson's Bay Compan}', which started from Fort Vancouver
for the Upper Columbia June 29th, extending his missionary visits to Forts Walla Walla,
Colvile and Okanagon. While at Colvile, he learned of the presence of Father Peter
]. de Smet among the Flatheads, who, with equal surprise, had become advised that Father
Demers labored in that vicinit}-. The two missionaries succeeded in communicating with each
other; and Father Demers carried a letter from Father de Smet to \'icar-General Blanchet.
The Flathead Indians had sent a deputation to St. Louis asking for religious teachers. In
response thereto, and in entire ignorance of the presence of Rev. Messrs. Blanchet and
Demers in the territory west of the Rock}- Mountains, the Roman Catholic Bishop of St.
Louis, Missouri, in October, 1S39, had addressed the Superior-General of the Order of
Jesuits at Rome, invoking missionary aid for the Flathead Indians. The diocese of
Missouri then included the territory of the United States westward to the Pacific Ocean.
Rev. Peter John de Smet, S. J., was selected by the Bishop of St. Louis, co-operating
with the provincial Superior of the Society of Jesus, in Missouri. In the summer of 1840,
Father de Smet visited the Flatheads, remained two months and was so encouraged that he
returned to St. Louis ■ for additional priests. In 1S41, he again crossed the Rocky
Mountains, accompanied by Fathers Point and Mengarina. Having established the
mission of St. Mary, in the valley of the Bitter Root, he returned to St. Louis, from
whence he visited Europe to secure aid for the Oregon Catholic Mission.
Sir George Simpson, upon his tour to Oregon, in 1841, made such a favorable report of
the missionary labors of Ivlessrs. Blanchet and Demers, that two other priests from Canada,
Revs. Anthon}^ Langlois and John B. Z. Bolduc, were added to the mission. Refused by
the Hudson's Bay Company passage overland, they came by sea, v/a Cape Horn, at the
expense of the society at Quebec for the propagation of the Faith. They arrived
September 17th, 1842, at St. Paul, on theW^illamette. The Vicar-General assumed charge*
at Vancouver, assigning Mr. Langlois to St. Paul, Mr. Bolduc to Cowljtz, Rev. M. Demers
being on a mission to the Upper Columbia.
On the 25th of November, Chief Factor John McLoughlin addressed the following to
the Vicar-General : " I am instructed to place one hundred pounds sterling to the
credit of your mission, as an acknowledgment of the eminent services j-ou and 3'our pious
colleague are rendering the people of this country."
(1843.) The missionary force was increased b}- the arrival of Jesuit Fathers de Vos
and Hockens, from St. Louis. On the 17th of October, St. Joseph's College was opened at
St. Paul, with thirty scholars. Rev. A. Langlois, Superintendent. With the arrival of the
Hudson's Bay Company brigade came five men and two women, aids to the mission, to
whom free passage had been furnished. On the ist of December (although unknown to
212 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
him until the subsequent November), the Rev. Francis N. Blanchet had been appointed
Bishop of Philadelphia, which titular rauk, before consecration, had been changed to Bishop
of Drasa.
( 1844.) Several Jesuit priests from St. Louis came to the Rockj^ Mountains this
year. Father de Smet sailed, on the 9th of Januar}', in the ship L' Infatigablc^ from
Anvers, Belgium, for the Columbia river, and on the 6th of August arrived at Fort
Vancouver. He was accompanied by Revs. Accolti, Nobili, Ravalli and Vercruysse,
several laj' brothers, and six religious ladies of Notre Dame de Namur. In November,
the » sisters opened an academy for girls at St. Paul. On the 4th of November, the
briefs arrived by which Oregon had been constituted a vicariate apostolic, with Francis
Norbert Blanchet, Bishop. Upon the 8th, he announced his resolution to return to Canada
to receive his consecration. The mission of Oregon included nine permanent stations or
missions, four of which were conducted by the Jesuit fathers from St. I.ouis. Eleven
churches had been built. There were two educational establishments, one for each sex,
and fifteen priests and six sisters of Notre Dame de Namur. Leaving Rev. Modeste
Demers, vicar-general and administrator, the bishop-elect, on the 5th of December, sailed
for London in the Hudson's Bay Company's bark Columbia ; from thence he proceeded
to Canada. At Montreal, on the 25th of July, 1845, the pioneer head of the Oregon
Catholic Mission was consecrated Bishop of Drasa. In August, Bishop F. N. Blanchet
sailed for Europe, to solicit help and necessary funds. On the 24th of July, 1846, Oregon
became an ecclesiastical province, Oregon Cit}- its metropolis, and Bishop F. N. Blanchet
its archbishop. His brother, A. M. A. Blanchet, canon of Montreal, was appointed bishop
of Walla Walla, and Modeste Demers bishop of Vancouver Island. Bishop A, M. A.
Blanchet was consecrated at Montreal, September 27, 1846, and crossed the plains the next
season, reaching Walla Walla September 5, 1S47. ^^ '^^'^^ accompanied by Very Rev. J.
B. A. Brouillet, Vicar-General, Rev. Messrs. Roussau and Leclaire, four fathers of the
O. M. I. of Marseilles, and two lay brothers. Bishop Modeste Demers was consecrated
on the 30th of November, 1847, at the Church of St. Paul, by Archbishop F. N. Blanchet,
his former companion and colleague in the Oregon Mission.
In the fall of 1847, the ecclesiastical province of Oregon City numbered three bishops,
fourteen Jesuit fathers, four Oblate fathers of the O. M. I., thirteen secular priests, thirteen
sisters and two houses of education.
The Catholic missionaries acquired and retained over the native population west of
the Rock}- IMountains an almost perfect control. The uninterrupted continuance of
Indian veneration to the priests, and to the impressive ceremonial of the Roman Catholic
Church, not only attests the zeal of the teachers, but also that their plan of educating was
peciiliarly adapted to the mental capacity of the Oregon Indian. In some instances, tribes
have imposed upon themselves the restraints incident to a semi-civilized condition of life.
In national caste and predilection, the Oregon Catholic Mission must be regarded British.
Briti.sh subjects, present in the conntr}-, petitioned a bishop of a diocese in British
territory, for its establishment. The archbishop who founded the mission expressl}'
intended that its operations should be restricted to " north of the territory, possession
whereof is contested by the L'^nited States." His grant was based upon British expectanc}'
that the Columbia river would be recognized as the northern boundar}- of the United
States' territorial claim to Oregon. Before acting iipon the petition, permission of the
Hudson's Ba}' Compan}' to enter the territor}- had been asked and obtained. The fields
in which the missionaries were to operate were to depend upon the approbation of officers
^#^^-'-^.;s
HON ED.SHATTUCK,
PDF?TLAND , OR .
HON. A. BUSH,
SALEM, OR.
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION. 213
of the corapaii}' on duty in Oregon. Nor was the mission reinforced until the company
had yielded its assent. But those missionaries were not narrow men ; in their good
offices, their charitable labors, they disregarded nationality and race. The mission had
been originated for the amelioration of native tribes and the French Canadians then in the
country ; nor have those features ever been lost sight of in its whole history, or that of its
successor, the church into which it has amplified. That church, with the same success,^
with the same interest in the aborigines, still continues its missionary work in that vast
region once so ably occupied by Blanchet and Demers, the zealous pioneers of the Oregon
Catholic Mission.
•
Chapter XXVII.
(1836-1S40.)
Young and Carniicliael Abandon Erection of Distillery — Formation of California
Cattle Company — V^isit to Willamette by Purser Slacum, U. S. Navy, Special
Agent — First Petition to Congress of J. L. Wliitcom and otliers — Farnliani,
llolman and Others Leave Peoria, 111., for Oregon — Sir Edward Belcher's
Surveying Expedition in Columbia Kiver — Arrival of Kev. J. S, Griffin —
Missionary Party of Clai'k, Smith and Littlejohn — Dr. Robert Newell Biings
AVagonsto Fort Walla Walla— Population of Territory at Close of 1840.
EWING YOUNG, whose arrival in the Willamette valley' has been chronicled, growing
tired of merely tending his stock, had resolved on a more active money-making
pnrsnit. He had formed a partnership with Carmichael (one of the party) to erect a
distiller}'. At this time, the salmon fishery enterprise of Captain Wyeth was about to
be abandoned ; and the firm had purchased the caldron which had been designed for
pickling salmon, and had commenced the building. The officials of the Htidson's Bay
Company, the Methodist missionaries, and a majority of the settlers, protested against the
enterprise. It was urged that its consummation would be ruinous to a farming settlement,
and most dangerous and hurtful in a new country with an Indian population and its class of
inhabitants. As an inducement to abandonment, the offer was made to start the firm in a
saw or grist mill or other business, and to reimburse them for the expenditure the}- had
incurred. An address was presented to Messrs. Young and Carmichael, signed by
nearly every person in the settlement. Public opinion was respected and the firm obeyed
the popular wish. The}- abandoned their project and also refused the proffered remuneration.
The formation of the California Cattle Company was the principal feature of the fall
and winter of 1836. It was a joint-stock company, whose purpose was to import from
California horses and cattle. The shares were to be proportionate to the amount contributed.
Half the stock was taken by the Hudson's Bay Company. Rev. Jason Lee, superintendent
of the Oregon Methodist Mission, invested six hundred dollars. The settlers contributed
amounts as they were able. Others engaged as drivers at one dollar per day, to be paid in
cattle at actual cost. The party was headed by Ewing Young. P. L. Edwards, a lay
member of the Methodist IVIission, accompanied as treasurer. These ofl&cers were to
receive compensation in cattle at prime cost.
It becomes necessary here to introduce Purser William A. Slacum, of the United
States Navy, who arrived in Oregon in December, 1S36, in the brig Loroit, chartered
at Honolulu. He zealously co-operated in this cattle enterprise, rendering valuable
aid to the American settlers. As before quoted from Mr. Courtney M. Walker's pioneer
article, it was probably owing to the published representations of Hall J. Kelly as to
the treatment of Young and himself at Fort Vancouver, as also his observations upon the
( 214 )
VISIT TO WILLAMETTE BY PURSER SLACUM, U. S. NAVY. 215
country, that President Jackson had instructed William A. Slacum, United States Nav}',
as special agent to visit Oregon and make investigations, as also to report upon the
countr}', its soil, climate, resources, etc.
Of Slacum's visit to Fort Vancouver, Chief Factor McLoughlin remarks : " On
arriving, he pretended he was a private gentleman and had come to meet Messrs. Murray
and companions, who had left the States to visit the country. But this did not deceive
me, as I perceived who be was and his object. His report of the mission subsequently
published in the proceedings of Congress established that my surmises were correct."
The arrival of Purser Slacum was opportune for the settlers. He offered to the
purchasers and employes of the cattle company free passages iia his vessel to San
Francisco. Having arrived in California, they bought 800 head of cattle at $3 per head,
and forty horses at $12 each. A number of the cattle were lost in swimming the rivers,
some strayed, and some were killed by the Shasta Indians. They reached Willamette in
October, 1837, '^i^^ about 600 head.
The horses were put up at auction and distributed to the contributors, at the prices bid.
The cattle were found to have cost, delivered at Willamette Falls, seven dollars and
sixty-seven cents per head. The Methodist Mission received eighty head. Those settlers
who had borrowed tame and broken cattle from the Hudson's Bay Company were now
allowed by Dr. McLoughlin to return California cattle in exchange, thereby stocking
their farms with cattle at less than eight dollars per head. As the Hudson's Bay Company
desired to use the cattle for beef, Dr. McLoughlin accepted 3'oung stock for the share due
the company.
There is no record of the arrival of any independent settlers during 1837.
(1838.) In March, J. L. Whitcom (i) and thirty-five others, describing themselves
as settlers residing south of the Columbia river, addressed to Congress the first memorial
from within the territory, praying that Federal jurisdiction might be extended over Oregon.
Lewis F. Linn, of Missouri, presented it in the United States Senate, January 28, 1839.
It represents that American settlement began in 1832. It temperately portrays the
resources, climate and soil of the region, alludes to its advantageous commercial position,
and foreshadows the importance of Pacific commerce. The relation of the settlers to the
Hudson's Bay Company is discussed, and the necessities of law for the well being of the
community indicated.
" The territory must populate. The Congress of the United States must say by
whom. The natural resources of the country, with a well-adjusted civil code, will invite
a good community. But a good community will hardly emigrate to a country which
promises no protection for life or property. Inquiries have already been submitted to
some of us for information of the country. In return, we can only speak of a country
highly favored of nature. We can boast of no civil code. We can promise no protection
but the ulterior resort of self-defense. By whom, then, shall our country be protected?
By the reckless and unprincipled adventurer, or by the hardy and enterprising pioneer
of the west ? By the Botany Bay refugee, by the renegade of civilization from the Rocky
Mountains, by the profligate deserted seaman from Pol3niesia, and the unprincipled
sharpers from South America ? We are well assured it will cost the government of the
United States more to reduce elements so discordant to social order than to promote our
permanent peace and prosperity by timely action of Congress. Nor can we suppose that
(i) Mr. Whitcom was mate of the vessel in which Dr. White and other Methodist missionaries came as passengers, arriving in the Columbia
river in 1S37. He had been employed by the mission as foreman.
21G HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
SO vicious a population could be relied on in case of a rupture between the United States
and any other power. Our intercourse with the natives among us, guided much b)' the
same influence which has promoted harmony among ourselves, has been generall}' pacific.
But the same causes which will interrupt harmony among ourselves will also interrupt
our friendly relations with the natives. It is, therefore, of primary importance, both to
them and us, that the government should take energetic measures to secure the execution
of all laws affecting Indian trade and intercourse of the white men with Indians."
About the ist of May, 1839, a party numbering eighteen (i) left Peoria, Illinois, for
the purpose of establishing a settlement, fishery and commercial enterprise at the mouth
of the Columbia river. Thomas J. Farnham, a lawyer and journalist, was captain. The
late Joseph Holman, so long and favorably known at Salem, was of the party. He was a
cooper by occupation; and he was to make barrels, in which salmon were to be packed and
shipped. Amos Cook, Francis Fletcher and R. L. Kilbourn, who came through that 3-ear
to Willamette, were of the party, as was also Sidnc}' Smith, who arrived in Oregon at a
later period. The wife of Farnham accompanied the march westward for several days,
during which time she prepared a neat little banner, inscribed, " Oregon, or the Grave."
Captain Farnham left his party at Bent's fort, and, with a guide, pushed ahead^ reaching
Fort Vancouver long in advance of any of his companions. He remained there until
November, at which time he sailed in one of the Hudson's Ba}' Company's vessels to the
Sandwich Islands, and thence to the States.
Joseph Holman justly and happily says: " Our's was the first party that crossed
the plains to Oregon to become permanent settlers and citizens. We came to make
homes; but not even the missionaries of that day actually came to stay as we did."
As this was the first bona-fide pioneer immigration of American citizens who
voluntarily made the great march across the continent to settle and make permanent
homes in Oregon, to occup}' it, to hold it, to Americanize it, — the story of its march,
its vicissitudes, its trials, recounted in the language of its prominent member, is deemed
of vital interest. Said Joseph Holman :
" This company of eighteen men started with a two-horse team and some loose horses.
Fort Independence, Missouri, was considered the frontier at that time, and there the)'
changed their programme for travel. The}- sold the team and wagon, and outfitted anew
with saddle horses and pack animals. Here the^^ mounted their nags from the plains, and
drove on before them pack animals that carried all their necessary baggage and supplies.
Their train now consisted of over twenty, probably nearly thirt}', mules and horses. They
went south from Independence towards Santa Fe, took their route up the Arkansas river
to Bent's fort, and thence to Bent's other fort, or trading-post, on the south fork of the
Platte. The}' were now in exclusively Indian territor}', where the}- had good grass and an
abundance of buifalo. Sometimes the herds of bison were so impenetrable that they had
trouble to drive them out of their way, and couldn't hear themselves speak for the constant
roaring of these animals. They had meat in abundance, though none of them were good
hunters. One of them would ride up by the side of a buffalo calf and shoot it with his
pistol. Sometimes they only took out the tongues, as they were considered a great
delicacy. They had neither flour nor salt, but lived on ' meat straight' much of the time,
in fact, all the way to the Columbia river. Buffalo lasted on the plains as far as Bear
river. For a month there was no time they could not go out and find droves of American
bison. Occasionally they would stop a day to hunt whenever there was a scarcity of meat.
(1^ The stateintnt of Joseph Holinaii. one of the party, to s. A. Clarke; see Pioneer Days, Article IV. Sunday Orfgonian gives eighteen
as the number. T. J. Farnham, the captain, in his published "Travels in the Great Western Prairies," commences thus : " On the first day of
May, 1S39, the author and thirteen others were making preparations to leave Peoria."
M.BAKER,
LA GRANDE, OR.
FARNHAM, HOLMAN AND OTHERS LEAVE PEORIA, ILL., FOR OREGON. 217
" On the south fork of the Platte, they met a war party of Sioux, who stole two of
their horses in the night time. Those were the only unfriendly savages they met all the
way to Oregon. Their own party, though small, were well armed, and stood guard every
night. The plains Indians, in that year, had only bows and arrows, with occasionally an
old flint-lock gun that would not go off well. So our party, though small, could protect
themselves easily against a much larger force of Indians with native weapons. They left
Independence the last of May, and stopped a month at Bent's fort on the South Platte to
recruit animals and secure a guide to Brown's Hole on Green river, where they all
wintered.
" They reached Brown's Hole in September, and found it located among the sage
brush of the river bottom. Here they found Jo Meek and Dr. Newell, and other famous
free trappers and hunters whose histories are associated with early times in Oregon.
There was also a large band of Snakes or Sho-sho-nes. All these men said, ' You had
better wait until spring.' So we built our cabins to winter in and went back to Bear
river, where we killed buffalo, to dry the meat and cure it for our winter supply. This
we packed to our winter encampment at Brown's Hole. It was a trading place only, but
it suited the traders to call it a 'fort.' We spent the winter as well as we could, and
feasted on dried buffalo straight. The Indians sometimes had broken guns ; and we
mended the stocks, or did other such things for the savages as were necessary. We made
saddles that we took to Fort Hall and exchanged for supplies and clothing in the spring.
There were plenty of deer and mountain sheep to kill. We wintered well, and had no
sickness.
" At Bent's fort, on the South Platte, some of our party had turned back discouraged.
A few stayed to trap there ; some went to Santa Fe. Fletcher, who came with us, died
recently in Yamhill county ; Amos Cook lives near Lafayette ; Kilbourn went to
California in 1842. These made the four that came through with Dr. Newell in March
from Brown's Hole to Oregon. All of the eighteen who started and came through were
Fletcher, Cook, Kilbourn and myself (Holman). We encountered deep snows on the way
to Fort Hall in the mountains. Our hardships were greater than we at any time before
encountered. We had to spread down blankets on snow drifts for our animals to pass
over, and also did the same on the frozen creeks. Finally our horses were nearly starv^ed,
and ourselves almost famished. We bought Indian dogs and ate them. We were a
month in deep snow^s. The horses throve on young cottonwood growing in the creeks.
We gave them this and they did well on it. They ate greedily. We had started early so
as to avoid war parties of unfriendly savages. Three days from Fort Hall we found a
single old buffalo bull. It was very poor, but we killed it. We had been three days without
food, and were getting over our raving hunger when we killed the buffalo. At Fort Hall,
we found dried salmon and a little corn, and thought it was very luxurious living.
" We remained three weeks at Fort Hall, waiting for them to get ready to bring down
their furs to Walla Walla. Then we came down Snake river with two fur traders. We
left Fort Hall in May, and had a very pleasant journey from there to Walla Walla. We
came down the north side of the Columbia, crossed over at The Dalles, and then took the
Columbia river trail on the south side. We reached Vancouver the same day that forty
missionaries arrived there by sea, including Lee, Parrish and others. Dr. McLoughlin
was astonished to see us, and looked on us with great surprise. He said he wondered
that four men should cross the continent alone. He sent us to the company's dairy to
get something to eat. We were dressed in buckskin and went bareheaded. We traded
218 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
him beaver skins for clothes, and looked like civilized men once more. Fletcher had some
money, but they charged twent}' per cent for exchanging it for British money or goods."
In " Notes by Dr. McLoiighlin," reference is made to William Geiger and William
Johnson having visited Fort Vancouver. " The}' represented themselves as having been
sent by people in the States to examine the country and make report. Johnson sailed for
the Sandwich Islands. Geiger went as far as California and thence returned by land."
He became a permanent settler. I
In the summer of 1839, the little handful of Americans in the Willamette valley
experienced extreme solicitude, upon the appearance in the Columbia river of a British
surveying expedition, commanded by Captain Sir Edward Belcher, Royal Navy. It
consisted of her Majesty's ship Sulpliiir^ 380 tons, with a complement of 109 men, attended
b}' her Majesty's schooner Starling^ of 109 tons. Lieutenant H. Kellett, Royal Navy,
commanding.
This expedition for the survey of the Pacific coast, from Valparaiso to sixty degrees,
thirty-one minutes north, and originally under command of Captain F. N. Beachey, R. N.,
had sailed from Plymouth, England, December 24, 1835. On reaching Valparaiso,
Captain Beache^^, in consequence of ill health, was compelled to return to England.
Lieutenant Kellett commanded until Januar}-, 1S37, ^^ which time Captain Belcher joined
the Sulphur at Panama. Nor were the jealous fears of these American settlers without
occasion. Among the instructions by the British Admiralty, dated December 19, 1835,
was the following :
" Political circumstances have invested the Columbia river with so much importance,
that it w'ill be well to devote some time to its bar and channels of approach, as well as to
its anchorage and shores."
From a narrative of the voyage by Sir Edward Belcher, we quote the following
extracts : I
" On the 28th of July, 1839, H. B. M. ship Sulphur reached the mouth of the
Columbia river, when Lieutenant Kellett, having descried us, weighed and stood with the
Starling to conduct us in."
*******
" On the 9th of August, after being nearly devoured by mosquitoes, we reached Fort
Vancouver, where we were very kindl}- received by Mr. Douglas, and had apartments
allotted to us."
The instructions of the British government in fitting out this surveying expedition
clearly foreshadowed the British programme of acquiring Oregon by acts of occupancy. It
is evident that the territory north of the Columbia was deemed British soil. Captain
Belcher numbers the American element in Oregon as " twenty American stragglers from
California, ten clergymen, teachers, etc., American Methodist Mission and four missionary
stations in the interior." British feeling against these whom they regarded as trespassers
and intruders, who are denounced as " stragglers," is faithfully portrayed in Belcher's
narrative. It is a British view of Oregon in the fall of 1839, and indicates the situation of
the pioneers, — their duties, their dangers, their responsibilities, their outlook of the future.
In the fall, Rev. J. S. Griffin and wife, accompanied by Asahel Munger and wife,
having that season crossed the Rocky Mountains, arrived at Fort Vancouver. They had
designed to establish a self-supporting Indian mission, independently of the patronage of
any missionary board. They expected that the Indians would return labor for teachings
bestowed, but very quickly experienced that such a theory with such a people was barren
MISSIONARY PARTY OF CLARK, SMITH AND LITTLEJOHN. 219
of results. Mr. Griffin and wife came to the Willamette valle3^ Munger attached himself
to the Methodist Mission and became deranged. He was a blacksmith, a good mechanic.
He fancied that Christ would work a miracle to convince people that certain doctrines he
entertained were communicated to him by God. Going one evening into his shop, he
fastened one hand by a nail to the side of, or above, the fireplace, and then hung himself
into the fire. Before his situation had become discovered, he was so seriously injured
that he died within three days.
(1840.) Revs. Harvey Clarke, Alviu T. Smith and P. B. Littlejohn, with their
wives (Congregationalists), came as missionaries upon the self-supporting plan. Their
intended field of labor was in the interior. Meeting with no success among the Indians,
they became settlers in the Willamette valle}-. In March, this little colon}- in two wagons
left Quincv, Illinois, for Independence, Mis.souri. They started westward the last of April,
overtaking a spring caravan of the American Fur Company at Hickory Grove. At that
point, Henry Black joined their party and came through with them. That caravan had
also been joined, at several points on the road, by Joel Walker, Pleasant Armstrong,
George Davis and Robert Moore, who became settlers of the Willamette valley this year.
Arriving at the rendezvous, they met several Rocky Mountain men, free trappers, among
whom were Dr. Robert Newell, Caleb Wilkins, Colonel Joseph L. Meek, George W.
Ebberts, William Doughty and William Craig, several of whom settled this year in the
Willamette. Says Mr. Smith : " These mountain men made us an escort to Fort Hall."
The travels of these missonaries and their wives are interestingly described by Mr. Smith
as follows :
" We brought wagons through to Fort Hall and left them there. One wagon and
double harness we gave to Bob Newell to pay for piloting us from Green river to Fort
Hall. From this place to Fort Boise, we packed our baggage and supplies, and rode on
horseback ourselves. There had been no open road on the plains; but from Boise in there
was a plain trail made by Indians and the fur-company men. Occasionally Indians would
travel with us until the horses disappeared. After that, they left us. The ladies had
side-saddles and easy-riding ponies, and made the journej^ very conlfortabl^^ They had
two tents to sleep in, and so were protected from severe weather. Mrs. Smith and Mrs.
Littlejohn had horses that paced easily, but usually they traveled on a walk. The
compan}- became short of provisions at Green river, but there laid in a supply of antelope
and dried buffalo meat. These were purchased from Indians with trinkets. At Fort Hall,
we exchanged something with the Hudson's Bay Company agent for a supply of flour.
We killed very little game on the plains ; but, to Green river, hunters were always out to
kill wliat they could.
"There was no disagreement, and, except the prolonged weariness of the journey, all
went pleasantly. The fur-company men and hunters had not the same idea of keeping
the Sabbath as our party had, and could not be induced to lie by and rest on that day ; but
when we were b}' ourselves, this side of Fort Hall, we concluded to live up to our
principles. So the Sabbath we neared Fort Boise, we determined to rest. We did so;
and those who did not take that view of matters went on and left us.
"Near Fort Hall, we got less anxious concerning stock, as we thought we were out of
the wild Indian country. One morning we found two of my horses missing, with some
others. Wilkins could talk the language somewhat, and understood Indian ways well.
Several Indians had been traveling with us and camping close b}-, turning their stock out
uear ours. Wilkins talked to one of these, and intimated that he could find the horses if
220 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
lie wished to. The Indian was saucy for reply, and Wilkins knocked him down, and,
when he got up, told him to go and find our horses. He went ofif, and ver}' soon returned
with them."
To Dr. Robert Newell must be ascribed the credit of bringing the first wagon from
Fort Hall to Fort Walla Walla, establishing the practicabilit}- of wagon travel from the
western frontier of ]\Iissouri, via the Rock}- Mountains, to the Columbia river.
The party consisted of Dr. Newell and family. Colonel Joseph L. ]Meek and family,
Caleb Wilkins and Frederick Ermatinger, chief trader in the Hudson's Bay Company.
It had been regarded as sheer madness to attempt to travel with wagons from Fort Hall,
through the Snake river country, to the Columbia. The missionaries (Clark, Smith and
Littlejohn), as already .stated, had accompanied the annual caravan of the American Fur
Company to the Green river rendezvous, and from thence had employed Dr. Newell as pilot
to Fort Hall. On reaching that point, they found their animals so reduced that they
abandoned their two wagons ; and Dr. Newell accepted them in compensation for his
services.
In a letter to the author. Dr. Newell wrote : "x\t the time I took the wagons, I had no
idea of undertaking to bring them into this country. I exchanged fat horses to the
missionaries for their animals; and, after they had been gone a month or more for
Willamette, and the American Fur Company had abandoned the country for good, I
concluded to hitch up and try the much-dreaded job of taking a wagon to Oregon. I
sold one of those wagons to Mr. Ermatinger, at Fort Hall. On the 15th of August,
1840, we put out with three wagons. Joseph L. Meek drove my wagon. In a few days,
we began to realize the difficult task before us, and found that the continued crashing of
the sage under our wagons, which was in many places higher than the mules' backs, was
no joke. Seeing oiir animals begin to fail, we began to lighten up, finally threw away
our wagon beds, and were quite sorry we had undertaken the job. All the consolation we
had was that we broke the first sage on the road, and were too proud to eat anything but
dried salmon skins after our provisions had become exhausted. In a rather rough and
reduced state, we arrived at Dr. Whitman's mission station, in the Walla \\'alla valle}',
where we were met by that hospitable man and kindly made welcome, and feasted
accordingly-. On hearing me regret that I had undertaken to bring wagons, the Doctor
said: 'Oh, you will never regret it; you have broken the ice, and when others see that
wagons have passed, they, too, will pass; and in a few 3-ears the valley will be full of our
people.' The Doctor shook me heartily by the hand. Mrs. Whitman, too, welcomed us ;
and the Indians walked around the wagons, or what they called 'horse-canoes,' and seemed
to give it up. We spent a day or so with the Doctor, and then went to Fort Walla Walla,
where we were kindly received b}' Mr. P. C. Pembram, chief trader of the Hudson's Bay
Company, and superintendent of that post. On the ist of October, we took leave of those
kind people, leaving our wagons^ and taking the river trail ; but we proceeded slowly.
Our party consisted of Joseph L. Meek and myself, also our families, and a Snake Indian,
whom I brought to Oregon, where he died a j^ear after our arrival. The party did not
arrive at the Willamette Falls (Oregon City) till December, subsisting for weeks upon
dried salmon, and upon several occasions were compelled to swim their stock across the
Columbia and Willamette."
Such were the privations and hardships of reaching Oregon overland, as detailed by
a Rocky Mountain man who had been inured to such travel during his whole life. Such
was the heroic task to be assumed by the American pioneers.
-^
COL. JOHN L.MORROW,
HEPPNER OR.
DECLARATION OF INTENTION TO AMERICANIZE OREGON. 221
The brig Maiyland^ Captain John H. Conch, from Newbnryport, Mass., arrived in the
Cohimbia river. She was owned by the father of Caleb Cushing, an able champion of the
American right to Oregon in the Congress of the United States, and was the pioneer of a
fleet of vessels which established commerce in the Columbia river. A few years later, the
genial Couch abandoned the sea, and settled near Portland, and inai:gurated the first
successful independent mercantile operation in Oregon. The visit of a British surveying
expedition, commanded b}- Sir Edward Belcher, R. N., stimulated the urgent petition
of 1840, to Congress, of Rev. David Leslie and others, "residents in Oregon Territory,
and citizens of the United States, or persons desiring to become such," praying that
measures should be early adopted to embrace Oregon within Federal jurisdiction. The
emphatic declaration of the intention to Americanize Oregon thus premises :
" The}' have settled themselves in said territory under the belief that it was a portion
of the public domain of said States, and that they might rely upon the government thereof
for the blessing of free institutions and the protection of its arms. Biit they are uninformed
of an}' acts of said government by which its institutions and protection are extended to
them ; in consequence whereof, themselves and families are exposed to be destroyed by
savages around them, and others who would do them harm. They have no means of
protecting their own and the lives of their families, other than self-constituted tribunals
originating and sustained by the power of an illy-instructed public opinion, and a resort
to force and arms. That their means of safety are an insufficient safeguard of life and
property; that they are unable to arrest the progress of crime without the aid of law, and
tribunals to administer it."
A lofty American sentiment pervades the document. It urges the immediate
establishment of a territorial government. The value of the territory to the nation is
demonstrated. The government is warned of the efforts of Great Britain to secure its
acquisition. It refers to the continued presence of a British frigate upon the coast; the
survey, in 1839, by Belcher's expedition of the Columbia river and the adjacent bays and
harbors as meaning future occupancy; and charges the Hudson's Bay .Company with
seizing valuable points and portions of the territory to forestall and defeat American
settlement. Congress is admonished that officers of the company are persistently asserting
that the British Crown had granted to the Hudson's Bay Company the territory north of
the Columbia river. 'Various acts of dominion over the soil exercised b}' the company
are detailed; the memorialists earnestl}' protest against Anglicizing that region by
networks of so-called trading-posts, — establishments designed rather to secure ultimate
ownership of territory than for purposes of Indian trade.
The soil, climate and general features are faithfully delineated. The capacity of the
territory to support a large population is conclusively illustrated. The magnificent
lumbering resources, the fisheries, the large bodies of agricultural land, are heralded.
After having invoked Congress to do its duty to the nation by asserting jurisdiction over
Oregon, it sa3's :
" Your petitioners would beg leave especiall}' to call the attention of Congress to
their own condition as an infant colony, without militar}' force or civil institutions to
protect their lives and property and children, sanctuaries and tombs, from the band of
uncivilized and merciless savages around them. We respectfully ask for the civil
institutions of the American Republic. We pra}- for the high privileges of American
citizenship; the peaceful enjo3nnent of life; the right of acquiring, possessing and using
property, and the unrestrained pursuit of rational happiness."
222 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
At the close of 1S40, Judge Deady says : " The population of the country, exclusive
of the company and Indians, was about 200. Of these, one-sixth were Canadians.
Nine-tenths of them were located west of the Cascade Mountains, and almost all of them
in the Willamette valle3\ Biit the power and prestige resulting from wealth, organization
and priority of settlement, were still on the side of those who represented Great Britain.
It was a common opinion among all classes, that in the final settlement of boundaries
between the two countries, the territory north of the Columbia might be conceded to Great
Britain ; and the principal settlements and stations of the British and Americans were
located with reference to this possibility. So stood the matter thirty-five years after the
American exploration of the Columbia river by Lewis and Clark. A casual observer
might have concluded that the country was doomed to remain a mere trapping and trading
ground for the company, for generations to come. But a new force was now about to
appear on the scene and settle the long-protracted controversy in favor of the United
States. It was the Oregon argonauts, moving across the continent in dust}' columns with
their wives and children, flocks and herds, in search of the Golden Fleece that was to be
found in the groves and prairies of the coveted lands of the Willamette. The actual
occupation of Oregon for the purpose of claiming and holding the country as against
Great Britain, and forming therein an American State, did not commence until after 1S40.
Very naturally the movement began in the west, and had its greatest strength in Missouri,
Illinois and Iowa" (i).
(I) Annual address of Hon. Matthew P. Deady. — Oregon Pioneers, 1S75.
A
Chapter XXVIIL
(1841.)
Abortive Effort to Form a Provisional Government — The United States Exploring
Expedition — Captain Wilkes, United States Navy — First Fourtli of July on
Pnget Sound — The Red Kiver Colony to Puget Sound.
THE residents of Oregon, though few in number, had already become divided into
parties, in the main influenced by nationality. British subjects were uniformly
dependent upon the Hudson's Ba}^ Company, in fact, were generally in its employ. The
Canadian-French south of the Columbia river, with few exceptions, were its discharged
servants. They had come under articles which guaranteed that they should not be
discharged in the Indian country. At the end of their service, they were to be returned
to their former homes. To avoid the non-fulfillment of such obligation, and to retain
such class in the country, though relieved from service, they continued to be borne upon
the compan3^'s books, as much under their control as before discharged, and fully as loyal
to the company and its officers.
In the Willamette valley, the Methodist Mission constituted the nucleus around
which rallied the American population. As yet there were no American settlers north
and west of the Columbia river. The Protestant Missions in the interior were completely
isolated from the Willamette settlements.
The Hudson's Bay Company reigned supreme north of the Columbia ; south of that
river, the Canadian-French owed it allegiance. Over the American and independent
settlers, the mission exercised control. Each had its system of discipline; its programme
of dealing with the natives; its mode of treatment of, and intercourse with, those
independent of its organization. Those two recognized elements of authority, those
two governing influences, had rendered unnecessary the establishment of any other
governmental agency. Had all the inhabitants been connected with one or the other of
those establishments, been amenable to the discipline of one or the other of those organized
agencies, no necessity would have invited further restraint than that imposed in the
relation of employer.
The death of Ewing Young, an independent settler, in February, without kindred,
was an event of interest to the infant settlement. Not connected with either the mission
or the company, possessor of considerable property, how was that property to be distributed?
By whom was his estate to be settled ? To whom was its management to be intrusted ?
Such an event naturally siiggested the utility, not to say the absolute necessity, of laws, —
of legislatures to make them, of courts to administer them, and of a government to enforce
their due observance. After his burial, those who had attended the funeral improvised a
meeting to confer upon the situation. A committee was selected, from whom emanated
the call for the " Primary Meeting of the People of Oregon."
( 223 ) .
224 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
That pioneer political convention assembled on the 17th of February, 1S41, at the
American Mission House. Rev. Jason Lee presided, Rev. Gustavus Hines acting as
secretary. Its purpose : " Consultation concerning the steps necessary to be taken for
the formation of laws, the election of officers to execute the same, and for the better
preser\-ation of good order."
No residents north of the Columbia participated. A resolution had been adopted,
" That all settlers north of the Columbia river, not connected with the Hudson's Bay
Company, be admitted to the protection of our laws on making application to that effect."
The residents south of the Columbia river, of ever}' nationalit}', all north of the river,
except those connected with the Hudson's Bay Compan3^ could, by application, become a
part of the said government. This exclusion of those connected with the Hudson's Bay
Company, this condition that residents north of the Columbia should make application,
should not be attributed to a spirit of proscription by American settlers. It was rather
the recognition of that prevailing sentiment, that faith steadily inculcated by the officers
of the Hudson's Bay Company, — that the Columbia river would be the ultimate boundary
line between the United States and Great Britain.
North of the Columbia, the company's occupation was as exclusive, its jurisdiction
as complete, as though the region were a recognized part of the Hudson's Bay Territory.
Under the provisions of an act of Parliament of July 2, 1821, entitled, " An act of
establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America,"
officers of the compau}^ had been commissioned justices of the peace ; the jurisdiction of
the courts of Canada has been extended to the Pacific; British subjects who contemned
the company's authority, who were unruly or lawless, or who ignored the exclusive license
of trade, could be tried by such justices, and punished or sent to Canada for trial. Hence,
north of the Columbia, there was no necessity for additional law. The company's
discipline was all-sufficient to regulate its officers, emplo3'es and servants. The act of
Parliament conferred authority to prevent the intrusion of British subjects; to assure
respect of the company's authority ; affixed punishment by forms of statute law when
the discipline of the company proved inefficient. By that statute, Great Britain had
extended British law over the whole of Oregon. It had reall}^ clothed the company with
ample jurisdiction over every British subject within the territory. North of the Columbia
river was practically a British province.
Agricultural settlement by Americans south of the Columbia had not been opposed
by the company's officers at Fort Vancouver; but, to the Willamette valley, such settlement
had been restricted. Thoroughly aware of their utter inability to destroy the exclusiveness
of the company's sway north of the river, this resolve must be only construed as an
intended declaration of non-interference. It recognized the situation ; but, with true
American welcome, those government-builders would receive such as applied for protection.
B}' such resolution, the settlers only conceded that the company alread}' enjoyed, north oi
the river, what the American settlers needed in the Willamette valley.
On the 17th, but few attending, the meeting adjourned. On the iSth, almost the
entire population of tlie Willamette valley were present. Protestant and Catholic, American
and Canadian-French, missionary and layman, alike attested the popular interest. Rev.
David Leslie presided. Rev. Gustavus Hines and Sidney Smith were secretaries. One
committee was appointed to nominate officers of the newl}- formed cqIou}', another to draft
a constitution and code of laws. While this project was inaugurated and mainly urged
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ABORTIVE EFFORT TO FORM A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 225
by the Methodist Mission, yet an inspection of the names of the committee demonstrates
that the effort was made to conciliate every interest, to recognize every class, every sect,
every nationality.
The same policy was manifested in selecting officers. There was a scrupulous regard
for all the elements of that little community, — that no one should be ignored, that each
should be represented.
The meeting adopted the report of the nominating committee, thereby electing Dr.
I. L. Babcock Supreme Judge with probate powers; George W. Le Breton, Recorder ;
William Johnson, Sheriff; three justices of the peace and three constables. Until
the committee should report a constitution and code of laws. Judge Babcock was
instructed to act according to the laws of New York. The best of feeling prevailed, all
seemed animated with the same idea, and the meeting adjourned until the first Tuesdav in
June.
At the adjourned meeting. Rev. David Leslie presided, with the same secretaries as at
the primary meeting. The committee to draft a constitution and code of laws were called
upon to report. Rev. F. N. Blanchet, chairman, responded that the committee had held no
meeting, and that no report had been prepared. At his request, he was relieved from the
committee. Dr. William J. Bailey was substituted.
The committee were instructed to meet on the first Monday in August. The first
Monday in October was designated as the time to receive and act upon the constitution
and code of laws. They were also instructed to confer with Captain Charles Wilkes,
United States Navy, commander of the United States exploring expedition, then in
the Columbia river, and with Dr. John McLoughlin, Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay
Company and executive officer of its affairs west of the Rocky Mountains.
The meeting, by the reconsideration of the vote adopting the report of the nominating
committee, had annulled the election of officers. A resolution was then passed, " That the
committee to draft a constitution and laws be instructed to take into consideration the
number and kind of officers it will be necessary to create in accordance with the constitution
and code of laws, and report the same to the next meeting ; and that the report of the
nominating committee be referred to said committee."
The anxiety to form a government, which had manifested itself at the February
meeting, had grown into indifference at the meeting in June. Rev. F. N. Blanchet's
declination to serve upon the committee, the resolution to consult Chief Factor McLoughlin
and Captain Wilkes, were all indicative of intended abandonment of the project. The
settlers, by their first resolution, had conceded that the Hudson's Bay Company could
have no real desire to aid in establishing a government ; the retirement of Blanchet was
evidence that the Canadian-French were not ready for the imposition of laws. Captain
Wilkes, a commissioned officer of the United States government, could not officially advise
such a project in the face of the Joint-Occupancy Treaty ; neither could he countenance
the formation of an independent state or community on the shores of the Pacific. The
June meeting having undone all that had been effected in February, then completed
necessary- arrangements by which this first attempt to establish a government in Oregon
should be nipped in the bud.
The American members of that committee, in obedience to instructions, called upon
Captain Wilkes.
Before this interview with the committee, the Rev. Mr. Blanchet, in charge of the
Catholic mission near Champoeg, had been visited by Captain Wilkes. In that vi.sit.
226 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Mr. Blanchet " spoke much about the system of laws the minority of the settlers were
desirous of establishing, but which he had objected to, and advised his people to refuse to
co-operate in ; for he was of opinion that the number of settlers in the Willamette valley
would not w-arrant the establishment of a constitution ; and, as far as his people w^ere
concerned, there was certainl}- no necessit}- for one, nor had he any knowledge of crime
having been 3'et committed." Captain Wilkes remarks : " From my own observation,
and the information I had obtained, I was well satisfied that the laws were not needed,
and were not desired by the Catholic portion of the settlers. I therefore could not avoid
drawing their attention to the fact, that, after all the various offices they proposed making
should be filled, there would be no subjects for the law to deal with. I further advised
them to wait until the government of the United States should throw its mantle over
them" (i).
The adjourned citizens' meeting was never held. Thus fell, still-born, that first and
preraatiire attempt to establish a government in Oregon.
The reference to Captain Wilkes renders unnecessary the statement that Oregon was
visited this year by the United States exploring expedition, commanded by that
distinguished officer of the United States Navy. As appears by the instructions of the
Navy Department :
" Entirely divested of all military character, its objects were altogether scientific and
useful, intended for the benefit equally of the United States and all the commercial
nations of the world." In assigning officers, the President did not select from senior
ranks of the navy, nor according to grade of service. Lieutenant Charles Wilkes was
appointed chief; and Lieutenant William L. Hudson, though superior in rank, was
selected second in command. The instructions of Hon. James K. Paulding, Secretary of
the Navy, bear date August 11, 1838:
" The Congress of the United States, having in view the important interests of our
commerce embarked in the whale fisheries, and other adventures in the great southern
ocean, by an act of the iStli of May, 1836, authorized an expedition to be fitted out for
the purpose of exploring and surveying that sea, as well to determine the existence of all
doubtful islands and shoals as to discover and accuratel}- fix the position of those which
lie in or near the track of our vessels in that quarter, and ma}- have escaped the observation
of scientific navigators."
Having in general terms indicated the order in which the vo3'age should be pursued,
and designating the lands and seas to be explored, the squadron was to rendezvous at
the Sandwich Islands.
"Thence you will direct your course to the northwest coast of America, making such
surve3's and examinations, first of the territory' of the United States and seaboard, and of
the Columbia river, and afterwards along the coast of California, with special reference to
the Bay of San Francisco, as you can accomplish by the month of October following your
arrival."
^ ■!• 5l» 3^ ij^ t^ 5|i
"Although the primary object of the expedition is the promotion of the great interest of
commerce and navigation, yet you will take all occasions, not incompatible with the great
purposes of j-our undertaking, to extend the bounds of science and promote the acquisition
of knowledge. For the more successful attainment of these, a corps of scientific gentlemen,
consisting of the following persons, will accompany the expedition :
(1) Wilkes' ExploriiiR Expedition, Vol. IV, page 352.
THE UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. 227
"Horatio Hale, philologist; Chas. Pickering, naturalist; T. R. Peale, naturalist;
Joseph P. Couthouy, conchologist ; James P. Dana, mineralogist; William Rich, botanist;
Joseph Drayton, draughtsman ; J. D. Breckenridge, horticulturist." Of the scientific corps,
Professor Couthouy was detached at Honolulu in the fall of 1840. The exploring
squadron was composed of the Vuiceimcs^ sloop-of-war, 780 tons, Lieutenant Charles Wilkes,
U. S. N., commanding ; Peacock, sloop-of-war, 650 tons. Lieutenant W. L. Hudson, U. S. N.;
ship Relief, Lieutenant A. K. Long, U. S. N.; brig Porpoise, Lieutenant Cadwalader
Ringgold, U. S. N.; tender Sea Gull, Lieutenant Reid, U. S. N.; tender Flying Fish,
Lieutenant Knox, U. S. N. The ship Relief had been sent home from Callao. The
tender Sea Gull was lost in May, 1839. 1^^^ squadron, before it had reached the
Oregon coast, had been reduced to the ships Vincennes and Peacock, and the brig
Porpoise and the tender Flying Fish.
The llnccnnes and Porpoise had anchored on the 28th, in a small cove on the west
side of an inlet, opposite the south end of Whidby Island, to which Captain Wilkes gave
the name of Pilot's Cove. On the nth, the vessels reached their anchorage off Fort
Nisqually, and were heartily welcomed by Alex. C. Anderson, Esq., in charge of the
fort, and by Captain McNeil, in command of the steamer Beaver, then undergoing repairs.
At Nisqually, Captain Wilkes initiated operations. The Porpoise, with two of
the J'incennes'' boats, under Lieutenant Ringgold, survej-ed Admiralty Inlet. The launch,
first cutter and two boats of the J 'iiiccnnes, under command of Lieutenant Case, surveyed
Hood's Canal. A land party, to explore the interior, was assigned to Lieutenant Johnson,
and was accompanied by Dr. Pickering and Mr. Breckenridge. Eighty days were allowed
to cross the Cascade Mountains, to go as far as Colvile, and south to Lapwai Mission,
thence to Walla Walla, and return via the Yakima river, across the Cascade Range, to
Fort Nisqually.
The other land party consisted of Captain Wilkes, Purser Waldron, Mr. Drayton and
two servants, two Indians and a Canadian guide, with four pack horses. This party
crossed to the Columbia river, thence to Astoria, thence to Fort Vancouver. The
Willamette settlements were visited. It had been the intention to go up the Columbia to
Fort Walla Walla. At Astoria, Captain Wilkes had expected to meet the Peacock ; and,
b}' means of her boats, the Columbia river was to have been surveyed. Disappointed b)-
the failure of tidings from ih^ Peacock, Captain Wilkes rejoined the Jliiccnnes at Nisqually
on the 1 6th of June.
Fourth of July, 1841, was the first celebration of our nation's birthday on Puget
Sound. Captain Wilkes thus describes that interesting occasion :
" Wishing to give the crew a holiday on the anniversary of the declaration of our
independence, and to allow them to have a full day's frolic and pleasure, they were allowed
to barbecue an ox, which the company's agent had obligingly sold me. The}- were
permitted to make their own arrangements for the celebration, which they conducted in
the following manner. The place chosen for the purpose was a corner of the Mission
prairie. (This was the prairie iipon which Dr. Richmond and Mr. Wm. H. Wilson had
established the Puget Sound ^Missionary Station.) Here they slaughtered their ox and
spitted him on a sapling supported over the fire, which was made in a trench. The carcass
could thus be readil}" turned ; and a committee of the crew was appointed to cook him.
Others were engaged in arranging the amusements. All was bustle and activity on the
morning of the 5th, as the 4th fell upon Sunday. Before nine o'clock, all the men were
mustered on board in clean white frocks and trousers, and all, including the marines and
228 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
music, were landed shortl}' after, to march to the scene of festivity, about a mile distant.
The procession was formed at the observator}^, whence we all marched off, with flags flying
and music playing, Vendovi and the master-at-arms bringing up the rear. \'endovi was
dressed out after the Fiji fashion. * '■■ * Two brass howitzers were also carried on
the prairie to fire the usual salutes. When the procession reached Fort Nisqually, they
stopped, gave three cheers, and waited, sailor-like, until it was returned. This was done
by only a few voices, a circumstance that did not fail to produce many jokes among the
seamen. On reaching the ground, various games occupied the crew, while the oificers
also amused themselves in like manner. At the usual hour, dinner was piped, when all
repaired to partake of the barbecue. By this time the Indians had gathered from all
quarters, and were silently looking on at the novel sight, and wistfull}' regarding the feast
which they saw going on before them. At this time the salute was fired, when one of
the men, by the name of Whithorn, had his arm most dreadfully lacerated from the
sudden explosion of the gun. This accident put a momentary' stop to the hilarity of the
occasion. The wound was dressed as well as it could be, and a litter was made on which he
was at once sent to the ship. Men-of-war's men are somewhat familiar with such scenes ;
and, although this accident threw a temporary gloom over the party, the impression did
not last long ; and the amusements of the morning were now exchanged for the excitement
of horse-racing, steeds having been hired for the purpose from the Indians. At sunset
they all returned on board in the same good order they had landed. The rejoicings ended,
the surveying party was again dispatched to complete the survey- of Puget Sound."
On the 27th, while engaged in the examination of the Archipelago dc Haro, Captain
Wilkes received letters from Fort Nisqually advising him of the loss, on the iSth, of the
ship Peacock on the Columbia bar.
The loss of the Peacock rendered necessary a material change of Captain Wilkes'
operations. He transferred his pennant to the brig Porpoise^ and with that vessel, the
Fh'i'ig Fish and the boats of the Peacock^ surveyed the Columbia river to its extreme
navigable point. Lieutenant Ringgold was transferred to the J'ii/coiiies, which ship, with
the late ofiicers from the Peacock, was ordered to San Francisco to survey the Sacramento
river. FortunateU', the brig Thomas H. Perkins^ Captain Varney, from Boston, was then
at Astoria. She had been chartered by Dr. McLoughlin, but he released the vessel, and
Captain Wilkes purchased her. After necessary alterations, she became the Oregon, and
was assigned to the command of Lieutenant Carr.
In accordance with instructions of the Navy Department, all the exploring parties
having completed their duties in Oregon, bv the aSth of October, 1S41, had reported to
Captain Wilkes in San Francisco.
In August, 1 84 1, Sir George Simpson, Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company
Territory, then making an overland journey round the world, visited Oregon Territory.
On the ist of September, accompanied b}' Governor James Douglas, chief factor Hudson's
Bay Compau}-, he took leave of Captain Charles Wilkes, and the officers of the United
States exploring expedition, then at Fort \'ancouver, engaged in surve3-ing the Columbia
river. Sir George was starting for Fort Nisquall}-, where the steamer Bea7rr, Captain
William McNeil, awaited to convey him to Sitka. Forty-eight hours in the Hud.son's Bay
Company's bateau brought the party to the Cowlitz farms of the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company. Here is Sir George Simpson's picture of Cowlitz and Nisqually in the fall
of 184 1 :
HON.LOREN B.HASTINGS
PORT TOWNSEND , W. T.
(decease d)
THE RED RIVER COLONY TO PUGET SOUND. 229
" Between the Cowlitz river and Puget Sound, a distance of about sixty miles, the
country, which is watered by many streams and lakes, consists of an alternation of plains
and belts of wood. It is well adapted both for tillage and pasturage, possessing a genial
climate, good soil, excellent timber, water power, natural clearings and a seaport, and that,
too, within reach of more than one advantageous market. When this tract was explored,
a few years ago, the compau}- established two farms upon it, which were subsequently
transferred to the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, formed under the company's
auspices, with the view of producing wheat, wool, hides and tallow, for exportation. On
the Cowlitz farm there were already about a thousand acres of land under the plough,
besides a large dairy, and an extensive park for horses and stock ; and the crops this
season amounted to eight or nine thousand bushels of wheat, four thousand of oats, with
a due proportion of barley, potatoes, etc. The other farm was on the shores of Puget
Sound (Nisqually Plains); and, as its soil was found to be better fitted for pasturage than
tillage, it had been appropriated almost exclusively to the flocks and herds. So that now,
with only two hundred acres of cultivated land, it possessed six thousand sheep, twelve
hundred cattle, besides horses, pigs, etc. In addition to these two farms, there was a
Catholic mission, with about one hundred and sixty acres under the plough. There were
abso a few Canadian settlers, retired servants of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and it was
to the same neighborhood that the emigrants from Red river were wending their way."
The purpose of that emigration was occupancy by colonization. It was an earnest
exhibit of British policy, but more especially of the Hudson's Bay Compan}^, to establish
British agricultural colonies in Oregon north of the Columbia river, the better to assure
retention of that region. It had become manifest that the ultimate settlement of the
question of boundary between the United States and Great Britain might depend upon
occupanc}' of the soil by actual settlers. The company engaged in this scheme of
colonization, because by its license of trade it was restricted from acquiring and holding
lands ; its rights were merely possessory. It was a mere tenant for a term of j'ears, not a
settler. As an inducement to settlement, each head of a family had been guaranteed, on
arriving, the use and increase of fifteen head of cows, fifteen ewes, the necessary work
oxen or horses, house and barn accommodations. The colonists were from " the Red
River Territory, which had been granted in 1811 by the Hudson's Bay Company to Lord
Selkirk. The population consisted of Canadians, Orknej-men and Scotchmen and their
mixed descendants. The half-breeds of every stock generally derive their aboriginal blood
from the swampy Crees, who are allowed to be the most comely of all the native tribes,
and who have, during the lapse of two or three ages, picked up something of civilization at
the company's oldest posts."
On the 15th of June, 1841, twenty-three families, under the leadership of Captain
James Sinclair, a clerk in the Hudson's Bay Company's service, left Manitoba, Red River
Territor}', for Puget Sound. They had started twenty-eight da3^s earlier than Sir George
Simpson ; and he and his little party overtook them on the sixteenth day out from Port
Garr}-. Savs he : " These emigrants consisted of agriculturists and others, principally
natives of Red River settlement. There were twenty-three families, the heads being young
and active, though a few of them were advanced in life, more particularly one poor woman
upwards of seventy-five years of age, who was following after her son to his new home.
As a contrast to this superannuated daughter of the Saskatchewan, the band contained
several very j-oung travelers, who had, in fact, made their appearance in this world since the
commencement of the journey. Beyond the inevitable detention which seldom exceeded
230 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
a few hours, these interesting events had never interfered with the progress of the brigade;
and both mother and child used to jog on, as if jogging on were the condition of human
existence.
" Each famih- had two or three carts, together with bands of horses, cattle and dogs.
The men and lads traveled in the saddle, while the vehicles, which were covered with
awnings against the sun and rain, carried the women and 3'oung children. As they
marched in single file, their cavalcade extended above a mile in length ; and we increased
the length of the column by marching in compau}'. The emigrants were all healthy and
happy, living in the greatest abundance, and enjoying the journey with the highest
relish. Before coming up to these people, we had seen evidence of the comfortable state of
their commissariat in the shape of two or three still warm buffaloes, from which only the
tongue and a few other choice bits had been taken."
The train traveled along up the Bow river (south branch of the Saskatchewan),
and crossed the Rock}' Mountains at the confluence of two of the sources of the
Saskatchewan and Columbia rivers near Fort Kootenais, at an altitude of 8,000 feet. They
left their carts on the east side at an abandoned post called the Mountain House.
Treacherously deserted at Bow river by their guide, a half-breed of some education,
they providentially met a Cree Indian, Bras Croche, who guided them through an excellent
pass in the mountains, and continued with them to Nisquall}'. On the 5tli of August,
they crossed the summit of the Rocky Mountains and reached Fort Walla Walla on the
4th of October. That night, or on the morning of the 5th, the fort took fire and was
entirely consumed. These emigrants assisted in moving the stock and effects ; and b}'
their opportune presence most of the property was saved. One of the party had
returned to Fort Edmonton, another switched off to California, and several families
stopped at the Cowlitz farm. Thirteen families arrived on the Sth of November at Fort
Nisqually, where they remained during the winter.
Complaints were made by the colonists that the compau}' failed to comply with
their contract. But one or two remained at Nisqually Plains ; two or three families only
stopped at the Cowlitz. This was the only attempt made by the Puget Sound Agricultural
Company to make settlements in the territory north and west of the Columbia river. The
scheme to establish agricultural colonies upon Puget Sound from Red river proved a
failure.
Chapter XXIX.
(1S42.)
Appointment of Dr. White as Sub Indian Agent — Fremont's First Expedition
to the Soutli Pass — Immig:ration of 1842 — Efforts Renewed to Form a
Provisional Government — Wliite's Importance as a Public Functionary —
Citizens of Tualitan Plains Combine to Pr<>tect Themselves Against Evil-doers —
White's Administration of Indian Alfaii's in the Interior — His Reports to the
War Department.
IN THE latter part of Januar}', 1842, the War Department, which at that period
embraced the Indian Bureau, appointed Dr. Elijah White, discharged physician of the
Oregon Methodist Mission, sub-agent for the Indian tribes west of the Rocky Mountains,
with a compensation of seven hundred and fifty dollars per annum. He was to report
information : as to territory, — its resources, general features, soil, climate and adaptability
for settlement; the number and condition of the population ; statistics as to Indian tribes
west of the Rocky Mountains ; their attitude towards the American settlers, and the
influence exerted by the presence of the Hudson's Bay Compan}-.
This appointment was without political significance, 3'et, in connection with the first
Fremont expedition which immediately followed, may be considered as indicating that the
Executive Department of the nation was awakening to an interest in the internal affairs
of the territory.
In the spring, the War Department instructed Lieutenant John C. Fremont, United
States Topographical Engineers, " to explore and report upon the country between the
frontiers of Missouri and the South Pass in the'Rock}- Mountains, and on the line of the
Kansas and Great Platte rivers."
Wilson P. Hunt, in command of Astor's overland expedition, had (in November,
1S12), discovered the South Pass. That region had been annually traversed by hunters
and trappers ; that pass had been crossed by pack animals, by carts, b}^ wagons ; na}^, more,
the missionar}' women on horseback had successfully crossed the continent. If it were
essential to the recognition that a practicable wagon road could cross those plains and
mountains, that the shores of the Pacific could be reached overland by emigrants from the
frontier States, that an United States army officer should be guided by a trapper over
the beaten track, which year after year had been pursued by uncultured Rocky Mountain
men, and so recently by women, such had now been supplied by the first Fremont
reconnaisance. Fremont had gone over the route. He had seen it and had returned to
Washiugton and made a scientific report. He left St. Louis May 22d, ascended the Missouri
river 400 miles, traveled westward, reaching the South Pass August 8th, and by the 29th of
October had returned to Washington. The government had become possessed of an
official report, which could not more than verify the oft-repeated accounts of experienced
hunters and trappers, and the published statements of Wilson P. Hunt, the Sublette
brothers, and Ashley, Pilcher, Bonneville and Rev. Samuel Parker.
( ^31 )
232 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
About the 17th of INIarch, Dr. White, accompanied by Medorem Crawford and
Nathaniel Crocker of New York, and the two IMcKay brothers, Alexander and John,
natives of Oregon, started from their respective homes in New York for Independence,
Missouri, which they reached on the first of May. Several families and single men
en ?-out(' for Oregon were encamped twenty miles to the southwest at Elm Grove. The
number of emigrants increased until the i6th, upon which day a meeting was held to
organize a company. It was resolved " That ever^^ male over the age of eighteen 3-ears
shall be provided with one mule or horse or wagon conveyance ; he shall have one gun,
three pounds of powder, twelve pounds of lead, one thousand caps or suitable flints, fiftj^
pounds of flour or meal, and thirty- pounds of bacon, and a suitable proportion of provisions
for women and children; and if any present be not so provided, he shall be rejected."
Dr. \\liite read his appointment as sub-agent and was elected captain for one month.
Columbia Lancaster, L. W. Hastings and A. L. Lovejoy were constituted a " scientific
corps to keep a faithful and true record of everything for the benefit of all those
who may hereafter move to Oregon, and that the government may be well informed
oT the road, its obstructions, means of subsistence, eminences, depressions, distances,
bearings, etc."
A blacksmith, wagon-maker, road and bridge builder were selected, each of whom was
authorized to employ two assistants, and, when necessar}-, to call upon the force of the
company. The code of laws was to be enforced by reprimand, fines and final exclusion.
Profane swearing, obscene conversation and immoral conduct rendered the off"ender liable
to expulsion ; a register of the names of ever}- man, woman and child was to be kept b}'
Nathaniel Crocker, Secretary-.
James Coats was chosen pilot. These preliminaries all settled, the first emigrant
train for Oregon moved westward from Elm Grove. It consisted of one hundred and five
persons, fifty of whom were males over the age of eighteen years, eighteen wagons and a
large band of horses, mules and cattle.
When five days out, death had stricken down a child of Judge Columbia Lancaster.
The bereaved parents continued with the party for several days ; after traveling westward
170 miles, the failing health of ]\Irs. Lancaster compelled the return of the Judge and his
famil3\ Dr. White and three of the train escorted them back to the Kansas river, the
train being delayed three days for the return of the escort.
Medorem Crawford (i) has graphically described that march across the plains, its
methods, its difficulties, its trjnng scenes, its vicissitudes, its annoyances, its triumphs
over obstacles, and its termination at the Willamette valley. That narrative pictures how
Oregon acquired its population. Here, too, is a vivid picture of Oregon pioneer life :
" On the 5th of October, our little party, tired, ragged and hungry, arrived at the Falls,
now Oregon Cit}-, where we found the first habitations west of the Cascade Mountains.
Here several members of the Methodist Mission were located, and a saw-mill was being
erected on the island.
" Our gratification on arriving safely after so long and perilous a journe}- was shared
by these hospitable people, each of whom gave us a hearty welcome and rendered ever}'
assistance in their power.
" From the Falls to Vancouver was a trackless wilderness, communication being only
b}' the river in small boats and canoes. Towards Salem no sign of civilization existed
(i) Occasional Address Oregon Pioneers, 1881.
EDWARD ELDRIDGE,
WHATCOM , W T.
ADDRESS OH MEDOREM CRAWFORD. 233
until we reached French Prairie, where a few farms near the river were cultivated b}^
former employes of the Hudson's Bay Compan}-.
" Within the present limits of Yamhill count}^, the only settlers I can remember were
Sidney Smith, Amos Cook, Francis Fletcher, James O'Neil, Joseph McLaughlin,
\\'illiams, Louis La Bonte and George Ga3\ There may have been one or two more, but
I think not. South of George Gay's on the west and of Salem on the east side of the
Willamette river, there were no settlements within the territory.
" There were in the valley some twelve or fifteen Methodist missionaries, most of
them having families, under the general superintendence of Rev. Jason Lee. Some were
at the Falls,, some at Salem, and some at the mission farm ten miles below Salem, opposite
the place now known as Wheatland. At these places, especially the Falls and Salem,
man}- improvements were being made, and employment was given at fair wages to all who
desired work. Pajanent was made in lumber and flour from their mills at Salem, cattle
and horses from their herds, and orders on the mission stores at the Falls kept by Hon.
George Abernethy. There w^as no money in the country ; in fact, I do not remember of
seeing a piece of mone}^ of any description for more than a j-ear after my arrival. A
man's financial condition was based upon his cattle, horses, and credit with the Hudson's
Bay Company, or on Abernethy's books. W^ith these he could procure everything that
was purchasable in the country.
" All kinds of tools and implements were scarce, and generally of the most primitive
character. There were no wagons in the country. Carts of the rudest manufacture were
in general use, which among the French were generally ironed with rawhide. Ground was
plowed with wooden mold-boards. Grain was threshed in rail-pens by the tramping of
horses, cleaned by winnowing in the wind, and transported in canoes and bateaux to Fort
Vancouver to market. i\Iost of our clothing came from the Hudson's Bay Company, was
all of one size, and was said to have been made to fit Dr. McLoughlin, who was a very
large man.
" Boots and shoes were more difficult to obtain than any other article of clothing. As
for m3-self, I had no covering for my feet for two years, either summer or winter, but
buckskin moccasins ; still I never enjoyed better health in my life."
Sub-Agent WHiite reached Fort Vancouver about the 20th of September. Dr. John
McLoughlin thus chronicles the arrival : " Dr. White, who had formerly been a member
of the Methodist Mission, but disagreed with them and left them in 1840, came with these
immigrants.. He himself gave out, at a meeting which he called for the purpose, as
having been appointed sub Indian agent by the American government for Oregon
Territory; but of course the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company did not acknowledge
his authority."
Rev. Gustavus Hines (i) says: "The subject of organizing a government was
revived in September, 1842 ; but Dr. White, who was now in the country as sub-agent of
Indian affairs, contended that his office was equivalent to that of governor of the colon3^ Some
of the citizens contended that the Doctor's business was to regulate the intercourse between
the Indians and the Whites, and not to control the Whites in their intercourse among
themselves. Without arriving at anything definite on this point, after hearing the
documents brought to the countr}^ from Washington, the people scattered away to their
homes upon the plains, pleased with what they considered a preliminary step of the L^nited
States towards extending jurisdiction over the territory of Oregon. The meeting alluded
U) Hilies' History of Oregon.
234 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
to was held at Champoeg September 23, 1S42, of whicli Dr. I. L. Babcock was chairmau
and George W. Le Bretou secretary. Dr. White read his credentials as snb Indian agent,
made a speech, and resolutions were adopted to be ofificiall}' communicated b}- Dr. White
to the government of the United States."
The Doctor remarks : " With the advent of so many new settlers, the people of the
colony began seriouslj^ to entertain the project of establishing a provisional form of
government. Meeting after meeting was held for this purpose, which, from there being
so many aspirants to the most important offices, proved abortive."
In his first official report to the Indian Bureau, he states how cordiality he was received
b}- Chief Factors McLoughlin and Douglas. To them "his appointment gave pleasure
rather than pain, a satisfactory assurance that these worth}' gentlemen intend eventually
to settle in this country, and prefer American to English jurisdiction." That hospitality
had been manifested to ever}' government official visiting their posts ; and there is but a
single report by an authorized agent of the United States visiting this territory which
does not commend the presence of the company as promotive of the well-being of Oregon
at that period.
The appointment of a Federal officer, and favorable legislation by Congress for the
territory, anticipated from the report of Sub-Agent White in his speech to the Champoeg
meeting, engendered a confidence in the American settlers that the government would not
much longer defer assertion of territorial rights, and the extension of Federal jurisdiction
over the territory.
Late in the fall, the dwelling-house of Rev. A. B. Littlejohn, on the Tualitan plains,
had been broken open and stripped of clothing, bedding, provisions and movables. His
neighbors, Rev. J. S. Griffin and those old Rocky Mountain men, Robert Newell, George
W. Ebberts, Caleb Wilkins, William Doughty and Joseph E. Meek, constituted themselves
detectives, with an agreement to assemble at the call of any of their number. Within a
few days, an Indian came to William Doughty's house. His inquiries as to who was
suspected by the Whites, and his too familiar acquaintance, for an innocent party, with
the details of the crime, led Doughty to suspect that his visitor was either the burglar or
that he knew all about it. Doughty at once assembled his colleagues. The Indian was
put upon trial, and confessed his guilt. That primitive vigilance committee adjudged tluit
he should receive five lashes at the hands of each of his judges, to be well laid on. The
prisoner was tied up to an oak-tree, and the sentence duly carried into execution.
The incident was a matter of considerable comment. The maintenance of a
permanent organization similar to the modern vigilance committee found many advocates.
The subject gradually assumed the shape of a discussion at lyceums and elsewhere of a
plan of political organization. All shades of opinion existed. The Canadian-French
settlers were averse to organization. The majority of independent American settlers were
reconciled to wait, and continue to hope that the United States government was about to
extend to the country and its citizens the protection of its institutions and laws.
Shortly after the arrival of Sub-Agent White, reports were current that the Walla
Wallas, Cayuses and Nez Perces, closely allied by intermarriage, were about to form a
hostile combination against the missionary stations in the interior, and the American
settlements in the Willamette.
On the 1st of November, the sub-agent left Willamette, accompanied by Cornelius
Rodgers as interpreter, and Thomas McKay, an old Hudson's Bay Company chief trader.
At Walla Walla, Chief Trader Archibald McKinlay, then in charge of that post, joined
CODE OF LAWS OF SUB INDIAN AGENT WHITE. 235
the party. With McKay and McKinla}^, White was as safe from damage among the
Oregon Indians as in the White House at Washington. He could not have selected a
better escort to secure himself, or to have accomplished any result with the Indians.
Having dispatched messengers from Fort Walla Walla to notify the CajHises and
Walla Wallas to meet his part}- upon the day named for their return, the party went to
Lapwai, which place they reached December 3d. At the council of Nez Perces, a chief
and twelve sub-chiefs were elected. Doctor White immortalized himself by introducing a
code of laws, which, after the usual talk, was, of course, unanimously ratified by the
children of the " Great Father " at Washington. Such had been and ever will be the
custom of treating with Indians. That " White " code, consisting of eleven articles
intended for the Indians, is worthy to be placed among the most exalted pieces of diplomacy
with the Indian tribes, in the official documents of the Indian Bureau. It reads thus :
" Article i. Whoever willfully takes life shall be hung.
" Art. 2. Whoever burns a dwelling-house shall be hung.
" Art. 3. Whoever burns an outbuilding shall be imprisoned six months, receive Mty
lashes and pay all damages.
" Art. 4. Whoever carelessly burns a house or anj^ property shall pay damages.
" Art. V If any one enter a dwelling without permission of the occupant, the chiefs
shall punish him as the}- think proper. Public rooms are excepted.
"Art. 6. If any one steal, he shall pay back twofold; and, if it be the value of a
beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes ; and, if the value is over a beaver
skin, he shall pay back twofold and receive fifty lashes.
" Art. 7. If any one take a horse and ride it without permission, or take an}- article
and use it without liberty, he shall pay for the use of it and receive from twenty to fifty
lashes, as the chief shall direct.
" Art. 8. If any one enter a field and injure the crops, or throw down the fence so
that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay all damages and receive
twenty-five lashes for every offense.
" Art. 9. Those only may keep dogs who travel, or live among the game ; if a dog
kill a lamb, calf or any domestic animal, the owner shall pay the damage and kill the dog.
" Art. id. If any Indian raise a gun or other weapon against a white man, it shall
be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish him. If a white man do the same to an
Indian, it shall be reported to Dr. White, and he shall punisli or redress it.
"Art. II. If an Indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his chiefs; if a
white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent, and punished at his instance."
In that famous report of the sub Indian agent to the Indian Bureau, chronicling the
establishment of law and order among the Indians of the interior, occurs a description of a
most remarkable phenomenon :
" Mount St. Helens, one of the snowcapped volcanic mountains some 16,000 feet above
the level of the sea, and eighty miles northwest of Vancouver, broke out upon the 20th of
November, presenting a scene the most awful and sublime imaginable, scattering smoke
and ashes several hundred miles distant ; and, in the meantime, immense quantities of
melted lava were rolling down its sides, and inundating the plains below."
In just such grandiloquence and Gulliverian hyperbole does Dr. Elijah White, Sub
Indian Agent of the tribes west of the Rocky Mountains, amplify the distance traveled, and
the dangers he incurred in that winter negotiation to give the benighted Nez Perces a
code of laws. With like draft upon the imagination does he multii^ly the number of
savages his presence and opportune arrival rendered submissive to law and his authority.
Chapter XXX. •
(1843-)
Agitation of the Question of Formation of Government — Tlie "Wolf Meeting" —
Committee of Twelve to Report a Plan for Protection of the Settlement —
The Formation of a Government and Election of Officers — First Legislative
Committee — Its Report of an Organic Law — Division of the Territory into
Districts — The People Approve the Organic Law — Boundaries of Territory.
DESPITE the failure of the experiment of '41, American settlers had not abandoned
governmental organization. During 1842, they had invited the Canadians to unite
with them in organizing a trmporary government south of the Columbia river. British
subjects, apprehensive that it might interfere with their allegiance, remained passive.
The experiment of '41 had originated with the Methodist IMission, or rather with its
most prominent members. The idea was still so fostered by its leading members as to
cause it to be regarded as a missionary movement. The agitation had more or less
continued at Willamette Falls, now Oregon Cit}'. The lyceum selected questions for
debate bearing upon political organization of the territory. The prominent citizens
participated in the discussions. A resolution favoring provisional government had been
zealousl}' debated ; and, by a large majorit\-, such proposition had been pronounced
inexpedient.
Among the leading citizens, some favored a government independent of both Great
Britain and the United States, — a sort of Pacific Republic. Lansford W. Hastings, of the
emigration of 1842 (afterwards distinguished as a judge in California), offered the
resolution: '^T\\^'i\\.\'& expedient for the settlers upon the Pacific coast to establish an
independent government." George Aberueth}', Oregon's first governor, championed the
opposite side. Warmly was the theme discussed, earnestly combated ; but, by a large
niajorit}', that resolution w^as adopted. To check this incipient disregard for the Union,
and national integrit}', Aberneth}- introduced for the next debate :
'"Resolved, that, if the United States extends its jurisdiction over this country within
the next four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government."
The discussion and decision were more patriotic, and a healthier American feeling
appeared. This resolution, which breathed the sentiment, " Wait a little longer," passed
by a large majorit}-, and was really the index of the feeling of the American population.
Those pioneers wanted no Pacific republic ; and there and then was an end put to what
has since been called by one of those earl\- patriots, " the secession movement of Oregon."
Happily it had embraced but very few ; and the reign of disaffection was short-lived.
With the immigrants of '42, the Americans had become the majority of the white
population of the Willamette valle}'. It was but natural that the Canadians should not
desire to co-operate in a movement, the object of which necessitated their submission to
law imposed by citizens of a rival nation, at a time when their own countr}' and that rival
( 23G )
MRS. SARAH ZACHARY;
CDRNELIUS,DR.
SOLOIVIDN EMERICK,
CORNELIUS, OR
MRS S EMERICK,
CORNELiUS^DR.
THE WOLF MEETING." 237
were actually contending for title to the soil, the success of that contest depending
materially upon the nationality of the actual settlers. Nor can those American settlers
be criticised for an opinion leading them to hesitate to join in hurrying into existence a
government designed to occupy only a portion of the territory, and in that portion to
include only such residents or settlers who voluntarily accepted its authority. Such was
the mixed condition of affairs, the mixed allegiance of the settlers, the mixed opinions as
to what was needed, and how the proper plan was to be consummated.
An avowed attempt to y^TW rt^6't'^;'«wi^«/' would have arrayed the Canadian-French
in opposition, — would have confirmed the doubting or conservative Americans into
opponents. Those who opposed the movement because premature would have become its
enemies if pressed to immediate action. Hence, the expedient was resorted to of bringing
together all classes, and uniting them in a movement in which all felt a common interest.
It was hoped thus to pave the way for continuing mutual acts for the common benefit,
possibly from time to time amplifying the duties of such co-operative association.
A notice was issued for a meeting on February 2, 1843, at the Oregon Institute, to
consider the propriety of adopting measures for the protection of herds, and for the
destruction of animals which preyed upon cattle, stock, etc. The ulterior purpose was a
combination of settlers, — a co-operative association to concert measures for the formation
of some kind of civil government. Dr. I. L. Babcock presided. William H. Wilson was
chosen secretar}'. A committee consisting of William H. Gra}-, Alanson Beers, Joseph
Gervais, W^illiam H. Wilson, G. W. Bellamy and Etienne Lucier were appointed to make
arrangements for a general meeting, and to report business to such meeting. This done,
the " Wolf Meeting," as it is known in history, adjourned to meet at the house of Joseph
Gervais, on the first Monday in March.
On the 4th of March, the citizens of the Willamette held a general meeting at the
house of Joseph Gervais. James A. O'Neil (of Captain Wyeth's party of 1834) was
called to the chair. George W. Le Breton was elected secretary. The committee reported
a series of resolutions : i. Declaring defensive and destructive war against wolves, bears
and panthers, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses,
sheep and hogs ; 2. Designating predatory animals, and fixing a scale of bounties for
their killing; 3. Bounties to be raised by subscriptions of settlers, to be paid to a
treasurer. A treasurer having been elected, the " Wolf Association " had been organized.
But the meeting did not adjourn. It then and there passed a resolution for the appointment
of a committee of twelve, " to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for
the civil and military protection of this colony." The organization committee of twelve
consisted of Dr. I. L. Babcock, Dr. Elijah White, James A. O'Neil, Robert Shortess, Robert
Newell, Etienne Lucier, Joseph Gervais, Thomas J. Hubbard, Charles IMcRoy, William
H. Gray, Sidney Smith and George Gay.
That the outcome of that meeting to form a " Wolf Association " would prove to be
either the submission of a plan of government, or a proposition to initiate the preliminary
steps to organize, had been public expectation. The Canadian-French had prepared to
enter a solemn protest, drafted by Rev. F. N. Blanchet, subsequently Roman Catholic
.•\rchbishop of Oregon. The Canadian remonstrance was not read at that meeting. It
was handed to the secretary ; but as no plan of government was submitted, and the matter
to which it referred was delayed until the committee of twelve should report, it was laid
on the table.
238 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
The committee of twelve designated May 2, 1843, at Champoeg, as the time and place
" to consider the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of the
colony." On that day, at that place, in an open field, the pioneers of Oregon came
together to perform that duty. Dr. I. L. Babcock presided. Messrs. Gray, Wilson and
Le Breton were secretaries. The committee reported a plan of organization, which, being
submitted to the assembly, the motion to accept was about to be declared lost. Confusion
and excitement succeeded, amid which George W. Le Breton demanded a division. He
was promptly seconded by William H. Gray. Colonel Joe Meek, with that dash which
ever characterized him, realizing the situation, came forward and, assuming the lead,
called out, " all in favor of the report follow me." The effect was magnetic. Meek's
column marched to the right, while the opponents of organization filed to the left. The
vote was close ; but the report had been accepted, — fifty-two to fifty. The dissenters in
a body withdrew, leaving the government party without further opposition.
The report was considered and adopted article by article, after which followed the
filling of the offices which had been created. The plan necessitated a Supreme Judge with
probate powers, a clerk of court or recorder, a sheriff, three magistrates, three constables,
a treasurer, a major and three captains, and, finally, " a committee of nine persons to draft
a code of laws, to be presented for approval to a public meeting to be held at Champoeg
on the 5th day of July next."
A. E. Wilson was elected Supreme Judge, George \N . Le Breton Clerk, and Joseph
L. Meek Sheriff. The first legislative committee consisted of Robert Shortess, David Hill,
Alanson Beers, William H. Gray, Thomas J. Hubbard, James A. O'Neil, Robert Moore,
Robert Newell and William Doughty.
Several instructions of the Legislative Committee were passed: "That the sessions of
the said Legislative Committee should not exceed six days ; that no tax should be levied ;
that the office of governor should not be created; that the compensation of the Legislative
Committee should be $1.25 per day; that the revenues of the territory should be
contributed by voluntary subscriptions."
The meeting elected four magistrates, four constables, a major and three captains. It
reorganized the officers elected at the primary meeting of the people of Oregon, validated
the official acts of such officers, and continued them in office till July 5, 1843, at which
time the officers-elect were to be installed.
The Legislative Committee gave evidence of earnestness and zeal, each member
contributing a sum equal to the full amount of his services. Alanson Beers and Dr.
Babcock each subscribed an amount equal to the aggregate pay of the committee. The
Methodist Mission fitted up the building known as " the Granary," and allowed its use
free of charge. The first legislative hall of Oregon was a story and a half frame, sixteen
by thirt}' feet, with a square room in front, which had been used as a school, then as a
church, and now as a capitol. Back of this hall and above stairs, it was used as a granary
or storeroom ; and hence the name of the building.
The first Legi.slative Assembly of Oregon commenced its session May i6th, sitting
four days, adjourned to June 27th, and finished its labors upon that and the succeeding
day. Robert Moore was Chairman, and George W. Le Breton, Secretary. From this
committee emanated an organic law and articles of compact, which were ratified July 5)
1S43, by the people of Oregon in mass meeting assembled at Champoeg. The preamble
was as follows :
FIRST LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE OF OREGON. 239
" We, the people of Oregon Territor}', for purposes of mutual protection, and to secure
peace and prosperity among ourselves, agree to adopt the following laws and regulations,
until such time as the United States of America extend their jurisdiction over us."
The first section of the organic law is prefaced by a provision for the division of the
territor}' into districts, viz. : " For the purposes of temporary government, the territory
shall be divided into not less than three nor more than five districts, subject to be
extended to a greater number when an increase of population shall require." In
accordance with such provision, the Legislative Committee reported a law recommending
the establishment of districts, as follows:
" First District, to be called the Tual.atin District, comprising all the country south
of the northern boundary line of the United States west of the Willamette or Multnomah
river, north of the Yamhill river, and east of the Pacific Ocean.
" Second District, to be called the Yamhill District, embracing all the country' west
of the Willamette or Multnomah river, and a supposed line running north and south from
said river, south of the Yamhill river, to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude,
or tlie boundary line of the United States and California, and east of the Pacific Ocean.
" Third District, to be called the Clackamas District, comprehending all territory
not included in the other three districts.
" Fourth District, to be called the ChampoEG District, and bounded on the north by
a supposed line drawn from the mouth of the Haunchauke river, running due east to the
Rocky Mountains, west by the Willamette or ]\Iultnomah river, and a supposed line
running due south from said river to the parallel of forty-two degrees north latitude, south
by the boundary line of the United States and California, and east by the summit of the
Rocky Mountains.
" The above districts to be designated by the name of ' Oregon Territory.' "
The remainder of Section I contains a number of articles, constituting " the Articles
of Compact among the free citizens of this territory, enunciating the principles of civil
and religious liberty which constitute the basis of all laws and constitutions of government."
" No person demeaning himself in a peaceable or orderly manner shall ever be
molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments. The inhabitants
shall always be entitled to the writ of fiabcas corpus and trial by jury, of a proportionate
representation in the legislature, and of judicial proceedings according to the course of
common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof
shall be evident, or the presumption great.
" Fines shall be moderate. Cruel and unusual punishments shall be prohibited. No
man shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law. Property taken through
public exigencies shall be compensated. No law should interfere with or affect private
contracts or engagements, bona fide and without fraud. It is the dut}- of government to
encourage religion, morality and knowledge, by aiding in the support of schools. The
utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians. Their lands and propert}-
shall never be taken from them without their consent. Their property, rights and liberty
shall never be invaded nor disturbed, unless in just and lawful war authorized by the
representatives of the people. Laws formed in justice and humanit}' shall from time to
time be made for preventing injustice being done to them, and for preserving peace and
friendship with them.
" There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in said territory, otherwise
than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted."
240 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Section II provided as follows : The officers elected were continued in office till the
annual election in May, 1844. The qualifications of electors were thus defined: " Every
free white male descendant of a white man, over twenty-one years of age, who was an
inhabitant at the time of the organization of the government, and all emigi-ants of such
description after six months' residence."
Executive power was vested in an executive committee of three, to be elected at the
annual election, with authority to pardon and reprieve, to call out the military force of the
territory, to see that the laws are faithfully executed, and to recommend laws to the
Legislative Committee. Two of their number constituted a quorum.
Legislative power was vested in a committee of nine, apportioned to the districts in
ratio of population, excluding Indians; the members to reside in the districts from which
chosen, and to be elected at each annual election.
Judicial power was vested in a Supreme Court, consisting of a Supreme Judge and
two Justices of the Peace; a Probate Court and Justice's Court; and the jurisdiction of
said courts, both appellate and original, was defined and limited.
" The Legislative Committee recommend that a subscription paper be put in circulation
to collect funds for defraying the expenses of the government, as follows : ' We, the
subscribers, hereby pledge ourselves to pay annually to the treasurer of Oregon Territory
the sum affixed to our res'pective names, for defraying the expenses of government:
Provided, that in all cases each individual subscriber may, at any time, withdraw his name
from said subscription upon paying up all arrearages and notifying the treasurer of the
colony of such desire to withdraw.' "
The Legislative Committee also recommended the passage of a militia law, and a law
relating to land claims. The latter prescribed the manner of taking claims, and the
requirements to be complied with to secure title : " No individual shall be allowed to
hold a claim of more than one square mile, or 640 acres in a square or oblong form,
according to the natural situation of the premises ; nor shall any individual be able to
hold more than one claim at the same time. Any person complying with the provisions
of these ordinances shall be entitled to the same process as in other cases provided by law.
No person shall be entitled to hold such a claim upon city or town lots, extensive water
privileges, or other situations necessary for the transaction of mercantile or manufacturing
operations : Provided, that nothing in these laws shall be so construed as to affect any
claim of any mission of a religious character made prior to this time, of extent not more
than six miles .square."
A unique method of securing a complete code of laws is presented in the proceedings
of the Legislative Committee. By a single, simple resolution, naming the edition of a
certain publication, the work was effected: ^'■Resolved, that the laws of Iowa, as laid
down in the ' Statute Laws of the Territory of Iowa, enacted at the first session of the
Legislative Assembly of .said territory, held at Burlington, A. D. 183S-9, published by
authority in Dubuque, Rus.sell & Reeves, printers, 1839,' certified to be a 'correct copy ' by
William B. Conva}-, Secretary of Iowa Territorj', be adopted as the laws of this territory."
These laws, this Organic Law, these Articles of Compact, were submitted to a
meeting of citizens at Champoeg, Juh' 5, 1843. The meeting was called to order by
George W. Le Breton, Secretary or Recorder of the committee. Dr. Babcock, the former
president, not being present at the commencement of the meeting, Rev. Gustavus Hines
was called to the chair. The report of the Legislative Committee met with little opposition,
except the article which provided for an executive committee. Among the instructions to
1 -
"V
-ri~
,?■■
THOMAS MERGER,
SEATTLE, W.T.
1
i
I
i
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED. 241
the Legislative Committee, none were so decisively passed as the one against creating the
office of governor. Mr. Hines denounced the action of the committee in disregarding the
spirit of that instruction, and characterized the proposed triple executive as a hydra-headed
monster, a repetition of the Roman triumvirate. Dr. Babcock, who had favored tetuporary
organization, contended that this clothing the executive with such powers tended to
permanent establishment, which was an ignoring of their true purposes as well as
instructions. Gray, O'Neil and Shortess defended the action of the committee, admitted
that the instructions had not been strictly followed, but claimed that in the plan
recommended they had avoided making the office of governor, and had supplied a council
or senate to act, combining it with executive power. There were but few votes in the
negative on this article. The report, substantially as made by the chairman (Hon.
Robert Moore), was adopted with much unanimity.
David Hill, Alanson Beers and Joseph Gale were elected members of the Executive
Committee. The}', and the officers of the Provisional government of Oregon, that day took
the oath of office, and entered upon the discharge of their duties as prescribed in the
compact.
The Provisional government, republican in its form and essence, had been established.
The American element had struggled hard to inaugurate it, and had at last triumphed.
After its establishment, all classes contributed to the expense of carrying it on, and
yielded a support which insured its success. Its inauguration marks the tran.sition of
Oregon to republican rule, to the submission to the will of the majority, to final
Americanization. It is the monument of the wisdom of the Oregon pioneers, the proof
of their sagacity. It was the only means to neutralize an influence against which it could
not have successfully contended, which, while it was paramount, retarded progress and
defeated American enterprise.
What was the territory intended to have been comprised within the jurisdiction of
the Oregon Provisional government, as established in 1843 ^ ^^ the creation of districts
or counties, care is manifested to adopt language and designate as a north boundary of
the northern districts the phrase, " Northern boundary of the United States." As they
also use the qualified language, "west of the Willamette river," it is clear that the
government recognized the then existing idea that the Columbia river might probabl}- be
the boundary line between the United States and Great Britain. The Oregon Territory,
under the Provisional government of 1843, ^^'^^ bounded north bj- the Columbia river.
Under its administration, and before the rrcoiistruction in 1845, no district was organized,
no officer appointed, no land claim recorded in that vast portion of Oregon north of the
Columbia river.
Chapter XXXI.
(1843-)
Sad Accident Near WHlaiiiette Falls — Departure of Immigrants of '4tJ for California
— The "Petition of 184;}," Its Authorship and Contents — Dr. John BlcLoughlin's
Answer to Its Charges — Cattle Policy of the Hudson's Bay Company — Dr.
McLoughlin's Statement as to Formation of California Cattle Comjiany — Rev.
Daniel Lee's Statement as to Said Company — Oregon City Claim — llev. George
Gary, Superintendent of Oregon Methodist Mission, Sells Its Property to Dr.
McLoughlin — Section Eleven of Donation Law of September 21, 1850 — The
Immigration of 1843 — The Cattle Contract — Fremont's Second Exjiedition.
MEDOREM CRAWFORD, in the " occasional " address at the Pioneer's Reunion of
1 881, thus chronicled the casualties and causes of discouragement which ushered in
Oregon's spring of 1843. Early in Februar}^ an event happened which cast a gloom over
the Willamette settlement : " Dr. White and Nathaniel Crocker of our company, W. W.
Raymond of the Methodist Mission, Cornelius Rodgers, a teacher, with his wife and her
3'oung sister, daughters of Rev. David Leslie, were on their way to the falls in a large
Chinook canoe manned by four Indians. Arriving at the rapids above the falls, where
the breakwater and basin are now located, they attached a line to the canoe, as was the
custoiu ; and Mr. Raymond and two Indians walked along the rocks to hold it while
approaching a landing place just above the falls, where the saw-mill now stands, across
the channel. As the canoe came alongside a log. Dr. White stepped out, and instant!}- a
strong current caught the stern, and, snatching the line from those on the bank, carried
the canoe like a flash over the falls, onl}' a few rods distant. The canoe was dashed into
a thousand fragments, and, with its living freight, swallowed up in the whirlpool below.
This was indeed a fearful blow to our little colony. And, as the sad tidings were
carried through the settlement, all business was suspended and general grief and sadness
pervaded.
" A number of our conipau}-, probably one-third, dissatisfied with the winter, acting
on their migratory instincts, determined to go to California. It was said of some that they
never remained in one place longer than to obtain the means to travel; and of one family
in particular, that they had practicall_v lived in the wagon for more than twenty years,
only remaining in one locality long enough to make a crop, which they had done in every
state and territory in tlie Mi-ssissippi valle}-. Accordingly, under the lead of L. W.
Hastings, they set out as soon as the weather would permit, and, after encountering some
difficulty with Indians, reached the Sacramento valley. Those who remained generally
located claims in the Willamette valley, which were recognized and respected without
other protection than public opinion until the Provisional government was established."
In March, a petition to Congress was circulated, and was signed by man}- influential
members of the Oregon Methodist Mission, and American settlers. Equally prominent
{ 242 )
THE PETITION OF 1S43, ITS AUTHORSHIP AND CONTENTS. 248
missionaries and settlers refnsed to sign. The " Petition " was really an appeal to the
United States government to adopt nieasnres against the continuance of the Hudson's Bay
Company in the territory. It was a bitter manifesto against that company, its presence in
the territory, its polic}- of trade and manner of occupancy. It inveighed against Dr. John
McLoughlin and his associate officers for " opposition to the improvement and enterprise
of American citizens." Its circulators and signers denounced those who refused to sio-n
as anti-American. Those charges and counter-charges, sympathies or prejudices,
constituted the politics of that period. The petition was dated March 25th. Robert
Shortess' name headed the list of sixty-five signers. He was long accredited as its
draftsman. On the ist of September, 1S67, he "I'ide the following statement (i): "The
authorship of that famed petition being claimed by Governor Abernethy, I will state the
part he had in getting it up, I, without consulting any one, determined on an application
to Congress, and drew up a summary of the subjects I intended to embrace, and .showed it
to one or two persons. It was decided to request Mr. Abernethy to write it in proper
form, which he did, but refused to sign or allow it to be circulated in his handwriting,
fearing it might injure the mission. I had it copied by A. E. Wilson. It was circulated
and, through his assistance, sent to Washington. As Governor Abernethy would feel
himself unjustly treated if the authorship of the petition were ascribed to me, I will state
that he wrote it at m}' request and from my notes, but refused to sign or have it circulated
in his handwriting" (2).
The petition recites : " Laws are made to protect the weak against the mighty ; and
we feel the necessity of them in the steps that are constantly taken by the honorable
Hudson's Bay Company, in their opposition to the improvement and enterprise of
American citizens. You have been apprised already of their opposition to Captain Wyeth,
Bonneville and others ; and we find that the same spirit dwells with them at the present
day. Some years ago, when the Hudson's Bay Company owned all the cattle in Oregon,
they would not sell on anj- conditions ; but they would lend their cows to the settler, he
returning to the company the cows loaned, with all the increase. And, in case of the
death of a cow, he then had the privilege of paying for it. But after settlers, at a great
risk and expense, went to California and purchased for themselves, and there was a fair
prospect of the settlement being supplied, then the Hudson's Bay Company were willing
to sell, and at lower rates than settlers could sell.
"In 1841, feeling the necessity of having mills erected, that would suppl}- the
settlement with flour and lumber, a number of the inhabitants formed themselves into a
joint-stock company, for the purpose of supplying the growing wants of the conimunit3\
Mau}- farmers were obliged to leave their farms on the Willamette, and go six miles above
Vancouver, on the Columbia river, making the whole distance about sixty miles, to get
their wheat ground, and at a great loss of time and expense. The company was formed,
and proceeded to select a site. They selected an island at the Falls of the Willamette, and
concluded to commence their operations. After commencing, the}' were informed by Dr.
McLoughlin, who is at the head of the Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west of the Rock}-
Mountains, that the land was his, and that he, although a chief factor of the Hudson's
Bay Company, claims all the land at the east of the Willamette, embracing the Falls,
down to the Clackamas river, a distance of about two miles.
" He had no idea, we presume, that the company would succeed. However, he
erected a shed on the island, after stuff was on the island to build a house, and then gave
UJ Autograph letter to author.
(2) The " Petition " will be found in the documents of the twenty-eighth Congress, hrst session.
244 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
them permission to build under certain restrictions. They took the paper he wrote them,
containing his conditions, but did not obligate themselves to complj- with the conditions,
as they did not think his claim just or reasonable. Man}' projects had been started by
inhabitants, but, for want of means and encouragement, failed. This was predicted for
the milling company. But, after much labor and diflSculty, thej^ succeeded in getting a
saw-mill erected and ready to run, and entered into a contract to have a grist-mill erected
forthwith. And now, as the}' have succeeded, where is the Hudson's Bay Company ?
Dr. IVIcLoughlin employs hands to get out a frame, and erects it at Willamette Falls ; and
we find, as soon as the frame is up, the gearing, which has been made at Vancouver,
brought up in boats, that that which caused a feeble company of American citizens months
of toil and embarrassment is accomplished by the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay
Company in a few weeks.
" He has men and means, and, it is said by him, that in two iveeks his mill will be
sawing. And what will be the consequence? Why, if the milling company sell for
fifteen dollars per thousand, he can sell for twelve ; if they reduce the price to ten, he can
come to eight, or five, or two dollars per thousand. He says he will have a grist-mill in
operation. All the wheat in Oregon they are anxious to get, as they ship it to Russians
on the northwest coast. In the first place, they measure wheat in a half bushel, called by
them ' imperial measure,' much larger than standard measure of the United States. This
not answering, they next proceed to kick the half bushel with their foot to settle the wheat.
Then they brought up a measure larger than the former ; and now they fill this measure,
then strike it three times with a stout club, and then fill it up and call it fair measure.
''Against such proceedings we need law which will be respected and obeyed. About
twelve or fourteen years ago, the Hudson's Bay Company blasted a canal a few feet, to
conduct water to a mill they were going to build, timber for which is now lying at the
Falls, rotting. They, however, abandoned the thing altogether, and built their mills on
the Columbia, about six miles above Fort Vancouver, on the north side of the river.
"In the year 1838, agreeably to orders left by Mr. Slacum,a house was erected at the
Falls to secure the claim for him. In 1840, the Methodist Mission erected buildings and
stationed two families there, and made a claim to sufficient laud for their buildings, not
interfering with any others who might wish to build. A short time previous to this. Dr.
McLoughlin had a storehouse erected for the company, not occupied, however, further
than to store wheat and other articles, and as a trading-house during the salmon season.
After this, in 1841, a shanty was erected, and a man kept at the Falls, whose business it
was to trade with the Indians for furs and salmon, and look out for the Doctor's claim, he
said, and to forbid persons building at the Falls, as some had built, and others were about
building. This man was, and still is, a servant of the Hud.son's Bay Companv.
"During 1841 and 1842, several families settled at the Falls, when Dr. McLoughlin,
who still resides at Fort Vancouver, comes on the ground, and says the land is his, and
every person building without his permission is held as a trespasser.
" Without reference to any person's right or claim, he employs a surveyor to run out
the plat ; and as a bill was before the Senate of the United States to grant every white
male inhabitant a mile .square, he has a mile run out to suit his views, and lays out a town
plat at the Falls, and calls it ' Oregon City.'
"Although .some, for peace sake, asked hiui for lots they already had in possession,
and which he appeared very willing to grant, the Doctor now felt himself secure, and posted
up the annexed paper :
--■.■^t^'
A.H.REYNOLDS,
WALLA WALLA.WT.
THE PETITION OK 1843, ^'^'^ AUTHORSHIP AND CONTENTS. 245
" ' Notice is hereby giveu to all whom it may concern, that those who have obtained
grants of lots in Oregon Citj' will be expected to call on L. W. Hastings, my anthorized
agent at Oregon City, and obtain bond for deed or deeds, as the case may be. Those who
hold claims to any lot, and who comply with above requisite on or before the first daj^ of
February next, will be entitled to their lot or lots ; otherwise, lots upon which they hold
claims will thereafter be subject to any disposition which the undersigned may think
proper to make of them. '"John McLoughlin.'
"All who had lots were required to pay Mr. Hastings five dollars for a deed of land
wliich the}- knew very well the grantor did not own, and which we hope he never will own,
but that Congress will pass a special act, granting each man his lot and improvements.
To those who applied and paid their five dollars, all was right with the Doctor ; while
those who considered his title to the land not good, and that therefore he had no right to
direct who should build and who should not, had their lots sold to others. In one case,
the purchaser came to the original claimant and ordered him to stop digging the ground
which he was preparing for a garden, and commanded him to remove his fences, as he had
Dr. AIcLoughlin's bond in his pocket for the lots ; and if he did not move the fence, he
would, and did, take forcible possession. Those who desired to have no difficulty, and did
not apply for a deed, have lost their lots, the Doctor's promise and all. And Mr. Hastings,
the Doctor's agent, is now offering for sale lots on which a part of the mission buildings
stand ; and if he succeeds in finding a purchaser, they must either contend or lose their
buildings, too.
" Dr. McLoughlin has held claims in other places south of the Columbia river. At
Tualatin Plains and at Clackamas Plains, he has huts erected to prevent others from
building. And such is the power of Dr. McLoughlin, that many persons are actually
afraid to make their situations known, thinking if he hears of it he will stop their supplies.
Letters were received here from Messrs. Ladd & Co., of the Sandwich Islands, in
answer to a letter written by the late Ewing Young, for a few supplies, that orders were
received forbidding the company's vessels carrying any goods for the settlers of Oregon.
Ever}' means will be made use of by them to break down everything that will draw trade
to this countr}^, or enable persons to get goods at any other place than their store.
" One other item and we are done. When United States government officers of
distinction arrive. Fort Vancouver is thrown open and every facility afforded them. They
were even more condescending to settlers during the time the exploring squadron was
in the Columbia. Nothing was left undone to give the officers a high opinion of the
Hudson's Bay Company."
Dr. John McLoughlin was, and since the combination of the Hudson's Bay and
North West Companies had been, in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company's affairs west
of the Rocky Mountains. The policy denounced in the petition had been established by
him. It details a series of acts, dishonest, sordid and selfish upon his part, — mean,
oppressive and ruinous to the settlers. That early friend of Oregon, that eminent
benefactor of his race, has long since been called to his reward. Those whom Robert
Shortess names as connected with the authorship of the petition are no more. Happy is
the duty in giving publicity to the manly and generous views of the conceiver of that
" Petition." In a letter to the author, quoted above, Mr. Shortess says :
" In a short time the entire policy of the company, or at least of Dr. McLoughlin,
underwent a change ; and he, the Doctor, afforded very great facilities to immigrants and
240 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
settlers, for whicli, in man}'- cases, he received an ungrateful return. He was a man of
excellent qualities of head and heart ; and few men wielding the power that he did would
have done it with greater leniency."
That document was an arraignment of John McLoughlin for his management of the
Hudson's Bay Company's affairs, an accusation of oppression and wrong to the Oregon
pioneers and their families : i. It charges that Dr. McLoughlin refused to sell cattle for
many years, and afterwards sold at lower rates than settlers ; 2. It refers to the Oregon
City claim. It was valuable as a townsite, and for its wonderful water power. Such
features made it valuable to the Methodist Mission, to the American settler. The petition
denounces the Doctor's acts of settlement as in bad faith ; that his claim is without shadow
of right. It asks that he may be divested of interest, his claims be ignored and
disregarded; 3. It complains that he can build mills and saw lumber cheaper, and does
undersell the settler ; 4. It alleges that in buying wheat he insisted upon good measure ;
5. That those who had recognized his claim to Oregon City, and had obtained grants of
lots from him, he notified to comply with their contract; 6. That the company's vessels
were not allowed to bring goods from the Sandwich Islands to settlers ; 7. That the
company's officers were more hospitable to visiting officials and persons of distinction than
to private citizens.
Simple justice to the memory of the dead demands quoting Dr. McLoughlin's own
comments upon those imputations upon his personal integrity and method of dealing.
Of the cattle policy and the Oregon City claim, more extended discussion cannot be
avoided. As soon as Dr. McLoughlin had been informed of the charges made in the
petition, he thus referred to them (i) :
" First, as to my opposing them in purchasing cattle, it is false. Mr. Lee knows how
false this is. Every one knows, who was then in the country, that so anxious was I to
replenish the country with cattle, that I killed none till 1838, and would sell none,
because, as I told them, they would kill them, and not allow them to increase. But I leut
cattle to every man who wanted to settle, for which, when thej^ had them, I took wild
cattle from California, and of which fully one-half died a short time after we got them. As
to kicking or striking the half bushel, it is the custom in that part of Canada where I have
been. The measure is the imperial measure, and which ought to contain seventy pounds of
good wheat. Talking some time ago with Dr. White, in case the cooper might have made
a mistake, I had a half bushel measured by an imperial copper half-pint measure (sent
here for the purpose), in the presence of Dr. White, and, though it was exactly the
measure with water, yet I find, filled with wheat, it does not weigh seventy pounds ; and
as our wheat is as good as any I know, I infer that the measure is smaller than it ought
to be, which is caused by the copper measure having been knocked a little on the side, and
is, therefore, smaller than size. The truth is, when I was first asked the price of wheat,
I said two shillings and sixpence, as I calculated a bushel to weigh sixty pounds ; but
finding, on measuring it, that it weighed sevent3'-two pounds, I told them, without their
asking it, I would give three shillings per bushel.
" I thought that my character as an honest man was be3-ond suspicion ; when I find
who those are who have cast these reflections on me, I shall have no dealings with them,
as I will not deal with people who suspect my integrity. As to reports, if the}- sold their
boards for twenty dollars per thousand, I would sell them for fifteen dollars per thousand,
and undersell them, it is false ; and, as to the Hudson's Ba}' Company and I opposing
(I) Letter to I.ausford W. Hastings, Esq., April lo, 1843.
DR. McLOUGHLIN ANSWERS CHARGES IN PETITION OF 1S43. 247
the interests of citizens, really, the citizens are themselves the best judges if we did so or
not. And I am certain, if they are so lost to a sense of what is due to truth as to make
such an assertion, it is useless for me to say anything; but I feel confident that I can
easily prove it is not so, and that a very large majority will support me in it. As to the
petition, if the document went no further than this place, I would be silent ; but when I
consider where it is to go, and to whom it is to be presented, respect to them and to myself
makes it ni}- dutj' to take notice of it."
Persistent refusal by Dr. McLoughlin to sell cattle to the Oregon Alethodist Mission
and to settlers had caused great disaffection to the company. Dr. McLoughlin thus
referred to the course adopted by him, and rigidly adhered to it until 1838 :
" I lent them each two cows, as in 1825. We had only twenty-seven head, big and
small, old and young. If I sold, they would of course be entitled to the increase, and I
would not have the means to assist new settlers ; and the settlement would be retarded, as
those purchasers who offered me two hundred dollars for a cow would put such a price on
the increase as would put it out of the power of poor settlers to buy. This would prevent
industrious men from settling. For these reasons I would not sell, but loaned two cows
to each settler ; and, in case the increase of settlers might be greater than we could afford
to suppl}' with cattle, I reserved the right to take any cattle (above his two cows)
from any settler to assist new settlers. To the Methodist Mission, as it was a public
institution, I lent seven oxen, one bull and eight cows, with their calves."
The reason offered by Dr. McLoughlin was that there was insufficient stock in the
country; that importation was most expensive and hazardous ; and that all that there was
in the countr}- should be preserved to secure increase, was unavailing. To the settler it
was not satisfactory to be told that the company's start had been a few head driven at vast
expense and danger along the coast from the Russian establishments on Bodega Bay, in
California; that those establishments* most begrudgingly spared them, their California
settlements being onl\' intended to snppl}' northern trading-posts ; that the colonial law
of California prohibited the exportation of female cattle. The scarcity of cattle, the
dissatisfaction of settlers because of this refusal to sell, continued until the importation of
stock by the California compan3^ Referring to that enterprise. Dr. McLoughlin said:
" In the winter of 1836-7, we found means of forming a company to go to California
for cattle. I took half of the stock for the Hudson's Bay Compau}', so that, by purchasing
a larger number (as the expense of driving five hundred or a thousand was the same), it
would make the cattle cheaper. Those of the settlers who had means put it in stock;
those who had none engaged as drivers at one dollar per day, to be paid in cattle at their
actual cost. Mr. Slaciim, who came here in a chartered vessel, gave them passage ^'va/'/.y
to San Francisco. Ewing Young was selected to conduct the party. P. L. Edwards, of
the Methodist Mission, was appointed treasurer. They brought, I think, about seven
hundred head of cattle, which cost about eight dollars per head rendered in the Willamette.
The settlers kept the tame and broken oxen belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company,
and gave their California wild cattle in their place ; so that they found themselves stocked
with tame cattle, which cost about eight dollars per head. The Hudson's Ba}' Company,
to favor settlers, took calves in place of grown-up cattle, because the Hudson's Bay
Company wanted them for beef, and these calves would grow up before they were required."
Rev. Daniel Lee, nephew and associate of Rev. Jason Lee, in "Ten 3^ears in Oregon,"
thus refers to the formation of the California Cattle Company : " At this period (winter
of 1S36J, the cattle in the country nearly all belonged to the Hudson's Bay Company;
248 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
and, as it was then policy not to sell any, it became necessary for some measures to be
adopted to obtain elsewhere what could not be bought of the compan^•. In order to effect
this, an expedition was in contemplation when Mr. Slacum (i) arrived.
" On Mr. Slacum being advised of the proposed expedition to California for cattle,
and the objects of it, he lent his aid to carry it into immediate effect, and tendered passage
to those who might compose the part}-. Of this ver}- reasonable and unexpected means of
reaching California, the party availed themselves. A company was formed, and stock
invested to a considerable amount, to which were to be added the avails of labor which
the party might perform during their detention in California till the ensuing summer,
when they were to return to Willamette, where the business was to be closed. After
deducting expenses of the expedition, the owner was to receive his share of cattle according
to his investment. It being desirable to stock the mission, in view of securing permanent
provision for its future sustenance in its anticipated enlargement and progress, Rev. Jason
Lee, Superintendent, invested six hundred dollars, mission funds, for this purpose. The
part}' was organized, and was headed by Ewing Young, accompanied by P. L. Edwards,
of the mission, as punser of the company.
" The cattle party took passage with Mr. Slacum, and, after some detentions at Baker's
Bay, reached California in safety. Here they went to work and commanded high wages,
till next spring, and, as soon as arrangements had been completed, commenced their march
to the Willamette. Under an old colonial law, the transportation of female cattle had been
prohibited. Messrs. Young and Edwards, having secured a removal of the restriction,
bought Soo head of cattle at three dollars per head, and forty horses at twelve dollars each,
making the whole outlay $2,SSo.
" Their return journey was full of hardships and tlirough a rough, mountainous
country. Numbers of cattle were drow ned in swimming rivers. Some strayed, and some
were shot by Indians. One Indian was killed b}' the part}'. They reached Willamette in
October, 1837, with about six hundred head. The horses having been sold at public sale,
the cattle were found to have cost about seven dollars and sixty-seven cents apiece; of
these, more than eighty head belonged to the mission."
That importation not only supplied settlers with seed cattle, but it enabled them also
to restore to the Hudson's Bay Company borrowed cattle, upon most advantageous terms
to themselves. The company thereafter allowed their stock to roam unmolested over
extensive pasturage ranges north of the Columbia, their object being the raising of beef
cattle for their establishments, and the ultimate exportation of hides and tallow.
Subsequent to 1838, the company's cattle, except a few for work and dairy use, were
suffered to run wild, and were hunted as deer.
In the petition of '43, opposition to the claim of Dr. John McLoughlin to the tract of
land including Willamette Falls, the Oregon City claim, was grounded upon : " i. He
does not make such tract his continuous residence; but his time is divided between Fort
Vancouver and elsewhere; 2. He is a British subject; 3. He claims tracts in other
localities ; 4. Like the ' dog in the manger,' when others would utilize the water-power at
the Falls, by preparation to erect mills, he, also, then prepared to build; and as, with his
superior facilities, he could undersell Americans, his threatened competition deters
enterprise ; 5. He has disposed of lots without himself having title."
British subjects, and citizens of the United States, then inhabited the territory. Did
they not enjoy the same privileges to occupy lands and make homes ? Were not the
(I) Purser W. A. Slacum, U. S. Navy. Sec aiiic.
..r,^"*^:"
WM. ELLl OTT,
OREGON CITY.OR
MRS. NANCY ELLIOTT,
OREGON CITY, OR.
^*-*»«-"*v,.
CLINTON KELLY,
PORTLAND, OR.
,',' /
i^'
AMOS N.KING,
P0RTLAI4D,0R.
MRS. M KING,
PORTLAND, OR.
PROPERTY-RIGHTS OF AMERICAN CITIZENS AND BRITISH SUBJECTS. 249
possessor}- rights of each entitled to the same recognition "and respect ? It can hardly be
questioned that, nntil sovereignty of soil was recognized to be in the United States, until
Federal jurisdiction and law had been extended over the territory, that the American
citizen enjoyed no greater privileges than the subject of the Queen of Great Britain.
Until establishment of law and courts within the territor}', all, of whatever nationalit)',
were possessed of the same rights to occupy and utilize land, their guarantees of future '
ownership and confirmation of title being equal. If British subjects, in common with
American citizens, could not, at that time, by occupying lands in Oregon, acquire
possessory rights in such land, then Dr. McLoughlin was a mere squatter at Willamette
Falls, whose right to such claim continued only while actual possession was maintained.
His right was, of course, subject to whatever conditions should be prescribed by law,
when the territor}' became an organized government. If he were an alien, and that class
were disqualified from acquiring lands, then Dr. McLoughlin would be compelled to elect
whether he would continue his alienage or become a citizen of the United States. Should
actual residence for a prescribed period be imposed as a condition to acquire title, he would
have to comply with the law or forfeit his claims. In short, whatever the law should
impose would have to be performed by every British subject in common with ever}-
American citizen.
There existed the conviction, on the part of American residents, that Oregon south of
the Columbia river would never be recognized as British territory. So believing, their
jealousy against British subjects seizing the most valuable claims in that section may be
extenuated. To that jealousy may be attributed the presence in the "Petition" of
frivolous insinuations, detracting from the tone of a memorial of grievances, and lowering
it to a mere dogmatic tirade. However natural such prejudice, it was none the less
unjust. In iSiS, the United States and Great Britain, the national claimants of the
territory, had entered into a treaty providing for its joint occupancy for ten years. In
1827, ^^^^^ condition of affairs had been continued, until it should be terminated after
twelve months' notice had been given by either nation. " The country westward of the
Stony Mountains had continued free and open to vessels and subjects of both nations."
The faith of the two nations for a quarter of a century had been solemnly pledged
that British subjects, and citizens of the United States, might settle in any part of the
^■ast region west of the Rocky Mountains, and from forty-two degrees to fifty-four
degrees, forty minutes north latitude, and that no prejudice to the territorial claim of
either nation should inure by such settlement. As nations, neither could occupy to the
prejudice of the other; but to British and American citizens, in an equal degree, the
country was free and open. Both were equal before that treaty, the supreme law of the
land. Nay, more, acts of Congress had been suffered at different sessions to pass the
Senate or House of Representatives (not concurrentl}^ for it was not intended that they
should become law while the territory was in dispute), but, foreshadowing a legislation
encouraging the settlement of Oregon, by donations of land to all who would settle,
regardless of nationality. The boon was extended to the native born to go to Oregon. It
was alike offered as an incentive to the Briton, there to become an American citizen.
Congress voluntarily indicated a policy encouraging settlement. It held out inducements,
to both the native born and alien, to settle and acquire land in Oregon. It virtually
promised that, when sovereignty was determined to be in the United States, such land
should be confirmed to the actual settler.
250 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
Under the Joint-Occupancy Treaty, under the spirit of the legislation of Congress,
intended to invoke occupancy of Oregon, and thus secure to the United States an
advantageous termination of the boundary controvers}^. Dr. John McLoughlin, by the
expressed action of the United States, stood in the same relation as a native-born citizen,
entitled to the same consideration at the hands of the United States Congress as did the
signers of the Petition of 1843. The vast territor}' was open to him as a British subject,
free to settle anywhere ; for none had been present to oppose him when he came. As
early as 1S2S-9, he had encouraged the formation, south of the Columbia river, of an
agricultural settlement by retired servants of the Hudson's Bay Company. In 1829, he
projected the erection of a saw and grist mill, as an auxiliary to such settlement; with
this in view, to obtain water power, he occupied the land at Willamette Falls, the present
site of Oregon City. During the winter, his workmen had resided there in three log
houses, preparing timber for the saw-mill. In the spring following, they cultivated a
garden. The Canadian settlement made but little progress, as the necessities for lumber
and of the wheat supply did not demand the immediate erection of mills. In 1832, the
mill race was blasted. In 1838, the square timber was hauled to the site of the mill, and
a house and store were erected, the houses built in 1829 having been destroyed b)^
Indians.
In 1840, Rev. Jason Lee, Superintendent of the Oregon Methodist jMission, applied to
Dr. John McLoughlin for permission to build a missionary station at Willamette Falls,
and for the loan of sufficient square timber for the erection of mission buildings. Dr.
IMcLoughlin freely granted sufficient ground for the buildings. As machiner}^ for his
mill had not arrived, he loaned the mission the desired timber. Dr. William F. Tolmie,
then on dut}' at Fort Vancouver, was sent to show Superintendent Lee what had been
reserved for the mill j'ard, and to designate the spot upon which Dr. McLoughlin
consented that the mission building might be erected. To avoid misunderstanding, as
also to give publicit}' to his claim. Dr. McLoughlin addressed Rev. Jason Lee, July 21,
1840, written notice, embod3'iug his offer. The Rev. Jason Lee, Superintendent, accepted
that offer, recognizing Dr. McLoughlin as the party authorized to make it.
The Methodist Mission building was at once erected, consisting of two apartments,
one for a store, the other for the residence of the missionary, Rev. A. F. W^aller. In 1841,
Felix Hathaway had some timber upon an island, intending to build. He was notified by
Dr. AIcLoughlin that the claim of the latter embraced that island. In that same year was
formed the " Willamette Milling and Trading Company," three-fourths of the stock being
held by members of the Oregon Methodist Mission. There were a few shares held by
independent settlers, among whom was Felix Hathaway. He and his associates now
occupied the island regardless of the claim of Dr. IMcLoughlin. The compau}- at once
proceeded to erect a saw and grist mill on the island, containing about two and a half
acres, afterwards called Abernethy Island. The water flowed over it during high water ;
at low water, it is separated from the main land by a channel fort}- feet wide. Dr.
McLoughlin, as soon as he learned of the formation of the companv, and their purpose,
notified them that his claim included the island, but consented to their going on, giving
them a written document, in which he made certain reservations. Superintendent Lee,
who attended the first or second meeting of the company, before an}- operations had been
commenced, stated that the island upon which they contemplated building was within the
limits claimed by Dr. McLoughlin.
THE OREGON CITY CLAIM. 251
111 the fall of 1S42, Dr. McLouglilin, having heard that Rev. A. F. Waller intended
to claim the Falls, communicated such rumor to Superintendent Lee, who, having seen
Mr. Waller, assured him that he denied such intention. A few days later, a settler applied
to Dr. McLoughlin for a building lot. He was directed to make his selection. Waller,
noticing the settler so engaged, ordered him to desist, sa3'ing, " it was all well enough for
Dr. AIcLoughlin to give awa}- lots on Mr. Waller's claim, but he preferred to give away
his own lots." This unmistakable claim by Air. Waller called forth a correspondence
between Dr. McLoughlin and Superintendent Lee. On the i8th of November, 1842, Dr.
McLoughlin inquired of Superintendent Lee whether Rev. A. F. Waller claimed a mile
square at Willamette Falls ; to which, on the aSth, Superintendent Lee replied :
" I said to you that I had conversed with Mr. Waller on the subject of claims at the
Falls, and that I understood him to say that he sat up no claim in opposition to yours ;
but, if your claim failed, and the mission did not put in a claim, he considered he had a
better right than any other man, and should secure a title to the land if he could. From
what I have since heard, I am inclined to think I did not understand Mr. Waller
correctl}- ; but I am certain it is so. You will here allow me to say, that a citizen of
the United States, by becoming a missionar}^, does not renounce any civil or political
right. I cannot control any man in these matters, tho' I had not the most distant idea,
when I stationed Mr. Waller there, that he would set up a private claim to the land."
No satisfactor}' settlement was reached between the Rev. Mr. Waller and Dr.
McLoughlin, although several propositions appear to have been made. In the summer of
1843, John Ricord, Esq., who st3'led himself "Counsel of the Supreme Court of the United
States," stopped at Fort Vancouver, and, while there, remarked that, as Dr. McLoughlin
was a British subject, he could not hold Willamette Falls. Dr. McLoughlin proposed to
retain his professional services, and asked him to indicate how he (Dr. McLoughlin)
could secure his property-rights at the Falls. Ricord declined to give an opinion ; but,
a few days later, in company with Rev. Jason Lee, he again called at Fort Vancouver,
upon which occasion he handed to Dr. McLoughlin a note, in which the following offer
was made :
" I shall be most happy to serve you on the following conditions : That your
pre-emption line be so run as to exclude the island upon which a private company of
citizens have erected a grist-mill, conceding to them as much water as may be necessary
for the use of said mill ; that Rev. A. F. Waller be secured in the ultimate title to two
cit}' lots now in his possession, and other lots, not exceeding five acres, to be chosen b}-
him from among unsold lots of j'our present survey ; that Rev. Jason Lee, on behalf
of the Methodist-Episcopal Mission, be also, in like manner, secured in regard to certain
lots in Oregon City. For my services, in attempting to establish 3-our pre-emption to the
land in question, the sum of ^300 sterling money.
" The three first-mentioned conditions are induced by a wish to escape the
censure of several personal friends in this countr}- ; to diminish at the same time, as
much as possible, the opposition which I am convinced will be made to your claim ;
and to secure on your behalf the valued testimoii}- of some important witnesses. I
would desire not to make public the fact of my retainer, lest any person, unfriendl}- to
your claim, should in the meantime endeavor to counteract ni}- efforts. Conciliation
ought to be observed towards those who have heretofore pretended to hold adverse
possession of the same tract."
252 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
This proposal, which had the appearance of a desire for amicable settlement, bnt was
really a suggestion that Dr. McLoughlin should 3-ield everything to those he had too
much reason to believe were trespassing on his rights, was declined. He replied : " I am
most anxious to do everything I can to promote a good feeling among members of our
little community ; still the desire ought to be mutual. But, in the document you gave
me, the concessions are all to be on my side ; and some of these are perfectly inadmissible,
as the}' are out of my power to be complied with."
A week later, Counselor Ricord regretted that he was precluded from ser\ang
Dr. McLoughlin, and notified that officer that he wished to go to the Sandwich Islands,
and inquired about securing passage. That was about the 17th of November. Rev. Mr.
Lee, Superintendent, accompanied Ricord to the Sandwich Islands on the bark Columbia.
Dr. McLoughlin then made an offer in regard to the mission's claim, aud also as to the
milling compau}-, but did not recognize an}- right in Rev. A. F. Waller. Three days
before this verbal interview. Counselor Ricord had penned a notice, dated December 8,
1843, which he caused to be served February 22, 1844. That notice was signed by Ricord,
as " Counsel of the Supreme Court of the United States, and attorney for A. F. Waller."
Said counsel also issued an address to the people of Oregon in behalf of his client. Rev.
A. F. Waller, invoking them to resist the aggressions of Dr. McLoughlin. In that
address will be found this demagogic appeal : " These, fellow citizens, are the facts aud
some of the points of law in my client's case. Upon the same principle contended for
by Dr. McLoughlin, any of you ma}' incur the risk of being ousted from your farms
in the colony by the next rich foreigner who chooses to take a fancy so to do, unless,
in the first instance, you come unanimously forward and resist these usurpations." The
letter to Dr. McLoughlin by the attorney of Mr. Waller is interesting, because it shows
the animus of those who would deprive Dr. McLoughlin of his property, or his right of
possession to property. John Ricord, "Counsel of the Supreme Court of the United
States," thus stated the position of his client :
" A. F. Waller has taken formal measures at Washington to substantiate his claims
as a pre-emptor and actual settler upon the tract of land, sometimes called the Willamette
Falls settlement, and sometimes Oregon City, comprising six hundred and forty acres ;
and, being aware that, although a foreigner, you claim to exercise acts of ownership over
said land, this notice is given to apprise you that all sales you may make of lots, or other
subdivisions of said farm, after the receipt hereof, will be regarded by my client, and by
the government, as absolutely fraudulent, and will be made at your peril.
" The grounds upon which my client claims exclusive right, under the laws of the
United States, of acquiring a patent for said land, are :
" ist. As a citizen of the United States, in 1840, when he first took possession of the
same ;
" 2d. Prior occupancy, building, fencing aud clearing of said land, from which he has
never removed his domicile.
" The ground on which he denies your pretended claim to the right under the laws of
the United States of acquiring a patent to the said tract of laud are:
" I St. That you are an alien, owing allegiance to a foreign government; and therefore
you are not eligible to such a claim ;
" 2d. That you are the chief officer of a foreign corporate monopoly, aud that that
would be sufficient of itself to debar you of any such rights;
HOWARD W.STRATTON
SPOKANE FALLS, W.T.
SALE OF PROPERTY OF OREGON METHODIST MISSION. 253
" 3d. That you have never resided upon the laud alluded to since the mouth of
December, A. d. 1S40, when you first openlj' laid claim to the same ; but that, on the
contrary, you have always resided and still reside at Vancouver, on the north bank of the
Columbia, within the territory actually in dispute between the two governments, at least
twenty miles from this land ; and that, upon no other principle than that of omnipresence,
could you be supposed to settle thereon ;
" 4th. That while 3'ou pretend to hold said land for yourself, you in fact hold the same
for a foreign corporate body, evinced by the employment of their agents and partners, as
your pretended agents ; and, as no corporation in the United States can acquire land b}'
pre-emption, so most assuredl}' a foreign one cannot; and,
" 5th. That your claim arose, if at all, more than two j-ears subsequently to your
actual possession, building, fencing, clearing and cultivation ; and that therefore, all other
reasons aside, it cannot be so good.
" I regret extremely the failure of my endeavor to make an amicable compromise of
this matter, and that my client has been driven to the vexatious proceedings of the law,
in order to establish his rights as an American citizen."
And thus matters had continued, without material change, until the spring of 1844.
In April, Dr. Elijah White, while on a visit to Fort Vancouver, conversing with Dr.
McLoughlin upon the subject of differences between the Methodist Mission and "Sir.
Waller, on the one part, and Dr. McLoughlin on the other, as to the Oregon Cit}- claim,
volunteered to interview Mr. Waller. x\n arbitration resulted. Dr. Elijah White, James
Douglas and William Gilpin were selected, who awarded to Rev. A. F. Waller five acres
and five hundred dollars, and to the Oregon Methodist Mission fourteen lots. Governor
James Douglas had favored buying off the Doctor's contestants, and the Doctor submitted.
In June, 1S44, Rev. George Gary succeeded Rev. Jason Lee as superintendent of
the Oregon Methodist Mission. The sale of the property of the mission having been
determined upon. Superintendent Gary, on the 15th of July, submitted in writing the
following proposition to Dr. John McLoughlin : " The following is the valuation we put
upon the property of the Missionary Board of the Methodist-Episcopal Church in this place
I Willamette Falls). We deem it proper to present a bill of items, that you maj' more
fully understand the grounds of our estimate: One warehouse, $1,300; one white
dwelling-house, $2,200 ; outhouses and fencing, $200 ; old house and fencing, $100; four
warehouse lots, $800; eight lots in connection with dwelling-house, $1,400. Total,
$6,000. The two lots occupied by the church are not included in the above bill. If
you should conclude to purchase the above-named property, you will do it with the
understanding that we reserve the occupancy of the warehouse until the ist of June,
1845; the house in which Mr. Abernethy resides until August, 1845; and all the
fruit-trees on the premises, to be moved in the fall of 1844 or spring of 1845; ^"<i
the garden vegetables now growing. If you .see fit to accept this proposition, please
inform us at the earliest opportunity, as we cannot consider ourselves pledged longer than
a day or two."
Dr. McLoughlin felt outraged at this extortion. In vain he referred to the fact
that he had so recently donated the lots ; that the old house was built with lumber
borrowed of him. He suggested that the matter might be referred to the
Methodist-Episcopal Missionary Board ; but every proposition was rejected. The
reverend gentleman justified himself, as it was " business." The business man vainly
254 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
urged that honor and conscience might be regarded. The terms were accepted ; the
mission, as such, was out of the controversy, but not its late constituent elements. As
individuals, the relentless spoliation against him continued.
With the great migration of 1843 ^^^^ come Peter H. Burnett, a law3'erfrom Alissouri,
with a reputation for ability and integrity. (The Oregon Provisional government made
him Chief Justice. When Oregon became an United States territory, he was appointed
an Associate Justice of its Supreme Court. Moving to California in 1849, he was elected
first governor of that state, and served afterwards upon its Supreme bench.) Dr.
McLoughlin retained him as counsel. Under his advice. Waller, though still an occupant
of the claim, was not disturbed, as Waller could acquire no adverse right against his
landlord, under whom, as tenant, he had entered. The milling compan}- was notified that
Dr. McLoughlin would assert his right to the island, as soon as courts of law should be
established with jurisdiction to adjudicate land titles.
The election, in 1S44, of Mr. Polk as President, on the Oregon issue of "fifty-four,
forty or fight," created excitement in Oregon. War was suppo.sed to be imminent,
if not at that time declared. Dr. McLoughlin had estates in Canada. To change his
alleo-iance in time of war might be attended with most serious personal consequences.
Neither could he, in such a condition of affairs, as a British subject, hope to retain Oregon
City. As soon as the war-bubble had been dispelled, he had resolved to sever his
connection with the Hudson's Ba}- Company, and become a citizen of the United States.
His former legal adviser had become Chief Justice of the Oregon Provisional government.
Dr. McLoughlin appeared before him to declare his intention to become an American
citizen, and to renounce all allegiance to the British Crown. But Judge Burnett was
powerless to receive that declaration. He had neither authority of law to administer such
an oath, nor was his court authorized by law to receive, file, or attest such declaration.
Scrupulous and conscientious, he denied the application. The Provisional government
might not be recognized ; clearly its courts were not among those courts upon which
Congress had conferred jurisdiction to naturalize aliens. The Oregon controversj- had
been settled between the two nations. Dr. McLoughlin had resigned the service of the
Hudson's Bay Companj^, and was residing at Oregon City. Governor Joseph Lane, first
governor of Oregon Territory, had arrived, and, on March 3, 1S49, issued a proclamation
formally announcing the extension of Federal jurisdiction over the territor3\ Hon.
William P. Bryant, commissioned as Chief Justice of the Oregon Supreme Court, had
entered upon the discharge of his judicial duties. A court competent to tr^- the title to
Abernethy Island had been furnished ; but Chief Justice Bryant and Governor Lane had
become purchasers of that island. On the 30th of May, 1849, John McLoughlin declared
his intention to become a citizen of the United States, in what was called the United
States District Court of the county of Clackamas, Oregon Territor}'. Those territorial
courts have ceased to be regarded as United States courts; but their jurisdiction to
naturalize was exercised and sanctioned b}- authorit}-.
Samuel R. Thurston, in honor to whose memory the county of Thurston received its
name, was elected Oregon's first delegate to the Congress of the United States. On the
27th of September, 1850, that Congress passed the Donation Law, its eleventh section
being as follows :
" And be it further enacted, that what is known as the ' Oregon City claim,' excepting
the Aberneth}' Lsland, which is hereby confirmed to the legal assigns of the Willamette
Milling and Trading Company, shall be set apart and be at the disposal of the Legislative
SECTION ELEVEN OF DONATION LAW OF SEPTEMBER 27, 1850. 255
Assembly, to the establishment and endowment of a university, to be located at such place
in the territory as the Legislative Assembly may designate : Provided, however, that all
the lots and parts of lots iu said claim sold or granted by Dr. McLoughlin, previous to the
fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and forty-nine, shall be confirmed to the purchaser
or donee, or their assigns, to be certified to the Commissioner of the General Land Office
by the Surveyor-General, and patents to issue on said certificates as in other cases."
It will be asked, " wh}' were such wrongs perpetrated by Congress ? " The solution
will be found in the address of Oregon's representative to his constituents, embodj'ing the
misrepresentations and character of the arguments used. Here is an extract from his
personal appeal to members of Congress urging the passage of the Donation Law :
" I will next call your attention to the eleventh section of the bill, reserving the
townsite of Oregon City, known as the ' Oregon City claim." The capital of our territory
is located here; and here is the county seat of Clackamas county. It is unquestionably
the finest water-power in the known world; and as it is now, so it will remain, the great
inland business point for the territory. This claim has been wrongfully wrested
by Dr. McLoughlin from American citizens. The Methodist Mission first took the
claim, with a view of establishing here their mills and mission. They were forced to
leave it, under the fear of having the savages of Oregon let loose upon them; and
successively a number of citizens of our couutr}^ have been driven from it, while Dr.
McLoughlin was j-et at the head of the Hudson's Bay Compau}', west of the Rock)'
Mountains. Having at his command the Indians of the country, he has held it by
violence and dint of threats up to this time. He had sold lots up to the 4th of March,
1849, worth $200,000. He also has upon it a flouring mill, granaries, two double
saw-mills, a large number of houses, stores and other buildings, to which he may be
entitled b}- virtue of his possessory rights, under the treaty of 1S46. For only a part of
these improvements which he may thus hold, he has been urged during the last year to
take $250,000. He will already have made a half million out of that claim. He is still
an Englishman, still connected in interest with the Hudson's Bay Company, and still
refuses to file his intentions to become an American citizen, and assigns as a reason to the
Supreme Judge of the territory that he cannot do it without prejudicing his standing in
England.
" Last summer he informed the writer of this, that whatever was made out of this
claim was to go into the common fund of the Hudson's Bay Company, of which he and
the other stockholders would share in proportion to their stock; in other words, that he was
holding this claim for the benefit of the company. Now, the bill proposes to reserve this
claim, subject to whatever rights he may have to it, or any part of it, by virtue of the
treaty, and confirms the title to all lots sold or donated by him previous to March 4, 1S49.
This is designed to prevent litigation. That daj' is fixed on because, on that day, iu
Oregon City, Governor Lane took possession of the territor}', declaring the laws of the
United States in force, and apprising Dr. McLoughlin and all others, that no one had a
right to sell or meddle with the government lands. Dr. McLoughlin ought to have been
made to pay back $200,000; but, not wishing to create any litigation, the committee
concluded to quiet the whole matter by confirming the lots. Having in this wa}' made
S20o,ooo, and his possessory rights, if it shall turn out that he lawfully acquired any,
being worth §300,000 more, the people of Oregon think 3'our bount}- is sufficient to this
man, who has worked diligently to break down the settlements ever since they commenced;
and the}- ask to save their capital, their county-seat, and the balance of that noble
256 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
water-power from tlie grasp of this Britisli propagandist, and bestow it on the young
American generation in Oregon in the shape of education, upon whom you and the
country are to rely to defend and protect the western outposts of this glorious Union.
" When the Methodist Mission was driven from this claim, they went onto an island
in the middle of the river, and constructed mills and made other improvements. This
island is known as Abernethy Island, and is of no value, except for the improvements upon
it. It consists of about two acres of barren rock. This island was subsequently sold to
George Abernethy, and the bill ought to confirm the same to Abernethy or his assigns.
This is a simple act of justice to American citizens, who now have their mills and property
staked on those rocks, and on which, for a long time, stood the only mill in the valley
where an American could get any grain ground for toll."
It is impossible to believe that the eleventh section of the Oregon Donation Law
could ever have received the sanction of Congress, but for the representations that John
McLoughlin had refused to become an American citizen ; that he had refused to renounce
allegiance to the British Crown. Congress is blameless for acting upon information before
it, and for reaching the decision that the Oregon City claim was without a lawful claimant,
and donating it to the territory for educational purposes.
John McLoughlin, who had assisted the American immigrant, who had given up his
high rank and salary in the Hudson's Bay Company rather than ignore the claims of
humanity and refuse credit to the destitute settler, was iij his old age thus unjustly
despoiled of his property. The island went to the assigns of the milling company. The
good and generous old friend of the Oregon pioneer, broken hearted and soured with the
injustice of the world, sunk into his grave in the fall of 1857. Five years later, the State
of Oregon refused to retain the unhallowed gift, and restored the Oregon Cit}- claim to
the heirs of John McLoughlin.
As must have been observed, congressional proceedings, session after session, had
foreshadowed congressional intent to make liberal grants of land to actual settlers in
Oregon. It seemed to have been generally acquiesced in, that the favorable solution of
the Oregon controversy depended upon peopling the territor}- overland from the western
States. That protracted contest had attracted the attention of American people, more
particularly citizens of the western States. The spirit of congressional legislation as to
the territory had been clearly indicated by uniform provisions in those several measures
which had been introduced each succeeding session. Favorable reports as to soil, climate
and resources from residents of the territory, missionaries and others, all tended to invite
popular attention and to promote active emigration schemes in several portions of the
Union.
In the spring of 1S43, as soon as the condition of the country had warranted travel,
large bodies of " Oregon emigrants," mostly from Missouri, but quite a number from
adjacent States, commenced to journej^ westward towards Independence, Missouri. On
the 20th of May, a formal meeting was convened at Fitzhugh Mills, twelve miles west
of Independence. Among them were Peter H. Burnett, Jesse Applegate and his brothers,
with their respective families, James W. Nesmith, Daniel Waldo, Jesse Looney, T. D.
Kaiser, and others who have made their names notable in Oregon. The party numbered
about one thousand, men, women and children, about a third of whom were capable of
bearing arms. The train consisted of 120 wagons; the number of cattle amounted to
5,000 head. Peter H. Burnett was elected captain, James W. Nesmith, Orderly Sergeant.
A council of nine to arbitrate and adjust differences was appointed. Captain John Gant,
' , ^'J^P^WWllHM..
HON. WILSON BOWLBY,
FOREST GROVE, OR.
THE IMMIGRATION OF 1843. 257
a Rocky Mountain man, and an ex United States army officer, was selected as Pilot to
Fort Hall. Later Governor Burnett was succeeded b}- William Martin as captain. The
train was subsequently divided into two columns, the one termed the " Light Column "
being headed by Captain Martin, and the other, the " Cow Column," under commanp
of Jesse Applegate. The two columns moved separate!}', but were near enough to support
each other in the event of an Indian attack. The usual vicissitudes of prairie travel,
camping, marching and other features, characterized that journey.
Arrived at Fort Hall, there was considerable discussion as to going further with
wagons, or abandoning them at that point. Captain Grant, the Hudson's Ba}- Company's
agent in charge of Fort Hall, discouraged the attempt to take wagons down Snake river.
Dr. Marcus Whitman, who had overtaken the train at the crossing of the Platte, as
strenuously urged the ability of getting through with them. His counsel prevailed, and
with the aid of Sticcas, a Ca3'use chief, and other Cayuses who had come to escort Dr.
Whitman to his station, he agreed to guide the train to the mission. When the train had
reached Grand Ronde, Dr. Whitman was compelled to leave, being summoned to Lapwai
Mission station to attend Mrs. Rev. Henry H. Spalding, who was severely ill. Sticcas,
the Cayuse chief, succeeded Dr. Whitman as guide, and safely and successfully piloted the
immigrants to Whitman's station at Waiilatpu.
Upon reaching Fort Walla Walla, the question arose as to the feasibility of proceeding
overland to the Dalles. It was suggested to be wiser to leave the wagons and animals at
Fort Walla Walla till the coming spring and then to build boats and descend the
Columbia. Neither Dr. Whitman nor Archibald McKinlay, chief trader of Hudson's Bay
Compau}^ in charge of Fort Walla Walla, were acquainted with the character of the road,
or of the feed back of the river, nor of the crossing of the John Day and Des Chutes rivers.
Both advised going down the Columbia to the Dalles in boats. The main portion of the
train proceeded overland. Seventy of the party, among whom were the Applegates, acted
upon the advice of Whitman and McKinlay. The advice given to leave their wagons and
stock to winter at Walla Walla occasioned bitter animadversion. By many it was
attributed to mercenary motives, to the desire to secure pay for herding, or to occasion, as
an alternative, an exchange in the Willamette valley for the stock left, head for head, of
California cattle. Growing out of these circumstances, this negotiation as to stock, its
forwarding or wintering, several immigrants entered into a contract with Chief Trader
McKinlay, subject to the approval of Dr. John McLoughlin, chief factor at Fort Vancouver.
This transaction was much criticised, and is known as the " Cattle Contract.'' It occurred
at old Fort Walla Walla, between certain immigrants of '43 and Archibald McKinlay, chief
trader in charge. It exhibits the conduct of Dr. McLoughlin towards American .settlers
on their arrival in the country ; his liberality ; his active sympathy with them in their
necessities ; his exalted standard of right between man and man.
Peter H. Burnett had hurried forward to Fort Walla Walla, to secure transportation
down the Columbia. Mr. McKinlay, chief trader in charge, had supplied a boat which
Governor Burnett was to leave at Fort Vancouver. The latter remained over night at the
fort, and had considerable conversation as to the practicability of getting cattle over the
Cascade Mountains and through to the Willamette valley. McKinlay, who had never
traveled b}^ land over the route, declined giving an opinion as to a road beyond the Dalles.
Mr. McKinla}', who remarked that he had shortly before sent a requisition to Fort
Vancouver for ten or fifteen gentle cows, wanted b}' the Indians, suggested that if any
immigrants wished to make an exchange of that number for an equal number, to be
2o8 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
delivered at Fort \^ancoiiver, such arrangement would save driving to both parties. He
also expressed a wish to purchase brood mares for his private use. Governor Burnett
declined, having no animals to spare. A day or two later, Jesse Applegate reached the
fort. He offered his whole band upon the terms McKinla}' had proposed to Governor
Burnett. To this McKinlay entered a flat refusal, and even remonstrated against
Applegate sacrificing so much stock ; that he only desired a few head to supply a small Indian
trade. Mr. Applegate replied that, as he intended to go to the Shasta country in the
spring, he cared only for such cattle as could be turned into beef Mr. Applegate
remarked that Mr. Littlejohn (Rev. A. B., temporarily at Waiilatpu during Dr. Whitman's
absence), had offered twelve dollars and a half per head for the whole band, and, if
McKinlay refused, he would sell to Littlejohn, who had stated that he wanted cattle to
exchange with the Indians for furs. Mr. McKinla}', fearing that Littlejohn, if he secured
the stock, would embarrass the fur-trading business, then accepted Applegate's proposition,
subject to Dr. McLoughlin's approval. Should Dr. McLoughlin reject the proposition,
the band was to be wintered at Fort Walla Walla for one dollar per head. The horses and
cattle purchased by McKinlay of Jesse Applegate, on private account, were returned, in
accordance with Mr. Applegate's request.
Subsequently, Governor Burnett published a journal of an " Immigrant " in a
Missouri newspaper, in which reference was made to that cattle transaction; and McKinlay
was charged with driving a hard bargain. Language of Dr. McLoughlin, seemingly
reflecting upon McKinlay, quoted in the " Immigrant," led to an explanatory letter of
Dr. McLoughlin, exculpating McKinlay. That transaction is best explained by the
correspondence and contract itself. Under date of October 12, 1S43, Governor Burnett
wrote McKinlay :
" I wish you to consider it (the boat) engaged to us. I mentioned to Mr. Beagle
your kind proposition to take our cattle here, and give us cattle at \'ancouver, to which he
would assent, but for the fact that his cattle are of a particular kind to which he is very
partial, and with which he would not willingly part. I would myself exchange mine with
you, but I may settle at the Dalles; and if I do so they would be more inconvenient to
me than at this point.
" I saw Captain Applegate, to whom I mentioned the fact that you wished to purchase
or exchange for some American mares, as I knew he had several. I also recommended
him to see 3-011 about exchanging his cattle, as he has a large stock of good breed. I hope
you will be able to procure from him as much stock as you desire."
The .so-called cattle contract is as follows:
"John McLoughlin, Esq.,
" Sir : Three days after sight, please pay Applegate & Co. two hundred and seventeen
head of cattle of the sex and age to the individuals as given in the following list. (Here
followed a tabulated schedule of seventy-six cows, one hundred and twenty-seven oxen and
fourteen bulls, which were delivered by Hiram Straight, Miles Cary, Charles Lindsey,
Jes.se Applegate, Thos. G. Navlor, Elijah Millikin and John Baker.)
" In consideration of the superior condition and quality of the stock left with me
by said company, I have stipulated that the above order shall be filled out of the
stock of the fort, and to include as many broken-in cattle as 3^011 can conveniently
furnish. And, in case the above order is not accepted by 3'ou, that their former stock shall
be returned to them on demand next spring, the3' pa^-ing a charge of herding of one dollar
per head. I am sir, your obedient servant, " Archibald McKinlay.
" Fort Walla Walla, October 27, 1843.
THE " CATTLE CONTRACT." 259
(Endorsed.) " The conditions of exchange contained in this covenant not being
accepted, Mr. McKinlay will please to retnrn the cattle received from Mr. Applegate and
party, on his demand, at Walla Walla. "John McLoughlin, C. F.
" Fort Vancouver, November ii, 1843."
Jesse xApplegate wrote to McKinlay, December 19, 1843 •
" Dr. McLoughlin, waiving all advantages that might have been derived from the
exchange of cattle made with the company' at Walla Walla, and actuated as I sincerely
believe by the most generous and disinterested motives towards the emigrants, has canceled
all contracts made with you at Walla Walla, so far as the Hudson's Bay Company was a
party.
" For this reason, it becoming necessary for us to return to Walla Walla for our cattle
that were exchanged, we would be very glad, if it met your washes, to get the horses and
cattle back that we sold to 3'ou as a private individual. Tho' contrary to my rules of doing
business, I in this case most earnestly solicit a ' rue bargain ;' for as I told you, at
the time I sold them to you, that I would by no means have parted with my horses if I
could have taken them down to Willamette safely, nor have sold the choice cows of the
drove at any price unless the whole drove were disposed of
" I do not pretend to deny that your conduct in the whole transaction was entirely
fair, just and honorable, nor cau I in the least impugn your motives if you determine to
keep the animals ; but as the animals are really of far less value to you than they are to
me, and as I believe you far too generous to take advantage of the peculiar circumstances
under which we acted when we sold them, I hope you will comply with my wishes in this
matter."
On the 29th of December, 1843, Dr. McLoughlin wrote Mr. Archibald McKinlay:
" I have returned all the cattle the immigrants left with you, and for what you gave
them orders on me, as I do not wish to take advantage of the situation those persons are
placed in. I hope, therefore, that j-ou have disposed of none of those animals, and that
it will be convenient for you to return all you purchased on your own account, for which
you gave orders on the store ; and, though they have been paid, they will be taken off
your account. And I must again repeat my approbation of the manner in which you
managed that business by putting in a clau.se which left it optional to me to return the
cattle. But pray who told them ' they could not bring their cattle down ; that when they
came their cattle would die.' The immigrants tell me it was Dr. Whitman and Mr.
Littlejohn. But I do not see how those gentlemen could tell the immigrants so; and
besides, these men, withoiit their teams to work and their cows to supply themselves and
their families with milk, can do nothing; in fact, without their cattle they are ruined."
Dr. John McLoughlin had before the date of the foregoing letter thus written to
McKinlay :
"I did use the words the 'Immigrant' states on the 127th page of his journal:
' Are you aware the Spanish are inferior to your cattle. Mr. McKinlay did wrong ; and I
will not consent to profit by your reliance on our good faith.'
" As I was naturall}' enough surprised to hear that people had given zAraerican cattle
for wild California cattle, it struck me they must not have been aware how inferior the
latter were to the former. At the time, I believed you yourself were not aware of it, and
that you meant, bj- wild Spanish or California cattle, cows of that breed unaccustomed to
be milked, and males not accustomed to work, but both of which could be driven from one
260 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST — OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
place to another. What I meant by saying j^ou had done wrong, I meant you had erred,
and never thought or had the least idea that you had intended to take advantage of their
situation, which 3'ou had no interest in doing, and could not mean to do, as 3-ou made the
bargain subject to my approbation. Neither you nor they seem to have been aware of it
at the time the bargain was made ; and it would have been a breach of the confidence put
in us to have kept them to it. It is this I meant : ' I will not consent to profit by j-our
reliance on our good faith.' And I can also observe there can be no foundation for the
' Immigrant ' stating you drove a hard bargain with them, as I always understood the
bargain was at their request."
The Dalles of the Columbia was then the terminus of the overland road from the
western States. No road had been opened westward of the Dalles across the Cascade
Mountains into the Willamette valle3^ When the immigration had reached the Dalles,
difficulties again appeared ; from that point, and at that season, the journey forward was the
most arduous of the whole trip. Rafts must be constructed to descend the Columbia, to
reach the W^illamette. Space is denied to recount the dangers and hardships of that fall
and winter, to which the pioneers of 1843 were subjected, — how they suffered, what
sacrifices they made in coming to Oregon to assure its being retained as American
territor}'. Those two illustrious pioneers, Burnett and Applegate, have made immortal
that transcontinental march of 1843, — the first in his readable and graphic " Recollections
of a Pioneer ; " Jesse Applegate, in his own characteristic wa}-, has pictured " A Da}^ with
the Cow Column ; " and, in his many letters to Deady, Victor, Evans and the press, has
pen-photographed that memorable train and its eloquent reminiscenses.
The United States government had, in the spring, dispatched a second expedition
under the command of Lieutenant John C. Fremont, United States Topographic
Engineers, "to connect his reconnaissance of 1842 to the South Pass, with the surveys of
the United States exploring expedition of Captain Charles Wilkes, United States Navy,
near the coast of the Pacific Ocean, so as to give a connected survey across the continent."
His part}' left the town of Kansas about the ist of June, cros.sed the South Pass x^ugust
13th, reached Fort Walla Walla October 25th, and, upon the 7th of November, arrived at
Fort Vancouver. The Fremont expedition brought carts all the waj^ to W^aiilatpu, from
which point it accomplished the distance to Fort \'ancouver with pack animals. Guided
by Rocky Mountain men, or following the immigrant wagon tracks, that expedition
contributed nothing new to geographic science, added nothing that hud not alread}' been
known and published as to the great American interior ; nor did it traverse any countrv
which had not been previously traversed for 3'ears b}' trappers, missionar}' men and women,
immigrants and mountaineers. True, that ride across the continent, called a government
exploration, was made with great ostentation and parade. The journal of its doings was
branded official ; yet, how just the comments of that sturdy pioneer of 1843, ^^'^^*5 '^^^ then
humble orderlj- sergeant of a wagon train of Oregon immigrants, that peerless humorist,
satirist and orator, later Oregon's distinguished Senator in Congress, James W. Nesmith.
In one of his inimitable speeches, he thus characterized the hero of that expedition, its
mode of march, its practical utility and national benefit:
" In the eastern States, I have often been asked how long it was after Fremont
discovered Oregon that I emigrated there. It is true that, in the year 1843, Fremont,
then a lieutenant in the engineer corps, did cross the plains, and brought his party to the
Dalles, and visited Vancouver to procure supplies. I saw* him on the plains, though he
HON.J.A.STROWBRIDGE
PORTLAND, OR.
O.P.S.PLUMMER.M. D.
PORTLAND, OR.
HON. GEO. A. STEEL.
PORTLAND, OR.
JUDGE THOMAS C.SHAW,
SALEM, OR.
I
Fremont's second expedition. 261
reached the Dalles in the rear of our emigration. His outfit contained all of the
conveniences and luxuries that a government appropriation could procure, while he
' roughed it ' in a covered carriage, surrounded by servants paid from the public purse.
He returned to the States, and was afterwards rewarded with a presidential nomination as
the ' Pathfinder.' The path he found was made b}^ the hard}- frontiersman, who preceded
him to the Pacific, and who stood b}- their rifles here, and held the country against hostile
Indians and British threats, without government aid or recognition until 1849, when the
first government troops came to our relief. Yet Fremont, with many people, has the
credit of ' finding ' everything west of the Rocky Mountains ; and I suppose his pretensions
will be recognized by the future historian, while the deserving men who made the path,
unaided b}- the government, will be forgotten."
I
i
Chapter XXXII.
(1844-1847.)
Oregon Under the Provisional Government — Indian Depredation.s at Willamette
Falls — Death of George W. Le Breton — Arming of Citizens for Defense —
Amendment to Organic Law, 1844 — Prohibitory Liqnor Law — First American
Settlement North of the Columbia Kiver — Oregon City Incorporated, the First
Municipality West of the Kocky Mountains — Incorporation of Oregon In.stitute —
George Abernetliy Elected Governor, 1845 — Petition of Provisional Government
to Congress — Visit and Keport of Lientenant Neil 31. llowison, U. S. Navy —
Wreck of the U. S. Scliooner Shark — Lientenant Howison Presents Her Colors to
the Provisional Governments — Reception of the News of the Treaty of June
15, 184«.
ON THE 4th of March, 1844, Cockstuck, a vicious Wasco Indian, who lived in the
vicinity of Willamette Falls (Oregon City), accompanied by four Molallas, rode into
that town. Their conduct was such as to create considerable alarm and excitement among
the citizens. They were arrayed in war paint, armed with guns, and bows and arrows,
which they brandished defiantly, and made other hostile demonstrations. Without having
committed any actually hostile act, they crossed the river to the Indian camps on the
opposite side, and solicited the Clackamas and Willamette Falls Indians to join them.
Upon their return, the citizens had assembled in considerable number at the landing. All
was excitement. Without any parley, a desultory firing commenced b}' both Whites and
Indians. Cockstock had discharged his gun, when George W. Le Breton rushed upon
him and attempted to arrest him, either in the interest of good order, or to earn the reward
which Sub-Agent White had previously offered for the delivery to him of Cockstock.
Le Breton, having received two gunshot wounds, had fallen and was struggling with
Cockstock. He called out that he was being stabbed. Upon this, a mulatto, named
Winslow Anderson, rushed upon Cockstock, and with the barrel of his rifle broke that
savage's skull, and instantly killed him. The companions of Cockstock then fired guus
and poisoned arrows promiscuously into the crowd. Messrs. Rogers and Wilson, both at
work in the vicinit}', neither participating in the mclce^ were wounded with arrows.
Le Breton and they were conveyed to Fort Vancouver for surgical aid. Mr. Rogers died
the next day. Le Breton lingered until the 7th. Though a j^oung man, Le Breton had
become a very prominent member of the communit}-. He held the positions of Clerk of
Court, Government Recorder, and Secretary of the Legislative Committee. He was a
native of Newburyport, Massachusetts. One of the most zealous of American settlers,
his death was a great loss to the infant settlement.
The affair created intense excitement. In Champoeg District, a mounted rifle company
was organized, called the " Oregon Rangers," of which T. D. Kaiser was elected captain. The
ofiicers were commissioned by the Executive Committee of Oregon. The settlements were
( 2G2 )
ARMING OF CITIZENS FOR DEFENSE. 263
put in a state of defense ; but the war feeling subsided by Sub-Agent White compensating
tlie widow of Cockstock, and otherwise appeasing the Wasco tribe. The American settlers,
with apparent unanimity, justified Sub-Agent White's reward for Cockstock's arrest, and
were disposed to justify the act of Le Breton in attempting to arrest him, which precipitated
the fight, as also to avenge the deaths of Le Breton and Wilson. There were, however,
strong denunciations of the acts of the Whites who engaged in the affray. It was declared
to have been unnecessary-, hast}-, and without such overt act as would justify it (i). It
was also claimed that the friendh- Clackamas and Willamette Falls Indians who crossed
the river with Cockstock and his party, on their return to the town declared that
Cockstock maintained that his purpose, in returning, was to have an explanation from the
Whites, and to demand the reason of their hostile actions and feelings to him, and why a
reward should have been offered for his arrest (2).
In the official report of the sub-agent to the Secretary of War (3) will be found a
letter (February 16, 1844) charging Cockstock with having made threats against a
sub-agent (a colored man named James D. Sanies) and the mulatto, Winslow Anderson,
the slayer of Cockstock. On receiving this charge, Sub-Agent White, with a party of ten
men, attempted to surprise Cockstock and his five adherents, while they were asleep. But
the game was not there. Saj-s he: "Cockstock had sworn vengeance against several of
mv party, and they thirsted for his blood. Having no other means of securing him, I
offered $100 reward to any one who would deliver him safely into my hands, as I wished
to convey him for trial to the authorities constituted among the Nez Perces and Cayuses,
not doubting that the}^ would feel honored in inflicting a just sentence upon him; and
the colon}- might thereb}- be saved from an Indian war."
On a subsequent page of the report. Agent White states the cause of the quarrel
between Winslow and Cockstock, and refers to his ill-advised and injudicious interference,
and the offer by him of a reward. It is evident that the agent had the desire to remove
the Indian to a distance, of whom he had just cause to fear personal harm. The official
statement is that Cockstock had been hired b}^ Winslow to perform labor, for a designated
time, upon his land claim, for which Cockstock was to receive a certain horse. Before the
completion of the contract, Winslow had sold the horse, as also the land claim, to his
colored confrere Sanies, the informer, without advising Cockstock of the sale, both allowing
Cockstock to finish the contract. The negroes refused to deliver the horse to Cockstock
when the work was fully performed. Cockstock, believing he had earned the horse, and that
it was rightfulh' his property, took it into his possession. The negroes appealed to Agent
White, who forced Cockstock to surrender the propert}-. That Cockstock should have
been indignant at White and the two blacks, and that he should have made threats against
the two conspirators and their auxiliary, in defrauding him of his compensation, is not
surprising ; nor is it strange that the proclamation of outlawry by the agent of the
government, who added insult to injury by offering a reward for his arrest, should have
provoked his anger.
Though these facts were known, many of the settlers were resolved on avenging the
death of Le Breton and Wilson ; besides, Cockstock was a dangerous character, who had
had previous difficulties with settlers. But Sub-Agent White succeeded in effecting a
(1) " Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church of Oregon during the past forty years." Portland, Oregon, 1S78. Pages 145 and 147.
(2) Letter on " Report of Dr. E. White, Sub-.\gent Indian .•affairs, to Hon. J. M. Porter Secretary of War, March iSth, 1S44," contained in " A
Concise View of Orejjon Territory, its Colonial and Indian Relations, Compiled from Official Letters and Reports, together with the Organic Laws
of the Colony, by Hlijah White, late Sub Indian Agent of Oregon." Washington, 1S46. T. Barnard, Printer. Page 32 £t scq,
(3) Ibid. Page 32.
264 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
settlement with the Dalles Indians (Wascoes), as he reported, " by giving Cockstock's
widow two blankets, a dress and handkerchief, believing the moral influence better than to
make presents to the chief or tribe, and to receive nothing at their hands (i)." That
settlement, however humiliating and contrarjr to proper Indian polic}-, rendered inexpedient
further chastisement of those Indians who had participated in the affray. Doubtless an
Indian war was averted, so nearl}' caused by the folly and injudicious acts of a government
agent, — the nearest approach to an outbreak which had been experienced b}- the Willamette
settlements since the advent of Americans.
In May, 1844, Peter G. Stewart, Osborn Russell and William J. Bailey were elected
an Executive Committee. Messrs. Peter H. Burnett, David Hill, M. M. McCarver, M.
Gilmore, A. L- Lovejoy, Robert Newell, Daniel Waldo and T. D. Kaiser constituted the
Legislative Committee. On the 15th of June, 1844, the Legislative Committee convened
at Oregon Cit}-. General M. M. INIcCarver was elected speaker, and Dr. John E. Long
secretary. The message of the Executive Committee recommended several important
modifications of the Organic Law of 1843. Large accessions to the population had been
made by the late immigration. Settlements had widely extended, and the provisions of
the law of 1843 were found inadequate for the growing necessities of an expanding
community.
The Legislative Committee had been instructed not to pass au}' laws imposing taxes.
By the law of 1843, revenue was raised by voluntary contribution. To secure necessar}''
funds, it was provided that subscription papers, as follows, be put in circulation to collect
funds for defraying the expenses of the government : " We, the subscribers, hereb}' pledge
ourselves to pay annually, to the treasurer of Oregon Territory, the sum affixed to our
respective names, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of government: Provided^ that
in all cases each individual subscriber may at any time withdraw his name from said
subscription upon paying up all arrearages and notifying the treasurer of the colony of
such desire to withdraw." The pioneers not only acted upon the idea that all "just
governments derived their authority by the consent of the governed," but they granted to
each citizen the power to judge how much he was willing to contribute. The committee
of 1844 believed that revenue should be derived from uniform taxation. The Ways and
Means Committee, therefore, provided that any person refusing to pay taxes should derive
no benefit from the laws, and should be disqualified from voting.
The act provided a tax of one-eighth upon all merchandise brought into the country
for sale. It taxed improvements on town lots, mills, pleasure carriages, clocks, watches
and live-stock. The sheriff was ex officio collector, with a commission of ten per cent on
collections. The recommendations of the Executive Committee were severally adopted
by the Legislative Committee, and incorporated into an amended Organic Law, which was
to be submitted to a vote of the people at a special election ; and, if approved by the
popular vote, the amendments were to go into effect from and after the first Tuesdaj' in
June, 1845. At the special election, those amendments were ratified by a large majority.
The amended Organic Law abolished the Executive Committee, substituting, in lieu
thereof, the oSice of governor. That ofl&cer was to be elected in June, 1845, and hold his
office for two 3'ears. Under the original Organic Act, a law, before it took effect, was
submitted to the popular vote. Under the amendment, such popular approval was
abrogated ; and the power of veto was conferred upon the governor, subject to the right of
the legislature to pass by a two-thirds vote, notwithstanding the veto. The powers
(1) Dr. Elijah White's "Concise View of Oregon Territory, etc.,'" page 36.
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PROHIBITORY LIQUOR LAW. 265
enjoj'ed by the Executive Committee were trausferred to the governor. The Legislative
Committee was superseded by a House of Representatives, consisting of not less than
thirteen nor more than sixty-one members, apportioned among the various districts
according to population. The Judge of the Supreme Court, theretofore eligible b}^ the
people, was to be appointed by the House of Representatives. The oath of office was
modified so as to allow all citizens, whatever their nationality, to participate in the
government. It was as follows :
" I do solemnly swear, that I will support the Organic Laws of the Provisional
government of Oregon, so far as said Organic Laws are consistent with my duties as a
citizen of the United States, or a subject of Great Britain, and faithfully demean myself
in office." A display of tolerant spirit greatly to be commended, this due allowance for
national prejudices. The American settlers did not arrogate the right to impose laws or
legal restraint upon British subjects; but they established a government, in which
distinctions of nationality were for the time being overlooked. All were invited to
co-operate. Every disability growing out of foreign birth was removed. They did not
attempt to control or influence allegiance. The success of the little pioneer republic ou
the Pacific Coast is highly creditable to the early settlers of Oregon.
The American element had now established its ascendancy. It continued to gather
strength b}' the constant accession of immigrants from the western States, yet no
prescriptive action followed. In all the legislation of the Provisional government, and its
character will compare favorably with that of old-established States, the sole desire seems
to have been to secure co-operation, unanimity of feeling in the community, and the
banishment of every influence calculated to promote division. A small minority of citizens
still favored the idea of forming a government independent of the United States. The
delay of Congress to extend jurisdiction over the territory, to settle the boundary question,
and establish a territorial government ; the isolated condition of the settlements and their
remoteness from the States of the Union ; the belief that the Provisional government
rested solely on the will of the governed, and could be repudiated at any time by concerted
opposition of the people ; that titles to land and to property of all kinds would continue
unsettled and doubtful, — all seemed to furnish food to encourage such opinions. But this
feeling was limited to the few. The American independent settlers still faithfully adhered
to their favorite project, — "a government based on republican ideas, cultivating American
thought, limited in its duration to such time as the United States should embrace the
territory within its jurisdiction." Having revised several laws, amended the land law,
materially diminishing the allowance made for the mission claims, and provided a system
of taxation, the June session of the Legislative Committee adjourned on the 27th of June,
to meet on the i6th of December.
At this session was passed a prohibitory liquor law (i). Its title was : "An Act to
prevent the introduction, sale and distillation of Ardent Spirits in Oregon." The first
section imposed a fine of $50 for the importation or introduction of ardent spirits into
Oregon, with intent to sell, barter, give or trade the same, or for offering the same for sale,
trade, barter or gift. The second section subjected to a fine of #20 the sale, barter,
gift or trade of any ardent spirits, directly or indirectly, to any person in Oregon. The
third section declared any manufactory or distillery of ardent spirits a nuisance, subject
to a fine of $100, and an order directing the sheriff to seize and destroy the distillery
(ij Oregon Spectator, Vol. I, No. I, Februarj' 5, 1846.
266 HISTORY OF PACIFIC NORTHWEST OREGON AND WASHINGTON.
apparatus. The fourth section provided the mode for seizing and destroying distillery
apparatus, implements and spirituous liquors, and punishing those engaged in such illicit
manufacture.
By a law of the Legislative Committee (June 27th, 1844), the channel of the Columbia
river bad been made the north boundary of the Clatsop, Tualitan and Clackamas
Districts. The two latter districts, created in 1843, were divided b}- the Willamette river,
and a line continued northward from its mouth to the south boundary of the Russian
possessions (fift^-four degrees, forty minutes north). The territory north and west of the
Columbia river was now included in the Vancouver District. The onh' settlements and
settlers in that district were the Hudson's Bay Company's establishments at Fort
Vancouver, Cowlitz Farms, Fort Nisquall}' and Fort Victoria (i), the Canadian-French
settlement at Cowlitz, two settlers on the north side of the Columbia river, viz., James
Birnie, a retired servant of the Hudson's Bay Company, at Cathlamet, and Captain
Scarborough, an American, near the mouth of the river, and Antoine Gobar, a herdsman
in the emplo}' of the Hudson's Bay Company, located on a little prairie upon Cowlitz
river, and upon the line of the old Hudson's Bay Company's trail from Fort Vancouver to
Cowlitz.
In July, 1844, the British sloop-of-war Alodeste, carr3'ing twent}' guns, Captaiu
Thomas Baillie, visited Fort Vancouver, remaining several weeks. This visit occasioned
some anxiety to the settlers. Reports were current that the company had strengthened
the defenses of their posts ; and it was apprehended that the boundary was soon to be
adjusted; that north of the Columbia would become British territory-, in fee as well as by
occupancy.
The immigration of 1S44 was perhaps as numerous as that of '43. Among them
were 234 able-bodied men, as appears by their military organization, of which Cornelius
Gilliam was elected commander with the title of General, Michael T. Simmons, the American
pioneer of the Puget Sound Basin, Colonel, and Captains Morrison, Shaw, Woodcock and
Bunton. Dr. McLoughlin's memoranda fixed the number 475. Lang and Bancroft,
however, upon reliable authorities, estimate it at about 800. Among that immigration
were Henry Williamson and Isaac W. Alderman. In Februar}^, 1845, tbe two erected a
log hut " within a few hundred yards of a house occupied bj- one of the Hudson's Ba}'
Company's servants, and within the limits of their improvements," near Fort Vancouver;
and Williamson posted notice on an adjoining tree " that he had there taken a section of
land." Dr. McLoughlin caused the removal of the cabin, and addressed a. circular to the
citizens of Oregon, protesting against the trespass. This was followed b}? an attempted
survey of the claim bj^ Williamson, whereupon, March iSth, Chief Factors McLoughlin
and Douglas notified the Executive Committee of the Provisional government. In the
altercation which ensued, threats were indulged in on both sides. Williamson finally
desisted. The Executive Committee of the Provisional government congratulated the
company upon such fact being known, and thanked Messrs. McLoughlin and Douglas
for their "kindness of manner in dealing with a disregard of treaty obligations by a
citizen of the United States" (2).
This regard for treaty obligations on the part of the Executive Committee was not
palatable to a large number of Americans. Under the " Joint-Occupanc}- Treat}-," man)'
11) In the spring of 184.1. the Hudson's Bay Company had established their first settlement on Vancouver Island. Roderick Finlayson,
with a partv of forty men. constructed a picketed iiiclosure. and erected necessary warehouses and buildings. It afterwards assumed importance
as the principal shipping port : ami the business, stock and properly from the Oregon posts were transferred to it. After the treaty ot 1846, it
became the headquarters of the comiiauy's operations west ol tlic Rocky Mountains.
(2) Letter ot Osborne Russell and P. G. Stewart, E.vecutivc CommUtee, to John McLoughlin, March 21, 1845.
FIRST AMERICAN SETTLEMENT NORTH OF THE COLUMBIA RU'ER. 267
settlers regarded all of Oregon open to every citizen, without the ability of either a British
subject or an American Citizen to secure a vested right by the appropriation of any portion
of land. To those entertaining such an opinion, the inclosures, made by the company of
lands occupied, afforded no protection whatever, conferred no right of adverse possession.
The mass of the communit}-, however, thought differently, and respected the rights of
property or possession which the treat}- had conferred.
Colonel Joseph L. Meek, Sheriff, in the spring of 1S45, ^ook a census. This did not
include those living north of the Columbia. Practically, it was the census of the
Willamette valley at the end of the year 1844. It exhibited a population of 2,110, of
whom 1,259 were males, 851 females.
The winter of 1844-5 marks the first attempt of emigrants from the United States to
make settlements north of the Columbia river. A portion of the Independent Oregon
Company of 1S44, of which Cornelius Gilliam was General, Michael T. Simmons, Colonel,
stopped at Washougal, where they erected temporary winter quarters and went into camp.
