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Westward  the  Course  of  Empire  — 


EX  LIBRIS  CALIFORNICIS 
CARL  I.  WHEAT 


University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


- 


v 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


PACIFIC   STATES. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE  PACIFIC  STATES 


OF 


NORTH  AMERICA 


BY 

HUBERT    HOWE    BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XIV. 
CALIFORNIA. 

VOL.  II.     1801-1824. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 

A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 
1885. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1885,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 
All  Rights  Reserved. 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTEK  I. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD   OF  EVENTS. 

1801-1803. 

EAGE 

Opening  of  the  Century — An  Uneventful  Year — The  Enterprise,  Cap 
tain  Hubbell — Spanish  Vessels — President  and  Bishop — Proposed 
Route  to  New  Mexico — Proposed  Colony  of  Perez  de  Tagle — Death 
of  Pedro  de  Alberni — Troubles  of  the  Friars — No  Change  in  Mission 
System — Chaplains — Mission  Land  Controversies — Death  of  Presi 
dent  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen — Life  and  Character  of  a  Great 
Missionary — Este"van  Tapis  President — American  Traders — The  Le 
ila  Byrd,  Captain  Shaler — Cleveland's  Narrative — A  Battle  at  San 
Diego — The  Fur-trade — Adventures  of  John  Brown  of  the  Alexan 
der — The  Hazard,  James  Rowan — Departure  of  the  Catalan  Volun 
teers  1 

CHAPTEK  II. 

RECORD   OF  EVENTS — ARRILLAGA'S   RULE. 

1804-1806. 

Nueva  California  a  Separate  Province — Arrillaga  Political  and  Military 
Governor — The  Lelia  Byrd  and  Hazard  on  the  Coast — The  first 
Californian  Narrative  in  the  United  States — Captain  O'Cain — Rus 
sian  Contracts — Precautions  against  Foreigners — Arrillaga  and  Tapis 
on  Missions — Founding  of  Santa  Ines — Padre  Romualdo  Gutierrez — 
An  Increase  of  Military  Force — Militia  Artillery  Company — Fears  of 
Anglo-Americans — Proposed  Mission  on  Santa  Barbara  Islands — In 
dian  Hostilities  at  San  Jose'  Mission — Arrillaga  on  Provincial  Needs 
— An  Armed  Cruiser  —  The  Peacock  and  the  Rtisos  —  Captive 
Sailors — Winship's  Voyage — Campbell's  Voyage — The  Guardian's 
Mission  Regulations 20 

CHAPTER   III. 

INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

1806-1810. 

Preliminary  Resume"  of  Inland  Exploration— Fages,  Crespi,  Anza,  Font, 
and  Garce's — A  Tierra  Incognita — Discoveries  by  Indian  Hunters — 

(viij 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Arrillaga's  Efforts — Vague  Allusions — The  River  San  Joaquin  Named 
— Expedition  of  Maitorena  and  Sanchez  from  San  Diego — Ruiz  and 
Zalvidea  from  Santa  Bdrbara — Tulares  and  Buenavista — Moraga  and 
Munoz  from  Monterey  —  Mariposa — Merced  River  —  Tuolumne — 
Kings  River — Sites  for  New  Missions — Later  Explorations — Diaries 
of  Viader — Names  of  Rancherias 43 

CHAPTEE  IV. 

RUSSIAN    RELATIONS — VISIT   OF    REZiNOF  AND  LANGSDORFF. 

1806-1810. 

Preliminary  Re'sume' of  Russian  American  Annals — Spanish  Movements 
and  Policy — English  and  American  Intervention — Russo-American 
Contracts — O'Cain — Rezanof's  Visit  to  San  Francisco — Authorities 
on  the  Voyage — Russian  Motives — A  Starving  Colony — The  Juno 
and  her  Cargo — Diplomacy — An  Honest  Governor — Trading  Friars— 
Deserters — Rumors  of  War — Critical  State  of  Affairs — Love  and  Ro 
mance — Dona  Concepcion  Argiiello — Rezanof's  Departure  and  Death 
— Langsdorffs  Observations— Swift  and  Ayres  on  the  Coast — The 
Derby  and  the  Mercury  —Plans  for  Commerce  and  a  Settlement 
— Kuskof  at  Bodega — Voyage  of  the  Winships — Russian  Schemes . .  58 

CHAPTEE  V. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE  OF  EVENTS. 

1807-1810. 

Precautions — A  Spanish  Cruiser — The  Derby  and  the  O'Cain,  Cap 
tains  Swift  and  Winship — Holy  Oil — A  Strange  Flag — Warnings 
against  the  French — The  Dromo — The  Mercury,  Capt.  Ayres — 
American  Deserters — Troubles  in  Spain — Fernando  VII.  Recognized 
in  California — Contribution  for  War  against  Napoleon — President 
Tapis  Reflected — Drought  of  1809 — Neophyte  Laborers — Indian 
Troubles  in  1810 — Moraga's  Battle  at  Suisun — Revolt  at  San  Gabriel 
—Otter-hunters— The  Winship  Brothers— The  O'Cain,  Albatross, 
Isabella,  Mercury,  Catherine,  Amethyst,  and  Charon,  on  the  Coast, 
1810-12 — Smith  and  Gale — A  Transport  Captured  by  Insurgents ...  83 

CHAPTEE  VI. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— SOUTHERN   DISTRICTS. 

1801-1810. 

San  Diego  Presidio — Officials — Josd  Font — Manuel  Rodriguez — Quarrel 
between  Ruiz  andGuerra — Raimundo  Carrillo — Lujan— Population — • 
Finances— Forts — Visits  of  American  Traders— Pablo  Grijalva— San 
Diego  Mission — Irrigation  Works — Earthquake — New  Church — Sta 
tistics — Jose"  Panella — San  Luis  Rey — New  Church — Jos<5  Garcia — • 
Domingo  Carranza — San  Juan  Capistrano  —  Fire  —  Church—  Jose" 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

Faura — Los  Angeles — Ranches — Pueblo  and  Mission — San  Gabriel 
— Pedro  de  San  Jose"  Esfce'van — Antonio  Cruzado — Isidoro  Barcenilla 
— San  Fernando — Nicolas  Ldzaro — Jos£  Antonio  Uria — Martin  Lan- 
daeta — Santa  Barbara  Presidio — Captain  Goycoechea — Population — 
Finances — Earthquake  and  Storm — Criminal  Cases — Santa  Barbara 
Mission — Epidemic — Padre  Cortes — San  Buenaventura — Santa  Ma 
ria — Purisima — Fernandez — Pay  eras'  Report 97 

CHAPTER  VII. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND   PROGRESS — NORTHERN   DISTRICTS. 
1801-1810. 

San  Francisco  Presidio — Officials,  Forces,  and  Population — Finances — 
Buildings— Langsdorff  s  Visit— Earthquake  of  1808— Affairs  at  the 
Mission — Ministers — Statistics — Pueblo  of  San  Jos6 — Jurisdiction — 
Population — Comisionado  and  Alcalde — Chapel — Boundary  Troubles 
— Santa  Clara — Mission  San  Jos6 — Pedro  dela  Cueva — New  Church — 
Monterey — Statistics  of  Population  and  Finance — Bears — Silver- 
mines — San  Carlos — Buenavista — Relic — Pujol — San  Luis  Obispo — 
San  Miguel — Poisoned  Padres — Fire — San  Antonio — Sit  jar  and  Me- 
relo — Soledad — San  Juan  Bautista — Santa  Cruz — Branciforte 125 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

MISSIONS,    PUEBLOS,    AND   LANDS. 

1801-1810. 

Spanish  Population  —  Statistics — Friars  —  Arrivals,  Departures,  and 
Deaths — Neophytes — Baptisms  and  Burials — Live-stock — Agricultu 
ral  Products — Franciscans  versus  Secular  Government — Minor  Con 
troversies  and  Concessions — Missionaries  Lose  their  Watches — Guar 
dians  of  San  Fernando — Procurador  and  Smdico — Ecclesiastical 
Matters — Pueblos — Settlers — Convicts — Land  Grants  and  Private 
Rauchos..  .  158 


CHAPTER  IX. 

INSTITUTIONS   AND   INDUSTRIES. 
1801-1810. 

The  Labor  Question — Gentiles  or  Neophytes — Manufactures — Ortega's 
Silver-mine  —  Agriculture — Crops  — Pests — Seasons — Regulations — 
Hemp  and  Flax — Joaquin  Sanchez — Large  Shipments  of  Fibre — A 
Flourishing  Enterprise  and  Sudden  Failure — Stock-raising — Cattle, 
Horses,  and  Sheep — Slaughter  of  Horses — Commerce — Smuggling — 
Trade  of  the  Transports — Finance  and  Supplies — Habilitado  General 
— Military — Political  Government  —  Administration  of  Justice — 
Schools  Wanted .  .  .174 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE   REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD — HARD   TIMES. 

1811-1817. 

PAGE 

The  Revolution  in  New  Spain — Effect  in  California — Firm  Allegiance  to 
the  King — Arrival  of  the  News — Non-arrival  of  the  Supply-vessel — 
Capture  of  Guerra — Dependence  on  Foreign  Vessels — The  Earth 
quakes  of  1812 — Beginning  of  the  Lima  Trade — A  Windfall  from  the 
Mercury — Death  of  Arrillaga  —  Argiiello  Acting  Governor — Sola's 
Appointment  and  Arrival — Foreign  Policy — Surrender  to  the  Inevi 
table — Trade  with  the  Colonel — The  Insurgents  Coming — The  San 
Carlos  with  War-stores  and  Memorias  of  1846— Sola's  Report  of 
1817— Lima  Ships  and  Tallow  Trade— Trouble  with  the  Friars  about 
Supplies  from  the  Missions 194 


CHAPTER  XI. 

BOUCHARD   AND   THE   INSURGENTS. 
1818. 

Kl  Ano  de  los  Insurgentes — The  Revolution  in  South  America— The  Lima 
Ships — Gyzelaar's  Warning — Sola's  Instructions — Preparations  for 
Defence — Bouchard's  Arrival — The  Argentina  and  Santa  Rosa — 
A  Russian  Story — Authorities — Attack  on  Monterey — Artillery  Bat 
tle— Vallejo  and  his  Battery— Sola's  Retreat  to  Rancho  del  Re'y— 
The  Presidio  Burned— The  Pirates  at  El  Refugio — Prisoners  Taken 
— At  Santa  Barbara — An  Insurgent  Trick — Alarm  at  San  Buenaven 
tura — Bouchard  Lands  at  San  Juan  Capistrano — Deserters — Friars 
and  Santiago  Argiiello — The  Tumult  at  Santa  Cruz — Departure  of 
the  Pirates — Results  and  Conclusions . .  .  220 


CHAPTER  XII. 

LAST    THREE    YEARS   OF   THE   DECADE. 
1818-1820. 

Sola's  Report  011  Presidios  and  Missions — Destitution — Mission  Aid — Re- 
enforcements  from  Mexico — Navarrete's  Company  of  San  Bias  Infan 
try — Portilla's  Company  of  Mazatlan  Cavalry — The  Cholos — Hard 
Times  Continued — Sola  Disgusted — Small  Comfort  from  the  Viceroy 
— Generosity  of  the  Friars — No  Foreign  Cargoes — The  Governor 
Tries  in  Vain  to  Resign — Captain  Jose"  de  la  Guerra  Sent  to  Mexico 
— His  Aims  and  Efforts — His  Return  with  Supplies — Revival  of 
Foreign  and  Spanish  Trade — Arrival  of  Artillery  Detachment  under 
Ramirez — Fear  of  Insurgents — Royalist  Companies — The  Spanish 
Constitution  of  1812  in  California. . .  250 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS— MARITIME   AFFAIRS— AND   CONTRABAND   TRADE. 

1811-1820. 

PAGE 

Bidarka- fleets — Capture  of  the  Mercury — Cannon  at  San  Pedro — The 
Pedler  Seized — The  Isaac  Todd  and  Raccoon— Gilroy— The  War 
of  1812 — Restrictions — The  Columbia — Eliot  de  Castro  and  the 
Ilmen — The  Lydia  and  Albatross — Thomas  Doak — Kotzebue's  Visit 
— Chamisso  and  Choris — A  Supply-ship  at  Last — The  Lima  Traders 
— Tallow — Wilcox  and  the  Caminante — The  Capitan  Colorado — 
RoquefeuiFs  Visits  in  the  Bordelais — Fernandez  and  Sunol — Items 
of  the  Last  Three  Years — The  Insurgents  Coming — Fears  of  Ameri 
cans—Chapman  and  Rose— Trading  Fleet  of  1820 267 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA— FOUNDATION   AND  PROGRESS  OF  FORT  ROSS. 

1811-1820. 

Proclamation  of  the  Company— Kuskof's  First  Visit  to  Bodega— Second 
Visit — Founding  of  Ross — Moraga's  Three  Visits  to  Ross — Slobod- 
chikof's  Traffic — Viceroy's  Orders — Excuses — Moraga's  Report — 
Capture  of  the  Pedler — Arguello's  Policy — The  Suwarofat  San  Fran 
cisco— Visit  of  Kuskof  in  the  Chirikof — Sola's  Policy — The  Ilmen — 
Capture  of  Eliot  de  Castro,  Tarakanof,  and  Aleuts — Kotzebue's  Visit 
— G-ervasio  Argiiello  at  Ross — Conference  at  the  Presidio — Padushkin 
at  Monterey — The  Russians  must  Go — A  Territorial  Claim — Hage- 
meister's  Visit— Visits  of  Golovnin  and  Khlelonikof — Rumors  of 
Cession — Proposition  to  Abandon  Ross 294 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EXPLORATIONS — INDIAN   AFFAIRS — FOUNDING  OF   SAN   RAFAEL. 
1811-1820. 

Abella  Explores  the  Lower  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento  by  Water — 
Original  Names — Indians  Troublesome  at  San  Gabriel — Soto's  Battle 
— Padre  Cabot  Explores  the  Tulares— Sola's  Grand  Expedition — 
Friars'  Report  on  the  Indian  Tribes — An  Important  Document — 
Padre  Martinez  Visits  the  Tularenos — A  Presidio  and  Missions  Rec 
ommended — The  Native  Islanders — Founding  of  San  Rafael  Asisten- 
cia— Tour  of  Padre  Payeras— The  Names  Petaluma,  Sacramento,  and 
Sonoma — Disaster  at  San  Buenaventura — Colorado  Indians — Victory 
of  Sanchez  over  the  Moquelumnes — Estudillo's  Campaign — Moraga's 
Unsuccessful  Expedition  against  the  Mojaves— Notes  on  Indian  Af 
fairs  of  the  Decade. .,  321 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE  XVI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS   OF   THE   SOUTH. 

1811-1820. 

PAGE 

San  Diego  Presidio — Officials— Troubles  of  Captain  Ruiz— Population — 
Statistics— Proposed  Removal — Petty  Occurrences  of  a  Decade — 
Mission  San  Diego — Padre  Panto  Poisoned — New  Church — Chapel 
at  Santa  Isabel — San  Luis  Rey — A  Prosperous  Mission — Branch  at 
Pala — San  Juan  Capistrano — Earthquake — Los  Angeles — List  of  Cit 
izens — Pueblo  Chapel — Private  Ranches — San  Gabriel — Francisco 
Dumetz — Jose"  de  Miguel — Beginning  at  San  Bernardino — Fathers 
Mufioz  and  Urresti — San  Fernando — Santa  Barbara  Presidio — Biog 
raphy  of  Captain  Jos6  Argiiello — Force  and  Population — Events — 
Mission — Padre  Amestoy — New  Church — San  Buenaventura — Puri- 
sirna — Removal — Santa  Lie's 340 

CHAPTEE  XVII. 

LOCAL   ANNALS   OF   THE   NORTH. 
1811-1820. 

San  Francisco — Officials,  Population,  and  Finances — Buildings — Litho 
graphic  Views — Foreign  Visitors — The  Mission— Father  Saenz — 
Across  the  Bay — Mission  San  Jose" — Santa  Clara — Pueblo  of  San 
Jose" — Officials — The  Chapel — School  —  Road — Monterey  Presidial 
District — Statistics — Presidio  Buildings — Reconstruction — School — 
A  Bear  Story — Recapitulation  of  Foreign  Vessels — Ranchos — San 
Carlos — San  Luis  Obispo — San  Miguel — San  Antonio — Soledad — Flo- 
rencio  Ibauez — San  Juan  Bautista — Santa  Cruz — Padre  Marquinez — 
Murder  of  Padre  Andre's  Quintana — Villa  de  Branciforte 370 

CHAPTEE  XVIII. 

MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

1811-1820. 

Population— Missionaries — Neophytes,  Baptisms,  Deaths,  Agriculture, 
and  Live-stock — President — Comisario  Prefecto — Guardian — Mission 
Documents — Decree  of  Secularization — Duties  of  Friars — Exhorta 
tions  of  Supervisors — Extravagant  Luxury — Autobiography  of  the 
Padres — Mission  Management — Need  of  New  Workers — Cession  to 
College  of  Orizaba — Protest  of  Payeras  and  Southern  Friars — Sefian 
to  Write  a  History — Ecclesiastical  Affairs — Inquisition 392 

CHAPTEE  XIX. 

INSTITUTIONS  AND   INDUSTRIES. 
1811-1820. 

Pueblos — No  Colonists  or  Convicts — Ranchos  and  Lands — Spanish  De 
cree  on  Public  Lands— Inoperative  in  California— Labor  and  Labor- 


CONTEXTS.  xiii 

PAGE 

ers — Natives  Bear  the  Burden — Manufactures — Roads  and  Bridges 
— Primitive  Mills — Mines — Traditions  of  Gold — Agriculture — Flood 
and  Drought — Pests — Special  Products — Live-stock — Commerce — 
Free-trade — Duties — Lima  Ships — Export  of  Tallow — Furs — Retail 
Shops  at  Monterey — Prices — Finance — Habilitado  General — Gervasio 
Argliello — Military — Force  and  Distribution — Provincial  and  Munic 
ipal  Government — Administration  of  Justice — Crimes  and  Penalties 
— Sola's*  Efforts  for  Education — School-boy  Days  at  Monterey 413 

CHAPTEK   XX. 

THE   LAST  YEAR  OF   SPANISH   RULE. 

1821. 

Beginning  of  a  New  Decade—Nothing  Known  of  the  Regency— Maro- 
meros — Secularization  Decree — Padres  Offer  to  Give  up  the  Missions 
— Governor  and  Bishop  Decline — Payeras  versus  Sola — Policy  of  the 
Friars,  Real  and  Pretended — Destitution — Supplies — Politic  Gener 
osity  of  Franciscans — Duties  on  Exports  and  Imports — A  Controversy 
— Movements  of  Vessels — American  Smugglers — Vaccination — Sola's 
Discontent — Rumor  of  a  New  Governor — Indian  Affairs — Colorado 
Tribes — Southern  Rancherias — A  Cold  Season — An  Imperial  Docu 
ment — Foreigners — Arguello's  Expedition  to  the  North , 430 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

A   PROVINCE   OF  THE   MEXICAN   EMPIRE. 

1822. 

News  of  Independence  and  the  Regency — Junta  of  April  9th  at  Monterey 
— Oath  of  Allegiance— First  Provincial  Election — Sola  as  Diputado 
to  the  Cortes— Events  and  Fears  in  Mexico — Iturbide  Sends  a  Co- 
misionado — The  Emperor  Agustin  I. — Arrival  of  the  Can6nigo  Fer 
nandez  in  September— Change  of  Flag — Junta  of  October — Ayunta- 
mientos — Diputacion — The  Can6nigo  at  Ross — Priestly  Mishaps — 
Election  of  Governor — Wire-pulling — Argiiello  Defeats  Guerra — 
Loyalty  of  the  Friars— Departure  of  Fernandez  and  Sola — Biographi 
cal  Notices — Character  of  Sola — Commerce  and  Finance — Vessels — 
Gale  and  the  Boston  Trade— McCulloch  and  Hartnell — Capture  of 
the  Eaqle— Foreigners — Mission  Supplies — Indian  Affairs — The  Sea 
son 450 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

ARGUELLO'S  RULE — LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE — A  NEW  MISSION  AT  SONOMA. 

1823. 

Political  Rumors — The  Empire  Proclaimed  in  April — Governor  Tosta's 
Exploits— Downfall  of  Iturbide  Announced  in  November — California 
Approves — Federation  Proposed — Junta  Summoned— Sessions  of  the 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Diputacion — A  Ring  and  Lobby — Signs  of  Secularization — Violence 
to  a  Padre — Death  of  Prefect  Payeras  and  President  Senan — Their 
Life  and  Character — Sarria  as  Prelate — Vessels  on  the  Coast — Com 
merce — Purchase  of  the  Rover — Otter-hunting  Contract — Foreign 
Residents — A  Mission  at  Sonoma — Exploration  by  Altimira — New 
San  Francisco — Trouble  among  the  Friars — A  Compromise — Name 
Changed  to  San  Francisco  Solano — Annals  of  1824-30 — Santiago 
Argiiello  in  the  North — Romero's  Expedition  from  Sonora,  1823-6. .  482 


CHAPTEE  XXIII. 

EVENTS   OF   AKGUELLO'S   RULE — INDIAN   REVOLT. 
1824. 

National  Politics — Junta  at  Monterey — Plan  de  Gobierno — California's 
First  Constitution — Sessions  of  the  Diputacion — Bandos  against  Crim 
inals — Communications  with  Mexico — Minon  Appointed  Governor — 
Colonization  Law — The  Missions  and  Padres — Question  of  Supplies 
— Stipends  Paid — List  of  Vessels — Cooper's  Voyage  to  China — Otter 
Contract — Commerce  and  Revenue — Kotzebue's  Visit  and  Impres 
sions — Foreign  Residents,  Old  and  New— Revolt  of  Neophytes  in  the 
South — Motives — Burning  of  Santa  Ine"s — Purisima  Taken — Fight 
and  Flight  at  Santa  Barbara — Estrada's  Campaign — Expeditions  of 
Fabregat  and  Portilla  to  the  Tulares — Capture  and  Execution  of 
Pomponio 510 

CHAPTEE  XXIV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS — SAN   DIEGO   DISTRICT. 

1821-1830. 

San  Diego  Presidio — Ruiz  and  Estudillo — Biographical  Sketches — Offi 
cers,  Military  Force,  and  Population — Presidial  Finance — The  Port 
— Rancho  del  Rey,  or  Rancho  Nacional — Town  and  its  Buildings — 
Private  Ranchos — Visits  of  Morrell,  Duhaut-Cilly,  and  Pattie — A 
School — Criminal  Record — Indian  Affairs — Residence  of  the  Gov 
ernor — Chronologic  Record  of  Local  Happenings — Floods,  Politics, 
and  Foreign  Visitors — Mission  San  Diego — Ministers — Statistics — 
Chapel  at  Santa  Isabel — Names  of  Rancherlas  and  Mission  Ranchos 
— San  Luis  Rey — Events  and  Statistics — Branch  at  Pala — Lands — 
San  Juan  Capistrano — A  Period  of  Decline 539 

CHAPTEE  XXV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS — SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

1821-1830. 

Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles — Population — Ayuntmaiento,  and  Municipal  Af 
fairs — Chapel— Inundation— Port  of  San  Pedro— Private  Ranchos 
and  Land  Grants — Mission  San  Gabriel — Padre  Nuez — Lands — San 


CONTENTS.  xv 

PAGE 

Fernando — Statistics — Mission  Ranches — Ulibarri — Guerra  versus 
Ibarra — Santa  Barbara  Presidio — Lieutenant  Gabriel  Moraga — Offi 
cers — Company  Statistics — Criminal  Record — Local  Events — Santa 
Barbara  Mission — Fathers  Jaime  and  Ripoll — San  Buenaventura — 
Items  of  Decadence — Altimira — Purisima  Mission — Death  of  Rodri 
guez — Santa  Lie's 557 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

LOCAL   ANNALS — SAN  FRANCISCO   DISTRICT. 

1821-1830. 

San  Francisco  Presidio — Officers — Pedro  Amador  and  his  Son  Josd  Maria 
— Military  Force  and  Population — Buildings  and  Surroundings — 
Chart  of  the  Bay — Yerba  Buena  Anchorage — Foreign  Visitors — 
Chronologic  Summary  of  Events — Private  Ranchos  of  the  District — 
Mission  San  Francisco — Ministers — Statistics — Lands — Buildings — 
San  Rafael — Aboriginal  Names — Proposed  Suppression — Marin  and 
Quintin — The  Tamales — Mission  San  Jose" — Statistics  of  Progress — 
Petty  Events— Santa  Clara — Magin  Catala— New  Church — Pueblo 
of  San  Jos<§— Gain  in  Population — Descriptions  by  Visitors— School 
— Municipal  Government  and  Criminal  Record— Attached  to  San 
Francisco 583 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS — MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 
1821-1830. 

Monterey  Presidio — Military  Officers — Force  of  the  Garrison — Population 
— Statistics — Buildings  —  Municipal  Affairs  —  Official  List — Petty 
Events — Private  Ranchos  of  the  District — San  Carlos  Mission — Sta 
tistical  View — Mission  Ranchos— San  Luis  Obispo — Padre  Luis  Mar 
tinez — Bad  Investments — Crops  and  Live-stock — Lands — San  Miguel 
— Death  of  Father  Martin— Statistics  of  Decline — San  Antonio  de 
Padua — Juan  Bautista  Sancho — Population  and  Industries — Soledad 
Mission — Changes  in  Ministers— A  Neophyte  Election — San  Juan 
Bautista — Life  of  Este"van  Tapis — Santa  Cruz — Retirement  of  Gibe's 
— Agricultural  Prosperity — Villa  de  Branciforte 607 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

ROSS    AND    THE    RUSSIANS. 

1821-1830. 

Description  of  Ross — Site  and  Buildings — Population  and  System— Es 
tablishment  at  the  Farallones— Otter-hunting— Statistics — Trade  in 
Calif ornian  Ports  —  Exports  —  Agriculture — Stock-raising — Indus 
tries — Ship-building— Bibliography  of  Ross— Chronologic  Record, 
1821-30— Russian  Policy— Fears  in  Mexico— Schmidt  Succeeds 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Kuskof — Vessels— The  Canonigo  Fernandez  at  Boss,  and  Results— 
Argiiello's  Otter  Contract — Kotzebue's  Visit — Solano — Zavalishin's 
Negotiations — Mexican  Policy — Fears  of  the  Junta — Echeandia  ver 
sus  Russians — Shelikliof  Succeeds  Schmidt — Salt  Contract— Fears  in 
Sonora — Visit  of  Duhaut-Cilly— Pattie's  Visit — Echeandia's  Question 
— Kostromitinof  Manager 628 

CHAPTEE  XXIX. 

INSTITUTIONARY  AND   STATISTICAL. 

1821-1830. 

Increase  in  Population — List  of  Foreigners — Gentiles — Mission  Progress 
Padres — Statistics — Baptisms,  Deaths,  Herds,  and  Crops — President, 
Prefect,  and  Other  Officials — Ecclesiastical  Affairs — Succession  of 
Popes — Bishop — Chaplain — Popular  Religion — The  Waltz — Church 
Asylum — Pueblos  arid  Ranches — Colonization  and  Land  Grants — • 
List  of  Grants — Manufactures — Labor  and  Wages — Mines — Agricul 
ture — Stock-raising  —  Regulations  — Commerce — Prices — Finance — 
Military — Government — Administration  of  Justice — Education 653 


PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX.     'Abbott'  to  'Ezquer'. 683 


HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 
1801-1803. 

OPENING  OF  THE  CENTURY — AN  UNEVENTFUL  YEAR — THE  'ENTERPRISE,' 
CAPTAIN  HUBBELL — SPANISH  VESSELS — PRESIDENT  AND  BISHOP — PRO 
POSED  ROUTE  TO  NEW  MEXICO — PROPOSED  COLONY  OF  PEREZ  DE  TAGLE — 
DEATH  OF  PEDRO  DE  ALBERNI — TROUBLES  OF  THE  FRIARS— No  CHANGE 
IN  MISSION  SYSTEM — CHAPLAINS — MISSION  LAND  CONTROVERSIES— DEATH 
OF  PRESIDENT  FERMIN  FRANCISCO  DE  LASUEN— LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  A 
GREAT  MISSIONARY— ESTEVAN  TAPIS  PRESIDENT— AMERICAN  TRADERS — 
THE  'LELIA  BYRD,'  CAPTAIN  SHALER— CLEVELAND'S  NARRATIVE — A 
BATTLE  AT  SAN  DIEGO— THE  FUR-TRADE—ADVENTURES  OF  JOHN  BROWN 
OF  THE  '  ALEXANDER' — THE  '  HAZARD,  '  JAMES  ROWAN — DEPARTURE  OP 
THE  CATALAN  VOLUNTEERS. 

IN  the  preceding  volume  the  annals  of  California 
were  brought  down  to  the  end  of  the  last  century. 
After  a  resume  of  events  in  northern  Mexico  prior  to 
1769,  a  bibliographic  view  of  authorities  consulted, 
and  a  chapter  on  the  earliest  voyages  to  the  coast 
from  Cabrillo's  discovery  in  1542  to  Vizcaino's  explora 
tion  in  1602-3,  was  presented  a  minute  record  of  the 
Spanish  pacification  and  occupation  of  the  shore-line 
from  San  Diego  to  San  Francisco  Bay,  including  the 
founding  of  missions,  presidios,  and  pueblos.  In  this 
volume  I  complete  the  history  of  California  as  a 
province  of  Spain,  note  also  the  country's  brief  experi 
ence  as  part  of  the  Mexican  empire,  and  bring  the 
general  record  down  to  the  beginning  of  republican 
rule  in  1824.  Local  and  institutionary  annals  are 

VOL.  II.    1  ( 1 ) 


2         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

continued  beyond  this  limit  to  1830.  The  rest  of 
the  volume  is  devoted  to  the  first  parts  of  a  Pioneer 
Register  and  Index,  containing  biographic  notices  of 
all  who  came  before  1849,  a  new  feature  in  provincial 
annals,  which  it  is  hoped  will  merit  approval. 

The  century  opened  quietly.  Perhaps  there  were 
not  in  the  whole  course  of  provincial  annals  less  event 
ful  years  than  those  of  1801  and  1802.  Arrillaga  as 
temporary  governor  issued  his  routine  orders  from 
Loreto,  and  Alberni  as  commandant  had  a  very  easy 
time  of  it  at  Monterey.  Orders  came  from  Mexico 
to  be  on  guard  against  hostile  foreigners,  to  watch 
for  British  ships  that  had  doubled  'Cabo  de  Hornos,' 
and  to  treat  with  great  circumspection  and  prudence 
the  Anglo-Americans  "  who  were  continually  arriving 
on  the  coast."  The  orders  were  duly  promulgated, 
but  no  foreign  craft  made  its  appearance  with  hostile 
intent,  though  in  May  two  large  vessels  and  a  small 
one  \vere  sighted  off  the  coast  between  Monterey 
and  Santa  Barbara,1  and  in  June  the  American  ship 
Enterpri&e,  carrying  ten  guns  and  a  crew  of  twenty- 
one  men,  touched  at  San  Diego  for  supplies.  She 
was  from  New  York,  and  was  under  the  command  of 
Ezekiel  Hubbell.2 

Local  happenings  of  the  year  include  the  illness  of 
four  or  five  friars  at  San  Miguel  and  San  Antonio, 
and  the  death  of  one  of  the  number,  under  circum 
stances  suggestive  of  poisoning  by  neophytes;  a 
somewhat  destructive  epidemic  among  the  Santa 
Bdrbara  Indians;  a  fight  near  Santa  Clara  in  which 
five  Indians  were  killed ;  a  false  alarm  of  a  plot  to 

1  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  77,  88,  96,  98,  118,  133-4.     Communications 
between  viceroy  and  governor.    March  2,  1802,  strict  vigilance  ordered,  owing 
to  war  with  England.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxii.  13. 

2  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  11,  12.     The  supply-ships  of  this  year  were  the 
Princesa  and  Conception.    They  went  up  to  Bodega,  where  they  were  separated 
in  a  fog,  the  former  entering  San  Francisco  Bay  and  the  latter,  after  narrowly 
escaping  grounding  off  the  Salinas,  reaching  Monterey  August  9th.     They 
were  at  Santa  Barbara  in  November  and  at  San  Diego  in  December,  probably 
not  sailing  until  January  or  February.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  40, 
42,  44,  47;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  13;  xi.  87,  161;  xii.  8,  13,  14. 


A  VISITADOR  EXPECTED.  3 

kill  the  minister  and  burn  the  mission  of  San  Carlos; 
and  a  fire  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  which  destroyed 
quite  a  large  amount  of  grain.3 

The  president  was  alarmed  at  the  rumored  intention 
of  the  bishop  to  send  a  visitador  to  inspect  the  Cali- 
fornian  establishments.  Lasuen  regarded  it  as  an 
unheard  of  thing  for  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  to 
interfere  in  Franciscan  affairs;  but  he  wrote  to  the 
guardian  for  instructions,  suggesting  the  expediency 
of  issuing  a  report  to  show  the  zeal  of  the  friars 
together  with  new  instructions  on  mission  manage 
ment,  to  the  end  that  if  the  visitador  should  note  any 
carelessness  he  might  not  deem  it  habitual  or  sanc 
tioned  by  the  Franciscan  authorities.  The  guardian, 
Gasol,  replied  that  the  bishop  could  not  act  without 
the  pope's  special  authority  or  a  commission  from  the 
king.  Should  he  come  with  merely  episcopal  author 
ity  he  was  to  be  received  kindly,  but  not  allowed  to 
make  his  visita  until  the  matter  could  be  reported  to  the 
college,  unless  indeed  it  was  likely  to  cause  disturb 
ance,  in  which  case  the  president  might  use  his  dis 
cretion.  The  bishop  attempted  no  interference,  but 
the  alarm  not  improbably  roused  the  friars  to  new 
zeal  and  caution.4 

In  Mexico  the  project  of  opening  land  communica 
tion  between  New  Mexico  and  California  was  discussed 
anew  in  connection  with  the  pending  question  of 
dividing  the  province.  The  reports  of  the  fiscal  Bor- 
bon  and  General  Nava  of  Chihuahua  were  unfavorable 
to  the  scheme.  From  a  commercial  point  of  view  the 
proposed  road  would  not  be  profitable  for  many  years 

3  In  a  chapter  on  local  annals  for  this  decade  I  give  more  details  of  some 
of  these  events  with  references. 

4  Sept.  22,  1801,  Lasuen  to  guardian.     Dec.  30  and  Aug.  11,  1802,  Gasol 
to  Lasuen.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xii.  365-7.     The  president  says  the  bishop  has 
acted  rather  queerly  on  one  or  two  occasions  since  the  refusal  to  pay  war 
contributions,  omitting  the  title  vicario  foraneo  from  his  addresses.     Lasuen 
is  glad  of  that,  for  he  has  not  exercised  the  functions  of  the  office  and  does 
not  intend  to  unless   in  case  of    special  need.     A   curious   communication 
from  the  viceroy  to  the  governor  was  that  calling  for  a  list  of  Jesiuts  in  the 
province,  and  requiring  all  of  that  order  to  be  quietly  arrested  at  12  o'clock 
of  Aug.  20th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  97-8,  102-4. 


4         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

at  least.  One  presidio  on  the  Colorado  would  not 
suffice,  and  no  proper  survey  for  the  location  of  a 
presidio  had  ever  been  made.  There  were  no  men  to 
spare '  in  New  Nexico ;  reinforcements  for  California 
could  with  proper  precautions  cross  the  country  with 
out  the  road  or  a  protecting  presidio,  and  finally,  the 
opening  of  the  new  route  would  probably  lead  to  hos 
tilities  with  the  Indians  of  the  Colorado  region.5  In 
accordance  with  these  views  the  matter  was  dropped, 
though  the  main  proposition  of  dividing  the  province 
was  favored  by  both  counsellors  and  was  still  an  open 
question.  Another  scheme  for  the  good  of  California 
was  considered  and  allowed  to  drop  out  of  sight.  This 
was  the  proposition  of  Lieutenant  Luis  Perez  de 
Tagle  of  Manila,  who  asked  the  king's  license  to  bring 
a  colony  from  the  Philippines  and  establish  it  on  the 
coast  of  California.  In  his  petition  Don  Luis  had 
much  to  say  of  his  father's  services  and  his  own  de 
sire  to  serve  the  king.  He  had  been  at  Monterey  and 
knew  the  country's  needs.  His  purpose  was  to  build 
up  commerce  and  head  off  the  English  and  Dutch. 
His  proposition  was  submitted  to  the  viceroy  and  gov 
ernor,  and  perhaps  one  reason  why  no  more  is  heard 
of  it  was  the  modest  demand  of  Perez  to  be  put  in 
command  of  Monterey  and  the  coast.6 

Peace  with  England  and  with  Russia  was  announced 
in  California  at  the  end  of  1802;  fears  of  foreign  inva 
sion,  by  no  means  very  strong  in  these  times  after  so 
many  false  alarms,  were  thus  removed;  and  not  even 
a  Yankee  trader  made  her  appearance  on  the  coast  so 

5  Borbon,  Parecer  sobre  el  Proyecto  de  abrir  via  de  Comunicacion  entre  'Cali 
fornia  y  N.  Mexico  y  cstablecer  un  Presidio  d  la  Entrada  de  Rio  Colorado,  1801, 
MS.,  dated  March  4th.     Nava,  Informe  sobre  Proyecto  de  abrir  caminos  entre 
California  y  N.  Mexico,  1801,  MS.,  dated  July  20th.    The  fiscal's  report  con 
tains  a  full  statement  of  what  had  been  done  and  proposed  in  past  years  con 
cerning  overland  communication.      June  9th,  Colorado  Indians  not  to  be 
baptized  at  present.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  238. 

6  April  7,  1801,  petition  of  Perez,  forwarded  Sept.  1st,  by  viceroy  to  gov 
ernor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  105-13.     Nov.  7th,  Arrillaga  deems  the 
project  a  very  useful  one.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  12.     Mentioned  as  a  measure 
against  English  invasion,  with  nothing  of  results,  in  Virreyes,  Instrucciones, 
211. 


DEATH  OF  ALBERNI.  5 

far  as  the  records  show.7  Pedro  de  Alberni,  military 
commandant  of  Alta  California,  died  at  Monterey  on 
the  llth  of  March.  He  had  come  in  1796  as  captain 
of  the  Catalan  volunteers,  and  by  virtue  of  his  supe 
rior  rank  had  been  commandant  of  San  Francisco 
until,  ranking  Arrillaga,  he  had  been  transferred  to 
Monterey  in  1800  on  Borica's  departure.  His  high 
positions  in  the  province  having  been  purely  acci 
dental,  he  has  left  little  in  the  records  from  which 
we  may  form  any  estimate  of  his  character  and  ability, 
but  he  had  been  for  some  years  from  about  1774  in 
command  of  the  Jaliscan  province  of  Nayarit,  where 
he  had  rendered  himself  popular  with  both  mission 
aries  and  native§;  and  he  had  commanded  in  1790  the 
detachment  of  volunteers  sent  to  garrison  Nootka, 
where  he  made  himself  a  favorite  with  the  Indians, 
and  left  his  name  attached  to  one  of  the  inlets  on  the 
coast  of  Vancouver  Island.  At  his  death  the  mili 
tary  command  passed  naturally  into  the  hands  of 
Arrillaga,  who  from  Loreto  communicated  directly 
with  the  presidio  commanders.  Lieutenant  Jose  Font 
took  command  of  the  volunteer  company.8  Locally 

7  Oct.  9,  1802,  viceroy  ordered  high  mass  in  honor  of  peace  between  Spain 
and  Russia.     This  order  was  transmitted  by  Arrillaga  to  Lasuen  Dec.  11, 
and  by  Lasuen  to  his  padres  Jan.  16,  1803.  Doc.  Hint.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  137-9. 
Dec.  10,  1802,  Lasuen  circulates  order  for  high  mass  for  peace  between  Spain 
and  England.  Id.,  iv.   133-5,  also  July  25th,  mass  for  peace  with  Portugal. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  150-1.     Both  of  these  are  original  documents  and 
bear  the  signatures  of  various  padres  who  complied  with  the  order.     July  1, 
1802,  a  circular  of  the  bishop  about  a  tax  on  legacies  in  aid  of  the  war.  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  v.  68-73;  vi.  298-303.     The  Spanish  vessels  of  the  year  were 
the  Activo,  under  Alfe"rez  Manuel  de  Murga,  which  arrived  at  San  Francisco 
July  23.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  227;  and  the  Princesa,  whose  arrival  at 
San  Diego  is  noted  by  Arrillaga  at  Loreto  in  the  note  of  Nov.  6.  Prov.  Rec. , 
MS.,  xii.  17. 

8  Alberni  was  a  native  of  Tortosa  in  Cataluna,  Spain.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v. 
83.     His  service  in  Nayarit,  recorded  in  Maseres,  Informe,  MS.,  and  Nayarit, 
Informe  de  la  And.  de  Guadalajara,  1784,  MS.     His  correspondence  in  the 
archives  is  somewhat  extensive,  but  chiefly  of  a  routine  character.     Much  of 
it  has  already  been  cited  in  the  notes  of  the  preceding  volume.     On  Dec.  16, 
1801,  being  very  ill  of  dropsy  he  made  his  will  in  which  he  declared  himself 
to  be  54  years  of  age,  the  son  of  Jaime  de  Alberni  and  Josefa  Texedor,  and 
married  to  Juaua  Velez,  a  native  of  Tepic,  who  had  a  daughter  now  dead. 
His  estate  was  worth  about  $9,000  and  he  made  his  wife  sole  heir,  naming 
Sergt.   Tic6  as  executor.     He  received  the  vidtico  on  Feb.  1st,  and  died  on 
March  10th  or  llth.   Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vi.  25;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  161,  183,  187,  192;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  15,  71;  xi.  168.     After  his 


6         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

I  note  in  1802  a  deadly  epidemic  at  Soledad,  a  hurri 
cane  at  San  Francisco  which  played  havoc  with  the 
roofs,  and  a  favorable  assay  at  Monterey  of  silver  ore 
from  the  hills. 

Several  important  matters  occupied  the  friars'  atten 
tion  this  year,  one  being  a  proposal  from  Mexico  to 
change  the  mission  system  by  adopting  the  plan  for 
merly  favored  by  Neve  for  the  Channel  missions;  that 
is  to  leave  the  natives  after  conversion  in  their  ran- 
cherias,  requiring  occasional  visits  by  and  to  the  padres 
for  instruction  and  the  performance  of  spiritual  duties. 
The  guardian  of  course  opposed  the  change,  but  he 
called  on  Lasuen  for  a  new  statement  of  the  argu 
ments  against  it.  The  president  in  reply,  besides 
dwelling  on  the  fact  that  the  Indians  could  be  in 
duced  to  change  their  habits  only  under  the  constant 
supervision  of  missionaries,  recalled  the  tragic  results 
of  a  former  experiment  on  the  Rio  Colorado;  and 
referred  to  the  comparative  failure  in  Baja  California 
and  at  San  Diego,  where  the  sterility  of  the  soil  ren 
dered  necessary  a  practice  somewhat  similar  to  that 
proposed.  He  believed  the  innovation  would  be  in 
every  respect  injurious,  and  the  viceroy  decided  that  it 
should  not  be  attempted.9 

Another  question,  by  no  means  a  new  one,  was  that 
of  chaplain's  service  at  the  presidios  and  pueblos.  It 
does  not  appear  that  there  were  at  this  time  any 
local  troubles  resulting  from  a  refusal  of  the  friars  to 
render  this  service ;  but  the  governor  urged  the  ap 
pointment  of  chaplains,  complaining  that  the  mission 
aries  had  not  been  given  the  necessary  powers,  that 
it  was  an  inconvenience  for  soldiers  to  go  to  the  mis 
sions  for  sacraments,  and  that  it  was  bad  for  their 
morals  to  be  free  from,  a  curate's  supervision.  The 

death  there  came  from  the  vioeroy  a  leave  of  absence  dated  April  3d.  St.  Pap. , 
Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  33.  Arrillaga  puts  Font  in  charge  of  the  company.  St.  Pap.t 
Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  24. 

9  Lasuen,  Informe  sobre  inconvenicntes  de  df-jar  d  los  Indies  en  sus  Ranchc- 
rias  df spues  de  bautizados,  1S02,  MS.  Lasuen's  argument  was  dated  June 
16,  1802,  and  the  viceroy's  decision,  Feb.  2,  18C3. 


TROUBLES  OF  THE  FRIARS.  7 

viceroy's  advisers  in  Mexico  took  the  ground  that 
the  evil  complained  of  was  not  a  very  serious  one. 
The  distance  to  be  traversed  by  soldiers  and  settlers 
was  not  greater  than  was  often  the  case  in  sub-pueblos 
in  other  provinces;  the  president  now  had  castrense 
power  which  he  could  delegate,  and  it  would  be  very 
difficult  if  not  impossible  to  obtain  secular  clergymen 
for  chaplains.  It  need  not  be  said  that  no  chaplains 
were  appointed.  The  truth  is,  the  friars  wanted  not 
secular  chaplains  but  compensation  for  doing  chaplain 
duty,  while  the  government  was  not  willing  to  ap 
point  chaplains,  because  their  pay  must  come  from  the 
treasury,  and  could  not  legally  be  taken  from  tho 
pious  fund.10  Finally  the  friars  were  troubled  this 
year  and  the  next  by  land  complications.  The  minis 
ters  of  Soledad  replied  at  some  length  to  a  complaint 
from  those  of  San  Carlos  about  a  rancho  of  San  Gero- 
nirno.  The  president's  reply  was  that  no  such  com 
plaint  had  ever  been  made.  The  ministers  of  San 
Carlos  in  turn  called  for  the  expulsion  of  settlers  from 
the  rancho  of  Buena  Vista,  a  step  promised  by  Borica 
whenever  the  mission  should  need  its  lands.  Arri- 
llaga  decided  that  as  temporary  governor  he  had  no 
authority  in  the  matter,  and  advised  a  petition  to  the 
superior  government.  Again  the  padres  of  San  Juan 
Bautista  were  ordered  to  remove  their  cattle  from 
the  rancho  of  La  Brea  granted  to  Mariano  Castro. 
They  refused,  and  the  matter  was  referred  succes 
sively  to  president,  guardian,  and  viceroy,  the  latter 
finally  deciding  that  if  the  friars'  statements  were 
true  Castro  must  settle  elsewhere.11 

10Fiscal's  opinions,  September  1802,  in  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  v.  79-85;  ix. 
26-34.  Oct.  18th,  Lasuen  to  guardian,  says  the  bishop  has  addressed  Tapis 
as  chaplain  of  Santa  Barbara,  to  which  he,  Lasuen,  has  replied  that  there  was 
no  such  appointment,  title,  or  pay.  Id.,  xii.  367-8.  1804,  Carnicer  spoken  of 
as  chaplain  of  the  troops.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  20.  July 
15,  1806,  Arrillaga  complains  to  viceroy  that  while  the  natives  have  plenty 
of  spiritual  instruction,  the  gente  de  razon  are  deprived  of  it,  many  soldiers 
being  in  prison  for  failure  to  comply  with  church  duties,  because  they  do  not 
know  the  doctrina.  Prov  Rcc.,  MS.,  ix.  88-9. 

11  Oct.  16,  1802,  padres  of  Soledad  to  president.  Oct.  26th,  reply.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  11,  12.  April  2d,  padres  of  San  Carlos  to  Gov.  June  16th, 


8         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

The  Californians — by  which  term  for  a  time  we  are 
to  understand  Mexican  residents  in  California — were 
now  called  upon  to  part  with  the  venerable  friar,  Padre 
Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  for  thirty  years  a  mis 
sionary  in  the  province,  and  for  eighteen  years  presi 
dent  of  the  missions.  He  died  at  San  Carlos  on  June 
26,  1803,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  was 
buried  next  day  by  six  of  his  brother  religious,  with 
all  possible  solemnity  and  pomp,  in  a  stone  sepulchre  at 
the  foot  of  the  altar  on  the  gospel  side  within  the  mis 
sion  church.  We  have  no  details  respecting  his  last 
illness,  and  the  correspondence  that  has  been  preserved 
respecting  his  death  is  exceedingly  and  surprisingly 
meagre.  Though  Lasuen's  name  stands  second  and  not 
first  chronologically  in  the  list  of  Franciscan  prelates, 
though  no  pen  of  brother  friar  or  friend  has  recorded 
his  life  and  virtues,  I  cannot  but  regard  Lasuen  as  first 
thus  far  in  California,  both  as  man  and  missionary.  In 
him  were  united  the  qualities  that  make  up  the  mode4 
or  ideal  padre,  without  taint  of  hypocrisy  or  cant.  In 
person  he  was  small  and  compact,  in  expression  viva 
cious,  in  manners  always  agreeable,  though  dignified. 
He  was  a  frank,  kind-hearted  old  man,  who  made 
friends  of  all  he  met.  Distinguished  visitors  of  French 
and  English  as  well  as  of  Spanish  blood  were  impressed 
in  like  manner  with  his  sweetness  of  disposition  and 
quiet  force  of  character.  His  relations  with  the  college, 
with  the  government,  and  with  his  band  of  missionary 
workers  were  always  harmonious,  often  in  somewhat 
trying  circumstances,  though  no  one  of  the  Franciscans 
had  more  clearly  defined  opinions  than  he.  None  of  them 
had  a  firmer  will,  or  were  readier  on  occasion  to  express 
their  views.  His  management  of  the  mission  interests 
for  eighteen  years  affords  abundant  evidence  of  his 
untiring  zeal  and  of  his  ability  as  a  man  of  business. 
His  writings,  of  which  I  have  many,  both  original  and 

reply.  Id.,  ii.  9-11.  Dec.  30,  1883, 'guardian  to  V.  R.  Feb.  24,  1804,  V.  R. 
to  Gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  385-6.  Nov.  2,  1803,  Gov.  to  Com.  of 
Monterey.  Prov.  £ec.,  MS.,  xi.  185. 


PRESIDENT  LASUEX.  9 

copied,  prepossess  the  reader  in  favor  of  the  author  by 
their  comparative  conciseness  of  style.  Of  his  fervent 
piety  there  are  abundant  proofs;  and  his  piety  and 
humility  were  of  an  agreeable  type,  unobtrusive,  and 
blended  with  common-sense.  He  overcame  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  duty,  but  he  created  no  obstacles  for  the 
mere  sake  of  surmounting  them.  There  was  in  him 
nothing  of  the  bigot,  ascetic,  or  fanatic;  he  was  not 
the  man  to  limp  through  life  on  a  sore  leg  if  a  cure 
could  be  found;  and  we  hear  nothing  of  fasting  and 
the  scourge;  but  Padre  Fermin — as  he  was  every 
where  known — to  a  remarkable  degree  for  his  time 
and  environment  based  his  hopes  of  future  reward  on 
purity  of  life,  kindness,  and  courtesy  to  all,  and  a 
zealous  performance  of  duty  as  a  man,  a  Christian, 
and  a  Franciscan.  Let  us  remember  the  good  qual 
ities  of  Junipero  Serra  and  others  like  him;  let  us 
make  every  allowance  for  their  weaknesses;  but  first 
among  the  Californian  prelates  let  us  ever  rank  Fer 
min  de  Lasuen  as  a  friar  who  rose  above  his  environ 
ment  and  lived  many  years  in  advance  of  his  times.12 
Estevan  Tapis,  who  since  1798  had  held  a  pro 
visional  patents  from  the  college,  immediately  assumed 
the  office  of  president,  and  the  machinery  of  the 
Franciscan  establishments  continued  to  move  smoothly 

12  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen  was  a  native  of  Vitoria,  province  of  Alava,  • 
Spain.  The  date  of  his  birth  is  not  recorded,  nor  anything  of  his  life  until 
he  sailed  from  San  Bias  on  March  14,  1768.  He  reached  Loreto  April  1st, 
and  was  assigned  to  the  mission  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja.  In  March  1769 
he  went  up  to  Velicata  to  bless  Rivera's  expedition  starting  for  the  north. 
In  May  1773  he  left  Loreto,  was  at  Velicata  in  July,  and  on  August  30th 
arrived  at  San  Diego.  He  served  at  San  Gabriel  from  Dec.  1773  to  Sept. 
1775;  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  through  1776;  and  at  San  Diego  until  1785, 
when  he  was  elected  president.  During  his  term  of  office,  from  Sept.  of  that 
year,  his  head-quarters  was  at  San  Carlos,  but  in  addition  to  his  frequent 
tours  through  all  the  missions,  he  was  at  Santa  Clara  almost  continuously 
from  1786  to  1789,  at  San  Buenaventura  in  1797,  and  at  San  Luis  Obispo  from 
Oct.  1799  to  August  1800.  In  May  1795  he  received  a  few  votes  for  the 
prelacy  of  his  college,  but  Nogueira  was  elected.  Arch.  Sta,  B.,  MS.,  xii. 
436.  Mention  of  his  death  on  June  26th.  Id.,  viii.  177;  xi.  73-4;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  x.  73;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  241.  Certificate  of  burial  on  June 
27th,  by  Carnicer,  in  Monterey,  Parroquia,  MS.,  105.  In  this  document 
Lasuen  is  spoked  of  as  '  Religioso  Franciscano  Observante,  Presicleiite  (Predi- 
cador?)  General  Apost6!ico  de  Propaganda  Fide,  Vicario  Foraneo  del  Ilmo. 
Sr.  Obispo  tie  Sonora,  Comisario  de  la  Inquisicion  de  Mexico,  y  Presideiite  de 


10         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

under  its  new  management.  That  this  system  in  its 
mechanical  aspects  was  a  very  perfect  one  cannot  be 
questioned.13 

Several  American  trading  craft  made  their  appear 
ance  on  the  California  coast  this  year,  creating  not  a 
little  excitement  in  some  instances  by  attempts  at 
smuggling,  in  the  success  of  which  the  people  were 
often  hardly  less  interested  than  the  Yankee  captains. 
The  Leila  Byrd  was  fitted  out  at  Hamburg  by  Cap 
tain  Richard  J.  Cleveland  of  Salem,  Massachusetts, 
who  had  just  made  a  fortune  by  a  four  years'  voyage 
or  series  of  commercial  adventures  in  the  Pacific, 
during  which  he  had  touched  the  northern  coast  of 
America,  but  not  of  California,  in  partnership  with 
William  Shaler,  and  sailed  in  November  1801.u  Shaler 

estas  misiones  de  la  Alta  Nueva  California,  natural  de  la  ciudad  de  Vitoria  en 
la  Provincia  de  Alaba,  hijo  de  la  Santa  Provincia  de  Cantabria,  €  incorporado 
en  el  Apostolico  Colegio  de  Misioneros  de  Propaganda  Fide  cle  San  Fer 
nando  de  Mexico.'  June  28,  1803,  padres  ordered  to  apply  the  20  masses  as 
per  usage  to  the  dead  president.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  73-5.  Oct.  27, 
1803,  bishop  of  Sonora  pays  a  high  tribute  to  Lasuen's  services  and  character. 
/(/.,  xi.  100.  An  old  Calif ornian  says  that  Lasuen  had  very  fine  polite  French 
manners — his  family  being  of  French  extraction.  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found 
ers,  No.  31,  ii.  193.  'Le  Pere  Firmin  de  la  Suen,  President  des  missions  de 
la  Nouvelle  Calif ornie,  est  un  des  hommes  les  plus  estimables  que  j'aie  jamais 
rencontre's;  sa  douceur,  sa  charite",  son  amour  pour  les  Indiens  sont  inexpri- 
inables.'  La  Perouse,  Voy.,  ii.  300.  Malaspina  praises  Lasuen  as  of  real 
apostolic  presence  and  spirit,  and  of  no  common  instruction  and  manners. 
Navarrete,  Viayes  Apoc.,  315.  'This  personage  was  about  72  years  of  age 
(1792),  whose  gentle  manners,  united  to  a  most  venerable  and  placid  counte 
nance,  indicated  that  tranquillized  state  of  mind,  that  fitted  him  in  an  eminent 
degree  for  presiding  over  so  benevolent  an  institution.'  Vancouver's  Voy.,  ii. 
34.  Further  complimentary  notice.  Id.,  ii.  471-2.  Vancouver,  in  the  presi 
dent's  honor,  gave  his  name  to  Pt  Fermin  and  Pt  Lasuen,  still  so  called  on 
modern  maps.  Lasuen's  handwriting  and  autograph,  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc. 
Sueltos,  MS.,  26. 

13  June  30,  1803,  Tapis  to  governor,  Lasuen  having  died,  the  presidency 
devolves  on  me  by  virtue  of  patent  of  Jan.  26,  1798.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  viii.  177. 
Sept.  20,  1803,  viceroy  to  governor,  of  similar  purport.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
91;  ix.  27.  Sept.  26th,  guardian  to  Tapis,  cheering  him  to  his  task,  which 
he  had  sought  through  humility  to  avoid.  He  must  be  guided  by  the  acts  of 
his  predecessors.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  46-50.  Appointment  of  Tapis  as 
vicario  foraneo  announced  August  3,  1804.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  41.  In 
July  1809  Tapis  was  reflected  president  of  the  missions.  Sta  Clara  Parro- 
qula,  MS.,  23;  S.  Jose,  Patente*,  MS.,  83-6;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  297. 
Tapis  received  in  1804  his  appointment  as  vicario  foraneo  y  castrense.  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi,  99-101;  xii.  331;  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  vi.  21;  ix.  107;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  333. 

11  April  1,  1801,  papers  of  the  Leila  Byrd,  74  tons  (but  175  tons  according 
to  Cleveland)  under  Capt.  Forsyth,  with  crew  of  nine,  signed  Colonial  Secre 
tary  Jefferson  at  Norfolk,  Va.  Indorsed  at  Hamburg  by  American  Consul, 


THE  'LELIA  BYRD.'  11 

was  master,  and  Cleveland  second  in  command.  The 
vessel  was  loaded  with  a  great  variety  of  merchandise, 
which  it  was  hoped  to  sell  profitably  on  the  west  coast 
of  America,  no  matter  how,  when,  or  where.  After 
doubling  Cape  Horn,  and  meeting  with  some  rather 
interesting  adventures  in  May  1802,  at  Valparaiso, 
where  they  found  the  American  ship  Hazard,  Captain 
Rowan,  the  navigators  reached  San  Bias  in  July. 
Here  and  at  the  Tres  Marias  they  waited  over  six 
months,  and  by  adroit  manoeuvring,  sending  one  of 
their  number  to  Mexico,  and  as  it  appears  by  collusion 
with  the  commissary,  they  succeeded  not  only  in  selling 
goods  to  the  amount  of  §10,000  and  obtaining  what 
supplies  they  needed,  but  also  bought  1,600  otter- 
skins  just  arrived  from  California  at  prices  which 
assured  the  success  of  the  trip.  An  amusing  feature 
of  this  and  other  similar  narratives  is  the  cool  frank 
ness  with  which  the  Americans  and  English  present 
the  evasion  of  all  Spanish  commercial  and  revenue 
regulations  as  an  action  altogether  praiseworthy,  and 
the  efforts  of  the  officials  to  enforce  those  regulations 
as  correspondingly  reprehensible. 

Sailing  from  San  Bias,  January  25,  1803,  after 
careening  and  '  boot-topping '  the  vessel  at  the  Tres 
Marias,  our  adventurers  sailed  in  February  for  San 
Diego  where  they  were  given  to  understand  there 
was  a  lot  of  otter-skins  that  might  be  obtained  advan 
tageously.  On  the  way  they  found  eleven  naked 
Indians  to  be  the  only  inhabitants  of  San  Clemente 
Island.  On  the  evening  of  March  17th,  the  Lelia 
Byrd  passed  the  fort  at  Point  Guijarros  without  being 
hailed,  and  anchored  in  San  Diego  harbor.  Next  day 
Commandant  Rodriguez  with  an  escort  of  twelve  men 
came  on  board  to  comply  with  the  formalities  required 
by  superior  instructions,  with  which  the  reader  is 
already  familiar.  He  took  a  memorandum  of  the 

Oct.  22,  1801.  Wm.  Slialer  in  command.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  252. 
Count  Rouissillon,  a  distinguished  Pole,  sailed  with  Cleveland  and  Shaler, 
and  was  interested  in  the  profits,  but  he  left  the  vessel  at  San  Bias. 


12         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

provisions  which  the  visitors  pretended  to  need,  and 
promised  to  supply  them  next  day.15  At  the  same 
time  he  indicated  the  necessity  under  the  laws  of  an 
immediate  departure,  and  returned  to  shore  leaving 
Sergeant  Joaquin  Arce  with  five  men  as  a  guard,  and 
giving  the  Americans  permission  to  land  without  vis 
iting  the  presidio.  Cleveland  ridicules  Rodriguez  for 
his  exceeding  vanity,  his  absurd  display  of  a  little 
brief  authority,  and  the  characteristic  pomp  with 
which  this  arrant  coxcomb  performed  his  duties.  I 
cannot  deny  that  Don  Manuel  may  have  been  some 
what  pompous  in  manner,  but  the  head  and  front  of 
his  offending  in  the  eyes  of  the  Yankees  was  his  inter 
ference  with  their  schemes  of  contraband  trade.  From 
Arce  it  was  learned  that  Rodriguez  had  about  a  thou 
sand  skins,  several  hundred  of  which  he  had  confis 
cated  recently  from  the  Alexander,  Captain  Brown. 
Shaler  made  every  effort  to  buy  the  skins,  but  in 
vain,  because,  as  Cleveland  puts  it,  Rodriguez  "  dared 
not  indulge  his  desire  of  selling  them  to  us."  A  visit 
was  made  to  the  shore,  including  an  inspection  of  the 
batten^  at  the  point. 

On  March  21st  Rodriguez  came  on  board,  received 
his  pay  for  supplies,  and  took  his  leave  after  wishing 
the  visitors  a  pleasant  voyage.  Preparations  were 
completed  for  departure  in  great  disappointment;  but 
it  was  determined  to  make  a  final  attempt  to  obtain 
the  skins.  It  was  known  that  the  soldiers  had  small 
quantities  which  they  would  gladly  dispose  of  if  they 
could  do  so  without  detection.  Two  boats  were  ac 
cordingly  sent  under  cover  of  night  to  different  parts 
of  the  bay  shore.  One  returned  with  a  few  otter- 
skins;  but  the  other  was  seized  by  the  watchful  com 
mandant,  the  mate  and  two  men  being  bound  and 
left  on  the  beach  under  a  guard  of  three  men.  Next 
morning  Cleveland  went  ashore  with  four  men,  each 

13  Three  cattle,  nine  arrobas  of  flour,  one  and  a  half  fanccjas  of  salt,  and 
24  chickens  were  the  supplies  asked  for  and  received,  according  to  the  Span 
ish  record  in  the  archives. 


BATTLE  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  13 

armed  with  a  brace  of  pistols,  rescued  the  captives, 
and  brought  them  off.16  Sails  were  set  at  once  and 
the  somewhat  hazardous  attempt  was  made  of  running 
out  past  the  guns  of  the  fort.  The  hoisting  of  a  flag 
and  the  firing  of  a  blank-cartridge  from  the  battery 
had  no  effect,  and  when  a  nine-pound  ball  came  across 
her  bows  the  Lelia  still  kept  on  her  course,  with  the 
Spanish  soldiers  on  board  forced  to  occupy  the  most 
exposed  and  conspicuous  positions.  As  she  passed  the 
fort  two  broadsides  from  her  six  three-pounders  were 
discharged  at  the  battery;  while  many  of  the  shots 
from  on  shore  took  effect  in  the  rigging,  and  several 
struck  the  hull,  one  of  them  making  an  ugly  hole 
between  wind  and  water.17  Then  the  terrified  Arce 

16 But  in  a  letter  of  April  from  S.  Quintin— Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  205- 
7 — Cleveland  simply  says  the  men  were  released  on  his  representations.  He 
also  fired  a  gun  as  a  signal  of  departure.  Otherwise  the  letter  agrees  with 
his  printed  narrative. 

17  Except  in  the  last  sentence  I  have  followed  substantially,  with  a  few 
substitutions  and  corrections  of  Spanish  names,  Cleveland's  own  version  of 
the  affair.  Cleveland's  Narrative  of  Voyages  and  Commercial  Enterprises. 
Cambridge,  1842,  i.  210-21.  It  is  a  most  interesting  and  well  written  book. 
This  was  Cleveland's  only  visit  to  California,  but  he  gives  a  few  items  of 
information  respecting  subsequent  visits  of  his  associates.  Another  version 
is  that  of  Rodriguez  in  his  report  to  the  governor  dated  April  10th.  Rodri 
guez,  Lo  Acaecido  con  Tripulantes  de  la  Fragata  ' Lelia  Bird,'  con  motivo  de 
Compra  de  Nutrias,  1803,  MS. 

About  the  fight  the  two  narratives  do  not  exactly  agree.  Cleveland,  in 
book  and  letter,  says  the  vessel  endured  a  steady  cannonade  for  three  quarters 
of  an  hour  without  firing  a  shot,  and  only  fired  after  receiving  her  damages, 
silencing  the  battery  with  two  broadsides.  Rodriguez  says  that  suspicious  of 
contraband  trade  he  made  a  round  in  the  evening,  surprised  the  Americans  of 
one  boat  trading  with  Carlos  Rosa  at  La  Barraca,  arrested  the  three,  and 
went  on  to  the  battery  where  he  seized  some  goods  left  in  payment  for  40 
otter-skins.  Next  morning  when  Cleveland  came  ashore  to  see  what  had 
become  of  the  men,  one  of  the  guard,  Antonio  Guillen — he  was  the  husband 
of  the  famous  old  lady  of  San  Gabriel,  Eulalia  Perez,  who  died  in  1878  at  a 
fabulous  old  age — came  also,  escaped,  and  hastened  to  warn  the  corporal  in 
command  of  the  battery  that  the  Americans  were  going  to  sail  without  land 
ing  the  guard.  The  corporal  made  ready  his  guns,  and  when  the  Lelia 
started  raised  his  flag,  fired  a  blank  cartridge,  and  then  a  shot  across  her  bows, 
as  Cleveland  says.  Then  another  shot  was  fired  which  struck  the  hull  but 
did  no  damage.  This  may  have  been  the  effective  shot.  Thereupon  Sergt. 
Arce  shouted  not  to  fire  as  they  would  be  put  ashore,  and  the  firing  ceased. 
But  when  the  vessel  came  opposite  the  fort  on  her  way  out  she  reopened  the 
fire.  The  battery  followed  suit  and  did  some  damage,  but  stopped  firing  as 
soon  as  the  vessel  did,  no  harm  being  done  to  the  fort  or  its  defenders.  It  is 
of  course  impossible  to  reconcile  these  discrepancies.  Rodriguez,  an  able  and 
honorable  man,  engaged  in  the  performance  of  his  duty,  and  making  a  clear, 
straightforward  report,  is  prima  facie  entitled  to  credence  as  against  a  disap 
pointed  and  baffled  smuggler. 


14         CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

and  his  companions  were  put  on  shore,  and  in  their 
joy  at  escape  shouted,  as  Cleveland  tells  us,  Vivan 
los  Americanos! 

The  Byrd  hastened  to  San  Quintin  for  repairs, 
arriving  on  the  24th.  Of  her  adventures  in  the 
south  something  is  said  elsewhere.18  At  San  Quintin 
the  adventurers  met  Brown  with  the  Alexander;  had 
and  enjoyed  much  pleasant  social  intercourse  with 
the  Dominican  friars,  who  were  eager  but  not  well 
provided  for  barter.  They  talked  over  the  great 
battle  of  San  Diego,  in  which,  as  they  were  glad  to 
hear,  no  one  had  been  hurt.  They  sailed  for  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  at  the  end  of  May.  In  China  the 
skins  were  sold.  Thus  far  the  venture  was  a  success, 
though  subsequent  events  developed  serious  losses. 
Shaler  made  another  trip  in  the  Leila  Ityrd,  while 
Cleveland  returned  as  a  passenger  to  Boston  on  the 
Alert.™ 

At  San  Diego  the  corporal  in  command  of  the 
battery,  Jose  Velasquez,  was  subsequently  put  un 
der  arrest  by  Rodriguez  for  his  action  in  the  event 
just  recorded,  that  is  on  commercial  and  not  on  mili 
tary  grounds.  The  bone  of  contention  was  the  goods 
received  in  exchange  for  skins  and  confiscated.  Velas 
quez  argued  that  there  had  been  between  his  men 
and  the  Lelia  merely  a  mutual  exchange  of  gifts,  and 
not  trade  at  all.  Of  the  result  we  know  only  that 
the  confiscated  goods  were  sold  at  auction  for  §212, 

18  See  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  vol.  ii. ,  this  series. 

19  Cleveland's  narrative  was  reprinted  in  the  Sacramento  Union  of  March  4, 
1861.     See  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  i.  181-7.     May  1,  1803,  Arrillaga  has  heard 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Lelia  Byrd.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  20,  40.     Sept.  7,  1803, 
viceroy  to  governor,  has  heard  of  the  affair,  which  he  seems  to  locate  at  San 
Francisco  instead  of  San  Diego,  and  is  inclined  to  regret  that  the  battery's 
fire  did  no  more  harm.     He  urges  vigilance  as  usual.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.   307.     May  1803,   Corporal  Ruiz,   of  S.  Vicente,  to  Gov.,  announces 
arrival  of  the  two  American  vessels  on   pretence  of  repairs,    one  of  them 
having  come  out  of  a  fight  at  San  Diego  'muy  mal  parade.'     Ruiz  did  not 
know  of  the  fight  or  he  would  not  have  allowed  the  vessel  to  anchor.     Many 
padres  went  on  board.     He  encloses  a  note  from  the  captain,  Shaler,  making 
complaint  against  the  commandant  of  San  Diego.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  27. 
In  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  20-1,  Capt.  Shaler  is  named.     No  other  name  given 
by  the  Spaniards. 


THE  'ALEXANDER.'  15 

and  that  the  proceeds    seem  to  have  been  divided 
among  the  party  that  effected  the  capture.20 

As  we  have  seen,  Cleveland  heard  of  the  Alex 
ander  at  San  Diego  and  subsequently  met  her  at  San 
Quintin.  She  arrived  at  San  Diego  February  26, 
1803,21  Captain  Brown  demanding  permission  to  re 
main  for  a  time  that  his  men  might  be  cured  of 
scurvy.  This  was  accorded  for  eight  days  by  Rodri 
guez,  the  sick  were  allowed  to  land  at  a  distance 
from  the  fort  to  prevent  contagion,  and  fresh  provi 
sions  were  also  supplied.  There  may  have  been  scurvy 
on  board,  but  Brown's  chief  object  was  to  carry  on  a 
contraband  trade  for  otter-skins.  In  this  he  succeeded 
pretty  well  until  on  the  night  of  March  3d  Rodri 
guez  sent  on  board  an  officer  who  seized  four  hun 
dred  and  ninety-one  skins  and  deposited  them  in  the 
government  warehouse.  Brown  was  then  ordered  to 
depart  immediately  and  did  so,  but  anchored  on  the 
7th  at  Todos  Santos  on  pretence  of  needing  wood.22 

20 April  9,  10,  1803,  Velasquez  to  governor,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 
261-6.  The  writer  corroborates  substantially  Rodriguez'  account  of  the 
fight.  June  19,  20,  1806,  commandant  of  S.  Diego  to  Gov.,  announcing  sale 
of  goods,  and  naming  four  men  deserving  to  share  the  proceeds.  Id.,  xix. 
156-7.  There  are  indications  that  the  40  otter-skins  as  well  as  the  goods 
given  for  them  were  confiscated,  that  is  that  the  Americans  had  to  retire 
before  receiving  them. 

21  July  19,  1802,  passport  signed  by  Juan  Stoughton,  Spanish  consul  for 
'some  of  the  New  England  States'  at  Boston,  in  favor  of  the  fragataexpedi- 
clonaria  Alexander,  Capt.  Juan  Brown,  owners,  Henrique  Bassy  &  Co.  and 
Jose  Taylor  of  Boston.  Aid  to  be  rendered  should  she  touch  in  any  of  the 
king's  dominions.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  243.  The  custom-house  records 
of  Boston  show  that  the  Alexander  was  first  cleared  for  the  N.  W.  coasts  in 
1797  under  Capt.  Dodge.  Boston  in  the  N.  W.,  MS.,  76. 

22 Rodriguez  to  governor,  March  10,  1803.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 
243-5.  April  21st,  Arrillaga  has  heard  of  the  affair  and  reported  it  to  the  vice 
roy.  The  padre  of  San  Luis  Rey  has  written  and  asked  for  the  return  of  170 
of  the  skins  which  his  Indians  had  put  on  board;  but  this  he  refused,  as  such 
trade  is  unlawful.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii,  19,  20.  Aug.  17th  and  Sept.  16th, 
the  V.  R.  has  heard  of  the  affair  and  urges  renewed  vigilance.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  303,  308.  From  records  of  1806  it  appears  that  the  confis 
cated  skins  rotted  before  they  could  be  legally  disposed  of  and  were  thrown 
into  the  sea.  Id.,  xix.  145-6.  Velasquez  charged  that  Rodriguez  accepted 
gifts  from  Brown  and  brought  them  off  concealed  in  his  clothing.  Id. ,  xviii. 
265-6.  Cleveland,  who  as  we  have  seen  was  disappointed  at  his  failure  to 
buy  the  confiscated  skins,  puts  the  transactions  with  Brown  in  a  dark  light. 
He  learned  from  Arce  that  the  commandant  'without  first  demanding  their 
surrender,  boarded  the  ship  with  an  armed  force,  made  a  search,  and  took 
away  all  the  skins  they  could  find,  together  with  some  merchandise.'  'Had 
Brown  negotiated  with  the  Commandant  first,  it  is  most  probable  he  would 


16  '     CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

After  his  meeting  with  Shaler  and  Cleveland  he 
left  San  Quintin  in  April  for  the  Northwest  Coast 
to  apply  for  relief  and  obtain  a  contingent  of  trade 
wherever  he  could  impose  on  the  Spaniards  for  their 
own  benefit  and  his.  We  next  hear  of  him  at  San 
Juan  Capistrano,  still  in  search  of  provisions  for  his 
crew,  but  whether  he  was  successful  or  not  is  not 
recorded.23 

In  May  the  Alexander  appeared  at  San  Francisco — 
the  second  American  vessel  to  enter  the  Golden  Gate — 
where  she  remained  seven  da^ys,  and  where  the  request 
for  provisions  and  wood  and  water  was  of  course 
granted,  the  captain's  tactics  and  past  actions  not 
being  officially  known  here.  She  sailed  ostensibly 
for  Bodega,24  On  August  llth,  however,  she  came 
back  with  a  consort,  claiming  to  be  in  great  distress 
by  reason  of  hardships  arising  from  Indian  hostilities 
on  the  northern  coasts.  But  the  commandant  turned 
a  deaf  ear  to  Brown's  pitiful,  and  possibly  true,  tale, 
reminding  him  that  only  four  months  before  he  had 
obtained  provisions  enough  to  support  his  crew  of 
sixteen  men  for  at  least  eight  months,  and  ordering 
him  to  sail  forthwith,  as  he  did  next  day.25  The 
Alexander  seems  to  have  proceeded  directly  to  Mon 
terey,  where  better  luck  awaited  her,  since  she  obtained 

have  obtained  the  whole  quantity,  and  at  the  same  time  have  avoided  the 
humilating  predicament  of  having  his  ship  taken  possession  of  by  the  rabble. ' 
He  subsequently  at  San  Quintin  learned  from  Brown  more  details,  which  he 
does  not  give,  'of  the  rough  manner  in  which  he  had  been  treated  by  the 
commandant  at  San  Diego,  which  confirmed  us  in  the  propriety  of  the  meas 
ures  we  had  pursued  to  avoid  a  similar  treatment.'  'We  had  escaped  similar 
dangers  and  were  among  a  people  remarkable  for  treachery  and  hostility  to 
strangers'!  Cleveland's  Nar.,  i.  212-13,  21C-17. 

23  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  21. 

24  July  15,   1803,   Arrillaga  to  Com.  of  San  Francisco.  Prov.  Sec.,  MS., 
xii.  249.     Brief  mention  of  this  visit  in  connection  with  a  later  one,  in  St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  84-7.     In  1804  Macario  Castro  gave  some 
testimony  about  trade  with  a  ship  at  San  Francisco  in  May,  which  I  suppose 
may  refer  to  this  occasion.     He  saw  plenty  of  people  and  plenty  of  foreign 
goods  but  knows  nothing  about  any  trade.     He  has  no  particular  reason  to  sus 
pect  the  commandant.     The  habilitado  knows  something  about  goods  bought. 
Jose"  Maria  said  he  had  $500  and  he  came  ba^k  with  goods.     Others  are  named 
who  took  a  hand  in  the  game.  Prov:  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  403-5. 

25  Aug.  2Gth,  Argiiello  to  Arrillaga  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon,  MS,,  i. 
84-5. 


ROWAN  AND  THE  'HAZARD.'  17 

supplies  and  repaired  her  topmast  and  then  was  able 
to  run  away  in  the  night  without  paying  her  bills.26 
The  vessel  alluded  to  as  having  entered  San  Fran 
cisco  Bay  with  the  Alexander  on  August  llth,  is 
called  by  the  Spaniards  the  Aser,  Thomas  Raben.  I 
suppose  her  to  have  been  the  Hazard,  James  Rowan, 
which,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  was  met  by  Cleve 
land  at  Valparaiso  the  year  before.27  There  was  no 
reason  to  refuse  Rowan's  request  for  aid,  especially 
after  he  had  sent  in  a  written  statement  of  damages 
received  in  the  north,  and  Argiiello  had  gone  on  board 
to  satisfy  himself  that  the  statement  was  true,  finding 
the  ship  badly  riddled  with  bullets  and  much  in  need 
of  water  and  wood.28  A  stay  of  four  days  was  therefore 
granted  for  refitting,  on  the  express  condition  that 
there  should  be  no  intercourse  with  garrison  or  citizens. 
Argiiello  was  impelled  to  be  very  cautious  in  this 
case,  not  only  because  of  strict  orders  from  Mexico,29 
but  because  of  the  Hazard's  fifty  men  and  twenty-two 
guns  of  nine  and  twelve  pounds  calibre,  besides  twenty 
swivel-guns,  and  finally  because  all  his  cavalrymen 
but  two  were  absent  in  the  San  Jose  region.  The 
Americans,  however,  behaved  admirably,  though  the 
vessel  remained  twice  as  long  as  the  allotted  time  on 
account  of  fogs  and  unfavorable  winds.  She  sailed 
on  the  19th,  having  paid  for  her  supplies  in  cash." 


30 


26  Aug.  18,  1803,  Lieut.  Font  to  Argiiello.     Aug.  19th,  reply.     Argiiello 
will  try  to  arrest  Brown  if  he  comes  to  San  Francisco.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  248.     There  is  a  reference  also  to  her  having  anchored  at  Monterey  on 
Sept.  3d;  probably  an  error.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.   184. 

27  In  an  article  Americans  at  Sea,  in  Niles1  Rer/i*ter,  xviii.  418,  the  'Hazard 
is  said  to   have  sailed  (from  Boston)  Sept.  1799,  under  Swift,  master,  and 
Smith,  mate,  returning  May  6,  1802;  sailed  again  under  same  officers  Sept. 
1802,  returning  May  6,  1805;  and  sailed  again  under  Smith,  master,  July  22, 
1805,  returning  June  23,  1808.     This  authority  is  not,  however,  reliable. 

28  On  Rowan's  northern  experience   see  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i. ,   this 
series.     He  brought  to  California  an  account  not  only  of  his  own  disasters, 
but  those  of  the  Boston  at  Nootka. 

29  June  13,  1803,  Arrillaga  sends  to  the  commandants  orders  issued  by  the 
viceroy  on  April  14,  with  royal  order  of  Aug.   10,  1802,  which  called  for 
redoubled  precautions  and  strict  compliance  with  the  old  regulations  in  view 
of  the  constantly  increasing  efforts  of  foreigners  to  carry  on  illicit  trade  in  the 
Pacific.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  59. 

30Arguello's  report  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,   and  Colon,  MS.,  i.   84-7.     The 
arrival  of  the  Alexander  and  Hazard  on  this  occasion  has  been  noted  by 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    2 


18  CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

Rowan  subsequently  made  his  appearance  at  Santa 
Barbara  in  September,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining 
additional  supplies;  but  at  San  Juan  Capistrano, 
where  he  went  next  with  the  same  pretext,  he  obtained 
nothing.  Here  he  is  said  to  have  left  a  woman,  who 
was  sent  to  San  Bias,  and  who  'was  the  cause  of  some 
irregularities  on  board  the  transport.31 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  American  captain  suc 
ceeded  at  one  port  or  another  in  exchanging  surrepti 
tiously  a  portion  of  his  cargo  for  otter-skins,  though 
the  records  contain  nothing  definite  on  the  subject. 
Meanwhile  the  strictest  orders  came  from  Mexico,  for 
it  was  feared  not  only  that  officials  might  be  remiss 
and  that  contraband  trade  might  be  carried  on,  but 
also  that  in  case  of  war  some  hostile  vessel  might 
enter  the  Californian  ports  under  pretence  of  being 
an  American  trader  in  distress.82  Notwithstanding 
the  precautionary  measures  ordered  it  was  deemed 
wise  to  reduce  the  military  guard  of  California  by 
withdrawing  the  company  of  Catalan  volunteers,  now 
numbering  seventy  officers  and  men,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Font.  There  is  no  correspondence  extant  to 
show  the  motive  for  this  step  at  such  a  time,  without 
any  special  attempt  to  replace  the  company.  It  is 
known,  however,  that  infantry  troops  had  not  been 
deemed  useful  in  this  .province.  A  portion  of  the 

several  writers,  as  Tuthill,  Hist.  CaL,  118;  Randolph,  Oration,  310;  Cronise, 
Nat.  Wealth  of  CaL,  36-7;  but  they  have  generally  erred  in  calling  this  the 
iirst  instead  of  the  third  arrival  of  American  vessels  at  S.  Francisco;  in  pre 
serving  the  name  Aser;  and  in  changing  the  date  of  arrival  from  the  llth  to 
the  1st. 

31  Dec.  23,  1883,  viceroy  to  governor,  in  reply  to  report  of  Oct.  15th.     The 
vessel  is  called  the  Anxer,  Capt.  Rowen.   St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  83-4.     Oct. 
1st,  Gov.  to  Com.  of  Sta  Barbara,  calling  the  vessel  A»e.r,  Capt.  Rowen,  26 
guns  and  32  men.  Prov.  llec.,  xi.  97.  Oct.  3d,  Gov.  to  Rodriguez,  is  informed 
cf  the  arrival,  probably  at  San  Juan.  Id.,  xii.  23.     Arrival  of  the  Anzet.  Id., 
ix.  29. 

32  Governor  to  commandants  with  viceroy's  instructions.     Nov.  8th  and 
Dec.  23d.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  284,  320;   St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  84; 
vi.  1 13.    In  the  instructions  of  Viceroy  Marquina  to  his  successor  Iturrigaray, 
i:i  1803,  the  frequent  arrival  of  American  vessels — to  be  well  received  accord 
ing  to  treaty  provisions — is  noted,  and  fear  is  expressed  that  among  these  ves 
sels  carrying  the  American  flag  there  may  be  some  Englishmen  engaged  in 
smuggling  (!).  Virreyes,  Instrucciones,  181. 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  VOLUNTEERS.          19 

company  sailed  in  the  autumn  on  the  Princesa  and 
Activo,  the  transports  of  the  year;  the  rest  probably 
departed  the  next  year.33  Thus  close  the  annals  of 
1803. 

33 Departure  of  a  detachment  with  their  families.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
32.  Vague  reference  to  approaching  departure  dated  March  18,  1803.  /(/., 
x.  18.  The  last  invoice  of  supplies  sent  from  Mexico  for  the  company  was 
April  30,  1803,  after  which  there  was  a  balance  due  it  of  $10,341.  Prov.  St. 
Pop.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxx.  34.  The  old  practice  of  sending  one  transport 
to  the  north  and  the  other  to  the  south  with  the  memorias  seems  to  have  been 
abandoned  in  these  years.  The  Princesa  and  Activo  in  company  arrived  at 
Monterey  in  Sept.,  were  at  Sta  Barbara  from  Sept.  29th  to  Oct.  22d,  and 
subsequently  touched  at  S.  Diego.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  98-9,  184-5;  xii.  24. 
Two  other  Spanish  vessels  touched  on  the  coast  this  year.  On  June  16th 
the  sloop  Horcasitas  anchored  at  San  Diego,  her  business  not  being  recorded. 
On  July  25th  the  ship  Conception  arrived  at  Sta  Barbara  from  Manila.  She 
was  commanded  by  Francisco  Parraga,  and  left  seven  sick  men.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  xi.  97,  194;  ix.  28;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  112;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  310. 


CHAPTER  II. 

RECORD  OF  EVENTS— ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 
1804-1806. 

NUEVA  CALIFORNIA  A  SEPARATE  PROVINCE — ARRILLAGA  POLITICAL  AND 
MILITARY  GOVERNOR — THE  'LELIA  BYRD'  AND  'HAZARD'  ON  THE 
COAST — THE  FIRST  CALIFORNIAN  NARRATIVE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES — 
CAPTAIN  O'CAIN — RUSSIAN  CONTRACTS — PRECAUTIONS  AGAINST  FOREIGN 
ERS — ARRILLAGA  AND  TAPIS  ON  MISSIONS — FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  INES — 
PADRE  ROMUALDO  GUTIERREZ — AN  INCREASE  OF  MILITARY  FORCE — 
MILITIA  ARTILLERY  COMPANY — FEARS  OF  ANGLO-AMERICANS — PROPOSED 
MISSION  ON  SANTA  BARBARA  ISLANDS — INDIAN  HOSTILITIES  AT  SAN  JOSE 
MISSION — ARRILLAGA  ON  PROVINCIAL  NEEDS — AN  ARMED  CRUISER — 
THE  'PEACOCK 'AND  THE  'REisos' — CAPTIVE  SAILORS — WINSHIP'S  VOY 
AGE—  CAMPBELL'S  VOYAGE— THE  GUARDIAN'S  MISSION  REGULATIONS. 

THE  division  of  the  Californias  into  two  distinct 
provinces,  a  matter  under  serious  consideration  since 
1796,1  was  finally  effected  in  1804,  by  a  royal  order  in 
which  the  official  names  of  the  new  provinces  were 
fixed  as  Antigua  and  Nueva  California.  The  boun 
daries  were  left  as  before  between  the  Dominican  and 
Franciscan  missions,  and  Arrillaga  was  made  political 
and  military  governor  of  Nueva  California  at  a  salary 
of  four  thousand  a  year.  A  temporary  governor  was 
to  be  named  for  Antigua  California  and  Arrillaga  was 
to  continue  in  command  till  such  a  governor  was 
named.  The  viceroy  sent  this  order  to  Loreto  August 
29th,  and  its  receipt  was  acknowledged  by  Arrillaga 
the  16th  of  November,  which  date  may  therefore  be 

1  See  Hist.  CaL,  i.  chap,  xxviii.,  this  series.  The  viceroy  Marquina 
urged  the  matter  in  1800  to  the  king,  who  however  desired  further  informa 
tion.  Virreyes,  Instrucciones,  201.  April  4,  1802,  the  viceroy  asks  for  the 
president's  opinion,  which  was  given  July  21st,  and  was  favorable  to  the 
change.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  429-32. 

(20) 


FOREIGN  VESSELS.  21 

regarded  as  that  when  his  proprietary  rule  began.  It 
was  not  deemed  best  to  name  immediately  a  ruler  for 
the  peninsula,  over  which  Arrillaga  was  requested 
still  to  exercise  authority,  though  he  might  proceed 
directly  to  Monterey.2  He  did  not,  however,  come 
north  until  the  next  year,  sailing  from  Loreto  for  San 
Luis  Bay  up  the  gulf  on  August  19,  1805,  and  arriv 
ing  at  Monterey  January  20,  1806.3 

Both  the  Leila  Byrd  and  the  Hazard  were  on  the 
coast  again  in  1804.  The  former  was  still  under 
command  of  her  old  captain,  William  Shaler,  and 
brought  a  cargo  which  had  been  completed  in  China 
by  buying  out  another  American  vessel.  This  was 
not  a  successful  trip  nor  do  we  know  much  about  it. 
Cleveland,  who,  though  he  had  returned  to  Boston, 
was  half  owner  in  the  venture,  tells  us  that  Shaler 
arrived  safely  on  the  coast,  and  after  a  few  weeks, 
during  which  he  disposed  of  but  a  small  portion  of  his 
cargo  and  that  largely  on  credit  to  the  friars,  the  Byrd 

Grounded  on  a  shoal,  sprung  a  leak,  and  was  with  dif- 
culty  sufficiently  repaired  for  a  risky  voyage  back  to 
the  Hawaiian  Islands.4    According  to  another  author, 
whom  I  suppose  to  have  been  •  Shaler  himself,  the 
Leila  from  Canton  arrived  off  the  Columbia  River 

2  Aug.  29,  1804,  viceroy  to  Arrillaga  with  royal  order  of  March  26th.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  175-7,  369.     Arrillaga's  acknowledgment,  Nov.  16th. 
Prov.  Rac.,  MS.,  vi.  21;  ix.  58.     Proclaimed  at  Sta  Barbara  Dec.  9th.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  39.     By  a  communication  of  Arrillaga  to  the  viceroy 
Dec.  20th,  it  appears  that  he  was  required  to  comply  with  certain  formalities 
before  the  camara  de  Indias  before  he  could  exercise  the  powers  of  political 
governor.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  ix.  58-60.     March  7,  1805,  the  V.  R.  states  that 
Arrillaga  must  solicit  the  title  of  political  governor  through  an  agent  before 
the  council  of  Indies.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  65-6.     These  requirements 
are  as  unintelligible  to  me  as  they  seem  to  have  been  to  the  governor.     Also 
on  March  7,  1805,  Arrillaga  was  permitted,  in  view  of  the  great  distance  from 
Mexico,  to  tender  his  oath  of  office  before  the  eldest  officer  in  his  vicinity, 
who  would  act  as  comisionado  for  the  viceroy.  Id. ,  xix.  46.     The  boundary 
between  the  two  new  provinces  was  the  place  called  Barrabas,  or  the  stream 
and  rancheria  of  Rosario.     See  communications  of  1806-7  on  this  subject. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.   Cal,  MS.,  iii.  204,  208;  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  ix.  95;  x.  2; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxix.  6. 

3  Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  80;  xix.  76;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxvii.  2;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  73;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  186.     In  1807  Arrillaga 
complained  of  the  dull,  uneventful  life  in  California.  Doc.  Hist  Cal,  MS.,  iv. 
171.     See  also  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  i.,  on  the  change  of  government. 

*  Cleveland's  Narrative,  i.  238-9,  244-5. 


22  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

May  1st,  proceeding  down  the  coast  and  anchoring  in 
Trinidad  Bay,  California,  on  the  llth.  Adventures 
here,  where  the  Americans  remained  a  week  making 
repairs  and  obtaining  wood  and  water,  are  fully  related. 
The  natives,  though  kindly  treated,  were  troublesome, 
so  much  so  that  a  party  of  four  were  confined  on  board 
the  ship  and  in  repulsing  an  attack  several  were  killed. 
The  second  mate  also  had  a  leg  broken  by  a  falling 
tree.  Of  the  voyage  down  the  coast  from  Trinidad 
we  have  the  following  only:  "On  the  23d  we  arrived 
on  the  coast  of  California,  where  I  got  abundant  sup 
plies  of  provisions,  and  began  a  trade  with  the  mis 
sionaries  and  inhabitants  for  furs.  We  continued  on 
the  coast  of  California  until  the  8th  of  July,  when  we 
sailed  for  the  gulf  of  that  name."5 

After  a  trip  to  Guaymas  and  down  the  coast  to 
Guatemala  Shaler  returned  northward,  and  on  Febru 
ary  "  arrived  without  any  remarkable  occurrence  on 
the  coast  of  California,  where  we  got  plentiful  supplies 
of  provisions  as  usual,  and  were  not  unsuccessful  in 
our  collection  of  furs."  He  visited  Santa  Catalina 
Island,  found  a  desirable  harbor,  and  again  anchored 
there  in  May,  naming  the  harbor,  of  which  he  believed 
himself  the  first  explorer,  after  a  former  partner  Port 
Rouissillon.  The  Indian  inhabitants  of  the  island, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  were  very  friendly. 
The  ship  was  found  to  be  in  an  unseaworthy  condition, 
but  by  six  weeks  of  hard  work,  attended  with  many 
mishaps,  and  by  a  free  and  somewhat  novel  use  of 
oakum,  lime,  and  tallow,  she  was  made  ready,  and 
sailed  early  in  June.  Shaler  anchored  in  San  Pedro 

5  Aug.  11,  1804,  Arrillaga  writes  to  the  commandants  of  Sta  Barbara  and 
San  Diego  that  he  is  informed  of  the  arrival  at  San  Buenaventura  on  July  5th, 
and  at  San  Juan  Capistrano,  seeking  provisions,  of  the  American  ship  Alex 
ander,  Capt.  Win.  Shaler,  8  guns  and  24  men.  This  must  be  an  error  of  the 
Spaniards  so  far  as  the  name  of  the  ship  is  concerned.  Shaler  may  have  given 
his  vessel  a  false  name  on  account  of  her  previous  troubles  at  San  Diego;  but 
he  would  hardly  have  chosen  so  deservedly  unpopular  a  name  as  that  of  the 
1  Alexander.'  See  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  102;  xii.  30.  Sept.  30,  1804,  Castro 
to  governor,  thinks  the  vessel  at  San  Francisco  in  May  may  have  been  the 
Alexander.  Prov.  St.  Pap.^  MS.,  xviiL'405.  These  are  the  only  allusions  in 
the  archives  to  Shaler's  visit  of  1804. 


SEALER'S  NARRATIVE.  23 

Bay  where  he  obtained  supplies  for  twelve  months, 
including  many  hogs  and  sheep;  then  he  ran  down 
the  coast,  collecting  furs  on  the  way;  and  July  30th 
sailed  from  Cape  SanvLucas  for  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
where  he  arrived  in  August.6 

Captain  Shaler's  narrative,  published  in  1808,  was 
the  first  extended  account  of  California  printed  in 
the  United  States.  The  author  gives  a  good  general 
description  of  the  province,  its  people,  institutions,  and 
prospects,  which,  however,  does  not  demand  extended 
notice  here,  because  it  was  evidently  made  up  rnoro 
largely  from  the  observations  of  La  Perouse  and 
Vancouver  than  from  those  of  the  American  trader. 
Moreover  it  is  clear  that  such  parts  of  Shaler's  re 
marks  as  result  from  his  own  experience  apply  as  a 
rule  to  the  peninsula  rather  than  to  Alta  California. 
"  The  climate,"  he  says,  "  seems  particularly  favorable 
to  horses  and  mules,  as  they  retain  their  strength  and 
vigor  till  past  thirty  years."  The  sea-otter  of  the 
Santa  Barbara  Channel  were  better  than  on  any  other 
part  of  the  coast;  and  the  natives  were  a  distinct  and 
superior  race.  For  several  years  past  the  author 
thinks  American  traders  had  left  twenty-five  thou 
sand  dollars  annually  on  the  coast  in  exchange  for  furs 
in  spite  of  the  government  and  to  the  great  advantage 
of  the  people.  "  Under  a  good  government  the  Cali- 
fornias  would  soon  rise  to  ease  and  affluence."  The 
Dominicans  were  "a  much  politer  order  of  men"  than 
the  Franciscans.  Each  mission,  pueblo,  presidio,  and 
port  is  briefly  described,  and  the  author's  opinion  is 
given  that  California  would  be  an  easy  and  desirable 
prey  to  some  foreign  nation,7  leaving  it  to  be  naturally 

6  July  29,  1805,  Gov.  to  viceroy,  notice  of  the  Wm.  Shaler  repairing  at  Sta 
Catalina.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix..74.     The  archives  contain  nothing  further 
of  this  visit  of  1805,  unless  it  be  referred  to  in  a  letter  of  the  governor  thank 
ing  Padre  Cipre"s  of  San   Luis  Obispo  for  his  cold  reception  of  the  vessel 
anchored  there.     If  all  padres  pursued  this  course  fewer  vessels  would  come. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  22. 

7  Shaler,  Journal  of  a  Voyage  between  China  and  the  North-western  Coast  of 
America,  made  in  1804,  in  American  jRegistr-r,  iii.  137-75.     The  author  says: 
'  The  Spaniards  have,  at  a  great  expense  and  considerable  industry,  removed 


24  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

inferred  that  he  would  be  glad  to  see  it  fall  into  the 
hands  of  his  own  nation,  and  thus  entitling  himself 
perhaps  to  the  credit  of  having  been  the  first  to  suggest 
American  annexation.  Shaler  was  an  intelligent  and 
able  man,  possessing  considerable  experience  in  liter 
ary,  linguistic,  and  diplomatic  matters. 

Having  thus  gone  somewhat  beyond  the  year  1804 
in  order  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  Lelia  Byrd,  I 
may  go  still  further  out  of  chronological  order  to 
conclude  the  subject.  The  ship  was  exchanged  with 
the  king  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  for  a  schooner, 
which  was  named  for  the  queen  the  Tamana  and  sent 
back  to  California  under  John  T.  Hudson,  probably 
in  1805-6,  to  sell  the  rest  of  the  Leilas-  cargo.  Hud 
son  spent  five  or  six  months  on  the  coast  of  California, 
trading  with  the  friars  and  natives  but  not  daring  to 
enter  any  of  the  principal  ports.  He  was  successful 
neither  in  disposing  of  any  large  amount  of  goods, 
nor  in  collecting  pay  for  those  furnished  by  Shaler  on 
credit  to  the  missionaries,  only  four  out  of  twenty  of 
whom  redeemed  their  notes.  When  his  patience  and 
supplies  were  exhausted  he  returned  to  Honolulu.8 

Returning  again  to  the  events  of  1804  I  find  that 
the  Hazard  arrived  at  San  Francisco  January  30th 
from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  disabled  and  in  great  dis 
tress,  having  experienced  heavy  gales  and  lost  two 
officers  and  three  men,  besides  her  boats  and  a  mast. 

every  obstacle  out  of  the  way  of  an  invading  enemy;  they  have  stocked  the 
country  with  such  multitudes  of  cattle,  horses,  and  other  useful  animals,  that 
they  have  no  longer  the  power  to  remove  or  destroy  them;  they  have  taught 
the  Indians  many  of  the  useful  arts,  and  accustomed  them  to  agriculture  and 
civilization;  and  they  have  spread  a  number  of  defenceless  inhabitants  over  the 
country,  whom  they  never  could  induce  to  act  as  enemies  to  those  who  should 
treat  them  well,  by  securing  to  them  the  enjoyments  of  liberty,  property,  and 
a  free  trade,  which  would  almost  instantaneously  quadruple  the  value  of  their 
actual  possessions;  in  a  word  they  have  done  everything  that  could  be  done  to 
render  California  an  object  worthy  the  attention  of  the  great  maritime  powers; 
:they  have  placed  it  in  a  situation  to  want  nothing  but  a  good  government  to  rise 
rapidly  to  wealth  and  importance. .  .It  would  be  as  easy  to  keep  California  in 
spite  of  the  Spaniards,  as  it  would  be  to  wrest  it  from  them  in  the  first 
instance.'  Journal,  160-1.  Shaler  was,  according  to  Cleveland,  the  author  of 
'Sketches  in  Algiers,  and  for  many  years  consul-general  of  the  U.  S.  to  the 
Barbary  powers. 

*  Cleveland's  Nar.,  i.  246-7;  ii.  2;  Shaler's  Jour.,  171.  There  is  no  refer 
ence  in  the  archives  to  Hudson's  voyage. 


RUSSIAN  CONTRACTS.  25 

Again  her  wants  were  proved  real  by  an  inspection 
and  generously  supplied.  About  the  end  of  February 
Rowan  sailed  apparently  for  the  Northwest  Coast, 
just  after  the  arrival  of  an  order  from  the  governor 
to  detain  him.9  In  September,  however,  the  Hazard 
reappeared  on  the  southern  coast,  at  San  Buenaven 
tura  and  San  Juan  Capistrano,  asking  for  provisions, 
which,  if  we  may  credit  the  official  reports,  were  re 
fused.10 

Another  visit  of  an  American  vessel  in  1803-4  was 
that  of  the  0'  Cain,  Cap  tain  Joseph  O'Cain,11  inaugurat- 
ino1  a  new  system  of  commercial  adventure  on  the  coast. 

O  «/ 

O'Cain  had  been  mate  on  the  Enterprise,  touching  at 
San  Diego  in  1801,  and  was  also  supposed  by  Arrillaga 
to  have  sailed  in  the  San  Bias  transports.12  The  vessel 
was  owned  in  part  by  Abiel  and  Jonathan  Winship,  the 
latter  being  on  board,  and  she  sailed  from  Boston  Jan 
uary  23,  18 03, 13  arriving  at  Sitka  probably  in  Septem 
ber.  Here  he  succeeded  in  persuading  Bardnof,  chief 
manager  of  the  Russian  American  colonies,  to  furnish 
a  company  of  Aleuts  with  their  bidarkas  under  the 
direction  of  Shvetzof,  and  to  send  him  southward  to 
take  otters  on  shares.  Sailing  from  Kadiak  in  Octo 
ber  1803,  he  is  said  to  have  done  some  trading  and 
hunting  on  the  coast  of  Alta  California,  but  there  is 
no  definite  record  of  his  movements  except  that  he 
touched  at  San  Diego  in  January  1804.  Here  he  was 

9  Correspondence  between  Rowan,  Argiiello,  and  Sergeant  Peralta,  in  Prov. 
8t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  373,  376-9;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxiv.  4;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  v.  70. 

10  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  330,  361;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS,,  xi.  103.     The 
Princesa  and  Activo  brought  the  memorias  again  this  year,  arriving  at  Mon 
terey  in  August,  and  leaving  S.  Diego  in  Nov.  /(/.,  xi.  192;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  332,  372. 

11  The  name  is  written  O'Kain  by  Cleveland.  Narrative,  i.  221.     O'Kenn 
and  O'Keene  are  among  other  variations.     The  vessel  is  called  by  the  Rus 
sians  the  'Eclipse'  and  the  'Boston.' 

12 Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  75-6.  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  47-50. 

13 Boston  in  the  N.  W.,  MS.,  11.  The  writer  of  this  manuscript  had  in 
his  possession  many  of  the  log-books  of  the  voyages  to  the  Northwest  Coast, 
but  could  find  no  diary  of  this.  He  mentions,  however,  a  letter  of  Abiel 
Winship  containing  advice  and  instructions  to  his  brother  about  to  embark 
for  the  first  time  on  a  long  and  perilous  voyage. 


26  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

refused  provisions,  having  no  passport.  A  negro 
named  John  Brown  deserted,  to  be  subsequently  sent 
to  San  Bias,  and  then  O'Cain  sailed  southward.14  His 
chief  adventures  were  at  San  Quintin  in  Lower  Cali 
fornia,  as  related  elsewhere,15  where  he  remained  sev 
eral  months,  and  then  returned  to  Kadiak  in  June 
with  1,100  otter-skins  to  be  shared  with  the  Rus 
sians,  to  say  nothing  of  several  hundreds  of  skins 
which  he  is  charged  with  having  sold  to  the  friars  -at 
low  rates  for  ready  money,  thus  defrauding  his  part 
ners  in  the  north.16  Meanwhile  complaints  respecting 
the  irregular  proceedings  of  the  Yankee  traders  and 
their  abuse  of  hospitality  were  sent  to  Mexico,  and 
orders  more  pronounced  came  from  the  viceroy  for  the 
commandants,  against  some  of  whom  there  was  appar 
ently  a  suspicion  of  complicity  with  the  smugglers. 
Together  with  these  orders  came  a  demand  for  the 
withdrawal  of  the  artillery  detachment,  which  was 
sent  to  the  governor  for  his  opinion,  and  received 
from  Arrillaga  a  rather  weak  protest,  which  never 
theless  was  efficacious  for  a  time.17 

In  his  first  general  report  for  1803-4,  President 
Tapis  complained  that  the  missions  were  exposed  to 
attack  on  all  sides,  the  small  guards  being  wholly 
inadequate  to  cope  with  either  gentiles  or  neophytes 
in  case  of  revolt.  The  guard  is  usually  reduced  to 
two  or  three  men,  one  of  whom  is  generally  sick,  one 
in  charge  of  the  horses,  and  one  absent  on  royal 
service.  Who  then  is  to  defend  the  mission  or  escort 
the  missionary?  Fugitives  are  increasing  and  the 

liProv.  Pec.,  MS.,  xii.  27-30;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  364,  368. 

15  See  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  ii. ,  this  series. 

16  Khlebmkof,  ZapizH,  8;  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  app.  272-5. 

11  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  35;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  406;  Arch.Arzob., 
ii.  39.  The  demand  for  a  withdrawal  of  the  artillery  came  from  Col.  Pedro 
Laguna.  Arrillaga  admitted  that  the  batteries  were  in  a  bad  condition,  owing 
to  the  storms  of  winter;  that  the  artillerymen,  now  that  the  volunteers  had 
gone,  were  in  great  isolation,  unable  to  leave  the  batteries  except  for  rations 
and  then  on  foot  unless  they  could  borrow  a  horse;  and  that  the  province  was 
indeed  in  a  bad  condition,  with  nothing  left  but  flight  for  the  inhabitants  in 
case  of  invasion  or  Indian  revolt.  Still  he  thought  the  men  not  altogether 
useless  since  the  guns  had  to  be  taken  care  of.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  38-40. 


REPORT  ON  MISSIONS.  27 

f 

only  remedy  is  an  immediate  increase  of  military 
force.  This  subject  was  presented  to  the  viceroy  in 
a  report  of  Guardian  Pangua  in  September  1804,  in 
which  the  writer  presented  in  a  strong  light  the 
threatened  dangers,  not  only  to  missions  and  friars, 
but  to  commerce  and  every  interest  of  Spain,  sure  to 
result  from  an  attempt  to  protect  so  large  a  territory 
with  so  small  a  force.18 

Arrillaga  also  made  in  1804  a  full  and  interesting 
report  on  the  missions  and  their  management.  Part 
of  the  document  is  missing,  and  the  exact  circum 
stances  under  which  it  was  written  are  not  known; 
but  it  would  seem  to  be  in  answer  to  charges  of  cruelty 
and  mismanagement  against  the  friars,  similar  to  those 
made  formerly  by  Father  Coucepcion;  indeed,  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  it  was  a  reply  to  those  very  charges. 
The  paper  is  a  straightforward  and  business-like  one, 
written  by  a  man  of  good  judgment  and  long  experi 
ence.  The  substance  of  it  is  that  the  mission  system, 
if  not  perfect,  was  a  good  one;  the  friars  were  in  the 
main  sensible  and  honest  men,  and  the  natives  were 
as  a  rule  well  treated.  Slight  defects  and  excesses 
wrere  sufficiently  guarded  against  by  Franciscan  and 
ecclesiastical  regulations,  while  secular  interference 
on  account  of  a  few  isolated  complaints  against  indi 
viduals  was  not  advisable.19  It  was  in  this  year  that 
Tapis  received  from  the  bishop  of  Sonora  the  appoint 
ment  of  vicar. 

The  number  of  missions  was  increased  in  1804  to 

18  Tapis,  Liforme  Bienal  de  Misiones,  1804,  MS.,  75-8.  Sept.  22,  1804, 
Pangua,  Carta  al  Vlrey  sobre  peligros  qite  amenazan  let,  California,  MS.  The 
writer  recapitulates  past  discussions  and  orders  which  have  never  been  carried 
out.  Feb.  3,  1803,  the  viceroy  in  view  of  complaints  of  insufficient  escoltas 
has  resolved  to  give  each  mission  all  the  force  it  'absolutely  needs'  from  the 
troops  lately  sent(?).  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xviii.  285.  This  would  be  more 
intelligible  if  the  date  were  1805,  as  very  likely  it  should  be.  1804,  orders  to 
vary  the  different  guards  according  to  circumstances,  but  never  to  reduce  the 
mission  escolta  below  six  men.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  25-7.  March  1.  1805, 
Tapis  to  Gov.  on  necessity  of  increased  force  to  retake  fugitives.  Arch.  Sta  If., 
MS.,  vi.  30-5. 

™  Arrillagct,  Informs  que  dirigid  al  Virey  sobre  el  estado  de  fndios,  Misiones, 
y  Alisioneros  de  Alta  California  en  lo  espiritual  y  temporal,  1804,  MS.  Dated 
Lorcto  Nov.  10,  1804.  The  beginning  is  missing. 


28  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

nineteen  by  the  founding  of  Santa  Ines.  Explorations 
for  a  site  in  this  region  had  been  begun  in  1795  and 
completed  in  1798  by  Ortega,  Tapis,  and  Goycoechea.23 
The  site  selected  was  one  called  by  the  natives  Ala- 
julapu,21  and  the  order  that  a  mission  should  be 
founded  there  was  dated  in  February  1803.22  The 
name  Santa  Ines — virgin  and  martyr,  Saint  Agnes 
in  English,  often  incorrectly  written  Santa  Ynez  or 
Inez,  martyred  in  Rome  in  the  fourth  century  at  the 
age  of  thirteen — seems  also  to  have  been  selected  by 
Viceroy  Iturrigaray.  A  sergeant  and  nine  men  hav 
ing  been  assigned  as  a  guard23  and  duly  instructed  by 
the  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara,  on  September  17, 
1804,  the  mission  was  founded  with  the  usual  cere 
monies.  Commandant  Carrillo  was  present,  and  large 
numbers  of  neophytes  came  from  Santa  Barbara  and 
Purisima,  some  of  them  to  remain.  President  Tapis 
preached  on  the  occasion,  and  was  aided  in  the  cere 
monies  by  fathers  Ciprds,  Calzada,  and  Gutierrez; 
and  finally  a  beginning  of  mission  work  was  made 
by  the  baptism  of  twenty-seven  children  and  the  en- 

20  Ortega,  Diario  que  forma,  1795,  MS.   Dated  June  17th-28th.  Ortega  went 
northward  from  Sta  Barbara  with  three  men,  and  on  June  18th  found  a  fer 
tile  well  watered  spot  on  the  Santa  Rosa  River,  where  there  were  eight 
rancherias  of  friendly  Indians.    Tapis,  Expedition  d  Calahuasa,  para  Eecono- 
cimiento  de  sitios,  1798,  MS.     The  expedition  began  Oct.  17th,  and  the  report 
is  dated  Oct.  23d,  at  Sta  Barbara.     Besides  Calahuasa,  there  are  named  Por- 
tezuelo  de  Mescaltitlan,  Rancheria  de  Teguepo,  Zanja  de  Cota,  Canada  de 
Sotonocnni,  Anajue,  Ahuaslayee,  Elcmana,  Sanchu  or  Santa  Rosa,  Aguitsumu, 
Asnisihue,  Stucu,  Huilicqui,  Casil  or  Nueva,  Susuchi  or  Quemada.     The  site 
deemed  best  was  Alajulapu  about  two  and  a  half  leagues  north-west  of  Cala 
huasa.     Also  called  Majalapu.  Goycoechea,  Diario  de  Exploracion,  1798,  MS. 
Dated  Oct.  21st,  and  the  same  in  substance  as  that  of  Tapis.   Cota,  Dhtrio  de 
Exploracion,  1798,  MS.,  is  the  record  of  a  subsequent  examination  of  the  same 
territory  made  Oct.  23d-7th.     Dec.  31,  1798,  Gov.  to  viceroy,  recommending 
the  site  at  Lajalupe  with  1,500  friendly  Indians,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  113- 
M.    Oct.  11,  1798,  Gov.  to  Goycoechea  ordering  the  explorations  to  be  made. 
Id.,  iv.  107. 

21  Also  written  Lajalupe,  Majulapa,  Majalapu,  Alajulapa,  and  Lajulap. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  was  rincon,  or  corner. 

22 Feb.  2,  1803,  viceroy  to  Gov.,  he  has  ordered  the  payment  of  the  cus 
tomary  $1 ,000.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xviii.  285.  June  30,  1803,  Tapis  to  Gov. , 
says  there  are  1,000  or  1,100  natives  near  the  proposed  site,  gives  instances  of 
hostilities  among  the  rancherias,  and  asks  that  a  larger  escolta  than  usual  be 
granted  at  first.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.',  viii.  177-82. 

23  Carrillo,  Instruction  que  observard  el  comandante  de  Escolta  en  la  funda- 
cion  de  la  Mision  de  Santa  Ynex,  1804,  MS. 


FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  INfiS.  29 

rolling  of  many  catechumens,  including  three  chief 
tains.24 

The  missionary  founders  of  Santa  Ines  were  Jose 
Antonio  Calzada  and  Jose  Romualdo  Gutierrez.  The 
latter  left  California  in  180625  and  was  succeeded  by 
Luis  Gil  y  Taboada.  Gil  was  replaced  in  1810  by 
Francisco  Javier  de  Uria,  who  had  been  at  the  mis 
sion  as  supernumerary  since  1808.  By  the  end  of  the 
first  year  Santa  Ines  had  225  neophytes,  but  over 
half  of  them  came  from  the  adjoining  missions 
already  baptized.  In  1810  the  number  was  628,  bap 
tisms  having  been  546  and  deaths  245,  so  that  it 
would  seem  that  still  other  accessions  must  have  been 
received  from  abroad.  Live-stock  in  1810  numbered 
3,200  cattle,  420  horses,  61  mules,  11  asses,  and  2,300 
sheep.  Crops  varied  from  900  bushels  in  1807  to 
4,500  bushels  in  1810.  In  1805,  and  probably  through 
out  the  decade,  Santa  Ines  had  but  a  poor  church, 
though  it  was  already  roofed  with  tiles.26 

Local  annals  in  1804  present  nothing  worthy  of 
special  mention  here,  unless  it  may  be 'the  fact  that 
an  earthquake  did  some  damage  to  church  walls  at 
San  Jose  and  San  Gabriel. 

Representations  on  the  defenceless  condition  of 
California,  coming  from  various  quarters  as  already 
indicated,  produced  a  comparatively  prompt  effect  in 
Mexico;  for  in  April  1805  the  viceroy  decreed  an 

24  Sta  Ines,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS. ,  3,  4,  containing  certificate  of  foundation 
by  Tapis.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  viii.  151-5;  certificate  of  Lieutenant  Carrillo  in 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  359-00.     Also  mention  of  foundation  in  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  21;  ix.  57;  xi.  103;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  45-6. 

25  Gutierrez  came  to  California,  as  I  have  seen  it  stated  in  some  record,  in 
August  1804,  though  Tapis  in  announcing  his  departure  implies  that  he  came 
in  1802.     He  served  at  Santa  Inds  from  September  17,  1804,  to  July  1806, 
when  he  was  transferred  to  San  Buenaventura  in  the  hope  of  regaining  his 
health ;  but  he  became  worse  rather  than  better,  obtained  license  to  retire  in 
September,  and  sailed  for  San  Bias  in  November.     His  malady  according  to 
the  surgeon's  certificate  was  an  afecto  hystcrico,  and  there  is  a  not  very  well 
founded  tradition  that  the  padre  spent  much  time  hunting  for  a  viper  of  a 
peculiar  kind  recommended  by  the  natives  as  a  remedy.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
ii.  51-2;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  76-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.   104;  Prov. 
Bee.,  MS.,  xi.  113;  Sta.  Lies.  Lib  de  Mision,  MS. 

29  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  40. 


30  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

increase  of  force  to  the  extent  of  three  captains,  nine 
teen  non-commissioned  officers,  and  sixty-five  privates 
to  be  added  to  the  presidial  companies  at  an  annual 
cost  to  the  treasury  of  $23,915.  No  new  troops  were 
to  be  sent  from  abroad,  but  the  increase  was  to  be 
effected  by  promotion  and  enlistment  within  the 
province.  It  was  accomplished  without  difficulty 
before  the  end  of  the  year,  and  during  the  next  year 
Argiiello,  Carrillo,  and  Goycoechea  were  commissioned 
as  captains,  though  the  last  named  was  absent  from 
the  province.27 

Also  in  1805  another  defensive  measure  was  adopted, 
and  Alferez  Jose  Roca  was  sent  back  to  California  to 
organize  a  militia  artillery  company  of  seventy  men 
in  accordance  with  Arrillaga's  proposition  of  the  pre 
ceding  year.23  Roca  arrived  at  Monterey  in  Septem 
ber.  Arrillaga,  then  on  his  way  to  the  capital,  sent 
orders  for  cooperation,  and  the  selection  and  enrol 
ment  of  men,  chiefly  in  the  pueblos,  began  imme 
diately.  The  organization  was  probably  completed 
before  the  middle  of  the  next  year,  at  which  time  in 
structions  were  issued  for  militia  management,  though 
we  have  but  few  details  respecting  this  company  dur 
ing  the  decade.29  The  artillerymen  were  mounted  and 

27  April  1,  1805,  viceroy's  decree  for  an  increase  of  force  to  take  the  place 
of  the  Catalan  volunteers,  on  the  basis  proposed  by  Arrillaga  March  21,  1803. 
Decree  sent  to  California,  with  orders  to  governor  for  appointments  and 
recruiting,  on  April  3d.  Prov,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  47-9.    Cost  of  the  increase. 
Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixxxvii.  58.    The  increase  approved  by  the  king  on  March  22, 
1807.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  201-2. 

28  Jan.  19,  1805,  instructions  to  Roca  from  the  commandant  of  artillery  at 
Vera  Cruz.     Roca  was  to  act  in  harmony  with  the  governor,  and  raise  eight 
corporals  and  62  privates.     The  corporals  must  be  able  to  read  and  write, 
besides  knowing  well  the  residence  of  each  private  so  as  to  assemble  the  com 
pany  quickly  in  case  of  danger.     The  men  must  reside  as  near  as  possible  to 
head  towns;  arrangements  must  be  made  for  two  hours'  instruction  every 
Sunday,  and  after  completing  the  organization  Roca  was  to  return  to  Mexico. 
Jjept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxxvii.  59-60.     Nov.  21,  1804,  governor  to 
V.  R,  Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  ix.  56. 

29  Sept.  25,  1805,  Arrillaga  at  San  Vicente  to  Roca.     Is  informed  of  his 
arrival.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  200-1.     Same  date,  Arrillaga  to  commandants. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  61.      Nov.  21st,   Guerra  to  com- 
isionado   of   San  Jose1,   asks  fcr  lists   of  men  fit   for  duty.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  78.     Number  of  suitable  men  in  Monterey  jurisdiction  30.   Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxiv.  26.     Feb.  17,  1806,  Gov.  to  S.  Jose"  comisionado. 
Aid  to  be  given  to  Roca.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  90.     April  1,  1806,  Roca 


PROTECTION  OF  THE  PROVINCE.  31 

Alferez  Roca  seems  to  have  remained  in  command 
instead  of  returning  to  Mexico  as  ordered  at  first. 

O 

While  no  American  traders  or  other  foreign  craft, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Lelia  JByrd,  as  already  noted, 
appeared  on  the  coast  this  year,30  a  lively  fear  of 
Yankee  schemes  was  experienced  in  Mexico,  and 
various  precautions  were  discussed  besides  the  mili 
tary  reinforcements  just  recorded.  Early  in  the  year 
there  came  and  was  circulated  in  California  a  royal 
order  closing  all  the  ports  in  Spanish  dominions  to  all 
but  national  mail  vessels  until  further  orders,  with 
reprisals  in  the  mean  time  against  the  English.31  An 
Italian  priest  who  landed  at  Monterey  from  Manila  was 
sent  as  soon  as  possible  to  Mexico  en  route  for  Italy  in 
accordance  with  general  orders  against  all  foreigners.32 
Arrillaga  had  asked  for  an  armed  vessel  to  protect 
the  coast  and  pursue  smugglers,  and  the  matter  was 
discussed  at  San  Bias  in  September,  by  the  board  of 
war.  There  was  no  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 
importance  of  sending  a  vessel;  but  some  officers 

will  send  an  artilleryman  to  instruct  the  militia  of  Angeles  every  Sunday. 
The  gun  from  San  Gabriel  to  be  sent  thither,  or  perhaps  the  men  going  to  the 
mission  to  say  mass  may  better  take  their  drill  there.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
xix.  170.  July  12,  1806,  Arrillaga's  instructions  to  the  militia  of  San  Jose". 
Men  must  not  be  hindered  from  attending  to  private  business,  but  must  on 
leaving  town  acquaint  the  corporal  with  their  whereabouts;  not  exempt  from 
obedience  to  parents  or  judges,  or  from  community  work,  except  when  in 
actual  service  or  drill.  Id.,  xix.  106-8;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  84.  Distribu 
tion  in  1809;  commandant  Roca  at  Soledad;  23  men  at  San  Jose";  29  at  Angeles; 
3  at  San  Diego;  2  at  Branciforte;  2  at  Monterey;  6  at  Sta  Barbara;  1  at 
Buenavista  Rancho;  2  at  El  Refugio;  1  at  S.  Rafael  Rancho;  and  one  at  Sta 
Gertrudis.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xl.  17-20.  Aug.  25,  1809,  full  list  of  about 
75  names.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xl.  17-19.  Similar  list  of  1816.  Id.,  xlviii.  11,  12. 
1810,  company  in  great  need  of  arms.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  120. 

30 The  Spanish  transports  of  the  year  were  again  the  Princesa  and  Activo 
which  brought  five  padres  to  Monterey  Aug.  30th,  and  anchored  at  S.  Bias 
on  return,  Nov.  21st.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  34;  xi.  200;  ix.  69.  According 
to  the  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xii.  475,  these  vessels  brought  down  quite  a  large 
amount  of  furs,  hides,  wool,  fish,  flour,  and  vinegar.  The  Conception  from 
the  Philippines  sailed  from  Monterey  Jan.  3d,  leaving  Surgeon  Manuel  Torres 
and  an  Italian  priest,  Francisco  Farnesio,  ill.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  195. 

31  Jan.  12,  1805,  viceroy  to  Gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  45.  April  8, 
1805,  reply.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  65-6.  The  cause  of  this  order  was  the 
seizure  of  four  Spanish  vessels  from  South  America  by  an  English  fleet  in 
time  of  peace.  The  order  had  no  practical  effect  in  California,  as  no  English 
vessel  appeared;  yet  the  movements  of  the  transports  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  interrupted. 

32 Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  47. 


32  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

thought  she  should  cruise  continually  up  and  down 
the  coast,  while  others  favored  a  station  at  Monterey 
whence  she  might  take  advantage  of  the  favorable 
\vind  to  swoop  down  on  the  smugglers  further  south 
at  short  notice.  The  decision  was  in  favor  of  the 
latter  plan,  and  the  Princesa  was  recommended  for 
the  service,  being  strong,  fast,  and  copper-bottomed. 
The  proposal  found  favor  in  viceregal  eyes  and  a 
corresponding  decree  was  issued  in  the  following 
March.33 

There  were  misgivings  in  Spain  and  Mexico  and 
California  about  the  designs  of  the  Anglo-Americans. 
The  viceroy  notified  the  governor  of  those  ambitious 
designs  as  shown  in  the  pretensions  of  Minister  Mon 
roe  at  the  court  of  Madrid;  and  Arrillaga  in  reply 
sent  a  rumor  obtained  from  O'Cain  that  the  United 
States  would  have  free  trade  with  New  Spain  even  by 
force,  and  that  a  Philadelphian  was  asking  congress  for 
40,000  men  with  whom  to  take  the  country,  relying 
also  on  the  growing  -popular  discontent.  Similar 
rumors  had  come  from  other  sources  as  early  as 
1799.34  Captain  Goycoechea,  lately  appointed  gov 
ernor  of  Baja  California,  complains  in  December  of 
this  year  that  "the  Anglo-Americans  within  the  past 
few  years  have  not  only  begun  to  frequent  the  waters 
surrounding  our  possessions  in  quest  of  fish,  pearls, 
and  furs,  but,  confident  that  there  is  nobody  to  restrain 
them,  they  come  with  arrogant  boldness  to  anchor  in 
our  very  harbors,  and  to  act  with  the  same  liberty  as 
if  they  were  Spaniards.  These  arrivals,  which  are 
becoming  very  frequent  and  about  which  your  excel 
lency  must  be  well  informed,  should  convince  you  that 
quite  possibly  this  proud  nation,  constantly  increasing 
its  strength,  may  one  day  venture  to  measure  it  with 
Spain,  and  acquiring  such  knowledge  of  our  seas  and 
coasts  may  make  California  the  object  of  its  attack, 

83  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  87-99. 

34  Sept.  22,  1805,  viceroy  to  Gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  73;  Jan.  2, 1806, 
reply.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  ix.  70-1. 


GOYCOECHEA'S  VIEWS.  33 

knowing  by  the  visits  referred  to  what  the  province 
contains." 35 

In  the  report  from  which  I  have  just  quoted  Goy- 
coechea  furnished  much  information  about  California's 
resources,  prospects,  and  needs,  though  his  views  did 
not  differ  materially  from  those  expressed  by  others  in 
former  years.  He  declared  that  there  were  mines 
which  might  be  profitably  worked,  in  both  Californias; 
that  teachers  were  needed,  since  children  were  grow 
ing  up  in  pitiful  ignorance,  and  he  favored  the  sending 
of  idle  families,  and  especially  of  children  from  the 
Mexican  cities.  The  scheme  which  he  urged  most 
zealously,  however,  for  the  advancement  of  both  pro 
vincial  and  royal  interests,  was  the  transfer  of  the  San 
Bias  department  with  its  dock-yards  and  other  ad 
juncts  to  a  more  healthful  and  convenient  site  in  the 
north.  His  preference  was  in  favor  of  San  Quintin 
just  below  San  Diego;  though  had  his  opinion  been 
called  for  before  he  became  governor  of  Lower  Cali 
fornia,  I  doubt  not  he  would  have  preferred  San  Fran 
cisco  or  some  other  northern  port.  The  proposition 
was  referred,  as  the  custom  was,  to  various  tribunals 
and  officials  for  additional  investigations. 

Tapis  desired  to  found  a  new  mission  on  Limii  or 
Santa  Catalina  Island,  with  a  view  to  convert  the 
naked  and  superstitious,  though  friendly,  natives,  who 
were  not  disposed  to  join  a  mission  on  the  mainland, 
yet  caused  the  friars  trouble  by  their  intercourse  with 
the  Channel  neophytes.  In  his  general  report  for 
1804  Tapis  broached  the  subject,  ingeniously  suggest 
ing  that  an  island  establishment  would  be  a  most 
effective  means  of  checking  contraband  trade.  Arri- 
llaga  approved  the  plan  in  1805,  especially  as  a  pre 
ventive  of  smuggling^  but  a  little  later  in  his  next 

35  Goycoechea,  Medios  para  el  Fomento  de  las  California,  1805,  MS.,  with 
report  of  the  fiscal.  Dated  Dec.  7th.  Tuthill's  remark  '  These  Anglo-Amer 
icans  will  become  troublesome, '  said  a  long-headed  governor  of  California  in 
1805,  Hist.  CaL,  124,  may  be  a  reference  to  Goycoechea's  remarks,  which  I 
have  translated  as  literally  as  a  Biscayan's  Spanish  can  be  translated;  or  it  may 
be  a  passage  from  Arrillaga  which  has  escaped  my  notice. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  3 


34  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

biennial  report  the  president  confessed  that  as  the 
sarampion,  or  measles,  had  carried  off  over  two  hun 
dred  natives  on  the  two  islands,  and  as  a  recent 
investigation  had  shown  a  lack  of  good  lands  and 
of  water,  the  expediency  of  founding  a  mission  was 
doubtful.36 

Indian  hostilities  for  many  years  had  been  rare  and 
petty  in  their  nature.  This  year  an  affair  occurred  of 
comparative  importance.  Padre  Cueva  of  San  Jose 
Mission  having  occasion  to  visit  some  sick  neophytes 
in  a  rancheria  ten  or  fifteen  miles  distant  in  the  east 
ern  hills,  was  escorted  by  Majordomo  Ignacio  Higuera 
and  two  soldiers,  besides  being  accompanied  by  a  few 
neophyte  attendants.  This  was  on  the  15th  of  Jan 
uary.  Arriving  at  the  rancheria  to  which  his  visit 
was  directed,  the  natives — possibly  those  of  another 
rancheria  on  his  way  back,  for  the  record  is  not  clear 
in  its  details — instead  of  receiving  him  kindly,  dis 
charged  a  cloud  of  arrows.  Higuera  was  killed,  Cueva 
was  struck  in  the  face,  one  of  the  soldiers  was  badly 
wounded,  and  three  neophytes  were  killed  as  were  all 
the  horses.  The  pursuit  was  checked  apparently  by 
the  fall  of  a  gentile,  and  the  survivors  were  enabled 
to  reach  the  mission.37  As  soon  as  news  of  the  dis- 

36  Tapis,  In  forme  Bienal  de  Mlsiones,  1803-4,  1805-6,  MS.     In  the  first 
report  he  says  Liraii  abounds  with  timber,  water,  and  soil.     There  are  ten 
rancherias  on  the  island,  the  three  largest  of  which  Cajatsa,  Ashuagel,  and 
Liam  have  124,  145,  and  122  adults  respectively.     The  men  are  naked,  live 
on  fish,  and  are  eager  for  a  mission.     The  natives  of  Huina  (Santa  Rosa) 
Island — where  there  are  seven  rancherias,  the  largest  with  120  adults,  but  no 
facilities  for  a  mission — are  willing  to  move  to  Limu.    March  1,  1805,  Tapis  to 
Arrillaga,  containing  the  same  in  substance  as  the  preceding.  Arch.  St.  B., 
M  S. ,  vi.  28-30.     May  7th,  Arrillaga  to  Tapis  with  approval.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. , 
vi.  22.     Reference  to  the  subject  also  in  Arch.  St.  B.,  MS.,  vi.  28-30. 

37  Jan.  16,  1805,  comisionado  of  S.  Jose"  to  com.  of  S.  Francisco.     The  first 
rancheria  was  aided  by  two  others.    Arrows  continued  to  fly  all  the  afternoon. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  34-5.     Jan.  31st,  Argiiello  to  Gov.,  the  hostile  ran 
cheria  was  one  of  the  Asisines.  Id,,  xix.  36.    Tapis,  Informe  General  de  Misi 
ones,  1803-4,  MS.,  77,  says  that  a  neophyte  treacherously  guided  Cueva  to 
the  wrong  rancheria.     March  llth,  governor  to  viceroy,  the  padre  had  visited 
the  Asisines  rancheria  and  was  attacked  on  his  return  by  another  six  leagues 
distant.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  63-4.     The  hostile  natives  called  Luecheas. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  36-7.     Feb.  20th,  an  investigation  at  Sta  Clara  by 
Peralta.  Id. ,  xix.  29.     Amador  calls  the  natives  Loechas  and  says  they  lived 
14  leagues  east  of  the  mission.     He  says,  doubtless  erroneously,  that  the  sur- 
.vivors  defended,  themselves  all  night  io  a  cave,  M&morias,  MS.,  14,  15. 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIES.  35 

aster  reached  San  Francisco,  Sergeant  Peralta  was 
despatched  with  eighteen  men,  increased  to  thirty-four 
from  the  settlers  at  San  Jose,  against  the  hostile  gen 
tiles.  The  natives  had  abandoned  their  rancheria,  but 
were  overtaken,  making  but  slight  resistance,  and 
before  the  24th,  eleven  of  their  number  were  killed 
and  thirty  were  captured,  mostly  women.38  Peralta 
made  another  raid  in  February,  but  no  remnant  of 
hostility  was  found,  many  fugitives  returned  volunta 
rily  to  their  missions,  and  some  gentile  chieftains  from 
distant  rancherias  such  as  Pescadero  on  the  Rio  San 
Francisco,  or  San  Joaquin,  came  in  to  assure  the 
Spaniards  that  they  had  taken  no  part  in  the  out 
break.39  Later,  in  May  and  June,  there  was  thought 
to  be  a  plot  to  attack  and  burn  Santa  Clara.  Several 
Christian  natives  were  arrested  as  accomplices,  but 
Alferez  Luis  Argiiello  after  scouring  the  sierra  in  all 
directions  and  bringing  in  twenty-two  natives  con 
vinced  himself  that  there  was  no  hostile  intention; 
and  indeed  the  neophytes  finally  admitted  that  they 
had  originated  the  threats  and  rumors  merely  to  escape 
floggings.40 

On  his  arrival  at  the  capital  in  the  beginning  of 
1806,  one  of  Arrillaga's  first  measures  was  to  issue 
instructions  in  which  he  indicated  his  determination 
to  prevent  the  prevalent  contraband  trade.  He  de 
clared  that  the  laws  of  the  Indies  and  the  orders  of 
himself  and  his  predecessors  had  been  shamefully  dis 
regarded  by  officials,  and  that  no  further  abuses  would 
be  tolerated.  Clearly  Arrillaga  understood  the  nature 
of  the  evil  and  its  remedy.  Americans  could  not  as 

38 Peralta,  Diario  de  una  Expedition  contra  Gentiles,  1805,  MS.,  dated  S. 
Francisco,  Jan.  30th.  Jan.  31st,  Argiiello  to  Gov.,  announcing  Peralta 's  suc 
cess.  He  complains  of  Cueva's  rashness.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  36-7. 
Amador  says  that  the  natives  were  found  at  a  rancheria  on  the  San  Joaquin 
called  Pitemis.  Memorias,  MS.,  14,  15. 

39  Feb.  28,  1805,  Argiiello  to  governor,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  39-40. 

40May  20,  1805,  Luis  Argiiello  to  Jose  Argiiello.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
30.  May  30th,  Argiiello  to  Gov.  Id. ,  xix.  42.  June  25th,  same  to  same  with 
report  of  the  campaign.  Id. ,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  15,  16.  The  suspected 
Indians  were  Seunenes  and  Bolbones. 


36  AERILLAGA'S  RULE. 

a  rule  be  captured  or  their  vessels  detained,  though 
this  was  to  be  done  if  possible;  but  by  prompt  action 
and  close  vigilance  on  the  arrival  of  a  vessel  the  people 
might  be  prevented  from  all  intercourse  with  the 
strangers,  who  without  such  intercourse  would  have 
no  motive  to  come  or  remain,  since  their  demands  for 
supplies  were  for  the  most  part  mere  pretence.  There 
fore  on  the  arrival  of  a  vessel  the  news  must  be  sent 
to  the  nearest  presidio;  no  supplies  must  be  given, 
and  strict  guard  was  to  be  established  on  the  shore. 
No  citizen  was  to  be  allowed  to  leave  his  place  of 
residence  while  the  vessel  remained ;  suspicious  persons 
were  to  be  arrested;  commandants  of  guards  and  co- 
misionados  of  pueblos  must  be  responsible  for  all  in 
their  jurisdiction,  and  were  given  power  to  arrest  with 
out  legal  formality,  and  officials  neglectful  of  their 
duties  were  threatened  with  suspension.41  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  Arrillaga  was  at  first  honest  in 
his  determination  to  break  up  smuggling  and  trade 
with  foreigners,  and  perhaps  he  continued  firm  so  far 
as  Americans  were  concerned ;  but  it  will  be  seen  else 
where  that  he  made  some  concessions  before  the  year 
was  past,  in  the  case  of  the  Russians. 

In  July  Arrillaga  made  a  somewhat  extended  report 
to  the  viceroy  on  the  condition  of  California,  represent 
ing  in  a  not  very  encouraging  light  the  various  insti 
tutions  and  industries.  Indeed  this  ruler  was  never 
known  to  be  enthusiastic  or  hopeful  on  any  topic.  In 
this  report  he  gave  his  opinion  on  Goycoechea's  plan 
of  transferring  the  San  Bias  department  to  San  Quin- 
tin.  He  saw  no  advantage  in  the  place  suggested 
except  the  excellence  of  its  harbor,  there  being  a  lack 
of  wood,  water,  fertile  lands,  and  surrounding  popula 
tion.  Moreover  San  Quintin  was  so  situated  with 

"Feb.  8,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  commandants.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  113- 
16.  Aug.  6th,  strict  instructions  of  Argiiellaat  S.  Francisco  to  his  successor 
about  intercourse  with  foreigners.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxvii.  17.  Arrillaga 's 
complaints  of  Yankee  infringements  of  the  laws.  Langsdorjf's  Fo.y.,185.  Com. 
of  S.  Francisco  to  fire  his  artillery  at  canoes  in  the  bay.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii. 
269. 


GOVERNOR'S  RECOMMENDATIONS.  37 

respect  to  prevailing  winds  that  a  vessel  could  not  be 
quickly  sent  to  the  upper  coast.  A  station  in  Alta 
California  would  be  better,  but  in  his  opinion  the 
transfer  was  not  advisable.  In  place  of  this  meas 
ure  he  suggested  that  two  vessels  be  stationed 

OO 

permanently  in  some  of  the  northern  ports,  the  crews 
bringing  their  families  to  California  and  being  en 
couraged  to  engage  -in  various  industries  when  not  on 
active  service.42  Meanwhile  the  Princesa  had  been 
sent  up  for  a  season's  cruise  on  the  coast  in  quest  of 
smugglers,  and  had  entered  upon  the  performance  of 
her  duties  in  June.43  Arrillaga  also  pronounced  the 
presidio  buildings  to  be  in  a  bad  condition,  and  urged 
the  viceroy  to  have  them  repaired  and  properly  sup 
plied  with  artillery  for  protection  from  foreigners 
before  he  should  give  much  attention  to  new  settle 
ments.  Iturrigaray  promised  to  send  an  inspecting 
officer;  meanwhile  none  but  cheap,  though  solid, 
structures  were  to  be  erected.44 

Several  American  vessels  were  on  the  coast  this 
year,  though  information  about  their  movements  is 
incomplete.  Such  is  naturally  the  case  in  these  times, 
since  of  most  trading  voyages  no  diary  is  extant  and 
I  am  forced  to  rely  on  incidental  mention  in  letters  of 
the  epoch  and  on  fragmentary  records  in  the  archives, 
where  wild  work  is  generally  made  with  American 
names.  The  Peacock,  Captain  Kimball,  was  the  first 
arrival.  She  anchored  off  San  Juan  Capistrano  on 
April  4th,  and  sent  four  men  ashore  in  a  boat  to  ask  fox- 
pro  visions.  The  jealous  corporal  of  the  mission  guard, 
mindful  of  Arrillaga's  recent  orders,  not  only  refused 

42  Arrillaga,  Relation  sobre  el  Estado  que  guardan  los  Presidios  y  Pueblos  de 
California,  1806,  MS.  Dated  Monterey,  July  15th. 

«Pnw.  Bee.,  MS.,  viii.  84;  ix.  78;  xi.  Ill;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  162. 
The  Princesa  brought  up  four  friars,  arriving  at  Monterey  June  23d.  The 
supplies  were  brought  this  year  by  the  Conception,  which  arrived  in  August. 
Prov.  ftec.,  MS.,  xii.  267;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  101. 

44  July  18,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  90-1.  Dec. 
17th,  viceroy  to  Gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  102.  For  the  governor'^ 
general  instructions  on  presidio  management,  Indian  policy,  discipline,  and 
military  routine,  see  Arrillaga,  Preceptos  generales  para  Coma~idantes,  1806, 
MS.  Dated  S.  Diego,  Dec.  22d. 


38  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

supplies,  but  took  the  four  men  prisoners,  sending 
them  to  San  Diego.  The  Peacock,  having  recovered 
her  boat,  sailed  on  the  9th;  anchored  off  San  Diego, 
sending  a  letter  ashore  on  the  10th;  and  was  last 
seen  at  Cdrmen  near  San  Miguel  on  the  lower  coast 
on  the  19th.  A  vessel  supposed  to  have  been  the 
same  had  already  done  some  trading  with  the  padre 
of  San  Miguel  late  in  February  and  early  in  March, 
and  had  subsequently  anchored  in  San  Pedro  Bay 
and  sent  to  San  Gabriel  for  provisions,  March  19th, 
before  coming  to  San  Juan. 

The  letter  above  alluded  to  informed  the  mate,  one 
of  the  captives,  that  the  vessel  would  linger  for  a 
while  on  the  coast  to  take  him  on  board  if  he  could 
effect  his  escape.  Accordingly  when  a  rumor  came 
that  a  vessel  had  been  seen  off  San  Juan,  the  prisoners 
broke  jail  on  the  night  of  June  23d,  took  the  boat  of 
the  presidio,  and  started  out  to  sea;  but  they  came 
back  next  day  when  they  had  failed  to  find  their  ves 
sel,  and  after  a  while  .were  sent  down  to  San  Bias.45 

In  June  or  July  appeared  another  American  craft 
on  the  coast  called  by  the  Spaniards  the  Reizos,  and 
supposed  by  them  to  be  under  Captain  O'Cain.  There 
is  much  confusion  in  the  matter,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
say  definitely  whether  this  was  the  Peacock  back 
again,  the  O'Cain,  of  which  I  shall  presently  speak, 
or  really  a  distinct  ship  called  the  Reizos,  or  by  some 
name  of  similar  sound.  This  mysterious  vessel  anch 
ored  off  San  Diego  on  June  25th,  but  was  refused 

45  May  4, 1806,  Com.  of  San  Diego  to  Gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  174-6. 

The  names  of  the  prisoners  were:  Tom  Kilven,  mate;  ,  a  Frenchman, 

boatswain;  Bias  Limcamk  and  Bias  Yame,  sailors  from  Boston.  Eezanof, 
who  was  at  San  Francisco  when  the  Gov.  received  the  report,  names  the 
Frenchman  Jean  Pierre,  and  the  mate  Thomas  Kilvain.  Letter  of  June  17, 
1806,  in  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  app.  273.  The  captives  represented  the 
Peacock  as  of  108  tons,  8  guns,  and  14  men.  She  left  Boston  in  September 
1805,  and  arrived  at  the  Sandwich  Islands  on  Feb.  12th  according  to  Rezanof. 
She  had  a  cargo  of  stores  to  be  traded  for  furs  in  the  north.  The  captain's 
name  is  called  by  the  Spaniards  Olivens  Kimvell,  and  he  is  even  said  to  have 
been  a  brother-in-law  of  Capt.  O'Cain.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  153-5. 
May  19,  1806,  Gov.  to  Com.,  acknowledging  report  of  the  affair.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,xii.  46.  June  23d-4th,  Rodriguez  to  Gov.  Escape  of  the  prisoners.  Id.t 
xix.  136-8,  148.  The  Peacock  in  Baja  California.  Id.,  xix.  146-7,  155,  181. 


WINSHIP  ON  THE  COAST.  39 

supplies  and  opportunity  for  repairs.  Then  she  went 
down  to  Todos  Santos,  where  she  obtained  water  in 
spite  of  opposition,  and  captured  three  men  sent  to 
watch  her  movements.  The  captain  then  attempted 
to  use  his  captives  to  force  a  release  of  the  Peacock 
prisoners,  making  loud  threats  of  destroying  San  Diego 
presidio  and  fort,  and  thus  forcing  Rodriguez  to  con 
centrate  reinforcements  to  the  extent  of  four  or  five 
men  and  to  throw  up  hasty  fortifications;  but  no  bat 
tle  occurred,  and  on  July  9th  the  last  of  the  captive 
soldiers  was  released  at  San  Quintin.46 

One  of  the  released  captives,  a  corporal,  reported 
that  there  was  another  vessel  hunting  otters  by  the 
aid  of  northern  Indians  and  canoes  in  the  vicinity  of 
Santo  Tomas  Island,  with  which  vessel  his  captors 
had  been  in  communication,  and  which  they  had 
now  probably  rejoined.  This  reference  was  perhaps 
to  the  O'Cain,  since  that  vessel  was  again  on  the  coast 
under  a  new  commander,  Jonathan  Winship.  With 
his  brother  Nathan  as  mate,  Winship  sailed  from 
Boston  in  October  1805  with  thirty  men  including 
officers.  Touching  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  he  was 
welcomed  at  New  Archangel  in  April  1806  by  Chief 
Director  Bardnof,  who  was  willing  enough  to  make 
a  new  contract  for  otter-hunting  in  the  south.  On 
or  about  May  23d  with  a  hundred  Aleut  hunters, 
four  Russians,  twelve  women,  and  fifty  bidarkas,  the 
O'Cain  set  sail  for  the  south,  and  on  June  10th 
anchored  just  north  of  Trinidad  Bay,  where  Wash 
ington  Sound,  now  Big  Lagoon,  was  discovered, 
named,  and  partially  explored. 

Winship  remained  in  and  near  Trinidad  Bay  for 
twelve  days.  Fish  were  very  plentiful,  and  many 
skins  were  obtained  both  by  trade  and  by  hunting; 
but  the  natives  were  numerous  and  hostile,  all  opera 
tions  had  to  be  conducted  under  the  ship's  guns,  field- 

46  July  5,  16,  25,  1806,  reports  of  Rodriguez  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  129-30,  134-6,  141-3.  The  Ilelsos,  or  Zeissos,  Capt.  Josd  Poenicar, 
with  35  men  and  18  guns,  a  whaler,  had  left  Nemtguia,.  U.  S.,  in  January. 
There  was  a  report  that  O'Cain  was  the  captain. 


40  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

pieces  had  to  be  landed  to  protect  the  camp  on  the 
bay  shore,  and  once  a  fight  occurred  in  which  a  sav 
age  was  killed.  Consequently  it  was  deemed  best  to 
quit  this  region  on  June  22d,  and  having  sighted  the 
Farallones  on  the  way  south,  the  adventurers  reached 
Cedros  Island  on  June  29th.  Parties  of  hunters  were 
distributed  on  the  different  islands,  while  the  ship 
cruised  from  one  to  another  with  supplies  and  water, 
spending  also  some  time  at  Todos  Santos  and  San 
Quintin,  where  a  profitable  trade  was  carried  on  with 
the  missionaries.  After  two  or  three  months  Win- 
ship,  leaving  his  hunters  till  his  return,  sailed  by  way 
of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  for  Kadiak,  where  he  arrived 
on  November  9th,  with  skins  valued  at  $60,000,  and 
was  soon  ready  for  a  new  trip  in  completion  of  his 
contract.  Not  mentioning  the  second  trip,  which  I 
shall  describe  in  another  chapter,  the  Russian  au 
thorities  state  that  Winship  returned  in  September 
with  5,000  otter-skins  for  sharing.  He  had  quarrelled 
at  Cedros  Islands  with  the  chief  hunter,  Slobodchikof, 
and  the  latter,  purchasing  an  American  schooner, 
possibly  Hudson's  Tamana  mentioned  in  a  previous 
chapter,  renamed  the  Nikolai,  had  returned  home  by 
way  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  arriving  in  August. 
Thus  it  will  be  seen  there  is  much  confusion  about 
the  voyage,  although  one  of  my  authorities  is  founded 
upon  the  log-book  of  the  O'Cain*1 

Yet  another  American  hunting- voyage  under  Rus 
sian  auspices  was  that  of  Captain  Campbell  with 
twelve  bidarkas  under  Tarakdnof.  His  contract  wras 
made  in  October  1806;  he  was  to  begin  operations  at 

47  Boston  in  the  Northwest,  MS.,  13-20;  Khttbnikof,  ZapisTci,  9,. 10,  137; 
.Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  107-8;  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  183.  If  the 
O'Cain  was  the  vessel  called  by  the  Spaniards  the  Reizos,  as  the  dates  would 
indicate,  it  is  very  strange  that  her  log  contains  nothing  about  the  capture 
of  the  soldiers;  and  if  she  was  not,  it  is  equally  strange  that  nothing  is  said 
of  the  other  vessels  which  she  must  have  met.  The  log  is  silent  about  the 
quarrel  with  the  head  hunter,  and  the  Russians  say  nothing  of  the  O 'Cain's 
second  trip.  Khlebnikof  says  that  Bodega  as  well  as  Trinidad  was  visited. ' 
Tikhmenef  tells  us  that  Winship  was  forbidden  by  Baranof  to  hunt  on  the 
California  coast  '  without  special  permission  of  the  Spanish  government. '  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  no  such  permission  was  asked  for  or  obtained. 


MISSION  REGULATIONS.  41 

Trinidad  Bay,  and  not  to  go  "too  near"  the  Spanish 
settlements;  and  he  returned  in  the  following  August 
with  1,230  otter-skins.48 

On  the  1st  of  October  1806  Guardian  Jose  Gasol 
issued  an  important  series  of  regulations  for  the  guid 
ance  of  the  California  friars.49  Most  of  the  sixteen 
articles  relate  to  details  of  ecclesiastical,  missionary, 
and  private  life,  and  need  not  be  presented  here  even 
in  resume.  It  may  be  noted,  however,  that  this 
document  gave  rise  to  the  custom  of  keeping  in  each 
mission  a  book  of  patentes,  or  communications  from 
superior  Franciscan  authorities;50  and  that  it  also  re 
quired  an  annual  meeting  of  the  friars  of  the  different 
districts  at  San  Francisco,  San  Cdrlos,  San  Luis 

48  KhlebniJcof,  ZapisU,  9. 

49  Gasol,  Letras  Patentes  del  Padre  Guardian,  1806,  MS.     I  translate  the 
heading  and  preliminary  remarks  as  an  interesting  sample  of  documents  of 
this  class.     'Fr.  Jos6  Gasol,  of  the  Regular  Observance  of  Our  Holy  Father 
Saint  Francis,  Evangelical  Preacher,  Ex-Reader  of  sacred  Theology,  Padre  of 
the  Province  of  the  Holy  Evangel  of  Mexico,  and  Guardian  of  the  College  of 
San  Fernando  of  the  same  city — to  the  Reverend  Father  President  and  other 
Religious  of  the  said  College,  serving  in  the  missions  of  Monterey,  San  Diego, 
Santa  Barbara,  and  others  founded,  or  which  may  be  founded,  in  New  Cali 
fornia  under  charge  and  direction  of  the  said  college — Grace  in  Our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  which  is  the  true  grace. 

'  The  hour  has  at  last  come  which  I  so  much  desired,  Reverend  Fathers 
and  dearest  Brothers  in  Jesus  Christ,  to  open  to  Your  Reverences  my  breast 
and  manifest  to  you  the  sentiments  of  zeal  and  vigilance  with  which  my 
heart  is  penetrated  not  only  for  those  sons  of  our  beloved  College  who  live 
within  its  cells,  but  also  for  those  who  outside  of  it  exercise  the  functions  of 
our  apostolic  ministry.  To  both  alike  should  extend  my  paternal  solicitude; 
and  Your  Reverences  yourselves,  if,  on  account  of  being  so  far  from  your  col 
lege,  you  should  see  yourselves  deprived  of  the  exhortations,  counsels,  and 
corrections  conducive  to  spiritual  consolation,  might  with  reason  complain  of 
my  negligence.  In  order,  then,  that  you  may  have  not  the  slightest  reason  for 
complaint,  nor  for  accusing  me  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord  of  remissness  in 
speaking,  advising,  and  correcting  whatever  is  worthy  of  advice  or  correc 
tion,  I  have  resolved  (with  the  consent  of  the  Venerable  Discretory)  to  direct 
to  Your  Reverences  these  letras  patentes  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  some 
points  which  all  must  observe  in  order  that  by  means  of  this  religious  con 
formity  there  may  be  preserved  among  you  the  peace  for  which  so  zealously 
strove  the  founders  of  those  missions,  sons  of  this  Apostolic  College — and 
that  there  may  be  an  end  of  the  clamors  which,  by  reason  of  some  infractions 
by  certain  ministers,  have  reached  not  only  me  and  my  predecessors  but 
the  Viceroyalty  of  this  Capital.'  Then  follow  16  articles  of  the  instruction 
proper. 

s°  Most  of  these  Libros  de  Patentes  have  been  preserved.  They  make  up 
the  collection  I  have  designated,  Archivo  del  Obispado,  in  possession  of  the 
bishop  of  Los  Angeles.  I  have  also  the  original  for  San  Joso  Mission.  These 
books  should  really  be  identical  for  all  the  missions,  but  the  padres  were 
sometimes  neglectful  and  several  books  have  to  be  searched  in  order  to  find  all 
the  documents. 


42  ARRILLAGA'S  RULE. 

Obispo,  Santa  Barbara,  San  Gabriel,  and  San  Diego, 
for  mutual  religious  services,  consultation,  and  conso 
lation — or  rather  the  meeting  was  required  by  the 
guardian,  and  President  Tapis  in  an  adjoined  circular 
named  the  places  of  meeting.51 

Two  topics  also  require  mention  as  connected  with 
secular  interests.  Gasol  enjoined  the  friars  most 
strictly  that  no  information  respecting  mission  affairs 
was  to  be  furnished  to  the  viceroy  or  to  any  official 
of  the  secular  government  except  through  the  medium 
of  the  college,  thus  showing  that  the  old  spirit  of  an 
tagonism  was  by  no  means  dead.  The  current  topic 
of  contraband  trade  was  also  taken  up,  and  the  guar 
dian  says :  "in  order  to  avert  the  reprimand  which  the 
college  would  have  to  suffer  from  the  viceroy  if  it 
should  come  to  his  knowledge  that  any  one  of  your 
reverences  was  trading  with  the  foreigners,  I  ex 
pressly  order  that  no  one  either  directly  or  indirectly 
trade  with  them."  Evidently  the  good  prelate  had 
in  mind  not  so  much  the  sin  of  smuggling,  if  indeed 
it  were  a  sin,  as  the  danger  of  being  caught.  The 
uniform  testimony  of  the  traders  is  that  the  mission 
aries  were  their  best  customers. 

Local  events  in  1806  were  the  injuries  done  to  the 
presidio  chapel  at  Santa  Barbara  at  first  by  an  earth 
quake  in  March  and  later  by  a  gale  in  May;  the  rav 
ages  of  the  measles  at  San  Francisco  from  April  to 
June  during  which  time  two  hundred  and  thirty-six 
neophytes  died;  some  new  boundary  disputes  at  San 
Jose;  a  destructive  fire  at  San  Miguel  in  August; 
and  the  consecration  of  two  new  mission  churches, 
one  at  San  Juan  Capistrano,  and  the  other  at  San 
Fernando.  Two  topics  of  this  year's  annals  demand 
each  a  separate  chapter:  one  that  of  inland  explora 
tion,  the  other  the  beginning  of  intercourse  between 
Californians  and  Russians. 

61  Archivo  del  OUspado,  MS.,  6,  7. 


CHAPTER  III. 

INLAND   EXPLORATIONS. 
1806-1810. 

PRELIMINARY  RESUME  OF  INLAND  EXPLORATION — FAGES,  CRESP!,  ANZA, 
FONT,  AND  GARCES— A  TIERRA  lNc6GNiTA— DISCOVERIES  BY  INDIAN- 
HUNTERS — ARRILLAGA'S  EFFORTS — VAGUE  ALLUSIONS— THE  RIVER  SAN 
JOAQUIN  NAMED — EXPEDITION  OF  MAITORENA  AND  SANCHEZ  FROM  SAN 
DIEGO— Ruiz  AND  ZALVIDEA  FROM  SANTA  BARBARA — TULARE  AND  BUE- 
NAVISTA — MORAGA  AND  MUNOZ  FROM  MONTEREY — MARIPOSA — MERCED 
RIVER — TUOLUMNE — KINGS  RIVER — SITES  FOR  NEW  MISSIONS — LATER 
EXPLORATIONS — DIARIES  OF  VIADER— NAMES  OF  RANCHERIAS. 

THE  Spanish  occupation  of  California  was  limited 
to  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  along  the  coast  from 
San  Francisco  to  San  Diego.  Soledad,  their  most 
inland  establishment,  was  not  over  thirty  miles  from 
the  sea,.  The  vast  interior  was  a  tierra  incognita, 
frequently  spoken  of  as  such  in  official  documents. 
The  extreme  south,  the  modern  county  of  San  Diego, 
was  much  better  known  than  the  inland  regions 
north.  In  1774  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza  came' 
from  the  Colorado  River  to  San  Gabriel  diagonally 
across  the  country  from  south-east  to  north-west  by  a 
route  practically  the  same  as  that  now  followed  by 
the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad.  In  1775-6  Anza 
brought  a  colony  to  California  by  the  same  route. 
In  connection  with  this  expedition  Father  Francisco 
Garces  made  some  extensive  and  important  explora 
tions  a  little  further  north.  He  went  up  the  Colorado 
to  the  Mojave  region,  and  crossed  westward  by  the 
thirty -fifth  parallel  and  Mojave  River  to  San  Gabriel; 
then  proceeding  northward  he  traversed  the  since 

(43) 


44  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

famous  mountain  passes  into  the  great  Tulare  Valley, 
nearly  reaching  the  latitude  of  Tulare  Lake;  and 
finally  he  passed  out  of  the  valley  eastward  and 
returned  along  the  thirty-fifth  parallel  to  the  Colorado. 
Garces  had  thus  explored  what  is  now  Kern  and  San 
Bernardino  counties,  but  though  his  diary  was  pre 
served  in  Mexico,  and  the  results  of  his  exploration 
were  preserved  in  Font's  map,  yet  these  results,  never 
well  known,  were  soon  completely  forgotten  in  Cali 
fornia.  In  1781  Rivera's  colony  was  brought  from 
the  Colorado  by  Gonzalez  and  Argiiello  over  Anza's 
old  route,  and  during  this  and  the  following  year  that 
route  was  many  times  followed  backward  and  forward 
in  connection  with  the  disastrous  events  at  the  Colo 
rado  River  missions.  In  one  of  these  expeditions 
Pedro  Fages  took  a  more  direct  route  farther  south 
from  the  Gila  across  the  mountains  to  San  Diego. 
Finally  Fages  and  Velazquez  made  some  explorations 
on  the  San  Diego  inland  frontier  in  1783—5.  Thus  as 
I  have  remarked  this  southern  district,  or  San  Diego 
County,  was  tolerably  well  known. 

In  the  north  it  will  be  remembered  that  in  1772 
Fages  and  Crespi  explored  the  country  now^  consti 
tuting  Alameda  and  Contra  Costa  counties  as  far  as 
the  mouth  of  the  great  rivers,  getting  from  the  hills 
a  broad  view  over  the  inland  valleys.  In  1776  Anza 
and  Font  reexamined  the  same  territory,  and  added 
nothing  but  confusion  to  the  knowledge  previously 
gained,  though  in  returning  they  passed  to  the  east 
of  Monte  del  Diablo,  and  thus  their  survey  embraced 
a  larger  circuit  than  that  of  their  predecessors.  This 
same  year,  while  the  naval  officers  explored  the  bay 
by  water,  going  up  either  Petaluma  or  Sonoma  creek, 
Moraga  crossed  the  hills  from  the  southern  head  of 
the  bay  eastward  to  the  great  river,  which  he  ascended 
for  three  days,  crossed,  and  penetrated  one  day's 
march  into  the  great  plain  beyond.  In  later  years 
the  Spaniards  rnade^  at  least  one  trip  from  San  Fran 
cisco  to  Bodega;  and  the  soldiers,  raiding  for  runaway 


A  TIERRA  INC6GNITA.  45 

neophytes,  often  penetrated  the  borders  of  the  interior 
valleys,  and  still  oftener  looked  down  upon  them  from 
the  summits  of  the  coast  range. 

Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  re 
specting  the  great  interior  of  their  Californian  posses 
sions  the  Spaniards  possessed  a  knowledge,  gained 
partly  from  vague  traditions  of  the  early  explorations 
now  nearly  forgotten,  but  chiefly  from  later  reports 
of  Indian-hunting  sergeants  which  were  very  barren 
of  geographical  detail,  hardly  more  complete  than 
might  have  been  gained  by  a  view  from  two  or  three 
coast-range  summits,  consisting  mainly  in  the  general 
facts  that  beyond  this  range  were  broad  tulares,  valleys 
bounded  in  their  turn  on  the  east  by  a  lofty  and  often 
snow-capped  sierra.  In  1806  Arrillaga,  probably  act 
ing  under  orders  from  Mexico  though  no  such  orders 
are  extant  so  far  as  my  researches  show,  made  an 
earnest  and  somewhat  successful  effort  to  have  the 
eastern  country  explored,  with  a  view  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  new  missions  in  the  interior  in  case  suit 
able  sites  should  be  discovered.  To  the  results  df  this 
exploration  as  far  as  known,  though  the  records  that 
I  have  been  able  to  find  are  meagre,  I  devote  this  short 
chapter.  It  is  a  topic  that  might  easily  be  disposed 
of  in  a  few  paragraphs;  but  it  is  also  one  which  I  deem 
of  especial  importance,  respecting  which  every  scrap  of 
available  material  should  be  carefully  preserved. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  have  noticed  certain 
expeditions  in  pursuit  of  natives  from  the  region  of 
Mission  San  Jose,  one  of  which  perhaps  reached  the 
San  Joaquin  a,t  the  Pescadero  rancheria.1  In  1804 
Father  Martin  made  a  visit  to  the  valley  of  the  tulares, 
reaching  a  rancheria  of  Bubal  named  La  Salve,  but 
accomplishing  nothing;  and  in  1805  it  is  stated  that 
an  expedition  reached  and  named  the  Rio  de  los  San 
tos  Reyes,  still  called  Kings  River.2  At  some  recent 

1  Chapter  ii.  of  this  volume. 

2  Martin,  Visita  d  los  Gentiles  Talarenos,  1804,  MS.     In  a  later  report  of 
1815.  Arch.  StaB.,MS.,  iv.  27. 


46  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

time  before  the  autumn  of  1806  a  party  sent  out  to 
find  a  route  to  Bodega,  reached  a  river  which  was 
named  Bio  de  la  Basion,  apparently  identical  with 
the  Calaveras  Biver,  though  that  was  certainly  on  a 
very  remarkable  route  to  Bodega.3  Langsdorff  under 
stood  that  though  the  Spaniards  had  followed  the 
left  bank  of  the  San  Joaquin  for  miles  from  its  mouth 
on  horseback  they  had  never  crossed  it  for  want  of 
boats.  San  Francisco  seems  to  have  been  the  only 
name  he  heard  applied  to  that  river.  "  Every  year," 
says  this  author,  "  military  expeditions  are  sent  out  to 
obtain  a  more  exact  knowledge  of  the  interior  of  the 
country,  with  a  view,  if  possible,  of  establishing  by 
degrees  a  land  communication  between  Santa  Fe  and 
the  north-west  coast  of  America.  While  I  was  at  the 
mission  of  St  Joseph  April  1806  thirteen  soldiers,  with 
a  sergeant  and  corporal,  arrived  there  on  their  return 
from  one  of  these  expeditions.  These  people  asserted 
that  they  had  penetrated  between  eighty  and  ninety 
leagues  into  the  country,  and  had  arrived  in  the 
neighborhood  of  a  high  and  widely  extended  chain  of 
hills,  covered  with  eternal  snow;  this  chain  is  known 
to  the  Spaniards  under  the  name  of  the  Sierra 
Nevada."  Soldiers  supposed  to  have  come  from  New 
Mexico  were  reported  by  the  natives  to  have  come 
to  the  country.  Another  expedition  under  Luis  Ar- 
giiello  and  Badre  Uria  was  being  prepared  at  San 
Francisco.  It  was  to  include  Cadet  Santiago  Argii- 
ello,  a  corporal,  and  twenty-five  men.4 

The  expedition  of  April  alluded  to  by  Langsdorff 
is  also  vaguely  mentioned  without  details  in  the 
Spanish  diary  of  another  expedition  as  having  made 
quite  extensive  explorations  in  what  is  now  Tulare 

zArch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iv.  18,  to  be  explained  in  a  later  diary. 

4  LanysdorjjTs  Voyages  and  Travels,  ii.  203-7.  The  author  makes  a  some 
what  amusing  though  not  unnatural  error  when  he  names  the  ensign 
Afferez  as  one  of  the  members  of  the  proposed  expedition,  alferez,  as  the 
reader  knows,  being  the  Spanish  for  '.ensign.'  Beechey,  Voyage,  ii.  5,  tells  us 
that  at  the  time  of  Langsdorff's  visit  Luis  Argiiello  and  Uria  explored  the 
Sacramento  for  70-80  leagues,  and  prepared  to  found  a  settlement  for  the  con 
version  of  the  natives;  but  it  failed. 


MAITORENA'S  ENTKADA.  47 

County,  giving  the  names  San  Gabriel,  San  Miguel, 
and  San  Pedro  to  three  rivers,  the  two  former  being 
branches  of  the  same  river.  This  party  or  another  is 
said  to  have  started  from  Mission  San  Miguel  in 
April  for  a  trip  of  seventeen  days.5  .  As  to  the  other 
proposed  expedition  of  which  Langsdorff  speaks,  there 
are  some  indications  that  it  never  started,  though 
possibly  it  may  have  been  the  one  which  discovered 
and  named  Rio  de  la  Pasion.  Finally  it  is  inci 
dentally  stated  that  the  Rio  San  Joaquin  had  been 
discovered  and  named,  at  a  date  not  given,  before 
September  1806,  by  Alferez  Gabriel  Moraga.6  We 
know  of  course  that  the  river  had  long  ago  been 
visited  by  Don  Gabriel's  father  as  well  as  by  others; 
but  there  is  no  apparent  reason  to  doubt  that  the  son 
had  given  the  name  recently,  as  I  know  no  instance 
in  which  it  was  used  before  1806.  So  much  for  vague 
references;  let  us  now  glance  at  records  which  are 
slightly  more  definite. 

On  May  9,  1806,  Arrillaga  issued  orders  to  the 
commandant  of  San  Diego  for  an  expedition  to  be 
sent  out  from  that  presidio.  The  instructions  indi 
cate  that  it  was  not  expected  perhaps  to  find  mission 
sites  in  this  southern  region,  but  rather  to  obtain  as 
much  information  as  possible  about  the  Indians  and 
their  rancherias,  to  form  friendly  compacts  with  the 
gentiles  for  the  return  of  fugitives,  and  to  arrest  all 
the  runaways  that  could  be  found  in  a  search  of  twenty 
or  thirty  days. 

On  June  20th  Alferez  Maitorena,  Father  Sanchez, 
Sergeant  Pico,  twenty  soldiers,  and  three  interpret 
ers  started  from  San  Diego,  to  begin  their  explo 
ration  at  the  sierra  running  from  San  Luis  Rey 
towards  San  Miguel.  Having  visited  all  the  ran 
cherias  for  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues,  and  cap 
tured  only  two  fugitives,  the  party  returned  on  the 
14th  of  July.  Sanchez  doubtless  kept  a  diary,  as  the 

5 Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iv.  31-2;  xii.  81-2. 
6 Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iv.  5. 


48  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

sergeant  was  also  ordered  to  do,  but  neither  document 
is  to  be  found.7 

May  20th  the  governor  issued  instructions  similar 
to  the  preceding,  for  an  expedition  to  be  under  Alferez 
Luis  Argiiello.  The  territory  to  be  explored,  as 
vaguely  indicated,  seems  to  have  been  the  same  as 
that  intrusted  to  Maitorena — that  is  the  country 
from  the  sierra  inland  between  San  Luis  and  San 
Miguel;  but  Argiiello  was  not  to  visit  the  Colorado 
rancheria  of  San  Quirino.8  Nothing  more  is  known 
of  this  expedition,  and  I  think  it  was  never  carried 
out.  An  expedition  was  however  despatched  from 
Santa  Barbara  on  July  19th,  in  accordance  with 
Arrillaga's  orders  of  the  10th  of  July.  Father  Zal- 
videa  was  one  of  the  party  and  his  diary  I  reproduce 
substantially,  so  far  as  names,  dates,  distances,  and 
courses  are  concerned,  in  a  note.9  The  writer  alludes 

7  June  18, 1806,  commandant  to  governor,  acknowledging  receipt  of  instruc 
tions  of  May  19th.  June  20th,  announcement  of  start.  July  25th,  announce 
ment  of  return.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  125-6,  183-7. 

sProv.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  37-40.  Possibly  this  was  the  same  expedition 
referred  to  by  Langsdorff  as  in  preparation  a  little  earlier. 

9  Zalvidea,  Diarlo  de  una  Expedition,  Tierra  adentro,  1806,  MS.  July  19th, 
went  from  Sta  Barbara  to  Sta  Ines.  July  20th,  north,  3  leagues  to  Jonatas 
rancheria;  3  1.  to  Saca;  5  1.  to  Olomosoug.  July  21st,  north,  4  1.  to  Gecp, 
through  broken  hills.  July  22d,  north  over  the  sierra,  2 1.  to  Talihuilimit  on 
the  plain;  north-east  6  1.  to  Lisahua  near  an  arroyo  on  an  arid  nitrous  soil 
without  wood  or  pasture.  July  23d,  east  4  1.  to  Cuia,  near  3  small  springs; 

4  1.  south  to  Siguecin;  and  back  to  Lisahua.     July  24th,  east  4  1.  past  a 
salina  to  Sgene;  7  1.  east  to  Malapoa,  or  Napolea.     July  25th,  8  1.  north  to 
Buena vista  on  the  shore  of  a  lagoon  which  is  8  leagues  long  and  5  leagues 

'wide  (this  seems  too  large  for  Buenavista  or  Kern  lakes  or  both,  and  too 
small  for  Tulare  Lake,  but  was  probably  the  latter),  3  branches  of  a  great 
river.  Balsas  were  used  on  the  lake  by  the  Indians;  2  1.  no  course  given. 
July  26th,  till  noon,  east  along  shore  of  lake;  afternoon,  north  over  a  broad 
plain,  no  distance  given,  plenty  of  tules;  to  Sisupistu  at  the  point  of  the  lake. 
July  27th,  4  1.  east  across  arid  plains;  2  1.  into  a  Canada,  to  a  site  called 
Tupai.  July  28th,  30th,  spent  in  exploring  the  region  of  the  camp,  which  is 
very  minutely  but  confusedly  described,  as  affording  several  streams,  some 
tolerably  good  land,  oak-covered  hills,  swamps,  and  broad  plains  with  some 
grass  with  a  yellow  flower;  low  hills  form  a  semicircle  about  7  1.  from  the 
Punta  de  la  Laguna;  and  near  by  is  a  pine-covered  mountain  range.  Tacui  is 
the  only  rancheria  mentioned.  July  31st,  4 1.  north  over  the  plain.  Aug.  1st, 

5  1.  north  to  Rancheria  de  los  Rios,  or  Yaguelame'.     Here  were  2  of  the  3 
branches  into  which  a  great  river  from  the  sierra  divides  itself,  and  which  3 1. 
distant  through  a  forest  of  poplars  reunite  to  form  the  Laguna  Grande  de  los 
Tulares  already  described.    Nothing  but  bare  hills  to  be  seen  in  the  north,  in 
which  direction  2  days'  journey  distant  live  the  Pelones  in  13  rancherias. 
Aug.  2d,  3  1.  south;  report  that  the  Colorado  River  Indians  from  the  rancheria 
called  Majagua  come  here  often  in  a  10  days'  journey  over  a  country  without 


VALLEY  OF  THE  TULARES. 


49 


^5&  ^^J/S         -I/  /      -* 
f\     v —  v^       "_^3k- 

\0-  (^^^C^Cv  "^ 

vi*«>.  /  ^wXyiir?*- 


MAP   OF   THE   TULARE   VALLEY. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    4 


50  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

several  times  to  the  lieutenant  in  command,  who  was 
probably  Francisco  Ruiz.  The  route  followed  was 
first  north  from  Santa  Ines,  and  then  eastwardly  into 
the  great  plain.  The  name  Buenavista  was  applied 
to  a  rancheria  on  the  banks  of  the  Laguna  Grande  de 
los  Tulares.  I  am  unable  by  the  aid  of  maps  to  follow 
the  exact  route  and  identify  the  different  streams 
mentioned;  but  in  what  seems  to  have  been  the 
Visalia  region  Zalvidea  found  an  excellent  site  for  a 
mission,  most  of  the  country  traversed  being  arid, 
alkaline,  and  unfit  for  mission  purposes.  They  seem 
not  to  have  gone  further  north  than  the  southern 
boundary  of  Fresno  County;  and  then  proceeding 
southward,  they  passed  through  Tejon  or  Tehachipi 
pass  out  of  the  valley;  followed  the  eastern  foothills 
of  the  San  Gabriel  range  until  they  turned  west  and 
crossed  the  mountains  to  San  Gabriel  on  the  14th  of 
August.  The  natives  had  been  uniformly  friendly  and 
willing  to  receive  missionaries,  several  submitting  to 
baptism  at  the  hands  of  Zalvidea. 

September  4th  Arrillaga  notified  Commandant  dela 
Guerra  of  Monterey  that  instead  of  two  expeditions- 
one  from  Monterey  and  the  other  from  San  Francisco 
as  had  apparently  been  the  intention — one  only  need 
be  despatched  under  Alferez  Moraga,  with  Marcelino 
Cipres  as  chaplain.10  Moraga's  party  of  twenty-five 

water.  Aug.  3d,  south  to  Punta  de  la  Laguna,  and  one  league  more.  Aug. 
4i;h,  4  1.  south  into  the  cajon  where  two  soldiers  were  killed  some  years  ago. 
It  is  5  1.  from  Punta  de  la  Laguna;  5  1.  from  Buenavista;  and  7  1.  from 
Eancheria  de  los  Rios.  A  rancheria  of  Taslupi  mentioned.  The  stream  of 
the  cajon  contained  some  saltpetre.  Aug.  5th,  fruitless  search  over  the 
mountains  for  a  watering-place  the  lieutenant  had  seen  before,  and  return  to 
camp.  Aug.  6th,  east  through  the  cajon.  Aug.  7th,  visit  to  rancheria  of 
Castegue.  Aug.  8th,  4 1.  east  to  a  spring;  7  1.  into  a  broad  valley.  Aug.  9th, 


resting.  Aug.  13th,  41.  west  to  Moscopiabit;  41.  to  an  abandoned  rancheria; 
2  1.  to  a  stream  said  to  flow  into  the  Rio  Santa  Ana.  Aug.  14th,  6  1.  west  to 
Guapiana;  and  to  San  Gabriel. 

10  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  117-18.  The  com.  of  San  Francisco  was  to 
have  a  sergeant,  corporal,  and  eight  men  ready  to  march  whenever  Guerra 
should  call  for  them.  As  Ruiz  had  marched  from  the  Laguna  de  San  Buena 
ventura  to  San  Gabriel  without  noting  anything  of  importance,  Moraga  must 
keep  to  the  eastward,'  or  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  which  the  other  party 


VALLEY  OF  THE  TULARES. 


MAP  or  THE  SAN  JOAQUIN  VALLEY. 


52  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

men  finally  started  from  San  Juan  Bautista  the  21st 
of  September.  Instead  of  Cipres,  Pedro  Munoz  served 
as  chaplain,  and  kept  a  full  diary  of  the  trip.11  I  re 
produce  the  diary  in  substance  as  I  have  that  of 
Zalvidea,  although  there  are  parts  of  it  which  I  can 
not  follow  accurately,  and  although  my  condensation 
of  such  parts  will  very  likely  prevent  their  interpre 
tation  by  others  better  acquainted  with  the  regions 
explored,  about  which  in  a  general  way  there  is  no  un 
certainty. 

had  not  been  able  to  cross.  This  I  find  well  nigh  unintelligible.  Oct.  2d, 
Guerra  notified  the  governor  that  Moraga  had  started  for  S.  Juan  Bautista 
with  15  men  to  join  the  10  from  San  Francisco.  Id.,  xix.  118-19. 

11  Munoz,  Diario  de  la  Expedition  hecha  por  Don  Gabriel  JHoraga,  Alfcrcz 
de  la  Compania  de  San  Francisco,  d  los  Nuevos  Descubrimientos  del  Tular,  1806, 
MS.  Started  from  S.  Juan  Bautista  Sept.  21st,  and  went  1.5  leagues  some 
what  easterly,  across  a  '  famous  plain  '  to  the  Arroyo  de  los  Huzaymas.  Sept. 
22d,  8.1.  over  a  bad  way  to  the  edge  of  the  Tular  plain,  to  a  place  named  be 
fore  by  an  expedition  from  S.  Francisco,  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  where  there  is  a 
good  spring  (still  called  San  Luis  Cr.?).  Sept.  23d,  6  or  8  1.  east  to  a  place 
before  discovered  and  called  Santa  Rita  on  an  arroyo,  with  '  many  tules  in  all 
this  continent'  and  much  black  willow  on  the  stream.  Sept.  24th,  sought 
for  a  large  rancheria  in  the  south  and  then  went  2  1.  east  to  explore  the  great 
river  already  discovered  by  Moraga  and  by  him  named  San  Joaquin;  returned 
to  Sta  Rita.  Sept.  25th,  moved  the  camp  to  the  banks  of  the  S.  Joaquin; 
much  good  land  toward  the  south,  but  some  alkali;  plenty  of  beaver  and 
salmon.  Sept.  26th,  visited  the  rancheria  of  Nupchenche,  chief  Choley,  across 
the  river;  250  souls.  Sept.  27th,  crossed  the  river;  one  league  north  through 
thick  tules;  2  1.  over  alkali  lands  to  an  arroyo  witli  some  oaks  and  willows, 
place  called  Mariposas  (Bear  Cr.,  name  Mariposa  still  retained  in  this  region) 
from  the  multitude  of  butterflies,  one  of  which  gave  a  soldier  much  trouble 
by  getting  in  his  ear.  Sept.  28th,  Sunday,  one  division  stayed  in  camp;  the 
alf6rez  went  north  and  the  sergeant  N.  E. ,  and  both  discovered  a  'famous 
river '  with  many  timid  gentiles.  Sept.  29th,  3  1.  x.  to  the  river  which  was 
named  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Merced  (still  called  Merced  River,  though  it  was 
possibly  Bear  Cr.,  in  order  to  locate  Tahualamne  on  what  is  now  Tuolumne 
River);  a  very  favorable  place  for  a  mission;  2  rancherias,  but  abandoned. 
Sept.  30th,  a  party  went  N.  w.  and  discovered  a  river  similar  to  the  Merced, 
but  with  steep  banks.  Another  party  went  up  the  Merced  and  found  many 
Indians.  Oct.  1st,  marched  N.  w.  7  or  8  1.  to  the  river  named  Dolores  from 
the  time  of  discovery  (the  Tuolumne  River).  Oct.  2d,  1  1.  to  dry  bed  of 
a  stream;  2  1.  to  a  very  large  oak  grove  or  forest;  1.5  1.  to  another  river  '  like 
the  former  in  magnitude  and  Christian  waters,' with  immense  quantities  of 
wild  grape-vines,  named  Nra  Sra  de  Guadalupe  (the  Stanislaus  River).  Oct. 
3d,  6  1.  E.  up  the  river  to  a  rancheria  of  Taulamne  or  Tahualamne  (Tuolumne?) 
situated  on  inaccessible  rocks.  Oct.  4th,  6  I.  N.  w.  to  the  dry  bed  of  a  stream, 
with  much  ash  and  grape-vine,  called  San  Francisco;  9  1.  to  a  large  river 
already  discovered  by  an  expedition  seeking  a  route  to  Bodega  and  named 
Rio  de  la  Pasion  (it  would  seem  that  this  must  have  been  the  Calaveras 
River  in  the  vicinity  of  Stockton);  back  to  Rio  Guadalupe.  Oct.  5th,  Hostile 
demonstrations  of  the  Indians,  whose  fears  could  not  be  removed.  Oct.  6th, 
back  to  Rio  Dolores,  one  party  keeping  along  the  foothills.  Oct.  7th,  back 
to  Rio  Merced;  Indians  somewhat  less  timid.  Oct.  8th,  visit  to  rancheria  of 
Lateliite  of  200  souls;  another  called  Lachno  near  it.  Oct.  9th,  8  1.  E.  to  a 


MORAGA'S  EXPEDITION.  53 

Moraga  took  a  course  somewhat  north  of  east  from 
San  Juan,  crossed  the  San  Joaquin  near  the  present 
boundary  between  Merced  and  Fresno,  and  turned 
northward.  The  name  Mariposas  was  applied  to  the 
creek  or  slough  still  so  called  or  to  another  near  by ; 
and  the  first  large  stream  crossed,  deemed  the  best 
place  in  all  the  northern  region  for  a  mission,  was 

dry  creek  over  a  rough  and  rocky  way.  Oct.  10th,  2  1.  E.  to  a  dry  creek  with 
oaks  and  willows,  called  Santo  Domingo;  5  1.  E.  to  a  river-bed,  place  named 
Tecolote.  Oct.  llth,  4  1.  E.  to  dry  creek  named  Santa  Ana;  4  1.  E.  over  a 
better  country  to  the  Rio  de  S.  Joaquin  (their  course  for  several  days  had 
probably  been  considerably  south  of  east,  and  they  were  now  perhaps  in  the 
vicinity  of  Millerton).  October  12th,  rest.  Oct.  13th,  explorations  on  the 
S.  Joaquin.  One  party  went  down  the  river,  and  found  nothing  but  bad 
land;  the  other  went  up  stream  into  the  mountains,  finding  plenty  of  pine 
and  redwood,  and  having  an  interesting  interview  with  the  old  chief  Sujoyu- 
comu  at  the  rancheria  of  Pizcache.  He  said  that  a  band  of  soldiers  like  these 
came  from  across  the  sierra  (from  New  Mexico)  20  years  ago  and  killed  many 
of  the  Indians.  Across  the  sierra  northward  was  the  sea,  10  days'  journey 
distant,  and  he  himself  had  been  there !  He  said  that  a  great  river  rose  in 
the  middle  of  the  mountains,  one  branch  of  which  flowed  down  the  opposite 
side  of  the  range,  and  the  other  was  the  S.  Joaquin.  Oct.  14th,  5  1.  E.  to  the 
Rio  de  los  Santos  Reyes,  discovered  in  1805,  an  excellent  place  for  a  mission 
(apparently  Kings  River,  the  translation  of  the  name  being  still  retained). 
Oct.  15th,  detained  by  rain.  Oct.  16th  to  18th,  explorations  up  and  down  the 
river.  Up  the  stream  was  found  a  rancheria  under  Achagua  called  Ayquiche, 
where  they  heard  of  6  other  rancherias  and  received  confirmation  of  the  story 
about  the  soldiers  from  New  Mexico.  Down  the  river  were  3  rancherias  of 
400  souls,  all  anxious  for  a  mission.  Oct.  19th,  moved  3  or  4  1.  to  a  watering- 
place  and  rancheria  under  Gucaytey  with  600  souls,  Oct.  20th,  2.5  1.  east- 
wardly  to  Cohochs  rancheria;  then  to  a  fine  river  discovered  by  another 
expedition  in  April  of  this  year  and  called  San  Gabriel,  with  another  branch 
called  San  Miguel.  This  region  covered  with  oaks,  has  3,000  souls  eager  for 
conversion,  and  is  the  best  place  seen  for  a  mission.  (It  must  be  the  Visalia 
region  though  details  are  very  confusing.)  Oct.  21st,  explored  7  1.  eastward 
to  the  Rio  San  Pedro,  discovered  by  the  other  expedition  and  now  dry;  back 
to  the  rancheria  of  600  souls,  called  Telame.  Oct.  22d  to  24th,  all  the  sites 
of  the  Roblar  having  been  explored,  waited  for  supplies  from  Mission  S. 
Miguel.  Oct.  25th,  21.  E.;  21.  w.  to  Rio  S.  Gabriel  (unintelligible).  Oct. 
26th,  4  1.  along  the  roblar  where  flows  the  Rio  S.  Pedro;  and  4  1.  up  the 
roblar  eastward,  apparently  on  the  river.  Oct  27th,  1  1.  up  the  river  to 
Coyehete;  1  1.  E.  to  arroyo  of  San  Cayetano;  4  1.  E.  to  another  large  arroyo; 
through  a  Canada  to  a  dry  creek,  in  search  of  a  large  river  discovered  by  an 
expedition  from  Sta  Barbara  this  year  (that  of  Zalvidea).  Oct.  28th,  3  1.  to 
the  river  sought,  and  down  the  river;  found  traces  of  the  other  expedition;  a 
very  bad  country.  Oct.  29th,  3  1.  down  the  river.  Oct.  30th,  rest.  Oct. 
31st,  south  to  a  pass  in  the  sierra.  Nov.  1st,  through  the  pass.  .  Nov.  2d, 
over  a  hard  mountain  way  to  the  rancho  of  Mission  S.  Fernando.  The  num 
ber  baptized  on  the  trip  was  141.  There  follows  a  list  of  rancherias  visited 
by  this  expedition  and  that  made  in  April.  The  names  are:  Nupchenche, 
250;  Chineguis,  250;  Yunate,  250;  Chamuasi,  250;  Latelate,  200;  Lachuo, 
200;  Pizcache,  200;  Aycayche,  60;  Ecsaa,  100;  Chiaja,  100;  Xayuase,  100; 
Capatan,  12;  Hualo  Vual,  400;  Tunctache,  250;  Notonto  (1st),  300;  Notonto 
(2d),  100;  Telame  (1st),  600;  Telame  (2d),  200;  Uholasi,  100;  Eaguea,  300; 
Cohochs,  100;  Choynoque,  300;  Cutucho,  400;  Tahualamne,  200;  Coyehete, 
400. 


54  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

named  Merced.  Subsequently  the  explorers  on  a 
generally  north-western  course  in  a  distance  of  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  leagues  crossed  successively  the  rivers 
named  Dolores,  Guadalupe,  and  San  Francisco,  a  dry 
bed,  until  they  reached  the  large  river  called  by  a 
previous  expedition  Rio  de  la  Pasion.  If  the  first 
river  was,  as  I  suppose,  the  one  still  called  Merced, 
the  distance  might  possibly  have  brought  the  travellers 
to  the  Sacramento  at  Richland  or  Freeport;  but  this 
would  require  some  of  the  intermediate  streams  to  be 
disposed  of  as  dry  river-beds,  and  there  is  nothing  in 
the  narrative  to  indicate  that  the  Pasion  was  so  very 
large  a  river  as  the  Sacramento.  On  the  other  hand, 
if  we  take  the  rivers  in  their  order  we  may  naturally 
identify  the  Dolores  and  Guadalupe  with  the  Tuolumne 
and  Stanislaus  and  suppose  that  Moraga  reached  the 
Calaveras.12  A  rancheria  of  Tahualamne,  doubtless 
the  origin  of  Tuolumne,  was  found  on  the  second 
river  above  the  Merced.  The  natives  in  the  north 
were  uniformly  timid,  in  one  instance  even  hostile, 
and  though  on  most  of  the  rivers  they  were  followed 
far  up  into  the  hills  it  was  only  in  a  few  instances 
that  friendly  intercourse  could  be  established;  yet 
such  natives  as  were  consulted  professed  a  willingness 
to  become  Christians.  Above  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion 
there  was  a  total  change  in  language  which  prevented 
all  intercourse. 

The  explorers  turned  about  on  the  4th  of  October 
and  returned  to  the  Merced,  one  party  generally  keep 
ing  to  the  hills  and  another  in  the  plain.  Thence 
keeping  to  the  east,  or  more  probably  to  the  south 
east,  they  reached  the  San  Joaquin  in  a  march  of 

12  Diego  Olivera,  a  soldier  who  claimed  to  have  accompanied  this  expedition, 
said  they  explored  the  whole  country  from  the  head  of  the  San  Joaquin  up 
north  along  the  Sacramento  and  Sierra  Nevada.  From  their  camp  on  the 
Sacramento  many  trips  were  made  up  into  the  snow  mountains.  Moraga  made 
a  long  report  to  the  viceroy.  This  was  the  most  extensive  exploration  of  this 
region,  though  Olivera  went  with  several  others.  He  says  that  Moraga  had 
60  men.  Olivera  in  Taylor's  Discav.  and  Founder*.  No.  26,  ii.  The  same  or 
a  similar  narrative  was  published  as  the  King's  Old  Soldiers  in  California — 
Their  Expeditions  in  the  Interior,  in  the  8.  F.  Bulletin,  May  28,  1864.  These 
narratives  always  exhibit,  and  very  naturally,  a  degree  of  exaggeration. 


GENERAL  RESULTS.  55 

twenty  leagues  or  more,  camping  perhaps  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  Millerton.  The  river  was  explored  for  some 
distance  up  and  down;  rumors  were  heard  of  visits  of 
soldiers  from  New  Mexico  twenty  years  ago;  and 
then  a  march  of  five  leagues  brought  them  to  the  Rio 
de  los  Santos  Reyes,  Kings  River,  discovered  in  1805. 
The  rivers  San  Gabriel  and  San  Miguel  explored  on 
the  20th  were  apparently  branches  of  Kawiah  Creek 
near  Visalia,  the  region  being  pronounced  by  this  as 
by  preceding  parties  excellently  adapted  to  mission 
purposes.  The  Rio  de  San  Pedro  was  perhaps  the 
Tulare  River;  and  the  next  large  stream,  not  named, 
Kern  River.  The  1st  of  November  Moraga  and  his 
party  went  through  what  was  probably  the  Tejon 
Pass;  and  next  day  crossed  the  southern  mountains 
to  San  Fernando  Mission. 

Finally  in  his  mission  report  President  Tapis  states 
that  four  presidial  expeditions  accompanied  by  friars 
have  been  made  within  the  year.  The  gentiles  have 
everywhere  manifested  a  desire  to  become  Christians 
and  receive  missionaries.  Twenty-four  rancherias  have 
been  found  with  5,300  inhabitants,  of  whom  192  have 
been  baptized  by  the  exploring  friars.  Only  four  or 
five  good  sites  for  missions  have  been  found,  all  of 
them  lying  between  the  parallels  of  San  Miguel  and 
San  Francisco.  These  prospective  establishments  will 
require  a  new  presidio  for  their  protection,  because  of 
their  remoteness  and  of  the  numerous  gentiles  who 
dwell  beyond  the  regions  lately  explored.13 

The  rest  of  this  decade,  so  far  as  the  topic  of  this 
chapter  is  concerned,  may  be  briefly  disposed  of.  An 
old  soldier  reports  an  expedition  of  Moraga  with 
twenty-five  men  to  the  San  Joaquin  and  the  Sierra 
beyond  in  1807.  No  cimarrones  were  captured,  many 
horses  were  lost,  and  the  party  returned  by  way  of 
Yerba  Buena.14  In  October  1809  a  sergeant  and  fif 
teen  men  spent  twenty  days  in  a  tour  of  inspection 

33  Tapis,  Informe  Bienalde  Misioms,  1805-6,  MS.,  81-2. 
14  Garcia,  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  launders,  No.  25,  ii. 


56  INLAND  EXPLORATIONS. 

among  the  rancherias,  no  particulars  being  preserved 
of  the  trip.15  While  it  may  be  deemed  very  probable 
that  several  of  these  minor  expeditions  to  the  edge  of 
the  great  valleys  were  made  in  these  years  without 
having  left  any  definite  record,  it  is  by  no  means  likely 
that  explorations  were  pushed  into  any  new  territory. 
In  1810  Alferez  Moraga  with  Father  Viader  made 
two  expeditions  to  the  San  Joaquin,  with  a  view 
among  other  things  to  find  mission  sites;  and  though 
they  did  not  even  reach  the  limits  of  previous  explora 
tions,  Yiader's  diaries  merit  preservation  by  reason  of 
the  Indian  names  of  rancherias  and  tribes.16 

The  first  trip  was  made  in  August.  Cadet  Estrada 
was  one  of  the  party  of  eleven,  and  the  route  was 
northward  from  San  Jose'  Mission  to  the  mouth  of 
the  San  Joaquin,  up  that  river  as  near  as  the  mire 
would  permit  for  eighty  or  ninety  miles,  and  thence 
across  the  mountains  to  San  Juan  Bautista.  They 
killed  many  bears  and  deer,  caught  plenty  of  salmon 
and  trout,  and  had  some  petty  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  the  gentiles;  but  they  found  in  all  the  region 
traversed  no  spot  deemed  suitable  in  every  respect  for 
a  mission.  The  second  tour  was  made  in  October.17 

15Prou.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  249. 

16  Viader,  Diario  6  Noticia  del  Viage  que  acabo  de  hacer  por  mandate  del 
Sr  Gobernador  y  Padre  Presidente,  con  el  objcto  de  buscar  parages  6  Sitios  para 
fundar  Misiones,  Agosto  1810,  MS.     August  15th,  left  Mission  San  Jose"  and 
went  six  leagues  N.  to  a  spring  in  San  Jose"  Valley.     16th,  6  1.  N.  to  source  of 
Nogales  Cr. ;  6  1.  N.  to  mouth  of  same  stream  in  sloughs  extending  N.  E.     17th, 
explorations  of  the  plains  about  the  mouths  of  the  great  rivers  in  the  lands 
of  the  Tarquines  (Carquines?),  no  facilities  for  a  mission  for  lack  of  water. 
18th,  7  1.  E.  over  range  of  mountains  to  the  Rio  de  San  Joaquin,  or  as  it  is 
also  called  Rio  de  los  Tulares,  in  the  land  of  the  Tulpunes;  2  1.  E.     19th,  10 
1.  s.  E.  along  edge  of  the  tules  to  a  lagoon  in  an  oak  grove,  at  or  near  the 
rancheria  of  Pescadero  in  the  country  of  the  Cholbones.     20th,  3  1.  s.  E.  past 
Aupimisto  opposite  Tomchom;  2.51.  to  Cuyens.     21st,  3  1.  past  a  dry  creek, 
to  Maijem;  2  1.  to  Bozenats.     22d,  3  1.  s.  E.  to  Tationes  and  Apaglamenes;  3 1. 
to  some  lagoons  (all  these  rancherias  were  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and 
the  travellers  simply  arrived  opposite  them.     Most  of  the  names  were  those 
of  the  chiefs}.     23d,  41.  to  a  lagoon.     24th,  turned  west  and  in  10  1.  reached 
San  Luis  Gonzaga.     25th,  explorations.     26th,  s.  w.  over  the  mountains,  9  1. 
to  Ausaymas  Cr.     27th,  5  1.  s.  w.  to  San  Juan  Bautista. 

17  Viader,  Diario  de  una  Entrada  al  Rio  de  San  Joaquin,  Octobre  1810, 
MS.     October  19th  and  21st,  from  San  Jose"  Mission  N.  E.  and  E.  N.  E.  to 
rancheria  of  the  Cholbones,  or  Pescadero,  on  the  San  Joaquin.    22d,  Corporal 
Pico  sent  home  with  captives.    Up  river  s.  E.  2 1.  to  opposite  to  Tugites.    23d, 


MINOR  TRIPS.  57 

Moraga  had  a  company  of  twenty-three  soldiers 
and  fifty  armed  neophytes,  by  which  force  thirty  Ind 
ians  were  captured  on  the  San  Joaquin  and  sent  back 
to  the  missions  under  a  guard.  Subsequently  the 
party  crossed  the  river  between  the  Merced  and 
Tuolumne  to  make  a  new  examination  of  the  country. 
The  Merced  region,  although  the  best  seen,  did  not 
seem  so  favorable  for  a  mission  as  it  had  been  reported 
in  1806.  Moraga  also  visited  Bodega  in  September, 
discovering  and  exploring  to  some  extent  a  fertile  val 
ley  in  that  region,  to  which,  however,  he  gave  no 
name.18 

4  1.  up  river  s.  E.,  meeting  some  Cuyens,  to  Mayemes;  2  1.  to  ford,  and  crossed 
near  Taualames.  24th,  tried  to  reach  the  Rio  Dolores  2  or  3  1.  N.  w.  from 
camp;  6  1.  s.  s.  E.  up  river  past  the  Apelamenes,  or  Tationes,  to  Rio  Merced. 
25th,  reforded  the  San  Joaquin  1  1.  above  the  Merced;  3.5  1.  down  the  river 
to  Orestimac  Arroyo  opposite  the  Apelamenes;  2  1.  to  opposite  Taualames; 
3  1.  west  to  Arroyo  of  Corpus  ChrisCi.  26th,  6  1.  w.  across  the  hills  to  El 
Toro;  6  1.  to  springs  and  little  plain  of  San  Guillermo.  27th,  6  1.  w.  to 
rancheria  of  the  Palenos;  5  1.  to  Mission  Santa  Clara.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
Viader's  original  diary  in  my  possession  and  that  copied  from  the  archives  of 
Santa  Barbara  do  not  exactly  agree  in  some  details. 

18  Moraga,  Diario  de  su  Expedition  al  Puerto  de  Bodega,  1810,  MS.  On  the 
way  north  the  'Estero  of  San  Juan  Francisco'  is  mentioned,  on  which  was 
a  rancheria  under  Captain  Yolo;  and  on  the  return  the  '  Punta  del  Plan  de 
San  Francisco  Solano'  is  named.  Grijalva,  Explication  del  Registro  que  hicimos 
desde  San  Diego,  MS. ,  is  a  diary  without  date  of  an  exploration  for  mission 
sites  in  the  region  of  S.  Diego,  certainly  before  1806  and  perhaps  long  before 
1800.  Grijalva  was  not  the  writer,  but  the  commander. 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

RUSSIAN  RELATIONS—VISIT  OF  REZANOF  AND  LANGSDORFF. 

1806-1810. 

PRELIMINARY  RESUME  OF  RUSSIAN  AMERICAN  ANNALS — SPANISH  MOVE 
MENTS  AND  POLICY — ENGLISH  AND  AMERICAN  INTERVENTION — Russo- 
AMERICAN  CONTRACTS — O'CAIN— REZANOF'S  VISIT  TO  SAN  FRANCISCO — 
AUTHORITIES  ON  THE  VOYAGE — RUSSIAN  MOTIVES— A  STARVING  COLONY 
—THE  '  JUNO'  AND  HER  CARGO— DIPLOMACY — AN  HONEST  GOVERNOR — 
TRADING  FRIARS — DESERTERS — RUMORS  OF  WAR — CRITICAL  STATE  OF 
AFFAIRS — LOVE  AND  ROMANCE — DONA  CONCEPCION  ARGUELLO — REZAN 
OF'S  DEPARTURE  AND  DEATH — LANGSDORFF'S  OBSERVATIONS — SWIFT  AND 
EYERS  ON  THE  COAST— THE  'DERBY'  AND  THE  ' MERCURY'— PLANS  FOR 
COMMERCE  AND  A  SETTLEMENT — KUSKOF  AT  BODEGA — VOYAGE  OF  THE 
WINSHIPS — RUSSIAN  SCHEMES. 

ONE  of  the  chief  motives  as  avowed  by  the  Span 
iards  for  the  occupation  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey 
by  the  expedition  of  1769  had  been  the  fear  of  Rus 
sian  advance,  or  encroachment  as  they  regarded  it, 
from  the  north.  The  Russians  were  indeed  destined 
to  play  a  not  unimportant  part  in  the  later  history  of 
California.  On  them  she  was  to  depend  for  years  for 
her  foreign  trade;  they  were  to  furnish  her  in  spite  of 
herself  with  many  things  that  she  required.  They 
were  to  plant  themselves  on  her  border,  if  not  within 
her  territory,  and  were  to  serve  and  annoy  her  at  the 
same  time.  It  was  in  1806  that  the  Russians  of  the 
far  north  first  came  into  actual  contact  with  the  Span 
ish  residents  of  California,  and  in  this  chapter  I  shall 
trace  the  resulting  relations  down  to  the  end  of  the 
decade. 

In  a  later  volume  of  this  series  devoted  to  the 
history  of  Alaska  I  shall  present  a  complete  record  of 

(53) 


ANNALS  OF  ALASKA.  59 

Russian  policy  and  achievement  in  north-western  t 
America,  including  of  course  a  vast  amount  of  mate 
rial  bearing  indirectly  on  the  motives  and  results  of 
Russian  intercourse  with  the  southern  provinces;  there 
fore  the  brief  presentment  of  a  few  salient  points  of 
Alaskan  annals  will  suffice  for  my  present  purpose. 
The  first  discovery  of  the  American  coast  by  the  sub 
jects  of  the  Tsar  was  by  Bering  in  1741.  The  first 
permanent  establishment  on  the  coast  islands  was 
effected  in  1745,  and  from  that  time  voyages  of  ex 
ploration  were  frequent  and  progress  in  settlement 
was  constant,  if  not  very  rapid,  down  to  and  beyond 
1769,  when  the  Spanish  advance  northward  began. 
News  of  the  Russian  discoveries  was  forwarded  from 
St  Petersburg  via  Madrid  to  Mexico,  and  the  same 
motive  which  had  hastened  the  Spanish  occupation  of 
Monterey  now  prompted  the  sending  of  an  expedition 
to  learn  what  the  Russians  were  doing  in  the  far 
north,  that  measures  might  be  adopted  to  check  any 
dangerous  advance  of  that  nation.  Perez  was  sent  up 
the  coast  in  1774  as  we  have  seen,  and  other  voyagers 
visited  the  northern  latitudes  a  little  later.  They 
.found  the  Russians  established  indeed  on  the  coast, 
but  so  far  north  that  their  presence  on  the  continent 
seems  to  have  excited  no  special  uneasiness,  even  in 
the  minds  of  a  nation  which  it  has  been  the  fashion 
to  regard  as  extravagantly  grasping  and  absurdly 
ambitious  in  her  pretensions  to  the  ownership  of  all 
north-western  territory. 

In  fact  since  the  old  ideas  of  contiguity  to  India 
and  the  Spice  Islands,  with  rich  intervening  realms, 
had  been  dissipated,  the  Spaniards  had  no  desire  for 
possessions  in  the  extreme  north.  They  were  the  dis 
coverers  and  first  explorers  of  the  coast  up  to  56°  at 
least,  and  they  naturally,  according  to  the  spirit  of 
the  time,  deemed  themselves  its  owners,  and  were  in 
clined  as  a  matter  of  course  to  protest  against  en 
croachments  of  other  nations;  but  these  protests  so 
far  as  Russia  was  concerned  were  very  rare  and  faint. 


60  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

.From  1770  to  1795  the  ignis  fatuus  of  interoceanic 
communication  by  water,  of  the  strait  of  Anian,  was 
still  faintly  glimmering  before  Spanish  eyes.  While 
it  was  yet  deemed  possible  that  the  strait  of  Fuca  or 
the  Columbia  might  afford  either  communication  with 
the  Atlantic  or  access  to  New  Mexico,  it  was  clearly 
important  to  keep  those  channels  for  trade  and  mili 
tary  operations  out  of  the  control  of  any  foreign  power. 
It  was  also  important  to  secure  a  broad  unoccupied 
northern  frontier  beyond  the  highest  Spanish  estab 
lishment,  and  this  necessitated  a  careful  search  for 
any  good  harbor  that  might  exist  between  San-  Fran 
cisco  and  the-  Columbia.  Before,  however,  these 
problems  were  solved  foreign  powers  took  possession 
of  the  intermediate  territory  which  was  the  prospec 
tive  basis  of  dispute;  Russia  was  thrown  out  of  the 
controversy  altogether,  and  the  Spaniards  had  to  deal 
so  far  as  boundaries  were  concerned  with  the  English 
and  Americans  only.  With  the  complications  which 
followed  I  am  not  concerned  at  this  stage  of  the  nar 
rative,  as  in  them  the  Russians  had  no  part,  except 
that  at  rare  intervals  when  Spain  and  Russia  hap 
pened  to  be  at  loggerheads  on  account  of  their  various 
alliances,  precautionary  orders  against  the  north 
western  otter-hunters  found  their  way  from  Madrid 
to  Mexico  and  thence  to  California.  I  may  remark 
here,  however,  that  the  interference  of  foreign  powers 
on  the  coast  was  much  more  damaging  to  Russian 
than  to  Spanish  interests,  for  if  the  two  original  occu 
pants  had  been  left  to  extend  their  dominion  naturally 
north  and  south  till  they  met,  it  is  almost  certain  that 
Russia  would  have  obtained  the  lion's  share,  gradu 
ally  occupying  the  coast  line  down  to  the  Columbia, 
or  to  Trinidad  and  Humboldt  bays;  while  it  is  very 
likely  that  Spain  would  never  have  permanently  ad 
vanced  beyond  San  Francisco  or  Bodega.1 

1  Revitta  Gigedo,  Informe  de  12  dc  Abril,  1793,  is  perhaps  the  best  state 
ment  extant  respecting  the  Spanish  policy  of  these  times.  The  feeling  of 
the  Spaniards  about  the  extension  of  Russian  dominion  in  the  far  north,  that 


SUBJECTS  OF  THE  TZAR  IN  AMERICA.  61 

The  first  Russian  operators  on  the  Alaskan  coasts 
were  of  mixed  race  and  termed  Russians,  as  the 
Californians  were  termed  Spaniards,  though  perhaps 
somewhat  less  properly.  They  were  Kamchatkan  and 
Siberian  promyshleniks,  a  kind  of  fur-hunting  and 
trading  privateers,  under  government  control  only  in 
being  required  to  pay  tribute  on  the  products  of  their 
enterprises.  They  were  as  cruel,  brutal,  and  avaricious 
as  they  were  adventurous  and  brave.  Banded  in  small 
parties,  they  fitted  out  their  little  shitiki,  or  sewn 
vessels,  formed  of  planks  lashed  to  timbers  and  caulked 
with  moss,  and  fearlessly  navigated  any  stormy  and 
unknown  water.  Decimated  by  starvation,  shipwreck, 
scurvy,  and  violent  death  at  the  hands  of  each  other 
and  of  savages,  they  were  never  discouraged,  and  for 
years  they  had  matters  pretty  much  their  own  way. 
The  history  of  this  period  is  a  chronicle  of  crime, 
oppression,  and  bloodshed  such  as  the  pen  recoils  from 
recording.  We  read  of  women  ravished  by  hundreds 
from  their  homes,  casting  themselves  into  the  sea  to 
escape  their  ferocious  captors;  of  wholesale  massacres; 
of  slavery,  tyranny,  and  outrage;  of  fearful  retribu 
tion  by  desperate  natives;  of  drunken  brawls,  plots 
and  counterplots,  and  hideous  punishments,  In  short 
all  the  horrors  and  wrongs  that  had  been  enacted  two 
hundred  years  before  under  the  hot  sun  of  Mexico 
were  going  on  here  under  the  bleak  sky  of  what  was 
soon  to  be  Russian  America. 

The  promyshlenik  reign  of  terror  lasted  until  about 
1785  when  the  traders  seeing  the  advantage  of  work 
ing  together  began  to  unite  in  larger  companies,  and 
to  obtain  by  imperial  ukazes  exclusive  privileges  of 
monopoly.  The  old  rivalries  and  feuds  were,  however, 

by  no  means  abated,  but  rather  assumed  more  formi- 

• 

is  north  of  Nootka,  was  learned  by  Bardnof  in  1791  by  an  interview  with 
some  members  of  Malaspina's  expedition.  Tikhmgnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  37. 
Viceroy  Azanza  favored  the  keeping-up  of  a  naval  force  to  protect  California 
especially  against  the- Russians  'who  have  always  showed  a  desire  to  estab 
lish  themselves  in  that  country.'  Virrcyes,  Instrucciones,  188, 192.  Precaution 
ary  orders  in  time  of  war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  54;  Pro v.  Rec.,  MS.,  x. 
5;  ix.  7. 


62  EUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

dable  proportions.  Claims  to  exclusive  rights  by  cer 
tain  companies  in  certain  districts  led  to  serious 
conflicts.  Amid  these  conflicts  the  natives  fared  badly, 
especially  the  docile  Aleuts.  True,  kind  treatment 
was  required  by  orders  from  St  Petersburg;  but  as  the 
Russian  proverb  has  it,  "Heaven  is  high  and  the  Tsar 
is  afar  off."  The  fiercer  tribes  of  the  mainland  suf 
fered  less,  thanks  to  their  own  valor  and  strategy — or 
treachery  as  the  chroniclers  are  fond  of  calling  it. 
The  Russian  yoke  had  no  charms  for  them,  as  many 
a  hotly  contested  fight  and  many  a  bloody  massacre 
of  their  oppressors  testified. 

The  chaos  of  rival  companies  was  at  length  reduced 
to  unity  and  order  by  consolidation  in  1797,  resulting 
in  the  organization  in  1799  of  the  gigantic  monopoly 
that  \vas  destined  to  rule  these  shores  for  so  many 
years,  the  Russian  American  Company.  Lesser  com 
panies  were  fused  into  this  or  abolished ;  and  as  it  was 
under  imperial  protection,  and  counted  among  its  share 
holders  the  imperial  family,  it  is  no  marvel  that  it 
flourished  and  was  all-powerful,  something  more  than 
a  commercial  company  or  a  colony,  a  practically  inde 
pendent  department  of  the  Russian  empire.  The  lot 
of  the  Aleuts,  always  a  hard  one,  was  somewhat  im 
proved  under  the  company's  rule.  True  they  were 
practically  slaves  and  animals,  but  as  such  they  had  a 
value  and  were  entitled  to  a  degree  of  protection. 
The  natives  of  the  mainland  retained  their  indepen 
dence  and  were  now  free  from  oppression,  their  trade 
and  their  services  as  hunters  being  in  demand.  Popu 
lation  in  the  colony  increased  slowly,  being  far  behind 
the  Spanish  population  in  the  Californian  establish 
ment.  Furs  were  abundant  and  valuable,  and  the 
business  of  the  company  was  immensely  profitable 
from  the  beginning.  The  only  drawback  to  prosperity 
was  the  barrenness  of  the  country  and  the  extreme 
difficulty  of  obtaining  a  food  supply.  .  Transportation 
overland  through  Siberia  was  slow  and  difficult.  The 
voyage  by  water  round  Cape  Horn  could  be  made  only 


AMERICAN  CONTRACTS.  63 

at  long  intervals,  and  the  fur-hunters,  notwithstand 
ing  the  company's  wealth,  were  often  threatened  with 
famine.  The  American  colony  was  under  the  imme 
diate  rule  of  Alexander  Baranof  as  chief  director  of 
the  company's  affairs. 

Spaniards  and  Russians  in  America  had  thus  far 
seen  but  little  of  each  .other,  but  the  time  was  at  hand 
when  they  were  to  become  more  intimate.  English 
and  American  traders  in  northern  waters  came  often 
into  contact  with  the  Russians,  who  were  always  glad 
to  buy  any  part  of  their  cargo  which  could  be  eaten, 
and  who  doubtless  listened  eagerly  to  their  reports  of 
California  wheat  and  corn.  In  1802  peace  was  con 
cluded  between  Russia  and  Spain,  and  was  duly  cele 
brated  in  the  American  colonies  of  both  nations.  In 
1803  the  American  captain,  O'Cain,  after  selling  Ba 
ranof  goods  to  the  value  of  ten  thousand  roubles,  per 
suaded  him  to  furnish  a  company  of  Aleuts  with  their 
bidarkas,  to  go  to  California  and  hunt  otters  on  shares. 
Baranof  was  reluctant  to  encourage  any  foreign  inter 
ference  in  the  fur-trade;  but  he  had  heard  wonderful 
stories  of  the  abundance  of  otters  in  the  south,  and 
while  he  knew  that  the  Americans  could  accomplish 
but  little  without  the  Aleuts,  he  was  also  aware  that 
the  Aleuts  could  not  be  sent  so  far  without  the  pro 
tection  of  a  large  vessel ;  moreover  it  was  important  to 
acquire  reliable  information  about  California.  The 
result  was  that  O'Cain  carried  his  point,  and  that  Sho- 
etzof,  a  shrewd  official,  was  sent  along  to  make  obser 
vations.  This  enterprise,  which  was  most  profitable, 
and  two  others  made  under  similar  contracts,  have 
been  described  in  a  former  chapter,  and  yet  others 
will  be  noticed  in  their  chronological  order. 

We  shall  find  these  Yankee  contractors  having 
things  very  much  their  own  way  in  California  for  a 
decade  or  more,  by  the  aid  of  the  skilful  Aleuts,  and 
of  the  goods  they  carried  for  barter  by  which  the  con 
nivance  of  the  friars  was  generally  secured,  and  some- 


64  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

times  that  of  the  officials.  The  hunters  became  bolder 
and  bolder,  until  we  shall  find  them  taking  otter  in 
San  Francisco  Bay  under  the  very  noses  of  the  exas 
perated  Spanish  authorities,  who,  without  so  much  as 
a  boat  in  their  magnificent  harbor,  could  do  nothing 
but  look  on,  though  they  occasionally  caught  an  in 
cautious  Aleut.  Though  nearly  ten  thousand  skins 
were  obtained  in  this  manner  as  the  company's  share, 
though  the  terms  of  the  contracts  were  equally  favor 
able  to  American  and  Russian,  and  though  Baranof 
made  such  contracts  only  with  men  in  whose  integ 
rity  he  had  especial  confidence,  yet  the  foreigners 
eventually  put  the  company  to  much  trouble  and  loss 
by  occasional  sharp  practice,  by  exacting  exorbitant 
prices  for  their  furs  which  they  threatened  to  carry 
to  another  market  and  thus  create  a  competition, 
and  by  exciting  the  animosity  of  the  Spanish  author 
ities.  This  contract  system  seems  to  have  been  aban 
doned  about  1815,  and  there  is  some  reason  to  believe 
that  it  would  have  been  more  advantageous  for  the 
company  had  they  always  paid  cash  for  such  goods 
as  they  needed  and  kept  the  fur-trade  exclusively  in 
their  own  hands. 

"In  September  1805  an  event  occurred  which  was 
to  have  considerable  influence  on  future  relations  with 
California.  This  was  the  arrival  at  Sitka  of  the  Rus 
sian  Chamberlain  Nikolai  Petrovich  Rezanof,  in  the 
capacity  of  imperial  inspector  of  the  north-eastern 
establishments,  being  also  plenipotentiary  of  the  Rus 
sian  American  Company.  With  still  another  mission 
as  ambassador  extraordinary  to  the  court  of  Japan 
Rezdnof  had  left  Russia  two  years  before  with  the 
expedition  of  Krusenstern  and  Lisiansky,  who  on  the 
Neva  and  Nadeshda  made  the  first  Russian  voyage 
round  the  world.2  Of  this  famous  voyage  there  is 

2  Krusenstern,  Voyage  round  the  World,  in  the  years  1803,  1804,  1805,  and 
1806,  by  order  of  His  Imperial  Majesty  Alexander  the  First,  on  board  the  ships 
Nadeshda  and  Neva,  under  the  command  of  Captain  A.  J.  Von  Krusenstern 
of  the  Imperial  Navy.  Translated  from  the  original  German.  London,  1813. 


REZANOF'S  MISSION.  65 

nothing  to  be  said  here  as  neither  of  the  vessels 
reached  California.  Rezanof  had  left  the  Nadeshda 
at  Petropavlovsk  in  June,  and  accompanied  by  Dr 
Langsdorff,  surgeon  and  naturalist,  had  crossed  over 
to  the  Aleutian  Islands  and  thence  came  down  to  New 
Archangel  on  the  island  of  Sitka. 

Reza'nofs  object  was  to  investigate  the  condition 
and  management  of  the  colonies,  make  what  improve 
ments  he  could,  and  suggest  in  a  full  report  such 
reforms  as  might  be  conducive  to  future  prosperity. 
Though  no  fault  was  found  with  Bara"nofs  administra 
tion,  yet  the  chamberlain  found  opportunity  enough 
for  his  good  offices,  and  seems  to  have  worked  with 
much  zeal  and  no  little  success  to  ameliorate  the  con 
dition  of  the  emperor's  subjects  in  America.3  But 
there  was  one  evil  at  Sitka  which  it  was  found  very 

4to.  2  vols.  Krusenstern  was  commander-in-chief  from  a  naval  point  of  view, 
though  in  some  respects  subordinate  to  Rezanof;  sailed  on  the  Nadeshda 
round  Cape  Horn  to  Kamchatka,  and  thence  to  Japan  and  back;  and  after 
leaving  Rezanof,  returned  down  the  China  coast  and  round  Cape  Good  Hope, 
arriving  at  Cronstadt  in  August  1806. 

Lisia/isky,  A  Voyage  round  the  World,  in  the  years  1803,  1804,  1805,  and 
1806;  performed  by  order  of  His  Imperial  Majesty  Alexander  the  Firtt, 
Emperor  of  Russia,  in  the  ship  Neva,  by  Urey  Lisiansky,  Captain  in  the  Rus 
sian  Navy.  London,  1814.  4to.  The  author  commanded  the  Neva,  which 
separated  from  her  consort  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  visited  the  north-west 
coast  of  America  above  the  latitude  of  California,  and  rejoined  the  Nadeshda 
on  the  China  coast. 

Langsdorff,  Voyages  and  Travels  in  Various  Parts  of  the  World,  during  the 
years  1803, 1804, 1805,  1806,  and  1807.  By  G.  H.  von  Langsdorff,  Aulie  Coun 
sellor  to  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  Consul-General  at  the.  Brazils, 
Knight  of  the  Order  of  St  Anne,  and  Member  of  various  Academies  and 
learned  Societies.  Illustrated  by  Engravings  from  original  drawings.  London, 
1813.  4to.  2  vols.  Dr  Langsdorff  was  one  of  the  naturalists  on  board  the 
Nadeshda,  appointed  just  before  the  sailing  of  the  expedition  at  his  own  in 
tercession  and  that  of  Rezanof.  He  left  his  vessel  in  Kamchatka,  and  after 
his  visit  to  Alaska  and  California,  of  which  I  shall  have  more  to  say,  returned 
to  St  Petersburg  overland. 

3Greenhow,  Hist.  Or.,  273-4,  describes  Rezanof  as  'a  singularly  ridicu 
lous  and  incompetent  person'  who  'after  the  failure  of  his  embassy  to  Japan,' 
went  to  California  and  'spent  some  time  in  trifling  at  San  Francisco.'  This 
criticism  though  coming  from  so  intelligent  and  able  a  writer,  I  regard  as  almost 
unfounded  and  most  unjust.  Rezanof's  faults,  even  as  portrayed  by  his  foes, 
were  not  in  the  direction  of  incompetence  and  trifling.  The  Russian  authori 
ties,  with  no  interest  in  perverting  the  truth  in  this  matter,  agree  that  he  was 
a  man  of  unusual  capacity,  intelligence,  and  humanity,  and  that  the  colonies 
derived  great  benefit  from  his  visit.  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  his  acts 
in  Japan  or  Alaska;  and  as  to  his  trifling  at  San  Francisco,  the  reader  will 
presently  see  that  he  accomplished  his  purpose  there  under  circumstances 
where  success  required  the  utmost  prudence  and  sagacity. 
HISI.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  5 


66  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

hard  to  combat.  Starvation  brooded  over  the  colony 
owing  to  the  wreck  of  one  vessel  and  the  failure  of 
another  to  arrive.  A  pound  of  bread  issued  daily  to 
each  of  the  two  hundred  men  on  the  island  would 
exhaust  the  supply  in  a  few  weeks;  fish  could  not  be 
caught,  and  the  supply  of  dried  fish,  sea-lion,  and 
seal-meat  was  very  low;  eagles,  crows,  devil-fish,  any 
thing  and  everything  were  eaten.  Scurvy,  the  camp- 
follower  of  want  in  those  regions,  made  fearful  havoc 
among  the  sufferers;  a  cold  rain  poured  down  inces 
santly;  hunger,  misery,  despair,  and  death  ruled  the 
dismal  scene.  No  wonder  Rezanof  exclaims,  "We 
live  in  Sitka  only  upon  the  hope  of  leaving  it." 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  distress,  temporary  relief 
came  in  the  American  ship  Juno,  Captain  Wolfe, 
which  with  all  its  cargo  was  purchased  by  Rezdnof 
for  eight  thousand  dollars.4  This  relief  being  but 
temporary  and  the  situation  of  affairs  becoming  again 
critical  in  the  spring,  Rezanof  was  forced  to  devise 
new  expedients  and  at  length  hit  upon  that  of  going 
to  California  for  provisions.  Trade  with  foreigners 
was  forbidden  there  it  is  true,  but  starvation  was  a 
harder  matter  to  face  than  Spanish  law  as  adminis 
tered  on  the  Pacific.  Possibly  also  a  little  profitable 
business  in  furs  might  be  transacted,  "  if  not  with  the 
viceroy's  permission,  at  least  in  a  private  manner 
through  the  missionaries."5  The  plan  once  conceived, 
action  was  not  long  deferred.  The  Juno  was  made 
ready ;  a  cargo  of  goods  likely  to  tempt  the  California!* 
taste  was  selected;  and  on  the  8th  of  March  1806, 
Rezanof,  still  accompanied  by  Dr  Langsdorff,  put  to 
sea.  Of  the  crew,  weakened  by  the  famine  at  Sitka 

tRezdnof,  Zapisli,  203-4.  This  letter  is  dated  New  Archangel,  Nov.  6, 
1805.  The  Juno,  built  at  Bristol,  Mass.,  in  1799,  was  a  stanch  copper- 
bottomed  and  fast  vessel  of  206  tons.  Five  American  sailors  entered  the 
company's  service.  Most  of  the  rest  went  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  in  the 
sloop  Ermak,  which  Rezanof  threw  into  the  bargain  with  the  wish  '  God  grant 
that  they  may  not  have  paid  too  dear  for  their  rashness 'in  trusting  their 
lives  to  such  a  craft.  Langsdorff,  Voyages,  ii.  88,  gives  the  American's  name 
as  Dwolf. 

5  '  The  missionaries  were  the  chief  agents  in  this  contraband  trade. '  Til- h- 
menef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  146. 


VOYAGE  TO  CALIFORNIA.  C7 

and  reduced  rapidly  by  scurvy,  half  were  soon  unable 
to  do  duty.  Three  times  at  the  imminent  risk  of 
shipwreck  they  desperately  attempted  but  in  vain  to 
enter  the  Columbia  River.  They  began  to  despair  of 
ever  reaching  California;  but  the  terrible  scurvy, 
sparing  none,  made  it  necessary  to  go  forward  or  die. 
A  change  of  the  moon  brought  favorable  winds,  and 
on  the  4th  of  April  the  mariners  had  reached  the 
latitude  of  San  Francisco  and  were  peering  with  pallid 
faces  through  the  dense  fog-bank  for  a  glimpse  of  the 
promised  land.  The  Juno  anchored  outside  the  heads 
and  next  morning,  April  5th,6  ran  straight  for  the 
harbor  with  tide  and  wind,  and  all  sails  set.  In  view 
of  the  critical  state  of  affairs  on  board,  Rezdnof 
resolved  to  run  past  the  fort  even  at  the  risk  of 
receiving  a  few  cannon-balls.  "What  ship?"  was  the 
greeting  sent  to  the  strangers  through  the  trumpet 
from  the  shore.  "Russian,"  was  shouted  back.  "Let 
go  your  anchor,"  thundered  the  Spaniard.  "Si  senor; 
si  senor,"  replied  the  Russian,  and  the  anchor  was 
dropped — as  soon  as  the  Juno  was  safely  out  of  the 
guns'  range.7 

6  Langsdorff  has  the  date  April  8th,  or  the  equivalent  of  March  28th,  old 
style.     The  Spanish  archives  do  not  give  the  exact  date. 

7  The  best  and  most  complete  authority  on  this  expedition  and  the  atten 
dant  negotiations  is  Rezdnof,  Zapiski,  253-77,  being  the  chamberlain's  letter 
dated  New  Archangel  June  17,  1806,  after  his  return.    Lanysdorff's  Voyages, 
ii.  97-8,  136-221,  is  the  other  original  authority,  very  full  and  containing 
much  more  information  about  California  than  the  other  work,  being  in  fact 
second  to  that  work  only  in  its  account  of  the  diplomatic  relations  and  nego 
tiations  between  Rezdnof  and  the  Californian  authorities.     Notwithstanding 
certain  eccentricities  of  judgment,  some  amusing  blunders  arising  from  igno 
rance  of  the  Spanish  language,  and  a  singularly  unprepossessing  face  as  por 
trayed  on  the  frontispiece  of  his  book,  LangsdorfFs  narrative  is  instructive  and 
interesting.     I  am,  however,  hardly  ready  to  regard  this  as  '  the  most  detailed 
account  of  the  country  and  its  population  that  had  yet  been  given  to  the 
world,'  with  Stillman  in  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  258-60.     Tikhm6nef,  Islor.  Obos- 
ranie,  144-50,  is  a  very  good  Russian  narrative  of  the  expedition,  but  the 
author  follows  Rezdnof  very  closely.  Potechin,  Seleni  Ross,  and  Dardnof,  Shiz- 
neopissanie,  contain  brief  resumes  of  the  voyage.     Scala,  in  Nouv.  Annalcs  de 
Voy.,  cxliv.  380-1,  tells  perhaps  as  many  absurd  lies  about  the  subject  as 
would  be  possible  in  a  brief  space,  buffaloes  and  nuggets  of  gold  figuring 
in  the  tale.     Mofras,  Exploration,  ii.  1-3;  Tuthill,  Hist.  Gal,  118-19;  Elliot, 
in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  338-9;  Cronise,  Natural  Wealth,  37;  and  other  writers 
mention  the  subject  briefly,  taking  their  information  exclusively  from  Langs 
dorff.     The  Spanish,  archives  contain  comparatively  little  about  this  visit, 
but  I  shall  have  occasion  sometimes  to  refer  to  documents  bearing  on  the 
subject. 


68  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

The  Russians  were  now  safe  from  the  guns  of  San 
Joaquin  Battery,  but  they  were  not  without  mis 
givings  respecting  their  reception.  The  king  of  Spain 
to  be  sure  had  promised  to  instruct  the  California 
authorities  to  render  every  civility  and  aid  to  Krusen- 
stern's  expedition,  but  had  these  instructions  arrived? 
And  if  so,  would  the  little  Juno  and  her  disabled  crew 
fulfil  the  pomp-loving  Spaniards'  expectations  of  a 
Russian  squadron?  If  courteously  received,  would 
they  be  able  to  get  the  supplies  so  much  needed  from 
San  Francisco,  not  a  port  of  entry,  in  violation  of  law  ? 
True  an  appeal  to  humanity  might  induce  the  Span 
iards  to  succor  the  distressed  colony;  but  it  would 
never  do  to  let  them  know  of  the  weak  and  miserable 
condition  of  the  Russian  settlements.  Twenty  armed 
men  came  down  to  the  shore  escorting  Alferez  Luis 
Argtiello,  commandant  in  his  father's  absence,  and 
Father  Uria;  Langsdorlf  and  Lieutenant  Davidof 
went  ashore  for  an  interview,  which  was  conducted 
in  Latin  between  the  naturalist  and  the  friar;  and  all 
was  well  so  far,  for  the  king's  orders  respecting  Krusen- 
stern's  fleet  had  been  received,8  and  the  visitors  were 
entitled  at  least  to  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions  for 
their  present  urgent  needs.  Rezanof  and  his  officers 
were  invited  to  dine  at  the  presidio  where  they  were 
entertained  by  Senora  Argliello  and  her  family  with 
the  aid  of  two  friars.  Don  Luis  it  is  true  asked  for 
an  explanation  of  the  Juno's  appearance  instead  of  the 
Nadeshda  and  Neva,  and  of  the  coming  of  the  ambas 
sador  extraordinary  in  so  informal  a  manner,  this 
information  being  intended  for  transmission  to  the 
governor  at  Monterey.  Rezdnof  had  expected  the 
question  and  he  adroitly  answered  to  the  satisfaction 
of  his  host,  in  a  manner  more  in  accordance  with  his 
designs  than  with  the  exact  truth,  and  always  without 
reference  to  the  true  motive  of  his  visit.9  A  courier 
was  despatched  to  the  governor. 

8  July  27,  1803,  orders  to  aid  the  expedition  of  Krusentrer  should  it  arrive 
on  the  coast.  Prov.  7?ee.,  MS.,  ix.  34. 

9  Rezanof 's  story  was  in  substance  that  Rrusenstern's  squadron  had  returned 


REZANOF  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  69 

Next  day  the  visitors  were  entertained  at  the  mis 
sion,  but  they  said  nothing  of  trade,  though  the  friars 
were  apparently  inclined  to  broach  that  subject;  nor 
of  their  urgent  need,  because  it  was  understood  that 
the  Boston  traders  were  wont  to  dilate  to  the  Span 
iards  on  the  wretched  condition  of  the  Russian  colony ; 
but  on  the  contrary  Rezanof  gave  presents  of  more 
or  less  value  to  nearly  everybody  at  the  presidio  and 
mission.  His  gifts  gradually  drew  in  padres  from 
abroad  to  share  the  stranger's  bounty;  the  cargo  was 
thus  artfully  displayed;  and  the  temptation  became 
so  irresistible  that  at  last  the  friars  voluntarily  pro 
posed  to  barter  a  cargo  of  bread-stuffs,10  the  very  thing 
the  Russians  most  desired.  But  the  governor's  con 
sent  had  to  be  gained,  and  the  chamberlain  wrote  to 
Arrillaga  that  he  would  come  overland  to  Monterey 
for  an  interview;  but  presently  Don  Jose  Argiiello 
arrived  with  a  letter  from  Arrillaga  in  which  he  said 
he  would  spare  his  visitor  so  much  trouble,  as  it  was 
his  intention  to  come  immediately  to  San  Francisco.11 

Meanwhile  the  contrast  between  sunny  California 
and  the  dreary  Sitka  with  its  storms  and  starvation 
introduced  discontent  into  the  Junds  crew.  Life  in 
California — where  to  eat,  to  drink,  to  make  love,  to 
smoke,  to  dance,  to  ride,  to  sleep,  seemed  the  whole 
duty  of  man — must  have  seemed  to  these  cold,  sea- 
salted  men  a  pleasant  dream.  Here  all  was  abun- 

to  Russia;  that  the  Tsar  had  intrusted  him  with  the  command  of  all  his 
American  possessions;  that  he  had  inspected  his  dominion  during  the  past 
year  and  had  wintered  at  Norfolk  Sound;  and  that  finally  he  had  determined 
to  visit  California  and  consult  with  its  governor,  as  ruler  of  a  neighboring 
country,  concerning  mutual  interests.  This  he  told  with  the  view  of  facili 
tating  business  by  impressing  the  Spaniards  with  an  idea  of  his  importance  as 
he  says  in  his  letter,  and  '  at  any  rate  I  did  not  exaggerate  much, '  he  adds. 
With  the  courier  sent  to  Monterey,  Rezdnof  sent  a  letter  to  the  governor 
expressing  thanks  for  his  courteous  reception  and  announcing  his  purpose  to 
come  to  Monterey  for  a  personal  interview  as  soon  as  repairs  on  the  Juno 
should  be  completed. 

10  This  is  Rezanof 's  version.  Langsdorff  says  the  proposition  was  first 
made,  when  the  padres  seemed  ready  for  it,  by  the  Russians. 

"April  4  (error),  18C6,  Arrillaga  to  Rezanof,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii: 
82-3.  'I  recognized  in  this,'  says  Rezanof,  'the  suspicious  nature  of  the 
Spanish  government,  which  everywhere  prevents  foreigners  from  acquainting 
themselves  with  the  interior  of  the  country,  and  observing  the  insignificance 
of  its  forces.' 


70  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

dance  and  indolence,  in  the  north  hardship  and  want; 
here  fair  women,  there  hideous  squaws;  this  was  a 
lotus-eating  life  worth  living  for,  that  a  struggle  for 
an  existence  not  worth  having.  Three  Americans 
and  a  Prussian  asked  to  remain;  Rezanof  promised 
to  speak  to  Arguello  about  it;  and  when  permission, 
after  what  was  probably  not  a  very  earnest  plea,  was 
refused,  the  men  were  sent  to  an  island  in  the  bay  to 
be  kept  until  the  vessel  should  be  ready  to  sail.  Two 
Russian  sailors,  however,  managed  to  escape.12 

Arrillaga  arrived  on  or  about  April  18th  and  re 
ceived  the  Russians  with  the  same  courtesy  that  had 
been  shown  by  his  subordinates.  His  ability  to  con 
verse  in  the  French  language  rendered  subsequent 
intercourse  much  easier  than  it  had  been,  though 
Rezdnof  under  certain  favorable  circumstances  to  be 
noted  later  had  made  rapid  progress  in  his  Spanish. 
Not  a  day  was  allowed  to  pass  before  the  subject  of 
trade  was  brought  up,  but  in  this  matter  the  governor 
proved  to  be  inconveniently  wary  and  honest.  In  the 
ensuing  interviews  and  discussions  he  gradually  drew 
out  of  the  Russian  plenipotentiary,  after  not  a  few 
diplomatic  lies  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  the  substan 
tial  truth  that  the  Juno  had  brought  a  cargo  of  goods 
to  trade  for  bread-stuffs,  though  the  wily  Rezanof  would 
not  say  quite  so  much  literally,  still  keeping  secret 
his  urgent  need,  putting  it  all  on  the  basis  of  mutual 
benefit  from  trade,  and  professing  that  while  his  com 
missary  had  a  few  goods  he  would  like  to  sell,  his  own 
object  was  merely  to  collect  samples  of  California 
products  to  be  distributed  among  the  northern  estab 
lishments  in  order  to  ascertain  their  adaptability  to 
that  market  I  Arrillaga  asked  for  some  explanation 
of  O'Cairi's  trip  in  1803.  "They  hunted  otter  all 

l2Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  ix.  77;  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obsoranie,  i.  144.  Sept.  10, 
1806,  Arrillaga  orders  the  embarcation  of  Russian  prisoners  (probably  the 
two  deserters),  on  the  Conception  for  San  Bias.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iii.  194.  A  rough  note  in  the  archives  gives  the  force  on  the  Juno  as  Son 
Excellence  de  Chambellan  et  Chevalier  Nicokls  de  Rezanoff,  Capt.  Nicolas  de 
Khorstoff,  Lieut.  Gabriel  de  Davidoff,  Geo.  dc  Langsdorff,  Dr  et  Naturaliste, 
Pilotes  Illiyn  et  Andreef;  and  43  men.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  105. 


DIPLOMACY.  71 

winter,"  said  the  mystified  governor,  "but  where  they 
hid  themselves  was  more  than  we  could  find  out." 
Rezdnof,  far  from  admitting  that  the  Russians  had 
anything  to  do  with  that  expedition,  fell  in  with  the 
humor  of  the  governor,  who  was  very  bitter  against 
the  "Bostonian  smugglers  and  robbers/'  and  he  pro 
ceeded  to  dilate  upon  the  tricky  nature  of  the  Yankees 
and  the  swindles  they  had  perpetrated  upon  the  Rus 
sians.13 

Argument,  persuasion,  and  flattery  were  alike  un 
availing.    Arrillaga  admitted  the  convenience  of  trade 
for  the  people  of  California,  but  he  would  not  violate 
the  laws,  nor  his  oath  of  office.     The  utmost  conces 
sion  he  would  make,  after  the  Russian  had  exhausted 
his  eloquence,  was  to  permit  the  purchase  of  grain  for 
cash.     This  was  by  no  means  satisfactory,  as  the  gov 
ernor  doubtless  well  knew,  since  the  Juno  could  carry 
but  a  very  small  amount  of  grain  in  addition  to  her 
cargo  of  goods.     Rezdnof  urged  that  when  cash  had 
been  paid  for  the  grain,  and  the  proper  report  had 
been  sent  to  the  viceroy,  surely  the  friars  might  use 
their  money  as  they  pleased,  even  if  they  chose  to 
buy  a  few  things  from  the  Juno.     "No.     No,"  replied 
the  honest  old  ruler,  "that  would  be  the  same  thing; 
and  after  living  sixty  years  without  reproach  I  cannot 
take  such  a  trick  on  my  conscience."     Neither  did 
the  hint  that  the  holy  fathers  were  willing  enough  to 
take  it  on  theirs,  produce  the   desired  effect.     The 
prospect  was  decidedly  bad,  and  none  the  better  from 
the  reports  that  were  at  this  time  prevalent  in  Cali 
fornia  of  probable,  perhaps  actual,  war  between  Spain 
and  Russia.     The  enthusiasm  of  even  the  friars  began 
to  abate,  and  they  were  not  unwilling  to  admit  that 
they  hoped  on  the  arrival  of  a  Spanish  cruiser  to  get 
the  Juno  and  her  cargo  for  nothing;  yet  there  was 
also  a  fear,  confessed  with  equal  frankness,  that  Rus 
sian  war-ships  might  come  before  the  cruiser.    Rezdnof 

13  U'zanof,  Zapiski,  274-5.     Letter  of  June  29,  1806.  Bardnof,  Shizneo- 

pissanie,  75-7. 


72  EUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

made  light  of  the  warlike  rumors,  though  he  redoubled 
vigilance  on  board  his  vessel.  He  had  yet  one  card 
to  play  before  the  game  was  lost  or  won.14 

From  the  first  Rezanof  had  paid  daily  visits  to  the 
commandant's  house,  and  was  kindly  received  by  all 
members  of  the  Argliello  family.  "  Among  the  lovely 
sisters  of  the  commandant/'  writes  he,  "  Dona  Con- 
cepcion  has  the  name  of  being  the  beauty  of  Califor 
nia,  and  your  Excellency  will  agree  with  me  when  I 
say  that  we  were  sufficiently  rewarded  for  our  suffer 
ings,  and  passed  the  time  very  pleasantly."  How 
Dona  Concepcion's  black  eyes  won  the  heart  of  the 
imperial  chamberlain  has  often  been  told  in  prose  and 
verse;  it  is  the  famous  romance  of  Spanish  times  in 
California.  I  have  no  wish  to  spoil  so  good  a  story, 
though  history  like  murder  will  out,  and  it  must  be 
confessed  that  this  celebrated  courtship  had  a  very 
solid  substratum  or  superstructure  of  ambition  and 
diplomacy.15  The  Californian  beauty  was  ambitious 
and  disposed,  even  at  the  early  age  of  fifteen,  to  be 
discontented  in  the  land  of  her  birth,  which  in  their 
joking  discussions  she  was  wont  to  depreciate.  "  A 
good  soil,  a  warm  climate,  plenty  of  grain  and  cattle," 
she  said,  "  but  nothing  else."  What  wonder  that 
court  life  at  St  Petersburg,  as  pictured  by  the  dis 
tinguished  and  handsome  stranger,16  was  fascinating, 
or  that  this  child,  weary  of  the  sun-basking  indo 
lence  of  those  about  her,  and  fretting  under  the  dull 
monotony  of  life  at  a  frontier  garrison,  allowed  her 

u  Eezdnof's  men  heard  the  rumors  and  declared  their  intention  to  desert 
on  the  first  opportunity.  Arrillaga  is  said  to  have  secretly  transferred  a  por 
tion  of  the  Monterey  garrison  to  Santa  Clara  with  a  view  to  have  the  force 
near  in  case  of  trouble.  The  archives,  however,  have  no  record  of  this  pre 
caution. 

15  '  The  bright  eyes  of  Donna  Conception  had  made  a  deep  impression  upon 
his  heart;  and  he  conceived  that  a  nuptial  union  with  the  daughter  of  the 
Commandant  at  St.  Francisco  would  be  a  vast  step  gained  towards  promoting 
the  political  objects  he  had  so  much  at  heart.     He  had  therefore  nearly  come 
to  a  resolution  to  sacrifice  himself  by  this  marriage  to  the  welfare,  as  he 
hoped,  of  the  two  countries.'  Langsdorjfs  Voyages,  ii.  183. 

16  Rezanof ,  though  no  longer  youthful,  and  a  widower,  was  of  fine  presence 
and  had  a  remarkably  attractive  face,  if  we  may  judge  by  his  portrait  in 
Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  ii. 


CONCEPCION  DE  ARGUELLO.          73 

heart  to  follow  her  ambition  and  reciprocated  the  ad 
vances  of  one  who,  though  ambassador  and  chamber 
lain,  was  also  alas  I  a  heretic  ! 

It  was  not,  however,  until  all  other  expedients  had 
failed,  that  Rezanof  pressed  his  suit  so  far  as  to  pro 
pose  marriage,17  and  herein  lies  the  evidence  that  rather 
unpleasantly  merges  the  lover  into  the  diplomate. 
Dona  Concepcion  consented;  so  did  her  parents;  and 
so  did  the  friars  reluctantly,  on  condition  that  the  be 
trothal  should  be  kept  secret  and  be  subject  to  the 
pope's  approval.  On  his  return  to  St  Petersburg,  as 
Langsdorff  tells  us,  Rezanof  proposed  to  go  to  Ma 
drid  as  envoy  extraordinary  of  the  Russian  court,  to 
remove  all  misunderstanding  between  the  two  powers. 
Thence  he  would  return  by  way  of  Mexico  to  San 
Francisco  to  claim  his  bride.  Dona  Concepcion  had 
before  been  very  useful  as  a  '  devoted  friend '  in  keep 
ing  the  chamberlain  acquainted  with  the  state  of  feeling 
on  commercial  topics,  and  the  pretty  spy's  occupation 
was  gone ;  but  as  Rezdnof  was  now  counted  as  one  of 
the  family,  the  father  and  brother  kept  no  secrets 
from  him.  "  From  this  time,"  he  writes,  "  I  managed 
this  port  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  as  my  interests  re 
quired.  The  governor  was  very  much  astonished  to 
see  Don  Jose  intrust  me  with  the  most  private  affairs 
of  his  household,  and  to  find  himself  all  at  once,  so  to 
speak,  my  guest." 

Now  was  the  time  to  make  a  final  effort  for  permis 
sion  to  dispose  of  the  Juno's  cargo.  With  the  new 

17  *  Seeing  that  my  situation  was  not  improving,  expecting  every  day 
that  some  misunderstanding  would  arise,  and  having  but  little  confidence 
in  my  own  people,  I  resolved  to  change  my  politeness  for  a  serious  tone. 
Finally  I  imperceptibly  created  in  her  an  impatience  to  hear  something 
serious  from  me  on  the  subject,  which  caused  me  to  ask  for  her  hand,  to  which 
she  consented.  My  proposal  created  consternation  in  her  parents,  who  had 
been  reared  in  fanaticism;  the  difference  in  religion  and  the  prospective  sep 
aration  from  their  daughter  made  it  a  terrible  blow  for  them.  They  ran  to 
the  missionaries,  who  did  not  know  what  to  do;  they  hustled  poor  Concepcion 
to  church,  confessed  her,  and  urged  her  to  refuse  me,  but  her  resoluteness 
finally  overcame  them  all.  The  holy  fathers  appealed  to  the  decision  of  the 
throne  of  Rome,  and  if  I  could  not  accomplish  my  nuptials,  I  had  at  least  the 
preliminary  act  performed,  the  marriage  contract  drawn  up,  and  forced  them 
to  betroth  us. ' 


74  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

alliance  in  favor  of  the  project  failure  was  impossible. 
Arrillaga,  with  all  his  official  integrity,  barely  able  to 
resist  the  friars,  the  people,  and  his  own  inclinations, 
could  no  more  resist  Don  Jose  Argiiello,  his  friend  of 
thirty  years  standing,  than  Don  Josd  could  be  deaf  to 
the  entreaties  of  his  daughter,  the  spoiled  darling  of 
his  family,  or  than  Dona  Concepcion  could  fail  to 
look  at  all  projects  of  trade  through  the  eyes  of  her 
Russian  lover.  As  soon  as  Arrillaga  had  yielded,  a 
somewhat  complicated  plan  was  devised,  by  which  cash 
was  to  appear  as  the  medium  of  purchase  on  both 
sides.  That  is,  the  governor,  on  a  petition  being  pre 
sented  to  him  by  the  inhabitants  setting  forth  their 
need  of  the  goods,  was  to  buy  the  Juno's  cargo  for 
money  from  the  Russian  commissary,  Rezanof's  name 
not  appearing  in  the  transaction  except  to  certify  that 
the  commissary  had  a  right  to  sell  the  goods.  The 
commissary  was  to  use  the  money  thus  acquired  to  buy 
grain  and  other  provisions  from  the  friars;  and  the 
latter  could  subsequently  return  the  governor  his  coin 
for  the  goods  they  needed.18  Accordingly  grain  was 

18  Such  is  Rezanof's  own  version  of  the  arrangement,  and  if  not  quite 
accurate  in  every  respect,  there  are  no  means  of  correcting  it,  for  naturally  it 
is  not  explained  in  the  Spanish  records.  April  20,  1806,  Rezanof  to  Arri 
llaga,  asks  permission  to  buy  for  cash  200  fanegas  of  wheat,  barley,  beans, 
and  pease,  100  arrobas  of  flour,  50  arr.  of  salt,  300  arr.  of  butter,  and 
300  arr.  of  tallow.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  i.  37.  May  16th,  Argiiello 
reports  that  he  has  supplied  the  Juno  with  the  articles  named  above  to  the 
value  of  $5,002.  Merchandise  received  in  exchange,  $4,903.  Id.,  i.  38.  May 
28th,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  forwards  some  Russian  despatches;  mentions 
Rezanof's  voyage  in  general  terms;  speaks  with  favor  of  Rezanof's  proposal 
for  trade  between  the  Russian  and  Spanish  establishments;  and  of  non- 
intercourse  with  English  and  American  vessels;  and  finally  states  that  $4,000 
worth  of  stores  have  been  sold  for  money  and  implements.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS., 
ix.  75-6.  Arrillaga  had  previously  announced  Rezanof's  arrival  in  his  letter 
of  April  19th,  to  which  the  viceroy  replies  July  29th  that  he  awaits  account 
of  the  Juno's  objects  and  passports.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  100.  Sept.  15, 
1806,  viceroy  acknowledges  receipt  of  tbe  passports  and  of  despatches  from 
Rezanof  and  others,  all  of  which  he  will  forward  to  Spain.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil, 
xxxvii.  5.  Communication  of  the  directors  of  the  company  dated  St  Peters 
burg,  March  15,  1810,  referring  to  Rezanof 's  visit,  reception,  and  to  commercial 
negotiations  on  which  the  governor  promised  to  report  to  the  viceroy.  Id. , 
xix.  271-2.  Khl6bnikof  says  the  supplies  obtained  were  671  fanegas  of 
wheat,  117  oats,  140  pease  and  beans,  with  a  little  flour,  mustard,  and  salt 
valued  at  $5,587.  Bardnof,  /Shizneopissanie,  105;  Langsdorff,  Voyages,  ii.  215, 
says  they  got  4,294  measures  of  corn,  with  a  large  quantity  of  flour,  pease, 
beans,  and  maize,  together  with  a  few  casks  of  salted  meat,  and  a  small  pro 
vision  of  salt,  soap,  tallow,  and  some  other  articles,  all  amounting  to  $24,000. 


REZANOF'S  DEPARTURE.  75 

brought  in  rapidly  from  all  directions,  and  the  Juno 
was  soon  loaded.  The  question  of  mutual  trade  in  the 
future  was  discussed,  and  Arrillaga  spoke  strongly  in 
favor  of  it,  but  he  declared  he  could  promise  nothing 
in  the  matter  without  higher  authority.19 

Having  accomplished  his  object  Rezanof  delayed 
his  departure  as  little  as  possible.  On  May  21st,  or 
as  Tikhmenef  says,  on  the  19th,  he  sailed  out  past 
the  fort,  firing  and  receiving  a  salute  as  he  went. 
After  a  stormy  and  tedious  voyage  he  arrived  at  Sitka 
on  June  19th  and  learned  that  during  his  absence  the 
scurvy  had  raged  dreadfully,  but  thanks  to  the  appear 
ance  of  the  herrings,  was  now  much  abated. 

In  describing  Rezanof  s  visit  I  have  called  attention 
almost  exclusively  to  the  topic  of  Russo-Spanish  rela 
tions;  but  in  doing  so  I  have  also  presented  all  that 
need  be  said  of  it,  except  certain  local  and  personal 
observations  of  Langsdorff,  which  may  be  more  con 
veniently  noticed  in  another  chapter;  and  the  same 
writer's  general  observations  on  the  country  with  its 
people  and  institutions,  which  were  by  no  means  very 
extensive  or  important.  As  a  naturalist  he  names 
some  species  of  animals,  birds,  and  fishes,  which  came 
under  his  notice,  but  as  he  says,  his  opportunities  for 
scientific  investigation  were  limited.  As  a  surgeon  he 
notes  the  wholly  inadequate  measures  adopted  in  the 
Spanish  establishments  for  the  treatment  of  the  sick ; 
the  lack  of  physicians  and  medicines;  the  ignorance 
of  the  friars  and  the  indifference  of  the  neophytes 
respecting  all  curative  processes;  the  remarkable 
fecundity  and  ease  of  childbirth  among  the  Spanish 
women ;  the  almost  universal  prevalence  of  syphilitic 

19  It  is  to  be  noted  that  notwithstanding  Rezanof 's  enthusiasm,  Langsdorff 
did  not  regard  the  establishment  of  commercial  relations  as  practicable  or 
profitable  even  if  permitted  by  the  Spanish  court.  The  obstacles  in  his 
opinion  were  the  difficulties  of  communication;  the  difficulty  in  obtaining 
articles  suited  for  the  California  trade,  the  articles  most  desired  there  being 
also  scarce  in  the  north;  and  the  high  price  of  corn  in  California  compared 
with  that  at  Cronstadt.  True  the  otter-hunting  might  be  profitable,  but  the 
author  did  not  believe  the  Spaniards  would  ever  permit  it.  A  Russian  colony 
in  the  south  was,  he  believed,  the  only  practicable  way  of  taking  advantage 
of  California's  fertility.  Voyages,  ii.  184-6. 


76  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

affections ;  and  the  temporary  ravages  of  the  measles. 
There  was  no  attempt  to  gather  historical  material, 
though  some  ideas  of  inland  geography  were  collected 
as  they  existed  vaguely  in  the  Spanish  mind.  Indian 
manners  and  customs  were  studied  somewhat  closely 
at  San  Francisco  and  Mission  San  Jose,  the  natives 
of  the  latter  place  being  vastly  superior  to  those  of 
the  former.  Of  the  character  and  zeal  of  the  mis 
sionaries  Langsdorff  speaks  highly.  He  believes  the 
neophytes'  condition  to  be  better  than  that  of  the 
gentiles,  attributing  their  tendency  to  run  away  to 
national  character  rather  than  to  ill-treatment.  To 
their  inferiority  as  a  race  he  also  attributes  the  success 
of  the  Spaniards  in  keeping  in  subjection  so  large  a 
number  with  so  small  a  force.  The  mission  system  is 
quite  accurately  described.  This  author  has  less  to 
say  than  other  visitors,  of  the  Spanish  poverty,  sliift- 
lessness,  and  lack  of  all  progressive  and  precautionary 
characteristics,  though  the  failure  to  use  boats  in  San 
Francisco  Bay  struck  him  as  very  remarkable;  neither 
is  he  so  enthusiastic  in  praise  of  California's  natural 
advantages  and  prospects  for  a  glorious  future  as  have 
been  some  travellers  before  him  and  many  since/ 


20 


It  is  necessary  to  add  the  unhappy  ending  of  the 
romance  which  played  so  prominent  a  part  in  the  nar- 

!0 '  Friendship  and  harmony  reigned  in  the  whole  behaviour  of  these  worthy 
kind-hearted  people. '  '  None  of  these  missionaries  can  acquire  any  property, 
so  that  the  idea  of  enriching  themselves  can  never  divert  their  thoughts  from 
their  religious  avocations. '  '  The  monks  conduct  themselves  in  general  with 
so  much  prudence,  kindness,  and  paternal  care,  towards  their  converts,  that 
peace,  happiness,  and  obedience  universally  prevail  among  them. '  '  I  was 
present  at  the  time  of  delivering  out  the  soup,  and  it  appeared  to  me  incom 
prehensible  how  any  one  could  three  times  a  day  eat  so  large  a  portion  of  such 
nourishing  food. '  '  One  cannot  sufficiently  admire  the  zeal  and  activity  which 
carries  the  friars  through  so  arduous  a  task,  or  forbear  wishing  the  most  com 
plete  success  to  their  undertaking. '  'None  of  the  men  that  we  saw  (Indians  at 
San  Francisco)  were  above  five  feet  high;  they  were  ill-proportioned,  and  had 
such  a  dull  heavy  negligent  appearance,  that  we  all  agreed  we  had  never 
seen  a  less  pleasing  specimen  of  the  human  race. '  '  I  believe  them  wholly 
incapable  of  forming  among  themselves  any  regular  and  combined  plan  for 
their  own  emancipation.'  '  As  the. padres  have  more  men  and  women  under 
their  care  than  they  could  keep  constantly  employed  the  whole  year,  if  labour 
were  too  much  facilitated,  they  are  afraid  of  making  them  idle  by  the  intro 
duction  of  mills.'  Langsdor/' 's  Voyages,  ii.  153-71. 


END  OF  THE  ROMANCE.  77 

rative  just  presented.  Having  crossed  over  to  Kam 
chatka  Rezanof  started  in  September  from  Okhotsk 
for  an  overland  trip  to  St  Petersburg.  Let  us  hope 
that  he  was  true  to  his  Californian  love,  that  his  pur 
pose  was  strong  to  claim  his  bride,  that  his  promised 
diplomatic  sacrifice  of  himself  in  matrimony  was  yet 
a  sweet  dream  as  he  was  whirled  over  Siberian  snows, 
that  no  adverse  influence  was  in  wait  at  the  imperial 
court  to  shake  his  purpose,  for  his  constancy  was  never 
to  experience  a  final  test.  His  constitution  had  been 
weakened  by  the  hardships  of  the  preceding  year,  and 
he  was  unable  to  endure  his  long  winter  journey.  He 
was  seized  with  a  violent  fever  and  was  carried  into  a 
Yakout  hut.  Recovering,  he  pressed  on  for  twelve 
days,  when  exhaustion  caused  him  to  fall  from  his 
horse.  The  combined  eifects  of  the  fall  and  the  fever 
kept  him  for  some  time  bedridden  at  Yakutsk,  whence 
he  started  too  soon,  but  succumbed  at  Krasnoyarsk, 
where  he  died  on  March  1,  1807.21 

Dona  Concepcion  Argtiello,  the  sincerity  of  whose 
affection  for  the  Russian  chamberlain  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt,  did  not  learn  of  her  lover's  death  for  several 
years.  Yet  she  was  constant  to  his  memory,  refused 
to  listen  to  words  of  love  from  other  suitors,  and 
finally,  when  it  became  evident  that  her  betrothed  was 
either  dead  or  false,  she  took  the  robes  of  a  beata,  and 
dedicated  her  life  to  deeds  of  charity.  Probably  she 
accompanied  her  parents  to  Lower  California  in  1815 
from  Santa  Barbara;  at  least  she  was  at  Loreto  in 
1818.  Next  year  she  returned  to  Santa  Barbara;  but 
subsequently  rejoined  her  parents  at  Guadalajara. 
Here  her  mother  died  in  1829,  a  year  or  two  after  her 
father's  death,  and  then  Dona  Concepcion  came  back 
once  more  to  California,  where  she  lived  in  the  Guerra 
family,  busied  in  caring  for  the  sick,  and  in  other  good 
works.  Here  Simpson  met  her  in  1842,  and  it  was 
from  him  that  she  is  said  to  have  learned  the  particular 

al  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  162. 


78  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

cause  and  circumstances  of  her  lover's  death.22  When 
the  Dominicans  founded  their  convent  of  St  Catherine 
at  Benicia,  Dona  Concepcion  entered  that  establish 
ment,  and  there  she  died  in  1857  at  the  age  of  sixty- 
seven.  She  enjoyed  the  respect  and  veneration  of  all 
who  knew  her,  and  there  were  few  families  who  could 
net  remember  some  act  of  kindness  at  her  hands.23 

After  Reza"nofs  return  to  Sitka  there  seems  to 
have  been  no  intercourse  between  the  Russian  settle 
ments  and  California  for  some  time,  unless  we  may 
so  regard  the  otter-hunting  expeditions  of  Americans 
made  under  contract  with  Baranof,  on  terms  similar 
to  those  formerly  obtained  by  O'Cain,  Winship,  and 
Campbell.  In  1807  Swift  in  the  Derby,  with  twenty- 
five  bidarkas  and  fifty  Aleuts,  hunted  on  the  coast 
with  results  which  are  not  known.24  Jonathan  Win- 
ship  likewise  came  down  from  Kadiak  in  the  O'Cain 

22  Simpson's  Narrative,  i.  377-9. 

23  Born  at  San  Francisco  and  baptized  on  Feb.  26,  1790.  San  Francisco, 
Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  25-6.     Commandant  Zuiiiga,  of  San  Diego,  acted  as 
godfather,  through  Manuel  Boronda,  who  had  a  power  of  attorney  for  the 
purpose.     Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  102-13;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv. 
40-1 ;  and  Romero,  Memorias,  MS. ,  9,  all  speak  of  the  lady  in  terms  of  the 
highest  respect,  dwelling  on  her  many  acts  of  charity  and  religion,  her  minis 
trations  to  the  sick,  her  teaching  of  children,  both  Indian  and  Spanish;  her 
habit  of  carrying  always  a  bottle  of  holy  water,  her  visits  to  the  different 
missions  and  presidios,  and  her  persistent  rejection  in  the  early  days  of  all 
offers  of  marriage.     Gov.  Alvarado  believed  that  by  a  mysterious  warning 
she  saved  his  life  at  Santa  Barbara  in  1838.     ^No  writer,  however,  says  any 
thing  of  her  having  ever  left  California,  which  fact  I  learn  from  her  own 
correspondence  preserved  in  the  family  archives  of  Don  Jose'  de  la  Guerra  y 
Noriega.     April  20,  1818,  she  writes  from  Loreto  to  her  brother.     She  is 
evidently  in  considerable  trouble  from  the  ardor  with  which  one  Don  San 
tiago,  James  Wilcox  Smith  presses  his  suit  for  her  hand,  and  the  reports 
current  on  the  subject  among  her  friends  in  California.     She  denies  having 
given  Don  Santiago  any  encouragement  that  she  would  marry  him,  though 
she  admits  it  did  once  occur  to  her  that,  as  he  promised  to  change  his  religion, 
by  consenting  she  might  save  his  soul;  but  she  had  reflected  that  if  his  con 
version  was  sincere  he  had  no  need  of  her.    Whatever  interest  she  had  shown 
in  him  has  been  from  gratitude  for  favors  to  her  family.     She  is  anxious  that 
the  matter  be  explained  to  Jos6  de  la  Guerra  and  Pablo  Sola.  Guerra,  Doc. , 
Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vi.  131-2.     Oct.  16,  1819,  she  writes  at  Sta  Barbara  to 
Guerra,  that  she  is  in  a  despondent  mood;  declares  her  intention  to  live  here 
until  her  death,  which  she  believes  to  be  near,  and  begs  the  pardon  of  every 
member  of  the  household  for  the  trouble  she  has  caused.     Jan.  30,  1829,  she 
writes  again  from  Guadalajara  about  her  mother's  desire  to  return  to  Cali 
fornia,  though  wholly  unable  to  make  the  journey.  Id.,  vi.  133-4. 

21  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  171;  Prov.  7?ec.,  viii.  89. 


PLANS  FOR  A  SETTLEMENT.  79 

I 

with  fifty  native  hunters,  making  a  very  profitable 
hunt,  especially  in  Lower  California.25  George  Eyres 
in  the  Mercury  in  1808-9  brought  back  1,040  skins 
as  the  company's  share,  though  he  lost  some  men  by 
desertion.26  The  considerable  profits  of  these  and 
preceding  expeditions  made  Baranof  think  of  sending 
out  one  on  the  sole  account  of  the  company.  The 
procuring  of  furs  was  not,  however,  his  only  motive 
as  will  be  seen. 

Rezanof  had  come  back  from  the  south  with  two 
dominant  ideas.  One  was  the  establishment  on  a 
permanent  basis  of  trade  with  California;  the  other 
was  the  acquisition  by  the  company  of  some  portion 
of  the  New  Albion  coast,  where  an  agricultural  and 
trading  establishment  might  be  formed  to  serve  as 
a  supply-depot  for  the  northern  settlements.  It  is 
noticeable  that  his  original  plan  was  to  introduce 
Chinamen  into  California  as  agricultural  laborers  for 
the  colony.27  With  regard  to  commerce,  the  company 
on  receipt  of  Rezanof  s  reports  sent  a  petition  to  the 
emperor  setting  forth  the  great  advantages  to  be  de 
rived,  and  requesting  imperial  intercession  with  the 
Spanish  government.  The  Russian  minister  at  Ma 
drid  was  instructed  to  open  negotiations,  but  owing 
to  political  changes  in  Spain  the  matter  dropped  out 
of  sight  for  a  time  ;28  or  at  least  Spain  gave  no  reply. 

Concerning  the  New  Albion  settlement  it  was 
doubtless  deemed  unnecessary  to  apply  at  first  to  the 
government,  because  the  emperor  had  already  author 
ized  the  company  to  establish  Russian  sovereignty 
as  far  south  as  was  possible  without  infringing  on  the 
rights  of  other  nations,  and  it  was  easy  to  ignore  any 
claim  of  Spain  to  the  country  north  of  San  Francisco 
Bay.  Rezanof,  however,  had  higher  aims  than  the 

23  Boston  in  the  Northwest,  MS.,  20-7.  From  the  log-book.  Not  mentioned 
by  Russians  or  in  Spanish  records.  More  details  will  be  given  in  the  next 
chapter. 

26  Baranof,  Shizneopissanie,  112;  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  9;  Prov.  fiec.,  MS., 
viii.  97-8;  xii.  73. 

27  Letter  of  June  1806,  in  Tikhmcnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  ii.  app.  267. 

28  Potechin,  Sdenie  Ross,  3,  4;  Tikhmcncf,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  2C4. 


80  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

mere  occupation  of  an  unsettled  region.  He  hoped 
to  found  settlements  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia, 
thence  to  extend  Russian  power  gradually  southward, 
and  eventually  to  wrest  from  Spain  a  large  part  of 
Alta  California.29  These  schemes  the  chamberlain 
confided  to  the  chief  director,  and  succeeded  in  inspir 
ing  Baranof  with  a  portion  of  his  own  enthusiasm. 
Thus  it  was  that  when  the  latter  resolved  to  despatch 
a  hunting  expedition  to  southern  waters,  he  also  in 
tended  it  to  keep  a  sharp  lookout  for  a  favorable  site 
for  the  projected  settlement. 

The  important  mission  was  intrusted  to  a  well  tried 
officer  of  the  company  named  Kuskof.  Two  vessels 
were  fitted  out.  The  Nikolai,  Master  Balygin,  with 
Tarakdnof  as  store-keeper,  sailed  for  the  Columbia  in 
October  1808,  but  was  wrecked.  Most  of  the  men 
were  captured  by  the  Indians ;  but  Tarakanof  with  a 
few  hunters  was  rescued  by  an  American  ship  two 
years  later.  Kuskof  sailed  on  the  Kadiak,  master 
Petrof,  October  26, 1808,  and  first  touched  at  Trinidad 
Bay.  Finding  neither  otter  nor  natives  here  he  con 
tinued  his  voyage  to  Bodega  Bay,  where  he  arrived 
January  8,  1809.  I  append  the  original  Spanish  map 
made  at  the  discovery  of  the  bay  by  Bodega  y  Cuadra 
in  1775. 30  Here  iheltadiaJc  remained  at  anchor  until 
the  29th  of  August.  The  adjoining  region  was  some 
what  carefully  explored;  friendly  relations  were  es 
tablished  with  the  natives  by  the  distribution  of  gifts; 

29  In  a  letter  to  the  company  dated  New  Archangel,  Feb.  15,  1806,  and 
marked  '  secret, '  Rezanof ,  after  recommending  a  settlement  on  the  Columbia 
and  an  approach  thence  to  San  Francisco  Bay,  'which  forms  the  boundary  of 
California, '  he  goes  on  to  say:  '  If  we  can  only  obtain  the  means  for  the  begin 
ning  of  this  plan,  I  think  I  may  say  that  at  the  Columbia  we  could  attract  a 
population  from  various  parts,  and  in  the  course  of  ten  years  we  should  become 
strong  enough  to  make  use  of  any  favorable  turn  in  European  politics  to  in 
clude  the  coast  of  California  in  the  Russian  possessions . . .  The  Spaniards  are 
very  weak  in  these  countries,  and  if  in  1798  when  war  was  declared  by  Spain 
our  company  had  had  a  force  corresponding  to  its  proportions,  it  would  have 
been  very  easy  to  seize  a  piece  of  California  from  34° to  Santa  Barbara. .  .and 
to  appropriate  this  territory  forever  since  the  geographical  position  of  Mexico 
would  have  prevented  her  from  sending  any  assistance  overland.'  Rezanof y 
Zapiski,  233-4. 

'MProv.  M.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  21.  This  map  should  have  appeared  in 
vol.  1. 


EXPLORATION  OF  BODEGA. 


81 


some  temporary  buildings  were  erected;  over  2,000 
otter-skins  were  secured;  and  five  or  six  men,  Rus 
sians  and  Americans,  deserted.  The  return  voyage 
was  tedious,  but  Sitka  was  reached  in  October.31  The 
Spaniards  did  not  long  remain  ignorant  of  Kuskof  s 
presence  at  Bodega.  The  deserters  made  straight  for 
the  settlements,  told  all  they  knew,  and  were  gathered 
into  jail  for  their  pains.  The  Aleuts  also  were  seen 
hunting  on  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  whither  they 
had  carried  their  bidarkas  overland,  and  where  several 
of  their  number  were  captured.32 

Kuskof  after  his  long  stay  was  able  to  render  a  very 
full  report.     He  had  found  a  tolerable  harbor,  a  fine 


Cainpo  Verde 


BODEGA  BAY  IN  1775. 

31  KhUbnilcof,  ZapisH,  10,137;  Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  110-11;  Potechin, 
Selenie  Itoss.,  5;    Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  207-8.     The  harbor  is  called 
Roumiantzof  Bay  in  the  last-mentioned  work. 

32  Feb.  9,  1809,  Arrillaga  to  commandant  of  San  Francisco,  the  natives 
report  large  Russian  ships  at  Bodega,  the  crews  of  which  have  erected  build 
ings.     A  captured  Indian  says  he  belongs  to  the  Neva.     Canoes  fishing  on 
the  bay.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  xii.  286.     Feb.   16th,  commandant  to  governor, 
among  the  natives  who  came  from  the  other  side  on  Feb.  14th  are  two  Amer 
ican  deserters  from  the  ship  at  Bodega.     They  are  of  the  four  confined  by 
Rezanof  on  an  island  during  his  visit.     The  vessel  is  the  Conlach,  Capt. 
Goosebfh,  with  40  Russians  and  150  Indians  including  20  women.     Fifty 
canoes  have  been  crossed  from  Huymenes  Bay  to  Pt  Bonetes.     The  strangers 
must  have  had  much  trade  with  the  Indians  to  judge  from  the  effects  seen. 
Yesterday  three  Russians  came  to  San  Jose"  and  were  sent  to  the  presidio. 
Prov.  SL  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  266-8.     March  31st,  Arrillaga  reports  these  facts 
to  the  viceroy;  two  wounded  captives. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    C 


82  RUSSIAN  RELATIONS. 

building  site,  tillable  lands,  a  mild  climate,  abundance 
of  fish  and  fur-bearing  animals,  and,  above  all,  a  region 
unoccupied  by  any  European  power.  Accordingly 
the  emperor  was  again  petitioned  to  induce  Spain 
to  open  the  California  trade;  and  the  imperial  per 
mission  was  also  asked  for  a  settlement  on  the  coast 
of  New  Albion,  with  assurance  of  the  highest  pro 
tection  in  case  of  opposition  by  the  Americans. 
Nothing  was  said  of  Spanish  opposition,  since  it  was 
best  not  to  admit  even  indirectly  that  the  Spaniards 
had  anything  to  say  in  the  matter.  His  majesty  did 
not  see  fit  to  enter  into  any  negotiations  with  the 
court  of  Madrid,  but  adopted  the  simpler  plan  of  in 
forming  the  company  that  with  regard  to  commerce 
they  might  arrange  the  matter  as  best  they  could, 
while  as  to  the  settlement  they  were  at  liberty  to 
found  it  on  their  own  account,  relying  on  the  highest 
protection  when  " occasion  should  require  it."33 

Upon  receiving  this  encouragement  the  general 
administration  instructed  Baranof  to  send  a  ship  to 
California  with  a  cargo  of  suitable  goods;  and  at  the 
same  time  forwarded  to  him  a  written  proclamation 
addressed  by  the  company  to  the  inhabitants  of  Cal 
ifornia.  This  proclamation,  though  dated  March  15, 
1810,  did  not  reach  California  for  several  years;  for 
although  Kuskof  attempted  a  new  expedition  to 
Bodega,  he  was  unsuccessful  and  was  obliged  to  return 
from  Queen  Charlotte  Island  where  his  hunters  were 
attacked  by  the  Indians.34  Meanwhile  Jonathan  Win- 
ship  made  an  otter-catching  contract  at  the  end  of 
1809,  and  sailing  in  the  0' Cain  in  1810-11  he  brought 
back  over  5,400  otter-skins  to  share  from  the  Califor 
nia  coast.  His  brother,  Nathan  Winship  of  the  Alba 
tross,  also  made  a  contract  in  October  1810  and  brought 
back  1,120  skins.35  I  have  more  to  say  of  these  voy 
ages  in  their  chronological  order. 

33  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  -204-7;  KhUbnikof,  Zapiski,  167. 

34  Ti/chmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  208. 

35  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  9,  10;  Baranof ,  Shizneopissanie,  129-30;  Albatross' 
Loy-book,  MS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE  OF  EVENTS. 
1807-1810. 

PRECAUTIONS — A  SPANISH  CRUISER— THE  'DERBY' AND  THE  'O'CAiN,'  CAP 
TAINS  SWIFT  AND  WINSHIP — HOLY  OIL — A  STRANGE  FLAG — WARNINGS 

AGAINST  THE  FRENCH — THE  'DROMO' — THE  'MERCURY,'  CAPT.  EYRES — 

AMERICAN  DESERTERS — TROUBLES  IN  SPAIN — FERNANDO  VII.  RECOG 
NIZED  IN  CALIFORNIA — CONTRIBUTION  FOR  WAR  AGAINST  NAPOLEON — 
PRESIDENT  TAPIS  REFLECTED — DROUGHT  OF  1809 — NEOPHYTE  LABOR 
ERS — INDIAN  TROUBLES  IN  1810 — MORAGA'S  BATTLE  AT  SUISUN — REVOLT 
AT  SAN  GABRIEL — OTTER-HUNTERS — THE  WINSHIP  BROTHERS — THE 
'O'CAiN,'  'ALBATROSS,'  'ISABELLA,'  'MERCURY,'  'CATHERINE,'  'AME 
THYST,'  AND  'CHARON,'  ON  THE  COAST,  1810-12 — SMITH  AND  GALE — A 
TRANSPORT  CAPTURED  BY  INSURGENTS. 

RETURNING  to  the  chronological  order  of  events  and 
to  the  year  1807,  we  find  the  record  of  that  year  by 
no  means  an  exciting  one.  The  Princesa,  armed  as  a 
cruiser,  returned  to  California  to  convoy  the  transport 
ActivOj  and  to  guard  the  coast  against  foreign  craft,1 
but  no  foe  appeared,  and  there  is  no  naval  battle  to 
record.  At  the  suggestion  of  Arrillaga  the  San 
Carlos  was  ordered  north  for  the  next  year's  cruise, 
being  better  fitted  for  the  service  than  the  other 
vessel.2  The  provincial  authorities  were  warned  against 
the  American  ship  Eagle  of  1,000  tons,  fitting  out  at 
New  York  for  some  Spanish  port  in  the  Pacific;  and 

1  The  vessels  arrived  at  Monterey  in  May,  and  were  at  San  Diego  in  July. 
Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  ix.  98;  xii.  54,  60,  270-1.     Dec.  10th,  they  anchored  at  San 
Bias,  bringing  hemp,  tallow,  lard,  hides,  deer-skins,  otter-skins,  wool,  salmon, 
sardines,  shoes,  bear-skins,  oak  planks,  etc.  Gacetas  de  Mex.,  xvii.  40. 

2  Aug.  28th,  Oct.  6,  1807,  viceroy  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
197,  204.     A  few  of  the  artillerymen  seem  to  have  sailed  for  Mexico  this 
year,  to  be  replaced  by  others.  Id.,  xix.  206,  217. 

(  83  ) 


84  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

also  against  an  English  squadron  seen  off  Panamd;3 
but  the  peace  of  California  was  not  disturbed  ex 
cept  by  Aleut  otter-hunters  of  the  Derby  and  the 
a  Cain. 

Of  Swift's  visit  in  the  Derby  we  only  know  through 
Russian  authorities  that  such  a  visit  was  made;4  but 
about  Jonathan  Winship's  visit  in  the  OCain  with 
his  brother  Nathan  as  mate,  we  are  better  informed, 
though  the  Russian  records  do  not  mention  it,  or 
rather  perhaps  include  it  in  the  mention  of  the  same 
captain's  preceding  trip.  The  O'Cain  left  Kadiak 
January  16,  1807,  with  fifty  native  hunters,  and  in  a 
month  reached  the  Farallones,  the  south  island  being 
explored  at  this  visit,  perhaps  for  the  first  time,,  arid 
seals  being  found  in  great  numbers.  Obtaining  sup 
plies  from  the  Spaniards  at  San  Pedro,  Winship 
hunted  otter  for  a  time  at  Santa  Catalina  Island, 
where  he  found  forty  or  fifty  Indian  residents  who 
had  grain  and  vegetables  to  sell;5  on  March  6th  he 
was  off  Todos  Santos  Bay.  For  a  month  the  hunt, 
extensive,  adventurous,  and  successful,  was  prosecuted 
on  the  peninsular  coasts  and  islands,  with  which  both 
captain  and  hunters  were  already  familiar;  and  on 
April  19th  the  O'Cain  sailed  again  for  the  north,  with 
one  hundred  and  forty-nine  Indian  hunters  on  board, 
besides  twelve  women  and  three  Russians.  Reaching 
New  Archangel  after  a  stormy  voyage,  Winship  sailed 
for  China  in  October  with  a  cargo  worth  $136,000, 


z  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  ix.  71-2;  Prov.  Rec.,  ix.  97:  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xix.  227. 
July  1807,  no  exchange  of  prisoners  with  privateers  to  be  allowed,  unless  two 
thirds  of  the  crew  are  English.  Prov.  Rec.,  ix.  100. 

4  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  171. 

5  'The  Spaniards,  with  a  pretended  jurisdiction(!),  attempted  to  prohibit 
other  nations  from  taking  fur-bearing  animals  on  their  coast;  consequently 
when  the  ship  was  at  anchor  in  the  ports  on  the  main,  it  was  ostensibly  for 
the  purpose  of  trade  with  the  Spaniards;  and  the  canoe  hunters  were  kept 
away  from  the  ship,  giving  the  appearance  of  not  being  connected  with  her. 
The  Spaniards  would  sometimes  capture  and  confiscate  a  stray  canoe  with  its 
contents;  and  the  Indians  of  the  missions  would  occasionally  meet  with  the 
Kodiaks  and  have  a  scrimmage.     A- number  of  such  are  recorded  in  the  log, 
in  which  a  few  were  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides,  the  fortune  of  war 
generally  terminating  in  favor  of  the  Kodiaks.'   Boston  in  the  Northwest, 
MS.,  22. 


ITEMS  OF  1807.  85 

and  in  the  next  June  the  vessel  was  back  at  Boston 
to  prepare  for  another  venture  the  following  year.6 

Among  local  happenings  of  this  year  there  may  be 
noted  in  the  extreme  north  an  Indian  fight  near  Car- 
quines  Strait  in  which  twelve  or  thirteen  neophytes 
were  killed  by  the  gentiles;  and  in  the  south  a  quar 
rel  between  lieutenants  Ruiz  and  Guerra  y  Noriega, 
in  which  the  latter  was  knocked  down,  and  as  a  result 
of  which  both  were  reprimanded  by  governor  and 
viceroy.  This  was  at  San  Diego. 

Missionary  events  and  correspondence  were  not 
more  sensational  than  secular  doings.  The  bishop  of 
Sonora  made  a  demand  for  payment  in  masses  for  holy 
oil  furnished  through  the  Dominicans;  but  Tapis 
declared  that  the  Franciscans  received  annually  an 
arroba  of  holy  oil  from  Mexico,  consecrated  by  the 
archbishop  and  presented  by  the  dean  y  cabildo  of 
Mexico.  The  Dominican  president  admitted  the 
receipt  from  the  "  simple-minded  secretary  of  the 
bishop"  of  a  few  bottles  "with  corn-cob  stoppers,"  the 
contents  of  which  had  to  be  eked  out  with  common 
olive-oil.7 

In  August  1808  a  gentile  Indian  from  the  Tular 
region  arrived  at  San  Fernando  with  a  flag,  not  rec 
ognized  by  the  friars,  which  he  said  had  been  sent 
"  through  a  space  of  ten  captains,"  that  is  through  a 
cordillera  of  ten  tribes,  by  a  captain  whose  name  the 
messenger  did  not  know,  but  who  wanted  to  know  if 
it  were  true  that  there  were  padres  and  genie  de  razon 
west  of  the  Sierra.  Father  Munoz  thought  that  the 

6  Boston  in  the  Northwest,  20-7,  from  the  log-book  of  the  voyage.     There 
is  nothing  in  the  Spanish  archives  about  the  visits  of  either  the  Derby  or 
O'Cain  this  year  unless  it  may  be  the  mention  of  a  vessel  at  Bodega  in  May 
to  June.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  89. 

7  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  272-6.     Nov.  30,  1807,  Tapis  announces  in  a  cir 
cular  that  the  bishop  has  granted  him  for  30  months  power  to  remove  the 
impediments  of  3d  and  4th  degrees  of  consanguinity.  Id.,  xi.  156.     Nov.  23, 
1868,  Tapis  to  padres.     The  procurador  has  3,000  masses  at  one  dollar  each 
on  his  hands  to  be  said  in  six  months.     Let  each  say  how  many  he  will  take. 
Let  each  mission  also  say  a  misa  de  rogativa  for  remedy  of  evils  in  Spain 
until  the  king  returns  to  his  throne.  Id.,  xii.  308-10;  x.  273-4. 


86  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

Indian's  reports  of  a  sea  in  the  north  might  be  true, 
and  proposed  to  write  to  the  mysterious  captain. 
Argtiello  pronounced  the  flag  English,  and  found  the 
Indian's  tale  somewhat  contradictory  and  improbable.8 
The  year  was  not  without  its  alarms.  The  gov 
ernor  was  instructed  to  seize  any  French  vessel  that 
might  appear,  if  it  were  possible,  but  otherwise  the 
knowledge  of  war  must  be  kept  from  the  Frenchman 
so  that  he  might  fall  into  Mexican  hands  at  Acapulco.9 
No  French  commander  ventured  to  approach  the 
California  ports  and  to  assume  such  risks.  A  warn 
ing  came  also  against  the  Boston  ship  Dromo  coming 
presumably  to  engage  in  contraband  trade.  .She  was 
to  be  seized  and  kept,  the  rudder  being  removed  and 
the  cargo  deposited  under  inventory.  The  Dromo 
was  much  nearer  capture  in  some  port  of  Alta  Cali 
fornia  than  was  the  possible  French  craft;  for  she  actu 
ally  came  to  Lower  California,  where  this  year  and 
the  next  she  engaged  in  profitable  barter  for  furs;  but 
she  did  not  reach  San  Diego.10  In  December  five 
American  sailors  made  their  appearance  at  San  Jose, 
claiming  to  have  been  shipwrecked  but  in  reality 
deserters,  as  they  confessed  later,  from  a  vessel  seen 
on  the  coast,  which  was  doubtless  the  Mercury  >  Cap 
tain  Eyres,  which  vessel  visited  the  coast  in  1808-9 
under  a  Kussian  contract,  touching  according  to  Rus 
sian  authorities  at  Trinidad,  Bodega,  San  Francisco, 
and  San  Diego.11  The  Spanish  vessels  of  the  year 
were  the  Conception,  Princesa,  and  San  Carlos,  the 
latter  armed  as  a  cruiser.12  Th^  missions  were  called 

8  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS'.,  ii.  63-5. 

9 Oct.  26,  1808,  viceroy  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  238. 

10  Little's  Life  on  the  Ocean.     Baltimore,  1843;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
245-7;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  134-6;  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  ix.  111. 

11  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  110;  xii.  283-4.     The  Americans  were  as  usual  set 
to  work  at  the  presidio  to  earn  their  living.     They  we.re  sent  to  San  Bias 
next  year  with  two  Indians  from  same  vessel,  called  Macure  or  Macara.  Id., 
viii.  97-8.     For  Russian  authorities  see  chap.  iv.     April  26,  1809,  Arrillaga 
to  commandant,  is  informed  that  24  cayucos,  with  40  men  and  a  pilot,  belong 
ing  to  the  ship  George  lying  at  San  Pedro,  had  come  to  San  Juan  Capistrano 
to  catch  otter  and  were  driven  off.  Prov.  Rec.>  MS.,  xii.  73. 

12  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  ix.  107;  xi.  128-9;  xii.  68-9,  278,  280;  Estudttlo,  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  72;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xviii.  92.     The  San  Carlos,  and  Con- 


FERNANDO  VII.  IN  CALIFORNIA.        „  87 

upon  to  contribute  according  to  their  age  to  the  pay 
ment  of  a  deceased  sindico's  deficit^  that  no  shade  of 
dishonor  might  rest  upon  the  order  or  the  college;13 
and  as  we  have  seen  the  friars  were  required  to  strive 
earnestly  in  prayer  for  the  clearing-up  of  the  political 
atmosphere  in  Spain.  Locally  the  most  important 
occurrence  was  a  series  of  violent  earthquakes  at  San 
Francisco  in  June  and  July. 

The  startling  events  in  Spain  produced  but  slight 
effect  in  the  more  distant  American  provinces.  Car 
los  IV.  abdicated  in  March  1808  in  favor  of  his  son 
Fernando  VII.,  and  in  June  Napoleon  made  his 
brother  Joseph  king  of  Spain  and  the  Indies;  but  in 
California,  as  elsewhere  in  America,  Joseph  was  never 
recognized.  News  of  the  changes,  of  peace  with 
England,  of  the  so  considered  war  with  France  came 
to  California  at  the  end  of  the  year,  with  a  call  for 
prayers  from  the  missionaries  and  for  a  money  contri 
bution  from  all.14  On  March  5,  1809,  Fernando  VII. 
seems  to  have  received  the  formal  allegiance  of  Cali 
fornia  so  far  as  it  could  be  rendered  by  the  presidio 
garrisons  and  mission  guards.  The  troops  at  each 
place  being  drawn  up  under  arms,  the  commanding 
officer  read  the  general  order  and  called  out  thrice 
"Viva  el  Key  Nuestro  y  Senor  Natural  Don  Fernan 
do!"  then  he  repeated  thrice  "Castilla  por  el  Senor 
Don  Fernando  VII.,"  and  on  each  occasion  all  the  men 
responded,  "Long  live  our  king  and  natural  lord  Fer- 

cepcion  were  at  San  Francisco  and  Monterey  in  May;  the  San  Carlos  and 
Princesa  at  San  Diego  in  October;  and  the  San  Carlos  reached  San  Bias  Nov. 
1st.  The  commanders  were  Ramon  de  Moya,  Agustin  Bocalan,  and  Jose" 
Maria  Narvaez. 

13  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  157-8.    Circular  of  Tapis  dated  June  30th.    Also 
in  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  7,  8. 

14  Sept.  6,  1808,  viceroy  decrees  general  amnesty  on  accession  of  Fernando 
VII.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  243.     Sept.  24th,  viceroy  sends  proclamation 
of  peace  between  Spain  and  England.  Id.,  xix.  242.     Oct.  12th,  V.  B.  calls 
for  a  war  contribution.     All  classes  to  be  appealed  to  in  the  name  of  religion, 
king,  and  country.  Id. ,  xix.  239.     News  of  war  said  to  have  been  received  at 
Monterey  in  October.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  109.     Nov.  23d,  circular  of  Tapis 
to  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  274.     Nov.  24th,  Arrillaga  calls  upon  the 
padres  for  prayers.  Prov.  fiec.,xn.  93-4.    The  viceroy's  decree  and  proclama 
tion  of  Oct.  3d,  4th,  are  also  alluded  to.  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  83. 


88  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

dinand  the  Seventh!"  The  same  day  salutes  were 
fired  and  church  services  held.  Subsequently  on  the 
10th  of  August,  in  accordance  with  orders  from  Mex 
ico,  Governor  Arrillaga  before  President  Tapis,  fathers 
Amoros  and  Sarria,  Surgeon  Quijano,  and  Cadet  Es 
trada  at  San  Carlos,  placing  one  hand  on  the  bible, 
the  other  on  the  cross  of  his  sword,  and  kneeling  before 
the  crucifix,  swore  loyalty  to  Fernando  VII.  and 
obedience  to  the  Junta  Superior  Gobernativa  in  de 
fence  of  his  country.15  Meanwhile  the  missionaries 
may  be  supposed  to  have  been  zealous  in  their  suppli 
cations  for  divine  assistance  in  behalf  of  their  legiti 
mate  sovereign  and  against  the  machinations  of  the 
Bonapartes;  and  the  work  of  collecting  pecuniary 
assistance  was  also  advanced,  the  contribution  from 
the  troops  amounting  to  $1,689.10  Another  contribu 
tion  was  made  in  1810,  but  respecting  it  few  details 
have  been  preserved. 

The  presence  of  Kuskof  at  Bodega  and  that  of 
Capt.  Ayers  on  the  southern  coast  in  the  early  part 
of  1809  have  been  already  noticed.17  In  October  three 
more  Americans  were  arrested  at  San  Gabriel,  who 
may  be  supposed  to  have  deserted  from  the  Mercury 
in  the  spring,  since  there  is  no  record  of  any  other 
American  vessel  on  the  coast  this  year.18  The  Prin- 
cesa  and  San  Carlos  brought  the  year's  supplies,  ar 
riving  at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  in  May  and 

^Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  81.  Circular  of  commandant  of  Mon 
terey  dated  Feb.  26,  1809.  March  5th,  mention  of  ceremonies.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  111.  Oath  of  the  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  262-3. 

16  Feb.  26,  1809,  comandante  of  Monterey  calls  for  a  contribution  in  his 
jurisdiction.  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  83.     San  Jose"  and  Branciforte,  $528. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvii.  3.     July  3d,  viceroy  sends  thanks  for 
$1,689  from  the  four  presidios.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  250-1.    Aug.  1809, 
governor  has  ordered  chanting  of  litany  after  high  mass  during  war.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  116.     April  25,  1810,  among  King  Joseph's  agents  in  America 
is  named  Santiago  Parreno  for  New  Mexico  and  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xix.   303.     Aug.  10,  1810,  more  donativos  asked  for  by  the  audiencia 
gobernadora.  Id.,  xix.  294.     Dec.  31,  1810,  soldiers  of  San  Francisco  contrib 
uted  $299.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xliv.  4. 

17  See  chap.  iv.  of  this  vol. 

18 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  2.  March  27th,  Indians  forbidden  to  bring  sailors 
from  foreign  vessels  under  severe  penalty.  Id.,  xi.  131.  October,  deserters 
from  foreign  vessels  to  be  put  to  work  repairing  the  presidio.  Id.,  ix.  117. 


EVENTS  OF  1809.  89 

June,  and  sailing  from  San  Diego  in  November.19  In 
missionary  annals  of  the  year  I  may  note  the  reelec 
tion  of  President  Tapis  at  the  college  of  San  Fernando ; 
and  some  regulations  issued  respecting  mission  libraries 
and  the  books  of  dead  friars.  Each  book  was  to  be 
plainly  marked  as  being  the  property  of  the  college, 
so  that  in  the  event  of  secularization,  which  was  always 
kept  in  view  by  the  Franciscans,  it  might  be  taken 
away.20  Local  items  include  the  consecration  of  new 
mission  churches  at  San  Buenaventura  and  San  Jose, 
the  beginning  of  another  at  San  Antonio,  and  some 
new  trouble  about  boundaries  at  Santa  Clara.  The 
year  1809  was  one  of  drouth  and  short  crops,  even 
worse  than  1807.  The  loss  in  yield  of  barley  and  corn 
was  less  than  in  that  of  wheat;  and  the  extreme  south 
ern  missions  suffered  as  a  rule  more  than  those  in  the 
north.  The  total  falling-off  in  all  crops  was  about 
thirty  per  cent  from  the  average,  and  not  more  than 
ten  per  cent  from  the  crops  of  1807.  These  con 
clusions  rest  on  the  mission  statistics,  since  the  corre 
spondence  of  the  time  shows  little  beyond  the  fact 
that  it  was  a  hard  year.21 

There  was  a  proposition  in  Mexico  to  admit  to  new 

l9Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  97;  ix.  113,  115;  xii.  79.  In  Coyness  Lost 
Trappers,  144-69,  I  find  an  account  of  the  wanderings  of  two  hunters,  Work 
man  and  Spencer,  who  crossed  the  country  from  the  Arkansas  to  the  Colo 
rado,  fell  in  with  a  caravan  from  Santa  F6,  and  accompanied  the  Spanish 
traders  to  Los  Angeles,  spending  the  winter  of  1809-10  in  California.  Coy- 
ner's  narrative  as  a  whole  bears  marks  of  having  been  written  in  good  faith, 
but  he  does  not  claim  to  have  seen  any  diary  of  this  trip,  and  he  is  certainly 
in  error.  No  such  men  came  to  California  in  1809,  and  the  trade  between 
Santa  F<§  and  California  did  not  begin  until  much  later.  The  author  has 
doubtless  antedated  an  occurrence  of  later  years. 

20  On  July  8th,  Agustin  Garijo  was  elected  guardian,  Tapis  reflected 
president,  and  Jos6  Guilez,  procurador.  Announced  on  July  26,  1809.  Arch. 
Obispado,  MS.,  10;  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv.  195-8.  The  seal  of  the  college 
was  changed  also  at  the  same  time.  April  23d,  Tapis  to  the  padres,  making 
known  the  regulations  respecting  books  and  libraries.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS., 
9,10. 

'2lProv.St.  Pap,  MS.,  xix.  237,  252-3;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxix.  6;  StaCniz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  14.  In  the  annual  reports  of  several  missions  the  figures  for 
1809  are  omitted  altogether.  The  correspondence,  especially  in  the  north, 
complains  of  greater  want  than  the  tables  would  indicate.  A  writer  in  the 
S.  F.  Bulletin,  March  19,  1864,  obtained  an  account  of  this  drought  from  an  old 
resident  of  Santa  Barbara,  who  said  that  scarcely  any  rain  fell,  and  that  both 
crops  and  live-stock  suffered  severely. 


90  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

California!!  foundations  the  friars  from  another  Fran 
ciscan  college  at  Orizaba;  but  respecting"  it  we  know 
only  that  the  authorities  of  San  Fernando  at  last 
resolved  not  to  admit  the  strangers.22  An  important 
industrial  topic,  involving  the  employment  of  neo 
phytes  as  laborers,  came  up  for  discussion  in  1810, 
though  it  seems  to  have  occasioned  no  very  heated 
controversy.  The  settlers  of  Los  Angeles,  encour 
aged  by  the  government  to  engage  in  the  hemp-culture, 
had  obtained  from  San  Juan  Capistrano  a  hundred 
Indians.  Father  Sufler  for  some  reason  not  given 
recalled  the  Indians  to  their  mission.  The  settlers 
through  the  alcalde  and  other  prominent  men  peti 
tioned  for  an  order  compelling  the  service  of  the 
laborers,  and  it  was  also  reported  that  the  president 
had  forbidden  such  service.  Tapis,  when  the  matter 
was  referred  to  him  by  the  governor,  replied  in  a  clear 
argument  which  throws  much  light  on  the  labor 
question  at  this  epoch.  He  denies  that  he  has  given 
any  orders  against  the  letting-out  of  the  Indians,  or 
that  he  has  any  desire  to  prevent  it;  but  argues  also 
that  he  has  no  authority  to  require  Sufier  to  comply 
with  the  settlers'  wishes.  His  argument  was  first, 
that  by  royal  order  of  1713,  newly  converted  Indians 
were  not  to  serve  private  persons  except  voluntarily, 
the  presumption  being  that  the  neophytes  would  not 
often  work  of  their  own  accord  in  the  pueblos.  Second, 
that  even  where  repartimientos  were  legally  permitted 
Indians  must  not  be  taken  over  ten  leagues  from  their 
homes.  Third,  the  Indians  had  a  right  to  spiritual 
care  not  given  them  at  the  pueblo;  and  fourth,  the 
making  of  repartimientos  belonged  to  the  governor 
and  not  to  the  president.  If  Arrillaga  chose  to  assign 
to  each  mission  a  certain  number  of  laborers  to  be 
furnished  for  hemp-culture  the  president  would  do  all 
he  could  to  render  the  measure  a  success.  But  still 
he  urged  that  the  missions  as  well  as  pueblos  were 
engaged  in  that  branch  of  industry  and  needed  laborers, 

22  Feb.  20,  1811,  guardian  to  Tapis.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  vi.  218. 


MORAGA'S  FIGHT  AT  SUISOT.  91 

and  that  a  little  more  hard  work  was  by  no  means 
likely  to  injure  the  settlers  and  their  families.23 

The  Indians  were  somewhat  more  troublesome  in 
1810  than  they  had  been  before,  both  in  the  north 
and  south;  and  Alferez  Moraga,  preeminently  the 
Indian-fighter  of  the  time,  was  kept  very  busy  in  the 
Spanish  acceptation  of  the  term.  In  May  he  was 
sent  with  seventeen  men  to  punish  the  gentiles  of  the 
Sespesuya  rancheria  who  lived  across  the  bay  from 
San  Francisco,  apparently  near  the  strait  of  Carqui- 
nes  in  the  region  of  Suisun,  and  who  for  several  years 
had  committed  depredations,  killing  sixteen  neophytes 
from  San  Francisco.  The  Spaniards  crossed  the  strait 
in  a  boat  and  after  a  hard  fight  with  one  hundred  and 
twenty  pagans,  captured  eighteen  of  the  number,  who 
were  released  as  they  were  almost  sure  to  die  of  their 
wounds.  The  survivors  retired  to  their  huts  and 
made  a  brave  resistance,  wounding  two  corporals  and 
two  soldiers.  The  occupants  of  two  of  the  three  huts 
were  defeated  and  all  killed ;  but  when  the  other  hut 
was  set  on  fire  with  a  view  to  drive  out  the  occupants 
they  bravely  preferred  to  perish  in  the  flames.  Arri- 
llaga  having  sent  an  account  of  this  brilliant  affair  to 
Mexico,  and  the  viceroy  having  transmitted  it  to 
Spain,  there  came  back  a  royal  order  expressing  the 
satisfaction  of  the  council  of  regency,  in  the  king's 
name,  at  the  glorious  action  of  May  22,  1810.  By 
the  terms  of  this  order  Moraga  was  promoted  to  a 
brevet  lieutenancy.  Corporals  Herrera  and  Francisco 
Soto,  wounded,  were  made  sergeants;  the  wounded 
soldiers,  Antonio  Briones  and  Ventura  Zuniga,  were 
given  a  slight  increase  of  pay,  while  the  others  who 
shared  in  the  action  were  rewarded  with  the  thanks 
of  the  nation.24 

23  Tapis,  Parecer  sobre  Pepartimientos  de  fndios  Trabaj adores,  1810,  MS. 
Bated  Oct.  5th,  at  San  Francisco. 

24  June  28,  1810,  Arrillaga's  report  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  ix.  122-3. 
Nov.  12,  1811,  viceroy  to  gov.,  enclosing  royal  order  of  Aug.  19th.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  314.     June  26, 1812,  governor  to  Com.  Estudillo,  transmitting 
viceroy's  communication.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.  222-3.     Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  i.  151-5,  in  describing  a  fight  in  the  same  region  by  Jose"  Sanchez  in 


geles. 


92  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

Moraga's  two  expeditions  to  the  San  Joaquin  Val 
ley  and  another  to  Bodega  from  August  to  October 
of  this  year  have  already  been  mentioned  in  a  chapter 
on  inland  exploration.  During  the  second  exploration 
to  the  San  Joaquin,  sixteen  Christian  Indians  were 
recovered  and  eighteen  gentiles  captured  by  a  sudden 
attack  on  a  rancheria,  to  say  nothing  of  fifty  women 
taken  and  set  free — all  without  bloodshed.25  In  No 
vember  there  was  trouble  at  San  Gabriel,  where  an 
attack  was  deemed  imminent,  and  Moraga  was  ordered 
south.  Though  the  archives  contain  several  communi 
cations  on  the  subject,  it  is  impossible  to  learn  exactly 
what  took  place;  but  the  danger,  whatever  it  may 
have  been,  was  averted  through  Moraga's  efforts  and 
those  of  the  company  of  militia  artillery  at  Los  An- 

Other  local  events  of  1810  include  nothing  more 
important  than  a  slight  misunderstanding  between 
Los  Angeles  and  the  padres  of  San  Gabriel,  caused 
by  the  action  of  the  latter  in  cutting  off  the  pueblo's 
water-supply  and  in  neglecting  their  spiritual  attend 
ance  on  the  settlers. 

I  have  already  mentioned  briefly  the  otter-hunting 
voyages  made  under  Russian  contracts  by  the  Winship 

1817  against  the  Suisunes  under  chief  Malaca,  states  that  the  Indians  set  fire 
to  the  huts  and  temescales  in  which  they  had  taken  refuge,  and  perished  in  the 
flames.  It  is  possible  that  the  author  has  confounded  two  different  battles. 
Alvarado,  hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  69-70,  makes  the  date  1817,  but  puts  Gabriel 
Moraga  in  command,  and  says  that  Samyetoy,  afterward  known  as  Solano, 
was  captured  on  this  occasion. 

25  Viader,  Diario  6  Notlcia,  MS.;  Id.,  Diario  de  una  Entrada,  MS.  See 
chapter  iii.  of  this  volume. 

'"Nov.  12,  1810,  Sergt.  Cota  with  18  men  to  go  every  15  days  in  pursuit 
of  fugitive  Indians  of  San  Gabriel  and  San  Fernando.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 

8.  Nov.  27th,  Moraga  to  go  to  San  Gabriel  and  investigate  the  causes  of  dis 
orders  and  the  rising  of  Martinez,  who  with  50  men  holds  that  place.  Id.,  xi. 

9.  Dec.  31st,  21  Christian  Indians  and  12  gentiles  in  prison  for  complicity  in 
the  revolt.  Id.,  xi.  16.     Before  June  1811  Moraga  captured  all  the  leaders 
and  proceeded  so  wisely  that  400  gentiles  were  converted.  Zalvidea,  in  Doc. 
Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  175.     The  hostile  Indians  were  the  Amajabas  (Mojaves), 
and  came  within  two  leagues,  but  retired  on  hearing  the  mission  was  defended, 
killing  one  neophyte  on  the  way.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  271.     The  rebels 
intended  to  attack  both  San  Gabriel  and  Angeles.     Names  of  the  artillery 
men  and  settlers  who  served  during  the  crises  from  Oct.  28,  1800,  to  Jan.  4, 
1811.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  327-8. 


WINSHIP  AND  GALE.  93 

brothers,  William  Davis,  and  George  Eyres  on  the 
O'Cain,  Albatross,  Isabella,  and  Mercury.  The  log 
book  of  the  Albatross,  Captain  Nathan  Winship,  pre 
sents  many  interesting  particulars  respecting  the 
operations  of  all  the  fleet  on  the  California  coast  in 
18 10- II.27  The  journal  was  written  by  the  captain's 
clerk,  William  A.  Gale,  afterward  prominent  in  the  Cal 
ifornia  hide  trade.  William  Smith  was  chief  mate,  and 
the  crew  consisted  of  twenty -two  men.  Winship  went 
with  instructions  from  a  Boston  company  to  form  a  set 
tlement  on  the  Columbia  River, and  sailed  in  July  1809. 
Doubling  Cape  Horn,  and  touching  at  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  the  Albatross  entered  the  Columbia  in  May 
1810.  The  attempt  to  found  a  settlement  was  not 
successful,  but  the  details  do  not  belong  here.  In  the 
north  was  met  the  Mercury,  Eyres,  master,  from 
California,  and  on  July  19th  the  vessels  parted,  Win- 
ship  sailing  south,  and  anchoring  near  the  south  Fara- 
llones  at  the  end  of  July.  Here  were  two  gangs  of 
sealers,  one  belonging  to  the  Mercury  and  the  other 
to  the  Isabella.  Seven  men  were  left  there  in 
charge  of  Gale.  The  Albatross  continued  southward; 
touched  at  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands,  where  were 
found  few  seals,  but  many  sea-otters,  which  in  the 
absence  of  Aleuts  apparently  could  not  be  caught, 
and  left  another  gang  of  sealers  on  Cedros  Island. 
Returning  northward  she  arrived  at  Norfolk  Sound 
October  22,  1810. 

Repairs  were  here  made  and  a  contract  entered  into 
with  Bardnof  for  thirty  bidarkas  and  fifty  Kadiak 
hunters,28  with  which  reenforcement  the  Yankee  cap 
tain  sailed  on  the  16th  of  November.  At  Drake 
Bay  at  the  end  of  November  he  found  the  O'Cain, 
the  Isabella,  arid  the  Mercury.  Early  in  December 
communication  was  had  with  the  party  on  the  Fara- 

27  Albatross,  Log-book  of  a  Voyage  to  the  Northwest  Coast  in  1809-12,  kept 
by  Wm.  Gale,  MS.     The  substance  only  of  the  journal  is  given  with  occa 
sional  quotations.     See  also  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xiv.  202. 

28  Contract  also  mentioned  in  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  9,  10;   and  Bardnof, 
tfhizneopissanie,  129-30. 


94  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

Hones  who  had  already  taken  30,000  seal-skins,  and 
who  were  now  reenforced  by  six  Kanakas.  Next  the 
Albatross  repaired  to  San  Luis  Obispo  for  wood, 
water,  and  beef,  and  a  party  of  hunters  took  sixty 
prime  otter-skins.  At  San  Quintin  the  OCain  was 
rejoined  and  the  two  Winship  brothers,  Nathan  and 
Jonathan,  carried  on  a  profitable  business  during  the 
rest  of  the  year,  keeping  parties  of  hunters  on  differ 
ent  islands,  and  also  obtaining  furs  from  the  peninsular 
missionaries. 

Though  it  will  carry  us  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
decade,  it  is  best  to  conclude  this  narrative  here.  On 
April  1,  1811,  the  Albatross  sailed  for  the  north,  leav 
ing  the  O'Cain  to  look  after  affairs  on  the  lower  coast, 
and  returned  to  the  Farallones  to  leave  supplies. 
Then  she  went  to  Drake  Bay,  where  she  was  joined 
by  the  O'Cain  and  Isabella  on  the  llth  of  May. 
Here  the  two  vessels  remained  a  month,  often  com 
municating  with  the  different  gangs  of  hunters  by 
means  of  boats.  In  June  the  Albatross  went  south 
again,  and  was  occupied  in  picking  up  for  final  de 
parture  the  hunters  and  the  product  of  their  labors 
for  both  ships;  and  on  the  19th  she  sailed  for  the 
north,  arriving  at  the  Russian  settlements  in  August. 
After  repairing  the  ship  and  discharging  his  Indians, 
Winship  returned  down  the  coast,  and  anchored  on 
the  27th  of  September  at  the  south  Farallones.  The 
2d  of  October,  taking  on  board  all  the  hunters,  except 
Brown  with  seven  Kanakas,  the  Albatross™  sailed  for 
the  Islands,  so  loaded  with  furs  that  some  water-casks 
had  to  be  broken  up  and  the  hemp  cables  carried  on 

29  An  account  of  all  the  different  kinds  of  skins  obtained  for  the  Albatross 
to  this  date,  Oct.  1,  1811,  in  the  log-book  cited,  p.  57:  Fur  seal  skins  taken 
by  Gale,  1810,  33,740;  fur  seal  skins  taken  by  Gale,  1811,  21,153;  fur  seal 
skins  taken  by  Brown,  18,509;  total  from  Farallones,  73,402;  total  from 
Lower  California,  1,124;  total,  74,526.  Sea-otter,  ship's  share,  taken  by 
Kadiaks,  561  tails(?),  581;  sea-otter,  bought,  70  tails(?),  58;  total  otter,  631 
tails(?),  639.  Besides  248  beaver,  21  raccoon,  6  wild-cat,  153  land-otter,  4 
badger,  5  fox,  58  mink,  8  gray  squirrels,  1  skunk,  11  musk-rat,  and  137  mole 
skins.  Estimated  value  of  all  at  Canton  prices,  $157,397.  The  Russian  au 
thorities  (see  note  24)  agree  with  the  American  as  to  the  product,  560  skins 
being  the  company's  share. 


VOYAGE  OF  THE  'ALBATROSS.'  95 

deck.  She  arrived  at  Oahu  early  in  November,  and 
\vas  soon  joined  by  the  OCain  and  Isabella,  the  results 
of  whose  trip  are  not  so  fully  recorded,  but  which, 
according  to  Russian  authorities,  carried  north  as  the 
company's  share  of  their  ' catch'  2,728  and  1,4.88  sea- 
otter  skins  respectively.  The  three  vessels  formed  a 
kind  of  partnership  with  the  intention  of  returning  to 
California;  but  after  a  voyage  to  China  this  plan  was 
abandoned  in  favor  of  a  sandal-wood  contract  with 
the  king  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  The  Albatross 
accordingly  came  over  to  California  to  take  off  a  party 
of  sealers  and  close  up  the  business.  She  was  at  the 
Farallones  in  August,  and  thence  went  to  Drake 
Bay,  where  one  Jerry  Bancroft  was  nearly  killed  by 
a  grizzly  bear.  Winship  was  back  at  the  Islands  in 
October,  where  the  journal  ends  on  October  25th,  and 
where  the  three  vessels  were  blockaded  for  nearly 
three  years  during  the  war  with  England.30  We  shall 
hear  of  the  Mercury  again. 

30  The  proceedings  of  all  these  vessels  on  the  coast  in  1810-12  have  left  but 
little  trace  in  the  Spanish  archives.  February  1810,  declarations  taken  from 
deserters  of  the  Mercury.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  120.  Sept.  28,  1810,  or  Oct. 
18th,  three  deserters  sent  away  on  the  Princesa.  None  of  them  were  really 
Americans.  Id.,  xi.  7,  8.  Sept.  19,  1810,  Com.  of  San  Francisco  to  governor. 
Several  fishing-canoes  seen  going  toward  San  Jose  where  24  cayucos  and  a 
boat  are  reported.  A  big  vessel  at  Bodega,  and  many  canoes  between  Pt 
Bonete  and  San  Antonio.  Sept.  20th,  three  Russian  fisherman  captured  in 
the  estuaries  of  San  Jose.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  275-6.  Sept.  24,  1810, 
seven  captives  taken  and  five  more  on  Oct.  4th,  thought  to  belong  to  the 
Russian  ship  Falactan,  all  put  to  work.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xliv. 
5;  xlviii.  13;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  211-12;  ix.  125.  Sept.  28,  1810,  a  small 
American  vessel  at  Bodega  with  60  men.  The  crew  had  built  three  huts  on 
shore.  Moraga,  Diario  de  su  Expect.,  1810,  MS.,  278.  Nov.  26,  1810,  13 
canoes  seen  from  San  Mateo  to  San  Bruno.  Some  say  20  canoes  left  the  island 
at  Pt  San  Mateo  this  morning.  Indians  report  two  big  vessels  between  Pt 
Reyes  and  San  Antonio.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  280-1.  Rations  supplied 
in  1810  to  seven  Russian  Indians  and  four  deserters,  $616.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  Jan.  20,  1811,  commandant  of  San  Diego  to  governor,  an 
American  vessel  touched  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  and  left  on  Jan.  3d,  forced 
by  wind.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  83.  May  30,  1811,  Com.  of  San  Francisco  to 
Gov.,  the  otter- fishing  canoes  still  in  the  bay;  as  many  as  50  seen  together. 
Indians  report  130  of  them  between  Pt  Bonete  and  San  Antonio.  The  fish 
ermen  had  detained  the  Indians  on  suspicion  of  being  spies.  A  number  of 
canoes  also  toward  San  Pedro  and  Pt  Pilares.  A  party  sent  to  surprise  them, 
but  without  success.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  307-8.  July  30,  1811,  the 
cayucos  have  retired  from  the  bay.  A  corpse  found  on  the  Sta  Cruz  beach. 
No  vessels  at  Bodega.  Id.,  xix.  309.  Dr  Taylor  tells  us  that,  according  to 
Capt.  Cooper's  statement,  old  Capt.  Bully  (Billy?)  Smith  went  to  the  Fara 
llones  in  18C8  with  a  party  of  Kadiaks,  stayed  there  two  years,  and  caught 


90  CHRONOLOGICAL  NARRATIVE. 

In  1811  Thomas  Meek  in  the  Amethyst  and  Will 
iam  Blanchard  in  the  Catherine  were  on  the  coast 
under  Russian  contracts,  each  carrying  back  over 
seven  hundred  otter-skins  for  the  company,  which  is 
all  that  is  known  of  these  expeditions.  Whittemore 
in  the  Charon  shared  nearly  nine  hundred  skins.  He 
was  found  at  the  Farallones  by  Winship  at  the  time 
of  his  last  visit  in  18 12.31 

The  supplies  for  1810  were  brought  by  the  Prin- 
cesa  and  Activo,  arriving  at  Monterey  on  July  and 
leaving  the  coast  late  in  the  autumn.  The  schooner 
Mosca  also  touched  at  Monterey  in  June  on  her  way 
from  Manila  to  San  Bias.32  Though  the  Mexican 
authorities  in  August  instructed  Arrillaga  to  put  the 
California!!  forts  in  a  state  of  defence  by  purchasing 
new  cannon,  there  seems  at  the  same  time  to  have 
been  an  order  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  artillery  de 
tachment.  At  any  rate  we  find  the  governor  at  the 
end  of  the  year  protesting  against  such  withdrawal.33 
When  the  Princesa  reached  San  Bias  on  her  return 
she  found  that  town  in  possession  of  the  insurgents, 
and  was  herself  captured  and  held  for  a  short  time. 
Thus  slightly  was  California  involved  in  the  great 
revolution  in  its  first  year.84 

130,000  seals  besides  many  otter.  He  took  them  to  China  in  the  Albatross, 
obtained  $2.50  for  seal-skins  and  $30  or  $40  for  otter;  loaded  two  ships  with 
tea  and  silk,  and  sold  the  cargo  in  Boston  during  the  high  prices  of  the  war 
of  1812.  Discov.  and  Founders,  No.  21,  i.  We  have  seen  that  Wm.  Smith  was 
first  mate  of  the  Albatross,  and  we  shall  hear  of  him  again,  for  he  afterward 
lived  and  died  in  California. 

31  See  reference  to  Russian  authorities  in  note  24. 

™Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  124;  xii.  81-3,  210. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  293;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  126. 

31  Feb.  20,  1811,  guardian  to  president.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  vi.  216.  The  port 
had  already  been  retaken. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 
1801-1810. 

SAN  DIEGO  PRESIDIO— OFFICIALS— JOSE  FONT — MANUEL  RODRIGUEZ — QUAR 
REL  BETWEEN  RUIZ  AND  GUERRA — RAIMUNDO  CARRILLO — LUJAN — POPU 
LATION — FINANCES — FORTS — VISITS  OF  AMERICAN  TRADERS — PABLO  GRI- 
JALVA — SAN  DIEGO  MISSION — IRRIGATION  WORKS — EARTHQUAKE — NEW 
CHURCH— STATISTICS— JOSE  PANELLA — SAN  Luis  REY — NEW  CHURCH — 
JOSE  GARCIA — DOMINGO  CARRANZA — SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — FIRE — 
CHURCH — JOSE  FAURA — Los  ANGELES — RANCHOS — PUEBLO  AND  MIS 
SION — SAN  GABRIEL — PEDRO  DE  SAN  JOSE  ESTEVAN — ANTONIO  CRU- 
ZADO — ISIDORO  BARCENILLA — SAN  FERNANDO — NICOLAS  LAZARO — JOSE 
ANTONIO  URIA — MARTIN  LANDAETA — SANTA  BARBARA  PRESIDIO — 
CAPTAIN  GOYCOECHEA — POPULATION — FINANCES — EARTHQUAKE  AND 
STORM — CRIMINAL  CASES— SANTA  BARBARA  MISSION— EPIDEMIC— PADRE 
CORTES — SAN  BUENAVENTURA — SANTA  MARIA — PURISIMA — FERNAN 
DEZ — PAYERAS'  REPORT. 

WE  will  here  take  up  the  thread  of  local  annals 
where  it  was  dropped  in  1800.1  With  a  glance  at 
each  presidio,  mission,  and  pueblo,  throughout  the 
length — it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  had  any  breadth 
—of  the  land,  I  shall  present  the  meagre  narrative  of 
events  at  each  establishment,  name  the  persons,  mis 
sionary,  military,  or  civil  officials  who  directed  the  des 
tinies  of  each,  give  biographical  sketches  of  prominent 
men  who  died  or  disappeared  from  the  field  of  their 
labors  in  California,  condense  from  voluminous  records 
statistical  views  of  progress,  or  in  a  few  cases  of  deca 
dence,  tell  what  gentile  souls  were  saved,  what  build 
ings  were  erected,  what  crops  were  harvested,  what 
cattle  were  branded,  and  say  whatever  it  is  desirable 

vol.  i.  chap,  xxx.-xxxii.,  for  local  record  from  1790  to  1800. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    7  (97; 


98  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

and  possible  to  know  of  California's  twenty-six  set 
tlements  during  the  first  decade  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

1  begin  as  before  in  the  extreme  south,  at  San  Diego. 
Here  Lieutenant  Font  commanded  the  post  till  his 
departure  with  his  volunteer  company  in  1803;2  and 
Manuel  Rodriguez  was  commandant  of  the  company, 
as  of  the  post  after  Font's  departure,  till  1806,  when 
he  was  promoted  to  be  captain  of  the  San  Francisco 
company.     He  never  went  north,  however,  for  before 
the  end  of  the  year  he  was  appointed  habilitado  gen 
eral  for  the  Californias  to  reside  in  Mexico,  and  sailed 
in  November  to  assume  the   duties  of  his  new  and 
responsible  position,  which  he  held  until  his  death, 
September  28,  1810.3 

Captain  Rodriguez  was  an  intelligent  man,  a  good 

2  Of  Jose"  Font  I  have  not  been  able  to  learn  anything  beyond  the  fact  of 
his  residence  in  California  with  the  Catalan  volunteers.     He  was,  however, 
promoted  to  be  captain  on  June  10,  1803,  just  before  his  departure  from  the 
country.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  291.     June  13,  1803,  he  was  present  at 
the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  a  new  church  at  San  Juan  Bautista.  S.  Juan 
Bautista,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12,  13. 

3  Manuel  Rodriguez  first  appears  in  California  history  April   23,  1794, 
when  from  Mexico  he  applied  to  Gov.  Borica  for  a  cadetship  in  the  company 
of  Loreto  or  Monterey.     He  was  then  26  years  old.     A  cadet  was  obliged  to 
live  as  a  gentleman  on  a  soldier's  pay;  but  Rodriguez  had  the  patronage  of 
his  relative,  Habilitado  General  Carcaba,  who  not  only  recommended  him 
but  offered  to  make  him  an  allowance  of  $20  or  $25  a  month.     April  23,  1794, 
Rodriguez  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.   186.     He  was  admitted  to 
the  Monterey  company  and  came  to  California  in  1795.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil. ,  MS. ,  xxii.  5.     In  August  1798,  by  provisional  order  of  the  viceroy  he  was 
madealf6rezof  the  San  Francisco  company,  and  honored  with  thetitleof  Alcalde 
de  la  Santa  Herman  dad  de  Caballeros  Hijos  dalgo.     Aug.  14,  1798,  governor  to 
commandant  of  Monterey.    Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  254;  v.  111.  His  commission 
was  sent  by  the  viceroy  Jan.  4,  1799.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.   187.  He  never 
served  at  San  Francisco  but  was  habilitado  at  San  Diego  from  July  1798 
till  his  promotion  to  the  lieutenancy  and  command  of  the  San  Diego  company 
in  1800.   Appointment,  Feb.   11,  1800;  dropped  from  rolls  of  San  Francisco 
company,  Nov.  30th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  15;  xxxiii.  12. 
Commission  forwarded  by  the  viceroy  July  17,  1801.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 
96.     For  Cleveland's  experience  at  San  Diego  and  his  opinion  of  Rodriguez  see 
chapter  i.  this  volume;  also  Cleveland's  Nar.,  i.  210-21.    Heassumed  the  office 
of  habilitado  general  in  Mexico  after  Jan.  21,  1807.     The  exact  date  of  his 
election  in  1806  is  not  recorded.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  94;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  37;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.   103.     May  31,  1810, 
the  governor  notifies  the  viceroy  of  the  election  by  the  officers  of  California, 
of  Jose"  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  Rodriguez  being  the  opposing  candidate. 
Prov.  Rec.,  ix.   121.     Rodriguez  was  notified  by  the  governor  of  his  appoint 
ment  as  captain  of  San  Francisco  June  27,  1806.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
148.     Death  on  Sept.  28,  1810.     Finally  dropped  from  rolls  at  San  Francisco 
Nov.  11,  1815.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  34. 


CABRILLO  AND  GUERRA.  99 

officer,  and  a  skilful  accountant.  Cleveland  found 
him  to  be  "an  exceedingly  vain  and  pompous  man;" 
in  fact  "a  most  arrant  coxcomb,"  and  altogether  a 
most  disagreeable  personage;  but  the  Yankee  smug 
gler's  judgment  of  a  man  who  could  be  tempted  neither 
to  trade  himself  nor  permit  trade  in  violation  of  the 
laws  may  be  taken  with  allowance. 

Captain  Raimundo  Carrillo  was  named  as  the  suc 
cessor  of  Rodriguez,  but  as  he  could  not  leave  Santa 
Barbara  immediately,  Alferez  Francisco  Maria  Ruiz 
of  Santa  Barbara  was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant, 
transferred  to  the  San  Diego  company,  and  thus 
became  acting  commandant  at  the  end  of  1 806.  Lieu 
tenant  Jose'  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  similarly  pro 
moted,  was  sent  down  to  be  habilitado,  a  position 
which  during  1806  had  been  held  by  Ignacio  Mar 
tinez.  It  chanced  that  Guerra's  commission  as  lieuten 
ant  was  a  few  days  older  than  that  of  Ruiz ;  therefore 
the  former  had  to  be  made  commandant  of  the  post. 
The  result  was  jealousy  and  bickering  between  the 
two  officials,  not  diminished  probably  by  the  fact  that 
while  Guerra's  promotion  had  been  most  rapid  from 
the  position  of  cadet,  Ruiz  had  had  to  work  his 
way  up  in  the  usual  slow  method  from  the  ranks. 
Nor  did  the  fact  that  they  were  related  by  marriage 
help  matters.  The  progress  of  the  quarrel  in  its  ear 
lier  stages  is  not  recorded;  but  on  March  15,  1807,  it 
reached  a  climax.  Ruiz  disregarded  an  order  given 
by  his  rival  in  an  insulting  tone,  whereupon  Guerra 
ordered  the  soldiers  to  arrest  him  and  to  load  their 
arms  to  support  his  authority.  Ruiz  replied  by  knock 
ing  Don  Jose  down  and  calling  upon  the  troops  to' 
say  whom  they  recognized  as  their  superior  officer. 
Guerra  drew  his  sword  and  rushed  upon  his  foe;  but 
Father  Sanchez  and  others  interposed  and  prevented 
bloodshed.  This  affair  came  to  the  ears  of  Arrillaga 
who  ordered  Captain  Jose  Argiiello  to  investigate; 
and  the  report  went  to  Mexico.  There  it  was  decided 
that  both  officers  were  much  to  blame,  but  as  they  had 


100  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

cooled  down  before  blood  had  been  spilled,  a  severe 
reprimand  was  deemed  a  sufficient  punishment.  The 
cooling-down  process  had  been  hastened  by  the  action 
of  friends  who  made  the  hot-blooded  lieutenants  under 
stand  that  they  were  likely  to  lose  their  commissions 
or  be  thrown  out  of  the  line  of  promotion.4 

Carrillo  arrived  and  took  command  late  in  1807; 
but  he  died  in  November  1809.5  Ignacio  Corral  was 

*Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxviii.  3-6;  Feb.  28,  1808.  Arrillaga 
gives  a  mild  version  to  the  viceroy  and  suggests  that  Ruiz  be  retired  with  the 
rank  of  captain,  Maitorena  being  put  in  his  place.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  105-6. 
Jose"  Antonio  de  Noriega  wrote  to  his  cousin  Jose"  from  Mexico  a  very  earnest 
letter  on  the  risks  he  was  running  by  his  conduct.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  vi.  93.  After  Carrillo  took  command  there  seem  to  have  been  other 
troubles  not  clearly  explained,  in  which  Carrillo,  Ruiz,  Martinez,  and  Sergt. 
Pico  were  more  or  less  involved.  Arrillaga  through  Guerra  warned  Carrillo 
to  have  the  quarrels  settled  privately  and  to  avoid  an  investigation  which  was 
likely  to  result  badly  to  the  parties.  Id.,  iii.  209-12. 

5  Jose"  Rainmndo  Oarrillo  was  the  son  of  Hilario  Carrillo  and  was  born  at  Lo- 
reto  in  1749.  He  probably  came  to  California  with  the  first  expedition  in  1769. 
According  to  the  S.  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  9,  he  was  a  soldier  at  San 
Diego  before  the  middle  of  1772;  but  in  his  hoja  de  servicios,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Presidios,  MS.,  ii.  11-14,  it  is  stated  that  he  enlisted  on  May  28,  1773.  In 
1776  he  took  part  in  seven  campaigns  against  hostile  chiefs  in  the  San  Diego 
mountains.  He  was  made  corporal  March  8,  1778,  serving  for  a  time  in  the 
Monterey  company.  On  April  23, 1781,  Corporal  Carrillo  was  married  at  San 
Carlos  by  Junipero  Serra  to  Tomasa  Ignacia,  daughter  of  the  soldier  Fran 
cisco  Lugo.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  74.  He  served  as  a  sergeant  at  Santa 
Barbara  for  12  years  from  May  26,  1783.  His  first  son  Carlos  Antonio  was 
baptized  at  Santa  Barbara  Feb.  17,  1784.  Sta  Bdrbara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS., 
3.  In  1795  he  was  transferred  to  Monterey,  and  on  April  27,  1795  was  com 
missioned  alfdrez  of  the  Monterey  company,  taking  the  place  in  August.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  22,  191;  v.  230.  His  appointment 
was  approved  by  the  king  Nov.  1st.  Carrillo  (Dom.),  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
1-9.  On  the  recommendation  of  Arrillaga  he  was  made  a  lieutenant  Dec. 
23,  1800,  and  became  commandant  of  Monterey  from  Dec.  8th,  to  succeed 
Sal,  the  king's  approval  being  dated  Feb.  10,  1802.  Id.,  4;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  48,  56;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  x.  240.  In  August  1802  he  was  trans 
ferred  to  the  command  of  Santa  Barbara,  though  still  lieutenant  of  the  Mon 
terey  company.  Here  as  elsewhere  he  kept  the  company  accounts  as  habili- 
tado  much  of  the  time.  He  was  present  Sept.  17,  1804,  at  the  founding  of  Santa 
Lie's.  Libro  de  Mision,  MS.,  3.  On  Oct.  1,  1806,  still  by  recommendation  of 
Arrillaga,  Carrillo  was  promoted  to  be  captain  of  the  San  Diego  company, 
royal  approval  bearing  the  date  of  March  22,  1807.  St.  Pap., Sac.,  MS.,  i.  41-2; 
Carrillo  (Dom.),  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  4;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  73.  He  was 
buried  in  the  presidio  chapel  by  Padre  Iturrate  on  Nov.  10,  1809.  Id.,  ii.  74; 
S.  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  92;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  14.  His 
will,  given  verbally  to  Don  Jose"  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  was  sent  to  the  gov 
ernor  on  Dec.  19,  1809.  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xix.  261.  July  13,  1816,  the 
viceroy  decides  that  Dona  Tomasa,  the  widow,  was  entitled  to  the  montepio 
militar,  since  her  marriage  had  been  with  royal  permission.  Id.,  xx.  125.  It 
is  evident  that  Carrillo  was  an  intelligent  man  and  an  efficient  officer;  but  of 
his  private  character  we  have  only  Arrillaga's  significant  remark  that  he  was 
at  times  'masculine, '  'y  prueba  de  ello  es  de  quo  para  curar  a  su  hijo  la  madre 
necesitaliceucia.'  His  daughter,  Maria  Antonia,  married  Jos6  de  la  Guerra 


SAN  DIEGO  COMPANY.  101 

appointed  commandant  in  his  place;  but  for  some  un 
explained  reason  he  never  came  to  California.6 

Ruiz  became  acting  commandant,  though  he  did  not 
obtain  his  captain's  commission  till  1821,  when  he 
nominally  succeeded  Corral  as  full  commandant  of  the 
company.  Jose  Lujan  continued  as  alferez  until  1806, 
when  he  left  the  country/  and  was  succeeded  by  Igna- 
cio  Martinez,  lately  cadet  at  Santa  Barbara.  Acebedo 
was  succeeded  by  Joaquin  Arce  as  company  sergeant 
before  1804;  and  after  1805  there  were  two  sergeants, 
Jose  Maria  Pico  being  advanced  to  that  position. 

The  presidial  company  numbered  usually  fifty-seven 
men  besides  the  officers  down  to  1805,  after  which  date 
eighteen  additional  men  were  recruited,  chiefly  from 
the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  and  surrounding  ranches; 
but  as  the  twenty-five  Catalan  volunteers  had  departed 
in  1803,  the  actual  force  was  rather  smaller  than  larger 
than  in  the  preceding  decade.  The  invalids  of  the 
company  varied  from  fifteen  to  twenty-four,  and  a 
few  of  these  remained  on  duty  at  the  presidio.  There 
were  also  four  or  five  artillerymen  at  the  fort;  but  as 
in  1806  the  viceroy,  having  relieved  San  Diego  from 
the  care  of  Mission  San  Miguel,  transferred  five  men 
to  the  Loreto  company,8  the  effective  force  of  the  pre 
sidio  was  in  1810  about  eighty  men,  twenty-five  of 
whom  composed  the  four  mission  escorts  of  San 
Diego,  San  Luis,  San  Juan,  and  San  Gabriel.  The 

y  Noriega ;  and  his  sons  Carlos  Antonio,  Jos<5  Antonio,  Anastasio,  and  Do 
mingo,  were  prominent  men,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  later  history  of  the  coun 
try. 

6  March  10,  1810,  Rodriguez  to  governor,  speaks  of  the  appointment  of 
Corral,  who  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  Corona  regiment,  and  says  the  viceroy 
must  be  urged  to  send  Corral  forward  to  his  post,  else  he  would  surely  remain' 
in  Mexico.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xliv.  1. 

7  Lujan  was  regarded  by  Gov.  Borica  as  unfit  for  his  position,  being  of  weak 
mind  and  body,  and  ignorant  of  military  duties.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi. 
174.     Idle  and  disposed  to  feign  sickness.  Prov.   Rec.,  MS.,  v.  273.     Pro 
nounced  by  Arrillaga  wholly  incompetent  to  command  a  presidio.  Id.,  x. 
17.     June  26,  1806,  Lujan  writes  from  San  Luis  Rey  that  he  would  demand 
a  court-martial.     He  left  San  Diego  for  Lower  California  on  Aug.  5th,  and  on 
Sept.  21st  writes  from  Velicata  that  Rodriguez  had  insulted  him,  retarded 
his  promotion,  and  exiled  him.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.   121-2,  147.    Noth 
ing  is  known  of  his  subsequent  career. 

8  Dec.  23,  1806,  viceroy  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  103. 


102  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

soldiers  with  their  families,  not  including  the  invalids 
who  were  residents  of  Angeles  nor  the  guard  of  San 
Gabriel,  made  a  total  population  of  about  320  in  the 
district,  a  gain  of  70  since  the  year  1800.  The  neo 
phyte  Indian  population  of  the  jurisdiction  had  in  the 
mean  time  increased  from  3,000  to  4,300  in  round 
numbers.  Of  live-stock  and  agriculture  at  the  presi 
dio  no  records  exist  for  this  decade;  there  is,  however, 
no  evidence  that  there  were  any  private  ranchos  within 
the  district,  or  that  any  agricultural  operations  were 
carried  on  round  San  Diego  Bay.9 

Of  repairs  executed  on  the  presidio  buildings,  or  of 
complaints  respecting  repairs  needed,  usually  a  most 
prolific  topic  of  correspondence,  we  read  absolutely 
nothing  during  this  decade.  There  appear,  however, 
a  few  minor  items  respecting  the  fort  or  battery  at 
Point  Guijarros,  which,  like  the  flatboat  which  plied 
between  it  and  the  presidio,  was  kept  after  a  fashion 
in  repair  at  the  expense  of  the  divers  hundreds  of  dol 
lars  drawn  from  the  king's  exchequer.10  Shaler  and 

9 Appropriations  in  Mexico  from  the  royal  treasury  for  San  Diego  varied 
from  $15,000  to  $21,000;  invoices  of  goods  from  $8,000  to  $18,000  per  year; 
the  balance  in  favor  of  the  company  from  $5,000  to  $13,000;  the  totals  of  the 
habilitado's  accounts  from  $34,000  to  $56,000;  and  the  yearly  inventories  of 
goods  in  the  warehouse  from  $20,000  to  $25,000.  Mission  supplies  to  the 
presidio  were  $4,000  in  1804;  $5,500  in  1806;  and  $7,700  in  1807,  but  there 
are  no  records  for  other  years.  The  amount  in  thefondo  de,  retention  held  in 
trust  for  the  soldiers  was  from  $3,000  to  $4,000.  The  amount  deducted  from 
pay  for  the  fondo  de  invdlidos  from  1798  to  1805  was  $3,072;  that  for  monte- 
pio  for  the  same  time  $212.  Net  proceeds  of  sales  of  live-stock  from  the  rancho 
del  rey  were  from  $300  to  $500  per  year.  The  rancho  contained  1 , 185  animals 
in  1802.  The  average  net  revenue  from  postage  after  deducting  10  per  cent 
commissions,  was  $90  per  year.  Tithes  at  the  presidio,  presumably  on  the 
cattle  of  the  rancho  del  rey,  averaged  $30;  but  for  the  whole  district  they 
seem  to  have  exceeded  $400.  Papal  bulls  for  the  few  years  recorded  brought 
$75  per  year.  The  tobacco  revenue  at  San  Diego  was  more  important,  yield 
ing  on  an  average  $1,764  per  year.  Net  yield  of  the  presidial  forge  in  1807, 
$203.  See  company  rosters  and  presidial  accounts  from  1801  to  1810  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxix.-xliv.  passim;  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
Ixxxvii.  56,  58;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  i.  39-40;  Prov.  St.  P«p.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  i.  14;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  9;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  249-51;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  31-2;  vi.  123. 

10 Repairs  on  the  battery  in  1801,  $183.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  278. 
Jan.  10,  1804,  comandante  to  governor,  $688  has  been  appropriated  by  the 
viceroy  to  the  construction  of  a  boat  25  ft.  long  for  the  use  of  the  garrison. 
/(/.,  xviii.  366.  July  3,  1805,  governor  orders  a  light  on  Pt  Guijarros.  Prov. 
Itec.,  MS.,  xii.  29.  1805,  6  six-pounders,  5  of  which  useless.  Prov.  St..  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  21.  April  1,  1806,  Corporal  Mariano  Fernandez  to 


CLEVELAND  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  103 

Cleveland  in  1803  found  "eight  brass  nine-pounders, 
mounted  on  carriages,  which  appeared  to  be  in  good 
order,  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  ball,"  and  their  vessel 
the  Lelia  Byrd  a  little  later  served  as  a  target  for 
those  same  balls,  much  to  her  damage,  as  elsewhere 
related.11  In  fact  the  battery  in  its  baptism  of  fire 
under  the  command  of  Corporal  Jose  Velazquez 
nearly  won  the  honor  of  sinking  the  Yankee  smug 
gler;  though  Shaler  says  of  it,  "there  is  a  sorry  bat 
tery  of  eight-pounders  at  the  entrance;  at  present  it 
does  not  merit  the  least  consideration  as  a  fortification, 
but  with  a  little  expense  might  be  made  capable  of 
defending  this  fine  harbor."  12 

Cleveland's  visit  in  the  Lelia,  and  that  of  the  Alex 
ander,  Captain  Brown,  a  few  days  earlier  in  March 
1803,13  were  the  most  exciting  events,  and  indeed 
almost  the  only  events,  to  be  noted  in  ten  years.  No 
foreign  ship  cared,  after  the  Byrds  experience,  to  run 
the  gauntlet  of  the  guns,  though  once  or  twice,  as  we 
have  seen,  a  vessel  anchored  outside  and  sent  in  by 
land  the  oft-told  tale  of  want  and  suffering.  It  was 
safer  and  more  agreeable  to  anchor  at  San  Quintin, 
or  San  Juan  Capistrano,  or  San  Pedro,  where  there 
were  no  guns;  and  thus  the  good  people  of  San  Diego 
enjoyed  less  opportunity  for  contraband  trade  than 
their  neighbors  north  and  south.  And  contraband 
trade  was  well  nigh  the  only  excitement  of  the  epoch; 
for  the  Indians  kept  perfectly  quiet,  and  the  enlist 
ment  of  a  reenforcement  to  take  the  place  of  the  vol 
unteers  hardly  created  in  the  dull  sea  of  monotony  a 
ripple  sufficient  to  show  itself  in  the  official  records.14 

take  charge  of  the  battery.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  170.  A  flatboat,  lancha 
plana,  running  in  1806.  Id.,  xix.  137.  1807,  goods  devoted  to  fort  and  boat, 
that  is  to  pay  for  work  thereon,  $416.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxvii.  43.  Expenses 
in  1810,  $498.  Id.,  xliv.  18. 

11  Cleveland's  Narrative,  i.  211-17;  chap.  i.  of  this  volume. 

12  Shaler 's  Journal  of  'a  Voyage,  158. 

13  See  chap.  i.  of  this  vol.  The  Enterprise  had  also  obtained  supplies  in  1801. 
14 From  the  correspondence  in  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xix.  178-9,  it  would 

seem  that  the  recruiting  of  18  men,  attempted  by  Lujan  in  1805,  was  accom 
plished  only  with  great  difficulty;  the  vecinos  of  Angeles  manifesting  very  little 
military  ardor. 


104  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

One  by  one,  however,  the  old  pioneers  were  dropping 
off,  and  in  the  list  of  deaths  at  San  Diego  I  have  to 
note  that  of  the  veteran  Lieutenant  Pablo  Grijalva 
which  occurred  on  June  21,  1806.15 

The  first  year  of  the  decade  the  rains  were  late  and 
there  was  great  want  of  grain  at  the  mission,  as  also 
in  1803;  though  statistical  tables  show  the  crops  of 
1809  to  have  been  much  smaller  than  in  either  of 

15  Juan  Pablo  Grijalva  came  to  California  in  1776  with  Anza's  colony  as  a 
sergeant.     He  had  before  served  12  years  as  a  private  and  a  few  months  as  a 
corporal  in  the  presidial  company  of  Terrenate,  Sonora,  where  he  had  been 
engaged  in  nine  campaigns  and  1 1  mariscadas  against  the  Indians,  being  twice 
wounded.     Grijalva  was  present  at  the  founding  of  San  Francisco,  and  served 
there  for  ten  years.     Oct.  1.  1786,  the  governor  recommended  him  for  promo 
tion,  and  his  commission  as  alferez  of  the  San  Diego  company  was  issued  on 
July  20,  1787,  by  General  Ugarte.     He  aided  in  many  explorations  for  mission 
sites,  founded  San  Pedro  Martyr  in  Lower  California  in  1794,  and  was  en 
gaged  in  ten  expeditions  against  fugitive  or  aggressive  Indians.     Feb.  1,  1795, 
Borica  placed  him  in  the  second  place  among  the  three  names  of  the  terna  for 
promotion  to  a  lieutenancy.     In  Dec.  of  the  same  year  Grijalva  asked  for  re 
tirement  on  account  of  infirmities  contracted  during  his  long  service.     Borica 
endorsed  his  petition  with  the  recommendation  that  he  be  retired  as  lieuten 
ant  with  half-pay  as  alferez.     April  17,  1796,  Borica  wrote  that  as  a  reward 
for  his  services  to  the  king  the  viceroy  would  be  urged  to  give  him  an  honor 
able  position.     Dec.  2,  1796,  Grijalva  was  put  on  the  retired  list  as  invalid 
alferez  of  the  San  Diego  company  with  $200  a  year;  and  Nov.  7,  1797,  he 
was  notified  that  his  retirement  with  rank  of  lieutenant  had  been  allowed. 
He  continued  on  the  retired  list,  receiving  his  pension  until  his  death  in  1806. 
Whether  he  lived  at  the  presidio,  at  Los  Angeles,  or  had  a  temporary  grant 
of  land  is  not  known.     It  has  been  thought  that  he  may  have  been  the 
original  occupant  of  the  Santiago  de  Santa  Ana  Rancho  subsequently  granted 
to  his  sons-in-law;  but  I  deem  this  not  likely.     (See  vol.  i.  chap,  xxx.)     He 
acted  as  habilitado  of  the  San  Diego  company  for  brief  periods.     He  brought 
his  wife,  Dolores  Valencia,  and    two  daughters  to  California.     One  of  the 
daughters,  Maria  Josef  a,  was  married  May  17,  1782,  at  San  Francisco  to  the 
Catalan  corporal  Antonio  Yorba.     The  other,  Maria  del  Carmen,  was  married 
Oct.  27,  1785,  to  Pedro  Peralta,  a  soldier  of  San  Francisco.     Eoth  have  de 
scendants  living  in  California,  though  I  believe  the  male  line  and  name  of 
Yorba  is  extinct.     Grijalva  made  his  will  on  the  day  of  his  death,  June  21, 
1806,  at  San  Diego.     He  possessed  700  head  of  cattle,  25  horses,  and  6  droves 
of  mares,  54  mules,  arrears  of  pay  amounting  to  $140,  and  a  few  small  cred 
its  due  from  private  persons.     After  ordering  the  payment  of  certain  trifling 
debts,  $10  to  the  '  holy  places  of  Jerusalem,'  a  liberal  sum  for  masses  for  the 
rest  of  his  soul,  and  50  head  of  cattle  to  a  grandson,  he  gave  the  remainder 
of.  his  property  to  his  wife.     He  was  urged  by  Rodriguez  to  remember  his 
daughters  in  his  will,  since  it  was  feared  he  could  not  legally  omit  them;  but 
he  refused,  saying  that  his  daughters  had  been  fully  provided  for  at  their 
marriage.     He  also  refused  to  state  what  money  and  jewelry  he  possessed. 
He  was  about  65  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  death.     These  items  on  the 
life  of  Grijalva  I  have  gathered  from  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55,  106;  v.  80-1; 
vii.  65;  xvii.  7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  45;  Id.,  Ben.   Mil.,  xxiii.  4;  xxv. 
16;  xxvi.  2;  xxxiii.  7;  xxxvii.   1;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvii. 
52;  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  v.  244,  260;  8.   Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  6,  24, 
56,  58;  S.  Diec/o,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  25,  30;  Sta  Cruz,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  41; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  37. 


MAP  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 


105 


SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT,  1800-30. 


106  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

those  years.18  I  suppose  it  may  have  been  these 
droughts  that  impelled  the  friars  to  construct  an  ex 
tensive  system  of  irrigating  works,  and  that  the  works, 
the  remains  of  which  are  yet  to  be  seen,  were  probably 
completed  during  this  decade,  though  there  are  no 
definite  records  on  the  subject,  and  though  I  suspect 
the  ditch  was  never  practically  a  great  success.  Some 
three  miles  above  the  mission  the  river  was  dammed  by 
a  solid  stone-wall,  thirteen  feet  in  thickness,  and  coated 
with  a  cement  that  became  as  hard  as  rock.  In  the 
centre  was  a  gate-way  twelve  feet  wide  lined  with  brick. 
The  dam  was  standing  in  1874,  though  the  water  had 
washed  out  a  channel  at  one  end,  and  the  sand  left 
but  a  few  feet  of  the  height  of  the  structure  visible. 
From  this  dam  an  aqueduct  of  tiles,  resting  on  cob 
ble-stones  in  cement,  and  carrying  a  stream  one  foot 
deep  and  two  feet  wide  at  the  surface,  was  built  down 
the  stream  through  a  precipitous  gorge,  impassable 
on  horseback,  to  the  mission  lands.  The  aqueduct 
often  crossed  gulches  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  wide  and 
deep,  and  was  so  strong  that  in  places  it  supported 
itself  after  the  foundation  was  removed.17 

On  May  25,  1803,  an  earthquake  slightly  damaged 
the  mission  church.18  Padre  Sanchez  in  a  letter  to 
Arrillaga  states  that  work  was  begun  on  a  new  church 
September  29,  1808  ;19  yet  in  the  description  of  a 
ceremony  that  took  place  in  1804  the  'new  church'  is 
also  mentioned.  This  ceremony,  conducted  by  Father 
Payeras  and  other  friars  in  the  presence  of  Com 
mandant  Rodriguez  and  the  troops,  was  the  transfer 
of  the  remains  of  the  three  deceased  padres  of  the 
mission,  Jaume,  Figuer,  and  Mariner.  The  bodies — 
or  bones  only  in  the  case  of  the  martyred  Jaume — 
were  taken  from  their  old  resting-places  and  deposited 

16  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  367;  xix.  140,  144;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxix.  3. 

17  This  curious  work  is  described  from  personal  examination  by  Hayes. 
Emig.  Notes,  153,  COS. 

«  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  21. 

19  Arch.  Arzob.,  ii.  65.     Arrillaga's  reply,  Oct.  27th.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS., 
xii.  94. 


SAN  DIEGO  MISSION.  107 

• 

in  one  grave,  but  in  separate  boxes  between  the  altars 
of  the  new  church.20 

Gaining  in  neophyte  population  from  1523  to  1611 
a  gain  of  only  five  per  cent  as  against  75  per  cent 
for  the  preceding  decade,  the  death-rate  increasing 
from  50  to  80  per  cent  as  compared  with  baptisms- 
San  Diego  was  still  the  largest  mission  at  the  end  of 
1810;  though  I  have  already  explained  why  this  was 
not  a  gauge  of  prosperity.21  In  other  respects,  how 
ever,  except  that  it  lost  nearly  one  half  of  its  cattle, 
the  mission  was  tolerably  prosperous.22  Barona  re 
mained  as  minister  throughout  the  decade;  but  Panella 
left  the  country  in  1803,23  and  was  replaced  for  about 
a  year  by  Mariano  Payeras,  and  then  Jose  Bernardo 
Sanchez  took  the  place  in  1804.  Pedro  de  la  Cueva 
from  Mission  San  Jose  was  here  for  a  short  time  in 
1806,  and  Jose  Pedro  Panto  came  in  September  1810. 

In  the  general  mission  report  of  1801-2  it  is  stated 
that  the  adobe  church  of  San  Luis  Hey  had  been 

20  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ,  89-90.     Jaume  was  placed  in  the  smallest 
box  nearest  to  the  image  of  the  virgin;  Mariner,  in  the  largest  near  St  James' 
image,  and  Figuer  farthest  south.     Three  stones  were  erected  over  the  grave. 
In  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  68,  there  is  an  undated  note  to  the  effect  that  under 
the  niche  of  St  Francis  is  deposited  the  offering  of  Capt.  Fons  (Font)  of  the 
Catalan   volunteers.      Dec.    25,    1804,    a  neophyte   caught  flayrante  delicto 
threw  a  stone  at  the  padre  who  caught  him.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  34. 

21  Rodriguez  in  1807  says  that  it  was  the  practice  to  turn  the  Indians  into 
the  mountains  whenever  there  was  a  short  crop.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xxxvii.  37.     See  chap.  xxix.  vol.  i. 

22  Gain  in  neophytes,  1,523  to  1,611;  baptisms,  1,023;  lowest  year  1809 
with  24,  highest  1808,  with  140;  deaths,  829;  lowest  29  in  1803,  highest, 
102   in    1806;  large  stock,    decrease  from   6,960   to  3,720;  horses,   mules, 
and  asses  in  1810,  720;  small  stock,  gain,  6,028  to  9,740;  crops  in  1800,  2,600 
bushels;  in  1810,  1,540  bushels;  smallest  crop,  360  bushels  in  1809;  largest, 
5,500  bushels  in  1806;  average,  2,300  bushels.     It  will  be  noticed  that  the 
gain  in  population  is  much  less  than  the  difference  between  baptisms  and 
deaths.     The  same  is  true  of  most  other  missions,  and  the  discrepancy  can 
not  be  satisfactorily  explained.     I  can  find  no  sufficient  evidence  that  the 
names  of  runaways  were  erased  from  the  registers  or  omitted  in  the  regular 
reports,  though  this  may  have  been  the  case. 

23  Of  Jose"   Panella  we  know  only  that  he  came  to  the  country  in  1797, 
served  at  San  Diego,  was  accused  of  undue  harshness  in  his  treatment  of  the 
Indians,  and  took  his  departure  in  October  1803.     He  seems  to  have  served 
for  a  short  time  in  1798  at  San  Luis  Rey,  but  his  methods  of  management 
nearly  caused  a  revolt,  and  he  was  sent  back  where  the  Indians  were  better 
accustomed  to  his  rule  with  a  reprimand  from  President  Lasuen.     Was  at 
San  Gabriel  in  July  1799.  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  51.     Allowed  to 
depart  for  Mexico  Oct.  4,  1803.  Prov.  Rec.y  MS.,  vi.  20. 


108  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

completed,24  and  this  is  all  we  may  know  of  the  growth 
during  this  decade  of  what  was  the  most  imposing 
pile  of  mission  structures  in  California,  better  known 
to  the  world  than  any  of  the  rest  through  the  draw 
ings  of  Duflot  de  Mofras,  made  in  1840.25  Padre 
Antonio  Peyri,  the  founder  of  this  establishment,  pre 
sided  over  its  fortunes  throughout  the  ten  years. 
His  associate,  Jose  Garcia,  left  California  in  1808  and 
was  succeeded  at  San  Luis  by  Domingo  Carranza, 
who  himself  retired  in  1810,  when  President  Tapis 
came  here  to  aid  Peyri  for  a  time.26  Under  these 
shepherds  the  neophyte  flock  increased  from  337  to 
1,519,  a  larger  gain  than  that  of  any  other  mission, 
with  by  far  the  lowest  death-rate,  28  per  cent.  In 
population  San  Luis  was  now  second  only  to  San 
Diego;  in  cattle  third  on  the  list  and  a  tie  with  San 
Gabriel;  in  agriculture  its  best  crop  was  exceeded 
only  by  that  of  San  Fernando.27 

San  Juan  Capistrano  was  a  favorite  stopping-place 
for  the  American  traders  in  search  of  provisions  and 
opportunities  for  barter;  but  few  details  of  their  visits 
are  known.  Captain  Brown  in  the  Alexander  touched 
here  in  the  spring  of  1803,  and  in  the  autumn  Rowan 
in  the  Hazard',  in  July  1804  there  appeared  the  Lelia 

z*Lasuen,  Informe  JBienal  de  Misiones,  1801-2,  MS.,  69. 

25  J/o/ras,  Exploration  Atlas.     The  front  view  and  ground  plan — both, 
and  especially  the  latter,  very  inaccurate — have  been  several  times  repro 
duced. 

26  Jose"  Garcia  was  assigned  to  duty  in  California  Feb.  3, 1800,  and  arrived 
at  Monterey  in  August  of  the  same  year.     On  his  way  south  he  officiated  at 
several  missions;  but  his  only  regular  ministry  was  at  San  Luis  Rey  from 
1800  to  1808,  when  he  was  allowed  to  retire  on  account  of  impaired  health, 
which  had  caused  him  to  ask  for  license  as  early  as  1804.   His  qualities  have  left 
no  trace  in  the  records.     Domingo  Carranza  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  May  7, 
1798,  on  the  Conception  with  seven  companions.     He  officiated  at  Santa  Cruz 
from  November  1798  till  August  1808,  and  at  San  Luis  Key  until  late  in  1810, 
when,  having  served  his  term  and  more,  he  sailed  on  the  San  Carlos  and  with 
that  vessel  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents  at  San  Bias.     By  them  he  is 
said  to  have  been  sentenced  to  death,  though  the  sentence  was  never  exe 
cuted. 

27  Increase  in  population,  337  to  1,519;  baptisms,  1,451;  lowest  number,  42 
in  1809;  highest,  432  in  1810;  deaths,  411;  lowest,  23  in  1802;  highest,  104 
in  1806;  large  stock,  gain  from  619  to  10,576;  horses  in  1810,  776;  small 
stock,  gain  from  1,600  to  9,710;  harvest  in  1800,  1,600  bush.;  in  1810,  4,225 
bush.;   smallest   crop,  2,890  bush,  in  1809;  largest  in  1808,  10,875  bush.; 
average,  5,250  bush. 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  109 

Byrd,  Captain  Shaler;  in  September  Rowan  returned; 
and  in  1806  four  men  from  the  Peacock,  Captain  Kim- 
ball,  were  seized  and  sent  to  San  Diego  as  prisoners.28 
If  we  credit  the  Spanish  reports  of  these  visits  we 
must  believe  that  the  foreigners  were  uniformly  sent 
away  without  supplies  and  were  given  no  chance  to 
trade;  but  it  is  implied  in  the  reports  of  the  Ameri 
cans  and  Russians  that  there  was  never  any  great 
difficulty  in  getting  fresh  provisions  or  in  trading  with 
the  friars,  though  it  was  deemed  wise  to  keep  away 
from  the  forts. 

In  March  1801  the  store-room  was  set  on  fire  by 
a  servant's  carelessness,  and  the  mission  lost  2,400 
bushels  of  grain  besides  more  than  six  tons  of  tallow, 
some  damage  being  done  also  to  church  property.23 
The  only  other  event  to  be  noted,  and  a  most  impor 
tant  one  in  the  mission  annals  of  San  Juan,  was  the 
completion  of  the  new  church  which  had  been  in 
process  of  construction  since  1797.  It  was  the  finest 
church  in  California,  built  of  stone  and  mortar,  sur 
mounted  by  a  lofty  tower,  with  five  interior  arches  of 
cut  stone;  and  it  was  regarded  with  equal  pride  by 
missionaries  and  neophytes,  who  had  accomplished 
the  work  with  the  aid  of  a  master-mason.  The  con 
secration  took  place  September  7,  1806.  President 
Tapis  was  assisted  by  the  ministers  of  the  mission 
and  by  Urresti,  Victoria,  Zalvidea,  Peyri,  and  Cueva 
from  other  missions.  Governor  Arrillaga  was  present 
with  Captain  Rodriguez,  Lieutenant  Ruiz,  Alferez 
Maitorena,  and  many  soldiers  from  San  Diego  and 
Santa  Barbara.  Crowds  of  neophytes  from  all  the 
country  round  witnessed  the  rites,  which  are  not  par 
ticularly  described.  Next  day  Victoria  said  mass  and 
Urresti  preached  a  sermon.  On  the  9th  the  bones 
of  the  former  minister,  Vicente  Fuster,  were  trans 
ferred  to  their  final  resting-place  within  the  new 

28  See  chap.  i.  and  ii.  of  this  volume. 

*Prav.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  68-9;  xviii.  94;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxix.  13.  The 
servant  in  question  went  with  a  candle  to  get  some  fat,  and  amused  himself 
by  killing  bats. 


110  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

edifice.  Cueva  on  this  occasion  chanted  a  solemn 
requiem  mass,  and  the  sermon  was  delivered  by 
Faura.  Meanwhile  Padre  Sanchez  and  Alferez  Ig- 
nacio  Martinez  had  come  from  San  Diego  to  join  in 
the  festivities.  The  three  days  formed  an  epoch  long 
to  be  remembered  in  southern  California.80 

Father  Santiago  remained  in  charge  of  San  Juan 
until  1810  when  he  retired  to  Mexico;31  but  his  asso 
ciate  Faura  retired  in  1809;32  Francisco  Suner  came 
in  1809;  and  Jose  Barona  began  his  long  ministry  in 
1810.  These  missionaries  baptized  1,040  Indians  and 
buried  748,  but  increased  the  number  of  registered 
neophytes  by  only  92,  or  from  1,046  to  1,138.  The 
number  of  sheep  at  this  mission  was  greatly  dimin 
ished,  but  was  still  larger  than  elsewhere/" 


88 


The  annals  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  surrounding 
ranchos  present  for  this  decade  almost  an  utter  blank. 
I  cannot  even  give  a  complete  list  of  pueblo  officials. 
Sergeant  Javier  Alvarado  was  the  comisionado  in  1809, 
and  perhaps  in  all  the  preceding  years,  but  was  replaced 
by  Guillermo  Cota  in  1810.  Mariano  Yerdugo  was  al 
calde  in  1802,  with  Fructuoso  Ruiz  and  Ramon  Buelna 
as  regidores;  Guillermo  Soto  in  1809,  and  Francisco 
Avila  in  1810,  with  Anastasio  Avila  and  Teodoro  Silvas 

30  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  26-9;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iv. 
22-3;  Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  66,  71,  79.     The  first  baptism  in  the 
new  church  took  place  on  Oct.  18th. 

31  Juan  Norberto  de  Santiago  came  to  Mexico  from  Spain  in  1785,  and  was 
sent  to  California  the  next  year.     His  signature  appears  in  the  books  of  San 
Francisco  often  in  1786-7;  but  his  only  regular  ministry  was  at  San  Juan 
Capistrano  from  1789  to  1810.     He  sailed  with  Carranza  on  the  San  Carlos, 
and  was  captured  by  the  insurgents  at  San  Bias.    In  February  1811  he  writes 
to  the  president  from  Guadalajara  that  he  has  been  through  great  dangers, 
having  even  been  sentenced  to  death.  Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xi.  302-3. 

32  Jose"  Faura  was  a  native  of  Barcelona;  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  May  7, 
3798;  served  at  San  Luis  Rey  from  July  of  that  year  till  1800;  and  at  San 
Juan  Capistrano  till  October  1809,  when  he  was  allowed  to  retire,  his  term  of 
service  having  expired. 

33  Increase  in  population,  1,046  to  1,138;  baptisms,  1,040;  smallest  num 
ber,  58  in  1802;   largest,  329  in  1805;   deaths,   748;   largest,  210   in    1806; 
smallest,  26  in  1805;  large  stock,  gain  8,539  to  10,213;  horses,  693;  small 
stock,  decrease  17,030  to  11,500;  crops  in  1800,  6,240  bushels;  in  1810,  5,300 
bush.;  smallest,  1,170  bush,  in  1809;  largest,  10,400  bush,  in  1806;  average, 
5,570  bush. 


ANNALS  OF  LOS  ANGELES.  Ill 

as  regidores.34  Population,  including  the  rancheros  and 
their  families,  increased  only  from  315  to  365 ;  though  it 
is  probable  that  the  soldiers  recruited  for  the  presidios 
from  Los  Angeles  represented  a  further  gain  of  over 
fifty.35  Cattle  and  horses  decreased,  by  intentional 
slaughter  for  the  most  part,  from  12,560  to  6,175  head. 
Sheep  were  still  less  than  2,000  in  number,  and  crops  of 
wheat  and  corn  varied  from  3,000  to  4, 000  fanegas. 
In  1805-6  the  people  are  represented  to  have  suffered 
considerably  and  to  have  been  despondent  by  reason 
of  the  increasing  devastations  of  locusts  on  corn  and 
beans.36  It  was  hoped,  however,  that  hemp-culture 
might  better  their  condition,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  some 
thing  was  actually  accomplished  in  that  direction. 
In  1809  Comisionado  Alvarado  reported  gambling, 
drunkenness,  and  other  excesses  to  be  alarmingly  on 
the  increase.  Despite  his  efforts — and  the  stocks  at 
his  office  were  rarely  unoccupied — the  people  were 
becoming  more  vicious,  scandalous,  a'nd  intolerable 
every  day.37 

Los  Angeles  was  still  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Santa  Barbara,  though  many  citizens  were  invalids 
of  the  San  Diego  company.38  In  August  1802  Goy- 
coechea  mentions  the  ranches  of  the  jurisdiction  as 
being  those  of  Nieto,  of  Dominguez,  of  the  two  Ver- 
dugos,  and  of  Felix,  held  under  concessions  of  Borica 
or  his  predecessors;  Simi  held  by  Luis  Pefia  and 
Santiago  Pico,  and  Las  Virgenes  by  Miguel  Ortega, 
under  provisional  grants  by  Arrillaga.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  this  list  agrees  with  that  of  the  last  decade, 
the  Encino  Rancho  having  been  appropriated  by  the 

34  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  258,  305,  328;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xl.  25-6;  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  181;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,iii.  35. 

35  See  a  list  of  many  citizens  in  a  militia  artillery  roll.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil,  MS.,xl.  17-20. 

36  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  ix.  81-2, 1805.    All  the  corn,  beans,  and  pease  destroyed 
by  the  chapule.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  27. 

37  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  25-6. 

38  The  invalids  have  no  further  dependency  on  the  comandancia  of  San 
Diego  than  that  of  getting  their  pay  there,  being  subject  to  the  comisionado, 
who  was  a  sergeant  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Company.  Goycoechea,  Oficio  Instruc 
tive,  1802,  MS.,  124. 


112  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

friars,  except  in  adding  the  Felix  Rancho  mentioned 
only  in  this  document,  and  that  it  confirms  my  idea 
respecting  the  other  three  ranchos,  since  it  makes  no 
mention  of  either  the  Santiago  or  the  Refugio  ranchos, 
and  shows  Simi  not  to  have  been  granted  as  early  as 
1795,  as  was  claimed  before  the  land  commission. 
Since  1800  Las  Virgenes  had  been  granted  to  Miguel 
Ortega,  and  El  Conejo  had  been  asked  for.  The  latter 
was  granted  in  1802  or  1803  to  Jose  Polanco  and  Ig- 
nacio  Rodriguez.  In  1809  Santiago  de  Santa  Ana 
was  granted  to  Yorba  and  Peralta,  and  I  suppose  that 
El  Refugio  was  occupied  by  the  Ortegas  before  1810, 
though  I  have  seen  nothing  more  definite  on  the  sub 
ject  than  the  mention  of  two  Ortega  boys  as  resi 
dents  of  Refugio  in  a  militia  list  of  1809.39 

There-were  two  controversies,  neither  of  them  very 
bitter,  between  the  settlers  at  the  pueblo  and  the  friars, 
both  occurring  in  1 8 1 0.  The  missionaries  were  accused 
of  having  cut  off  the  town's  supply  of  water  by  damming 
— the  only  instance  of  profanity  on  record  against 
them — the  river  at  Cahuenga;  but  it  seems  that  they 
were  willing  to  remove  the  dam  if  it  could  be  proved 
that  the  settlers  were  really  injured.40  The  other 
difficulty  arose  from  complaints  that  the  padres  refused 
to  attend  to  the  spiritual  care  of  the  sick  at  Angeles. 
President  Tapis  in  a  private  letter  warned  the  mis 
sionaries  that  it  would  be  extremely  prejudicial  to 
Franciscan  interests  if  such  complaints  were  to  reach 
the  superior  tribunal.  He  urged  them  not  to  fear 
hard  work,  and  threatened  to  change  places  with  one 
of  them.  The  friars  replied  that  on  the  two  occasions 

89  For  map  of  Los  Angeles  district,  see  chap.  xvi.  Goycoechea,  Oftcio  In 
structive,  1803,  MS.,  124;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  vi.  30-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  18,  19.  In  the  same  list  Nieto's  Rancho  is  called  Sta 
Gertrudis.  See  also  vol.  i.  chap.  xxx.  of  this  work.  Goycoechea  says  that 
many  persons  have  asked  for  San  Vicente,  but  it  has  been  refused  for  the 
general  good.  Permission  has  been  refused  even  to  the  padres  to  establish 
corrals  in  various  places.  According  to  the  land  commission  cases — No.  308 — 
San  Antonio  was  granted  to  Lugo  in  1810;  and  a  claim  was  made — No.  483 — 
for  Topanga  Maliba  granted  to  Tapia  in  1804. 

40  March  26,  1810,  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  304-5. 


SAN  GABRIEL  MISSION.  113 

when  they  had  refused  attendance  one  of  them  was 
absent  and  the  other  busy  with  sick  neophytes.  They 
claimed,  however,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  the  two 
ministers  to  properly  care  for  the  pueblo  and  the 
ranchos  so  far  away.  The  supreme  government  could 
not  blame  them  for  not  neglecting  their  neophytes,  and 
the  settlers  could  bring  their  sick  to  the  mission  until 
a  chaplain  could  be  employed.41 

At  San  Gabriel  Mission  we  left  three  friars  in 
charge  at  the  end  of  the  last  decade,  Antonio  Cru- 
zado,  Miguel  Sanchez,  and  Pedro  Estevan.  The  last- 
named  left  the  country  at  the  end  of  1802. 42  Cruzado 
and  Sanchez,  both  missionary  pioneers,  who  for  thirty 
years  had  served  together  at  San  Gabriel,  died  at 
their  post,  the  former  in  1804,  the  latter  in  1803.43 

41  Correspondence  of  March  and  May  1810,  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  181- 
96. 

42  Pedro  de  San  Josd  EsteVan  was  a  native  of  Castile,  became  a  Franciscan 
at  Habana  in  1783,  joined  the  college  of  San  Fernando  in  1793,  and  was  sent 
to  California  in   1794.     He  was  at  San  Antonio  for  some  months  in  1795; 
served  at  San  Diego  from  April  1796  to  July  1797;  and  at  San  Gabriel 
till  October  1802.     He  was  often  at  San  Juan  Capistrano,  where  he  buried 
Padre  Fuster  in  October  1800.     He  also  visited  San  Buenaventura  and  other 
missions.     His  license  from  the  viceroy  was  dated  Feb.  8,  1802,  and  that 
from  the  governor  Aug.  21st.     He  sailed  before  Oct.  20th.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  xi.  248;  St.  Pop.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  66;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  18;  xii.  16;  also 
registers  of  the  missions  named  above. 

43  Antonio  Cruzado  was  a  native  of  Alcarazegos,  bishopric  of  C6rdova, 
Andalucia,  and  was  born  in  1725.     Coming  to  Mexico  before  1748,  he  served 
in  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions  for  22  years;  was  assigned  to  California  in 
August  1770;  sailed  from  San  Bias  Jan.  21,  1771,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego 
March  12th,  and  again  July  14th,  after  a  trip  by  sea  to  Monterey.     He  was 
assigned   to  San  Buenaventura,   but  that  foundation   being  postponed,  he 
remained  at  San  Gabriel  as  supernumerary  from  November  1771  until  May 
1772,  and  as  regular  minister  from  that  date  until  his  death  which  occurred 
on  Oct.  12,  1804.     He  was  79  years  old,  and  had  labored  for  55  years  as  a 
missionary  in  America.     He  received  the  sacrament  of  extreme  unction,  the 
others  being  omitted  on  account  of  his  feeble  condition,  at  the  hands  of 
Francisco  Dumetz,  who  had  come  to  California  on  the  same  vessel  with  him, 
and  who  buried  him  in  the  mission  church.  San  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,. 
28;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  412,  483. 

Francisco  Miguel  Sanchez  was  a  native  of  Aragon,  and  of  the  Franciscan 
province  of  San  Miguel.  He  left  Mexico  in  Oct.  1770,  and  sailed  from  Tepic  in 
Feb.  1771.  He  was  one  of  the  company  often  referred  to  in  preceding  chapters, 
driven  by  adverse  winds  to  Manzanillo,  whence  he  returned  overland  to  Sina- 
loa,  and  finally  reached  Loreto  Nov.  24,  1771.  He  was  assigned  to  the  mis 
sion  of  Todos  Santos;  and  in  August  1773  when  the  other  Franciscans  came 
north  he  was  left  by  Palou  at  Loreto  to  attend  to  sending  forward  some 
cattle.  He  started  northward  in  April  1774,  left  Velicata  in  August  with 
Lieut.  Ortega,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego  Sept.  26th.  He  was  minister  of 
San  Gabriel  from  Sept.  1775,  though  from  1790  to  1800  he  spent  most  of  his 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  II.  8 


114  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

Isidore  Barcenilla  served  here  from  1802  until  1804, 
when  he  retired  to  his  college.44  Dumetz  lived  here 
most  of  the  time  from  1803  and  Jose  Antonio  Urresti 
served  from  1804  to  1806;  but  the  regular  successors 
of  Cruzado  and  Sanchez  may  be  regarded  as  Josd  de 
Miguel  who  came  in  1803  and  Jose  Maria  Zalvidea  in 
November  1806. 

Besides  the  slight  misunderstandings  with  the  set 
tlers  of  Angeles  about  water  rights  and  chaplain  ser 
vice  in  1810,  and  the  threatened  revolt  of  Indians  in 
the  same  year,  which  have  been  already  recorded,45 
there  are  no  local  occurrences  to  be  noted.  The  mission 
was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Diego;  that  is  the 
six  soldiers  of  the  guard,  who  lived  here  with  their 
families,  belonged  to  the  San  Diego  company.46  The 
mission  church  had  been  completed  with  an  arched 
roof,  but  after  cracks  had  appeared  and  had  be'en  once 
repaired,  they  were  again  opened  wider  than  ever  by 
an  earthquake,  so  that  the  arches  had  to  be  torn 
down  and  a  new  roof  of  timbers  and  tile  substituted 

time  at  San  Diego,  Santa  Clara,  and  Soledad,  visiting  also  S.  Francisco,  S. 
Jose",  and  S.  Luis  Obispo.  In  1797  with  a  view  of  retirement  he  asked  for 
and  obtained  from  the  governor  a  certificate  of  his  missionary  services;  but 
he  decided  to  remain  in  the  country,  and  finally  died  at  San  Gabriel  July  27, 
1803.  He  was  buried  by  Padre  Santiago  in  the  mission  church  under  the 
steps  of  the  main  altar  on  the  epistle  side.  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS., 
27,  and  other  mission-books;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  92-3,  95;  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  ii.  77,  102. 

44Isidoro  Barcenilla  came  to  California  in  1797;  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  Mission  San  Jos6;  and  served  there  as  minister  from  June  11,  1797,  till 
April  1802.  He  was  a  very  irascible  man,  always  in  trouble  with  the  soldiers 
of  the  guard;  but  this  characteristic  was  due  mainly,  it  is  believed,  to  a  cere 
bral  affection  and  to  piles,  which  so  impaired  his  health  that  in  July  1800  he 
obtained,  after  repeated  applications,  permission  to  retire.  On  account  of 
some  informality  in  the  document  he  did  not  use  it;  but  again  in  July  1804 
he  received  his  license  and  sailed  in  October.  After  leaving  San  Jose"  in  1802 
he  lived  at  San  Francisco  a  few  months,  and  then  went  to  San  Gabriel  where 
he  lived  until  his  departure.  He  was  regarded  as  an  intelligent  and  zealous 
missionary.  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  S.  Jose,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  Arch. 
Sia  B.,  MS.,  x.  406;  xi.  63-4,  67;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  40;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  35-6;  xxi.  44. 

45  See  pp.  92,  112,  of  this  volume. 

46  One  corporal,  five  soldiers,  and  four  wives  made  their  annual  confession 
in  1806.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  161.   Nov.  24,  1801.    Goycoechea  of  Santa 
Barbara  says  to  Carrillo  that  an  order  of  this  date  makes  the  church  at  San 
Gabriel  common,   as  regards  immunity,  to  persons  of  San  Diego  and  Los 
Angeles,  it  being  the  parish  church  of  the  pueblo.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
124. 


MISSION  SAN  FERNANDO.  115 

in  1804.47  The  neophyte  population  increased  from 
1,136  tp  1,201,  San  Gabriel  now  occupying  the  sixth 
place  in  this  respect,  and  the  death-rate  for  this  dec 
ade  being  eighty  per  cent  of  baptisms.  The  agri 
cultural  product  in  1810  was  much  larger  than  had 
ever  been  known  in  California;  and  the  average  crop 
was  also  larger  than  at  any  other  establishment.48 

At  San  Fernando  tley,  one  of  the  new  establish 
ments,  an  adobe  church  with  tile  roof  was  consecrated 
in  December  1806.49  Father  Dumetz  left  the  mission  in 
April  1802,  though  he  was  back  for  a  time  in  1804-5. 
Francisco  Javier  Uria,  the  other  founder,  left  the 
country  in  1805;  but  subsequently  returned  to  Cali 
fornia,  though  not  to  this  mission.  In  1805  there 
came  Nicolas  Lazaro  and  Jose  Maria  Zalvidea,  the 
latter  transferred  to  San  Gabriel  in  1806,  while  the 
former  died  at  San  Diego  in  August  1807.50  They 
were  succeeded  in  1807  by  Jose  Antonio  Uria  and 
Pedro  Munoz.  The  former  retired  in  November 
1808,51  and  was  replaced  by  Martin  Landaeta,  who 
died  in  1810.52  Meanwhile  Jose  Antonio  Urresti  had 

47  Tapis,  Informe  Blenal  de  Mishnes,  1803-4,  MS.,  71. 

48  Population,  gain,  1,136  to  1,201;  baptisms,  1,364;  largest  number,  212  in 
1809;  smallest,  37  in  1808;  deaths,  1,095;  smallest  number,  59  in  1810;  largest, 
231  in  1806;  large  stock,  gain,  7,090  to  10,576;  horses,  etc.,  in  1810,  776;  small 
stock,  loss,  12,360  to  9,750;  crops  in  1800,  9,420  bushels;  largest  crop  in  1810, 
19,140  bushels;  smallest  in  1805,  3,330  bushels;  cotton  attempted  by  Tapis  in 
1808  without  success  on  account  of  cold.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  281. 

49  Tapis,  Informe  Bienal  de  Misiones,  1805-6,  MS.,  79.     Corp.  Guillermo 
Cota  commanded  the  guard  in  1806.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii. 
21. 

50  Nicolds  Lazaro,  a  native  of  Burgos,  Spain,  arrived  in  California  Aug.  31, 
1805,  and  served  at  San  Fernando  from  September  of  that  year  until  June 
1807.     He  then  went  down  to  San  Diego,  hoping  that  a  change  of  climate 
might  benefit  his  health;  but  lived  only  two  months,  dying  on  Aug.  18th. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  424;  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  xii.  57;  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Minion, 
MS.,  91.     He  was  buried  in  the  San  Diego  church. 

51  Jose"  Antonio  Uria  arrived  at  Monterey  July  28,  1799;  served  at  Mis 
sion  San  Jose"  from  August  of  that  year  until  July  1806;  at  Santa  Cruz  in 
1806-7;  and  at  San  Fernando  until  November  1808.     In  November  1809  he 
wrote  from  Mexico  to  Capt.  Guerra  that  he  was  in  good  health  and  hoped  to 
remain  attached  to  his  college.     His  name  appears  frequently  in  the  mission 
books  as  having  officiated  at  San  Francisco  and  San  Juan  Bautista.     Langs- 
dorff  met  him  at  San  Francisco  in  1806  and  found  him  a  very  intelligent  but 
very  serious  man. 

52  Martin  de  Landaeta  came  to  California  in  1791,  and  after  a  very  short 
residence  at  San  Luis  Obispo  was  assigned  to  San  Francisco,  where  he  served 
until  1798,  when  sickness  compelled  him  to  retire  to  Mexico.     Recovering  his 


116  LOCAL  EVENTS-SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

come  in  1809  and  became  the  associate  of  Munoz. 
Neophytes  increased  threefold  from  310  to  955,  and 
deaths  were  but  little  more  than  half  the  baptisms.53 
The  excitement  over  a  strange  flag  brought  in  from 
the  Tulares  has  been  noted.  In  1804  there  was  a 
controversy  about  lands,  the  friars  protesting  success 
fully  against  the  granting  of  Camulos  Rancho  to 
Francisco  Avila. 

Captain  Felipe  de  Goycoechea  commanded  the  com 
pany  of  Santa  Barbara54  till  August  31,  1802, 55  when 
Lieutenant  Raimundo  Carrillo  was  appointed  to  suc 
ceed  him,  and  he  sailed  for  Mexico  in  October  to  take 
the  position  of  habilitado  general  of  the  Californias 
to  which  he  had  been  elected  by  his  brother  officers. 
He  was  the  oldest  of  the  presidial  commanders,  having 
held  the  place  since  1784,  and  he  was  also  one  of  the 
ablest,  subsequently  becoming  the  first  governor  of 
Lower  California.56  Carrillo  during  the  term  of  his 
command  was  lieutenant  of  the  Monterey  company, 
since  Goycoechea  retained  that  rank  in  the  Santa 

health  he  returned  to  California  in  1800  and  again  served  at  San  Francisco 
until  the  end  of  1807.  In  January  1808  he  was  transferred  to  San  Fernando, 
•where  he  died  in  1810.  Vancouver  found  him  a  very  genial  man  in  1792  as 
did  Langsdorff  in  1806.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  52;  Arch.  Sta  D.,  MS.,  x.  423; 
S.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  42. 

53  Population,  gain  310  to  955;  baptisms,  1,468;  highest  number,  361  in 
1803;  lowest,  42  in  1809;  deaths,  797;  highest  number,  206  in  1806;  lowest, 
39  in  1810;  large  stock,  gain  527  to  8,282;  horses  and  mules  in  1810,  862;  small 
stock:  gain,  600  to  3,264;  crop  in  1800:  1,890  bushels;  in  1810,  8, 730  bushels; 
largest  crop,  in  1806, 11,580  bush.;  smallest,  1,550  bush,  in  1807;  average,  5,220 

54  For  map  of  Sta  Barbara  district,  see  chap.  xxvi. 

55  Goycoechea,  Oficio  Instructive  para  el  Teniente  Don  Raimundo  Carrillo, 
1802,  MS.     This  original  document  in  the  author's  own  handwriting  is  dated 
Aug.  31,  1802,  the  day  on  which  the  command  was  turned  over.    It  is  devoted 
to  details  respecting  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  district,  some  of  which  I 
have  utilized  elsewhere. 

56  Felipe  de  Goycoechea  was  born  in  1747,  probably  at  Alamos,  Sonora. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  4,  5;  Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  13.    He  was  an  alfe"rez 
in  the  presidial  company  of  Btienavista  in  Jan.  1783,  when  a  commission  as 
lieutenant  was  sent  him  with  orders  to  take  command  at  Santa  Barbara  in 
Alta  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  55;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55.     May 
23,  1783,  Gov.  Fages  from  Loreto  notifies  Soler  that  Goycoechea  will  com 
mand  on  the  frontier  until  the  company  has  been  reviewed.     June  20th, 
Fages  announces  to  Goycoechea  that  he  shall  start  for  California  July  15th, 
and  hopes  to  find  him  in  possession  of  the  command  which  Soler  had  refused 
him.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.   101,  111.     He  arrived  at  San  Diego  Aug.  2fith, 


FELIPE  DE  GOYCOECHEA.  117 

Barbara  company  during  his  term  as  habilitado  gen 
eral.  Carrillo  held  the  command  until  1807,  when  he 
went  to  San  Diego  as  captain,  and  Jose  Argiiello  was 
made  captain  and  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara. 
Meanwhile  in  March  1806,  Jose  de  la  Guerra  had 
been  promoted  to  the  lieutenancy  of  this  company, 
when  Goycoechea's  name  was  dropped.  Francisco 
Maria  Ruiz  was  the  company  alferez  until  1806  when 
Jose  Joaquin  Maitoreria,  formerly  cadet  at  San  Diego, 
was  promoted  to  take  his  place.  The  position  of 
habilitado  during  this  decade  was  held,  sometimes  by 
the  comandante,  sometimes  by  the  alferez,  and  once 
by  the  cadet  Gervasio  Argiiello  in  1807.  Santiago 
Argiiello  was  also  cadet  in  1808;  and  the  company 
sergeant  in  1806  was  Jose  Palomares. 

with  a  guard  of  five  men,  started  two  days  later  for  his  destination,  and 
assumed  the  command  at  Santa  Barbara  Jan.  25,  1784,  succeeding  Lieut. 
Ortega.  In  1787  and  the  following  years  he  was  often  reprimanded  by  Fages 
for  carelessness,  neglect  of  duty  in  minor  matters,  and  arbitrary  actions;  and 
Fages  left  him  to  his  successor  Romeu  as  an  officer  that  must  be  watched. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.-viii.  passim;  x.  148.  Goycoechea's  excuses  were  ill- 
health,  forgetfulness,  haste,  etc.;  and  it  appears  that  he  made  an  unsuccessful 
effort  to  be  transferred  to  some  other  province.  Id. ,  ix.  78.  After  Fages  left 
the  country  we  hear  no  further  complaint,  and  it  is  evident  that  Goycoechea 
performed  his  duties  as  commandant  and  habilitado  with  zeal  and  ability. 
Several  official  papers  from  his  pen  are  found  in  my  list  of  authorities,  and 
their  contents  have  been  put  before  the  reader.  Oct.  28,  1797,  the  viceroy 
informed  the  governor  of  his  promotion  to  the  rank  of  brevet  captain,  and 
Borica  sent  him  his  commission  on  Jan.  26,  1798.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  96; 
vi.  70-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xv.  265.  There  appear  to  have 
been  no  votes  against  him  for  habilitado  general  in  June  1802,  except  his  own, 
which  was  cast  for  Jos6  Argiiello;  and  he  sailed  for  Mexico  Oct.  13th,  his 
appointment  by  the  viceroy  bearing  date  of  Aug.  31st.  Id.,  xxxii.  6,  10-13; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  90-2.  The  records  throw  no  light  on  his  administra 
tion  of  the  general  habilitacion,  during  which  he  continued  to  hold  his  rank 
as  brevet  captain  of  the  Santa  Barbara  company,  leaving  it  to  be  inferred 
that  no  fault  was  found,  since  in  1805  he  was  made  governor  of  Baja  Cali 
fornia,  though  he  did  not  take  possession  of  the  office  until  July  5,  1806.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  80;  xix.  69-70;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxix.  6;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  92.  In  1811  Gov.  Goycoechea  was  impeached  for  official  misconduct, 
being  accused  of  speaking  ill  of  the  superior  government,  permitting  illegal 
trade,  neglect  of  official  duties,  in  favor  of  private  business,  inattention  to 
religion,  and  defrauding  the  soldiers.  Little  is  recorded  of  details,  but  the 
governor  is  said  to  have  successfully  refuted  each  charge.  At  any  rate  he 
held  his  position  until  his  death  which  occurred  on  Sept.  7,  1814,  at  Loreto. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  313,  317-20;  xxii.  27.  Jos6  Maria  Romero,  Memorias, 
MS. ,  13,  describes  Goycoechea  as  a  tall,  stout  man,  of  light  ruddy  complexion, 
affable  to  his  men.  Vancouver,  Voy.,  ii.  452,  457,  speaks  in  high  terms  of 
him  and  named  Pt  Felipe  in  his  honor.  He  was  a  bachelor,  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. , 
iv.  31;  but  not  a  woman-hater  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  an  entry  in  the 
Santa  Barbara  mission-book  of  baptisms  to  the  effect  that  a  certain  widow 
had  presented  him  with  a  son. 


118  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

The  presidial  company  by  recruiting  in  1805-6  was 
increased  from  fifty-nine  men  to  sixty-six.  Invalids 
increased  to  thirty-five,  most  of  whom  still  lived  at  the 
presidio,  and  the  total  population  de  razon,  including 
the  guards  of  Santa  Barbara,  San  Buenaventura, 
Purisima,  Santa  Ines,  San  Fernando,  and  San  Ga 
briel,  had  increased  from  390  to  460,  not  including 
Angeles  and  the  ranchos.  Including  these,  as  all 
were  within  the  same  military  jurisdiction,  the  total 
population  of  the  district  was  825,  a  gain  of  150  during 
the  decade.  The  neophyte  population  of  the  jurisdic 
tion,  including  San  Gabriel,  was  in  round  numbers 
6,500,  a  gain  of  2,500.  There  are  no  reliable  statistics 
of  presidio  live-stock57  or  agriculture.  Reports  of 
weather  and  crops  were  sent  with  considerable  regu 
larity  by  the  commandant  to  the  governor,  but  these 
reports  contain  nothing  noticeable  beyond  the  almost 
total  destruction  of  the  corn  and  bean  crop  at  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Fernando  by  the  cliapulli,  or  locust,58 
in  1805.  In  a  note  I  append  such  items  of  financial 
affairs  at  this  presidio  as  may  be  gathered  from  the 
records.59 

The  records  say  nothing  of  the  presidio  buildings 
during  this  decade  till  1806,  when  on  the  24th  of 
March  at  midnight  an  earthquake  cracked  the  chapel 
walls  in  three  places.  Carrillo  reported  the  mishap 
May  llth,  asking  permission  to  obtain  material  for 

57  There  were  1,300  head  of  stock  in  the  rancho  del  rey  in  1804,  besides 
240  head  of  diezmos.  The  site  was  bad  and  the  missions  were  of  ten  applied  to 
for  cattle.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  360-1. 

**Prov.  St.  Pctp.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxiv.  27. 

5a  Annual  appropriations  were  from  $16,000  to  $20,000;  invoices  from  Mex 
ico  and  San  Bias,  from  $7,000  to  $20,000;  supplies  from  missions  on  an  aver 
age  $5,000;  totals  of  habilitado's  accounts  $51,000  to  $67,000;  balance  from 
$800  against  to  $7,000  in  favor  of  the  company;  inventories  of  goods  in  ware 
house  $10,000  to  $23,000.  Net  revenue  from  tobacco  sales,  $2,000  per  year. 
(In  1803.  5,345  papers  of  cigars  and  25,331  of  cigarritos  were  consumed.  Each 
invalid  had  $1.50  worth  of  cigarritos  per  month.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios, 
MS.,  i.  3;  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  75);  postal  revenue  $85  per  year;  tithes 
$1,872  in  1804;  papal  indulgences  about  $100  per  year;  net  proceeds  of  playing- 
cards  and  gunpowder  in  1809,  $135.;  amounts  discounted  on  pay  for  fondos 
de  Montcpio  6  Invdlidos  about  $550  per  year.  See  company  rosters  and  habi- 
litados' accounts,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxix.-xlviii.  passim; 
Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxx.-lxxxvii. 


SANTA  BARBARA.  119 

repairs  from  the  mission,  and  on  May  24th  a  violent 
storm  almost  entirely  destroyed  the  chapel  and  did 
further  damage.63  The  presidio  had  eight  guns,  all 
but  one  of  brass,  from  one  to  six  pounds  in  calibre, 
half  of  which  were  distributed  among  the  missions, 
but  none  of  which  were  used  for  purposes  offensive  or 
defensive,  as  the  Indians  were  quiet  and  no  hostile 
foreigner  made  his  appearance  within  range.  Not 
withstanding  the  armament,  Shaler  declares  that 
Santa  Barbara  "has  only  the  show  of  defence,  and 
would  fall  an  easy  conquest  to  the  smallest  ship  of 
war."61  The  remarkable  criminal  case  of  Jose  Antonio 
Rosas  and  his  execution  by  shooting  and  burning  at 
Santa  Barbara  on  February  11,  1800,  have  already 
been  narrated.62  There  were  three  other  cases  tried 
before  1810  which  caused  considerable  local  excite 
ment.  In  two  of  them  men  were  accused  of  incest 
with  daughters,  and  in  the  other  of  blasphemy;  but 
in  neither  case  is  the  final  sentence  recorded,  though 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  pages  of  manuscript 
are  filled  with  the  testimony  and  pleadings.63  Rowan, 
in  the  Hazard  obtained  supplies  at  Santa  Barbara  in 
1803;  but  though  the  Channel  islands  were  visited 
by  the  Lelia  Byrd,  GCain,  and  Albatross  in  1805, 
1807,  and  1810,  respectively,  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  of  these  vessels  ventured  within  range  of  the  pre 
sidio  guns.64 

Progress  in  building  at  the  mission  is  quite  fully 
recorded.  Each  year  from  1801  to  1805  from  thirty 
to  fifty  adobe  dwellings  for  neophytes  were  erected, 
until  there  were  234  of  these  structures,  enclosed  on 
three  sides  by  an  adobe  wall  built  in  ]  802.  During 
these  years  there  were  also  erected  a  tannery,  a  major- 

60 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  126;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  109. 

61  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Pre.ndios,  MS.,  i.  5,  6,  19-24;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,  xxxiv.  23;  Skater's  Journal  of  a  Voyage,  157. 

62  See  chap,  xxviii.  of  vol.  i. 

63 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxvii.  21-35;  xxxviii.  1-3;  xli.  1,  2, 
64 See  chapters  i.,  ii.,  and  v.  of  this  volume. 


120  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

dome's  house,  and  three  large  warehouses,  besides 
several  other  buildings,  one  of  which  was  18  by  60 
feet,  divided  into  many  apartments,  nicely  plastered, 
and  furnished  with  a  corridor.  Another  was  twice  as 
long.  In  1803  a  church,  or  chapel,  of  adobes,  27  by 
66  feet,  was  built  at  the  San  Miguel,  or  Mescal titlan, 
ranch eria,  five  or  six  miles  from  Santa  Barbara;  and 
in  1807  eighteen  adobe  dwellings  seem  to  have  been 
erected  at  the  same  place.  In  1806  a  reservoir  of 
stone  and  mortar,  120  feet  square  and  seven  feet  high, 
was  added;  in  1807,  a  stone  prison  and  four  houses; 
in  1808,  a  fountain  with  laundry  accommodations,  a 
pottery,  and  an  addition  to  the  ministers'  house  includ 
ing  a  stone-arched  corridor.65 

In  1801  an  epidemic  pulmonary  disease  carried  off 
a  large  number  of  Indians,  whereupon  Chupu,  the 
deity  of  the  Channel  coast,  appeared  to  a  neophyte 
in  a  dream  or  trance,  and  revealed  that  all  gentiles 
who  were  baptized  must  become  victims  to  the  epi 
demic,  and  so  must  those  already  baptized  unless  they 
made  offerings  to  Chupu  and  washed  their  faces  with 
a  certain  water.  Within  an  hour  the  revelation  was 
known,  and  nearly  all  the  neophytes  hastened  to  the 
prophet's  house  with  beads  and  grain  to  renounce 
Christianity.  The  movement  spread  through  all  the 
Channel  rancherias,  while  the  missionaries  remained 
in  ignorance;  for  Chupu  had  foretold  death  to  any 
who  might  inform  them.  Subsequently  when  the 
trouble  was  past  the  secret  came  out,  and  the  friars 
realized  how  narrow  had  been  their  escape,  for  they 
were  sure  that  their  lives  would  have  been  lost  had 
Chupu  ordered  the  sacrifice.06 

We  left  the  mission  at  the  end  of  the  last  decade 
in  charge  of  Tapis  and  Cortes.  The  former  after  he 

65 Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  v.  66,  76-7,  88,  129,  141,  144,  148,  151,161,  in 
annual  and  biennial  reports  of  the  mission.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  96.  The 
majordomos  of  the  mission  clown  to  1810  were,  Rafael  C4erardo,  Nov.  1793  to 
Jan.  1794;  Ignacio  Higuera,  Feb.  1799  to  Nov.  1801;  Jose"  de  Santa  Ana 
A  vila,  Dec.  1801  to  Oct.  1806;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  488-9.  The  pay  was 
from  §72  to  $144  a  year  with  certain  cattle,  grain,  rations,  and  assistance. 

66 March  1,  1805,  Tapis  to  Arrillaga.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  33-4. 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  121 

I 

became  president  in  1803  made  this  mission  his  head 
quarters  until  the  beginning  of  1806,  and  the  latter 
retired  in  1805.67  Marcos  Amestoy  began  his  min 
istry  in  November  1804,  and  Luis  Gil  y  Taboada  in 
1809,  after  Marcos  Antonio  Victoria  had  served  in 
1804-5,  and  Jose  Antonio  Urresti  from  1806  to  1809. 
The  increase  of  the  decade  in  neophyte  population 
was  from  864  to  .1,355;  but  the  number  had  been 
1,792  in  1803,  the  highest  figure  ever  reached, 'and  in 
this  respect  the  period  of  decadence  had  begun  for 
Santa  Barbara.  In  the  total  of  baptisms  for  the  dec 
ade,  and  in  the  highest  number  for  one  year,  this 
mission  was  in  advance  of  all  the  others,  and  progress 
in  other  respects  was  satisfactory.68  That  ground- 
squirrels  had  already  proved  a  pest  to  the  farmers  at 
this  early  day,  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  about  a 
thousand  of  these  animals  were  killed  in  nine  days  of 
May  1808.69 

At  San  Buenaventura  Father  Senan  served  till 
1810  and  long  after;  but  his  associate,  the  venerable 
founder  of  this  mission,  Santa  Maria,  died  in  1806,70 

67  Juan  Lope  Cortes  was  assigned  to  duty  in  California  on  Feb.  24,  1796. 
He  served  at  San  Gabriel  from  August  of  that  year  until  June  1798;  and  at 
Santa  Barbara  till  Sept.  1805,  when  he  obtained  license  to  retire  and  sailed 
from  San  Diego  on  Nov.  6th.    From  Sept.  1818  to  May  1827  he  seems  to  have 
been  procurador  of  San  Fernando  college;  and  in  June  1827  he  was  sindico  of 
the  same  institution. 

68  Population,  gain,  864  to  1,355;  highest  number  1792,  1,803;  baptisms, 
2,073;  highest  number,  831  in  1803;  lowest,  32  in  1809;  deaths,  1,337;  highest 
number,  215  in  1806;  lowest,  89  in  1810;  large  stock,  gain,  2,492  to  5,670; 
horses  and  mules  in  1810,  1,390;  small  stock,  gain,  5,615  to  8,190;  crops  in 
1800,  3,075  bush.;  in  1810,  3,900  bush.;  largest  crop,  10,150  bush,  in  1804; 
smallest,  2,860  bush,  in  1803;  average  6,216  bush. 

69  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  496. 

70  Vicente  de  Santa  Maria  was  a  *  son'  of  the  Franciscan  province  of  Bur 
gos,  Spain.     He  left  San  Fernando  college  in  Oct.  1770  and  sailed  from  Tepic 
in  February  1771.     He  was  one  of  the  company  driven  by  the  winds  down  to 
Maiizanillo,  returning  to  Sinaloa  by  land,  and  arriving  at  Loreto  Nov.  24, 
1771.     He  at  first  served  at  Loreto;  was  minister  at  San  Javier  in  Dec.  1772; 
and  sailed  from  Loreto  for  Mexico  on  May  27,  1773.     In  the  summer  of  1776 
he  came  to  Alta  California  as  chaplain  of  the  San  Carlos.     He  lived  as  super 
numerary  at  San  Francisco,  San  Antonio,  and  Santa  Clara  until  1782,  in  May 
of  which  year  he  became  one  of  the  founders  of  San  Buenaventura,  where  he 
served  till  his  death  July  15,  1806.     His  remains  were  interred  in  the  mission 
church,  and  three  years  later,  on  Sept.  11,  1809,  they  were  transferred  with 
all  possible  solemnity  to  the  newly  dedicated  church  and  deposited  in  a  recess 
in  the  wall  on  the  gospel  side.     Vancouver  met  him  at  Santa  Barbara  in  1793 


122  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

and  was  succeeded  by  Padre  Marcos  Antonio  de  Victo 
ria.  Romualdo  G-utierrez  came  here  from  Santa  Ines  in 
1806  in  search  of  health,  which  he  failed  to  find,  as 
already  narrated.  The  construction  of  the  new  church 
seems  to  have  proceeded  slowly.  We  have  seen  that 
it  was  half  finished  in  1794,  and  nearly  completed  in 
1797;  but  in  1807  it  is  still  described  as  about  being 
finished,  very  capacious,  of  stone  and  brick,  a  part  of 
the  roof  only  being  covered  with  tiles.71  Finally, 
however,  it  was  done,  and  on  September  9,  1809,  was 
duly  dedicated  by  Sefian,  who  was  assisted  by  five 
other  friars  and  one  priest.  Next  day,  which  was 
Sunday,  the  first  mass  was  chanted  by  the  presbyter, 
Jose*  Ignacio  Argiiello,  son  of  Don  Jose;  and  a  ser 
mon  was  preached  by  Urresti.  On  the  llth,  as  before 
mentioned,  the  ceremonies  were  completed  by  the 
transfer  of  Santa  Maria's  remains.72 

The  fact  that  Shaler  in  the  Lelia  Byrd,  and  Rowan 
in  the  Hazard,  touched  at  San  Buenaventura  in  1804 
is  barely  mentioned  in  the  records,  with  no  particu 
lars  whatever.73  The  neophytes  increased  during  the 
decade  from  715  to  1,297,  the  largest  population  ever 
reached.  In  its  herds  of  cattle  and  horses  this  mis 
sion  was  still  far  ahead  of  all  the  other  establish 
ments,  and  the  average  crops  were  among  the  best  in 
California.74 

The  new  foundation  of  Santa  Ines,  belonging  to 

and  carried  him  down  to  his  own  mission  by  water,  the  friar's  adventures  on 
that  trip  having  been  elsewhere  described.  The  English  navigator  speaks  in 
terms  of  the  highest  commendation  of  the  padre's  character  and  zeal.  He 
spoke  the  native  language  fluently.  One  of  his  diaries  of  an  exploration  for 
mission  sites  appears  in  my  list  of  authorities.  Santa  Maria,  Registro  de. 
Parages,  1795,  MS.;  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  454-61;  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib. 
Mision,  MS.;  S.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  37,  69;  Prov.  Rec..  MS.,  xi. 
112. 

71  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  40;  see  vol.  i.  chap.  xxx.  of  this 
work. 

72  8.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  17,  18. 

73  See  chap.  ii.  this  volume. 

74  Population,  gain,  715  to  1,297;  baptisms,  1,543;  highest  number,  216  in 
1803;  lowest,  92  in  1809;  deaths,  977;  highest  number,  166  in  1806;  lowest, 
77  in  1805;  large  stock,  increase,  10,113  to  21,221;  horses  and  mules  in  1810, 
3,276;  small  stock,  increase,  4,622  to  8,543;  crops  in  1800,  9,420  bushels;  in 
1810,  4,275  bush.;  largest,  9,450  bush,  in  1806;  smallest,  3, 130 bush,  in  1805; 
average,  6,400  bush. 


PURfSIMA  MISSION.  123 

this  jurisdiction,  has  already  been  noticed  in  another 
chapter.75  Of  Purisima,  the  only  remaining  mission 
of  the  district,  there  is  little  to  say  beyond  recording 
the  fact  that  the  church,  of  adobes  and  roofed  with 
tile,  was  completed  before  the  end  of  1802,76  present 
ing  the  usual  statistics,  and  naming  the  ministers  in 
charge.  The  increase  in  neophytes  was  small  for  the 
whole  period,  from  959  to  1,022  only;  but  the  number 
in  1804  was  1,522.  Thus  we  see  that  Purisima  like 
the  other  Channel  missions,  Santa  Bdrbara  and  Sari 
Buenaventura,  reached  its  greatest  strength  in  con 
verts  in  this  decade.  In  all  kinds  of  live-stock  this 
mission  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  California.77 

Father  Calzada  served  here  until  1804  when  he  was 
replaced  by  Mariano  Payeras.  Gregorio  Fernandez 
left  California  in  1805,78  and  his  place  at  Purisima 
was  taken  by  Juan  Cabot,  followed  in  1806  by  Gero- 
nimo  Boscana.  In  1810  Payeras  made  a  full  report 
to  the  president  on  the  condition  of  his  mission. 
With  the  aid  of  interpreters  he  had  made  a  complete 
catechism  and  manual  of  confession  in  the  native 
idiom,  by  the  aid  of  which  the  neophytes  were  becom 
ing  more  or  less  perfect  in  their  spiritual  knowledge. 
He  had  found  many  errors  in  matters  of  faith,  and 
even  idolatry  at  first,  but  had  made  progress  in  uproot 
ing  the  worship  of  Achup,  or  Chupu,  in  favor  of  the 

75  Chap.  ii. ,  this  volume. 

™Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xii.  69;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxvii.  40. 

77  Population  gain,  959  to  L022;  highest  number,  1,522  in  1804;  baptisms, 
1,115;  highest  number,  451  in  1803;  lowest,  27  in  1808;  deaths,  991;  highest 
number,  220  in  1806;  lowest,  40  in  1802;  large  stock,  gain,  1,898  to  10,015; 
horses  and  mules  in  1810,  1,215;  small  stock  gain,  4,020  to  10,042;  crops  in 
1800,  2,170  bush.;  in  1810,  the  largest,  5,970  bush.;  the  smallest,  1,035  bush: 
in  1803;  average,  3,300  bush. 

78  Gregorio  Fernandez  was  born  at  Burgos,  Spain,  in  1754;  became  a  Fran- 
"  ciscan  in  1772;  came  to  America  in  1785,  and  to  California  in  1794.     He 

served  at  San  Luis  Obispo  from  November  1794  until  1796,  and  at  Purisima 
from  May  1796  to  September  1805.  He  solicited  license  to  retire  on  the  ex 
piration  of  his  term  in  1804,  and  sailed  for  Mexico  on  Nov.  6,  1805.  He 
came  to  the  country  with  an  excellent  reputation;  'es  un  angel,'  writes 
Mugartegui;  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  his  angelic  qualities  deterio 
rated  in  California.  Arch.  Sla  13.,  MS.,  xi.  247;  Doc.  hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  39- 
40;  Mission-books  of  San  Luis  and  Purisima.  He  officiated  at  San  Francisco 
in  June  1794.  S.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  42. 


124  LOCAL  EVENTS— SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

true  God.  Nearly  all  mothers  gave  birth  to  dead 
infants;  preaching,  teaching,  and  even  chastisement 
had  been  powerless  to  arrest  the  evil,  or  even  to  make 
known  its  direct  cause.  There  remained  no  more 
gentiles  to  be  baptized  except  at  a  long  distance  of 
twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues.  The  natives  were 
docile,  industrious,  and  not  inclined  to  run  away.  It 
was  a  joy  to  see  them  work  and  sing  and  pray,  and 
especially  to  see  them  bear  their  sufferings,  beg  for 
confession,  and  die  like  good  Catholics.  For  five 
years  not  a  kernel  of  grain  could  be  raised  without 
irrigation;  but  certain  springs  had  been  found  which 
promised  well  for  the  future.  The  rancho  of  Reyes 
instead  of  being  an  injury  to  the  mission  as  many  are 
had  been  its  salvation  in  at  least  one  year,  and  recently 
it  had  been  purchased  by  the  mission  for  $2,000.  A 
large  amount  of  live-stock  had  also  been  purchased, 
and  the  prospects  for  meat,  tallow,  and  wool  were 
excellent.  A  $5,000  invoice  of  goods  was  expected 
from  Mexico.  Trade,  especially  that  in  skins,  which 
took  the  friars'  time  and  did  harm  perhaps  to  the 
Indians,  had  been  abandoned,  though  in  his  own  time, 
as  the  author  seems  to  say,  it  had  yielded  over 
$10,000.  The  vines  at  Salsacupi  had  been  transferred 
to  a  place  called  San  Francisco,  where  they  were 
cared  for  by  the  Ortegas  on  shares  and  promised  to 
yield  for  the  mission  wine  and  brandy  "  which  your 
reverence  will  yet  drink  some  day  without  scum  or 
dregs  or  bad  taste,  pure  and  clear  as  its  mother  gave 
it  birth."79 

79  Payeras,  Comunicacion  sobre  el  Estado  de  la  Mislon  de  La  Purisima, 
1810,  MS. ,  dated  Jan.  13th.  The  writer  also  states  that  the  old  house  had  been 
newly  roofed  and  whitewashed. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 
1801-1810. 

SAN  FRANCISCO  PRESIDIO — OFFICIALS,  FORCES,  AND  POPULATION — FINANCES- 
BUILDINGS — LANGSDORFF'S  VISIT — EARTHQUAKE  OF  1808 — AFFAIRS  AT 
THE  MISSION— MINISTERS— STATISTICS— PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE— JURISDIC 
TION— POPULATION — COMISIONADO  AND  ALCALDE — CHAPEL— BOUNDARY 

TROUBLES — SANTA  CLARA — MISSION  SAN  JOSE — PEDRO  DE  LA  CUEVA — 
NEW  CHURCH — MONTEREY — STATISTICS  OF  POPULATION  AND  FINANCE — 
BEARS — SILVER-MINES — SAN  CARLOS — B  UEN AVISTA — RELIC — PUJOL  — • 
SAN  Luis  OBISPO — SAN  MIGUEL — POISONED  PADRES — FIRE — SAN  AN 
TONIO — SITJAR  AND  MERELO— SOLEDAD — SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA — SANTA 
CRUZ — BRANCIFORTE. 

BREVET  CAPTAIN  JOSE  DAR!O  ARGUELLO  was  co- 
mandante  of  San  Francisco  until  1806,  in  August  of 
which  year  he  turned  over  the  command  to  his  son 
Luis  Antonio  Argiiello,  and  soon  after  went  to  Santa 
Barbara.1  Don  Luis  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant 
commanded  the  company  throughout  the  decade  and 
much  longer  as  we  shall  see.  His  brother  Gervasio, 
however,  was  habilitado  after  1808.  San  Francisco 
was  entitled  to  a  captain,  and  Manuel  Rodriguez  held 
that  rank  in  the  company  after  1806,  but  he  never 
came  here  in  person,  serving  in  Mexico  as  habilitado 
general.  The  company  alferez  was  Luis  Argiiello 

JThe  lieutenant's  commission  of  Don  Luis  was  dated  March  10,  1806;  he 
received  the  habilitacion  July  8th,  and  the  command  on  Aug.  5th.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  3,  15.  Don  Jose"  was  commissioned  captain  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  company  March  22,  1807.  Id.,  xxi.  12;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
viii.  23.  His  instructions  to  his  successor  were  dated  Aug.  5th,  and  were 
confined  for  the  most  part  to  the  minor  details  of  routine  duty,  there  being 
no  attempt  to  explain  the  actual  condition  of  affairs  at  the  presidio,  since  the 
new  commandant  needed  no  instruction  on  that  matter.  Argiielio,  Instruction 
que  ha  de  obsvrvar  el  Teniente  D.  Luis  Argiiello  durante  su  mando  de  S.  Fran 
cisco,  1806,  MS. 

(125) 


126  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

until  March  1806,  and  Gabriel  Moraga,  promoted 
from  the  Monterey  company  afterward.  Amador  was 
retired,  probably  in  1801,  and  Luis  Peralta  took  his 
place,  having  Jose  Sanchez  as  associate  sergeant  after 
November  1806.2  The  company  for  some  years  con 
sisted  of  thirty-six  men;  the  volunteers  were  with 
drawn  in  1803;  but  in  April  1805  an  increase  of 
thirty-four  men  was  authorized,3  and  before  1807  the 
ranks  were  full,  with  seventy  men. 

There  were  also  five  artillerymen,  and  from  nine  to 
eleven  invalids.  These  men  with  their  families,  in 
cluding  the  guards  of  San  Francisco,  San  Josd,  Santa 
Clara,  and  Santa  Cruz  missions,  but  not  those  inva 
lids  of  the  company  who  lived  at  the  pueblos,  made  a 
total  population  of  gente  de  razon  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  330,  or  a  gain  of  105  in  ten  years.  Adding 
the  population  of  the  two  pueblos,  both  of  which  were 
under  the  military  jurisdiction  of  Monterey,  we  have 
a  total  of  500,  with  a  neophyte  population  of  3,440. 
A  more  convenient  division,  and  one  which  I  shall 
hereafter  follow,  is  to  join  Santa  Cruz  and  Branciforte 
to  Monterey,  and  to  retain  Santa  Clara  and  San  Jose 
pueblo  in  the  San  Francisco  district.  On  this  basis 
the  population  de  razon  in  1810  was  435  and  the 
Christian  Indians  numbered  2,930.  I  append  in  a  note 
some  items  of  financial  and  other  statistics.4 

2  It  is  probable  also  that  Gervasio  Argiiello  held  the  place  of  company  ser 
geant  with  Peralta  for  a  time  in  1S05-6,  preceding  Sanchez,  but  then  chang 
ing  his  place  for  that  of  cadet.     It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  follow  all  the 
movements  of  all  the  members  of  this  Argiiello  family  as  they  were  so  often 
shifted  about  by  the  advice  and  influence  of  their  father  in  search  of  the  best 
line  of  promotion. 

3  July  29,  1805,  Argiiello  to  governor,  will  proceed  to  recruit  the  new  force 
according  to  viceroy's  instructions  of  April  3d;  but  fears  it  may  be  difficult 
to  get  so  many  men.    Recommends  his  son  Gervasio  for  sergeant.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  30-1. 

4  The   San   Francisco  appropriation   from   the    treasury   increased   from 
$10,000  to  §19,000  in  round  numbers;  invoices  of  goods  from  Mexico  and  San 
Bias  varied  from  $5,000  to  $13,000;  supplies  from  the  missions,  from  £3,000  to 
$6,000;  inventories  of  goods  in  warehouse,  from  $4,000  to  $17,000.     Average 
animal  revenue  from  sales  of  tobacco,  $1,2CO;  from  post-office,  $65  per  year; 
tithes  §100;  papal  indulgences, '$110;   playing-cards  in  1808,  $70;  144  packs 
sold.     In  foi/do  de  retention  from  $1,500  to  1,800.     Rancho  del  rey,  average 
net  product  of  sales  of  cattle,  $200.     In  1802  there  were  1,172  head  of  cattle 
in  the  rancho,  67  having  been  found  dead  or  killed  by  wild  beasts.     March  10, 


SAN  FRANCISCO.  127 

In  the  annals  of  this  decade  as  of  the  preceding, 
the   condition   of  the   San    Francisco   building's  arid 

O 

defences  gave  rise  to  more  correspondence  than  any 
other  local  topic;  but  the  communications  on  the 
subject  were  always  complaints,  or  petitions,  or  sug 
gestions,  and  practically  nothing  was  accomplished  in 
the  direction  of  construction  or  repairs.  Early  •  in 
February  1802  a  hurricane  made  wild  work  with 
many  of  the  presidio  roofs;5  and  two  years  later,  after 
hasty  repairs  had  given  the  garrison  one  winter  of 
comparative  protection,  the  heavy  gales  and  rains  of 
January  1804  again  wrought  havoc  with  the  frail 
structures.6  The  next  storm,  in  November  of  the 
same  year,  devoted  its  surplus  of  energy  to  the  battery 
of  Yerba  Buena,  levelling  the  palisade  which  enclosed 
that  work,  and  doing  other  damage.  Commandant 
Argiiello  was  now  convinced  that  the  battery  was  use 
less  in  its  original  location,  and  ought  to  be  moved  to 
the  hill  nearer  the  anchorage  proper  of  Yerba  Buena, 
perhaps  to  the  slopes  of  what  has  since  been  called 
Telegraph  Hill.7  Fort  San  Joaquin  was  also  reported 
to  be  in  a  deplorable  condition,  though  some  expense 
had  been  incurred  in  repairs  in  1802;  and  accordingly 
in  1805  the  fortification  was  surrounded  with  three 
sides  of  stone-wall  and  one  of  palisade,  and  a  new 
casemate  was  built  three  hundred  yards  away,  all  by 
the  labor  of  Indian  captives  without  cost  to  the  king.8 

1803,  order  to  send  to  Monterey  all  cows  but  25  or  30  to  avoid  complaints 
from  the  mission.  1805,  stock  much  mixed  with  that  of  mission.  Many 
stray  cattle.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  32.  1806,  man  in  charge  at  Buriburi 
warned  to  tame  the  oxen  needed  for  presidio  work.  Weather  reports:  1803, 
rains  slight;  Jan.  1804,  copious  rains  and  strong  winds;  1805,  weather  change 
able — moderate  rains  in  last  months  of  previous  winter — summer  windy  with 
the  usual  cold  fogs — present  winter  began  with  slight  rains,  strong  winds, 
and  frost — crops  fair;  1806,  good  rains  and  crops;  1807,  past  winter,  slight 
rains  in  later  months  with  frosts  and  north  winds — crops  fair — summer  cold 
with  varying  winds — present  winter  began  favorably.  See  company  rosters, 
habilitado's  accounts,  etc.,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxix.-xliv. 
passim. 

5  Feb.  2,  17,  1802.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  221. 

6  Jan.  13  to  26,  1804.  Prov.  «.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  3. 

7  Nov.  29,  1804,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  362-3. 
8 Sept.  28,   1805,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  31; 

Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  26. 


128  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

To  Langsdorff  in  the  spring  of  1806  San  Francisco 
had  "the  appearance  of  a  German  metairie.  The  low 
wooden  houses  consist  of  one  quadrangular  room. 
The  home  of  the  commandant  is  small  and  mean.  A 
sort  of  parlour,  with  only  white-washed  walls,  very 
scantily  furnished,  and  about  half  the  floor  covered 
with  straw-matting,  served  as  the  apartment  for  re 
ceiving  company."  On  the  arrival  of  Arrillaga  "we 
heard/'  says  Langsdorff,  "not  only  the  guns  of  the 
fort  with  which  we  were  already  acquainted,  but  a 
discharge  from  behind  another  poinii  of  land  within 
the  harbour,  which  was  at  the  entrance  of  a  little  creek 
to  the  south-east.  We  were  not  a  little  surprised  at 
this,  as  we  had  never  seen  any  fort  there,  nor  had  an 
idea  that  such  a  thing  existed;  it  was  in  fact  not 
visible  from  our  anchoring-place,  for  it  is  so  situated 
as  to  be  quite  concealed  by  the  projecting  point  of 
land.  An  enemy's  ship  attempting  to  run  into  the 
harbor,  deeming  itself  quite  safe  by  steering  out  of 
reach  of  the  fort  at  the  entrance,  might  be  very  much 
surprised  at  being  saluted  with  a  discharge  of  artillery 
at  the  moment  when  such  a  salutation  was  least  to 
be  expected."9 

In  July  of  the  same  year  Arrillaga  in  a  report  to 
the  viceroy  represented  the  buildings  as  in  a  sad  state. 
The  commandant's  house  was  covered  with  tiles,  but 
not  those  of  other  officers.  The  barrack  had  only  half 
a  roof  and  was  not  secure  for  the  convicts.  At  Yer- 
ba  Buena  there  was  not  even  a  hut  for  the  gunners, 
and  the  guns  were  useless  from  exposure.  Fort  San 
Joaquin  was  well  located,  but  needed  repairs.  Only 
three  of  the  ten  guns  were  in  good  condition.10  For 

9  Lanfjsdorfs  Voyages,  ii.  152-3,  176-7,  189.     The  author  also  describes 
the  location  of  the  battery  by  saying  '  when  we  had  reached  the  point  of  land 
lying  north-eastward  of  the  presidency  (thus  Langsdorff  or  his  translator  sagely 
renders  the  word  presidio),  we  saw  the  battery  of  five  cannon  which  defended 
the  south-south-eastern  and  south-western  division  of  the  bay.' 

10  July  18,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  90-1.     State 
ments  of  armament  from  1802  to  1809,  showing  that  there  were  in  all  at  San 
Francisco  13  guns,  3  of  which  were  iron  24-pounders,  rusty  and  useless,  and 
only  5  or  6  of  the  rest  were  in  tolerable  condition.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 


EARTHQUAKES.  129 

two  years  we  find  no  special  record  respecting  the 
presidio  buildings;  and  then  in  June  and  July  1808 
there  came  the  most  severe  earthquakes  that  San 
Francisco  had  ever  experienced.  On  July  17th  Argii- 
ello  wrote  to  the  governor:  "I  notify  you  that  since 
the  twenty-first  day  of  June  there  have  been  felt  at 
this  presidio  some  earthquakes,  eighteen  shocks  to 
date,  and  among  them  some  so  violent  that  as  a  result 
of  them  the  walls  of  my  house  have  been  cracked, 
being  badly  built,  so  that  one  of  its  rooms  was  ruined ; 
and  if  the  shocks  have  done,  until  now,  no  further 
damage,  it  is  because  they  found  no  chance  for  lack  of 
dwellings.  The  quarters  of  Fort  San  Joaquin  threaten 
ruin,  and  I  fear  that  if  the  shocks  continue  there  may 
happen  some  unfortunate  accident  to  the  troops  sta 
tioned  there."11 

Arrillaga,  who  was  accustomed  to  an  earthquake 
country,  is  said  to  have  replied  to  this  report  and  to 
Luis  Argiiello's  verbal  account  of  the  temblores  by- 
advising  the  commandant  to  go  home  and  repair  his 
house  for  winter  and  not  mind  such  trifles  as  earth 
quakes,  sending  also  a  box  of  dates  as  a  consolation.12 
Finally  in  1810  Argiiello  sent  in  the  last  complaint  of 
the  decade,  stating  that  continuous  storms  had  reduced 
the  granary  and  four  soldiers'  houses  to  a  woful  state; 
also  the  old  barracks  and  the  other  structures,  includ 
ing  the  chapel,  the  merlons,  and  esplanade  at  Fort 
San  Joaquin  were  entirely  destroyed.  The  artillery 
barrack  arid  cavalry  quarters  were  in  so  bad  a  condi 
tion  that  serious  accidents  were  to  be  feared;  the  ware- 

223-5;  Prov.  Rec.t  MS.,  ix.  114,  125;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxiii. 
1,20;  xxxiv.  4. 

11  Argiiello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  235-6.     Mentioned  in 
Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxviii.  9.     Aug.  1st,  Arrillaga  forwarded  the  news; to  the  vice 
roy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  108;  and  it  was  published  in  the  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xviii. 
802,  with  some  exaggeration  of  the  damage,  which  was  not  reported  as  confined 
to  San  Francisco.    This  series  of  earthquakes  is  referred  to  in  Randolph's  Ora 
tion,  211;  Tronic,  in  Cal  Acad.  Science,  ProcecL,  iii.  134;  Tuthill's  Hist.  CaL, 
116;  Elliot  in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  339;  and  various  newpapers;  but  the  first 
translator  of  Argiiello's  communication  raised  the  number  18  to  21  and  all  the 
rest  have  repeated  the  error. 

12  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  107-8. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    9 


130  LOCAL.  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

house  with  its  zacate  roof  had  been  robbed,  and  there 
were  no  workmen  for  repairs  or  rebuilding.13 

The  visits  to  San  Francisco  of  Brown  and  Rowan 
in  1803  and  1804,  that  of  Rezdnof  in  1806,  and  those 
of  the  Albatross  and  other  vessels  to  the  Farallones 
in  1810,  have  already  been  mentioned  and  require 
no  further  notice.14  The  only  foreign  visitor  who 
gave  to  the  world  his  observations  respecting  the 
bay  settlement  was  Langsdorff,  who  came  with  Rez- 
anof,  and  many  of  his  remarks  have  been  given  in 
connection  with  special  topics.  The  German  was 
much  surprised  to  have  dinner  at  the  commandant's 
house  served  on  silver  plate,  notwithstanding  the 
humble  nature  of  the  rest  of  the  furniture.  The 
variety  of  birds  chiefly  attracted  the  scientist's  atten 
tion.  The  visitors  often  went  shooting  '  crested  par 
tridges,'  or  quail,  and  rabbits  on  the  sand-hills;  and 
there  were  bear-hunts  which,  however,  were  always 
unsuccessful.  A  bear  was  once  brought  in  by  the 
soldiers  for  a  bull-fight,  but  it  died  before  the  fight 
came  off.  There  was  dancing  at  the  Argiiello  home 
nearly  every  afternoon,  to  the  music  of  violin  and 
guitar;  and  the  Spanish  ladies  were  greatly  interested 
in  learning  the  English  country-dances  as  a  supple 
ment  to  their  favorite  borrego.  In  returning  from  a 
bidarka  voyage  to  Mission  San  Jose  Langsdorff  had 
some  rather  exciting  night  adventures  among  the 
bulls  and  bears  of  the  San  Mateo  shore.  No  geo 
graphical  information  of  any  value  was  obtained  re 
specting  the  bay  region.  The  measles  was  rapidly 
carrying  off  the  neophytes,  but  the  Spaniards  were 
,but  slightly  affected.15 

Rezdnof  and  his  party  were  also  entertained  at  the 
mission  by  Landaeta  and  Abella,  aided  by  Uria  of 
San  Jose,  and  were  shown  all  that  was  to  be  seen 
about  the  establishment,  which,  however,  is  not  very 

13  March  30,  1810,  Arguello  to  governor.  -Prov.-St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  282. 

14  See  chap.  i.  ii.  iii.  and  v.  this  volume. 

15  Langsdorff 's  Voyages,  ii. 


MISSION  SAX  FRANCISCO.  131 

minutely  described.  In  the  church,  was  a  painting 
of  a  maguey  from  which  rose  a  virgin,  an  image  as 
the  friar  gravely  assured  the  visitors  which  had 
wrought  many  miraculous  cures.  The  dwelling  of  the 
missionary  consisted  of  several  spacious  apartments, 
and  the  refreshments  offered  were  keenly  relished  by 
the  well  salted  navigators.  Behind  that  dwelling  was 
a  large  court  surrounded  by  buildings  in  which  the 
neophytes  were  employed,  chiefly  in  the  preparation 
of  wool  and  the  weaving  of  their  coarse  fabrics. 

<^ 

About  a  hundred  yards  from  the  mission  was  the  ran- 
cheria  composed  of  eight  long  rows  of  dwellings  for 
the  Indian  families.  Buildings  for  melting  tallow 
and  making  soap,  smiths'  shops,  and  shops  for  car 
penters  and  cabinet-makers,  magazines  for  storing 
tallow,  soap,  butter,  salt,  wool,  and  hides,  with  store 
houses  filled  with  grain  were  duly  inspected.  The 
wine  served  was  of  very  ordinary  quality,  being  a 
production  of  the  country.  The  kitchen-garden  was 
a  poor  affair,  the  high  winds  and  drifting  sands  of  the 
peninsula  not  being  well  adapted  to  horticulture.  La 
Perouse's  hand-mill  had  disappeared,  perhaps  because 
it  had  been  left  at  Monterey  instead  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  and  corn  was  ground  between  two  stones  by 
hand.  It  seemed  strange  that  there  were  no  wind 
mills.  The  visitors  were  very  favorably  impressed  by 
their  experience  at  the  mission,  and  had  nothing  but 
good  to  say  of  the  friars. 

Eamon  Abella  served  at  San  Francisco  throughout 
the  decade,  but  Martin  Landaeta  went  south  in  1807, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Juan  Saenz  de  Lucio,  who  had 
come  here  the  year  before.  Martiarena  in  1801, 
Gil  y  Taboada  in  1801-2  and  1804-5,  and  Barcenilla 
in  1802  are  the  other  names  of  resident  friars  that 
appear  on  the  mission  registers.  The  missionaries 
had  less  trouble  with  their  neophytes  than  in  former 
years,  though  236  of  them  died  in  three  months  of 
1806  from  epidemic  measles.  Twelve  or  fifteen  of 
the  San  Francisco  converts  were  also  killed  in  Febru- 


132  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

ary  1807  by  the  gentiles  in  a  fight  that  seems  to  have 
occurred  in  the  region  of  Carquines  Strait.16  Moraga's 
famous  battle  in  the  same  region,  belonging  locally 
perhaps  to  San  Francisco,  has  been  mentioned  else 
where.17  San  Francisco's  gain  of  64  per  cent  in 
neophyte  population,  from  644  to  1059,  was  larger 
than  that  of  any  other  of  the  old  missions  except  San 
Buenaventura.  The  total  number  of  baptisms  in  the 
decade,  1,978,  was  greater  than  in  any  other  mission, 
and  it  must  be  added  that  the  total  of  deaths,  1,530, 
was  only  slightly  exceeded  at  one  establishment, 
Santa  Clara.18  In  horses  and  cattle  San  Francisco 
stood  second  on  the  list  of  missions;  in  sheep,  fourth; 
while  in  the  average  product  of  agriculture  it  was 
excelled  at  this  period  by  only  a  few  establishments. 

Shortly  after  1790,  the  exact  date  not  being  re 
corded,  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose  had  been  transferred 
from  the  military  and  judicial  jurisdiction  of  San 
Francisco  to  that  of  Monterey;19  and  in  1805  there 
was  the  faintest  shadow  of  a  controversy  on  the  sub 
ject.  In  September  and  October  1804,  Sergeant  Luis 
Peralta  made  two  unimportant  raids  in  this  region 

JL  O 

after  gentile  assassins  of  Christian  Indians.  He  acted 
of  course  under  the  orders  of  the  comandante  of  San 
Francisco,  Santa  Clara  and  Mission  San  Jose  still 
belonging  to  that  jurisdiction;  but  it  seems  that 
Comisionado  Castro  also  furnished  men  or  other  aid 
for  the  expeditions  without  consulting  his  superior 
officer,  who  in  January  1805  reprimanded  him  for  so 
acting,  reminding  him  that  nothing  could  be  done  at 

l6Abella,  Noticia  deuna  Batalla  entre  Cristianos  y  Gentiles,  1807,  MS.  This 
is  a  rather  confused  narrative  in  a  communication  to  the  governor,  dated  Feb. 
28th.  The  fight  took  place  Feb.  3d  to  8th,  apparently. ' 

17  Chapter  v.  this  volume. 

18  Population,  gain,  644  to  1,059;  baptisms,  1,978;  largest  number,  326  in 
1803;  smallest,  64  in  1807;  deaths,  1,530;  largest  number,  371  in  1806;  small 
est,  69  in  1801;  large  stock,  increase,  8,205  to  12,250;  horses,  mules,  etc.,  in 
1810,  1,010;  small  stock,  increase,  6,238  to  10,000.    Crops  in  1800,  4,180 bush.; 
in  1810,  7,680  bush.;  largest,  8,700'  bush,  in  1805;  smallest,  3,720  bush.; 
average  yield,  6,320  bush. 

19  See  map  of  San  Francisco  district  in  chapter  xvi. 


PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE.  133 

the  pueblo  without  his,  Guerra's,  consent.  Thereupon 
Argiiello  asked  the  governor  that  both  the  comisionado 
and  Guerra  be  instructed  to  render  him  such  assistance 
as  he  might  need  against  the  Indians.20 

The  town  was  not  prosperous.  The  population  de 
creased  during  the  ten  years  from  170  to  125,  this 
falling-off  being  largely  attributable  to  the  enlistments 
of  1895-6  by  which  the  presidial  companies  of  San 
Francisco  and  Monterey  were  increased  to  the  extent 
of  sixty  men,  representing  about  230  persons,  half  of 
whom  may  be  supposed  to  have  come  from  San  Jose. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  loss  of  these  recruits  and 
their  families  the  total  population  in  1810  would  have 
been  250  at  least.21  Horses  and  cattle  fell  off  from 
6,580  to  3,717,  though  much  of  this  decline  was  owing 
to  a  general  slaughter  in  1806  and  the  following  years, 
intended  to  reduce  the  herds  and  keep  them  under 
control.22  Respecting  the  sheep  the  records  are  scanty, 
but  the  number  remained  apparently  less  than  400. 
Crops  were  4,260  bushels  in  1800,  and  3,526  in  1810; 
but  there  exist  no  reliable  statistics  for  most  of  the 
intermediate  years.23  The  tithe  accounts  are,  how 
ever,  very  complete  from  1804  to  1810.  The  average 
of  grain  was  300  bushels,  of  cattle  103  head,  and  of 
total  value  $370.  By  multiplying  each  one  of  these 
items  by  ten  we  should  obtain  an  approximation  to 
average  crops  and  increase  in  cattle.24  Of  the  results 
of  hemp  cultivation  still  carried  on  in  the  pueblo 

20Peralta's  narrative  of  his  salida.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  351-2,  356. 
Jan.  22,  1805,  Guerra  to  Castro.  8.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  84.  Jan.  31st, 
Argiiello  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  37. 

21  In  1806  the  governor  says  to  the  viceroy  that  San  Josd  has  but  few  men' 
left  to  work;  and  pagan  laborers  are  also  becoming  very  scarce  so  rapidly  are 
they  being  converted.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  81-2.     List  of  many  citizens  in  a 
militia  roll  of  1809.  Prov.  Stat.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  17-20. 

22  May  14,  1806,  a  meeting  held  at  San  Jose  decided  on  killing  all  mares 
except  25  to  each  vecino,  or  800  in  all.     Seven  thousand  five  hundred  were 
accordingly  slaughtered.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  77-8;  xxxvi.  6,  7.     The 
discrepancy  between  this  statement  and  the  decrease  indicated  in  the  annual 
statistical  reports  as  given  in  my  text  is  apparent  and  inexplicable. 

23  In  1801  the  wheat  crop  was  short  by  reason  of  the  chahuistle,  or  rust. 
8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  17. 

24  Tithe  accounts  1804-10,  in  8.  Jose1,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  52. 


134  LOCAL  EVEOTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

with  more  or  less  success,  I  shall  speak  in  the  next 
chapter. 

Sergeant  Macario  Castro  was  in  charge  of  the 
pueblo  as  the  governor's  comisionado  till  1807,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  Sergeant  Luis  Peralta.  The 
comisionado  was  properly  responsible  to  the  governor 
directly;  yet  most  of  his  orders  came  practically  from 
the  comandante  of  Monterey,  and  no  misunderstand 
ings  arose  with  Argiiello  so  far  as  the  records  show. 
The  alcaldes  were  Miguel  de  Osuna  in  1801,  Tiburcio 
Vasquez  in  1802  and  1807,  Ignacio  Archuleta  in  1803 
and  1806,  Ignacio  Castro  in  1804  and  1809-10,  and 
Jose*  Maria  Martinez  in  1805.25 

The  settlers  determined  that  their  spiritual  welfare 
demanded  the  erection  of  a  chapel  in  the  town;  and 
accordingly,  in  the  person  of  Comisionado  Castro,  they 
applied  at  the  end  of  April  1802  for  permission  to 
carry  out  their  religious  scheme.  Commandant  Car- 
rillo  forwarded  the  petition  to  Arrillaga  at  Loreto  in 
May,  and  the  latter  official  replied  favorably  in  June. 
Carrillo  was  directed  to  go  in  person  to  San  Jose,  con 
voke  the  people,  listen  to  the  proposals,  and  reduce 
them  to  writing.  Then  if  the  amount  contributed  were 
sufficient  he  might  order  the  work  to  be  begun  and  com 
mission  some  suitable  person  to  superintend  the  same. 
For  the  preservation  and  proper  adornment  of  the 
chapel  each  farmer  would  stipulate  the  amount  of 
grain  he  would  give  each  year,  and  half  a  fanega  from 
each  ought  to  suffice.  "  To  the  willing  mind  ways 
and  means  are  easy,  and  a  gift  to  the  church  impov 
erishes  no  man,"  writes  the  governor.  It  is  to  be  pre 
sumed  that  all  preliminary  details  were  satisfactorily 

25  The  regidores  were,  Apolinario  Bernal  and  Francisco  Valencia  in  1802; 
Bernardo  Herediaand  Francisco  G'onzalez  in  1803;  Claudio  Alvires  and  Nicolas 
Mesa  in  1805;  Dolores  Mesa  and  Manuel  Amezquita  in  1806;  Antonio  Soto 
and  Juan  C.  Altamirano  in  1809;  and  Soto  and  Pedro  Bojorges  in  1810. 
Names  of  officials  for  this  decade  gathered  from  8.  Jos£,  Arch. ,  MS. ,  i.  16;  ii.  80, 
84;  iii.  91,94,  96-8,  101;  v.  3,  5,  17-19;  vi.  51;  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xviii.  7, 
197;  xix.  77,  106,  237;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxvii.  6,  7;  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  xi.  172, 
176,  196;  8t.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  20,  35;  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i. 
80,  90. 


A  PUEBLO  CHAPEL.  135 

arranged,  for  next  we  find  the  comisionado  inviting 
Alferez  Jose  de  la  Gruerra  y  Noriega  in  the  name  of 
the  people  to  act  as  sponsor  of  the  chapel.  This 
was  early  in  July  1803.  Don  Jose  could  not  come  in 
person,  but  he  gave  Cadet  Jose  Maria  Estudillo  a 
power  of  attorney  to  act  for  him  at  the  ceremony  of 
laying  the  corner-stone,  which  took  place  on  July  12th 
with  great  solemnity  under  the  direction  of  Jose  Via- 
der  from  Santa  Clara.  Under  the  stone  Estudillo 
deposited  certain  coins,  and  also  a  sealed  bottle  con 
taining  a  copy  of  the  document,  signed  by  himself, 
Viader,  and  Castro,  from  which  I  gather  these  facts. 
The  structure  was  dedicated  to  the  patriarch  San 
Jose  and  to  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe.  There  is  no 
record  of  further  progress  on  the  building  during  this 
decade,  but  it  was  sufficiently  advanced  to  have  its 
walls  cracked  by  an  earthquake  late  in  1804.26 

The  old  dispute  with  the  mission  of  Santa  Clara 
respecting  boundaries  having  been  settled  in  the  last 
decade  as  already  related,  there  arose  a  new  and  some 
what  similar  one  in  this  with  the  mission  of  San  Jose. 
After  some  slight  difficulties  about  the  encroachments 
of  cattle  the  boundary  between  pueblo  and  mission 
was  established  by  Arrillaga  in  person  about  June 
1806.27  In  1809  the  dispute  arose,  both  parties  claim- 

26  April  30,  1802,  Castro  to  Carrillo;  May  3d,  Carrillo  to  governor.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  165.     June  llth,  Arrillaga  to  Carrillo.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  iv.  36.     July  7,  1803,  Guerra  to  Castro.  Id.,  iii.  98.     July  12,  1803, 
account  of  laying  the  corner-stone.  Id.,  iii.  98.     Damage  by  earthquake  in 
1804  in  letter  of  Jan.  1,  1805.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  35.     According  to 
Hairs  Hist.  S.  Jose,  87-9,  the  chapel,  built  of  adobes  with  a  roof  of  tules, 
stood  until  1835.     An  article  in  the  San  Francisco  Alta,  April  25,  1877,  de 
scribing  the  dedication  of  a  new  church  in  1877,  says  the  original  chapel,  at 
the  corner  of  Market  and  Fernando  streets,  stood  until  1859. 

27  Oct.  24,  1807,  Macario  Castro  certifies  that  in  June  1806  he  was  ordered 
to  meet  Arrillaga  at  the  Punta  de  los  Esteros  in  front  of  La  Calera  (the  lime 
kiln,  or  possibly  La  Caleta,  the  little  cove)  with  Alcalde  Archuleta.     The 
governor  came  late  with  Capt.  Jos6  Argiiello,  Cadet  Estudillo,  Sergeant  Es 
trada,  and  Padre  Gonzaga  (Gil)  y  Taboada.     Arrillaga  indicated  as  the  divid 
ing  line,  or  its  initial  point,  a  certain  little  Canada  coming  down  from  the 
tiierrita,  about  midway  between  the  house  where  Larios  formerly  lived  and 
the  little  brook  where  dwelt  the  deceased  Ignacio  Higuera.     The  line  was  to 
run  to  the  point  of  the  first  estero  where  the  road  from  Santa  Clara  to  Larios' 
house  crossed  that  from  San  Jos6  to  the  mission.     No  written  memorandum 
of  the  agreement  was  made  at  the  time.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  18.     May  9, 


136  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

ing  that  the  lands  known  as  Las  Calaveras  were  on 
its  own  side  of  the  line.  The  comisionado  was  sus 
tained  by  the  commandant  of  Monterey  in  his  position 
that  Las  Calaveras  belonged  to  the  pueblo,  and  Arri 
llaga  took  the  same  view,  but  Father  Duran  refused 
to  conform  to  the  decision,  though  his  side  of  the 
argument  has  not  been  preserved.  The  result  was 
an  order  to  drive  out  the  mission  cattle  and  substitute 
those  of  the  pueblo,  a  guard  being  established  to  pre 
vent  any  interference  by  Duran,  a  man  who  as  we 
shall  see  later  was  always  disposed  to  have  his  own 
way.28 

At  Santa  Clara  there  was  consecrated  on  August 
12,  1802,  the  day  of  the  titular  saint,  a  grand  high- 
altar  which  had  been  obtained  in  Mexico  for  the  mis 
sion  church.29  There  were  also  some  troubles  with 
the  Indians,  beginning  in  1801, 'when  Bartolo  Pacheco 
narrates  an  expedition  in  search  of  a  chief  resulting 
in  a  fight  and  the  killing  of  five  gentiles.30  In  April 
1804  the  friars  sent  twenty  neophytes  to  bring  in 
some  fugitives,  but  the  party  was  attacked,  one  Chris 
tian  was  killed,  and  the  rest  came  running  back  with 
out  a  captive.31  Again  in  May  1805,  a  neophyte  and 
a  pagan  of  the  Seunenes  were  caught  on  the  roof  of 
the  missionaries'  house  reconnoitring  for  a  projected 

1805,  Uria  to  Castro,  there  will  be  a  branding  on  the  13th  and  the  settlers 
had  better  look  out  for  their  cattle  or  the  mission  brand  will  be  put  on  them. 
Id.,  ii.  74. 

28  Jan.  28,  1809,  Arrillaga  to  comisionado,  warning  him  that  the  vecinos 
must  look  out  for  their  lands  by  day  and  for  their  live-stock  by  night.     If 
cattle  are  killed  on  mission  lands  no  compensation  can  be  obtained.     The  set 
tlers  wished  the  padres  to  kill  encroaching  cattle  but  to  pay  for  them,  but  the 
padres  refused  any  such  reintegro  and  were  sustained  by  the  governor.  8.  Jos6, 
Patentes,  MS.,  27-9;  8.  Jose\  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  76;  Prov.  Rec.,M&.,  xi.  215. 
Sept.  25,  1809,  Estudillo  to  Peralta.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  92.     Oct.  2  to 
Nov.  12, 1809,  correspondence  about  Calaveras  between  Estudillo,  Duran,  and 
Arrillaga.     The  boundary  line  is  described  as  running  from  the  Loma  de  la 
Canada  to  the  first  creek  or  esterito.     The  comandante  speaks  in  very  severe 
terms  to  Duran.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  85-92.     May  14,  1810,  the 
comisionado  is  ordered  not  to  prevent  the  neophytes  of   Santa  Clara  from 
fencing  and  cultivating  their  gardens  at  Calaveras,  they  having  the  mission 
aries'  permission.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  102. 

29  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  69. 

30  Narrative  dated  March  15th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  65-6. 
51  Prov.  7t^c.,MS.,ix.43. 


SANTA  CLARA.  137 

attack  in  which,  as  was  rumored,  the  mission  build 
ings  were  to  be  burned  and  the  padres  killed.  Five 
or  six  other  accomplices  were  arrested.  The  alarm 
was  great,  and  all  the  available  forces  of  San  Fran 
cisco  with  reinforcements  from  Monterey  were  sent 
in  haste  to  the  rescue.  After  a  campaign,  however, 
of  a  month,  in  which  the  whole  region  was  carefully 
examined  by  Alferez  Luis  Argiiello,  it  was  ascertained 
that  the  rumors  of  impending  hostilities  were  without 
foundation,  some  discontented  neophytes  having  ut 
tered  threats  with  a  view  to  frighten  the  friars  and 
avoid  certain  imminent  floggings.32  Magin  Catald, 
and  Jose  Viader  were  the  ministers  here  throughout 
this  decade,  apparently  without  the  aid  of  supernu 
merary  associates.  Though  the  number  of  baptisms 
was  larger  than  at  any  other  establishment  except 
Santa  Barbara  and  San  Francisco,  the  number  of 
deaths  was  nowhere  exceeded,  and  the  net  increase  in 
the  mission  community  was  only  from  1,247  to  1,332, 
Santa  Clara  now  standing  fourth  on  the  list.  In  live 
stock  and  agriculture  this  mission  had  more  than  an 
average  prosperity.33  Santa  Clara  was  one  of  the 
only  two  missions — Soledad  being  the  other — where 
the  greatest  number  of  deaths  did  not  occur  in  1806. 
Barcenilla  remained  at  Mission  San  Jose  until 
April  1802,  when  Luis  Gil  y  Taboada  took  his  place, 
and  in  1804  was  succeeded  by  Pedro  de  la  Cueva. 
Jose  Antonio  Uria,  who  had  served  here  since  1799, 
and  Cueva  both  left  the  mission  in  1806,  the  latter 
retiring  to  Mexico  the  same  year.34  Their  successors 

32  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  30,  42;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxiii.  15,  16. 

33  Population,  gain,  1,247  to  1,332;  baptisms,  1,724;  largest  number,  336 
in  1805;  smallest,  84  in  1810;  deaths,  1,589;  largest  number,  258  in  1802; 
smallest,  101  in  1809;  large  live-stock,  increase,  4,807  to  8,353;  horses,  etc., 
in  1810,  2,032;  small  stock,  increase,  5,000  to  10,027;  crops  in  1800,  4,190 
bushels;  in  1810  (and  largest),  6,525  bush.;  smallest,  2,850  bush,  in  1807; 
average,  4,970  bush. 

34  Pedro  de  la  Cueva,  commonly  called  in  California  Padre  Cuevas,  left 
Guadalajara  on  April  23,  1804,  and  arrived  in  California  Aug.  14th.     Some 
indiscreet  action  on  his  part  while  en  route  caused  him  to  be  reported  to  the 
president  as  a  friar  whom  it  would  be  well  to  watch ;  but  during  his  brief 
service  in  California  the  only  fault  found  with  his  conduct  was  that  of  rash 
ness  in  connection  with  the  affair  elsewhere  related,  in  which  he  was  shot  in 


138  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

were  Buenaventura  Fortuni  and  Narciso  Duran,  who 
were  new  arrivals  from  Mexico,  and  who  began  their 
long  ministry  here  in  June  1806.  The  number  of 
neophytes  increased  in  ten  years  from  286  to  545,  but 
it  required  nearly  1,400  baptisms  to  effect  this  result. 
In  its  agricultural  and  stock-raising  industries  San 
Jose  was  tolerably  prosperous.35 

There  is  a  vague  record  that  as  early  as  1802  Una 
and  his  escort  were  attacked  by  the  gentiles  of  the 
sierra,  and  that  a  military  force  was  sent  to  teach  the 
savages  a  lesson;  but  no  particulars  are  known.86  A 
subsequent  affair  of  the  kind  is,  however,  better  re 
corded,  and  I  have  told  the  story  in  another  place.37 
It  was  in  January  1805,  and  in  it  a  soldier  and  three 
neophytes  were  killed;  Cueva  and  a  soldier  were 
wounded.  The  horses  were  all  killed,  and  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  party  were  driven  back  to  the  mission. 
In  retaliation  Sergeant  Peralta  made  a  raid  and  killed 
eleven  gentiles. 

Early  in  May  1806  Langsdorff  from  the  Juno  vis 
ited  this  mission,  coming  down  the  bay  in  an  Aleut 
bidarka.  This  was  the  first  time  a  foreigner  had  trod 
these  south-eastern  bay  shores  or  navigated  the  tor 
tuous  channels  which  made  approach  to  the  mission  by 
water  very  difficult.  Father  Cueva  had  before  met 
the  naturalist  at  San  Francisco,  and  received  him 

the  head  by  the  Indians  while  on  a  visit  to  a  distant  rancheria.  Ill-health, 
not  relieved  by  a  few  months'  stay  at  San  Diego,  compelled  him  to  retire  to 
his  college,  and  he  sailed  from  San  Diego  in  November  1806.  Langsdorff  met 
this  friar  both  at  San  Francisco  and  at  his  own  mission  in  the  spring  of  1806, 
and  found  him  '  always  gay  and  cheerful,  and  indeed  a  most  agreeable  com 
panion,  '  besides  being  ever  ready  for  barter. 

35  Population,  gain,  286  to  545;  baptisms,  1,381;  largest  number,  247  in 
1802;  smallest  number,    24  in  1808;  deaths,  1,104;  smallest  number,  62  in 
1809;  largest,  197  in  1806;  large  stock,  increase,  367  to  7,190;  horses,  etc.,  in 
1810,  1,190;  small  stock,  increase,  1,600  to  7,002;  crops  in  1800,  1,550  bushels; 
in  1800,  4,070;  largest,  7,450  in  1805;  smallest,  2,090  in  1809;  average,  4,040 
bush. 

Inventory  of  sacred  vestments,  vessels,  and  other  church  effects  from  1807 
to  1824,  in  8.  Jost,  Patentee,  MS. ,  366-70.  First  marriage  of  fjente  de  razon  at 
this  mission  on  June  1,  1803,  when  Joaquin  Sota  was  married  to  Maria  de  la 
Luz  Berreyesa,  both  natives  of  San  Francisco.  S.  Jose,  Lib.  Mission,  MS.,  21. 

36  Dec.  9,  1802,  Argiiello  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose".  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS., 
iv.  35. 

37  Chap.  ii. ,  this  volume. 


MISSION  SAN  JOSfi.  139 

with  the  greatest  hospitality,  giving  his  neophytes  a 
holiday  with  instructions  to  prepare  for  a  grand  dance, 
since  the  visitor  was  particularly  interested  in  study 
ing  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  natives,  to  whom 
he  devotes  much  of  his  narrative,  representing  them 
as  in  every  way  superior  to  those  of  San  Francisco, 
and  giving  to  the  world  an  engraving  which  shows  six 
finely  formed  men  and  women  decked  in  all  their  hol 
iday  paint  and  finery. 

The  rarity  of  foreign  visits  to  interior  missions 
will  justify  me  in  quoting  LangsdorfFs  description 
of  San  Jose  : 

"Although  it  is  only  eight  years  since  they  were 
begun,  the  buildings  and  grounds  are  already  of  very 
considerable  extent :  the  quantity  of  corn  in  the  gran 
aries  far  exceeded  my  expectations.  They  contained 
at  that  time  more  than  2,000  measures  of  wheat,  and 
a  proportionate  quantity  of  maize,  barley,  pease,  beans, 
and  other  grain.  The  kitchen-garden  is  extremely 
well  laid  out,  and  kept  in  very  good  order;  the  soil  is 
everywhere  rich  and  fertile,  and  yields  ample  returns. 
The  fruit-trees  are  still  very  young,  but  their  produce 
is  as  good  as  could  be  expected.  A  small  rivulet  runs 
through  the  garden,  which  preserves  a  constant  moist 
ure.  Some  vineyards  have  been  planted  within  a  few 
years,  which  yield  excellent  wine,  sweet,  and  resem 
bling  Malaga.  The  situation  of  the  establishment  is 
admirably  chosen,  and  according  to  the  universal  opin 
ion  this  mission  will  in  a  few  years  be  the  richest  and 
Best  in  New  California.  The  only  disadvantage  is, 
that  there  are  no  large  trees  very  near.  To  compen 
sate  this  disadvantage,  there  are  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  mission  chalk-hills,  and  excellent  brick-earth, 
so  that  most  of  their  buildings  are  of  brick.  Their 
stores  of  corn  are  much  greater  than  of  cattle,  conse 
quently  the  number  of  oxen  slaughtered  ever}r  week  is 
considerably  smaller  than  at  St.  Francisco,  but  their 
consumption  of  corn  and  pulse  is  much  greater.  The 
habitations  of  the  Indians,  lets  Rancherias,  are  not  yet 


140  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

finished,  so  that  at  present  they  live  chiefly  in  straw 
huts  of  a  conical  form."38 

Meanwhile  work  on  the  mission  church  was  pressed 
forward,  and  on  April  23,  1809,  President  Tapis  came 
to  hold  the  vigil  of  Saint  Joseph  and  to  bless  the  new 
structure.  Next  day  he  preached  and  Father  Arroyo 
de  la  Cuesta  said  mass  in  the  presence  of  other  friars, 
of  several  military  officers,  and  of  many  people  from 
the  adjoining  pueblo.  On  the  eighth  of  the  following 
July  the  new  cemetery  was  blessed  with  the  custom 
ary  solemnities.39 

Raimundo  Carrillo  remained  in  command  of  the 
Monterey  company  until  1802,  though  Alberni  as 
already  stated  was  commandant  of  the  post  until  his 
death,  in  March  of  that  year.  Carrillo  was  then 
transferred  to  the  command  of  Santa  Barbara,  though 
still  lieutenant  of  the  Monterey  company ;  and  Alferez 
Jos6  de  la  Guerra  became  acting  commandant.  In 
1806  he  also  was  transferred  to  Santa  Barbara,  and 
from  the  middle  of  that  year  Lieutenant  Jose  Maria 
Estudillo,  who  had  lately  come  up  to  California  with 
Arrillaga,  assumed  the  command.  Guerra's  place  as 
alferez  was  taken  by  Jos6  Mariano  Estrada,  who  had 
also  come  from  Loreto  with  Arrillaga.  The  habilitaclo 
was  Carrillo  in  1801,  Guerra  in  1802-6,  Estudillo  in 
1806-7,  and  Estrada  in  1807-10.  The  surgeons  were 
Juan  de  Dios  Morelos  in  1801-2,  Manuel  Torres  in 
1802-3,  Jose  Maria  Benites  in  1803-7,  and  Manuel 
Quijano  from  1807  to  1824.  The  company  sergeant, 
Castro,  was  retired  as  an  invalid  about  1801,  when 
Gabriel  Moraga  took  the  place.  Ignacio  Vallejo  was 
made  a  sargento  distinguido  of  the  company  in  1805 
and  held  the  place  throughout  the  decade.  Moraga 
was  succeeded  by  Francisco  Alvarado  in  1807,40  who 

38  Langsdorff's  Voyage  and  Travels,  ii.  190-9,  with  plate. 

39 S.  Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  31-2.  In  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  764,  is  the 
design  of  a  mural  decoration  of  the  church. 

40  Thus  these  three  men,  Alvarado,  Castro,  and  Vallejo,  whose  sons,  or 
grandson  in  Castro's  case,  born  about  this  period,  were  to  be  the  mostpromi- 


ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY.  141 

on  his  death  in  1809,  was  replaced  by  Miguel  Espi- 
nosa.41 

The  presidial  force  at  Monterey  was — besides  the 
officers,  a  bleeder,  two  or  three  mechanics,  and  per 
haps  a  few  servants — 57  men  until  1805,  when  it  was 
increased  in  three  days  by  enlistment  to  82  men. 
•There  was  also  an  artillery  detachment  of  from  five  to 
seven  men.  The  invalids  numbered  from  23  to  27, 
and  lived  for  the  most  part  at  San  Jose  and  Branci- 
forte.42  The  total  population  of  the  jurisdiction  reck- 

nent  figures  in  the  later  history  of  California,  were  now  sergeants  of  the 
same  company.  Jos6  Francisco  Alvarado  was  a  corporal  in  the  Loreto  com 
pany  in  Sept.  1805,  when  he  received  orders  to  go  to  Monterey  with  promo 
tion  to  sergeant.  He  was  a  native  of  Sinaloa,  his  parents  having  been  Juan 
Bautista  Alvarado  and  Maria  Dolores  Castro.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  his 
father  was  the  soldier  of  the  same  name  who  came  to  California  with  the  first 
expeditions  of  1769-73.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Monterey  Francisco  married 
Josef  a  Vallejo,  daughter  of  Don  Ignacio,  who  bore  him  a  son  named  like  his 
grandfather  Juan  Bautista,  afterward  governor  of  California,  who  died  in 
1882.  The  sergeant  only  lived  three  years  in  his  new  home,  as  he  was  buried 
on  May  29,  1809,  in  the  cemetery  of  the  mission  of  San  Luis  Obispo.  His 
widow  married  Jos6  Ramon  Estrada.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  4;  8.  Luis  Obispo, 
Lib.  Mition,  MS. ,  54.  In  Shuck's  Representative  Men  of  CaL ,  503,  we  read 
of  'General  Francisco  Alvarado,  chief  adviser  and  adjutant-general  of  Gov. 
Arrillaga, '  which  is  rather  amusing  considering  that  Arrillaga  himself  was 
never  more  than  colonel.  Of  course  the  book  referred  to  is  not  worth  this 
notice,  but  I  give  it  as  an  illustration  of  the  trash  that  has  circulated  in  Cali 
fornia  as  biography.  Jos6  Macario  Castro,  grandfather  of  the  famous  Jos6 
Castro  and  of  the  somewhat  less  famous  Manuel  Castro,  does  not  appear  in 
the  records  after  he  ceased  to  be  comisionado  of  San  Jos6  in  1807,  though  I  am 
not  certain  that  he  died  during  this  decade.  He  was  born  in  1753,  entered 
the  military  service  in  1778,  came  north  from  Loreto  in  time  to  have  a  son 
born  at  Santa  Barbara  in  March  1784,  was  made  a  corporal  before  August 
1785,  commanded  the  escoltas  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  and  Soledad,  and  was 
made  a  sergeant  in  1794.  He  was  comisionado  of  San  Jos<5  in  1792-4,  and 
from  1799  to  1807,  being  a  sargento  invdlido  after  1801.  His  wife  was  Maria 
Potenciana  Ramirez  and  in  1793  they  had  five  children.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
vi.  8,  9;  i.  55;  8.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  23;  Sta Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS., 
4;  8.  Juan  Cap.,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  10;  Soledad,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  3;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  98;  xviii.  313;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  413;  iv.  185. 

41  In  giving  the  succession  of  the  various  officials  I  have  generally  not 
attempted  to  fix  the  day  and  month  of  changes,  because  there  is  often  much 
confusion  between  the  dates  of  promotion,  order  to  depart,  departure,  and 
dropping  from  the  rolls  in  the  case  of  each  individual.  I  add  however  a  few 
notes  respecting  the  positions  of  comandante  and  habilitado:  Carrillo's  ap 
pointment  approved  by  government,  March  23,  1801.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  79.  Orders  himself  recognized  April  9,  1801.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v. 
6.  Guerra  as  habilitado  from  January  1,  1802,  to  June  30,  1806.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  9,  10.  Guerra  left  Monterey  Nov.  22,  1806. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  119.  Estudillo  succeeds  Guerra  as  habilitado  July 
1,  1806.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxiii.  8.  Proclaims  himself  commandant  Dec.  3, 
1806.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  78;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  96. 

42 After  the  departure  of  the  volunteers  in  1803,  and  before  the  increase  of 
1805,  the  invalids  were  called  upon  to  come  to  the  presidio  for  service.  8. 


142  LOCAL  EVENTS-NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

oned  on  the  same  basis  as  in  the  last  decade,  excluding 
the  invalids  at  the  pueblos  and  including  the  guards 
of  San  Carlos,  San  Miguel,  Soledad,  San  Antonio, 
San  Luis  Obispo,  and  San  Juari  Bautista,  amounted 
in  1810  to  480;  or  if  we  add  Branciforte  and  Santa 
Cruz  for  a  more  convenient  classification,  leaving  San 
Jose  and  Santa  Clara  to  the  northern  district,  we 
shall  have  a  total  de  razon  of  about  550,  with  a  neo 
phyte  population  of  5,130.  As  in  the  case  of  other 
districts  I  refer  the  reader  to  a  note  for  various  sta 
tistics.43 

The  bears,  wolves,  coyotes,  and  other  wild  beasts 
were  responsible  for  what  little  excitement  was  known 
about  Monterey  in  the  early  years  of  this  decade. 
The  bears  became  so  bold  as  to  kill  and  eat  cattle 
every-day  in  full  view  of  the  herdsmen;  the  wolves 
attacked  work-horses  on  their  way  from  Carmelo  Val 
ley  to  the  presidio.  The  Indians  were  often  chased  by 
the  bears,  and  one  was  killed  by  a  grizzly.  More  than 
fifty  bears  were  killed  in  1801-2,  including  one  who 
had  distinguished  himself  by  eating  five  mules  and 
seven  cows.  She-asses  were  so  attractive  to  bruin 

Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  97.  The  distribution  of  the  invalids  in  1806  was:  12  at 
San  Jose;  7  at  Branciforte;  4  at  San  Miguel;  and  1  at  San  Carlos.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxv.  3;  xxxvii.  19.  Full  list  of  the  company  on 
Aug.  1,  1806,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  140-5.  Aug.  3,  1805,  the 
commandant  says  he  enlisted  the  19  new  men  in  three  days.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  xix.  42-3.  In  1805  at  the  presidio  53  men  and  78  women  complied  with 
their  religious  obligations.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  1. 

43  The  financial  records  are  less  complete  and  satisfactory  for  Monterey 
than  for  the  other  presidios.  Annual  appropriations  varied  from  $17,000  to 
$23,000;  invoices  from  Mexico  and  San  Bias  $13,000  to  $48,000,  those  of  goods 
from  San  Bias  being  about  $2,000;  totals  of  habilitado's  accounts  $38,000  to 
$104,000;  inventories  of  goods  in  warehouse,  $14,000  to  $41,000;  balances, 
from  $4,000  in  favor  of  company  in  1805  to  $15,000  against  it  in  1810;  supplies 
from  missions  about  $2,000  per  year.  Revenue  from  post-office,  $170  per 
year;  from  sales  of  tobacco  $1,550;  tithes  about  $450;  papal  indulgences  $150. 
Amount  deducted  from  pay  for  fondos  de  invdlidos  y  montepio,  $200  to  $600  a 
year;  amount  in  fondo  de  retencion,  .$3,000  to  $4,000.  Net  proceeds  of  sales 
of  cattle  from  rancho  del  rey  $500  a  year,  1,521  cattle  branded  in  1801.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  46.  Stock  in  the  rancho  in  1802;  5,200  horses,  57  mules, 
25  asses,  and  2,284  cattle.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxx.  20.  Over  400  animals  killed 
by  wild  beasts  in  1805.  Id.,  xxxiii.  19.  On  the  king's  land  at  Salsipuedes, 
near  Corralitos,  500  broken  horses  were  kept  for  the  troops.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch., 


MS 

Prov 

viii. 


.,   14.     See  company  rolls  and  habilitado's  accounts  for  this  decade  in 
w.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxix.-xli.;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.-ix.  xvii.- 


PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS.  143 

that  all  had  to  be  brought  to  the  presidio  for  protec 
tion.  Traps  and  poison  proving  inadequate,  the  gov 
ernor  was  called  upon  to  authorize  the  use  of  1,000 
cartridges,  and  a  regular  military  campaign  was  un 
dertaken  against  the  enemy.  That  the  foe,  if  tem 
porarily  checked,  was  not  entirely  routed  is  shown  by 
the  record  that  in  1805  some  four  hundred  head  of 
live-stock  were  killed  in  and  about  the  rancho  del  rey, 
although  about  thirty  mares  were  slaughtered  and 
their  poisoned  carcasses  used  against  the  beasts.44 

In  February  1801  the  viceroy  was  informed  that 
the  Monterey  buildings,  particularly  the  presidio 
chapel,  were  in  a  ruinous  condition,  the  hard  labor  of 
troops  and  Indians  for  twenty  years  being  rendered 
useless  by  reason  of  original  faulty  construction.  In 
March  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain  demolished  the  prin 
cipal  gate  of  the  presidio.  In  December  the  com 
mandant  represented  the  urgent  necessity  of  new 
rooms  in  the  barracks,  of  a  better  jail,  and  of  a  new 
warehouse  to  stand  on  the  foundation  of  the  old  one 
at  the  landing-place,  now  in  ruins.  Three  hundred 
dollars  were  spent  in  repairs  this  year.  In  June  1802 
Carrillo  announced  his  intention  to  rebuild  the  com 
mandant's  house,  demolished  several  years  ago  at  the 
death  of  Hermenegildo  Sal  to  avoid  contagion.  The 
local  authorities  were  evidently  desirous  of  a  chance 
to  rebuild  the  presidio  at  the  cost  of  the  royal  treas 
ury,  with  a  view  among  other  things  to  revive  business 
and  circulate  money  in  California;  but  the  viceroy  and 
his  advisers  paid  but  very  little  heed  to  such  requests 
except  when  aroused  by  the  fear  of  imminent  danger, 
real  or  imaginary,  of  foreign  invasion.45  Shaler  says 

44  Monterey,  Diario  de  Sucesos,  1800-2,  MS.  This  valuable  original  manu 
script  is  really  a  blotter  of  the  communications  of  commandants  Carrillo  and 
Estudillo,  addressed  to  the  governor  from  Nov.  29, 1800,  to  Feb.  27, 1802,  chiefly 
in  the  handwriting  of  the  two  officers  mentioned.  Carrillo's  reports  to  Arri- 
llaga,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  44-7.  Aug.  31,  1801,  Arrillaga  author 
izes  the  use  of  1,000  cartridges.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.,  159.  Ravages  of  beasts 
in  1805.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxiii.  19. 

45 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  59;  xviii.  167,  169;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  12, 
15;  Monterey  *  Diario,  MS.,  29,  55.  Dec.  31,  1803,  Guerra  describes  the  pre- 


144  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

in  1805  '"there  is  a  miserable  battery  on  a  hill  that 
commands  the  anchorage,  but  it  is  altogether  inade 
quate  to  what  it  is  intended  for,"  a  remark  that  was 
doubtless  true,  though  there  is  no  proof  that  it  was 
founded  on  the  writer's  own  observations.  The  guns 
were  ten  in  number,  of  eight,  six,  and  three  pounds 
calibre;  and  there  were  occasional  complaints  that  the 
armament  was  in  bad  condition.46 

In  February  1802  a  mining  expert  came  on  one  of 
the  transports,  and  made  with  such  poor  apparatus  as 
was  available  an  assay  of  a  small  quantity  of  ore 
obtained  from  a  mine  near  Monterey.  The  vein  had 
been  discovered  before  Borica's  departure  by  Ignacio 
Ortega  opposite  the  king's  rancho  north-westerly 
toward  the  Sierrita.  Lead  had  already  been  obtained 
from  the  ore,  a  small  quantity  of  which  now  yielded 
six  ounces  of  fine  silver  as  weighed  by  Carrillo  with 
his  own  hands.47  Also  in  1802  Sergeant  Jose  Roca 
was  accused  by  Carrillo  of  having  insulted  him  pub 
licly  in  the  plaza,  and  bawled  loudly  for  justice.48 
Brown  in  the  Alexander,  who  touched  at  Monterey  in 
August  1803,  is  the  only  foreigner  known  to  have 
braved  the  terrors  of  the  presidial  battery  during  the 
decade;49  and  beyond  the  departure  of  the  Catalan 
volunteers  in  the  same  year,  the  increase  of  "the  cav 
alry  company  in  1805,  the  arrival  of  Arrillaga  at  his 
capital  in  1806,  the  occasional  changes  in  military 
officials,  and  the  regular  arrivals  of  the  supply- vessels 
from  San  Bias,  all  occurrences  that  have  been  noted 

sidio  as  110  varas  square.  On  the  north  is  the  principal  gate  with  barracks 
and  3  warehouses;  on  the  west  the  governor's  house  with  parlor,  8  small  rooms 
and  kitchen,  also  2  houses  for  officers,  and  1  for  the  surgeon;  on  the  south  9 
houses  for  families  with  the  chapel  in  the  centre;  and  on  the  east  9  houses  for 
families,  a  blacksmith  shop,  and  a  small  gate.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xxxi.  12. 

46 Skater's  Journal,  157;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  2;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  126;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  23.  Sept.  26,  1810,  the  governor 
states  that  Monterey  has  a  cemetery  near  the  presidio  walls  and  the  shore. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  103. 

47  Monterey,  Diario,  MS.,  58;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  42-3. 
The  mine  was  at  Alisal.  Hayes*  Scraps,  Mining,  v.  3;  Yplo  Co.  Hist.,  22. 

48 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  204-8,  216. 

49 See  chap,  i.,  this  volume. 


CENTRAL  CALIFORNIA. 


145 


MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  II.    10 


146  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

elsewhere,  I  find  nothing  further  in  Monterey  annals 
requiring  notice  here. 

At  the  mission  of  San  Carlos  there  were  rumors 
current  in  1801  of  a  plot  formed  by  the  Indians  to 
kill  Father  Vinals  and  burn  the  buildings.  The  ran- 
cheria  was  accordingly  surrounded  and  all  the  Indians 
were  captured;  but,  as  was  usually  the  case  in  such 
alarms,  the  rumor  proved  to  have  no  foundation,  hav 
ing'  been  circulated  by  a  neophyte  for  purposes  of 
revenge.50  In  1802  the  friars  made  an  effort  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  Buena vista  Rancho  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  clearly  in  mission  territory,  that  it  was 
now  needed  for  mission  uses,  that  the  occupants  had 
only  a  provisional  permit  and  not  a  grant,  and  finally 
that  Borica  had  promised  to  restore  the  land  when  it 
should  be  required  for  the  mission  cattle.  Arrillaga 
declined  to  take  any  definite  action  in  the  matter  on 
the  plea  that  he  was  only  governor  ad  interim.  The 
friars  threatened  to  appeal  to  the  supreme  govern 
ment;  the  governor  advised  them  by  all  means  to  do 
so;  and  we  hear  no  more  about  the  matter.51  This  is 
the  only  reference  that  I  find  in  the  archives  to  the 
private  ranchos  of  this  district  between  1801  and 
1810,  except  in  the  case  of  Castro's  grant  of  La  Brea 
to  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  San  Juan.  Of 
the  mission  buildings  nothing  is  recorded,  but  we  learn, 
that  in  the  church  was  preserved  in  a  case  of  gold  a 
fragment  of  the  hat  of  San  Carlos  Borromeo,  the 
patron  saint,  deemed  a  most  precious  relic.52 

Padre  Lasuen  died  at  his  post  in  June  1803  as 
elsewhere  related.53  Pujol  died  in  1801,  under  cir 
cumstances  indicative  of  poisoning,  while  serving  tem 
porarily  at  San  Antonio  and  San  Miguel.54  Vinals 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  63. 

51  Correspondence  between  Arrillaga  and  Vinals  and  Carnicer,  April  to 
June  1802.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  9-12.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  19. 

52  Memorandum  of  Amor6s  in  1808.     The  authenticity  of  the  relic  was 
duly  certified  by  Bishop  Jose"  Landini  of  Porpluyrea  (?).  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  i.  1. 

53  See  chap.  i.  this  volume  for  biographical  note  of  Lasuen. 

54  Francisco  Pujol  y  Pujol,  written  Pujol  by  himself  but  often  Puyol  by 
others,  was  the  son  of  Juan  Pujol  y  Soulie  and  Josefa  Pujol  y  Durans,  bap- 


MISSION  SAN  CARLOS.  147 

left  California  in  1804.55  Pujol  was  succeeded  by 
Carnicer,  who  came  back  to  this  mission  in  1801  and 
served  until  1808  besides  being  chaplain  at  the  pre 
sidio.56  Yinals  was  followed  by  Juan  Anioros  in 
1804;  Carnicer  by  Francisco  Suner  in  1808;  and  the 

tized  March  7,  1762,  at  Alos,  Catalonia,  Spain.  He  took  the  Franciscan  habit 
Feb.  13,  1787,  and  came  to  San  Fernando  college  Aug.  19,  1793,  after  having 
*  suffered  terrible  imprisonments  among  the  enemy '  in  consequence  of  the 
war  with  France.  He  came  to  California  in  1795,  and  served  as  minister  at 
San  Cdrlos  from  1797  to  1801.  When  at  the  end  of  1800  the  ministers  at  San 
Antonio  and  San  Miguel  were  suddenly  taken  ill,  Pujol  volunteered  to  aid 
them,  though  the  danger  of  being  himself  poisoned  was  believed  to  be  great. 
He  served  at  San  Antonio  till  Jan.  17,  1801,  and  then  went  to  San  Miguel. 
Here  he  was  attacked  with  the  same  malady  that  had  prostrated  the  others, 
and  was  brought  back  suffering  terribly  to  San  Antonio  on  Feb.  27,  where  he 
died  Sunday  morning  March  loth.  His  death  was  witnessed  by  Cipr£s,  Sitjar, 
and  Merelo,  by  Sergt.  Roca,  Cadet  Fernando  Toba,  and  Surgeon  Morelos. 
It  was  intended  to  make  a  post-mortem  examination,  but  the  body  was  in  such 
a  condition  that  it  was  not  practicable.  There  seems  to  have  been  been  no 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  the  people  that  his  death  was  the  result  of  poisoning 
by  the  Indians.  His  body  was  buried  March  16th  in  the  church  with  mili 
tary  honors,  rarely  accorded  in  the  case  of  a  simple  missionary;  but  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  he  was  the  company  chaplain  at  Monterey.  On  June  14,  1813, 
Pujol's  body  was  transferred  with  that  of  Sitjar  to  a  grave  in  the  presbytery 
of  the  new  church  at  San  Antonio,  on  the  gospel  side.  He  was  generally  re 
garded  as  a  martyr,  or  a  victim  to  his  own  zeal  and  enthusiasm  for  missionary 
duty.  S.  Antonio,  Lib.  Minion,  MS.,  29-42;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  153;  Monte 
rey,  Diario,  MS.,  30.  According  to  the  last  authority  an  examination  was 
made  and  the  intestines  found  to  be  black  and  putrid. 

55  Jos6  Vmals  came  to  California  in  May  1798.  He  served  at  San  Carlos 
from  August  1798  till  1804,  in  August  of  which  year  he  obtained  license  on 
the  ground  of  threatened  impairment  of  bodily  and  mental  health,  and  soon 
after  retired  to  his  college  where  he  was  yet  living  in  1809,  intending  to  go 
to  Spain  in  1811,  as  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Capt.  Guerra,  since  God  would  not 
permit  him  to  spend  the  rest  of  his  days  in  California.  He  asked  Guerra  for 
money  to  pay  his  travelling  expenses  and  to  relieve  the  wants  of  his  aged 
parents.  He  soon  left  his  college  to  join  another,  and  before  1811  had  brought 
suit  against  San  Fernando  because  his  certificate  of  dismissal  did  not  show 
that  he  had  acted  loablemente.  He  is  supposed  to  have  ended  his  days  in  a 
Carthusian  monastery.  He  was  of  an  ardent,  gay  temperament  while  in  Cali 
fornia,  being  a  line  singer  and  performer  on  the  guitar.  It  is  necessary  to 
add  that  the  moral  character  of  Vinals  was  not  wholly  above  suspicion,  for 
he  was  at  one  time  accused  before  the  alcalde  of  San  Jose"  of  having  been  the 
father  of  three  children  brought  into  the  world  by  a  certain  seiiora  of  that 
locality.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  20;  Arch.  Sta  JB.,  MS.,  vi.  218;  xi.  68,  303; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  373-6;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  41;  Ord.  Occurren- 
cias,  MS.,  81-2. 

56Baltasar  Carnicer  came  to  California  early  in  1797.  He  served  at  Sole- 
dad  from  June  of  that  year  to  1798;  at  San  Carlos  in  1798-9;  at  San  Miguel 
in  1799-1801;  and  then  at  San  Carlos  until  1808,  in  Aug.  or  Sept.  of  which 
year  he  got  permission  to  retire.  He  was  one  of  the  padres  supposed  to  have 
been  poisoned  at  San  Miguel,  but  recovered  his  health.  He  served  as  chap 
lain  from  1805  until  his  departure,  coming  to  the  presidio  every  Friday  or 
Saturday  and  remaining  until  Monday  morning.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
277-8;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  62;  mission-books  of  San  Miguel,  San  Antonio, 
Soledad,  and  San  Carlos,  as  also  of  other  northern  missions  where  he  occa 
sionally  officiated. 


148  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

latter  by  Francisco  Vicente  de  Sarria  in  1809.  Presi 
dent  Tapis  also  lived  here  much  of  the  time  after 
1806. 

In  neophyte  population  San  Cdrlos,  the  missionary 
capital  of  California,  had  reached  its  highest  figure, 
927,  in  1794;  and  during  this  decade  it  declined  from 
758  to  513,  the  number  of  deaths  exceeding  that  of 
baptisms  by  over  a  hundred.  In  other  respects  the 
mission  was  more  uniformly  prosperous  than  several 
other  establishments.  It  was  by  no  means  the  fault 
of  the  friars  that  there  were  no  more  Indians  to  con 
vert.57 

At  San  Luis  Obispo,  the  southernmost  of  the  mis 
sions  subject  to  the  military  jurisdiction  of  Monterey, 
the  friars  were  commended  in  1805  for  their  cool  re 
ception  of  a  foreign  vessel,  probably  the  Lelia  Byrd, 
which  came  in  pretended  need  of  fresh  provisions,  but 
really  in  quest  of  opportunities  for  illicit  trade.  Let  us 
credit  the  missionaries  with  this  law-abiding  act,  and 
let  the  credulous  of  my  readers  believe,  if  they  can, 
that  such  was  the  reception  always  given  to  traders 
at  San  Luis,  for  there  is  no  record  of  this  decade  to 
prove  the  contrary,  save  Winship's  statement  that  he 
obtained  supplies  for  the  Albatross  in  1810.58 

In  1809  the  governor  approved  the  building  of  a 
chapel  at  San  Miguelito,  one  of  the  rancherias  of  this 
mission.59  Luis  Antonio  Martinez  served  continuously 
for  these  ten  years  and  twenty  more.  Jose  de  Miguel 
left  the  mission  in  1803  and  Marcelino  Cipres  came 
the  next  year;  but  he  left  California  in  180 1,60  and 

57  Population,  loss  758  to  513;  baptisms,  454;  largest  number,  71  in  1806; 
smallest,  17  in  1801;  deaths,  586;  largest  number,  83  in  1806;  smallest,  39  in 
1807;  large  stock,  increase  2,180  to  2,530;  horses,  etc.,  in  1810,  430;  small 
stock,  increase  4,160  to  6,045;   crops  in  1800,  5,940  bush.;  in  1810,  3,675; 
largest  crop,  6,580  in  1801;  smallest,  2,080  in  1807;  average,  4,000  bush. 

58  Chap.  ii.  and  v.  this  volume. 
™Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  97. 

60  Marcelino  Cipre"s  was  a  native  of  Huesca,  Aragon,  Spain,  took  the  Fran 
ciscan  habit  at  Saragossa,  studied  philosophy  at  Ternel  and  theology  at  Tar 
ragona,  and  came  to  San  Fernando  college  in  1793.  In  1795  he  was  assigned 
to  California,  serving  from  October 'of  that  year  until  the  end  of  1804  at  San 
Antonio,  and  then  at  San  Luis  Obispo  until  his  death  in  1810.  He  was  a  very 
zealous  missionary,  learned  the  native  language  at  San  Antonio,  and  devoted 


SAN  LUIS  AND  SAN  MIGUEL.  149 

Marcelino  San  Jose  y  Marquinez  took  his  place.  The 
number  of  neophytes  of  the  San  Luis  community  de 
creased  from  726  to  713  in  these  ten  years;  but  the 
highest  figure,  854,  had  been  reached  in  1803.  This 
was  the  smallest  of  the  old  missions  except  San 
Carlos.  In  its  live-stock  it  held  a  place  far  above  the 
average,  but  its  grain  crops  were  somewhat  more 
variable  than  in  most  other  establishments,61  and 
gradually  decreased. 

At  San  Miguel,  next  northward,  Juan  Martin  was 
the  senior  minister.  Carnicer  left  the  mission  in  1801, 
Adriano  Martinez  served  from  1801  to  1804,62  Pedro 
Munoz  in  1804-7,  and  Juan  Cabot  entered  upon  his 
long  term  of  ministry  at  the  beginning  of  1807.  It 
was  in  February  1801  that  Carnicer  and  Martin  were 
attacked  with  violent  pains  in  the  stomach,  supposed 
to  have  been  the  result  of  poisoning  by  the  neophytes. 
These  two  friars  recovered  their  health,  but  Father 
Pujol  who  came  down  from  San  Carlos  to  relieve  the 

himself  most  assiduously  to  the  work  of  caring  for  the  sick  and  attending  to 
the  spiritual  welfare  of  his  neophytes.  He  was  always  ready  to  start  when 
summoned,  regardless  of  the  hour,  the  distance,  or  the  difficulties  of  the  way. 
In  1801  he  had  trouble  with  his  mission  guard,  and  was  in  consequence  the 
subject  of  certain  charges  which  proved  to  be  unfounded.  He  suffered  with 
his  associate  in  1800  from  the  illness  attributed  to  poison,  but  recovered. 
After  nine  years'  service  at  San  Antonio  his  health  broke  down  partially,  and 
at  his  own  request  he  was  transferred  to  San  Luis  Obispo,  where  he  would 
have  easier  work  and  more  leisure  for  study.  It  was  he  who  is  credited  with 
the  extraordinary  act  of  having  coolly  received  an  American  smuggler  with 
goods  to  dispose  of.  At  the  beginning  of  1800  he  made  a  visit  to  Monterey, 
and  on  his  return  arrived  on  Jan.  26th  at  San  Miguel,  where  he  was  attacked 
by  acute  inflammatory  disease  and  died.  He  was  buried  on  Feb.  1st  by  Paye- 
ras,  Martin,  and  the  Cabots,  in  the  church  of  San  Miguel.  S.  Miguel,  Lib. 
Mision,  MS.,  15-17;  S.*Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  Arch.  Obispado,  MS., 
85;  Autograph  signature  in  8.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  32-3. 

61  Population,  loss  726  to  713;  highest  number,  854  in  1803;  baptisms,  666; 
largest  number,  82  in  1802;  smallest,  19  in  1810;  deaths,  605;  largest  num 
ber,  78  in  1806;  smallest,  42  in  1810;  large  stock,  gain,  6,521  to  7,050;  horses, 
etc.,  in  1810,  1,050;  small  stock,  gain,  6,150  to  9,054;  crops  in  1800,  3,864 
bush.;  in  1810,  2,910;  largest  crop,  7,500  in  1802;  smallest,  2,715  in  1809; 
average,  4,456  bush. 

62  Adriano  Martinez  was  one  of  the  first  ministers  of  San  Juan  Bautista, 
though  not  personally  present  at  its  foundation  on  June  21,   1797,   and  he 
served  there  until  the  end  of  1800,  subsequently  serving  at  San  Miguel  until 
August  1804,  when  he  obtained  license  to  retire  to  his  college,  of  which  he 
was  chosen  procurador  in  July  1813.     His  name  appears  on  the  registers  as 
having  officiated  at  nearly  all  the  northern  establishments  on  different  occa 
sions.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  40;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  67. 


150  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

sick  missionaries,  died  from  a  similar  attack  as  already 
stated.  There  is  no  special  lack  of  recorded  informa 
tion  respecting  this  event.  But  from  all  that  was 
written  on  the  subject  we  can  gather  nothing  beyond 
the  facts  that  the  friars  were  ill;  that  poisoning  was 
suspected;  that  a  small  military  force  was  sent  down 
to  investigate,  and  that  three  Indians  were  arrested.63 

In  January  1804  the  stream  at  San  Miguel  rose 
suddenly  and  a  servant  was  drowned  while  attempt 
ing  to  ford  it  on  horseback.64  In  the  same  month 
Father  Martin  went  with  a  soldier  to  Cholan  rancheria 
fourteen  leagues  away  and  asked  Guchapa,  chief  of 
all  the  rancherias  in  that  region,  to  let  him  have  some 
of  his  young  men  to  make  Christians  of  them. 
Guchapa  refused  and  repulsed  the  friar  and  his  escort 
with  threats,  declaring  that  he  had  no  fear  of  the  sol 
diers  since  he  knew  perfectly  well  that  they  died  like 
other  men.  It  was  important  to  modify  this  chief 
tain's  views,  and  Guerra  despatched  a  sergeant  with 
thirteen  men  to  arrest  Guchapa,  which  was  effected 
after  a  brave  resistance;  and  as  a  captive  the  chief,  be 
ing  duly  rewarded  with  beads,  agreed  to  bring  in  all 
the  Christian  fugitives  in  his  jurisdiction,  and  left  his 
son  as  a  hostage  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  contract.65 

In  August  1806  there  occurred  a  fire  which  burned 
that  portion  of  the  mission  buildings  which  was  used 
for  manufacturing  purposes,  destroying  all  the  imple 
ments  and  raw  material,  including  a  large  quantity  of 
wool,  with  hides,  cloths,  and  6,000  bushels  of  wheat, 

63  March  7,  1801,  Carrillo  writes  to  Arrillaga  that*  he  has  sent  Moraga  to 
investigate,  who  has  brought  back  three  Indians  accused  by  Cipre"s.    Surgeon 
Morelos,  Cadet  Toba,  and  seven  men  will  start  to-morrow.    April  7th,  Carrillo 
says  the  three  Indians  escaped  at  Soledad,  through  the  drunkenness  of  a  sen 
tinel,  though  two  of  them  were  found  in  the  church  claiming  the  right  of 
sanctuary.  Monterey,  Diario,  MS.,  28,  32,  34.     Alberni  to  governor.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  61-4.     April  10th,  Arrillaga  at  Loreto  has  received  the 
first  despatch.     Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  151-2;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xxxii.  9.     May  31st,  another  letter  from  the  governor  ordering  investiga 
tions.  Id.,  xxxii.  2.     In  1802  the  padres  seemed  desirous  that  the  prisoners 
should  be  released  after  being  flogged  in  presence  of  their  families  for  '  their 
boast  of  having  poisoned  the  padres.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  200,  202. 

64  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  304. 

65  Jan.  29,  1804,  Guerra  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Sen. Mil,  MS.,  xxxiv. 
7,8. 


SAN  ANTOXIO.  151 

besides  burning  a  portion  of  the  roof  of  the  church.63 
Statistically  San  Miguel  gained  a  larger  percentage 
in  population,  from  362  to  973,  than  any  other  mis 
sion  excepting  San  Fernando  and  Luis  Rey;  and  its 
death-rate,  49  per  cent  of  baptisms,  was  less  than  that 
of  any  except  San  Luis  Rey.  In  its  flocks  of  sheep 
it  was  excelled  only  by  San  Juan  Capistrano.67 

San  Antonio  de  Padua  reached  its  highest  limit  of 
neophyte  population  with  1,296  souls  in  1805.  Dur 
ing  this  decade  it  increased  from  1,118  to  1,124  and 
was  now  eighth  in  the  list  where  it  had  at  one  time 
stood  at  the  head.  The  lands  were  reported  by  the 
friars  as  barren,  necessitating  frequent  changes  in 
stock-ranges  and  cultivated  fields;  yet  while  there 
was  not  a  single  mission  in  California  which  did  not 
in  some  year  of  the  decade  excel  San  Antonio's  best 
crop,  there  were  five  that  fell  below  its  lowest.68  A 
new  and  larger  mission  church  of  adobes  was  begun 
in  1809  or  the  following  year.69  The  venerable  Buena 
ventura  Sitjar,  one  of  the  earliest  Franciscan  pioneers 
and  founder  of  this  mission,  where  he  had  toiled 
almost  continuously  for  thirty-seven  years,  died  at 
his  post  in  September  1808.70  Father  Cipres  was 

™Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  52;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  79-80.  Aug.  31st, 
circular  of  president  calling  upon  the  padres  to  contribute  for  the  relief  of 
the  burned  mission.  Id.,  xi.  152-3.  Statement  of  contributions  of  San  Luis, 
Purisima,  Santa  Barbara,  San  Gabriel,  San  Juan  Capistrano,  and  San  Antonio 
for  San  Miguel  from  its  foundation  down  to  1806,  including  20  yoke  of  oxen, 
1 10  head  of  cattle,  83  horses  and  mules,  and  550  sheep.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS., 
53-4. 

67  Population,  gain,  362  to  973;  baptisms,  1,129;  largest  number,  348  in 
1803;  smallest,  33  in  1806;  deaths,  552;  largest  number,  84  in  1806;  smallest, 
30  in  1807;  large  stock,  gain,  372  to  5,281;  horses  in  1810,  581;  small  stock, 
gain,  1,582  to  11,160;  crops  in  1800,  1,956  bush.;  in  1810,  7,300,  the  largest; 
smallest  crop,  675  in  1809;  average,  3,468  bush. 

68Population,  increase,  1,118  to  1,124;  highest  number,  1,296  in  1805; 
baptisms,  1,017;  largest  number,  203  in  1805;  smallest,  24  in  1808;  deaths, 
906;  largest  number,  152  in  1806;  smallest,  60  in  1810;  large  stock,  gain, 
2,217  to  3,700;  horses  in  1810,  700;  small  stock,  gain,  2,075  to  8,066;  crops 
in  1800,  1,760  bush.;  in  1810,  3,085  bush.;  largest,  3,468  bush,  in  1804;  small 
est,  1,140  bush,  in  1809;  average,  3,780  bush. 

69  Tapis,  In  forme  Bienal  de  Misiones,  1809-10,  MS.,  84. 

70  Antonio  Sitjar,  who  took  the  name  of  Buenaventura  at  the  time  of  his 
profession,  was  the  son  of  Antonio  Sitjar  and  Juana  Ana  Pastor,  and  was 
born,  or  baptized,  Dec.  9,  1739,  at  Porrera,  Island  of  Mallorca.     He  took  the 
Franciscan  habit  at  Palma  April  20,  1758,  and  on  becoming  a  priest  came  to 


152  LOCAL  EVENTS— NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

transferred  at  the  end  of  1804;  and  in  September  and 
October  of  that  year  Pedro  Cabot  and  Juan  Bautista 
Sancho  began  their  labors  as  associate  ministers. 
Meanwhile  Lorenzo  Merelo  in  1800-l,71and  Florencio 
Ibanez  in  1801-3,  lived  here  as  supernumeraries.  The 
only  occurrence  to  be  noted  is  a  quarrel  between  Cipres 
arid  the  corporal  of  the  guard  aided  by  Jose  Castro  in 
1801.  The  two  men  were  very  disorderly  and  violent, 
and  were  transferred  at  the  friar's  request,  trying  to 
get  revenge  by  making  charges  against  Cipres,  decided 
by  Alberni  to  be  unfounded.72 

At  Soledad  Antonio  Jaime  remained  permanently; 
but  Payeras  was  succeeded  in  1803  by  Florencio 
Ibanez.  The  epidemic  of  the  spring  of  1802  was 
particularly  severe  at  this  mission,73  where  the  mor- 

San  Fernando  de  Mexico.  He  volunteered  for  service  in  California,  was 
assigned  in  August,  1770,  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  January  1771,  reached  San 
Diego  March  12th,  and  Monterey  May  21st.  On  July  14,  1771,  he  was  a 
founder  of  San  Antonio  with  Pieras,  and  he  left  his  post  here  only  for  about 
a  year  when  he  founded  San  Miguel  in  1797-8.  He  was  a  most  faithful  and 
efficient  missionary,  perfectly  mastering  the  idiom  of  the  Indians  of  the 
region,  of  which  he  left  a  manuscript  vocabulary,  since  printed.  He  also  left 
a  diary  of  an  exploration  for  mission  sites  in  1795  which  appears  in  my  list  of 
authorities.  He  was  bitterly  criticised  by  the  crazy  pad  re,  Horra,  to  whose 
charges  no  attention  should  be  given.  On  Aug.  29,  1808,  he  was,  while  in 
the  field  with  his  neophytes  about  10  A.  M. ,  seized  with  excruciating  pains  in 
the  stomach  and  bladder;  on  Sept.  1st,  he  confessed  and  received  the  last 
sacraments  while  suffering  terrible  agony.  He  died  Sept.  3d,  and  next  day 
was  buried  by  Cabot  in  the  presbytery  of  the  old  church,  several  other  friars 
being  present  at  the  ceremony.  On  June  19,  1813,  his  body  was  re-interred 
with  that  of  Pujol  in  the  new  church.  S.  Antonio  Lib.  Mision,  42-4;  Taylor, 
Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  196-7,  No.  32,  making  the  date  of  death  incorrectly 
February  8th.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ii.  165;  x.  440;  8.  Miguel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ; 
Sitjar,  Vocabulario;  San  Antonio,  Vocabulario,  MS.,  in  handwriting  of  Sitjar 
and  Pieras,  same  work  as  preceding;  autograph  in  8.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos, 
MS.,  i.;  Horra,  Representation,  MS.,  50-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  115.  A 
long  account  of  this  friar's  life,  death,  and  burial  translated  from  the  mission 
register  of  deaths  in  8.  F.  Bulletin,  Sept.  10,  1864. 

71  Lorenzo  Merelo  arrived  at  Monterey  July  28,  1799,  and  served  at  San 
Francisco  from  August  of  that  year  until  October  1800.  The  cold  winds  and 
fogs  of  the  peninsula,  while  they  could  not  cool  his  pious  ardor,  soon  took 
away  what  little  strength  he  had,  and  he  was  transferred  to  San  Antonio. 
Here  his  health  did  not  improve,  and  in  September  1801  he  was  allowed  to 
sail  for  Mexico,  with  the  intention  to  go  to  Yucatan  as  predicador  general. 
Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi.  70-2;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  15;  and  mission-books  of 
the  two  missions  where  he  served. 

™A.rch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  6-8. 

73  Feb.  5,  1802,  the  padres  reported  the  mission  abandoned  by  the  Indians 
from  fear.  Feb.  llth,  deaths  five  or  six  each  day,  and  the  friars  greatly  over 
worked.  Feb.  28th,  three  assassinations  of  Indians  reported.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS,,  xviii.  183-5 


SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA.  153 

tality  was  even  greater  than  in  1806.  The  population 
reached  its  highest  figure  in  1805  with  727  neophytes. 
The  gain  for  the  whole  decade  was  from  493  to  600.74 
A  new  church  was  begun  in  the  autumn  of  1808. 

At  San  Juan  Bautista  there  was  a  controversy 
about  lands  in  1803.  Mariano  Castro  had  gone  to 
Mexico  two  years  before,  and  had  come  back  as  a 
poblador  in  1802,  with  permission  to  occupy  the 
rancho  of  La  Brea,  where  he  made  some  improve 
ments.  But  the  friars  of  San  Juan  refused  to  remove 
their  live-stock,  and  sent  in  a  protest  to  the  president, 
from  whom  it  went  to  the  guardian  and  the  viceroy. 
After  a  correspondence  lasting  throughout  the  decade 
it  was  apparently  decided  that  Castro  must  establish 
himself  elsewhere.75  On  June  13,  1803,  was  laid  the 
corner-stone  of  a  new  mission  church.  Father  Via- 
der  conducted  the  ceremonies,  aided  by  the  ministers. 
Don  Jose  de  la  Guerra  was  sponsor,  Captain  Font  and 
Surgeon  Morelos  also  assisting.  In  a  cavity  of  the 
stone  were  deposited  some  coins  and  a  sealed  bottle 
containing  a  narrative  of  proceedings  at  the  celebra 
tion.76  On  June  3,  1809,  the  image  of  St  John  the 
Baptist  was  placed  on  the  high  altar  in  the  sacristy, 
which  served  for  purposes  of  worship  until  the  main 
church  could  be  completed.77 

Jacinto  Lopez  served  here  until  September  180 1;78 
then  Father  Martiarena  came  back  and  was  minister 
until  he  left  the  country  in  1804,79  being  followed  by 

74  Population,  gain,  493  to  600;  highest,  727  in  1805;  baptisms,  75;  largest 
number,  111  in  1805;  smallest,  13  iu  1808;  deaths,  654;  largest  number,  127 
in  1802;  smallest,  38  in  1809;  large  stock,  1.384  to  2,987;  horses  in  1810,  286; 
small  stock,  3,024  to  8,038;  crops  in  1800,  2,613  bush.;  in  1810,  3,085;  largest, 
6,330  in  1805;  smallest,  1,090  in  1802;  average,  3,660. 

r°CarriUo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  2,  3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  119;  xi.  185; 
Prov.  St.  Pap,,  MS.,  xviii.  385-6;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  134-5.  Land 
commission,  No.  161,  653,  748. 

76  8.  Juan  Bautista,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12,  13;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xii.  79,  87. 

r'Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  69. 

78  Jacinto  Lopez  landed  at  Monterey  July  28,  1799.     He  served  about  a 
year  at  San  Antonio  and  for  a  like  period  at  San  Juan  Bautista;  when,  his 
health  failing,  he  sailed  for  Mexico  on  Oct.  9,  1801. 

79  Jose"  Manuel  de  Martiarena  was  born  at  Eentena,  in  Guipuzcoa,  Spain, 
in  1754;  became  a  Franciscan  at  Zacatecas  in  1788;  came  to  San  Fernando 
college  iu  1791,  and  to  California  in  1794.     He  served  at  San  Antonio  from 


154  LOCAL  EVENTS-NORTHERN  DISTRICTS. 

Andres  Dulanto  from  August  1804  to  September 
1808;80  and  the  latter  by  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta. 
Meanwhile  the  associate  minister  was  Domingo  San 
tiago  de  Itiirrate,  who  retired  in  1809,81  and  was  suc 
ceeded  in  September  of  that  year  by  Roman  Francisco 
Fernandez  de  Ulibarri.  Neophyte  population  increased 
from  516  to  702,  though  it  required  over  1,200  bap 
tisms  to  accomplish  that  result.82 

One  more  mission  remains  to  be  noticed,  that  of 
Santa  Cruz,  really  under  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  but  included  in  this  district  for  convenience. 
Here  the  highest  number  of  population,  523  souls, 
had  been  reached  in  1796;  and  in  1805  Captain  Goy- 
coechea  recommended  that  as  all  the  gentiles  had 
been  converted,  the  neophytes  might  be  divided  be 
tween  Santa  Clara  and  San  Juan,  and  the  friars  be 
employed  in  new  fields.83  Still  there  was  a  gain  from 
492  to  507  in  this  decade,  and  the  number  of  bap 
tisms,  668,  was  certainly  extraordinary  if  there  were 
really  no  more  gentiles  in  the  region.84  The  ministers 
at  Santa  Cruz  were  Francisco  Gonzalez  until  June 
1805,85  succeeded  by  Andres  Quintana;  and  Domingo 

June  1794  to  June  1795;  at  Soledad  until  May  1797;  at  San  Juan  until  July 
1800;  at  San  Francisco  until  August  1801;  and  again  at  San  Juan  until  August 
1804.  He  officiated  at  San  Gabriel  on  Oct.  28,  1804;  but  his  license  was  dated 
in  July.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  66-7,  247-8;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  40;  and 
the  various  mission-books. 

80  Andres  Dulanto  was  a  native  of  Miranda  de  Ebro,  Castile,  Spain,  and 
came  to  California  in  1804.    He  was  assigned  to  San  Juan  Bautista  in  August, 
and  served  there  continuously  until  his  death  on  Sept.  11,  1808. 

81  Domingo  Iturrate,  as  he  signed  his  name,  left  the  college  in  Feb.  3,  1800, 
and  arrived  in  California  Aug.   23d.     He  served  continuously  at  San  Juan 
Bautista  until  failing  health  compelled  him  to  ask  for  retirement,  and  he 
sailed  for  Mexico  in  October  1809.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  3;  xii.  96;  8.  Juan 
Bautista,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 

82  Population,  gain,  516  to  702;  baptisms,  1,274;  largest  number,  266  in 
1802;  smallest,  27  in  1808;  deaths,  990;  largest  number,  199  in  1806;  small 
est,  33  in  1801;  large  stock,  gain,  723  to  6,175;  horses  in  1810,  575;  small 
stock,  gain,  2,080  to  9,720;  crops  in  1800,  2,724  bush.;  in  1810,  7,170,  largest 
crop;  smallest,  1,825  in  1801;  average,  3,700. 

83  Goycoechea,  Medios  para  el  Fomento  de  Cal.,  1805,  MS.,  16. 

84  Population,  gain,  492  to  507;  highest,  523  in  1796;  baptisms,  668;  largest 
number,  131  in  1810;  smallest,  7  in  1809;  deaths,  593;  largest  number,  101  in 
1806;  smallest,  34  in  1803;  large  stock,  decrease,  2,355  to  1,753;  horses  in 
1810,  953;  small  stock,  gain,  2,083  to  3,098;  crops  in  1800,  4,310  bush. ;  in  1810, 
2,730;  largest,  4,850  in  1806;  smallest,  1,120  in  1802;  average,  2,150  bush. 

85  Francisco  Gonzalez  came  to  Calif ornia  in  1797  and  served  at  Santa  Cruz 


SANTA  CRUZ  AND  BRANCIFORTE.  155 

Carranza  until  August  1808,  succeeded  by  Antonio 
Catrino  Rodriguez  in  June  1809,  the  two  padres  Uria 
serving  here  also  as  supernumeraries,  Jose  Antonio 
in  1806-7,  and  Francisco  Javier  in  1808. 

Branciforte  was  the  last  of  the  Californian  estab 
lishments,  not  only  by  reason  of  being  put  at  the  end 
of  this  local  narrative,  but  in  respect  of  importance 
and  prosperity.  Its  only  grandeur  was  in  its  name. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  in  October  1797  an  esti 
mate  of  about  $23,000  as  the  cost  of  building  the  villa 
had  been  sent  to  Mexico,  but  that  a  little  later,  doubt 
less  in  accordance  with  orders  from  the  viceroy  not 
preserved,  the  governor  had  ordered  a  suspension  of 
work.86  Now  on  June  3,  1801,  the  viceroy  informed 
Arrillaga  that  he  had  ordered  tools  and  supplies  to 
be  purchased  for  Branciforte,  and  had  also  provided 
for  the  remission  of  $15,000,  or  two  thirds  of  the 
amount  called  for,  believing  that  the  settlers  by  the 
aid  of  Indians  could  save  the  difference.  There  must, 
however,  have  been  later  communications  which  are 
no  longer  extant,  involving  a  new  change  of  plan;  for 
in  July  1803,  doubtless  before  any  work  had  been 
actually  done,  the  governor  in  a  communication  to 
the  viceroy  alludes  to  the  suspension  of  work.87 

In  1803  Commandant  Guerra  in  a  letter  to  Arri 
llaga  gave  his  idea  of  the  settlers  at  Branciforte.  They 
were  not  so  bad  as  other  convicts  sent  to  California; 
still,  to  take  a  charitable  view  of  the  matter,  their 
absence  "for  a  couple  of  centuries  at  a  distance  of  a 
million  leagues"  would  prove  most  beneficial  to  the 
province,  and  redound  to  the  service  of  God  and  the 
king.88  In  1805  Goycoechea  informed  the  viceroy  that 
Branciforte  had  none  of  the  advantages  of  the  other 

from  May  of  that  year  until  June  1805,  when  he  retired  on  account  of  ill- 
health,  sailing  from  San  Diego  on  Nov.  6th. 

86  See  vol.  i.  chap.  xxvi. 

87  June  3,  1801,  viceroy  to  governor,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  93.    July 
21,  1803,  gov.  to  V.  R.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  25. 

8*Feb.  3,  1803,  Guerra  to  Arrillaga,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xxxi.  2. 


156  LOCAL  EVENTS— NOETHERN  DISTRICTS. 

pueblos,  the  mission  having  before  its  foundation 
seized  all  the  best  lands.89  In  1806  Arrillaga  in  reply 
to  inquiries  reported  that  of  the  first  settlers  some  had 
enlisted  on  the  expiration  of  their  original  contracts; 
others  had  died,  and  only  five  settlers  remained,  who 
only  awaited  the  end  of  their  term  to  leave  the  coun 
try.  Of  the  five  only  one  was  married,  and  his  wife 
was  in  Mexico.  The  villa  had  seven  small  houses  of 
mud  and  timber,  badly  roofed  with  tule.  In  fact 
Branciforte  was  of  no  advantage  whatever  to  its  in 
habitants  or  the  country.90 

Besides  the  settlers  there  were  a  few  invalids  from 
Monterey  and  San  Francisco  who  lived  at  the  villa, 
and  all  with  their  families  constituted  a  population  of 
46  souls,  a  loss  of  20  in  the  decade.  Cattle  increased 
to  2,637  head,  and  crops  were  from  900  to  1,050 
bushels  per  year.  Ignacio  Yallejo  held  the  position 
of  comisionado  apparently  until  he  was  made  a  ser 
geant  in  1805,  and  possibly  until  1807,  when  it  was 
taken  by  Corporal  Jose  Rodriguez.91  The  alcalde  in 
1802  was  Vicente  Mojica  with  Fermin  Cordero  and 
Tomas  Prado  as  regidores;  in  1805,  Felipe  Hernan 
dez  with  Cristobal  Cimental  and  Jose  Kobles.  Of 
other  years  I  find  no  record.  In  1807  the  missionaries 
affirmed  that  the  lands  of  the  villa,  from  which  fields 
might  be  assigned  to  vecinos  and  invalids,  extended 
only  to  the  rancho  de  Bravo,  or  rio  de  Soquel;  but 

89 Goycoechea,  Medios  para  el  fomento  de  Gal,  MS.,  15,  16. 

90  July  15th,  18th,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  in  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  ix.  81,  91-2, 
1801,  nine  settlers  required  $70  each  in  rations  from  the  government.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  24,  1803.    V.  R.  concedes  privileges  of  pobladores  to  Jose"  and 
Felipe  Hernandez,  Dionisio  Calzada,  Basilio  Ortega,  Jose"  Velazquez,  and 
Timoteo  Vazquez.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  319,  1806.  .Five  settlers  received 
rations.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  8.     Amount  paid  from  1801 
to  1806,  $1,954.  Id.,  xxxiii.  10, 1804.    Five  settlers.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  41. 

91  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxii.  5;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  14, 
20,  37;  Arch.  Sta  Cruz,  MS.,  19;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  198;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  xi.  196.     April  9,  1801,  comandante  to  comisionado  on  distribution  of 
lands.     The  regular  pobladores  to  have  the  preference,  and  invalids  to  have 
only  what  is  absolutely  necesssary — that  is,  where  there  is  not  enough  for  all. 
Nov.  23,  1801,  on  disposal  of  certain  prisoners.     1802,  regulations  about  vis 
itors.     April  3,  1802,  elections  and  comisionado's  duties.     July  12th,  same. 
May  10,  1803,  about  a  colonist  absent  without  leave.    May  14th,  work  on  the 
Santa  Clara  road.     Dec.  2d,  punishment  of  a  woman.     Eggs  wanted  for  a 
fiesta.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  16-19;  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  33-45. 


BRANCIFORTE.  157 

that  from  that  point  to  the  rancho  de  Aptos,  and  par 
ticularly  in  the  place  called  Corralitos,  the  lands  un 
questionably  belonged  to  the  mission,  and  the  villa 
had  no  legitimate  claims.  Such  claims  had  it  seems 
been  made,  but  this  is  the  only  indication  of  contro 
versy  between  mission  and  town  during  this  period,92 
though  the  missionaries  always  looked  upon  the  villa's 
existence  as  an  outrage  on  the  rights  of  their  neo 
phytes. 

92  July  5,  1807,  Carranza  and  Quintana  to  Arrillaga.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
ii.  60-1.  Rancho  of  Salsipuedes  used  for  horses  of  the  presidial  company. 
Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  14. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,   AND  LANDS. 
1801-1810. 

SPANISH  POPULATION — STATISTICS — FRIARS— ARRIVALS,  DEPARTURES,  AND 
DEATHS— NEOPHYTES — BAPTISMS  AND  BURIALS — LIVE-STOCK — AGRICULT 
URAL  PRODUCTS — FRANCISCANS  VERSUS  SECULAR  GOVERNMENT — MINOR 
CONTROVERSIES  AND  CONCESSIONS — MISSIONARIES  LOSE  THEIR  WATCHES — 
GUARDIANS  or  SAN  FERNANDO — PROCURADOR  AND  SINDICO — ECCLESIAS 
TICAL  MATTERS — PUEBLOS — SETTLERS — CONVICTS — LAND-GRANTS  AND 
PRIVATE  RANCHOS. 

HAVING  thus  completed  the  chronological  annals  of 
California  for  the  first  ten  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  it  remains  for  me  to  offer  a  general  view  of  the 
country's  different  institutions  with  their  condition  in 
1 810,  a  view  similar  to  that  presented  for  the  preceding 
decade.1  Progress  as  indicated  by  the  increase  of  white 
population  had  been  less  encouraging  under  the  rule 
of  Romeu  and  Arrillaga  than  in  the  time  of  Borica, 
though  the  difference  was  but  slightly  if  at  all  attrib 
utable  to  the  policy  of  these  rulers.  The  total  pop 
ulation  of  gente  de  razon,  taking  the  sum  of  figures 
already  given  for  each  of  the  four  presidial  districts, 
had  been  990  in  1790,  1,800  in  the  year  1800,  and  was 
now  2,130.2 

I  begin  as  before  with  the  missions.  They  num 
bered  eighteen  in  1800  and  were  increased  to  nineteen 
by  the  foundation  of  Santa  Ines.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  decade  there  were  forty  friars,  including  four 

1  See  fli-it.  CaL,  vol.  i.  chap,  xxvii.-xxviii. 

2  According  to  the  report  of  the  contador  general,  Navarro  y  Noriega,  in 
1810  the  population  was  2,052  of  mixed  race,  39  friars  and  18,780  Indians — 
total,  20,871,  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Boletin,  ii.  82;  15,560  is  given  as  the  total  in 
1805.  Id.,  ii.  18. 

(158) 


THE  FRIARS.  159 

supernumeraries.  During  the  ten  years  twenty  re 
tired  to  their  college  on  account  of  ill-health  or  on 
the  completion  of  their  term  of  service.  Ten  died  in 
California,  and  twenty-eight  new  missionaries  came 
from  Mexico;  so  that  there  were  still  thirty-eight  at 
work.  Among  the  deaths  were  five  of  the  six  pio 
neers,  companions  of  Junipero  Serra  who  came  to 
California  before  1784,  surviving  in  1800,  and  the 
venerable  Francisco  Dumetz  alone  was  left  to  see 
fourteen  days  of  the  new  decade.  There  were  living 
two  other  friars  who  came  before  1790,  and  still  other 
twelve  whose  arrival  was  before  1800.3 

The  retiring  friars  included  none  of  any  special 
prominence,  and  none  were  sent  away  for  inefficiency 
or  irregularity  of  conduct;  but  among  the  new-comers 
were  such  prominent  names  as  Arroya  de  la  Cuesta, 
Boscana,  Duran,  Sarria,  and  Zalvidea.* 

3  The  40  serving  in  1800  were:  Abella,  Barcenilla,  Barona,  Calzada,  Car- 
nicer,  Carranza,  Catala,  Ciprds,  Cortes,  Cruzado,  Dumetz,  Estdvan,  Faura, 
Fernandez,  Garcia,  Gonzalez,  Itiirrate,  Jaime,  Landaeta,  Lasuen,  Lopez,  Mar- 
tiarena,  Martin,  Martinez,  Merelo,  Miguel,  Panella,  Payeras,  Peyri,  Pujol, 
Sanchez,  Santa  Maria,  Santiago,  Sefian,  Sitjar,  Tapis,  Uria  (2),  Viader,  and 
Vinals.      The  28  new-comers  were:   Amestoy,   Amor6s,    Arroyo,   Boscana, 
Cabot  (J.),  Cabot  (P.),  Cueva,  Dulanto,  Duran,  'Fortuni,  Gil  y  Taboada, 
Gutierrez,  Ibanez,  Lazaro,  Marquinez,  Muiioz,  Panto,  Quintana,  Rodriguez, 
Saenz,  Saizar,  Sanchez,  Sancho,  Sarria,  Suner,  Ulibarri,  Urresti,  andZalvidea. 
The  ten  who  died  were :  Lasuen,  Ciprds,  Cruzado,  Dulanto,  Landaeta,  Lazaro, 
Pujol,  Sanchez,  Santa  Maria,  Sitjar.     The  20  who  retired  were:  Barcenilla, 
Carnicer,  Carranza,  Cortes,  Cueva,  Estdvan,  Faura,  Fernandez,  Garcia,  Gon 
zalez,  Gutierrez,  Itiirrate,  Lopez,  Martiarena,  Martinez,  Merelo,  Panella,  San 
tiago,  Uria,  Viuals.     The  two  survivors  who  came  before  1790,  were:  Calzada 
and  Sefian.     The  12  who  came  before  1800  were:  Abella,  Barona,  Catala, 
Jaime,  Martin,  Martinez,  Miguel,  Payeras,  Peyri,  Tapis,  Uria,  and  Viader. 

4  In  1801  Jacinto  Lopez  and  Lorenzo  Merelo  sailed  on  the  transports  on 
Oct.  9th.     Antonio  Sanchez  (?)  had  a  license  of  the  viceroy  dated  Aug.  6th, 
but  did  not  use  it.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  12;  xi.  1,  164;  Monterey,  Diario,  MS., 
40,  45.     Ibanez  and  Gil  came  on  the  Conception  in  August.     Mariano  Vargas 
was  named  to  come  with  them,  but  was  prevented  by  illness.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xviii.  85;  xxi.  70;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxii.  3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  11;  xi. 
157.    Pujol  died  this  year.    In  1802  Antonio  Sanchez  (?)  and  Miguel  Gallegos  (?) 
were  to  have  sailed  on  the  Vald6s  and  Horcasitas,  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii. 
39;  but  Estdvan  was  the  only  padre  who  retired  this  year.     In  1803  Lasuen 
and  Francisco  Maria  Sanchez  died,  and  Panella  retired.    License  was  granted 
Sept.  6th,  and  Oct.  30th,  to  Barcenilla  and  Catala.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  14. 
Nov.  30th  the  guardian  wrote  that  of  14  friars  required  only  7  had  offered. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.   166-7.     In  1804,   10  new  padres  came:   Amestoy, 
Amoros,   Pedro  Cabot,  Cueva,  Dulanto,  Gutierrez,  Munoz,  J.  B.  Sanchez, 
Sancho,  and  Urresti.    They  left  Guadalajara  April  23d.    Urresti  was  president 
of  the  party.     Three,  Cueva,  Amestoy,  and  Munoz,  showed  some  insubordi 
nation  on  the  way  and  should  be  watched.  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  xi.  290. 


160  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

During  this  decade  the  missionaries  had  baptized 
22,000,  of  whom  approximately  15,000  were  new  con 
verts  and  7,000  the  children  of  neophytes.5  The  small 
est  number  baptized  in  any  year  was  1,215  in  1809,  and 
the  largest  was  3,941  in  1803 — not  only  the  largest  in 
the  decade  but  in  the  whole  course  of  mission  history. 
Deaths  were  16,000,  of  whom  6,000  were  children  of 
eight  years  and  under.  The  death-rate  was  72  per  cent 
of  baptisms  and  45  per  cent  of  the  original  population 
plus  the  baptisms.  The  smallest  number  of  deaths  was 
1,250  in  1810,  and  the  largest,  nearly  double  the  mor 
tality  of  any  other  year  in  all  the  mission  annals,  was 
3,188  in  1806.  The  total  gain  in  neophyte  popula 
tion  was  from  13,500  to  18,800,  or  5,300,  39  per  cent 
against  80  per  cent  for  the  preceding  decade.  A  dif 
ference  of  700  may  be  attributed  to  runaways.  The 
highest  figure  of  population  was  20,355  in  1805,  from 
which  figure  it  varied  but  very-  slightly  for  the  next 
20  years,  21,066  in  1824  being  the  highest  limit.  There 
were  on  an  average  680  marriages  per  year  solemnized 
among  the  Indians,  showing  an  average  of  not  much 
more  than  one  child  to  a  family. 

Cruzado  died.  Barcenilla,  Martiarena,  Martinez,  and  Vinals  sailed  in  Novem 
ber  or  December.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  63;  ix.  60-1.  Abella,  Carnicer, 
Gonzalez,  Greg.  Fernandez,  Cortes,  Francisco  Uria,  and  Garcia  wished  to  go. 
Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi.  290-1.  In  1805  the  new-comers  were  Juan  Cabot, 
Ldzaro,  Quintana,  Saizar,  and  Zalvidea.  The  departures  were  Fernandez, 
Cortes,  Gonzalez,  F.  J.  Uria,  and  Francisco  Farnecio  (not  a  friar),  who  sailed 
from  San  Diego  Nov.  6th,  on  the  Princesa.  All  had  worked  zealously  and 
completed  thejr  term.  Id.,  xi.  75-6;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  76;  ix.  70.  Uria 
came  back  later.  In  1806  came  Boscana,  Duran,  Fortuni,  and  Saenz,  who 
left  the  college  Feb.  17th.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  150.  Cueva  and  Gutierrez 
sailed  for  Mexico  in  November.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  87;  ix.  94.  J.  A. 
Uria  got  license,  and  the  sailing  of  Abella  is  mentioned,  but  he  did  not  go,  or 
if  so  returned.  Id.,  xii.  89-90.  It  was  in  this  year  also  that  Santa  Maria 
died.  In  1807  Ldzaro  died.  In  1808  came  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  and  Suner; 
while  Carnicer,  Jos6  Garcia,  and  J.  A.  Uria  retired,  sailing  on  the  Conception 
and  Princesa  in  November.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  95;  xii.  69.  Sitjar  and 
Dulanto  died.  In  1809  Sarria,  Ulibarri,  and  Rodriguez  arrived  on  the  Prin- 
c^sa  in  June;  and  Faura  and  Iturrate  retired  in  October.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
115,  117.  In  1810  the  arrivals  were  Marquinez  and  Panto;  the  departures, 
Carranza  and  Santiago;  and  the  deaths  Cipr^s  and  Landaeta. 

5  Not  much  reliance  can  be  put  in  accuracy  of  this  division:  12,000  adults 
were  baptized,  all  of  whom  were  new  converts;  but  of  the  10,000  children, 
from  one  to  eight  years  of  age,  it  •  is  impossible  to  say  what  part  were  the 
children  of  gentile  parents.  Humboldt,  Tobias  estadisticas,  MS. ,  7,  40,  gives 
some  Calif ornian  statistics  down  to  1803. 


LIVE-STOCK  AND  CROPS.  161 

Large  live-stock  increased  from  67,000  head  to 
141,000,  cattle  now  numbering  121,426,  horses  and 
asses  17,444,  and  mules  1,565.  Small  stock,  chiefly 
sheep,  gained  from  86,000  to  157,000.  Agricultural 
products  were  on  an  average  83,800  bushels  per  year, 
or  4,410  for  each  mission;  largest  crop,  112,500  in 
1806;  smallest,  59, 250  in  1809.  Of  the  average  55,230 
bushels  were  wheat;  11,400,  barley;  12,360,  corn; 
1,760,  beans;  and  3, 050, pease  and  various  minor  grains. 
Wheat  yielded  fourteenfold,  and  beans  the  same;  bar 
ley,  fifteenfold;  and  corn,  ninety-twofold.  Supplies 
sold  to  the  presidios  amounted  to  about  $18,000  per 
year.6 

Events  connected  with  mission  history  have  been 
given  in  their  chronological  order,  and  need  not  be 
repeated  here  even  en  resume.  Beyond  the  statistical 
view  presented  there  is  very  little  to  be  said  of  de 
velopment  or  change  in  the  Franciscan  system  or 
establishments.  It  was  not  a  period  of  innovation 
or  controversy,  but  rather  of  quiet  and  gradual  prog 
ress,  inertia,  or  decadence  equally  slight  and  quiet. 
The  old  differences  between  missionary  and  secular 
authorities  were  still  open  for  the  most  part,  but 
their  faint  shadows  on  the  records  show  rather  a  spirit 
of  mutual  concession  that  of  partisan  bitterness.  Thus 
the  friars  performed  chaplain  service  at  the  presidios 
without  recorded  protest,  and  when  the  overworked 
ministers  at  San  Gabriel  attempted  to  avoid  the  duty 
at  Angeles,  the  president  gave  them  no  support.7 
Again  in  the  matter  of  escorts,  Comandante  Carrillo 
with  the  governor's  approval,  not  only  instructed  the 
soldiers  of  every  mission-guard  to  show  respect  and 
give  every  possible  aid  to  the  missionaries,  but  allowed 
them  when  visiting  gentiles  for  religious  purposes,  not 

6  On  mission  statistics  and  progress  much  information,  though  but  a  very 
small  part  of  what  I  have  condensed  in  the  preceding  pages,  is  contained  in. 
Lasucn,  Informcs  Bienales,  MS.,  60-70;  Tapis,  Informes  Bienales,  180,3-10,  MS. 

7  Chapter  i.  this  volume;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  181-96.    This  affair  shows 
a  less  cordial  and  submissive  spirit  on  the  friar's  part  toward  President  Tapis, 
than  had  been  felt  for  Lasuen  and  Serra. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.'  11 


162  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

including  the  recovery  -of  fugitives,  to  have  an  escort 
which  might  even  be  absent  overnight;  and  on  the 
other  hand  the  guardian  counselled  his  friars  to  use 
all  moderation  and  prudence  in  their  intercourse  with 
the  guard,  avoiding  always  harsh  words,  to  which 
some  of  the  more  irascible  had  been  addicted.8 

The  use  of  horses  by  the  Indians  still  increased, 
and  was  noticed,  more  rarely  than  of  old,  in  official 
communications.  The  governor  complained  that  he 
rarely  met  a  friar  without  five  or  six  mounted  neo 
phyte  attendants,  and  his  protest  was  answered  with 
the  old  conundrum:  "How  else  can  the  vaqueros' 
work  of  the  missions  be  done  ?" '  The  old  strictness 
about  license  for  retiring  missionaries  was  much  re 
laxed,  and  from  1806  the  governor  even  delegated  to 
the  comandantes  the  power  to  grant  such  license, 
when  all  conditions  had  been  complied  with  and  sub 
stitutes  were  at  hand.10  Yet  the  show  of  controversy 
was  kept  up  when  occasion  demanded  it,  as  when  in 
1806  the  guardian  strictly  forbade  the  friars  to  give 
:any  information  whatever  respecting  mission  matters 
to  other  than  Franciscan  authorities,  not  even  the 
viceroy  .and  archbishop  being  excepted;  or  when  in 
1810  the  governor  was  wroth  that  the  guardian  had 
authorized  a  friar  to  take  a  judicial  declaration.11  Both 
parties  kept  future  secularization  in  view.  In  1808 
the  viceroy  reminded  the  guardian  how  important  it 
was  that  the  missionaries  should  not  only  attend  to 
the  spiritual  needs  of  the  Indians,  but  should  inspire 
them  with  loyalty  to  the  king,  and  with  a  desire  for 

8  1801,  Carrillo,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  160;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxiii. 
11;  Arrillaga,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  155-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  111-12; 
Carrillo,  Instruction,  1804,  MS.;  Gasol,  Letras  Patentee,  1806,  MS.     1803,  al 
calde  of  San  Jos6  ordered  to  pay  the  padres  for  some  hides  tanned  for  him  by 
the  neophytes  without  the  friars'  knowledge.  S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  96.   At 
San  Antonio  the  corporal  and  one  of  the  men  were  transferred  on  account  of 
trouble  with  the  minister.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  6-8. 

9  1806.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  112. 

10  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  263-5;  xi.  72-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  16,  19;  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  58-9,  63;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  119-20. 

11  Gasol,  Letras  Patentee,  MS.;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.   102.     If  the  padres 
will  not  give  food  to  neophyte  prisoners,  let  them  starve!    S.  Jos6,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  75;  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  82. 


CONTROVERSIES.  163 

civilization,  thus  fitting  them  for  the  duties  of  their 
future  lives  as  citizens.  On  the  other  hand  the  friars 
were  instructed  that  the  books  of  deceased  associates 
if  kept  at  the  missions  must  be  plainly  marked  as  be 
longing  to  the  college  so  that  they  might  be  removed.12 
The  few  troubles  about  lands  and  boundaries  were  not 
productive  of  much  bitterness  except  locally,  and 
their  settlement  shows  no  great  victory  for  either 
side.  The  protest  of  the  friars  was  sufficient  to  keep 
the  rancho  of  La  Brea  from  the  possession  of  Ma 
riano  Castro.  Arrillaga,  on  the  ground  that  he  was 
only  temporary  ruler,  refused  to  disturb  the  occupants 
of  Buenavista.  The  quarrel  at  Mission  San  Jose  was 
due  chiefly  to  the  obstinacy  of  Duran,  and  in  one  case 
at  least  at  Purisima  a  friar  admitted  that  a  rancho  in 
private  hands  had  been  a  blessing  rather  than  a  curse 
to  the  mission. 

Respecting  the  treatment  of  the  neophytes  there 
were  no  serious  charges  or  scandals  during  this  decade; 
and  two  official  documents  did  much  to  remove  a  pop 
ular  feeling  against  the  friars  which  had  resulted,  par 
tially  at  least,  from  the  arbitrary  and  unconciliating 
spirit  of  Serra  and  the  earliest  missionaries.  The 
first  was  Arrillaga's  report  on  mission  management  in 
1804,  in  which  he  stated  as  a  result  of  his  experience 
that  the  Indians  were  not  cruelly  treated,  while  it  was 
absurd  to  suppose  that  so  lazy  a  race  could  be  made 
to  do  too  much  work.  True  there  were  grillos  and 
azotes  and  cepos,  but  such  punishments  were  necessary, 
were  judiciously  administered,  and  were  in  every  way 
better  than  to  crowd  the  prisons  with  petty  offenders 
and  thus  exhaust  the  "gratification  fund."13  The 

12  Nov.  1808,  viceroy  to  guardian.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  xxviii. 
16.  1809,  instruction  of  guardian.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  9,  10. 

>  13  Arrillaga,  Informe  de  Misiones,  1804,  MS.  1809,  Estudillo  says  the 
friars  treat  the  neophytes  as  their  own  children,  correcting  them  with  words, 
and  for  serious  offences  with  from  12  to  25  lashes.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,  xl.  7.  1802,  order  that  new  churches  be  not  begun  without  consent  of 
the  governor,  in  order  to  avoid  overworking  the  Indians.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxiv.  134;  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  v.  67-8;  xii.  148.  In  1805  for  throwing 
a  stone  at  a  padre  an  Indian  by  military  authority  was  imprisoned,  given  25 
lashes  for  9  successive  feast-days,  then  35  or  40  lashes  for  9  successive  Sun- 


164  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

other  document  was  Guardian  Gasol's  instructions  of 
1806,  in  which  he  gave  strict  orders  that  no  more 
than  twenty-five  blows  should  be  given  at  any  one 
time;  no  punishment  inflicted  or  mentioned  in  the 
presence  of  strangers ;  and  no  women  flogged  by  men  or 
in  public;  and  that  five  or  six  hours  in  winter  and  six  or 
seven  hours  in  summer  should  be  the  limit  of  a  day's 
work.14 

Langsdorff  in  his  narrative  has  nothing  but  praise 
for  the  Franciscans;  and  Shaler,  the  only  other  for 
eign  visitor  who  records  his  observations  on  the  sub 
ject,  offers  no  unfavorable  criticism  except  to  say  that 
their  reputation  for  medical  knowledge  was  not  de 
served.  Both  were  pleased  with  the  readiness  of 
the  friars  to  trade,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
from  all  the  evidence  extant  that  they  were  always 
ready  for  barter,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  was 
forbidden  by  the  guardian,  as  well  as  by  the  laws. 
Shaler  says :  "  The  missions  of  California  may  be  con 
sidered  as  so  many  valuable  estates  or  plantations 
belonging  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and  capable,  in  case 
of  a  conquest  of  this  country,  of  furnishing  abundant 
supplies  of  all  kinds."  His  estimate  that  American 
traders  were  leaving  $25,000  annually  on  the  coast,  is 
perhaps  not  an  exaggeration,  including  both  Califor- 
nias,  and  merchandise  as  well  as  money.15  I  find  no 
evidence  that  the  friars  accumulated  any  considerable 
sums  of  money  at  the  missions,  in  this  period  at 
least.16 

days,  a  different  party  of  5  or  6  Indians  being  obliged  to  witness  each  punish 
ment.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  35-6.  1804,  a  padre  recommends  as  an  effective 
method  of  enforcing  discipline,  to  oblige  each  Indian  to  kiss  the  doctrina  be 
fore  going  to  work.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  23.  Fugi 
tives  whipped  and  put  in  irons  as  a  warning.  Langsdorff s  Voyages,  ii.  170-1. 

14  Gasol,  Letras  Patentee,  1806,  MS.,  containing  many  details  of  mission 
routine  and  missionary  duties. 

™  Shaler' s  Journal  of  a  Voy.,  152-4. 

16  1804,  Arrillaga  says  that  there  cannot  be  a  large  amount  of  money  at 
any  mission,  since  all  business  is  transacted  by  means  of  drafts  on  Mexico. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  346-7.  1808,  the  tribunal  de  cuentas  thinks  that 
no  purchase-money  need  be  sent  on  vessels,  since  loans  can  be  had  from  the 
padres,  repayable  by  the  San  Bias  treasury.  Id.,  xix.  240.  1809,  Tapis  pro 
nounces  the  padres,  'pobres  de  solemnidad,' and  the  neophytes,  'pobres  de 
necesidad.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  68-9.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  88-9, 


THE  FRIAR'S'  WATCHES.  165 

The  most  inconvenient  reform  enforced  on  the  mis 
sionaries  during  the  decade  was  that  which  compelled 
them  to  part  with  certain  silver  watches,  acquired  in 
some  not  very  mysterious  but  unrecorded  manner. 
Complaint  came  not  from  laymen,  but  from  the  Fran 
ciscan  superiors  themselves.  The  watches  had  to  be 
sent  to  Guadalajara  and  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Indians.  It  was  not  even  permitted  to  sell  them  to 
naval  or  military  officers  in  California  for  fear  that 
stories  of  missionary  luxury  in  that  province,  incon 
sistent  with  the  vows  of  poverty,  would  become  cur 
rent  in  Mexico  and  Spain,  doing  harm  to  the  order.17 

Lasuen  had  been  succeeded  in  the  presidency  by 
Tapis,  as  elsewhere  recorded.18  Of  the  latter's  admin 
istration  there  is  nothing  to  be  added  here,  except 
that  there  are  several  slight  indications  that  his  rela 
tions  with  the  friars  were  somewhat  less  cordial  than 
those  of  his  predecessors.  So  simple  was  the  Fran 
ciscan  administrative  machinery  that  in  California 
there  was  no  other  provincial  mission  authority  than 
that  of  the  president,  who  was  responsible  only  to  the 
guardian  of  San  Fernando.  The  guardianship  was 
held  during  this  decade  by  Josd  Gasol  in  1800-3, 
1806-9;  Tomas  Pangua  in  1803-6;  and  Agustin 
Garijo  from  1809.  The  election  was  in  July  of  every 
third  year.19  Another  prominent  official  of  the  college 
was  the  procurador  of  the  California  missions,  whose 

thinks  the  padres  sent  large  sums  of  money  out  of  the  country  before  1824 — 
that  is,  large  amounts  came  in  and  disappeared,  and  the  friars  alone  had  the 
handling  of  them. 

17  Gasol,  Letras Patentes,  MS.,  1806,  in  which  document  the  friars  are  also 
instructed  to  avoid  suspicion  by  employing  none  but  male  servants.  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  xi.   151;  xii.  371.     Meetings  of  several  friars  each  year  at  stated- 
places  for  religious  service  and  mutual  confession  and  instruction  were  ordered 
by  guardian  and  president  in  1807.  Id.,  xi.  155-6.     A  papal  letter  of  1797, 
approved  by  the  king  in  1804,  was  circulated  in  California  in  1805  or  1806. 
It  contains  28  articles  on  missionary  service,  and  especially  their  connection 
with  the  college,  with  rewards  and  honors  as  well  as  penalties.  Pio  VI.,  Breve 
Apostdlico  en  que  se  les  conceden  varias  gracias  d  los  Misioneros,  1797,  MS. 

18  See  chap.  iii.  of  this  volume.     On  the  duties  and  powers  of  the  president, 
see  Gasol,  Letras  Patentes,  MS.,  of  1806,  and  the  instructions  of  the  Franciscan 
comisario  general  of  1810.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  51-7. 

19 Arch.  Sta  J3.,  MS.,  xi.  153,  288,  294,  296,  299;  xii.  105;  Arch.  Obifpado, 
MS.,  10;  S.  Jose  Patentes,  MS.,  19,  33,  36. 


166  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

duty  it  was  to  invest  in  supplies  for  those  missions, 
in  accordance  with  orders  from  the  missionaries  in 
charge  of  each,  the  yearly  stipends  and  the  amounts 
of  draft  on  Mexico  obtained  by  the  friars  in  return  for 
presidio  supplies.  The  procurador's  accounts,  except 
for  a  few  missions  and  a  few  scattered  years,  are  not 
extant.  His  position  bore  a  general  resemblance  to 
that  of  the  habilitado  general.  It  was  usually  filled 
by  a  friar  who  had  served  in  California,  and  the  mis 
sionaries  were  always  consulted  about  his  appoint 
ment.  Tonicis  de  la  Pena  held  the  office  apparently 
until  1806;  Jose  Vifials  from  1806  to  1809,  and  Jose 
Guilez  from  1809.20  There  was  also  a  sindico,  or  gen 
eral  agent  of  the  missionaries,  at  San  Bias,  who  at 
tended  to  the  reception  and  forwarding,  the  purchase 
and  sale  of  effects  ordered,  or  produce  shipped  by  the 
missions.  Miguel  Gonzalez  Calderon  held  this  office 
until  1802,  his  brother  Tonga's  perhaps  until  1806, 
Ramon  Moreysa  appointed,  but  perhaps  not  serving, 
in  1806,  Estevan  Lascano  in  1806-7,  and  Eustaquio 
de  la  Cuesta  from  1807.  Lazcano  appears  to  have 
died  a  defaulter,  or  at  least  deeply  in  debt,  and  the 
missionaries,  or  rather  the  missions,  were  called  upon 
to  contribute  according  to  the  age  of  the  respective 
establishments  to  pay  the  deficit  and  maintain  the 
financial  integrity  of  the  order.21 

Ecclesiastical  matters  cannot  be  separated  from  the 
general  subject  of  missions,  since  there  was  as  yet  no 
secular  clergy  in  the  province.  California  still  formed 
part  of  the  diocese  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  and  as 
vicar  of  Bishop  Rousset  de  Jesus,  the  president  held 
and  delegated  to  his  friars  such  ecclesiastical  powers, 
and  performed  such  church  duties  for  the  gente  de 

20Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  16;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  153-4,  298;  xii.  308, 
371;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  1;  S.  Jost,  Patentee,  MS.,  18,  34. 

nArch.  Obispado,  MS.,  7,  8;  Arch.  Sta  #.,  MS.,  xi.  157-8,  being  a  cir 
cular  of  President  Tapis  dated  Santa  Ines,  June  30,  1808.  June  23,  1807,  the 
guardian  writes  that  Cuesta  would  not  take  the  office  unless  he  could  have  all 
the  mission  business  to  transact  for  a  commission,  and  this  had  been  promised. 
S.  Jos6,  Patents,  MS.,  17-19.  June  1809,  Antonio  Valiejo appointed  'oficial' 
of  the  California  pious  fund.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xix.  525. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS.  167 

razon  as  the  interests  of  the  province  demanded. 
Relations  between  bishop  and  vicar  were  interrupted 
by  no  quarrels;  though  in  1801  the  latter  was  some 
what  alarmed  at  rumors  of  an  approaching  episcopal 
visita  to  his  missions;  and  again  in  1807  a  demand  of 
the  bishop  for  payment  for  holy  oil  caused  a  slight 
and  easily  calmed  ripple  of  controversy.22  Strict  com 
pliance  by  all  soldiers  and  settlers  with  their  yearly 
religious  duties  of  confession  and  communion  at  easter 
was  enforced.  The  archives  abound  in  certificates  by 
friars  that  the  citizens  of  a  certain  place  have  "cum- 
plido  con  la  iglesia;"  and  occasionally  there  is  recorded 
an  instance  of  some  ne'er  do  well  who  was  punished 
for  non-compliance.  Yet  it  was  possible  in  the  Cali 
fornia  of  these  days  to  be  too  devout;  since  Arrillaga 
was  obliged  to  prevent  a  soldier  on  one  occasion  from 
devoting  all  his  property  to  masses  for  the  good  of 
his  own  soul,  certain  portions  being  reserved  by  royal 
order  for  the  relatives.23  Meanwhile  both  soldiers 
and  Indians  accused  of  petty  offences,  often  took 
refuge  in  church,  from  which  they  could  be  taken  only 
by  compliance  with  certain  formalities  on  the  part  of 
the  authorities,  and  thus  many  a  flogging  was  avoided 
by  the  Indians,  since  no  castigo  de  sangre  could  be 
administered  to  a  person  who  held  a  papel  de  iglesia. 
The  friars  obtained  some  money  in  the  shape  of  alms 
and  fees  for  burial  and  other  services;  and  the  king 
by  the  sale  of  papal  indulgences  brought  back  into  the 
treasury  some  $450  of  the  amounts  expended  for  the 
church  in  California.24  I  find  only  a  single  instance 

22  See  chap.  i.  and  v.  this  volume.  June  1,  1802,  Francisco  Rousset  de. 
Jesus  signs  himself  Bishop  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Californias.  Autograph 
signature  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  36. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  48,  165;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxiii.  1,  14;  xxxiv. 
20;  xxxvii.  18;  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  40,  77.  Arrest  of  Ignacio 
Acedo  for  non-compliance  at  Branciforte.  Arch.  Sta  Cruz,  MS.,  15.  Domingo 
Aruz  not  allowed  to  leave  all  his  property  for  masses.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
119.  1808,  man  tried  for  blasphemy  at  Santa  Barbara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil. ,  MS. ,  xxxviii.  1-3.  1810,  corporal  reprimanded  for  permitting  three  men 
to  enter  a  church  with  handkerchiefs  on  their  heads.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  i.  91. 

24  The  bula-s  most  called  for  in  California  were  the  cheaper  classes  of  those 
used  for  the  souls  of  the  dead  and  dying,  and  indulgences  for  eating  meat  on 


1G8  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

of  an  edict  of  the  inquisition  being  published  here  by 
President  Tapis.  It  was  affixed  to  the  church  doors 
and  involved  the  extirpation  of  all  that  was  opposed 
to  faith,  king,  or  the  holy  tribunal/ 


25 


The  annals  of  each  of  the  three  pueblos,  as  of  each 
mission,  have  been  given  separately.  Los  Angeles 
alone  had  gained  slightly  in  population,  but  in  the 
aggregate  there  was  a  decrease  from  550  to  535  set2- 
tiers  including  many  invalids  from  the  presidial  com 
panies.  Horses  and  cattle  decreased  from  19,700  to 
12,500.  In  sheep  there  was  but  slight  if  any  gain. 
Crops  in  1810  as  in  1800  amounted  to  about  9,900 
bushels,  figures  for  intermediate  years  being  for  the 
most  part  lacking.  The  lack  of  prosperity  in  the 
pueblos  was  generally  admitted  and  regretted  in  offi 
cial  reports,  but  projects  for  stimulating  their  progress 
were  devised  and  discussed  with  much  less  frequency 
and  enthusiasm  than  in  Borica's  time.26 

No  settlers  proper  came  during  these  ten  years,  the 
increase  of  population,  more  than  equalled  by  deaths 
and  enlistments,  arising  solely  from  births  and  the 
retirement  of  soldiers.  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
in  a  few  instances  women  were  brought  to  the  prov 
ince  by  aid  of  the  government,  some  being  wives  of  set- 
prohibited  days,  sold  generally  at  from  25  to  40  cents  each .  See  estimates 
of  bulas  needed  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  63,  99;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
231.  The  Indians  were  allowed  to  eat  meat  on  the  same  days  as  others  who 
had  the  necessary  bulas,  by  reciting  on  those  days  like  the  others.  Bishop  to 
president,  1804.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  v.  122-6.  The  military  engaged  in  expe 
ditions  were  exempt  from  all  fasting  and  abstinence  from  flesh.  At  other 
times  they  also  enjoyed  some  privileges,  shared  by  family  and  servants. 
Flesh  and  fish  might  not  be  mixed  under  any  indulgences.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  14.  1809,  permission  for  laboring  classes  to  eat  meat  for  9 
years,  except  15  days  each  year,  for  which  a  bula  was  required.  S.  Jose, 
Patentes,  MS.,  37-42.  The  whole  subject  as  illustrated  by  the  California 
records  is  very  confusing.  Aug.  31,  1805,  Viader's  receipt  for  $12,  alms  for 
interring  one  Gonzalez.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  83.  June  23,  1804,  royal 
order  that  chaplains  can  receive  no  offering  for  burial  of  soldiers  beyond  fees 
allowed  in  the  district.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  384.  1805,  padres  refused 
burial  to  a  neophyte  woman  who  hanged  herself.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  42. 
Pio  Pico  speaks  of  having  often  served  for  the  padres  as  acolyte  when  a  boy. 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  11. 

25 1804.    Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  100-1. 

^  In  1806  Arrillaga  informs  the  viceroy  that  if  it  were  not  for  the  invalids 
the  pueblos  would  amount  to  nothing.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  81. 


COLONISTS  AND  CONVICTS.  169 

tiers  already  there.27  The  colony  of  foundlings  brought 
from  Mexico  at  the  end  of  the  last  decade  had  pros 
pered.  In  1806  Arrillaga  reported  that  none  of  the 
twenty  had  died;  the  boys  were  growing  up  to  be 
robust  men,  and  of  the  ten  girls  all  but  two,  yet  of 
tender  years,  had  married.  Yet  the  governor  was  far 
from  being  enthusiastic  respecting  the  advisability  of 
sending  more  foundlings,  or  colonists  of  any  other 
class.  He  could  not  see  that  California  possessed  any 
marked  advantages  over  the  other  provinces,  nor  did 
he  look  forward  to  increased  immigration  or  pros 
perity.28  One  of  the  unmarried  girls  was  Apolinaria 
Lorenzana,  named  for  the  archbishop  founder  of  the 
foundling  asylum  as  were  all  the  ninas  expositas,  who 
was  still  living  in  1880  at  Santa  Barbara,29  where  she 
was  known  as  La  Beata.  A  few  convicts  were  sent 
to  the  province  in  the  early  years  of  the  decade;  but 
the  governor  and  commandants,  being  questioned  by 
the  viceroy,  protested  zealously  against  the  practice  as 
ruinous  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  and  their 
protests  seein  to  have  had  some  temporary  effect.30 

27  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  214;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  89.    The  governor 
says  the  absent  wives  must  clearly  understand  that  once  in  the  country  they 
cannot  leave  it. 

28  July  15,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  86-7.    Supplies 
for  the  foundlings  from  1801  to  1806,  $810.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xxxiii.    10;  xxxi.   13.     In  the  bill  for  supplies  to  the  girl  foundlings  the 
governor  disapproved  of  the  item  for  cigars !  and  also  for  some  labor  by  Ind 
ian  servants.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  18,  19.     Carrillo  in  1801  was  troubled 
because  one  of  the  girls  refused  an  offer  of  marriage,  or  rather  the  matron  in 
charge  refused  for  her.  Monterey,  Diario,  MS.,  35. 

™ Lorenzana,  Memorias  de  la  Beata,  MS.  The  old  lady,  then  entirely 
blind,  dictated  her  recollections  of  California  history  for  my  use,  having  very 
clear  ideas  of  persons  and  events  in  the  old  times.  'On  our  arrival,'  she  says, 
'El  gobierno  reparti<5  los  ninos  como  perritos  entre  varias  familias.'  Her 
mother  came  with  her,  but  soon  married  an  artilleryman  and  went  to  San 
Bias,  so  that  Apolinaria  never  saw  her  again.  The  girl  was  placed  in  the' 
Carrillo  family,  with  which  she  spent  many  years  at  Monterey,  Santa  Bar 
bara,  and  San  Diego;  then  she  lived  long  at  San  Diego  and  other  missions 
engaged  in  caring  for  the  padres,  tending  the  sick,  and  teaching  children. 
She  soon  gained  the  name  of  La  Beata  and  has  ever  commanded  the  highest 
respect  of  those  who  knew  her. 

30  Feb.  1,  1801,  Carrillo  protests  against  the  sending  of  any  more  idle,  use 
less,  tradeless,  immoral  people.  They  do  no  good  and  set  a  bad  example. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  56-7.  April  30th,  Arrillaga  complains  to  viceroy 
of  the  uselessness,  vices,  and  insolence  of  the  settlers,  and  urges  that  no  more 
be  sent.  Some  of  the  foundlings  even  have  been  stealing.  Id.,  xxi.  67-8. 
Aug.  22d,  viceroy  asks  the  Gov.  to  report  on  the  'utilidad  6  no'  of  sending  con- 


170  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

Iii  the  matter  of  land-grants  and  private  ranches 
the  records  of  this  decade  reveal  no  change  in  system 
or  methods,  and  throw  but  a  faint  light  on  the  lands 
actually  occupied  in  California.  There  is  no  positive 
evidence  that  any  lands  were  yet  held  by  private  in 
dividuals  under  any  more  permament  and  proprietary 
titles  than  the  provisional  licenses  to  occupy  already 
explained  as  having  begun  in  the  time  of  Fages,  and 
continued  under  his  successors.31  In  the  extreme  south 
there  were,  so  far  as  can  be  known,  absolutely  no  lands 
in  private  possession  within  the  presidial  jurisdiction 
of  San  Diego.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  extreme 
north,  the  region  round  San  Francisco.32  At  San  Jose' 
at  least  one  of  the  provisional  grants  was  made  to 
Jose  Maria  Larios,  who  built  a  house  on  his  rancho, 
and  subsequently  sold  the  whole  estate  to  the  mission 
of  San  Jose,  a  sale  which  was  declared  null  and  void 
by  Arrillaga,  who  reprimanded  Larios  for  having 
acted  with  bad  faith  in  attempting  to  sell  an  estate  of 
which  he  possessed  only  the  usufruct,  thereby  excit 
ing  a  controversy  between  mission  and  pueblo.33 

Of  the  six  ranchos  granted  to  private  individuals  in 
the  Monterey  region,34  only  one,  that  of  Buenavista, 

victs.  Id.,  xviii.  155.  Nov.  2d,  V.  R.  announces  the  sending  of  the  homicide 
Manuel  Kamirez  with  his  family,  and  asks  if  there  are  any  inconvenientes. 
Ilamirez  had  been  sentenced  to  six  years  of  presidio  at  Habana,  but  the  sen 
tence  was  changed  to  Monterey  at  the  petition  of  his  wife.  Id.,  xviii.  130-1. 
Nov.  3d,  Arrillaga  asks  Carrillo's  views.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxii.  4.  Dec.  28th, 
Carrillo  replies  by  condemning  the  practice  in  severe  terms.  He  says  that 
many  of  the  convicts  continue  their  evil  ways  and  boast  of  past  achievements. 
Dec.  31st,  Argiiello  to  same  effect,  comparing  the  introduction  of  convicts  to 
building  on  the  sand  or  feeding  babes  with  infected  milk.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  57-60.  Jan.  1,  1802,  Alberni  expresses  same  views.  Id.,  xviii. 
210.  Feb.  27th,  arrival  of  2  convicts.  Id.,  xviii.  190.  Jan.  20,  1803,  5  con 
victs  now  at  San  Francisco.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxi.  3.  Feb.  3d,  list  of  16  con 
victs  in  the  Monterey  jurisdiction,  of  whom  8,  the  'least  bad,'  at  Branciforte; 
5  at  San  Jose";  2  at  the  preside;  and  1  at  the  rancho  of  Buenavista.  Id., 
xxxi.  1,  2. 

31  See  Hist.  Cal.,  vol.  i.  chap,  xxviii.,  this  series. 

32  There  is  however  some  vague  evidence  that  Argiiello  had  a  license  to 
occupy  Las  Pulgas  or  El  Pilar,  near  San  Francisco,  before  1800. 

33  Aug.  16,  1803,  Arrillaga  to  Guerra.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon,  MS., 
i.  38-40.     Aug.  19th,  Arrillaga  to  padres  of  S.  Jos<5.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  19. 
It  does  not  clearly  appear  whether  this  land  was  within  the  four-league  limit 
of  the  pueblo;  but  such  was  perhaps  the  case,  as  the  governor  in  his  letter  to 
the  padres  speaks  of  the  land,  La  Calera,  as  belonging  to  San  Jose*. 

34  See  chap.  xxxi.  of  vol.  i. 


PRIVATE  RAXCHOS.  171 

is  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  this  decade.  The  mis 
sionaries  of  San  Carlos  made  up  their  minds  that  the 
mission  was  in  need  of  the  lands,  and  were  indignant 
because  Arrillaga  declined  to  eject  the  occupants  in 
1803.35  I  suppose  that  some  if  not  all  of  the  other 
five  ranches  were  abandoned  before  1810.  There  were, 
however,  negotiations  respecting  the  granting  of  two 
other  ranchos  in  this  district.  Mariano  Castro  came 
back  from  a  visit  to  Mexico  in  1803  with  a  viceregal 
license  to  occupy  La  Brea,  in  the  region  of  San  Juan 
Bautista.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  plan  to  form  a 
kind  of  settlement  at  La  Brea,  six  persons  having 
agreed  as  early  as  1801  to  settle  there.36  The  friars 
protested  against  the  grant,  refused  to  remove  their 
cattle,  and  so  successfully  urged  their  claims  that 
before  the  end  of  the  decade  Castr6  had  to  give  up 
for  years  all  hope  of  possessing  La  Brea.37  It  became 
necessary  to  find  another  desirable  site,  and  accord 
ingly  in  May  1807  Castro  asked  for  the  rancho  of 
Salsipuedes,  near  the  place  since  known  as  Watson- 
ville,  which  had  hitherto  been  used  by  the  government 
for  the  pasturage  of  the  presidio  horses.  Of  the  re 
sult  of  this  application  we  know  nothing  beyond  the 
fact  that  in  July  Commandant  Estudillo  made  in 
quiries  with  a  view  to  learn  if  the  concession  would 
be  in  any  way  detrimental  to  Branciforte,  and  that 
the  friars  of  Santa  Cruz  had  something  to  say  in 
defence  of  the  mission  claim  to  the  property  in  ques 
tion.38 

Within  the  Santa  Barbara  district  and  in  the  region 

s*Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  9-12;  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  vi.  16, 17. 

36  Sept.  27, 1801,  list  of  the  names  forwarded  to  commandant  of  Monterey. 
They  were  Jos6  Rodriguez,  Juan  Maria  Ruiz,  Dolores  Mesa,  Joaquin  Castro, 
Antonio  Buelna,  and  Pablo  (Botero).  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i. 
14,  15. 

37 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  385-6;  Prov.  Re.c.,  MS.,  ix.  119;  xi.  185; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  9-11;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  134-5. 

38  July  9,  1807,  Estudillo  to  comisionado  of  Branciforte.  Santa  Cruz,  Arch., 
MS.,  14;  Santa  Cruz,  Peep,  41.  July  5th,  Carranza  and  Quintana  to  gov 
ernor,  arguing  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Branciforte  never  extended  to  Rancho 
de  Bravo,  Rio  Soquel,  Aptos,  or  Corralitos  (including  Salsipuedes.)  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  61. 


172  MISSIONS,  PUEBLOS,  AND  LANDS. 

round  Los  Angeles  all  the  ranches  of  the  last  decade39 
were  still  occupied;  and  there  also  existed  the  Ranch o 
de  Felix,  of  which  there  is  but  a  bare  mention;  Las 
Virgenes,  granted  by  Arrillaga  to  Miguel  Ortega ;  El 
Conejo,  granted  in  1803  to  Polanco  and  Rodriguez; 
Santiago  de  Santa  Ana  granted  in  1809  to  Yorba  and 
Peralta;  and  a  rancho  near  Purisima,  not  named  but 
granted  to  Reyes,  perhaps  in  place  of  Encino  taken 
from  him  by  the  missionaries  of  San  Fernando,  and 
purchased  of  him  by  the  mission  before  1810.  That 
the  Ortegas  were  now  in  possession  of  El  Refugio 
there  is  not  much  room  to  doubt,  though  I  find  no 
direct  testimony  to  that  effect  in  the  archives.  Mean 
while  at  least  two  applications  for  ranchos  were  re 
fused;  for  San  Vicente  desired  by  many  persons,  and 
Camulos  near  San  Buenaventura,  where  Francisco 
Avila  wished  to  settle.  In  protesting  against  the 
latter  grant  the  friars  expressed  very  freely  their  ideas 
respecting  rancheros  in  general.  Their  presence  was 
detrimental  to  the  success  of  missionary  effort;  they  led 
an  idle,  vagabond  life,  often  left  their  farms  and  wives 
in  charge  of  gentiles,  and  set  a  bad  example,  rarely 
coming  to  hear  mass  or  missing  a  fandango.  The 
Indians  found  it  hard  to  understand  why  they  should 
be  flogged  for  not  attending  religious  services  neglected 
with  impunity  by  the  Spaniards;  therefore  Indians 
who  were  brought  up  among  Christians  were  always 
hardest  to  convert.  The  rancheros,  the  friars  claimed, 
did  not  accumulate  property,  nor  add  in  any  respect 
to  the  prosperity  of  the  country.40 

Respecting  the  granting  of  the  pueblo  lots  there  is, 
and  naturally  in  view  of  the  decrease  in  the  aggregate 
number  of  settlers,  little  or  nothing  in  the  records  of 
this  period.  There  was,  however,  an  order  that 
regular  settlers  were  to  have  the  preference  over  in- 

39  See  Hist.  Cal. ,  vol.  i.  chap.  xxx. ,  and  vol.  ii.  chap.  vi. ,  this  series.     The 
ranchos  were:    San  Rafael,  Verdugo;  Los  Nietos,  Nieto;  San  Pedro,  Domin- 
guez;  Portezuelo,  Verdugo;  Simi,  Pico;   and  possibly  El  Refugio,  Ortega. 

40  May  4,  1804,  padres  of  San  Buenaventura  to  governor.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  ii.  37-9. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  LANDS.  173 

valids  in  the  distribution  of  lands  whenever  both 
classes  could  not  be  satisfied,  since  the  latter  had  their 
pensions  on  which  to  live.41  There  is  also  an  order 
forbidding  commandants  of  presidios  to  own  ranchos 
for  the  raising  of  live-stock.  Only  a  few  milch  cows 
and  sheep  were  permitted.42 

41  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  18-19.     Nov.  14,  1808,  Estudillo  claims  that  the 
presidio  mule-train  is  entitled  to  pasturage  on  the  pueblo  lands  for  short 
periods,  and  blames  the  comisionado  because  this  has  been  refused.  S.  Jos6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  82. 

42  May  28,  1808,  Arrillaga  to  Com.  of  San  Diego.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  xii.  64. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 
1801-1810. 

THE  LABOR  QUESTION — GENTILES  OR  NEOPHYTES — MANUFACTURES — OR 
TEGA'S  SILVER-MINE — AGRICULTURE — CROPS — PESTS — SEASONS — REGU 
LATIONS — HEMP  AND  FLAX — JOAQUIN  SANCHEZ — LARGE  SHIPMENTS  OF 
FIBRE— A  FLOURISHING  ENTERPRISE  AND  SUDDEN  FAILURE — STOCK- 
RAISING — CATTLE,  HORSES,  AND  SHEEP — SLAUGHTER  OF  HORSES — 
COMMERCE — SMUGGLING — TRADE  OF  THE  TRANSPORTS — FINANCE  AND 
SUPPLIES — HABILITADO  GENERAL — MILITARY — POLITICAL  GOVERNMENT 
— ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE — SCHOOLS  WANTED. 

IN  noticing  miscellaneous  institutions  and  progress 
from  1801  to  1810,  I  follow  the  same  order  as  in  a  pre 
vious  presentment  of  the  subject.  The  labor  question 
presented  no  new  phases ;  in  fact  it  lacked  some  of  its 
old  ones,  particularly  the  ambition  to  effect  reforms 
which  characterized  Borica's  rule.  During  the  early 
years  of  the  decade  two  at  least  of  the  artisan  instruc 
tors,  Botello  the  tailor  and  Mendoza  the  weaver, 
were  yet  in  California  drawing  their  salary  and  making 
some  efforts  to  teach  their  trades  to  boys  at  Monterey, 
who  like  the  convicts  on  whom  the  same  experiment 
was  tried,  displayed  no  ambition  to  excel  in  mechan 
ical  industries.  Arrillaga  advised  that  no  more  arti 
sans  should  be  sent  from  Mexico;  Carrillo  on  the 
contrary  thought  it  might  be  well  to  send  instructors, 
provided  that  children  could  be  sent  with  them  to 
receive  instruction,  since  California  boys  cared  for 
nothing  but  riding  and  a  military  life.  Armorers  and 
carpenters  for  the  presidios  were  occasionally  asked 
for,  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  any  were  obtained. 

(174) 


MANUFACTURES.  175 

Wages  were  not  extravagantly  high.  The  man  who 
took  care  of  the  Monterey  chapel  was  awarded  by  the 
comandante  a  salary  of  two  dollars  a  month;  but  so 
lavish  an  expenditure  of  the  public  funds  was  disap 
proved  by  Arrillaga,  who  reduced  it  to  "a  slight  allow 
ance  now  and  then."  Gentiles  still  worked  for  washes 

O 

at  pueblos  and  presidios,  but  they  were  becoming  every 
year  more  difficult  to  obtain,  and  neophytes  were 
employed  whenever  an  agreement  could  be  made  with 
the  friars  who  received  the  wage.  The  only  contro 
versy  recorded  was  that  caused  by  the  retirement  of 
a  hundred  laborers  at  Los  Angeles  in  1810  to  their 
mission  of  San  Juan  Capistrano.  President  Tapis 
declined  to  order  their  return,  but  he  promised  not  to 
oppose  a  regular  repartirniento  of  neophyte  laborers 
for  hemp-culture,  should  the  governor  take  the  respon 
sibility  of  ordering  such  action.1 

Manufacturing  industry  was  confined  to  the  missions 
where  the  neophytes  under  the  ministers'  superintend 
ence  continued  to  work  up  the  wool  shorn  from  their 
large  flocks  into  blankets  and  coarse  fabrics  which 
sufficed  for  their  own  clothing.  They  also  made  soap, 
tanned  various  skins  and  hides,  made  shoes  and  sad 
dles,  and  did  the  rude  carpenter's,  cabinet-maker's,  and 
blacksmith's  work  needed  at  the  missions.  The  mis 
sions  monopolized  the  manufacture  of  such  articles  as 
could  be  sold  at  the  presidios,  and  would  necessarily 
have  done  so,  even  had  the  settlers  or  any  other  class 
had  the  enterprise  to  engage  in  industrial  operations, 
as  it  was  manifestly  impossible  to  compete  with  abso 
lutely  costless  labor  in  so  limited  a  market  requiring 
only  the  coarsest  articles.  There  were  no  attempts  to 
introduce  new  branches  of  manufactures  or  modify  the 
old  ones,  and  there  are  absolutely  no  statistics  or  details 
respecting  the  products  of  the  mission  work-shops.2 

lProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  51-4,  173,  191;  xix.  217;  xxi.  63-5;  Id.,  Bm. 
MIL,  xxxvii.  42;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  62,  119;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  24; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  76-80. 

2  Governor  to  viceroy,  July  15,  1806,  on  condition  of  manufacturing  indus 
tries.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  86-9.  Brief  mention  of  industries.  Prov.  S(.  Pap., 


176  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

The  decade  had  its  mining  excitement,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  local  annals  of  Monterey,  but  it  was  rather 
a  mild  one.  Ignacio  Ortega  found  a  vein  of  ore  in 
the  foothills  of  the  Monterey,  now  Salinas,  Valley, 
which  being  assayed  yielded  richly  in  lead  and  silver. 
The  mine  was  worked  by  Ortega  subsequently  at 
several  different  times,  but  with  results  not  know^n. 
This  I  learn  from  the  mission  report  of  1822,  which 
describes  Ortega's  silver-mine  as  being  one  league  from 
San  Juan  Bautista.  In  the  record  of  its  discovery  it 
was  located  in  the  foothills  north-west  of  the  rancho 
del  rey.  Robinson,  followed  probably  by  Ross  Browne 
and  Tuthill,  mentions  the  excavation  as  existing  on  or 
near  the  Alisal  rancho.  Notwithstanding  this  dis 
covery  Arrillaga  in  his  report  of  1806  stated  that 
there  were  no  indications  of  metal  near  the  coast  nor 
in  the  interior  so  far  as  explored.3 

Agricultural  statistics  are  extant  with  an  approxima 
tion  to  completeness  and  accuracy  only  in  the  case  of 
the  missions,4  but  if  we  add  the  average  harvest  of  the 
pueblos  to  that  of  the  missions  we  have  a  total  grain 
product  averaging  about  93,600  bushels  per  year.  1807 
and  1809  were  years  of  drought  and  correspondingly 
short  crops ;  but  the  statistics  of  production  show  that 

Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxvii.  40;  Langsdrnfa  Voy.,  ii.  160-1,  169,  187-8.  Langs- 
dorff  notes  particularly  the  absence  of  mills  and  boats.  There  was,  however, 
one  boat  in  the  province,  at  San  Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xviii.  366.  In 
Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  7,  it  is  stated  that  a  saw-mill  was  built  at  an  early  period 
near  the  grist-mill  at  San  Gabriel,  but  no  date  is  given.  In  a  note  to  a  docu 
ment  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  2,  3,  Vicente  Gomez  notes  a  Calif ornian 
industry  which  probably  dated  back  to  this  period  or  even  earlier,  that  of 
remelting  the  panocha,  or  coarse  brown  sugar,  received  with  the  memorias, 
by  which  the  government  improved  the  quality  of  the  staple,  and  also  made  a 
handsome  profit. 

3  Monterey,  Diario,  MS.,  58;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  42-3. 
The  ore  was  discovered  in  1800  and  on  being  subjected  to  fire  yielded  plomo 
emplatado,  or  lead  mixed  with  silver.     An  assay  was  made  as  soon  as  a  com 
petent  man  arrived,  and  yielded  with  imperfect  apparatus  six  oz.  of  fine  silver. 
Jose"  Maria  Ortega  was  summoned  from  Santa  Barbara  and  steps  were  taken 
for  a  larger  assay  with  results  not  recorded.     See  also  mission  report  1822,  in 
Arch.   Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  303;  Governor's  report  of  July  1806  in  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  90;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal,  190;  TutlulVs  Hist.  CaL,  231;  Browne's 
Min.  Resources,  1867,  13. 

4  See  chap,  viii.,  this  volume. 


AGRICULTURE.  177 

in  no  year  of  the  decade  was  the  failure  of  crops  very 
disastrous,  as  the  smallest  yield,  in  1809,  was  more  than 
half  that  of  1806,  the  largest.  Local  failures  of  par 
ticular  crops  occurred  sometimes,  but  not  often,  by 
reason  of  trouble  about  the  irrigating  facilities.  The 
clidhuistle,  a  name  which  seems  to  have  been  popularly 
applied  to  almost  any  grain  disease  whether  blight 
or  rust,  caused  by  fogs  or  other  irregularity  of  the 
weather,  or  by  the  action  of  worms  at  the  root  of  the 
grain,  is  occasionally  reported,  as  are  the  ravages  of 
the  chapulin,  or  locust,  and  of  the  ardillas,  or  ground- 
squirrels;  but  all  these  complaints  were  for  the  most 
part  local,  and  none  of  the  pests  of  farming  had  as  yet 
become  wide-spread  or  very  destructive.  Weather 
reports  were  sent  in  by  the  commandant  with  toler 
able  regularity,  but  no  such  thing  as  a  rain-gauge  was 
known,  and  these  reports  are  so  vaguely  worded  as  to 
convey  no  definite  idea  of  the  successive  seasons  which 
could  be  utilized  in  the  generalizations  of  modern  sci 
ence.  There  came  also  from  the  provincial  author 
ities  now  and  then  a  communication  urging  closer 
attention  to  agricultural  operations,  or  requiring  own 
ers  to  look  out  for  their  cattle,  since  no  claim  for 
damages  could  be  sustained  against  a  farmer  who 
killed  another's  live-stock  in  his  fields. 

Respecting  special  agricultural  products  it  appears 
only  that  the  raising  of  cotton  was  attempted  unsuc 
cessfully  at  San  Gabriel  in  1808 ;  and  that  the  olives  of 
the  missions  orchards  were  utilized  in  the  manufacture 
of  oil  at  San  Diego  and  some  other  establishments 
between  1801  and  1808.5  Hemp-culture,  however, 
continued  to  receive  attention  from  the  government, 
It  gave  rise  to  voluminous  records  and  merits  more 
than  passing  notice  here,  as  it  was  an  industry  which, 
until  interrupted  by  circumstances  over  which  the 
Californians  had  no  control,  bade  fair  to  be  of  substan 
tial  and  permanent  benefit  to  the  province.  Encour- 

*Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  281;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  70,  84. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    12 


178  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

aged  by  experience,6  the  authorities  in  Mexico  sent 
Joaquin  Sanchez,  sergeant  of  marines  and  an  expert 
in  the  cultivation  and  preparation  of  hemp  and  flax, 
to  superintend  this  industry  and  give  instruction, 
for  which  service  he  was  to  receive  fifteen  dollars  a 
month  in  addition  to  his  sergeant's  pay.  He  arrived 
on  the  Conception  in  the  middle  of  1801,  bringing 
with  him  the  necessary  tools,  and  soon  proceeded  to 
San  Jose,  the  only  place  where  hemp  had  as  yet  been 
planted.7 

During  1802  and  1803  we  know  but  little  of  the 
progress  made,  except  that  in  the  transports  of  the 
latter  year  381  pounds  of  hemp  fibre  were  shipped  to 
San  Bias.  Meanwhile  the  viceroy  announced  that 
although  California  hemp  was  worth  only  two  dollars 
per  arroba,  it  would  be  taken  for  a  time  by  way  of 
encouragement  at  $3.50,  or  fourteen  cents  a  pound. 
A  new  set  of  tools  was  sent  from  Mexico,  and  Arri 
llaga,  though  not  very  confident  as  to  results — he  never 
was  hopeful  about  the  future  of  California  or  anything 
in  it — urged  all  to  make  an  earnest  effort,  implying 
that  there  existed  somewhere  a  strong  opposition  to 
the  establishment  and  success  of  the  new  enterprise, 
to  overcome  which  special  effort  and  care  would  be 
necessary.  The  vessels  of  1804  took  away  463  pounds 
of  the  staple,  recommended  as  of  good  quality  by 
Sanchez,  who,  however,  represented  his  patience  as 
well  nigh  exhausted  by  the  stupidity  and  want  of  zeal 
shown  by  the  settlers.  One  of  them  wished  to  use 
his  whole  crop  for  making  a  net  to  catch  otter,  regard- 

6  See  Hist.  Cal,  vol.  i.  chap,  xxviii.,  this  series. 

7  Aug.  9,  1801,  Sanchez  brought  three  chests  of  tools.  Monterey,  Diario, 
MS.,  43.     Value  of  tools,  $386.     Invoice  of  May  30th,  San  Bias.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  131-3.     Aug.  12th,  viceroy  names  $15  a  month  as  the  'grati- 
ficacion'  to  be  allowed.  Id.,  xviii.  153;  Prov.  Res.,  MS.,  x.  11.     July  16th, 
Arrillagaat  Loreto  orders  Sanchez  to  prepare  an  'instruccioif'  on  his  art.  Id., 
viii.  44.     Oct.  13th,  Arrillaga  expresses  satisfaction  at  his  coming.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxii.  3.     March  31,   1802,   comisionado  of  S.  Jose" 
to  commandant,  will  plant  April  1st  10  or   12  almndes  of   hemp-seed.     Is 
aided,  by  a  few  'converted  gentiles '  whose  labor  costs  more  than  it  comes 
to.    Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.   158.     Dec.  1,  1802,  Arrillaga  to  Sanchez, 
attributes  bad  results  to  the  hot  sun  rather  than  to  any  sterility  of  soil. 
Prov.  Etc.,  MS.,  viii.  53. 


HEMP  CULTURE.  179 

less  of  the  royal  needs.  Another  obstacle  was  the 
regulation  that  the  pursers  of  the  transports  should 
decide  on  the  price  to  be  paid  according  to  quality, 
$3.50  being  the  maximum.  Sanchez  protested  that 
$3.50  was  the  lowest  limit  which  would  leave  a  profit 
to  the  producers,  and  moreover  that  the  pursers  knew 
nothing  of  the  quality  of  the  article  presented.8 

At  the  end  of  1804  Sanchez  distributed  eleven 
fanegas  of  seed  to  San  Luis  Obispo,  Purisima,  Santa 
Ines,  and  Mission  San  Jose,  for  it  was  at  the  missions 
that  he  anticipated  the  best  results.  Hemp  was  sown 
in  April,  harvested  in  August,  and  was  not  ready  for 
export  until  the  following  autumn.  There  is  no  record 
of  any  shipment  in  1805,  but  it  is  implied  that  the 
crop  of  1804  was  burned.  Having  given  the  settlers 
of  San  Josd  all  the  instruction  they  needed,  Sanchez 
went  south  in  September  to- continue  his  labors  at  Los 
Angeles  and  throughout  the  Santa  Barbara  district. 
Before  leaving,  however,  he  announced  his  opinion 
that  though  hemp  bade  fair  to  succeed  in  California, 
flax  could  not  be  profitably  produced  on  account  of 
the  expensive  operations  required.9  In  Mexico  the 
tribunal  de  cuentas  reported  to  the  viceroy  in  March 
1805  on  the  great  importance  of  the  new  industry, 
showing  the  impossibility  of  the  producers  waiting 
until  the  quality  of  their  hemp  could  be  tested  at  San 
Bias,  together  with  the  danger  of  allowing  the  inex 
perienced  pursers  of  the  transports  to  decide  the  mat 
ter.  It  was  recommended  to  adopt  a  liberal  policy 
for  a  time  even  if  it  should  occasion  a  loss  to  the  gov 
ernment.  Accordingly  the  viceroy  instructed  Arri- 
llaga  that  all  the  hemp  offered  was  to  be  paid  for,  the 
determination  of  value  being  left  largely  to  his  discre 
tion.10  Accordingly  the  price  paid  subsequently  for 

sProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  314-18:  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i. 
32-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  58;  ix.  31.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iii. 
180-3. 

9  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  181-3;   xix.  74. 

10  March  7,  1805,  report  of  tribunal  de  cuentes  with  approval  of  Fiscal 
Barbon.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  54-7.    April  30th,  viceroy  to  governor.  Id., 
xix.  58.     July  15,  1806,  Arrillaga  says  that  200  pounds  of  hemp  cost  $13  de- 


180  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

hemp  in  good  condition  seems  to  have  been  four  dol 
lars  per  arroba,  or  sixteen  cents  a  pound. 

Although  some  opposition  was  experienced  from 
the  settlers  at  Los  Angeles,  the  new  industry  flour 
ished  more  and  more  each  year  in  pueblo,  mission, 
and  even  private  rancho.  So  far  as  the  figures,  some 
what  complicated  and  contradictory  in  1809-10  espe 
cially,  can  be  understood,  the  hemp  shipments  of  1806 
were  1,850  pounds;  of  1807,  12,500  pounds;  of  1808, 
89,000  pounds;  of  1809,  84,000  pounds;  and  of  1810, 
120,000  pounds,  or  according  to  one  report,  173,200 
pounds.11  Of  this  quantity  less  than  5,000  pounds 
seems  to  have  been  produced  north  of  Purisima,  all 
perhaps  at  San  Jose.  There  was,  besides,  a  surplus 
from  the  crop  of  1810  of  98,750  pounds  which  the 
vessels  could  not  carry  away.  Of  this  surplus  5,000 
pounds  came  from  San  Gabriel  and  30,000  from  Santa 

livered  at  the  shore  without  reckoning  manure  or  tillage.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. , 
ix.  87-8.  Aug.  4th,  comisionado  of  San  Jose"  ordered  to  buy  half  of  all  hemp 
produced  at'20  reals  perfanega.  S.  Josd,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  79.  June  16,  1807, 
Sanchez  at  Sta  Barbara  says  the  journey  from  the  hemp-fields  to  the  port  re 
quires  five  days,  a  mule  carrying  200  pounds.  He  asks  that  50  cents  be 
added  to  the  price.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  208.  Aug.  1st,  Arrillaga 
orders  the  comandantes  of  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  to  pay  $4  per  arroba. 
Id.,  xix.  216.  March  1808,  hemp  growing  finely  at  Sta  Barbara  and  Los 
Angeles.  Id.,  xix.  236.  Aug.  6th,  comandante  asks  governor  for  instruc 
tions.  Harvesters  of  hemp  must  be  paid  in  money,  but  funds  were  scarce. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  105-6.  Aug.  12th,  Sanchez  informs  the  Gov. 
that  hemp  from  the  north  was  landed  at  Sta  Barbara  for  his  inspection.  The 
lots  from  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Juan  Bautista  were  rotten,  badly  prepared,  and 
useless.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  236-7.  March  7,  1809,  Alcalde  Soto  of 
Angeles  petitions  the  Gov.  in  behalf  of  the  settlers  to  restrain  Sanchez  from 
sowing  40  or  more  fanegas  of  hemp  as  he  proposed,  since  the  other  crops 
would  suffer  for  want  of  water;  but  Arrillaga  declined  to  interfere,  regarding 
the  hemp-culture  as  of  paramount  importance.  Id.,  xix.  258-9,  264.  July 
16th,  probably  $20,000  worth  of  hemp  will  be  shipped  from  S.  Diego  and  the 
habilitado  lacks  funds;  besides  he  expects  some  compensation  for  attending 
to  this  new  duty.  Id.,  xix.  260. 

11  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  100;  ix.  94,  102,  110,  126;  xi.  5,  8,  121,  130;  Prov. 
St.  Pa,p.,  MS.,  xix.  255-7,  260-1,  274,  283-7.  The  sowing  in  1810  was  100 
fan.  at  San  Gabriel;  1*00  fan.  at  Angeles;  36  fan.  at  San  Fernando;  52  fan.  at 
S.  Buenaventura;  25  fan.  at  Sta  Barbara;  57  fan.  at  Sta  Ine"s;  80  fan.  at  S. 
Juan  Capistrano  and  Rio  Sta  Ana;  40  fan.  at  S.  Diego  and  Los  Nietos;  total, 
490  in  the  south.  The  distribution  of  hemp  shipped  in  1810,  was  as  follows : 
From  S.  Gabriel,  15,582  ft>s.;  San  Fernando,  7,600  fts.;  Sta  Ines,  12,508  Ibs.; 
S.  Buenaventura,  9,908  Ibs.;  San  Luis,  2,044  Ibs.;  Sta  Barbara  Presidio  ware 
house,  last  year's  crop,  28,963  Ibs.;  San  Diego,  44,781  R>s.;  13  settlers,  37,530 
Ibs.;  or  7  settlers,  11, 840' Ibs.;  Sta  Barbara  mission,  4,583  Ibs.;  Monterey, 
4,537  Ibs. 


LIVE-STOCK.  181 

Ines.  Thus  we  see  that  in  the  south  a  flourishing 
industry  had  been  established,  bringing  into  the  prov 
ince  $20,000  a  year  with  flattering  prospects  for  the 
future.  It  is  not  necessary  to  speculate  respecting 
what  would  have  been  the  ultimate  result  under  ordi 
nary  circumstances,  and  it  is  pleasant  to  notice  one 
enterprise  whose  failure  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  the 
stupidity  of  either  Californians  or  the  Spanish  govern 
ment.  Fail  it  did,  however,  most  suddenly  and  com 
pletely;  for  the  shipment  of  1810  was  the  last  made. 
The  revolution  broke  out  in  New  Spain ;  the  transports 
ceased  to  visit  Californian  ports;  there  was  neither 
means  to  pay  for  nor  to  transport  Californian  hemp.  In 
February  1811  Arrillaga  notified  the  farmers  througK. 
Sanchez  that  if  they  chose  to  cultivate  hemp,  it  must 
be  at  their  own  risk  or  for  their  own  use.  His  excuse 
was  that  the  government  had  already  enough  of  the 
staple  for  the  proposed  experiment,  an  excuse  either 
invented  by  himself  or  suggested  by  the  viceroy,  for 
it  was  not  deemed  wise  to  speak  of  the  revolt  in  those 
days.12 

Statistics  of  live-stock  show  that  the  province  had 
in  1810  about  160,000  head  of  large  animals — 132,000 
cattle,  25,000  horses,  and  3,000  mules — and  the  same 
number  of  small  animals,  chiefly  sheep.  Details  re 
specting  the  animals  of  the  rancho  del  rey  with  its 
branches  at  each  presidio  are  very  incomplete;  but  I 
suppose  it  contained  from  11,000  to  13,000  head  of 
horses  and  cattle,  the  sales  of  which  yielded  a  net 
revenue  of  about  $1,200  a  year.  The  position  assumed 
by  the  friars  and  approved  by  the  governor  respect- 

12 Feb.  22,  1811,  Arrillaga  to  Sanchez.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.  11.  To  the 
viceroy  in  1817,  the  governor  speaks  of  the  revolution  as  the  cause  of  the 
suspension.  Id.,  ix.  161-2.  So  did  President  Tapis  in  his  Iwforme  Btenal, 
1811-12,  MS.,  88,  and  Bandini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  115-16.  Sanchez  had 
applied  in  1807  for  retirement  from  the  naval  service.  His  petition  was  sent 
to  the  king  in  1810,  and  in  1811  he  was  granted  retirement  with  two  thirds 
corporal's  pay  on  condition  of  dedicating  himself  exclusively  to  the  hemp 
culture.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  301;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  127.  What 
became  of  him  I  know  not.  Neither  does  it  appear  what  was  done  with  the 
large  surplus  of  hemp  left  on  the  habilitados'  hands  in  1810. 


182  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

ing  damage  done  by  cattle  was  that  animals  found  in 
the  fields  by  night  might  be  killed,  and  no  compensa 
tion  could  be  claimed.13  It  appears  that  for  each  res — 
strangely  enough  the  English  language  has  no  word 
to  express  the  singular  of  cattle — slaughtered  two  reals 
had  to  be  paid  as  a  tithe,  and  it  was  a  disputed  ques 
tion  whether  the  buyer  or  seller  was  to  pay  it.u  A 
peculiar  custom  was  that  which  induced  individuals 
not  caring  to  lead  a  ranchero's  life  to  give  a  mission 
a  number  of  cattle  or  sheep  on  condition  of  receiving 
a  regular  supply  for  meat.  Thus  Captain  Argiiello 
gave  Santa  Barbara  a  hundred  sheep  and  was  to  re 
ceive  one  every  week  during  his  life.15 

The  most  important  topic  to  be  noted  in  connection 
with  stock-raising,  however,  was  the  slaughter  of 
horses  from  1805  to  the  end  of  the  decade  to  prevent 
too  rapid  an  increase.  President  Tapis  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  to  suggest  this  measure  in  March  1805. 
The  suggestion  was  followed,  though  how  many  horses 
were  killed  and  whose  horses  they  were,  does  not 
appear.16  There  is  also  evidence  in  the  records  that 
some  horned  cattle  were  thus  slaughtered.  In  May 

O  «/ 

1806  Ignacio  Vallejo  went  to  San  Jose  by  Arrillaga's 
order  and  assembled  a  council  composed  of  the  town 
officers  and  eight  prominent  citizens  to  decide  how 
many  horses  were  really  needed  and  to  make  arrange 
ments  for  killing  the  rest.  It  was  determined  to 
reserve  twenty-five  mares,  working  horses,  and  mules 

13 S.  Jost,  Patentes,  MS.,  27-9. 

"Prav.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  168-9. 

15  Arch.  StaB.,  ix.,  4U2-3. 

10 March  1,  1805,  Tapis  to  Arrillaga.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  35-6.  Some 
horses  killed  this  year.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  xi.  122.  Langsdorff  learned  from 
Arrillaga  in  the  spring  of  1806  that  the  cattle  had  become  so  numerous  at  San 
Francisco,  Sta  Clara,  and  Sta  Cruz  that  he  had  sent  out  soldiers  and  killed 
20,000.  Voyages,  ii.  170.  In  a  petition  of  the  Russian- American  Company  to 
the  Spanish  court  it  is  stated  that  immense  herds  of  wild  cattle  and  horses 
range  through  the  country  as  far  north  as  the  Columbia,  and  that  an  annual 
slaughter  of  10,000  to  30,000  head  has  been  ordered.  While  Rezdnof  was  in 
California  several  hundred  were  killed  merely  for  their  skins  in  which  to  pack 
bread  sold  to  the  Russians,  the  meat  being  thrown  away.  Potechin,  Selenie 
Eoss,  2,  3.  F.  S.  Garcia  states  that  as  early  as  1807  the  soldiers  found  large 
numbers  of  wild  horses  and  cattle  on  their  expeditions  into  the  interior.  Tay- 
lor's  Discov.  and  Found. ,  ii.  No.  25. 


«.  COMMERCE.  183 

for  each  owner,  or  800  for  the  whole  pueblo.  The 
missions  were  also  authorized  to  kill  intruding  horses. 
By  June,  7,500  animals  had  been  killed,  and  the 
measure  seems  to  have  caused  much  relief.  The 
slaughter  was  extended  to  the  horses  of  the  ranch o 
del  rey,  but  no  figures  are  given.  In  1807  similar 
orders  were  sent  to  Branciforte  and  Santa  Barbara, 
and  early  in  1808,  7,200  horses  had  been  killed  in  the 
latter  district.  An  additional  slaughter  of  3,302 
horses  at  Monterey  is  recorded  in  1810.17 

Commercial  regulations  and  methods  experienced 
•no  modifications  of  importance.  The  most  exciting 
element  was  the  contraband  trade  with  American 
vessels,  a  topic  on  which  I  have  already  given  all 
accessible  information  in  connection  with  each  voyage. 
It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  missionaries  and  set 
tlers  bartered  their  otter-skins  and  other  products 
for  miscellaneous  articles  and  money  brought  by  the 
Americans  whenever  the  opportunity  presented  itself, 
sometimes  with  and  sometimes  without  the  consent 
or  knowledge  of  the  local  authorities.  The  opportu 
nities  were  not  frequent,  and  for  obvious  reasons  there 
are  no  figures  extant;  but  the  aggregate  amount  could 
not  have  been  large,  though  Shaler  in  1805  estimated 
that  $25,000  was  left  annually  by  the  traders  in  the 
two  Californias.  Trade  with  the  Russians  in  1806 
amounted  to  nearly  $6,000,  and  the  contraband  nature 
of  the  operation  was  mitigated  by  the  governor's  ap 
proval.18 

17  May  7,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose".  May  llth,  Guerra  to 
Id.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  94-5.     Decision  of  the  junta  May  14th.     Id.,  iii. 
96;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxvii.  6,  7.     June  5th  and  March  24th,. 
Castro  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  77-8.     July  27th,  order  to  kill 
horses  of  royal  rancho.  8.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  95.     Nov.  30, 1807,  governor 
to  Com.  of  Santa  Barbara.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  122.     July  16th  to  comision 
ado  of  Branciforte.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  19.     1808,  slaughter  at  Santa  Bdr- 
bara.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  52.     June  25,  1810,  slaughter  at  Monterey. 
Esludillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  96. 

18  Items  on  smuggling.     May  15,  1805,  viceroy  to  governor,  contraband 
goods  belong  to  the  faithful  subject  of  the  king  who  may  seize  them,  or  at 
least  their  full  value.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  60;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  68. 
April  14,  1803,  Id.  to  Id.,  sends  royal  order  of  Aug.   10,  1802,  urging  great 
care  to  prevent  smuggling.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xviii.  267.     Nov.  26,  1804,  gov. 
advises  viceroy  of  contraband  goods  by  the  Concepeton^  hidden  at  Santa  Bar- 


184  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES.. 

Respecting  commercial  operations  carried  on  by 
means  of  the  San  Bias  transports,  aside  from  the 
regular  supplies  of  presidios  and  missions,  there  are 
occasional  notes  preserved  in  the  archives,  but  no 
statistics.  In  1801,  with  the  viceroy's  approval,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  export  wheat  from  California  to 
San  Bias  by  certain  men  not  named  who  had  made  a 
contract  to  supply  the  vessels  of  the  department  with 
galleta,  or  ship's  biscuit.  The  settlers  were  called 
upon  by  Arrillaga  for  a  statement  of  the  quantity 
they  could  furnish  and  the  price.  In  reply  the  set 
tlers  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  rancheros  of  that  region 
offered  2,270  fanegas  at  $2.50.  There  is  no  record 
that  any  shipment  was  made,  and  no  reason  is  given 
for  the  failure  of  the  project.  This  same  year,  how 
ever,  the  officers  of  the  transports  were  ordered  to 
take  on  board  at  San  Bias  only  such  supplies  as  were 
necessary  for  the  voyage  northward,  in  order  that 
provisions  for  the  return  voyage  might  be  bought  in 
California;  and  accordingly  in  August  and  September 
Captain  Saavedra  obtained  supplies,  chiefly  of  flour, 
for  two  vessels.  The  mills  of  San  Jose  were  kept 
running  day  and  night,  but  there  seems  to  have  been 

bara  and  Ortega's  rancho.  April  9,  1805,  viceroy  wants  to  know  more  about 
it.  Id.,  xix.  50.  Dec.  22,  1806,  Gov.  to  commandants,  urging  obedience  to  the 
laws.  Has  heard  that  maize  and  cattle  from  California  have  been  sold  at  Cape 
San  Lucasand  in  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Id.,  xix.  112-13.  Oct.  27, 1807,  viceroy 
to  Gov.,  the  king  has  ordered  a  system  of  premiums  which  will  close  the  port 
to  smugglers;  therefore  the  order  of  1805,  giving  contraband  goods  to  those 
who  seize  them,  is  repealed.  Id.,  xix.  203.  Cancelada,  Ruina  de  la  Nueva 
Espana,  47-52,  writes  in  1811  of  the  commercial  advantages  of  California 
which  are  being  wasted  through  the  foolish  policy  of  Spain.  He  says  that  in 
six  months  of  1809,  11,105  packages  of  produce,  with  $4,187  in  money,  were 
brought  in  nine  vessels  from  the  Calif ornias;  and  mentions  an  American  ship 
which  brought  a  cargo  to  California  about  1808,  thereby  doing  an  injury  of 
$300,000  to  Mexican  manufactures.  Khlebnikof,  Zapisld,  145-6,  gives  the  fol- 
lowingasthe  pricespaid  and  received  on  this  occasion:  flour,  per  arroba  (25  Ibs. ), 
$1.50  to  $2;  lard  and  tallow,  $2;  salt,  25c.;  wool,  $2;  dried  meat  $1;  wheat, 
per  fanega  (about  1.5  bush.),  $2;  barley,  $1.50;  pease  and  beans,  from  $1.75 
to  $3;  otter-skins,  each  $5.  Russian  goods:  linen  per  piece,  $31;  canvas, 
$25;  thick  cloth,  per  arshin,  $3;  cotton  handkerchiefs,  $1  to  $2;  needles  per 
thousand,  $4;  Siberian  boots  per  pair,  $5;  crosscut- saws,  $15;  axes,  $1.50; 
ticking,  per  arshin,  50c.  In  1803  a  reduction  in  the  prices  of  many  articles 
from  the  last  arancel  was  suggested  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  action. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  246.  In  1809,  a  year  of  scarcity,  the  tariff  prices 
were  considerably  raised.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxxix.  6. 


TRADE  REGULATIONS.  185 

considerable   difficulty   in   getting   all   that  was  re 
quired.19 

In  April  1803,  the  viceroy  issued  orders  calculated 
to  favor  trade  by  the  transports  and  to  reform  certain 
abuses.  It  seems  that  the  officers  and  crews  had, 
contrary  to  the  naval  regulations,  been  accustomed  to 
monopolize  the  California  trade.  They  were  now 
strictly  prohibited  from  trading  at  all,  or  from  refus 
ing  to  carry  the  goods  of  traders  and  private  persons, 
which  must  be  taken  on  board  whenever  there  was 
room  after  the  supplies  of  presidios  and  missions  had 
been  provided  for.20  As  to  the  advantage  taken  by 
private  individuals  of  this  regulation  very  little  can 

19  Feb.  4,  1801,  viceroy  authorizes  exportation  of  1,000  fan.  or  more  of 
wheat  for  S.  Bias.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxxii.  2.     Feb.  llth,  Arri- 
llaga  ordered  by  V.  R.  to  call  on  the  settlers  for  a  statement  of  what  they 
can  do.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  71.     April  10th,  Arrillaga's  communica 
tion  on  the  subject,  with  documents  on  past  subjects.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v. 
6-13.     July  20th,  list  of  names  sent  to  Gov.  from  Los  Angeles,  with  amounts 
each  can  furnish.     The  Ortegas  took  the  lead  with  300  fanegas.     Among  the 
rancheros  were  Felix,  Nieto,  the  two  Verdugos,  Reyes,  and  Polanco,  offering 
from  100  to  200  fan.  each ;  and  16  others,  most  if  not  all  settlers  in  the 
pueblo,  offered  from  40  to  200  fan.  each.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  50.   Aug. 
and  Oct.  1801,  communications  between  commandant  of  Monterey  and  comi- 
sionado  of  S.  Jos6  about  the  supplies  for  Saavedra's  vessels.  S.  Jos6,  Arch., 
MS.,  v.  4,  5,  13, 14. 

20  April  30,  1803,  viceroy  to  the  comisario  of  San  Bias.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  80-4.     It  was  ordered  at  the  same  time,  however,  that  private 
goods  must  pay  regular  rates  of  freight,  as  must  also  mission  exports,  the 
invoices  of  mission  and    presidio  supplies    being  exempt.     June  20,   1803, 
Arrillaga  to  comisario  of  S.  Bias  to  similar  effect.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  15, 
16.     July  4,  1804,  Gov.  to  viceroy  in  answer  to  a  communication  on  the  same 
subject  dated  May  1st.     In  taking  articles  from  California  the  product  of  tithes 
and  other  royal  property  must  have  the  preference.  Prov.  Jf?ec.,  MS.,  ix.  45-6. 
July  2,  1804,  vague  reference  to  an  order  to  form  puertos  menores  in  Califor 
nia.  Id.,  ix.  44.     Some  chalk  sent  to  Cal.  in  1803.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
295.     Four  hundred  and  ninety-one  otter-skins  shipped  from  San  Diego  in 
1803.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Jusg.,  MS.,  v.  77.     June  30,   1806,  President 
Tapis  to  padres,  announcing  that  mission  exports  will  be  received  by  the  ves 
sels  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  head  of  live-stock  owned  by  each;  but 
any  mission  sending  less  than  its  proportion  might  cede  its  surplus  privilege 
to  another.     May  7,  1807,  this  principle  was  applied  when  the  vessels  could 
take  but  1,300  packages.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  147-50.     April  25,  1808,  no 
anchorage  charges  at  Acapulco,   San  Bias,   or  Californian  ports.  Prov.   St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  244-5.     Admiralty  dues  exacted (?).  Id.,  xix.  300.     1808, 
another  call  upon  San  Jose"  for  wheat  and  flour  for  the  transports.  S.  Jos6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  92-3.     Sept.  7,  1808,  tribunal  de  cuentas  decides  that  no 
coin  need  be  sent  to  California  for  the  purchase  of  supplies,  as  loans  can  be 
had  from  the  padres,  repayable  at  S.  Bias.     Supplies  bought  must  be  of  good 
quality  and  less  than  tariff  rates  may  be  paid  in  years  of  abundance.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  239-41.     Goods  not  properly  registered  subject  to  confis 
cation.  Id.,  xix.  270. 


186  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

be  known;  but  various  accounts  and  invoices  of  goods 
from  Mexico  and  Tepic,  preserved  in  the  archives  of 
the  family,  show  that  from  as  early  a  date  as  1808 
Jose  de  la  Guerra  was  in  the  habit  of  receiving  quite 
extensive  consignments.  He  had  an  uncle  in  trade  at 
the  city  of  Mexico,  whose  clerk  he  had  formerly  been, 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  ventures  were  on  joint 
account  of  the  two.21  Goycoechea  in  his  report  of 
1805  called  attention,  as  others  had  done  before  him, 
to  the  necessity  of  an  outlet  for  California  produce, 
and  proposed  that  a  separate  vessel  be  devoted  to  that 
special  purpose.  The  vessel  was  not  forthcoming.22 
Financial  statistics  may  be  expressed  in  round  num 
bers,  with  a  not  altogether  satisfactory  approximation 
to  accuracy,  as  follows:  Annual  appropriations  from 
the  royal  treasury  from  $63,000  to  $86,000,  the  in 
crease  of  force  in  1805  costing  about  $23, 000  ;23  amount 
of  supplies  in  presidial  warehouses  as  per  annual  inven 
tories,  $60,000  to  $90,000;  amount  of  supplies  received 
annually  from  the  missions  and  paid  for  chiefly  in 
drafts  on  Mexico,  about  $18,000.  Supplies  from  the 
pueblos,  of  which  there  are  no  accounts,  besides  doubt 
less  some  additional  supplies  from  missions,  were  paid 
for  in  goods.  Of  these  goods  about  $8,000  or  $10,000 
worth  came  each  year  from  San  Bias,  and  the  rest, 
including  a  small  quantity  of  silver  coin,  from  Mexico 
in  irregular  amounts  varying  according  to  needs  from 
$20,000  to  $100,000.24  Revenue  was  derived  from 
different  sources  approximately  as  follows:  sales  of 
cattle  from  the  rancho  del  rey,  $1,200;  sales  of  tobacco 
in  the  form  of  cigarros  and  puros  and  polvos^ — that 
is,  cigarettes,  cigars,  and  snuff,  for  the  Spaniards  did 

21  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  30-4,  36-40. 

22  Goycoechea,  Medios  para  el  Fomento  de  Gal.,  1805,  MS.,  24-5. 

23  The  exact  figures  in  1805  were  $63,930,  and  in  1808,  $86,012. 

21  References  for  presidial  accounts  have  been  given  in  connection  with  the 
local  annals  of  each  presidio.  Most  of  them  are  found  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxix.-li. 

25  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Spaniards  used  the  term  cigarros  for  the  small 
paper-covered  rolls  of  tobacco  commonly  known  as  'cigarettes'  in  French  and 
English,  using  the  diminutive  cigarritos  only  occasionally  and  colloquially, 


FINANCES.  187 

not  chew  the  weed — §7,000;  postal  revenue,  $400  ;28 
tithes,  $2,500;27  sale  of  papal  indulgences  §450;  total, 
$11,550,  not  including  the  revenue  from  gunpowder 
and  playing-cards28  which  in  the  later  years  of  the 
decade  may  have  increased  the  sum  to  $12,000,  paid 
by  drafts  of  the  habilitado  of  Monterey  as  adminis 
trator  of  revenue  on  the  royal  treasury,  which  drafts 
were  charged  in  the  next  year's  invoices. 

In  October  1801  the  viceroy  ordered  Manuel  Ca>- 
caba,  the  first  habilitado  general  of  Californias  in 
Mexico,  to  delay  his  proposed  departure  to  Spain 
until  a  successor  could  be  chosen,  it  being  deemed 
inexpedient  to  intrust  the  large  amount  of  appropria 
tions  to  an  official  acting  ad  interim.  At  the  same 
time  instructions  were  sent  to  California  to  have  an 

while  our  'cigars' were  known  to  them  aspuros.  Nov.  2,  1801,  governor  com 
plains  of  scarcity  of  tobacco  in  California.  Dec.  22d,  viceroy  sends  a  report 
from  the  director  de  tabacos,  who  says  that  there  were  in. California  Jan.  1st 
69,653  papers  of  puros  and  83,322  boxes  of  cigarros  which  he  thought  would 
be  enough;  but  he  has  sent  24  cases,  containing  108,360  papers  of  cigarros,  as 
an  additional  supply.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  151-2,  1801.  Capt.  Jose" 
Argiiello  administrador  general  de  la  renta  del  tabaco.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxviii. 
8.  Net  proceeds  of  sales  for  1805,  $7,659.  Id.,  xxxiii.  11. 

26 1804,  Jose1  Argiiello  administrador  de  estafeta.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  PresicL, 
MS.,  ii.  39.  July  20,  1807,  governor  to  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara.  Mails 
arriving  at  the  presidio  must  be  despatched  in  24  hours,  with  a  note  in  the 
itinerary  showing  time  of  arrival  and  departure.  Also  a  guia  de  retorno.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  117.  Nov.  9,  1807,  orders  for  courier  escorts  to  remain  with  the 
guard  of  a  station  until  the  escort  to  the  next  station  re  turns  to  relieve  them. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  207. 

27  Jan.  3,  1805,  he  who  does  not  deliver  the  tithe  cattle  at  the  gate  of  the 
corral  for  the  purchaser  will  have  to  pay  for  delays  or  expenses.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  84.     1805,  tithes  on  205  head  of  cattle,  increase  of  this  year,  are  $27. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  182.     Of  taxes  other  than  tithes  there  is  very  little 
on  record.     July  1,  1802,  bishop  transmits  an  order  imposing  a  tax  on  certain 
inheritances;  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  36-7;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  v.  68- 
73;  vi.  298-303.     Dec.  31,  1804,  governor  orders  that  the  tax  of  25  cents  on 
each  res  killed  be  no  longer  exacted.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  83;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  168. 

28  Feb.  20,  1807,  recommendation  that  powder  and  cards  be  put  on  the  same 
basis  as  tobacco,  the  administrator's  commission  to  be  8  per  cent  on  powder 
and  5  per  cent  on  cards,  of  which  other  habilitados  were  to  get  5  and  3  per 
cent  respectively  on  sales  away  from  the  capital.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
190-5.     Sept.  3,  1807,  habilitado  of  Monterey  to  factor  de  tabacos  at  Guada 
lajara.    As  it  has  been  decided  to  place  powder  and  cards  in  estanco,  he  asks  ' 
for  60  arrobas  of  fine  powder  and  30  gross  of  cards.  Estud'dlo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  i.  115.     Jan.  7,  1808,  comisionado  of  S.  Jos6  may  sell  powder  to  settlers 
at  $1  per  pound,  always -recording  the  quantity  sold  and  the  buyer's  name. 
8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  72.    Aug.  8,  1808,  powder  to  be  added  to  tobacco 
administration.  Prov.   Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  108.     1809,  playing-card  revenue:  720 
packs  sold  at  50  cts.j  commission,  $28.75.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  111. 


188  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

election  held  at  once,  since  the  general  was  to  be 
elected  by  the  commissioned  officers  of  the  four  pre 
sidios  and  was  to  retain  his  rank  and  place  on  the  rolls 
of  his  company.  The  vote  was  unanimous,  except 
that  of  the  candidate  himself,  for  Goycoechea  of  San 
ta  Barbara,  who  was  notified  of  his  election  in  June 
and  sailed  from  San  Diego  in  October  1802.  In  1804 
his  salary  for  the  whole  term  was  fixed  at  $1,200  per 
year;  and  he  held  the  position  until  appointed  gover 
nor  of  Baja  California  in  September  1805.29  Captain 
Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola,  the  same  who  afterward  came 
to  California  as  governor,  was  named  to  hold  the 
office  temporarily,  and  again  the  Californians  were 
called  to  express  their  choice.  A  formal  consent  was 
forwarded  for  Sola  to  serve  ad  interim.  A  new  election 
was  held  in  1806,  and  in  November  of  that  year  Captain 
Rodriguez  of  San  Diego  sailed  for  Mexico  to  assume 
the  position  early  in  1 807. 30  Rodriguez  quarrelled  occa 
sionally  with  various  officials  in  Mexico,31  though  he 
seems  to  have  given  satisfaction  to  the  habilitados; 
but  in  May  1810,  the  four  years'  term  having  appar 
ently  been  adopted,  he  was  defeated  as  a  candidate 
for  reelection  by  Lieutenant  Guerra  y  Noriega.32  Sail- 

29 Oct.  26,  1801,  viceroy  to  Carcaba.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
Ixxxvi.  54.  The  Argiiellos  and  Ruiz  vote  for  Goycoechea.  Others  leave  the 
choice  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxii.  6,  10-13.  Goy 
coechea  goes  to  Mexico.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  90,  92.  July  31,  1804,  viceroy 
fixes  salary  at  $1,200.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  1.  Made  gov 
ernor  of  B.  California,  1805.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  10-12.  The  viceroy 
expresses  satisfaction  at  his  management,  leaving  his  bondsmen  secure.  Aug. 
16,  1806,  allows  him  to  be  sworn  in  as  governor  of  B.  California  in  Mexico. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  26. 

30  It  seems  that  before  Sola's  appointment  it  had  been  proposed  to  appoint 
Jose1  Francisco  Rodriguez,  to  whom,  however,  the  officers  of  California  objected. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  59.     Sola's  appointment  known  in  California,  Sept. 
1805.     J.  V.  Arieta  was  to  act  in  Sola's  absence.  Id.,  xix.  12,  72;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  x.  4,  5;  ix.  69.    Sept.  20th,  Arrillaga  calls  on  the  commandant  to  decide 
if  Sola  shall  serve  as  interino  or  proprietario.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  12,  13. 

.Oct.  16th,  the  Argiiellos  approve  of  Sola  as  interino.  Id.,  xix.  41.  Sola 
assumed  the  duties  in  December  1805.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxvii.;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  viii.  81.  Jan.  2,  1806,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  thinks  an  election  should  be 
held  every  four  years.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  72.  Rodriguez  elected  and  his 
departure.  Id.,  ix.  94;  Prov.  St.  Pap., MS.,  xix.  103".  Sola  still  acting,  Jan. 
1807,  and  Rodriguez  in  July.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  36-7. 

31  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  172,  a  private  letter  of  Arrillaga. 

82  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  121,  126.     He  was  notified  to  prepare  for  departure 


MILITARY.  189 

ing  on  the  transport  of  that  autumn,  Guerra  was 
captured  b}7  the  insurgents  of  San  Bias  and  did  not 
succeed  in  reaching  the  city  of  Mexico.  Meanwhile 
Rodriguez  died  in  September,  and  Jose  Ignacio  de 
Ormaechea  was  named  to  serve  ad  interim.33  In  meth 
ods  employed  by  the  habilitado  general  in  the  for 
warding  supplies  and  keeping  accounts  there  are  no 
important  changes  to  be  noted ;  nor  is  there  anything 
of  general  interest  in  the  application  of  those  methods, 
but  I  append  a  few  minor  items.34 

In  1800,  as  we  have  seen,  the  effective  military  force 
in  California  was  372  men,  including  60  invalids. 
During  this  decade  the  company  of  Catalan  volun 
teers  was  withdrawn,  and  the  cavalry  companies  were 
increased  by  about  90  men.  In  1810  the  total  force 
was  412  men,  classed  as  follows:  1  lieutenant-colonel, 
2  captains,  1  absent  in  Mexico,  1  surgeon,  4  lieuten 
ants,  4  alfe'reces,  or  sub-lieutenants,  9  sergeants,  31 
corporals,  4  cadets,  242  privates,  3  mechanics,  and  1 
bleeder — or  in  all  302  men  of  the  presidial  companies, 
95  invalids,  and  15  artillerymen.35  The  reenforcement 

and  furnished  with  a  passport  on  Aug.  31st.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS.  iii. 
214;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  6. 

33  Nov.  21,  1810,  decree  of  viceroy.     It  is  also  ordered  that  the  man 
elected  in  California  must  give  bonds  of  $6,000,  and  that  two  men  in  Mexico 
be  elected  at  the  same  time  as  the  general,  one  of  whom  may  take  his  place  in 
case  of  death.    A  new  election  is  ordered.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  288-9. 

34  Among  the  presidial  supplies  for  1800  needed  are  named  white  sugar, 
panocha,  rice,  shrimps,  pease,  peanuts,  tamarinds,  honey,  and  brandy.    White 
sugar  in  loaves  was  often  packed  in  grass  and  wrapped  with  palm-leaves  and 
hides.    Panocha  sometimes  came  in  baskets  lined  with  cloth.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  2,  3.     June  30,  1802,  Sanchez  complains  that  the  habilitado  of 
Monterey  overcharges  for  cloth.   Id.,  xviii.  215.     Luggage  of  officers  and 
recruits  transported  free,  and  necessary  expenses  allowed  in  the  memorias. 
Approved  by  viceroy  Feb.  11,  1803.  Guerra,  &oc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iii.  171-4. 
April  27,  1805,  President  Monterde  of  royal  board  of  auditors  informs  Arri- 
llaga  that  accounts  of  each  year  must  be  sent  in  first  three  months  of  next 
under  penalty  of  suspension  of  salary  to  offending  officer.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  28.     June  12,  1805,  tribunal  de  cuentas  decides  that 
without  the  viceroy's  orders  no  extraordinary  expense,  for  presidial  repairs, 
etc.,  can  be  incurred.    Certain  items  of  accounts  diapproved.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  67-8.     Feb.  18,  1807,  memorias  for  California  must  be  sent  to  San 
Bias  from  Mexico  in  December,  and  the  vessels  to  sail  in  February.  Id.,  xix. 
210;  Id. ,  Sen.  Mil,  xxxvii.  46.     Feb.  22,  1809,  habilitado  cannot  make  any 
payment  or  incur  expenses,  except  in  very  urgent  circumstances,  without  the 
commandant's  approval.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  131. 

35 This  is  the  statement  for  Dec.  1,  1810,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 


190  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

of  1805  included  three  captains,  one  for  each  of  the  pre- 
sidial  companies  except  that  of  Monterey,  but  one  of 
the  three  served  in  Mexico  as  habilitado  general.  No 
successor  to  Carrillo  was  appointed,  and  thus  Captain 
Josd  Argiiello  was  the  only  officer  of  that  rank  actually 
serving  in  California  during  this  decade.  The  chief 
events  of  the  period  from  a  military  point  of  view 
were  the  battle  at  San  Diego  with  the  Lelia  Byrd, 
the  departure  of  the  volunteers,  the  reenforcement 
of  the  presidial  companies,  and  the  formation  of  a 
company  of  militia  artillery  in  1805,36  all  of  which 
have  been  sufficiently  described;  and  in  the  current 
communications  on  matters  of  military  system  and 
routine  I  find  nothing  that  requires  notice  here. 

As  the  proposals  to  separate  the  political  and  mili 
tary  jurisdictions  of  Upper  and  Lower  California 
were  a  leading  topic  of  consideration  in  the  last  decade, 
so  the  carrying-out  of  that  separation  in  1804  was  a 
leading  feature  of  this,  so  far  as  affairs  of  government 
were  concerned.87  But  this  division  involved  no  change 
whatever  in  the  civil  government  of  Alta  California. 
Both  in  1801  and  in  1809  there  are  indications  that 
California  was  accorded  a  right  of  representation  in 
Spain,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  steps  were 

MS. ,  xliv.  2,  3,  and  agrees  very  nearly  with  the  summaries  given  in  previous 
chapters  for  each  of  the  four  presidios.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  812,  gives  the 
total  force  for  about  1804  as  223.  In  Virreyes,  Inslrucciones,  185,  it  is  given 
as  294  for  1803.  The  increase  of  force  ordered  in  April  1805  included  3 
captains,  2  sergeants,  16  corporals,  and 75  privates.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
47-9.  The  volunteer  company  left  the  country  in  1803.  In  1801  it  included 
3  officers,  3  sergeants,  8  corporals,  2  drummers,  and  55  privates,  71  men  in 
all.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxvi.  16;  jycxii.  1.  The  artillery  detachment  numbered 
18,  except  in  1804,  until  1809  when  the  number  is  given  as  15.  Id.,  xl.  14. 
Aug.  21,  1807,  Lieut.  Roca  asks  for  permits  for  4  men  to  go  with  him  to 
Mexico,  to  be  replaced  by  others.  Only  2  seem  to  have  sailed.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  206,  217.  The  pay  of  the  new  forces  was:  captain,  $1,500; 
alferez,  $400;  sergeant,  $262.50;  corporal,  $225;  soldier,  $217.50.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,ii.  20. 

36  See  chap,  ii.,  this  volume,  on  the  artillery  company.     Jos6  Maria  Romero 
was  a  member  of  the  company,  and  he  says  he  served  three  years,  receiving 
pay  and  rations  like  other  soldiers.  Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  1,2.     This  is 
the  only  evidence  I  have  seen  to  show  that  any  actual  service  was  performed 
by  the  militia. 

37  See  chap,  ii.,  of  this  volume. 


GOVERNMENT.  191 

taken  to  utilize  that  privilege.33  In  the  matter  of  local 
or  municipal  government,  as  illustrated  by  the  archives 
of  San  Jose,  I  append  in  a  note  a  few  minor  com 
munications  which  as  will  be  seen  show  no  special 
modifications  of  system  or  methods,39  unless  it  may  be 
in  the  election  of  pueblo  alcaldes  by  lot  from  three 
candidates. 

There  were  no  civil  nor  criminal  cases  in  the  Cali- 
fornian  administration  of  justice,  which  merit  citation 
as  causes  celebres,  though  a  few  may  be  noted  as  illus 
trating  public  morals.40  The  use  of  intoxicating  liquors 

38  Dec.  12,  1801,  governor  to  viceroy,  learns  that  the  king  allows  him  to 
appoint  a  delegate  for  the  presidios  of  Alta  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x. 
13.     1809,  decree  that  the  provinces  of  the  American  dominions  shall  have 
national  representation.  Id.,  ix.  116. 

39  April  4,  1801,  choice  of  regidor  disapproved  by  commandant,  and  new 
election  ordered.  Monterey  Diario,  MS.,  28.     Nov.  6th,  the  alcalde  has  not 
given  satisfaction,  and  an  invalid  may  be  chosen.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  19. 
Feb.  20,  1802,  a  vara  dejusticia  may  be  bought  for  $2.50.  Id.,  iv.  42.     1802, 
invalids  may  be  chosen  for  pueblo  officials  if  they  are  willing,  but  they  can 
not  be  forced  to  serve.     They  must,  however,  perform  their  part  of  com 
munity  work.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  161;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  17;  S. 
Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  39.     Jan.  1,  1804,  the  carrying  of  'belduques'  or  dag 
gers  in  boot  or  belt  prohibited.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  353.     Election  of 
town  officials  at  Los  Angeles  approved  by  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara. 
Id.,  xviii.  370.     1804-5,  alcaldes  to  be  chosen  by  lot  from  three  candidates  ia 
public  junta.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  22,  85;  v.  3.     Dec.  1806,  the  com 
mandant  must  see  how  every  settler  lives  and  supports  his  family,  correcting 
him  if  need  be.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  109,  111.     Police  measures  for 
Angeles,  June  21,  1809.     No  one  must  go  through  the  town  on  horseback 
after  8  P.  M.,  unless  he  can  prove  the  honesty  of  his  errand.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil., 
xl.  26.     1809,  choice  of  alcalde  and  regidores  disapproved  by  comandante. 
Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  80. 

40 1801,  sentence  of  a  man  for  having  stabbed  Lieut.  Sal.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxx.  21.  Cost  of  supporting  Indian  prisoners  in  1802,  $693. 
Id.,  xxx.  22.  Jan.  1803,  there  were  27  presidiarios  at  S.  Diego,  four  for  mur 
der,  but  most  for  stealing  horses.  Id.,  xxxi.  3,  4.  Dec.  4,  1803,  Padre  Cipres 
asks  that  an  Indian  murderess  be  allowed  to  serve  out  her  time  of  six  years 
in  the  mission  monjeria.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  32.  1804,  Indian  murderer 
of  San  Francisco  given  eight  years  in  chains  at  S.  Diego.  Id.,  xxxiv.  14,  15. 
Governor  proposes  torture  of  a  woman  who  refuses  to  confess  a  murder.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  43.  1805,  murderer,  Ignacio  Montes  de  Oca,  sentenced  to  10 
years'  imprisonment  for  murder  of  Tomas  Matamoras.  Id.,  ix.  60-1.  Soldier 
for  violating  his  step-daughter  sentenced  to  public  works,  and  died  in  a 
year  working  as  a  tailor  in  chains.  Amador,  Mem.,  MS, ,  220.  1806,  a  woman 
killed  her  cousin  because  that  cousin  reminded  her  of  her  dead  daughter. 
As  the  Indians  were  always  incensed  at  being  reminded  of  dead  friends;  as 
there  wus  no  premeditated  murder;  as  the  woman  was  a  Christian  of  only  four 
years'  standing;  and  as  she  had  taken  church  asylum,  Fiscal  Ruiz  asked  that 
the  sentence  be  six  years  in  shackles.  Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo,  then  a  soldado 
distlnauido,  was  clerk  in  this  case.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  -Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii. 
9-11.  Indian  murder  case  at  San  Miguel.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  166-8. 
Two  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  on  trial  for  crim.  con.  with  married  women  and 


192  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

and  indulgence  in  gambling  propensities  caused  but 
little  trouble  to  the  authorities  in  these  years  so  far 
as  the  archives  show.  Let  us  hope  that  this  may  be 
taken  as  an  indication  of  sobriety  on  the  part  of  the 
people  rather  than  imperfection  of  the  records.41 

We  have  seen  that  by  the  exertions  of  Borica  sev 
eral  schools  were  established  in  California  before 
1800;42  but  that  in  the  last  years  of  the  past  decade 
the  records  throw  no  light  on  their  condition.  During 
the  present  decade  under  Arrillaga's  rule  there  is  not 
a  word  to  show  that  any  one  of  the  schools  established 

for  vagrancy.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxv.  12.  Long  investigation  by  Corporal  Cota 
of  an  incest  case  between  father  and  daughter  at  S.  Fernando.  Opinion  of 
Fiscal  Carrillo,  but  no  sentence.  Id.,  xxxvii.  21-35.  A  militiaman  arrested 
for  a  crimen  nefando  con  bestia.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  78.  Inventory  of 
shackles,  handcuffs,  stocks,  fetters,  etc.,  at  the  seven  presidios.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvii.  14.  1807,  a  neophyte  petitions  the  viceroy  for 
200  lashes  and  10  years  in  irons  at  San  Francisco  as  a  warning  to  others !  He 
had  committed  rape.  Mont.  Co.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  1.  Case  of  attempted  fornica 
tion  at  Branciforte.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  213-14.  Miguel  Ortega  of  S. 
Francisco  sent  to  Loreto  for  killing  Tomas  Prado.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  103, 
108.  Three  neophytes  of  S.  Die"go  sentenced  to  six  and  eight  years  in  presidio 
for  murder.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxvi.  8.  1808,  Gomez  at  S.  Jos<§, 
for  getting  drank  and  threatening  everybody  until  Vazquez  broke  his  head  in 
self-defence,  sentenced  to  fasting,  with  plenty  of  water,  and  his  head  and  feet 
alternately  in  the  stocks  two  hours  each  day  for  a  month.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS. ,  iii.  83.  Higuera  to  have  his  head  in  the  stocks  for  eight  days  and  then 
his  feet  until  further  orders.  Id.,  iii.  76.  1809,  murder  by  neophytes  at  San 
Francisco,  with  some  details  of  criminal  proceedings.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil. ,  MS. ,  xl.  1-10.  Estudillo  went  down  to  San  Fernando  to  act  as  defender 
of  a  soldier,  who  had  chosen  him.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  261.  A  soldier 
given  stocks,  chains,  and  sweeping  for  fornication  with  an  Indian  woman. 
Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  84.  A  married  woman  at  Branciforte 
threatened  with  exposure,  hair-cutting,  and  imprisonment,  if  a  soldier  were 
found  again  at  her  house.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  19,  20.  The  penalty  that 
Indians  dread  most  is  exile.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xl.  8.  1810, 
incest  case  at  Santa  Barbara.  Id.,  xli.  1,  2.  Indian  murder  case  at  San  Diego. 
Id.,  xliv.  6. 

41 1802,  the  comandante  of  Monterey  imposed'  a  duty  of  $6  per  barrel  of 
mescal  introduced  which  the  governor  disapproved,  because  such  an  act  was 
beyond  a  commandant's  power,  because  imports  and  exports  were  free  of 
duty,  and  because  mescal  could  not  be  admitted  at  all.  Subsequently,  how 
ever,  there  came  an  order  from  the  viceroy  favoring  the  duty,  and  the  $0  was 
.pn  several  occasions  paid.  This  is  the  only  record  extant  for  the  decade. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  213,  308-9;  ii.  37;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxxiii.  18; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  139,  181;  ix.  24;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  73;  S.  Jose, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  78.  Aug.  17,  1807,  justices  must  take  the  names  of  military 
men  found  playing  forbidden  games,  and  their  chiefs  must  impose  fines, 
taking  one  third  of  their  pay  until  it  is  settled.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix. 
234. 

42  See  Hist.  CaL,  vol.  i.  chap,  xxviii.,  this  series. 


SCHOOLS.  193 

by  Borica  was  still  in  existence,43  though  one  or  two 
of  them  may  still  have  been  kept  alive  in  a  feeble  way. 
Thus  the  pages  of  this  chapter  show,  respecting 
Californian  institutions  and  industries,  that  Borica's 
efforts  had  produced  hardly  a  trace  of  permanent 
effect.  Hemp-culture  flourished;  the  neophytes  were 
perhaps  better  weavers  and  mechanics  by  reason  of 
the  teachings  of  the  artisan  instructors ;  some  soldiers 
and  settlers  had  a  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing 
gained  in  the  schools;  but  in  the  main  all  had  settled 
back  into  the  old  condition  of  inertia.  Arrillaga  was 
a  very  different  man  from  his  predecessor,  though 
the  prevalent  stagnation  should  by  no  means  be  at 
tributed  altogether  to  his  neglect. 

43  In  1806  the  governor  stated  that  five  school-masters  were  needed.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  86-9.  Vejar,  Recuerdos  de  un  Viejo,  MS.,  1,  2,  says  a  ser 
geant  taught  school  at  San  Diego  about  1810,  but  there  is  no  certainty  about 
the  date. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    13 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 
1811-1817. 

THE  REVOLUTION  IN  NEW  SPAIN — EFFECT  IN  CALIFORNIA — FIRM  ALLEGIANCE 
TO  THE  KING — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  NEWS — NON- ARRIVAL  OF  THE  SUPPLY- 
VESSEL — CAPTURE  OF  GUERRA — DEPENDENCE  ON  FOREIGN  VESSELS — THE 
EARTHQUAKES  OF  1812 — BEGINNING  OF  THE  LIMA  TRADE — A  WINDFALL 
FROM  THE  'MERCURY' — DEATH  OF  ARRILLAGA — ARGUELLO  ACTING  GOV 
ERNOR — SOLA'S  APPOINTMENT  AND  ARRIVAL — FOREIGN  POLICY — SUR 
RENDER  TO  THE  INEVITABLE — TRADE  WITH  THE  'COLONEL' — THE  INSUR 
GENTS  COMING — THE  '&AN  CARLOS'  WITH  WAR-STORES  AND  MEMORIAS 
OF  1816 — SOLA'S  REPORT  OF  1817 — LIMA  SHIPS  AND  TALLOW  TRADE — 
TROUBLE  WITH  THE  FRIARS  ABOUT  SUPPLIES  FROM  THE  MISSIONS. 

THE  decade  1811-20  was  in  New  Spain  and  many 
other  parts  of  Spanish  America  a  period  of  strife 
growing  out  of  the  revolution  by  which  the  colonies 
sought  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain.  It  might  seem 
that  a  study  of  this  revolution,  at  least  en  resume, 
should  be  a  necessary  element  in  the  history  of  any 
Spanish  province ;  yet  such  is  not  the  case  so  far  -as 
California  is  concerned.  The  fact  that  Mexico  was  in 
trouble  and  either  could  not  or  would  not  aid  this  dis 
tant  province  with  money  or  supplies  was  the  sum 
and  substance  of  the  rebellion  so  far  as  it  had  effect 
in  California.  From  a  political  and  military  point  of 
view  the  'grito  de  independencia'  and  the  fierce  waves 
of  contention  that  followed  it  died  out  in  the  south 
nor  sent  so  much  as  a  faint  ripple  of  popular  excite 
ment  to  this  distant  north-western  shore.  The  suc 
ceeding  phases  of  the  struggle  were  not  even  known 
there. 

(194) 


THE  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  195 

The  subject  of  the  revolution  was  designedly  kept 
quiet  in  California.  Save  in  an  occasional  indirect 
allusion,  chiefly  in  the  private  correspondence  of  offi 
cers  and  friars,  the  archives,  both  secular  and  mission 
ary,  are  silent.  It  would  be  difficult  from  the  closest 
study  of  the  Californian  records  to  form  any  definite 
idea  of  what  the  national  trouble  was.  Yet  mail 
communication  was  comparatively  uninterrupted,  and 
it  is  hardly  possible  that  the  friars  and  officers  were 
not  constantly  informed  in  private  letters  of  the  course 
events  were  taking  in  Mexico.  All  were  strong  in 
their  allegiance  to  Spain.  There  was  as  yet  not  the 
slightest  indication  of  any  popular  feeling  in  favor 
of  independence.  Nothing  could  be  done  to  aid  the 
cause  of  royalty,  arid  it  was  deemed  wise  to  say  noth 
ing  and  await  results.  The  viceroy  was  cursed  again 
and  again  for  his  neglect  of  California,  but  that  vice 
regal  authority  was  endangered  was  too  absurd  an 
idea  to  be  entertained  for  a  moment,  in  public.  When 
foreign  visitors  inquired  about  the  troubles  in  Mex 
ico  they  were  told  that  the  rebellion  was  entirely 
crushed. 

Yet  in  the  one  respect  in  which  the  revolution  made 
itself  felt  in  the  province,  it  was  the  all-absorbing  topic 
of  the  period.  That  the  memorias  no  longer  came, 
that  the  soldiers  received  no  pay,  were  stern  facts 
patent  to  all,  and  they  furnish  the  key-note  of  the 
decade's  annals.  There  was  hardly  an  official  com 
munication  written  during  the  ten  years  that  did  not 
allude  directly  or  indirectly  to  the  prevalent  want  and 
suffering,  and  the  great  question  of  the  time  for  the 
provincial  government  was  how  to  devise  means  for 
feeding  and  clothing  the  troops,  all  thought  of  paying 
wages  and  salaries  being  abandoned  at  an  early  stage 
of  the  struggle.  The  only  resource  of  the  authorities 
was  to  obtain  mission  produce,  practically  on  credit, 
to  be  served  out  in  rations  and  to  be  traded  for  cloth 
ing  arid  other  necessary  articles,  which  were  purchased 
legitimately  sometimes  from  Spanish  vessels,  but 


196  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

oftener  more  or  less  illegally  from  the  Russians  and 
Americans.1  The  situation  for  the  missionaries  was 
a  trying  one  indeed.  Not  only  were  they  deprived  of 
their  stipends  and  their  missions  of  the  articles  which 
those  stipends  had  formerly  furnished,  but  they  were 
obliged  to  exchange  the  mission  products,  the  proceeds 
of  which  had  also  been  devoted  to  the  same  end,  for 
orders  on  the  royal  treasury  which  they  had  every 
reason  to  fear  would  never  be  paid,  as  indeed  they 
never  were ;  and  this  too  at  a  time  when  the  frequent 
visits  of  vessels  to  the  coast  afforded  them  a  better 
market  for  their  products  than  there  had  been  before. 
Yet  the  friars,  more  vitally  than  any  other  class,  were 
interested  in  sustaining  the  cause  of  royalty,  in  main 
taining  the  dependence  of  the  province  on  Mexico,  and 
in  keeping  California  from  the  grasp  of  any  foreign 
power.  They  knew  that  without  a  military  force  the 
missions  could  not  be  sustained,  and  that  by  the  mis 
sions  only  could  the  troops  be  fed  and  clothed.  Their 
submission  to  the  inevitable  was  perhaps  on  the  whole 
as  cheerful  as  could  be  expected;  that  they  sometimes 
gave  grudgingly,  that  there  were  exhibitions  of  ill- 
temper,  and  individual  instances  of  partial  revolt 
against  the  necessity  of  giving,  is  by  no  means  to  be 
wondered  at.  And  after  all,  if  they  did  have  to  sup 
port  the  whole  province,  and  notwithstanding  their 
troubles,  they  were  much  better  off  than  any  other 
class,  and  their  establishments  were  in  some  respects 
more  prosperous  than  ever.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
several  of  the  friars  accumulated  by  their  irregular 
commercial  operations  large  sums  of  money  during 
this  period  and  a  little  later.  Neither  did  the  settlers 
suffer  seriously  save  from  their  own  indolence  and 
improvidence.  The  soldiers  had  the  worst  of  it,  as 
they  had  nothing  to  sell;  and  what  wonder  they 
complained,  if  not  always  justly,  when  they  turned 

•  J  The  visits  of  foreign  and  Spanish  vessels  are  fully  described  in  chrono 
logical  order  in  chapters  xiii.  and  xiv.  of  this  volume,  and  alluded  to  as  needed 
in  this  without  references. 


NO  SUPPLIES.  J97 

from  contemplating  the  missions'  plenty  to  look  at  the 
rags  that  meagrely  covered  the  backs  of  their  wives 
and  children.  Here,  rather  than  in  the  old-time  con 
troversies  of  Serra,  Pages,  and  Neve,  was  laid  the 
foundation  for  the  bitter  feeling  of  later  years. 

Neither  the  regular  supply-ships  from  San  Bias  nor 
any  other  Spanish  craft  made  their  appearance  in  Cali 
fornia  in  1 8 1 1 .  But  in  September  there  came  two  letters 
from  Guardian  Garijo  to  the  president,  dated  Febru 
ary  20th  and  April  1 8th.  In  these  letters  the  outbreak 
of  Hidalgo's  revolt  was  announced  with  its  rapid  prog 
ress  across  the  continent.  In  them  was  also  narrated 
the  capture  of  the  transport  on  her  return  from  Cali 
fornia  in  the  autumn  of  1810,  with  the  adventures  of 
fathers  Carranza  and  Santiago,  who  had  been  passen- 

fers  on  that  vessel  and  had  been  captured  with  her. 
he  writer  noted  with  joy  the  reported  success  of  the 
royalists,  who  had  slaughtered  thousands  of  insur 
gents  with  slight  loss  to  themselves.  He  spoke  of 
the  recapture  of  the  vessel  and  the  release  of  the 
friars,  and  announced  his  firm  confidence  that  as  God 
was  on  the  side  of  the  friars  victory  was  certain  at  an 
early  day.  But  at  the  same  time  he  explained  the 
impossibility  of  sending  missionaries  or  supplies  this 
year,  and  the  uselessness  of  trying  to  bring  to  the 
viceroy's  attention  any  measures  for  the  good  of  Cali 
fornia.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  wait.2  Don 
Jose  de  la  Guerra  was  also  taken  by  the  insurgents 
at  San  Bias,  he  having  sailed  in  the  transport  to  take 
the  position  of  habilitado  gen'eral  in  Mexico.  He  was 
rescued  by  General  Cruz  in  February  1811,  and  served 

2  Garijo,  Cartas  del  P.  Guardian  en  que  da  noticia  de  la  Revolution  en  Me- 
jico,  1811,  MS.  After  referring  the  president  to  the  public  papers  for  particu 
lars,  Garijo  says:  '  It  is  enough  to  say  that  God  has  declared  himself  on  our 
side,  and  in  all  the  battles  the  number  of  insurgents  killed  has  been  infinite.' 
He  announces  the  death  of  the  archbishop  on  March  3d.  These  letters  were 
received  Sept.  17th  and  answered  Oct.  4th.  In  a  communication  of  the  guar 
dian  of  Jan.  18,  1819,  it  is  stated  that  the  supplies  collected  in  1810  (for  1811) 
in  Mexico  and  charged  to  California  were  seized  for  the  Mexican  troops  and 
never  replaced.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  101. 


108  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

for  a  time  at  Tepic  against  the  rebels.3  He  probably 
returned  to  California  later  in  the  year,  and  doubtless 
had  much  to  say  that  is  not  in  the  records. 

Meanwhile  Kuskof  was  making  explorations  in 
the  region  of  Bodega  in  the  interests  of  the  Russian 
company,  without,  however,  coming  into  contact  with 
the  Spaniards.  Several  Amerian  vessels  were  flitting 
up  and  down  the  coast  engaged  in  taking  otter  by  the 
aid  of  Aleut  hunters  and  the  contraband  trade,  but 
without  entering  the  ports  or  leaving  any  record  of 
particular  operations  in  smuggling.  The  Indians  were 
quiet,  if  we  except  some  not  very  well  founded  alarms 
at  San  Gabriel  and  the  attempt  of  a  neophyte  cook 
to  poison  the  minister  at  San  Diego.  And  finally  by 
way  of  inland  exploration  Father  Abella  made  a  boat 
voyage  to  the  lower  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento. 
These  are  general  statements,  for  the  details  of  which 
I  refer  the  reader  to  other  chapters  which  I  have 
found  it  necessary  to  devote  to  special  topics.4 

The  records  of  1812  furnish  but  a  single  item  to 
show  that  the  Calif ornians  were  thinking  of  the  rev 
olution.  The  commandant  of  San  Diego  informed 
the  governor  that  on  receipt  of  the  news  he  had  at 
once  strengthened  the  defences  of  the  port;  yet 
although  a  'seditious  paper'  was  found  on  the  shore, 
the  people  showed  no  signs  of  swerving  in  their  loy 
alty.5  Correspondence  from  Mexico  explained  that 
attempts  had  been  made  to  send  the  presidial  supplies 

3  Certificate  of  Argiiello  of  Au&  20,  1815,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
iv.  1 14-16.     May  16, 181 1 ,  viceroy's  permit  to  sail  from  San  Bias.  Id. ,  vi.  151 . 

4  These  special  topics  for  this  decade  are:  foreign  relations  and  maritime 
affairs,  Indian  affairs  and  exploration,  Russian  relations,  missions  and  insti 
tutions,  and  local  events.     Some  such  subdivision  is  an  absolute  necessity  in 
writing  provincial  history.     No  two  writers  and  perhaps  hardly  two  readers 
would  agree  exactly  upon  the  system  best  calculated  to  present  the  annals  of 
a  decade  in  the  clearest  possible  light.     After  a  careful  study  of  the  difficul 
ties  attending  different  methods  in  different  cases,  I  have  used  my  judgment 
as  to  the  best  way  of  presenting  the  events  of  each  period,  without  attempt 
ing  too  rigid  an  adherence  to  chronology  or  any  other  system,  or  even  to 
unvarying  uniformity  of  method  for  successive  epochs. 

5  June  19,  1812,  commandant  of  San  Diego  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  321.   Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  i.  108-16,  says  that  many  incendiary  docu 
ments  were  sent  to  California  from  unknown  sources. 


DESTITUTION.  199 

to  Acapulco,  but  that  they  had  returned  after  a  nar 
row  escape  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  Morelos' 
men.  The  friars  learned  also  that  while  their  sup 
plies  of  groceries  for  1811  were  lying  at  San  Bias 
awaiting  transportation,  there  was  no  money  in  the 
treasury  to  pay  mission  drafts,  of  which  the  sindico 
had  already  on  hand  $14,000.  On  May  22d,  Arri 
llaga  wrote  the  first  of  a  long  series  of  letters  to  the 
yiceroy,  in  which  was  depicted  the  sad  condition  of 
the  troops,  deprived  for  two  years  of  their  supplies.6 
And  now  when  want  was  beginning  to  make  itself 
felt  in  earnest,  there  came  a  proclamation  from  the 
directors  of  the  Russian  company  at  St  Petersburg 
proposing  to  trade  for  California  products,  protesting 
the  most  friendly  feeling  for  all  that  was  Spanish,  and 
presenting  the  proposed  barter  in  an  attractive  light. 
This  was  followed  almost  immediately  by  the  news 
that  the  Russians  had  actually  formed  a  settlement  on 
California  soil  near  Bodega,  confirmed  by  Gabriel 
Moraga  who  was  sent  to  make  investigations  and 
learned  but  little  beyond  the  strangers'  desire  to  trade. 
The  first  temptation  was  bravely  resisted  by  Arri 
llaga,  for  there  was  no  trade  this  year  beyond  the 
limited  contraband  operations  of  the  otter-hunters, 
fiyres  in  the  Mercury  was  on  the  coast,  and  Winship 
in  the  Albatross  was  at  Drake  Bay  and  the  Fara- 
llones,  as  elsewhere  recorded;  but  not  a  single  vessel, 
national  or  foreign,  entered  any  of  the  Spanish  ports. 
Father  Quintana  was  brutally  murdered  at  Santa 
Cruz  this  year  by  some  of  his  neophytes,  and  two 
other  friars  died;  but  a  company  of  five  missionaries 
newly  arrived  from  Spain  succeeded,  after  much' 
trouble  from  the  insurgents,  in  reaching  Loreto  by 
water  from  Acapulco,  and  thence  came  up  overland, 
reaching  San  Diego  in  July.7 

6 Nov.  7th,  21st,  Hab.  Gen.  Ormaechea  to  Arrillaga.  Pivv.  St.  Pap.,  Sen. 
Mil.,  MS.,  xliv.  7,  8.  July  17th,  Procurador  Martinez  to  president.  Arch. 
Sta  JR.,  MS.,  xi.  308-11.  May  22d,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  /?ec.,  MS.,  ix. 
128. 

7  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  42-5. 


200  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

A  series  of  earthquake  shocks,  the  most  fatal  if 
not  the  most  severe  that  have  ever  occurred  in  Cali 
fornia,  caused  this  year  the  wildest  terror  throughout 
the  southern  part  of  the  province.8  1812  was  ever  after 
known  as  "el  ano  de  los  temblores."  The  first  shock 
was  felt  on  the  morning  of  December  8th,  from  San 
Diego  to  Purisima.9  It  is  not  quite  clear,  however, 
that  it  was  felt  at  San  Diego  or  San  Luis  Rey ;  if  so, 
it  did  no  damage.  At  Sari  Juan  Capistrano  a  part 
of  the  neophytes  were  at  morning  mass,  it  being  Sun 
day,  in  their  grand  temple,  the  finest  structure  in 
California.  At  the  second  wave  of  the  temblor  the 
lofty  tower  fell  with  a  crash  on  the  vaulted  roof  of 
masonry,  and  in  a  minute  the  whole  mass  of  stone 
and  mortar  came  down  upon  the  congregation.  The 
officiating  minister  escaped  by  the  door  of  the  sac 
risty,  and  six  neophytes  were  saved  as  by  a  miracle; 
but  the  rest — forty  in  number  according  to  the  official 
reports,  though  the  mission  records  show  that  thirty- 
nine  were  buried  in  the  next  two  days,  and  perhaps 
that  four  more  bodies  were  found  later — were  crushed 
to  death.  No  special  damage  to  other  buildings  is 
recorded,  nor  is  it  probable  that  the  shock  was  a  very 
severe  one,  the  fall  of  the  church  being  due  chiefly  to 
faulty  construction.  Nothing  is  said  of  any  subse 
quent  shocks,  and  the  church  was  never  rebuilt,  an 
apartment  in  the  adobe  buildings  being  used  for 
religious  services  thereafter.  At  San  Gabriel  the 
church  was  badly  cracked,  losing  the  top  of  its  tower. 
Some  images  fell  from  the  altar  and  were  broken,  and 
most  of  the  mission  buildings  were  considerably  dam 
aged.  Here  the  quake  came  at  sunrise.  At  San 
Fernando  no  shock  is  reported  on  the  8th,  but  on  the 
21st  the  church  received  serious  damages.  For  San 
Buenaventura  and  Santa  Barbara  we  have  no  clearly 
recorded  dates;  but  if  light  temblores  were  felt  on  the 

8  For  particulars  see  the  local  annals  of  the  various  places  within  the  dis 
trict  indicated,  in  chap.  xvii.  of  this  volume. 

tt  There  are  vague  reports  that  shocks  were  also  felt  in  the  north  at  Santa 
Clara  and  other, points,  but  they  can  be  traced  to  no  reliable  authority. 


EARTHQUAKES.  201 

8th,  I  think  no  damage  was  done  till  the  21st.  At 
San  Buenaventura  there  were  three  heavy  shocks 
before  January  1st,  which  injured  the  church  so  that 
the  tower  and  much  of  the  facade  had  to  be  rebuilt. 
The  whole  mission  site  was  thought  to  settle,  and 
the  fear  of  being  ingulfed  by  the  sea  drove  all  to  a 
spot  a  mile  or  two  away,  where  they  remained  until 
April.  At  Santa  Barbara  the  buildings  of  both  mis 
sion  and  presidio  were  damaged  by  a  long  series  of 
shocks  which  began  probably  on  the  21st  and  lasted 
for  several  months.  The  sea  was  troubled,  new  springs 
of  chcvpapote,  or  asphaltum,  were  formed  in  all  direc 
tions,  the  so-called  volcano  developed  new  openings, 
cracks  were  reported  in  the  sierra,  and  the  people  ran 
away  in  terror  to  spend  two  or  three  months  in  the 
open  air.  At  Santa  Ines  there  were  two  shocks  fif 
teen  minutes  apart,  beginning  at  10  A.  M.  on  the  21st. 
The  corner  of  the  church  came  down,  as  did  all  the 
roofs  in  the  mission.  At  Purisima  several  slight  shocks 
between  7  and  8  A.  M.  on  the  8th  did  no  harm;  but 
at  10:30  A.  M.,  on  the  21st,  the  earth  shook  for  four 
minutes  so  violently  that  it  was  difficult  to  stand.  A 
brief  examination  snowed  the  minister  that  the  church 
walls  had  been  thrown  out  of  plumb;  and  half  an 
hour  after  the  first  there  came  another  more  violent 
shock  which  brought  down  the  church  and  nearly  all 
the  adobe  buildings.  Several  neophtes  were  wounded 
but  none  killed.  A  succession  of  light  shocks  followed 
this  day  and  the  next,  and  the  work  of  destruction  was 
completed  by  the  rains  that  followed  and  the  bursting 
of  the  water-works.  The  mission  was  subsequently 
rebuilt  on  another  site.10 

In  1813  no  supplies,  and  no  prospect  of  any  in  the 
near  future,  so  far  as  rare  letters  from  Mexico  threw 

10 Feb.  4,  1813,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  130;  April  9, 
1813,  report  of  president.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  90-1.  See,  however,  the 
more  important  references  in  the  local  annals  of  the  places  named.  Accounts 
of  this  earthquake  in  books  and  newspapers  have  been  numerous  but  never 
accurate. 


202  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD—HARD  TIMES. 

light  on  the  subject.  The  comandantes  represented 
to  the  governor  the  destitute  condition  of  the  troops. 
The  governor  could  do  nothing  but  express  his 
sympathy  and  echo  the  complaints  in  letters  to  the 
viceroy.11  Yet  the  friars  had  as  yet  shown  no  unwill 
ingness  to  take  the  regular  drafts  on  Guadalajara  in  pay 
ment  for  such  supplies  as  they  could  furnish,  arid  more 
over  partial  relief  was  obtained  from  several  different 
sources  this  year.  The  Lima  trade  began  with  the 
arrival  of  the  Flora  and  Tagle,  which  brought  up 
cargoes  of  cloth  and  miscellaneous  goods  to  barter  for 
tallow,  hides,  and  other  produce ;  and  not  only  did  the 
government  get  these  cargoes  in  exchange  for  produce, 
but  even  induced  one  of  the  captains  to  take  a  draft 
on  the  treasury  for  $2,000.  Captain  Noe  of  the  Flora 
also  brought  another  windfall  into  the  coffers  at  the 
capital  by  his  seizure  of  the  American  smuggler  Mer 
cury,  Captain  Ayres,  from  which  the  friars  had  doubt 
less  already  drawn  some  contraband  stores.  It  was 
not  deemed  legal  to  confiscate  for  California  use  the 
cargo .  of  the  prize,  strong  as  was  the  temptation. 
But  neither  did  it  appear  quite  safe  to  intrust  to  the 
ocean  again  $16,000  in  money  found  on  board,  and 
therefore  a  draft  on  the  treasury  was  sent  to  Mexico 
instead!  By  this  shrewd  operation  California  was  a 
gainer,  and  the  treasury  officials  had  no  just  cause  of 
complaint. 

Another  source  of  relief  was  found  at  Ross.  Ga 
briel  Moraga  repeated  his  visit  of  investigation  to  the 
Russian  settlement,  and  once  more  the  advantages  of 
mutual  trade  were  urged  to  a  not  unwilling  listener. 
The  result  was  that,  officially,  Arrillaga  simply  re 
ported  to  the  viceroy  the  proposition  in  connection 

11  Commandants  of  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Bdrbara  to  governor,  no  shirts 
and  little  food.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  341,  344.  Feb.  4th,  Arrillaga  to 
viceroy.  No  pay  for  three  years.  Presidios  in  a  sad  condition.  Prov.  Rec. , 
MS.,  ix.  129.  May  3d,  Arrillaga  to  Guerra,  no  money;  10  ships  like  the 
Flora  could  not  supply  the  presidios.  Giierra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii. 
218-19.  March  3d,  Juan  Jos<§  Zestaje  from  San  Bias,  says  there  have  been  no 
letters  received  from  Mexico  in  six  months,  and  there  is  no  hope  of  memorias. 
Id.,  vi.  112. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  SUPPLIES.  203 

with  provincial  needs.  Whether  he  consented  per 
sonally  to  the  proposed  trade  is  not  clearly  known; 
but,  with  or  without  his  consent,  Luis  Argiiello 
allowed  Kuskof  to  send  to  San  Francisco  in  bidarkas 
goods  to  the  amount  of  $14,000,  and  commercial  rela 
tions  with  Ross  were  rarely  interrupted  later.  Argiie- 
llo's  arrangements  with  the  friars  and  settlers  in  this 
enterprise,  by  which  he  obtained  the  supplies  for 
Russian  trade,  are  as  mysterious  as  his  understanding 
with  the  governor. 

That  the  authorities,  secular  and  missionary,  were 
more  anxious  about  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Mexico 
than  they  wished  to  appear,  is  evident  from  the  flurry 
caused  by  the  affair  of  the  cannon  at  San  Pedro. 
Noe'  left  the  guns  to  make  room  for  more  tallow ;  but 
strange  rumors  were  circulated  of  insurgent  or  Amer 
ican  plots,  and  it  was  deemed  best  to  have  the  cannon 
spiked. 

In  1814  there  were  few  official  communications  from 
Mexico,  and  these  contained  no  news  of  public  affairs12 
or  the  probability  of  relief  for  the  soldiers.  Neither 
do  I  find  any  complaints  on  record.  Arrillaga  notified 
the  commandants  in  June  that  their  companies  would 
be  furnished  with  supplies  by  the  missions  of  their 
respective  jurisdictions,  and  a  circular  of  similar  im 
port  from  the  president  to  the  friars  shows  that  the 
epoch  of  controversy  had  not  yet  begun.  The  Tagle 
came  back  from  Lima  with  a  cargo  of  merchandise, 
and  captured  the  American  Pedler;  but  the  capture 
did  the  Californians  no  good,  since  no  proof  of  smug 
gling  could  be  produced,  and  the  vessel  had  to  be 
released.  The  brig  Santa  Eulalia  sold  the  presidios 

12  A  royal  appeal  to  the  insurgents  seems  to  have  been  sent  over  from 
Sonora  for  publication  in  California.  S.  Jos6,  Patentee,  MS.,  126-7.  Oct. 
10th  was  received  the  joyful  news  of  the  return  of  Fernando  VII.  to  Spain 
from  his  captivity  in  France,  also  the  arrival  of  the  allied  army  in  Paris. 
The  news  was  taken  from  a  Habana  paper.  It  was  celebrated  at  San  Carlos 
by  ringing  of  bells,  illuminations,  and  te  deum.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  xxviii.  15. 


204  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

goods  to  the  amount  of  $16,000  for  treasury  drafts.13 
A  small  amount  of  money  was  probably  obtained 
from  the  English  vessels  Isaac  Todd  and  Raccoon, 
which  touched  at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  re 
spectively,  and  the  former  of  which  left  in  California 
its  first  foreign  resident,  John  Gilroy.  As  to  the  Rus 
sian  source  of  relief,  though  Moraga  was  despatched 
a  third  time  to  Ross,  and  this  time  with  the  strictest 
viceregal  and  gubernatorial  orders  that  the  settle 
ment  must  be  abandoned,  yet  Kuskof  found  it  hard 
to  understand  an  unwelcome  order  in  a  foreign  lan 
guage,  and  he  sent  his  clerk  Slobodchikof  to  San 
Francisco  with  the  usual  cargo  as  if  nothing  had  hap 
pened,  and  under  Argiiello's  protection  it  was  disposed 
of  without  difficulty. 

Meanwhile  the  attention  of  both  friars  and  soldiers 
was  turned  toward  the  great  valley  of  the  Tulares,  as 
a  tract  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  occupy  with  mis 
sions  and  a  presidio  at  an  early  date  for  the  protection 
of  the  coast  settlements  against  the  scourge  of  an 
Apache-like  warfare.  The  gentiles  were  becoming 
accustomed  to  the  use  of  horses,  and  their  country 
was  too  rapidly  becoming  a  place  of  refuge  for  runa 
way  neophytes.  Sergeant  Soto  had  fought  a  sharp 
battle  on  the  lower  San  Joaquin  the  year  before. 
Father  Martinez  explored  the  valley  further  south 
this  year,  and  in  the  following  years,  as  related  in 
another  chapter,  expeditions  for  war  and  exploration 
were  not  infrequent.  The  missionaries  thought  that 
the  rancherias  of  the  late  region  might  be  converted 
into  Christians  and  allies  before  they  became  entirely 
bad  by  association  with  northern  tribes  and  apostates, 
but  nothing  was  accomplished. 

The  province  had  now  to  part  with  its  ruler,  Colonel 
Don  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga,  who  died  at  Soledad 
Mission  on  July  24,  1814,  at  the  age  of  sixty-four. 

13  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  99-100;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  110- 
12. 


DEATH  OF  GOVERNOR  ARRILLAGA.  205 

Earlier  in  this  year  he  had  suffered  from  an  attack  of 
malignant  fever,  but  had  recovered.  In  June,  however, 
while  on  a  tour  of  inspection,  he  was  again  attacked 
by  a  serious  illness,  and  hastened  to  Soledad  so  as  to 
be  under  the  care  of  his  old  friend  Father  Ibanez. 
He  had  never  married  and  by  the  terms  of  his  will 
dated  July  15th  a  sister  inherited  most  of  his  prop 
erty.  .His  remains  were  interred  on  Tuesday,  July 
2Gth,  at  10  A.  M.,  under  the  centre  of  the  mission  church 
with  appropriate  ceremonies  conducted  by  Ibanez.14 

14  Jose"  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga  was  born  at  Aya,  province  of  Guipiizcoa,  Spain, 
of  noble  parentage  in  1750.  He  entered  the  military  service  as  volunteer  in 
the  presidial  company  of  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas,  Sonora,  on  Nov.  25,  1777, 
became  alferez  March  30,  1778,  served  as  lieutenant  from  July  14,  1780,  in 
the  companies  of  San  Sabas  and  La  Bahia,  Texas,  was  promoted  to  be  captain 
on  June  12, 1783,  and  in  November  of  that  year  arrived  at  Lore  to  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  presidio  as  lieut.  -governor  of  the  Californias.  At  this  time  he 
had  merited  the  praise  of  his  superiors  in  three  campaigns  under  Col.  Juan 
Bautista  de  Anza  and  in  two  battles  against  the  Seris  and  Pimas.  Arrillaga, 
Hojas  de  Servicio,  1791,  1795,  1798,  MS.  On  the  death  of  Gov.  Romeu,  April 
9,  1792,  Arrillaga  became  governor  ad  interim  of  the  Californias,  and  by  the 
viceroy's  order  came  to  Monterey  in  July  1793.  He  held  his  position  until 
Borica  took  possession  as  proprietary  governor  at  Loreto  on  May  14,  1794, 
though  he  remained  in  charge  at  the  north  until  Borica's  arrival  in  October 
of  the  same  year.  Then  he  returned  to  his  old  position  of  lieut.  -governor  at 
Loreto,  being  commissioned  lieut. -colonel  on  Nov.  15,  1794.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  i.  55;  xvii.  1.  His  chief  work  for  the  next  five  years  was  the  tedious  and 
difficult  one  of  regulating  the  presidial  accounts  of  both  Californias,  which 
were  in  a  sad  state  of  disorder.  He  toiled  patiently  and  long,  showing  much 
skill  as  an  accountant.  He  also  made  in  person  several  exploring  expeditions 
on  the  north-eastern  frontier,  toward  the  Colorado  River,  involving  several 
fights  with  the  Indians.  In  December  1798,  Gov.  Borica  credited  him  with 
ability,  experience,  zeal,  prudence,  courage,  and  irreproachable  conduct.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  70.  Dec.  2,  1799,  Arrillaga  petitioned  the  king  for  the 
governorship  of  the  Californias  or  of  some  other  province,  recounting  his  past 
services.  Borica  warmly  indorsed  the  petition.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xxvi.  10-13.  Before  the  petition  was  answered  Arrillaga  became  once 
more  governor  ad  interim  of  the  Californias  on  Borica's  departure  in  January 
1800.  But  his  power  was  purely  political  until  the  death  of  Alberni,  the 
comandante  de  armas  in  March  1802,  when  the  military  command  also  devolved 
on  him,  though  he  remained  at  Loreto  instead  of  coming  to  the  capital.  On 
March  26,  1804,  he  was  appointed  by  the  king  military  and  political  governor 
of  Alta  California,  the  news  reaching  that  province  in  December,  and  he  was 
at  once  formally  recognized,  but  did  not  come  to  Monterey  until  January 
1806.  In  1809  he  was  warmly  thanked  by  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  for 
his  many  favors  to  the  Franciscans.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  72.  A  little  later 
as  age  and  infirmities  crept  upon  him  he  asked  the  king  to  be  retired  from 
the  service  and  allowed  to  return  to  Spain;  but  the  reply,  accompanying  a 
colonel's  commission,  was  that  his  services  could  not  be  dispensed  with  in 
California.  His  will  of  July  15,  1814,  after  the  usual  declaration  of  faith  in 
the  trinity  orders  his  body  to  be  shrouded  in  the  Franciscan  habit  and  buried 
at  the  mission  where  he  may  chance  to  die.  One  hundred  masses  were  to  be 
Kaid  for  his  soul  at  San  Miguel  and  also  at  San  Antonio.  Various  sums  from 


206  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

Arrillaga's  character  and  abilities  as  a  man  and  an 
officer  may  be  deduced  from  the  annals  of  his  time  al 
ready  before  the  reader.  From  the  day  of  his  enlist 
ment  to  his  death  no  fault  was  found  with  his  conduct 
by  superiors,  by  subordinates,  or  by  the  friars.  As  a 
soldier,  officer,  and  provincial  ruler,  he  obeyed  every 
order  and  performed  every  duty  with  zeal,  courage, 
and  good  faith;  and  he  did  this  with  so  much  tact  that 
as  a  rule  he  made  no  enemies.  Extremely  pious  and 
attached  to  the  missionaries  he  yet  seems  to  have  es 
caped  the  reputation  of  frailero  in  its  offensive  sense. 
In  every  station  he  was  a  model,  and  like  other  mod 
els  of  good  conduct,  could  make  no  claims  to  origin 
ality  or  greatness.  Beyond  the  obedience  of  orders 
and  the  faithful  performance  of  routine  duties  his 
abilities,  or  at  least  his  ambition,  did  not  carry  him. 
Like  Portolci  and  Rivera  of  earlier  times  he  could  exe 
cute,  but  he  could  not  like  Neve  and  Borica  devise. 
His  weakest  or  least  agreeable  quality  was  his  com 
parative  apathy,  his  lack  of  enthusiastic  confidence  in 
the  future  of  his  province,  his  tendency  to  throw  cold 
water  on  every  measure  proposed  for  the  welfare  of 
California.  He  had  reason  enough  perhaps  for  his 
discouragement,  but  so  ready  an  admission  of  it  ill  be 
came  a  ruler.  Of  foreign  visitors  Vancouver  is  the 
only  one  who  said  anything  unfavorable  of  Arrillaga, 
and  he  wrote  in  a  peevish  spirit  without  just  cause  of 
complaint. 

$25  to  $100  were  bequeathed  to  different  servants.  Sums  aggregating  $2,182 
were  named  as  due  him.  He  says  he  had  one  older  brother,  Miguel  Ignacio, 
three  married  sisters,  and  one  unmarried,  Maria  Josefa,  whom  he  had  promised 
to  aid  and  whom  he  named  as  his  heiress.  Alfe"rez  Jos6  Mariano  Estrada  was 
named  as  executor  and  directed  to  sell  all  his  effects  at  auction.  Arrillaga, 
Testamento,  1814,  MS.  The  cause  of  his  death  was  intestinal  hemorrhage. 
Dorotea  Valdds,  Reminiscences,  MS.,  1,  2;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  38; 
and  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  68-9,  speak  of  the  ceremonies  at 
Arrillaga's  funeral  and  the  decoration  of  his  grave  in  later  years.  His  burial 
is  briefly  recorded  by  Ibanez  in  the  Solcdad,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  21.  His  fur 
niture,  plate,  etc.,  brought  $2,8G9  at  auction;  but  as  late  as  1819  the  estate 
had  not  been  settled  on  account  of  the  delay  in  adjusting  his  arrears  of  salary. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  140;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  30-1.  On  his  character  in 
addition  to  the  authorities  already  cited,  see  Vallejo,  Hist.  (Jal.,  MS.,  i.  98-9; 
Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  11,  12.  Arrillaga  had  so  far  as  I  know  no  kindred 
in  California. 


ARGUELLO  ACTING  GOVERNOR.  207 

In  person  the  governor,  as  remembered  by  those 
who  knew  him  and  are  still  living,  was  tall,  with  fair 
ruddy  skin  and  blue  eyes.  In  manner  he  was  abrupt 
at  times,  but  usually  courteous  and  affable;  generous 
to  all,  cordial  and  frank  in  his  intercourse  with  the 
officers,  kind-hearted  and  witty;  popular  with  the  sol 
diers  who  used  to  call  him  Papd,  Arrillaga,  but  always 
ready  in  official  transactions  to  put  on  that  sternness 
of  demeanor  so  essential  from  a  Spanish  point  of  view 
to  dignity.  He  was  very  fond  of  serving  as  god 
father  and  groomsman,  and  no  baptism  or  wedding  in 
the  highest  circles  was  deemed  altogether  complete 
and  satisfactory  without  his  services.  He  had  also  a 
weakness  for  silk  in  clothing  and  ornament.  Most  of 
his  gifts  to  friends  were  of  that  material,  and  after  his 
death  large  quantities  of  silk  handkerchiefs  and  stock 
ings  were  found  in  his  trunks.  He  was  a  fairly  good 
writer,  as  is  shown  in  his  official  correspondence,  and 
his  accomplishments  included  a  knowledge  of  the 
French  language. 

Captain  Jose  Argiiello,  comandante  of  Santa  Bar 
bara,  by  his  seniority  of  rank,  became  acting  governor 
on  Arrillaga's  death  without  any  formal  appointment 
or  recognition  so  far  as  the  archives  show.15  Neither 
is  there  any  record  of  his  official  acts  and  policy  dur 
ing  his  brief  rule,  beyond  a  few  routine  communica 
tions  of  trivial  import.  He  remained  at  his  post  at 
Santa  Barbara  most  if  not  all  the  time  instead  of 
coming  to  reside  at  the  capital.16  On  the  same  day 
that  a  proprietary  governor  was  appointed,  the  last  of 
the  year,  Argiiello  was  named  as  governor  of  Lower 
California ;  but  he  remained  of  course  in  charge  until 

15  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  letters  of  the  commandants  recognizing  Argiie 
llo  may  have  been  lost  or  have  escaped  my  notice;  but  the  viceroy's  approval 
may  never  have  come,  or  only  with  the  appointment  of  a  successor. 

16  He  was  at  Santa  Barbara  as  late  as  June  17,  1815,  when  he  writes  to 
Guerra  to  come  and  take  the  command.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS-,  xxviii. 
108.     See  also  chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume,  for  some  of  his  communications  on 
the  Russian  question  derived  from  Russian  sources.     Argiiello's  succession  is 
mentioned  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  vi.  107-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xix.  372. 


208  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

his  successor  arrived.  Some  of  the  Californians,  such 
as  Yallejo  and  Alvarado,  who  subsequently  became 
fiery  republicans,  looking  at  the  past  days  of  their 
boyhood  through  the  colored  glasses  of  later  opinions, 
allude  to  a  party  of  independents  who  favored  Argiie- 
llo,  and  were  displeased  that  he  was  not  made  gov 
ernor.  That  many  would  have  preferred  Argiiello  to 
a  stranger  is  likely;  but  not  that  political  views  had 
anything  to  do  with  this  preference,  or  that  there  was 
any  independent  party  in  California  at  the  time;  while 
it  is  certain  that  Jose  Argiiello  was  the  last  man  in 
the  province  who  would  have  entertained  revolutionary 
ideas,  being  preeminently  Spaniard,  loyalist,  conserv- 
tive,  and  a  friend  of  the  friars. 

The  new  ruler  appointed  by  Viceroy  Calleja  on 
December  31,  1814,  was  Lieutenant-colonel  Pablo 
Vicente  de  Sola,  of  whose  past  life  and  services  we 
know  only  that  he  was  a  Spaniard,  an  officer  of  the 
royal  army;  had  a  brother  who  was  a  friar  in  the 
college  of  San  Fernando;  and  had  served  temporarily 
as  habilitado  general  of  the  Californias  in  Mexico.17 
Sola  took  the  oath,  and  in  a  sense  formal  possession 
of  his  office  before  General  Jose  de  la  Cruz,  under 
whom  he  had  served,  at  Guadalajara  on  March  31, 
1815.  He  arrived  at  Tepic  May  16th,  and  landed  at 
Monterey  from  the  Paz  y  Religion  after  a  voyage  of 
seventy-five  or  eighty  days,  the  30th  of  August. 


18 


17  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  140-3,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  42- 
3,  state  that  Sola,  being  a  man  of  liberal  ideas,  was  selected  by  the  viceroy  to 
reorganize  the  government  of  California  according  to  the  Spanish  consti 
tution  of  1812,  secularize  the  missions,  etc.;  but  I  find  no  foundation  what 
ever  for  such  a  statement. 

18 1  have  Sola's  original  letter  of  Sept.  5,  1815,  to  the  padres  of  San  Anto 
nio,  in  which  he  announces  his  appointment,  arrival,  etc.  S.  Antonio,  Doc. 
Sucltos,  MS.,  71-2.  Same  date  to  President  Senan,  to  viceroy,  and  to  the 
commandants,  conveying  the  same  information.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  xii.  107;  ix. 
134-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  372.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlix.  41;  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  xi.  160.  April  17,  1815,  the  president  addressed  a  circular  to  the  padres 
announcing  that  Sola  had  a  brother  in  the  college,  which  fact  promised  well. 
In  August  he  had  found  sentiments  of  piety,  etc.,  in  the  new  governor. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  159-60.  In  a  letter  of  Nov.  14th,  Sola  signs  himself, 
'  Don  Pablo  Vicente  Sola,  teniente  coronel  de  los  Reales  Ejdrcitos,  Goberna- 
dor  Politico  y  Militar  de  la  Alta  California,  y  Comandante  Inspector  de  las 
tropas  que  guarnecen  sus  Presidios.'  Prov.  Rec.,  xii.  112. 


ARRIVAL  OF  SOLA.  209 

Juan  Bautista  Alvarado  narrates  in  considerable  detail 
the  ceremonies  and  festivities  of  the  next  day  or  two 
by  which  the  new  ruler  was  welcomed.  Friars,  settlers, 
and  Indians  came  to  Monterey  from  all  the  country 
round.  President  Senan,  with  twenty  padres  and 
thirty  native  musicians  and  singers,  headed  by  '  Jose 
el  Cantor,'  marched  in  procession  to  the  presidio 
chapel  to  chant  a  te  deum,  and  were  soon  joined  by 
Sola  with  the  officers  and  soldiers,  whose  advance  was 
amid  salutes  of  artillery.  After  mass  the  president 
made  a  speech  suitable  to  the  occasion.  Then  after 
the  religious  ceremonies  there  wTas  a  review  of  the 
troops  in  the  plaza,  and  a  discourse  by  the  new  gov 
ernor,  received  with  loud  vivas. 

In  the  executive  mansion  Sola  wras  waited  on  by 
a  delegation  of  twenty  young  girls,  who,  through 
Dona  Magdalena  Estudillo,  delivered  an  address  of 
welcome,  all  kissing  his  hand  and  receiving  gifts 
of  bonbons.  A  feast  followed,  the  tables  being  laden 
with  the  delicacies  of  the  province,  game  and  other 
meats,  the  olive  of  San  Diego,  the  orange  of  San 
Gabriel,  the  wines  of  San  Fernando,  and  the  '  oven- 
fruits'  of  the  famous  San  Antonio  flour.  The  dishes 
were  decorated  with  flowers  from  the  garden  of 
Felipe  Garcia,  whose  daughters  waited  on  the  table. 
After  the  repast  soldiers  in  vaquero  costume  gave 
exhibitions  of  horsemanship;  the  inevitable  bull  and 
bear  fight  took  place,  and  in  the  evening  a  grand 
ball  was  given  by  the  ladies  of  Monterey  at  the 
commandant's  house,  which  lasted  till  dawn.  Two 
days  later  Sola  was  entertained  with  much  ceremony 
at  San  Carlos  by  the  missionaries  and  neophytes.19 

That  Sola  found  the  province,  or  rather  the  troops, 
in  a  state  of  destitution  the  reader  already  understands. 
It  does  not  appear  that  the  Paz  y  Religion  brought 

19  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  47-68.    The  author  was  a  young  school-boy 
at  the  time;  but  his  memory  of  details,  most  of  which  I  omit,  was  probably 
refreshed  by  later  conversations  with  his  elders. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    U 


210  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

any  supplies,20  and  Sola's  first  letter  to  the  viceroy 
announcing  his  safe  arrival  contained  a  complaint  of 
serious  want  among  the  soldiers  and  the  defenceless 
condition  of  the  ports.  For  years  no  official  commu 
nication  was  sent  to  Mexico  which  did  not  embody 
a  similar  complaint.  Coming  from  the  tumults  of  New 
Spain,  Sola  naturally  gave  his  attention  largely  at 
first  to  coast  defences  and  early  took  a  decided  stand 
on  all  matters  connected  with  foreign  relations,  though 
this  did  not  last  long.  Early  in  1815  Arguello  had 
forwarded  peremptory  orders  to  Kuskof  at  Ross  that 
the  Russian  settlement  must  be  abandoned;  but  as 
usual  no  definite  reply  was  elicited,  and  only  ten  days 
before  Sola's  arrival  the  Suvarqf  had  touched  at  San 
Francisco,  brought  a  new  proclamation  addressed  by 
the  company  to  the  people  of  California,  and  found 
no  difficulty  in  disposing  of  her  cargo.  About  the 
same  time  the  Chirikof  and  Ilmen  had  obtained  large 
quantities  of  grain  at  San  Francisco.  The  new  ruler 
at  once  took  steps  to  investigate  the  acts  of  Luis 
Argiiello  in  this  connection,  administering  at  the  same 
time  a  sharp  rebuke.  In  September  he  also  showed 
his  strict  devotion  to  Spanish  laws  by  ordering  the 
arrest  of  Eliot  de  Castro  and  Boris  Tarakanof  of  the 
Ilmen,  who,  emboldened  by  past  success,  were  pushing 
their  contraband  and  otter-hunting  enterprise  with 
impunity  in  the  south.  The  two  captives  were  sent 
to  San  Bias  on  the  same  vessel  that  had  brought 
Sola,  though  they  were  brought  back  next  year. 
While  the  governor,  however,  would  abate  nothing 
of  his  patriotic  zeal  against  the  existence  of  a  foreign 
colony  on  California  soil,  it  did  not  take  him  more 
than  a  month  or  two  to  appreciate  the  needs  of  the 
province  and  the  extreme  desirability,  or  rather  the 
utter  necessity,  of  a  foreign  trade.  The  British  ship 
Columbia  in  July  and  August  had  obtained  from 
Arguello  a  promise  to  submit  a  commercial  proposi- 

20  Though  the  captain  'happened  to  have'  $2,000  v/orth cf  cloths  which  the 
governor  bought  with  his  own  money.  Prov.  Rec.>  MS.,  ix.   1G7-8. 


DANGER  IMMINENT.  211 

tion  with  his  recommendation  to  the  viceroy.  And 
we  soon  see  Sola  willing  to  go  even  further  in  the 
matter;  for  when  the  Colonel  came  in  August  1816 
instead  of  the  Columbia,  notwithstanding  the  viceroy's 
positive  orders  lately  received  to  permit  no  trade, 
the  governor  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  his  officers 
and  men  and  bartered  for  needed  articles  about  $7,000 
worth  of  supplies  obtained  from  the  missions  for  that 
purpose,  confessing  to  the  viceroy  his  deliberate  dis 
obedience  of  superior  orders,  but  pleading  necessity 
as  his  justification.21 

The  prevalent  want  was  increased  by  the  non- 
arrival  in  1815—16  of  the  Lima  ships,  which  before 
had  brought  goods  to  exchange  for  tallow.  The  fail 
ure  of  this  source  of  relief  also  indicated  that  some 
thing  was  amiss  in  the  south;  and  in  June  1816  the 
reason  was  known  through  despatches  from  Mazatlan 
by  way  of  the  peninsula,  recounting  the  hostilities  of 
the  Buenos  Ayres  insurgents  at  Guayaquil  and  Callao, 
and  the  imminent  danger  of  an  attack  on  the  north 
ern  coasts.  If  Sola  had  before  felt  anxious  about 
the  weakness  of  California  coasts  defences,  his  fears 
were  multiplied  on  receipt  of  this  alarm.  The  news 
was  immediately  forwarded  to  each  comandante  with 
orders  to  prepare  for  defence.  A  sharp  lookout  must 
be  kept;  cartridges  must  be  made  of  the  least  valu 
able  of  the  archives  if  necessary;  the  men  of  the 
artillery  militia  company  must  be  summoned  to  the 
presidios  for  instruction;  and  if  the  insurgents  ap 
peared  they  must  be  resisted  to  the  last  drop  of  blood. 
These  orders  were  issued  on  June  23d,  and  on  the 
same  day  circulars  were  sent  to  every  mission  so  ex- 
peditiously  that  in  seven  days  every  friar  had  received 
the  document  and  sent  a  favorable  reply.  At  each 
mission  fifteen  or  twenty  native  vaqueros  were  to  be 
ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  go  armed  with  riatas  to 
their  respective  presidios;  the  Indians  were  to  be 
praised  and  exhorted  to  loyalty;  the  most  valuable  of 

21  See  chap.  xiii. ,  this  volume. 


212  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD-HARD  TIMES. 

the  church  property  was  to  be  boxed  up  for  conceal 
ment;  and  on  the  approach  of  a  suspicious  vessel 
cattle  were  to  be  driven  to  the  interior.  The  answer 
from  all  came  promptly  that  they  would  obey  instruc 
tions  and  do  all  that  was  possible,  but  each  coman- 
dante  deplored  the  lack  of  an  effective  armament,  and 
called  for  aid  which  could  not  be  furnished.'22  The 
insurgents  did  not  yet  appear;  but  in  October  the 
San  Carlos  brought  up  to  Monterey  a  cargo  of  war- 
stores  sent  by  the  comandante  general  of  Nueva 
Galicia  from  San  Bias  in  response  to  Sola's -demands 
and  by  the  viceroy's  order.23 

Want  prevailed  at  the  presidios,  and  complaints 
were  continual.24  The  ordinary  or  irregular  sources 
of  supply  were  more  limited  than  for  several  years 
past.  As  I  have  remarked,  no  Lima  ships  came  in 
1816.  Neither  is  there  any  evidence  of  trade  with 
the  Russians;  for  in  the  interview  between  Sola  and 
Kuskof  during  Kotzebue's  visit  at  San  Francisco, 

32  June  23, 1816,  Sola  to  commandants  at  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Barbara. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  37;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlvi.  35-6.  June 
23tl,  Sola  to  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  55-60;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii. 
128-30.  June  28th,  Sola  to  the  prefect.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  357-8.  June 
2Gth,  Guerra  to  Sola,  asks  authority  to  enlist  500  or  600  Indian  archers.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  104-5.  July  6th,  Guerra  to  the  padres  calling  for  the 
archers  and  vaqueros.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  129-31.  July  6th, 
Id.  to  Id.,  has  brought  in  the  guns  from  the  missions.  Approves  of  red-hot 
balls,  but  nobody  knows  how  to  manage  them.  Id.,  xx.  111.  Jime  25th,  Ar- 
guello  to  Sola,  asks  for  ammunition.  Will  call  in  the  militia  from  San  Jose\ 
Id.,  xx.  2,  3.  July  6th,  Ruiz  to  Sola,  has  plenty  of  ammunition  and  will 
keep  a  close  watch.  Id.,  xx.  118.  Nov.  15th,  Ruiz  has  sent  home  the  militia 
sufficiently  instructed.  Id.,  xx.  124.  Aug.  26th,  Sola  orders  Guerra  also  to 
send  home  the  militia.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlvii.  9.  July  7th,  Padre  Escude"  has 
sent  12  vaqueros  to  San  Francisco  and  at  Santa  Cruz,  'no  hay  un  perro  que  se 
pueda  ver  de  la  mar.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  100-1. 

23  The  stores  included  8  guns  of  8  Ibs.  calibre  with  800  balls;  100  English 
muskets  with  bayonets;  20  cases  of  powder,  3,000  Ibs.;  1,000  Hints,  20.000 
ounce  musket-balls,  20,000  cartridges.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  133;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxxvii.  61-2.     An  officer  had  been  promised  with 
the  ammunition.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,ix.  153. 

24  March  5,  1816,  Sola  to  viceroy  on  the  pitiable  condition  of  the  troops 
and  families.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  138.     April  ICth,  viceroy  has  heard  the 
complaints  of  want  resulting  from  the  non  -arrival  of  the  memorias.  Prov.  Ht. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  5.     June  21st,  Argiiello  from  San  Francisco  to  Sola,  begs  for 
dry  goods  since  he  and  his  family  are  suffering.  Id.,  xx.  103.     June  29th, 
Guerra  says  his  men  are  suffering  for  clothing.  Id.,  xx.  108.    Prevalent  want 
this  year  mentioned  in  Kotzebue's  Voy.,  i.  28r~-6;  iii.  42-3.  Chamisso  Werke, 
iii.  130-1;  and  nearly  all  MS.  statements  of  the  epoch. 


RELIEF  BY  SEA.  213 

attention  was  given  exclusively  to  the  subject  of  ter 
ritorial  encroachment,  and  not  at  all  to  the  more  vital 
one  of  commerce.  Two  American  vessels,  the  Lydia 
and  Albatross,  were  at  El  Refugio  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year,  the  former  being  captured  by  the  Span 
iards;  but,  while  the  friars  had  doubtless  obtained 
some  contraband  supplies  from  those  vessels,  the 
seizure  was  of  no  advantage  to  the  government  or 
troops,  because  no  proof  of  smuggling  could  be  ad 
duced,  and  the  prize  had  to  be  released.  The  Columbia 
yielded  a  small  harvest;  but  the  records  do  not  show 
whether  or  not  anything  was  obtained  from  the  Amer 
ican  vessels  Sultana  smdAtala  which  touched  at  Mon 
terey  and  Santa  Barbara  in  August  and  November. 
The  missions  were  of  course  the  main  source  of  relief, 
and  the  friars  contributed  for  the  most  part  cheer 
fully,  though  rarely  without  a  prefatory  plea  of  pov 
erty.25  Meanwhile  after  much  correspondence  from 
the  authorities  in  Mexico  goods  amounting  to  $34,840 
were  at  last  shipped  from  Acapulco  and  brought  to 
Monterey  on  the  San  Carlos  with  the  war-stores 
already  mentioned,  but  in  such  a  damaged  condition 
as  to  afford  but  little  relief.26  Alferez  Gervasio  Ar- 

25  In  January  the  prefect  sent  a  circular  to  the  padres  of  the  central  mis 
sions,  calling  for  cloths  for  the  presidio  of  Monterey.     Each  friar  promises  to 
do  his  best,  after  various  excuses  of  scarcity.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  7-10; 
also  many  scattered  communications  of  minor  importance  on  similar  topics. 
Id.,  passim.     March  llth,  Payeras  of  Purisima  to  Guerra,  enumerates  the 
sacrifices  already  made  by  the  missions  for  the  troops,  but  says  all  that  is 
possible  will  still  be  clone  for  the  support  of  prisoners,  etc.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  v.  16.    April  22d,  the  same  padre  offers  one  sheep  per  week  to  the 
lieutenant,  10  per  year  to  the  alferez,  and  8  to  the  sergeants.  Id.,  v.  17,  18. 
June  28th,  Sola  to  prefect.     Wants  1,000  deer-skins  and  hemp-thread  to 
make  breeches  for  the  soldiers ;  also  30  mule  outfits  and  50  loads  of  sacks. 
Arch  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  358.    July  6th,  prefect  to  padres  on  the  same  subject/ 
Calf-skins  would  answer  the  purpose.  Id.,  xii.  356-7.    Sept.  20th,  Sola  writes 
to  Jaime  of  Soledad,  'Si  hubiera  sabido  los  muchos  y  malos  ratos  que  estd 
pasando,  por  las  presentes  miserias  y  otras  cosas  con  que  se  ha  encontrado, 
esta  provincia,  ni  el  vireinato  de  N.E.  que  me  hubieren  ofrecido  dar  habria 
admitido. '  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  iii.  pt.  i.  1 10.    Nov.  10th,  Senan  writes  to  Guerra 
about  the  manufacture  of  lance-heads  at  the  missions.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  ii.  150. 

26  Dec.  30,  1815,  April  16,  1816,  viceroy  notifies  the  governor  that  the 
inemorias  are  detained  at  Acapulco.     Orders  to  be  sent  to  the  intenclente  of 
Guadalajara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  384;  xx.  5.     Aug.  24th,  viceroy  says 
the  San  Carlos  has  orders  to  bring  the  memorias.  Id.,  xx.  22.     July  16th, 


214  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

giiello  seems  to  have  sailed  on  this  transport  to  assume 
the  position  of  habilitado  general  in  November.  Dur 
ing  the  last  half  of  the  year  some  reassuring  promises 
were  made  about  supplies  in  the  future,  and  the  head 
quarters  of  the  department  were  for  a  time  transferred 
to  Guadalajara  without  anything  practical  being  ef 
fected.27 

At  the  beginning  of  1817  Sola  made  a  general 
report  on  the  condition  of  California,  with  particular 
reference  to  its  capabilities  for  defence.  While  urging 
the  impossibility  of  dislodging  the  Russian  intruders 
without  large  reinforcements,  he  explained  that  the 
presidial  cavalry  companies  not  only  were  barely  suf 
ficient  for  the  protection  of  the  missions,  but  that  by 
their  long  experience  in  the  peculiar  tactics  of  Indian 
warfare  the  troops  were  unfitted  for  effective  service 
against  a  foreign  foe  armed  with  weapons  more  deadly 
than  bows  and  arrows.  The  artillerymen  at  the 
presidios  were  few,  disabled,  and  unskilful;  the  guns 
were  defective,  and  munitions  were  wanting.  For 
coast  service  against  the  Russians  or  any  other  for 
eign  foe,  a  new  force  of  infantry  and  artillery,  with 
new  guns  and  a  new  supply  of  war-stores,  was  abso 
lutely  necessary,  while  an  armed  vessel  to  remain  on 
the  coast  as  a  cruiser  and  transport  was  hardly  less 
essential.  The  Anglo-Americans  who  for  years  had 
frequented  the  coasts,  had  acquired,  said  Sola,  a 
knowledge  of  the  country,  both  of  its  natural  richness 
and  its  defenceless  condition.  That  their  purpose  was 
not  as  pretended  merely  to  obtain  supplies  was  well 
known,  and  it  was  to  be  feared  that  smuggling  'even 
was  not  their  only  aim.  They  came  well  armed,  kept 

Moran  from  Mexico  says  the  stores  will  probably  reach  California  in  a  fit 
condition  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  116. 
Arrival  and  amount  of  the  invoice.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlvi.  29. 
Their  damaged  condition,  according  to  Sola  and  Lieut.  Estrada.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  153-4;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  vii.  76. 

27  Oct.  1815,  Nov.  6,  1816.  orders  to  be  sent  to  Guadalajara.  Prov. St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  371;  xx.  Nov.  21st,  Com.  "Gen.  of  Nueva  Galicia  to  aid.  Id.,  xx. 
23.  Dec.  10th,  better  prospects.  Id.,  xx.  130.  Dec.  30th,  Guerra  complains 
of  the  Guadalajara  change.  Id.,  xx.  119. 


SOLA'S  REPORT.  215 

av/ay  from  the  presidios,  frequented  the  smaller  bays, 
landed  with  impunity,  and  came  into  contact  with  the 
people.  The  Indians  naturally  could  not  be  counted 
on  to  give  their  lives  in  defence  of  a  people  whom 
they  charged  with  having  deprived  them  of  their  lib 
erty.  They  could  easily  be  bought  from  their  alle 
giance  and  the  strangers  were  very  free  with  their 
beads.  Yet  Spain  could  by  no  means  afford  to  aban 
don  the  province,  which,  to  say  nothing  of  its  own 
intrinsic  value  and  the  duty  of  maintaining  so  grand 
a  spiritual  conquest,  was  an  especially  important  pos 
session  just  at  this  time  as  a  commercial  frontier  bar 
rier  to  keep  the  scheming  and  aggressive  English  and 
Russians  from  interfering  in  the  trade  of  New  Spain. 

Sola  appended  to  this  report  his  views  on  the  agri 
cultural  and  commercial  resources  of  California  and  on 
the  measures  necessary  for  their  profitable  develop 
ment,  among  which  the  most  essential  in  his  opinion 
were  the  introduction  of  five  hundred  Spanish  fami 
lies,  the  opening  of  the  long-closed  Colorado  River 
route,  and  the  furnishing  of  at  least  two  ships  to 
carry  away  the  produce  of  the  country.  Regretting 
that  he  had  not  the  talent  to  devise  ways  and  means 
to  settle  and  protect  the  province  confided  to  him 
without  imposing  expense  on  the  royal  treasury,  the 
governor  concluded  by  insisting  that,  while  expensive 
fortifications  would  be  useless,  two  hundred  infantry 
men,  four  field-pieces  with  men  skilled  in  their  use, 
and  an  armed  cruiser  were  absolutely  necessary  not 
only  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Russians  but  for  the 
safety  of  the  province.23  Subsequently  he  made  a  tour 
of  inspection,  visiting  all  the  presidios  and  missions  to 
acquaint  himself  more  thoroughly  with  their  needs. 

Three  vessels,  the  San  Antonio  and  Ilermosa  Mexi- 
cana  from  Lima  and  the  Cazadora  from  Panamd,  came 
this  year  to  exchange  their  cargoes  of  goods  for  Califor- 
nian  tallow.  The  governor  made  a  requisition  on  the 

28  Sola,  Informe.  General  al  Vlrey  sobre  Defensas  de  la  California,  1807, 
MS.  Dated  Monterey,  Jan.  2,  1817. 


216  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

missions  for  tallow  or  money  and  thus  secured  a  fair 
portion  of  the  goods  for  his  soldiers.  He  also  held 
out  the  danger  of  attack  from  the  South  American 
insurgents  as  an  incentive  to  get  rid  of  the  large 
amount  of  tallow  on  the  coast.29  The  duties  on  exports 
and  imports  imposed  by  Sola  not  only  proved  an  item 
worth  consideration  under  the  circumstances,  but  it 
obliged  the  pueblos,  of  which  we  hear  very  little  in 
these  days,  to  contribute  a  slight  amount  toward  the 
support  of  the  soldiers.  From  Captain  Wilcox  of  the 
American  Traveller  about  $1,400  in  cash  and  cloth, 
perhaps  much  more,  was  obtained.  Russian  trade 
was  also  reopened  after  a  temporary  interruption  'of 
one  year.  Padushkin  in  the  Chirikof  came  to  San 
Francisco  and  Monterey  in  the  spring;  and  although 
Sola  would  give  no  formal  consent  to  barter,  refused 
permission  to  hunt  otter  in  partnership,  and  insisted 
peremptorily  on  the  abandonment  of  Ross — yet  all  the 
same  the  Chirikofs  cargo  was  in  one  way  or  another 
traded  for  grain  and  meat.  In  the  autumn  Hage- 
meister  in  the  Kutuzof  came  down  to  San  Francisco, 
and  Sola  made  an  eifort  to  purchase  the  cargo  to  the 
amount  of  $25,000  or  $30,000  with  drafts  on  Guada 
lajara,30  but  the  Russian  commander  declined  such 
doubtful  securities.  Then  Hagemeister  offered  to  sell 
the  goods  and  take  his  pay  in  otters  to  be  caught 
then  and  there,  which  terms  Sola  would  not  accept; 
yet  now  as  before  the  Kutuzof  carried  away  produc 
in  place  of  the  effects  she  brought. 

29  Aug.  26,  1817,  Firmin  de  Genoa  y  Aguirre  to  Sola,  agrees  to  pay  the 
duties  established  on  goods  urgently  needed  for  the  troops.  Is  ever  ready  to 
serve  the  king.  Places  at  the  governor's  disposal  his  whole  cargo — that  of 
the  Hermosa  Mexicana.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  154-5.  Sola  obtained 
cloths  for  the  troops  to  the  amount  of  $8,000.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
ix.  1-3,  6,  7.  Sola's  decree  of  Aug.  19th  calling  for  import  duties  equal  to 
those  of  export  as  shown  by  the  vessel's  register;  and  fixing  the  export  duty 
of  tallow  at  18  cents  per  arroba,  the  duty  on  other  produce  to  be  fixed  by 
Lieut.  Estrada.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  26;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  44.  Aug. 
23d,  Sola  from  San  Diego,  explaining  that  the  insurgent  operations  in  Chili 
would  open  a  market  for  California  tallow.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  49;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  244. 

30 Sola  to  Arguello.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  210-11.  See  also  the  chapter 
on  Russian  relations  for  this  decade. 


MISSION  CONTRIBUTIONS.  217 

While  supplies  were  thus  abundant  in  comparison 
with  those  of  the  preceding  year,  complaints  of  desti 
tution  continued  and  from  Mexico  no  relief  was  ob 
tained.31  The  missions  were  of  course  heavily  taxed, 
and  still  furnished  food  and  such  other  supplies  as 
they  had ;  but  this  year  for  the  first  time  manifesta 
tions  of  ill-feeling  appear  on  the  part  of  the  friars.  It 
is  evident  that  the  extent  or  manner  of  Sola's  demands 
gave  offence,  the  dissatisfaction  first  appearing  in  con 
nection  with  the  call  for  a  ton  of  tallow  for  each  pre 
sidio  to  be  traded  for  the  cargoes  of  the  Lima  ships 
and  for  the  benefit  of  the  troops.  Prefect  Sarria 
refused  to  contribute  so  much  and  after  a  rather  bitter 
correspondence  Sola  was  obliged  to  reduce  his  demands 
far  below  the  original  figure,  and  the  amount  finally 
levied  on  the  missions  seems  to  have  been  §2,800  in 
cash  or  its  equivalent  in  tallow.32 

31  Feb.  26,  1817,  Sola  advised  from  Mexico  by  a  friend  that  an  active  and 
efficient  agent  is  much  needed  to  agitate  California  interests.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  151.     Guerra  complains  of  the  great  poverty  of  the  inhabitants  of 
his  district.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat-,  MS.,  iii.  73.     June  4th,  Sola  to  Gen. 
Cruz,  his  heart  bleeds  for  the  indigence  and  suffering  of  officers,  men,  and 
families,  to  cover  whose  nakedness  he  had  already  given  away  nearly  all  his 
own  clothing.     Not  $100  to  be  borrowed  in  the  province.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  148,  150.     June  28th,  private  letters  to  Sola  from  Tepic,  the  invoice 
of  goods  ordered  has  not  been  sent,  because  the  merchants  of  New  Galicia  will 
not  venture  unless  with  a  certainty  of  large  returns.  Id.,  xx.  173.     Aug.  14th, 
Gervasio  Argiiello  to  Sola  from  Guadalajara,  says  he  makes  daily  appeals  to 
treasury  officials,  viceroy,  general  and  intendente;  but  no  attention  is  paid  to 
his  claims.     There  is  great  want  in  Mexico,  and  no  likelihood  of  obtaining 
relief  for  California  unless  great  influence  is  brought  to  bear  on  the  V.  R.  Id. , 
xx.  188-92.     Aug.  19th,  Sola  to  Guerra  speaks  of  more  encouraging  prospects. 
The  habilitado  general  has  received  a  little  money.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal. , 
MS.,  iii.  244.     Oct.  8th,  Argiiello  says  the  V.  R.  has  ordered  the  treasury 
officials  to  relieve  California,  but  nothing  has  been  done.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
xx.  194-5.     Dec.  8th,  Wilcox  says  at  the  time  of  his  visit  at  Monterey  '  the 
most  of  the  troops  and  other  inhabitants  could  not  attend  mass  for  want  of 
clothing;  and  the  padres  had  neither  wearing  apparel,  ornaments  for  the 
churches,  nor  implements  to  till  the  soil.'    Id.,  xx.  168-9. 

32  Sarria's  first  reply  was  an  offer  of  $4,000  or  4,000  arrobas  of  tallow,  free 
from  duties.     Sola  offered  then  to  take  6,000  arrobas  and  $4,000  in  cash. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  249;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  61-3.     Sept. 
23d,  Sarria  by  circular  calls  for  contributions  as  follows — given  in  full  as  an 
illustration  of  the  comparative  resources  of  the  different  establishments:  San 
Francisco,  Santa  Clara,  San  Jose",  Santa  Cruz(?),  San  Carlos,  Soledad,  San 
Antonio,  and  San  Diego,  $50  each;  San  Juan  Bautista,  San  Miguel,  Santa 
Barbara,  San  Luis  Rey,  $100  each;  San  Fernando,  $150;  San  Luis  Obispo  and 
Santa  Lie's,  $200  each;   Purisima,  $300;   San  Juan  Capistrano,  $350;   San 
Buenaventura  and  San  Gabriel,  $400  each.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  2C7-12. 
Later  in  the  year  the  governor  called  for  cloth,  scrapes,  and  blankets,  and  the 


218  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD— HARD  TIMES. 

In  a  communication  of  August  24th,  Sarria  de 
clared  that  the  destitution  was  by  no  means  as  great 
as  in  past  years  when  the  supplies  failed  to  come; 
that  the  missions  were  disposed  to  do  all  they  could 
for  the  troops;  that  the  governor's  information  to  the 
effect  that  the  missions  could  export  100,000  arrobas 
of  tallow  was  inaccurate,  though  it  might  be  true  that 
Cavenecia  had  by  extraordinary  exertions  obtained 
30,000  arrobas;  and  finally  that  consolation  and  relief 
were  coming  "in  the  news  that  the  insurrection  by 
which  the  face  of  the  world  was  threatened  was  already 
drawing  its  last  breath."33  Writing  to  Guerra  on  this 
subject  Sola  said:  "I  had  to  write  to  the  padre  pre- 
fecto  a  second  time,  and  pretty  plainly  because  he, 
wishing  to  play  the  part  of  a  good  bull-fighter,  thought 
he  could  get  the  best  of  me  by  holding  out  the  hope 
that  after  the  missions  had  supplied  themselves  with 
such  goods  as  they  fancied,  they  would  give  something 
for  the  troops,  as  they  did  in  the  time  of  Arrillaga. 
But  that  kind  of  thing  did  not  please  me,  and  I  told 
him  very  plainly  that  the  Neophytes  had  no  use  for 
such  goods  as  were  offered."84  A  little  later  Sarria, 
Amoros,  Duran,  Viader,  and  Marquinez  protested 
against  the  attempt  to  collect  any  export  duty  or  any 
tax  on  mission  produce.  Sarria  reminded  the  governor 
of  a  decree  of  excommunication  against  any  who  com 
mitted  so  sacrilegious  an  act.  Amoros  declared  that 
vessels  ought  to  be  thanked  for  coining,  not  taxed, 
hinting  mysteriously  at  the  prevalent  popular  excite 
ment  and  the  need  of  precaution  on  the  part  of  the 
authorities,  while  Duran  proposed  to  appeal  the  matter 
to  the  supreme  government.35 

missions  from  San  Juan  Bautista  to  San  Luis  Obispo  gave  600  varas  of  jerga, 
380  blankets,  and  105  serapes.  Id.,  ix.  204-6. 

33 Aug.  24, 1817,  Sarria  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.,  pt.  ii.  12-16.  Father 
Martinez  writes  to  Sola  in  sending  some  blankets:  'si  quiere  Vd  que  vayan 
de  balde,  para  mi  es  lo  mismo  porque  este  comercio  de  California  engorda  poco 
y  a  mi  menos  que  no  soy  mas  que  apoderado.'  Id.,  iii.,  pt.  i.  149.  In  another 
letter  Sarria  alludes  to  the  fact  that  the  presidios  owe  the  missions  a  great 
deal  of  money  for  supplies,  although  the  king  has  declared  that  nothing  must  be 
taken  from  the  Indians  without  immediate  payment.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MB.,  iii.  88. 

84  Aug.  23,  1817,  Sola  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  244-8. 

35  Profesta  de  los  Padres  contra  Gabdas,  1817,  MS. 


LOYALTY  OF  THE  PADRES.  219 

Not  much  was  said,  or  at  least  written,  about  the 
revolution  during  these  days.  Father  Martinez  wrote 
often  to  Sola  in  a  jocular  view,  always  ready  to  con 
tribute  anything  he  had,  especially  money,  which  he 
said  the  neophytes  could  not  eat;  sending  supplies 
not  as  a  loan  but  as  a  gift,  "  that  all  the  world  may 
know  that  here  we  attend  to  public  necessities  with 
proper  integrity."  He  was  more  or  less  disgusted 
with  prospects  in  general,  but  he  was  convinced  that 
"  now  is  the  time  to  eat  well  while  we  can  and  the 
country  is  full  of  fat  cattle. "  Senan  called  on  God  to 
pardon  and  save  the  misguided  insurgents  of  New 
Spain  and  South  America,  who  without  divine  inter 
ference  were  sure  to  ruin  all  and  be  ruined.  The  good 
news  alluded  to  by  Sarria  seems  to  have  been  derived 
from  a  number  of  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico  which  was 
widely  circulated  among  the  friars  greatly  to  their 
comfort.  The  prefecto  points  with  pride  to  the  fact 
that  California  had  remained  true  to  the  king,  and 
that  by  the  efforts  of  friars  and  government  perfect 
peace  had  been  maintained.  Evidently  the  impression 
was  prevalent  that  the  rebellion  was  drawing  near  its 
end.36  Some  time  in  1817  there  was  probably  received 
in  California  the  pastoral  address  of  the  newly  ap 
pointed  commissary  general  of  the  Franciscan  order  in 
the  Indies,  addressed  to  all  the  friars  in  America,  and 
dated  at  Madrid,  August  28,  1816.  This  document 
was  in  substance  an  appeal  to  the  friars  to  remain 
firm  in  their  loyalty  to  the  king;  and  there  were  none 
certainly  in  California  who  were  likely  to  waver  in 
their  allegiance.37 

36Nov.  5,  1817,  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  61,  111-15,  148;  iii.  pt.  ii.  12, 

15;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  78. 

37  Bestard,  Pastoral  del  Comisario  General  de  Indias  d  sus  Subditos  28  de 
Agosto  1816,  MS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 
1818. 

EL  ANO  DE  LOS  INSURGENTES — THE  RE  VOLUTION  IN  SOUTH  AMERICA — THE  LIMA 
SHIPS — GYZELAAR'S  WARNING — SOLA'S  INSTRUCTIONS — PREPARATIONS 
FOR  DEFENCE — BOUCHARD'S  ARRIVAL— THE  'ARGENTINA'  AND  'SANTA 
ROSA' — A  RUSSIAN  STORY — AUTHORITIES — ATTACK  ON  MONTEREY — 
ARTILLERY  BATTLE — VALLEJO  AND  HIS  BATTERY — SOLA'S  RETREAT  TO 
RANCHO  DEL  REY— THE  PRESIDIO  BURNED— THE  PIRATES  AT  EL  RE- 
FUGIO — PRISONERS  TAKEN — AT  SANTA  BARBARA — AN  INSURGENT  TRICK 
— ALARM  AT  SAN  BUENAVENTURA — BOUCHARD  LANDS  AT  SAN  JUAN  CAPIS- 
TRANO — DESERTERS — FRIARS  AND  SANTIAGO  ARGUELLO — THE  TUMULT  AT 
SANTA  CRUZ — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  PIRATES — RESULTS  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

"EL  ano  de  los  insurgentes,"  1818,  was  a  memo 
rable  year  in  the  annals  of  California,  being  the  only 
occasion  on  which  the  province  was  ever  invaded 
by  a  foreign  foe  before  the  exploit  of  Commodore 
Jones  in  1842.  The  operations  of  the  insurgent  Cap 
tain  Bouchard,  more  commonly  known  to  Califor- 
nians  as  "the  pirate  Buchar,"  although  involving  the 
only  manifestation  in  California,  from  a  military  point 
of  view,  of  the  great  struggle  of  Spanish  America  for 
independence,  and  the  destruction  of  the  provincial 
capital,  have  received  from  modern  writers  only  bare 
and  inaccurate  mention  by  a  few,  being  entirely  omitted 
by  most.1 

1  The  strength  of  the  fort  'may  be  judged  of  from  its  having  been  taken  by 
a  small  party  of  seamen,  who  landed  from  a  Buenos  Ayrean  pirate  in  1819, 
destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  guns,  and  pillaged  and  burnt  the  town.' 
Beecher's  Voycuje,  ii.  86.  'En  el  afio  de  819  tambien  fu<§  invadido  Monterey 
ppr  una  escuadrilla  argentina  al  mando  de  un  tal  Buchar.'  Castailares,  Cohc- 
cion  de  Doc.,  41.  'En  1819,  un  pirate,  portant  le  pavilion  des  insurg^s  de 
Buenos-Ayres,  canonna  le  Presidio,  et  ayant  debarque  du  monde,  s'empara  de 
quelques  bceufs  dont  il  avait  besoin  pour  son  Equipage.'  Mofras,  Explor., 

(220) 


DEVOLUTION  IN  SOUTH  AMERICA.  221 

The  revolutionary  movement  on  the  western  coast 
of  South  America,  as  in  New  Spain,  began  in  1810. 
The  struggles  of  the  following  ten  years  and  more 
have  never  been  recorded  sufficiently  in  detail  to 
throw  light  on  the  one  or  two  points  affecting  the 
story  I  have  to  tell.  Neither  is  .it  necessary  for  my 
purpose  to  relate  even  in  general  terms  the  revolu 
tionary  annals  of  those  southern  provinces.  It  is 
enough  to  explain  that  the  Pacific  provinces  derived 
important  aid  from  those  on  the  Atlantic,  and  espe- 
ially  from  Buenos  Aires;  that  General  Jose  de  Sari 
Martin  came  across  the  cordillera  in  1817  with  an 
army  to  fight  for  the  independence  of  Chili ;  and  that 
for  a  year  or  two  before  and  after  that  date  many  of 
the  privateers  cruising  on  the  coast  sailed  under  the 
Buenos  Aires  flag.  These  vessels  seem  to  have  car 
ried  letters  of  marque  regularly  issued  by  San  Mar 
tin.  Their  rights  as  privateers  and  insurgents  were 
generally  admitted  by  the  nations,  and  it  was  only 
the  popular  voice  in  provinces  attacked  that  termed 
them  pirates,  though  it  must  be  admitted  that  their 

i.  401.  '1818-19,  great  excitement  about  this  time  concerning  the  expected 
visit  of  Bouchard,  the  Buenos- Ayres  privateer,  who  afterwards  plundered 
Monterey  and  scared  Santa  Barbara  to  death.'  Browne? s  L.  Ccd.,  74.  'Bou 
chard,  the  privateersrnan,  ruins  the  Presidio  of  Monterey  and  the  Rancho 
Eefugio  of  Ortega  near  Santa  Barbara,  in  December  1818.'  Taylor,  in  Gal. 
Farmer,  March  21,  1862.  'One  day  in  1818  a  vessel  was  seen  approaching  the 
town  of  Monterey.  As  she  came  nearer  she  was  seen  to  be  armed,  and  her 
decks  swarming  with  men,  and  she  flew  some  unknown  flag.  Arriving  within 
gunshot  she  opened  fire  upon  the  town,  and  her  fire  was  answered  from  the 
battery,  while  the  lancers  stood  ready  to  repel  a  landing  if  it  should  be 
attempted,  or  cover  the  retreat  of  their  families  in  case  their  effort  at  repulse 
should  be  unsuccessful,  for  Spain  was  at  peace  with  every  maritime  nation, 
and  the  traditions  of  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  Buccaneers  at  the  end 
of  the  17th  century  on  the  Spanish  main  were  familiar  to  the  people.  After 
some  firing  the  strange  vessel  appeared  to  be  injured  by  the  fire  from  the  bat 
tery,  and  bore  away,  and  disappeared.  The  alarm  spread  along  the  coast  as 
fast  as  swift  riders  could  carry  it,  and  all  the  troops  at  every  point  were 
ordered  to  be  on  the  alert.  The  strange  craft  next  appeared  off  the  Ortega 
ranch  and  landed  some  men,  who  while  plundering  the  ranch  were  surprised 
by  some  soldiers  from  Santa  Bdrbara,  and  before  they  could  regain  thoir  boats 
some  four  or  five  were  captured.  She  next  appeared  off  San  Luis  Capistrana, 
landed  and  plundered  the  mission  and  sailed  away,  and  neVer  was  heard  of 
more.  All  that  is  known  of  her  is  that  she  was  a  Buenos  Ayrean  privateer, 
and  that  her  captain  was  a  Frenchman  named  Bouchard.'  Foster's  First 
American  in  Los  Anaeles.  How  inaccurate  the  information  quoted  is  may 
be  judged  from  the  following  pages. 


222  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

acts  in  more  than  one  instance  afforded  foundation  for 
the  less  flattering  epithet. 

The  Buenos  Aires  vessels,  by  blockading  Callao 
and  the  Chilian  ports,  kept  the  tallow- traders  away 
from  California  in  1816,  and  there  came  a  letter  from 
Cavenecia  of  Lima  explaining  the  reason  of  the  non- 
arrival  of  the  ships.2  Not  only  this,  but  there  came 
in  June  despatches  from  the  peninsula  and  Mazatlan, 
with  a  warning  that  the  privateers  were  likely  to 
visit  the  northern  coasts.  I  suppose  there  was  no 
special  foundation  for  such  a  warning  at  the  time; 
but  we  have  seen  what  a  flurry  it  created  in  Cali 
fornia,  and  what  preparations  were  made  for  defence.3 
Next  year  the  Lima  ships  came  again,  and  the  news 
was  probably  reassuring,  since  we  find  no  record  of 
further  alarm.  In  fact  the  blockade  of  the  ports 
of  Chili  was  regarded  as  a  benefit  to  California  by  fur 
nishing  an  improved  market  for  her  tallow.  Roque- 
feuil  on  his  arrival  from  the  south  in  the  autumn  of 
1817  could  have  given  reports  somewhat  less  favor 
able  perhaps,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  did  so.4 

On  the  afternoon  of  October  6,  1818,  the  American 
brig  Clarion  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara,  under  the 
command  of  Henry  Gyzelaar,  formerly  of  the  Lydia? 
who  imparted  to  Commandant  Guerra  the  startling 
news  that  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands  two  insurgent  ships 
were  being  fitted  out  for  a  cruise  on  the  American 
coast.  Guerra  immediately  despatched  a  correo  vio- 
lento  to  Monterey,  and  assembled  his  men  that  even 
ing  to  announce  the  report  and  authorize  those  who 
wished  to  do  so  to  send  their  families  to  the  interior. 
Next  dav  he  sent  a  circular  to  the  friars  of  the  south- 

*j 

ern  missions  ordering  every  precaution.6    Sola  received 


2  April  20,  1816,  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xi.  124. 

3  See  chap.  x.  of  this  volume. 

*  In  the  early  part  of  1818  there  were  a  few  minor  communications  between 
Sola  and  his  commandants  about  precautions  for  coast  defence,  but  there  is  no 
indication  that  any  special  danger  was  apprehended.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii. 
151;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.*  xlix.  64,  72-3. 

5  On  the  movements  of  vessels  see  chap.  xiii.  this  volume. 

6  Arrival  of  the  Clarion.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  110.     Oct.  7th, 


PRECAUTIONS.  223 

the  despatch  from  Santa  Barbara  on  October  8th,  and 
the  same  day  issued  instructions  and  orders  to  all  the 
commandants,  as  follows:7  all  articles  of  value,  such 
as  sacred  vessels  and  church  ornaments,  must  be  boxed 
forthwith  and  sent  away,  from  the  San  Francisco  juris 
diction  to  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose;  from  the  Monterey 
district,  except  San  Antonio  and  San  Luis,  to  Soledad; 
from  Santa  Barbara  to  Santa  Ines;  from  Purisima 
to  Rancho  de  San  Antonio;  from  San  Buenaventura 
and  San  Gabriel  to  San  Fernando;  from  San  Diego 
district  to  Pala.  Stores  of  provisions  must  be  col 
lected  for  the  four  presidios  at  San  Mateo,  Rancho 
del  Hey,  Santa  Ines,  and  Pala,  for  use  in  case  of  emer 
gency.  Women  and  children  must  be  ready  to  retire 
at  the  first  warning  of  attack  to  the  places  designated, 
with  neophytes  enough  to  prepare  food  for  them. 
All  live-stock,  except  horses  fit  for  use,  must  be  driven 
inland  as  far  as  possible  whenever  vessels  are  descried. 
Invalids,  settlers,  and  rancheros  must  come  forthwith 
to  their  respective  presidios,  or  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  obey  the  commandants'  orders.  Immedi 
ately  on  sight  of  a  vessel  a  flying  company  must  be 
sent  out  to  reconnoitre  all  points  and  to  see  that  each 
man  has  500  cartridges.  Two  thirds  of  all  available 
gunpowder,  except  thirty  or  forty  charges  for  each 
cannon,  must  be  removed  to  the  interior,  and  spikes 
must  be  prepared  for  the  guns  in  case  of  abandon 
ment.  Sentinel  parties  of  one  soldier  and  two  Indians 
must  be  stationed  at  convenient  points.  Two  mounted 
couriers  for  the  speedy  transmission  of  despatches 
must  be  stationed  at  each  of  some  twenty-five  points 

Guerra  to  the  padres.  Id.,  iii.  134-5.  Mrs  Ord,  daughter  of  Guerra,  says 
that  Gyzelaar,  or  Don  Enrique  as  she  calls  him,  had  lived  at  their  house  dur 
ing  his  former  detention,  and  in  return  for  kindness  shown  him  had  hastened 
to  California  with  this  warning.  Ord,  Ocurrencias, MS., 2,  3.  Gonzalez,  Experi- 
encias,  MS.,  6,  7,  was  one  of  the  soldiers  who  met  Gyzelaar  at  the  beach  when 
he  came  ashore  in  his  boat,  and  he  gives  some  particulars  of  what  happened 
that  afternoon.  Roquefenil  at  San  Francisco  heard  the  news  on  Nov.  10th. 
ItoquefeuiVs  Voyage,  108-9.  Gyzelaar  reported  that  the  two  vessels  had  34 
and  20  guns  respectively,  250  men,  and  were  under  a  Frenchman  named  Vi- 
sart.  They  were  to  sail  in  4  or  6  days. 

7  Sola,  Jnstruccion  General  a  los  Comandantes  sobre  lo  que  debe  practicarse 
contra  los  Insurgent**,  1818,  MS. 


224  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

named.  The  neophyte  archers  previously  organized 
must  be  sent  to  the  presidios.  The  strictest  precau 
tions  must  be  taken  to  prevent  the  hostile  vessels 
from  effecting  a  landing  under  a  friendly  flag  or  on 
pretence  of  obtaining  supplies.  Settlers  and  retired 
soldiers  must  be  made  to  understand  in  the  gov 
ernor's  name  that  the  safety  of  their  families  and  of 
the  province  depends  largely  on  them.  The  mission 

fuards  must  be  replaced  temporarily  with  invalids, 
n  case  of  actual  hostilities  prisoners  may  be  liberated 
to  fight  for  the  country;  and  in  the  event  of  Sola's 
death  Don  Jose  de  la  Guerra  is  to  be  recognized  as 
acting  governor. 

On  the  same  day  Sola  notified  the  missionaries 
officially  of  the  impending  danger  and  entreated  them 
to  obey  the  orders  of  the  commandants.  A  few  days 
later  the  governor's  instructions  were  forwarded  from 
each  presidio  to  its  missions,  and  were  promptly 
obeyed.8  "Under  the  protection  of  the  God.  of  battles 
I  believe  I  can  destroy  all  such  villains  as  may  have 
the  rashness  to  set  foot  upon  this  soil,"  wrote  the 
valiant  Guerra.  But  a  month  passed  without  any 
sign  of  hostile  vessels,  and  Sola,  beginning  to  think 
the  alarm  like  that  of  the  year  before  unfounded, 
ordered  Guerra  and  perhaps  other  commandants  to 
send  home  the  civilians  to  attend  to  their  agricultural 

8  Oct.  8,  1818,  Sola  to  padres.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  164.  Oct.  llth,  com 
mandant  of  Santa  Barbara  to  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  120-3;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  135-7.  Oct.  llth,  Sola  orders  Guerra  to  put  the 
artillery  militia  in  active  service,  receiving  pay  frcm  date.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  45.  Oct.  12th,  Purisima  sends  its  quota  of  archers  and 
vaqueros.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  36;  vii.  45.  San  Buenaventura 
did  the  same  on  the  13th  and  14th.  Id.,  v.  67-8.  Oct.  16th,  Guerra  announces 
progress;  80  de  razon  and  140  Indians  ready;  Los  Angeles  men  left  at  home 
to  attend  to  their  crops  and  defend  Sau  Pedro;  no  faith  in  the  artillery.  Id., 
iii.  110-13.  Oct.  18th,  Sta  Inds  responds  with  25  men.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
xii.  376.  Oct.  18th,  Guerra  to  the  padres.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii. 
18.  Oct.  22d,  Padre  Martinez  complains  that  while  there  is  much  alarm  and 
the  other  missions  have  strong  garrisons,  San  Luis  Obispo,  the  most  exposed 
of  all,  has  only  two  soldiers.  'It  may  be  that  all  are  aware  the  Chano  encamp 
ment  will  never  surrender.'  Id.,  iii.  5.  Oct.  24th,  Sola  to  Guerra  urging 
vigilance  and  approving  the  sending  away  of  families  and  other  measures.  Id., 
iv.  19;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  M&,  xlix.  18.  Padre  Martinez  made  every 
preparation  for  defence  and  even  was  ready  to  burn  the  mission  if  necessary. 
Id.,  vii.  98-9. 


TWO  VESSELS  SIGHTED.  225 

and  domestic  affairs,  since  he  believed  the  season  too 
far  advanced  for  hostilities  to  be  apprehended.  Still 
in  other  respects  vigilance  was  not  to  be  relaxed.9 
Padre  Olbes  wrote  from  Santa  Cruz  late  in  October, 
however,  that  all  were  astir  in  the  mission  and  villa, 
expecting  the  insurgents,  "not  to  fight,  but  to  join 
them,  for  such  is  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants/' 
it  being  expected  that  of  course  the  insurgents  would 
harm  only  the  gachupines,  or  Spaniards,  and  friars;10 
but  Olbes  was  not  disposed  to  look  on  the  bright  side 
of  things,  and  I  shall  have  occasion  a  little  later  to 
notice  some  interesting  doings  at  Santa  Cruz. 

On  the  afternoon  of  November  20th,  at  a  time 
when  the  governor  has  almost  ceased  to  fear,  the 
sentinel  on  Point  Pinos  reports  two  vessels  in  sight,11 
approaching  Monterey.  The  available  force  is  forty 
men,  twenty-five  cavalrymen  of  the  presidial  company, 
four  veteran  artillerymen,  and  eleven  of  the  artillery 
militiamen.  While  Sola  is  posting  his  men  at  the 
shore  battery  under  the  command  of  alfereces  Man 
uel  Gomez  and  Jose  Estrada,  and  while  he  is  prepar 
ing  the  families  for  a  retreat  to  the  interior,  it  is  well 
to  place  before  the  reader  the  little  that  is  known  of 
the  two  vessels  that  are  drawing  near  the  capital. 
The  larger  of  the  two  is  the  Argentina,  or  perhaps 
La  Gentila,  better  known  among  Californians  as  the 
'fragata  negra,'  carrying  thirty-eight  heavy  guns. and 

'Nov.  12,  1818,  Sola  to  Guerra.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  230-1.  Nov. 
20th,  Guerra  announces  his  obedience  and  asks  for  additional  instructions. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS.,  iii.  115-16.  According  to  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  2,  3,  Sola's  letter,  the  one  alluded  to  above  or  another,  was  regarded 
as  insulting,  accusing  her  father  of  being  over-credulous  in  listening  to 
unfounded  rumors;  but  subsequent  events  abundantly  justified  Guerra 's 
zeal. 

10 Oct.  19th,  Gibe's  to  Guerra,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vii.  92. 

11  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  182-3,  says  that  the  vessels  were  first  sighted 
off  San  Francisco,  where  the  alarm  was  given  and  a  gun  was  fired  from  the 
fort.  Both  this  author  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  M&,  i.  146,  state  that  the 
insurgents  attempted  to  land  at  Santa  Cruz,  but  were  prevented  by  the  strong 
wind;  also  that  messengers — two  of  whom,  Teodoro  Mexica  and  Cayetano 
Esquerra,  were  drowned  on  the  way  in  crossing  Pajaro  River,  according  to 
Vallejo — were  sent  to  Monterey«to  announce  the  approach.  That  messengers 
were  so  sent  is  very  likely.  The  presence  of  the  insurgents  at  San  Francisco 
is  doubtless  an  error. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IT.    15 


226  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

two  violentos,  or  light  howitzers,  and  commanded  by 
Captain  Hippolyte  Bouchard,  a  Frenchman,  of  whom 
I  have  been  unable  to  learn  anything  beyond  his  con 
nection  with  this  expedition.  The  smaller  vessel  is 
the  Santa  Rosa,  Libertad,  or  the  '  fragata  chica/  with 
twenty-six  guns,  under  Lieutenant  Pedro  Conde. 
Both  had  sailed  originally  from  Buenos  Aires,  and 
carry  the  flag  of  that  revolted  province.  Their  force 
is  two  hundred  and  eighty-five  men,  made  up  of  rep 
resentatives  of  many  nations.  Of  their  operations 
before  coming  to  California  nothing  is  known  beyond 
the  outfitting  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands.12  The  infor 
mation  just  given  rests  mainly  on  the  somewhat  con 
flicting  testimony  of  two  prisoners  from  the  vessels, 
of  whom  I  shall  have  more  to  say  later,  and  it  is  by 

12  One  of  the  men  on  the  larger  vessel  said  they  had  captured  on  the  way 
a  brig  in  ballast,  which  had  run  away  and  discharged  her  cargo  before  being 
taken.  This  may  be  made  an  excuse  for  introducing  here  a  mysterious  story 
from  Russian  sources.  Tikhme'nef,  fetor.  Obosranie,  i.  234,  states  that  the 
Fortuna  was  added  to  the  company's  fleet  in  1819  under  the  following  circum 
stances:  A  schooner  in  distress  seen  near  New  Archangel  was  towed  into 
port  and  found  to  contain  only  seven  Kanakas,  who  said  they  had  been 
pressed  into  service  as  sailors  by  the  commander  of  two  insurgent  frigates; 
that  while  those  frigates  were  bombarding  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  one 
of  them  had  captured  the  schooner,  the  Spanish  crew  of  which  escaped  to  the 
shore;  and  that  the  Islanders  with  three  Europeans  had  been  put  on  board 
the  prize.  During  a  mutiny  on  the  frigate  the  commander  and  officers  were 
killed,  and  the  Europeans  on  the  schooner  transferred  all  that  they  wanted 
of  her  cargo  to  the  frigate  and  left  the  Kanakas  to  follow  as  they  could;  and 
the  latter,  after  a  voyage  of  82  days,  reached  not  the  Islands,  as  they  hoped 
to  do,  but  Sitka.  I  have  no  explanation  to  offer  of  this  remarkable  narra 
tion.  But  now  that  I  am  recording  such  matter  I  may  add  the  statement 
of  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  132-46,  to  the  effect  that  the  year  before,- 
in  1817,  a  large  ship,  really  that  of  Bouchard,  anchored  at  Monterey,  claim 
ing  to  be  an  English  man-of-war  engaged  in  a  scientific  exploration.  First 
the  second  officer,  named  Gomez,  and  then  Bouchard  himself  were  wel 
comed  warmly  by  Estudillo  and  Sola,  the  latter  accepting  an  invitation  to 
visit  the  ship  the  next  day.  But  some  of  the  sergeants  and  corporals,  notic 
ing  the  fluent  Spanish  of  the  officers,  investigated  the  boat's  crew  by  offering 
them  cigarritos  and  brandy,  and  noted  their  very  un-English  use  of  both. 
They  made  known  their  suspicions;  a  council  of  war  was  held;  and  it  was 
deemed  safest  for  Sola  to  make  excuses  and  not  go  on  board.  Bouchard  saw 
that  suspicions  had  been  excited,  but  was  confident  in  his  strength,  and  sent 
his  band  on  shore  to  play  for  the  people  in  the  evening,  and  next  day  came 
to  a  feast.  At  his  departure  Bouchard  saluted  the  fort  with  21  guns,  and 
received  the  same  honors.  He  had  failed  to  capture  Sola  and  thereby  obtain 
a  heavy  ransom,  but  he  had  studied  the  defence  of  Monterey.  A  dance  called 
the  remadora  was  invented  to  celebrate  the  departure  of  the  '  fragrata  sos- 
pechosa. '  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  say  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  founda 
tion  in  the  records  for  this  statement. 


AUTHORITIES.  227 

no  means  unlikely  that  it  is  inaccurate  and  exagger 
ated  in  respect  of  the  force  and  armament.13 

At  nightfall  the  strange  craft  draw  near  the  port, 
and  at  11  p.  M.  the  smaller  one  anchors  near  the 
shore,  while  the  other  remains  at  some  distance.  To 
the  usual  questions  shouted  through  the  trumpet,  an 
answer  is  returned  in  English  that  nobody  understands. 
The  demands  are  repeated,  with  orders  to  send  a  boat 
ashore  to  bring  the  ship's  papers.  The  stranger  re 
plies  as  nearly  as  can  be  made  out  that  he  will 
attend  to  all  formalities  next  morning.  I  follow 
Sola's  official  report  to  the  viceroy14  as  the  best  author 
ity  for  the  preceding  and  following  occurrences  in  the 
north.  The  only  other  authorities  are  statements  that 
have  been  written  for  my  use  from  memory,  both  of 
the  events  and  of  what  was  said  about  them  then  and 
a  little  later,  by  the  oldest  of  the  native  Californians 
then  living.  These  statements,  however,  differ  so 
widely  in  certain  respects  from  that  of  Sola  and  from 
each  other  that  they  can  be  utilized  for  the  most  part 
only  in  detached  notes  or  with  special  reference  to 
each  writer.15  It  is  only  for  events  at  Monterey  that 

13  Bouchard,  Testimonio  de  dos  Prisioneros  acerca  de  los  Insurgentes  de 
Bouchard,  1818,  MS.  One  witness  said  both  ships  belonged  to  Bouchard; 
the  other  that  they  were  owned  by  Chavarria  of  Buenos  Aires.  Conde  is  said 
to  have  been  an  American  who  took  command  at  the  Islands.  There  was  another 
vessel,  the  Chacabuco,  bound  for  Peru.  Win.  Taylor,  a  lieutenant  on  the 
larger  vessel,  was  from  Boston.  A  later  prisoner  said  the  larger  vessel  was 
named  the  Consecuencia.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  70. 

uSola,  Noticia  de  lo  Acaecido  en  e-yte  Puerto  de  Monterey  con  dos  fragatas 
pcrtenecientes  a  los  Resides  de  Buenos  Ayres,  1818,  MS.,  dated  Dec.  12,  1813 
(this  would  seem  an  error,  since  the  document  mentions  events  of  as  late  a 
date  as  Dec.  15th  at  least;  but  the  archive  records,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
70;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  1.  25,  name  the  date  also  as  Dec.  12th  or  13th),  and  pub 
lished  by  the  viceroy's  order  in  an  'extra'  of  the  government  newspaper  of 
March  12,  1819.  Gac.etas  de  Mex.,  xxxix.  283-6.  It  was  subsequently  re 
produced  in  Bustamante,  Cuadro  Histtirico,  v.  62-4.  Sola  made  a  supple 
mentary  report  dated  July  6,  1819.  Sola,  Informe  Suplementario  sobre  los 
Insurgentes,  1818,  MS.,  of  no  special  importance,  being  chiefly  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  padres'  services.  The  governor  also  made  a  brief  report  to  Gen. 
Cruz  dated  Jan.  6,  1819.  Sola,  Informe  dirigido  al  General  Jose  de  la  Cruz 
sobre  los  Insurgentes  de  Bouchard,  1818,  MS.  In  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal  de 
Misiones,  1817-18,  MS.,  304-5,  a  resume"  of  the  whole  affair  is  given.  The 
above,  with  one  or  two  brief  letters  in  the  archives,  are  the  original  and  con 
temporaneous  sources  of  information  which  include  events  at  Monterey;  other 
documents  relating  to  affairs  in  the  south  will  be  noticed  later. 

15  These  statements,  most  of  which  are  made  by  persons  who  write  from 


228  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

this  discrepancy  is  to  be  noted;  for  on  events  in  the 
south  Sola  says  but  little,  the  statements  referred  to 
are  not  very  contradictory,  and  the  evidence  from  the 
archives  is  tolerably  complete. 

At  dawn  on  November  21st16  the  '  fragata  chica,'  in 
stead  of  sending  a  boat  ashore,  as  promised,  opens 
fire17  on  the  shore  battery.  The  Spanish  guns,  eight 
in  number,  of  six  and  eight  pounds  calibre,  not  all  of 
which  were  serviceable,  return  the  fire;  and  with  so 
much  skill  and  good  luck  are  they  aimed  by  the  vet 
erans  and  amateurs  under  Gomez,  that  after  "  an  ob 
stinate  combat  of  two  hours,"  during  which  "  the  two 
artillerymen  with  their  alferez  kept  up  a  constant  and 
effective  fire,  doing  much  damage  to  the  frigate,  aided 
by  the  soldiers  of  the  presidial  company,  who  bore 
themselves  at  the  battery  with  an  unspeakable  serenity 
despite  the  balls  that  were  falling  round  them,"  while 
the  foe  lost  five  men  killed  and  more  wounded,  the  in 
surgents  lowered  their  flag  in  token  of  surrender  and 
begged  for  a  suspension  of  firing,  though  not  before 
having  sent  away  six  boats  to  the  other  ship  with 
most  of  the  men.  The  result  of  this  artillery  duel 
was  certainly  well  nigh  inexplicable,  except  on  the  sup 
position  that  the  armament  of  the  Santa  Rosa  was 
greatly  exaggerated,  or,  what  is  more  likely,  that  the 
surrender  was  merely  a  pretence  to  avoid  a  method  of 
attack  which  involved  needless  risks.  As  soon  as  the 
flag  was  lowered  the  Spaniards  ordered  that  the  com 
mander  should  be  sent  ashore.  The  reply  was  that 

memory  of  actual  events,  are  as  follows:  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  182-241; 
Alvarado,  Hist.  CW.,MS.,i.  146-80;  Osio,  Hist.' CaL, MS., 32-53;  Vallejo,  Rem- 
iniscenciaS)  MS.,  70-6;  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  50-6;  Romero,  Memorias, 
MS.,  11,  12;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  15-17;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias, 
MS.,  5-11;  Avi/a,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  17-19;  Garcia,  Hcchos,  MS.,  44-8;  Bo- 
ronda,  Notas,  MS.,  3-6;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  3-7;  Pico,  Acontecimientos, 
MS.,  3,  4;  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  6-9;  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  2-8;  ['aides, 
Memorias,  MS.,  3,  4;  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  5,  6;  Valdes,  Remin.,  MS.,  5-7; 
Rodriguez,  Narration,  MS.;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  4,  5. 

16  In  Payeras,  Informs  Bienal,  and  in  several  of  the  miscellaneous  statements 
the  date  of  the  attack  is  given  as  Nov.  22d. 

17  The  captive  witnesses  before  alluded  to — Bouchard,   Testimonio,  MS., 
etc. — testified  that  they  fired  only  after  and  because  of  Sola's  refusal  to  fur 
nish  supplies  which  they  asked  for  and  which  they  needed  for  their  voyage. 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  PIRATES.  '229 

that  officer  had  gone  to  the  other  ship;  whereupon  it 
was  announced  that  the  firing  would  be  resumed  if 
some  responsible  officer  was  not  landed  at  once.  The 
second  officer,  an  American,  then  came  in  a  boat  with 
two  sailors.18 

Unable  to  obtain  from  these  men  anything  but  "  lies 
and  frivolous  excuses,"  Sola  put  them  in  the  guard 
house  and  directed  his  attention  to  preparations  for 
defence  against  the  'fragata  negra/  which  was  ap 
proaching  under  full  sail  and  soon  anchored  just  out 
of  reach  of  the  battery's  guns.  Bouchard  now  sent  an 
officer  with  a  flag  of  truce  bearing  a  formal  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  the  province;  "  to  which,"  writes 
Sola,  "  I  replied,  saying  that  its  governor  looked  with 
due  scorn  upon  all  that  the  said  communication  con 
tained;  that  the  great  monarch  whom  he  served  had 
confided  to  him  its  command  to  defend  it  and  keep  it 
under  his  rule ;  that  if  he  should  use  force  as  threatened, 
I  with  mine  would  make  him  know  the  honor  and  firm 
ness  with  which  I  would  repel  him  and  that  while 
there  was  a  man  alive  in  the  province  he  could  not 
succeed  in  his  plan  of  taking  possession,  since  all  its 
inhabitants  were  faithful  servants  of  the  king  and 
would  shed  the  last  drop  of  blood  in  his  service." 
Matters  remained  thus  during  the  rest  of  the  day  and 
night  of  the  21st.19  I  am  disposed  to  believe  from 

18  As  to  the  names  of  the  two  sailors,  or  what  eventually  became  of  them, 
nothing  is  definitely  known.     One  of  them  is  described  as  a  native  of  Buenos 
Aires  and  the  other  of  Guinea — a  negro  (?).     The  American  was  Joseph  Chap 
man,  of  whom  more  anon. 

19  Here  I  must  introduce  the  version  of  this  affair  at  Monterey  given  by 
the  Vallejos  and  Alvarado,  and  supported  more  or  less  fully  by  the  testimony 
of  several  other  witnesses.     The  leading  points  are  that  Bouchard  had  either 
visited  Monterey  before  or  sent  an  agent  to  reconnoitre;  that  Manuel  Gomez 
was  a  traitor,  had  sent  to  Bouchard  a  plan  of  the  Monterey  defences,  had  a 
nephew  or  near  relation  who  was  an  officer  on  the  vessels,  and  by  ordering  the 
fire  suspended  saved  the  small  ship  from  being  sunk;  that  the  battery  which 
did  so  much  execution  was  not  the  old  one,  or  the  castillo,  but  a  new  one  of 
three  guns  built  by  Sola's  orders  further  south  and  not  included  in  Bouchard's 
plan — whence  the  disaster;  and  finally  that  Jose"  de  Jesus  Vallejo  was  in  com 
mand  of  this  battery  and  entitled  to  the  credit  for  the  partial  victory.     Indi 
vidual  statements  en  resume"  respecting  details  are  as  follows :  M.  G.  Vallejo 
says  that  when  she  first  opened  fire  the  ship  sent  off  six  boats  to  land  under  cover 
of  her  guns,  but  Corporal  J.  J.  Vallejo  from  his  battery  of  three  18-pounders 
at  the  Mentidero  fired  grape  on  the  boats  and  round  shot  on  the  frigate,  driv- 


I 

230.  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

testimony  which  I  give  in  the  accompanying  note, 
that  it  may  not  have  been  the  guns  of  the  regular 
battery,  the  Castillo,  which  did  such  execution  in  the 
previous  action,  but  those  of  a  new  battery  on  the 
beach  under  the  command  of  Corporal  Jose  de  Jesus 
Vallejo. 

ing  the  boats  back,  sinking  one;  and  killing  30  men.  Several  balls  pierced  the 
ship  between  wind  and  water.  At  the  lowering  of  the  flag  Sola  feared  a  trick 
and  wished  to  continue  the  firing,  but  Gomez,  commanding  the  Castillo,  ordered 
Vallejo  to  stop  firing;  Vallejo  refused  and  Gomez  ordered  the  guns  of  the  castillo 
to  be  turned  on  the  battery,  though  the  men  refused  to  fire  on  their  friends. 
But  Gomez  induced  Sergt.  Ignacio  Vallejo  to  go  and  influence  his  son  to  report 
to  Sola.  Bouchard  meanwhile  withdrew  his  vessel  and  prepared  to  land.  He 
landed  about  600  men  at  the  Playa  de  Dona  Brigida,  later  called  Playa  de  los 
Insurgentes,  at  the  modern  steamer-landing,  Alvarado  say  sunder  Lieut.  Luciano 
Gomez,  nephew  of  Manuel.  Sola  sent  Alfdrez  Estrada  with  80  men  and  a  four- 
pounder  to  prevent  the  landing.  One  of  the  insurgent  boats  lay  on  heroars  to 
return  Estrada's  fire  while  the  other  two  landed  400  men  who  attacked  the 
Spaniards  in  the  rear  and  forced  them  to  retreat,  though  occasionally  charging 
to  gain  time.  Sola  seeing  Estrada  driven  back,  ordered  the  guns  spiked  and 
the  powder-magazine  blown  up,  which  was  done  by  Ignacio  Vallejo  and  two 
soldiers.  The  enemy  advanced  slowly,  fearing  ambuscade,  and  thus  escaped 
being  blown  up  with  the  powder.  Then  Gomez  burst  the  guns  from  which  he 
could  not  remove  the  spikes,  sacked  the  town,  burned  all  except  the  church 
and  custom-house,  and  then  pursued  Sola  as  far  as  El  Saucito.  Returning 
he  was  followed  by  Estrada  and  J.  J.  Vallejo,  who  harassed  him,  killed  and 
wounded  some,  and  took  three  prisoners,  a  mulatto  Mateo,  the  Argentine 
Nicolas  Chavarria,  and  the  negro  Norris.  This  was  on  the  22d ;  the  insurgents 
slept  on  the  beach  and  in  the  custom-house.  Next  day  they  went  on  board, 
but  subsequently  landed  300  men  to  protect  workmen  in  making  masts.  They 
made  every  effort  to  'arouse  the  Californians  to  revolt  and  to  ransom  the  three 
captives,  but  in  vain,  finally  sailing  for  the  south.  Sola  established  his  head 
quarters  at  the  rancho  del  rey,  now  Salinas  city,  where  he  was  soon  joined 
by  Luis  Arguello  with  reinforcements  from  San  Francisco  and  San  Josd. 
From  here  the  families  were  sent  to  different  missions.  The  Vallejo,  Estu- 
dillo,  Rodriguez,  Pico,  and  other  families  went  to  San  Antonio  in  ox-carts. 
'How  well  I  remember  that  night,'  writes  this  author.  '  My  good  mother  was 
in  a  wagon  which  had  two  hides  for  a  floor  and  two  more  for  a  roof,  where 
after  supping  on  half -roasted  strips  of  dried  meat  without  salt  she  gathered 
round  her  her  whole  family,  Juana,  Magdalena,  Encarnacion,  Rosalia,  Salva 
dor,  and  myself.  Six  blankets  obtained  from  Padre  Florencio  at  Soledad 
were  our  only  bedclothes ;  and  all  were  sitting  or  lying,  weeping  and  shiver 
ing,  cared  for  by  my  poor  mother  with  inimitable  patience.  The  oxen  were 
hitched  to  the  pole  of  the  wagon  at  our  first  camp  at  Quinado,  getting  noth 
ing  to  eat  all  night.'  There  was  an  attack  by  the  Indians  also,  causing  a 
scene  of  great  confusion,  but  the  party  was  kindly  received  at  San  Antonio. 
Arguello,  Estrada,  and  Vallejo  wished  to  have  Gomez  tried  as  a  traitor,  but 
Sola  did  not  deem  him  guilty,  especially  as  one  of  the  insurgent  balls  had  hit 
his  house.  The  captives  were  brought  to  the  camp  at  the  rancho  Nov.  23d 
at  0  p.  M.,  and  the  women  wished  to  burn  them  alive  as  heretics.  At  an  ex 
amination  they  testified  that  Bouchard's  object  was  to  gain  California  to  the 
insurgent  cause;  that  he  expected  to  find  the  officers  in  sympathy  with  his 
purpose ;  that  a  reward  was  offered  for  Sola's  capture ;  and  that  it  was  intended 
to  attack  all  the  California!!  posts,  sparing  neither  private  nor  church  prop 
erty.  The  captives  were  pardoned  by  Sola,  but  sent  away  from  Monterey. 
Norris  became  a  cook  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  and  afterward  escaped  from  the 


CALIFORNIA^  VERSIONS.  231 

The  soldiers  had  remained  under  arms  all  night  in 
a  drizzling  rain,  and  the  families  had  already  been 
sent  away  to  the  mission  of  Soledad.  At  8  A.  M.  on 
the  22d  the  larger  ship  was  seen  to  draw  near  the  bat 
tery,  and  at  the  same  time  nine  boats,  four  of  which 
carried  small  cannon,  started  toward  Point  Potreros. 

country.  Mateo  went  to  Santa  Clara.  Chavarria  went  to  San  Miguel,  mar 
ried,  and  obtained  a  grant  of  land.  All  the  men  returned  to  Monterey  Dec.  6, 
the  padres  to  purify  the  desecrated  chapel  by  religious  rites,  and  the  rest  to 
make  preparations  for  rebuilding  the  presidio. 

There  is  so  much  that  is  erroneous  in  this  version  that  it  is  impossible  to 
separate  the  facts;  yet  there  is  so  much  testimony  in  favor  of  some  of  the 
main  points  that  I  cannot  disregard  it.  Alvarado  gives  substantially  the 
same  version  as  Vallejo.  He  says  that  the  new  battery  was  manned  by  20  of 
the  artillery  militia  under  J.  J.  Vallejo.  On  account  of  danger  from  Indians 
Sola  had  concentrated  but  a  small  part  of  his  force  at  Monterey.  Bouchard 
arrived  Nov.  21st  and  approached  the  fort  Nov.  22d  at  dawn.  Non-combat 
ants  were  ordered  away,  but  some  women  did  not  get  away  until  the  balls 
began  to  fall  in  the  presidio.  The  vessel  first  fired  a  broadside  into  the  fort, 
which  was  returned,  no  harm  being  done  on  either  side.  Then  Vallejo  from 
the  new  battery  on  the  water  level  opened  fire  at  short  range.  A  white  flag 
was  run  up,  but  Vallejo  paid  no  attention  to  it;  would  not  obey  the  order  of 
Gomez;  arid  swore  he  would  not  stop  firing  until  the  foe  should  swim  ashore 
to  surrender !  But  he  yielded  to  a  peremptory  order  of  Sola  sent  by  his  father,. 
Ignacio  Vallejo,  and  ceased  his  fire,  saying  sadly,  'All  is  lost/  Two  neophytes 
were  killed  in  the  skirmish  in  which  the  three  captives  were  taken.  Sola  would 
probably  have  surrendered  Monterey  at  first  if  a  formal  summons  had  been, 
made.  Friendly  tribes  of  gentiles  rendered  much  aid  to  Sola  at  the  rancho> 
del  rey.  The  men  were  divided  into  two  parties  for  rebuilding  Monterey,  on§ 
under  Estrada  and  the  other  under  Ignacio  Vallejo.  It  required  about  a  year 
to  prepare  for  the  return  of  the  families.  Some  of  the  men  in  the  mean  time 
slept  in  tents  and  enramadas  while  others  vent  every  night  to  San  Carlos, 
which  had  not  been  injured. 

Jose"  de  Jesus  Vallejo,  who  was  at  the  time  a  corporal  of  the  artillery 
militia,  mentions  the  approach  of  Bouchard  to  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Cruz. 
His  account  of  the  fight  and  subsequent  occurrences  agrees  substantially  with 
that  of  Alvarado,  neither  saying  anything  of  the  firing  on  the  boats  as  de 
scribed  by  M.  G.  Vallejo.  The  insurgents  in  their  advance  to  the  presidio 
carried  a  red  flag,  were  preceded  by  a  band  of  music,  and  paid  no  attention  to 
Estrada's  handful  of  men.  A  few  of  the  insurgents  wandered  away  from  the 
presidio  but  were  driven  back  and  three  of  them  fell  into  the  writer's  hands. 
The  padres  vied  with  each  other  in  relieving  the  wants  of  the- exiled  families. 
Gomez  should  bear  all  the  blame.  'I  know  that  there  was  an  understanding 
between  Gomez  and  Touchard's  lieutenant. ' 

A  suspicion  might  somewhat  naturally  arise  in  the  minds  of  some  persons 
that  the  three  preceding  witnesses,  in  order  to  honor  a  relative,  may  have 
had  an  understanding  with  each  other  in  preparing  their  statements  of  this 
affair  for  my  use;  but,  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  if  such  be  the  case  the 
work  has  been  very  bunglingly  done,  the  statement  of  Antonio  Maria  Osio, 
agreeing  with  that  of  Alvarado  in  all  essential  points,  proves,  not  necessarily 
that  it  is  true,  but  at  least  that  this  version  was  current  in  early  times.  It 
is  not  unlikely,  however ;  that  Alvarado  may  have  seen  Osio's  version.  Osio 
omits  some  of  Vallejo's  exaggerations  and  inaccuracies  respecting  forces,  etc. ; 
says  nothing  of  the  boats  or  of  any  killed  and  wounded;  attributes  the  weak 
ness  of  Gomez  to  pity  for  the  insurgents,  who  were  calling  for  mercy,  rather 
than  to  treachery;  confirms  the  story  that.  Gomez  turned  the  Castillo's  guns. 


232  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

The  intention  of  the  foe  was  evident,  and  Sola  at  once 
sent  Alferez  Estrada  with  the  twenty-five  men  of  the 
presidial  company  to  prevent  the  landing.  But  he 
could  of  course  do  nothing  against  four  hundred  men 
with  four  field-pieces,  as  Sola  affirms  the  force  to  have 
been.  At  the  same  time  the  firing  recommenced  be- 

against  the  battery;  and  says  nothing  of  any  captives.  He  tells  us  that  the 
new  battery  was  a  very  weak  affair  of  sand  and  branches,  yet  it  received  no 
damage,  and  Vallejo's  guns  were  most  effectively  aimed,  hardly  a  shot  missing 
its  mark. 

Jose"  Maria  Amador  was  a  sentry  at  San  Francisco  when  Dolores  Cantua 
arrived  from  Monterey  with  the  news;  and  he  was  one  of  the  men  who  went 
with  Alf.  Sanchez  to  reenforce  Sola,  whom  they  found  'con  unas  ojeras  que  le 
llegaban  hasta  la  patilla,'  at  the  rancho  real.  Luis  Argiiello  came  next  day. 
After  live  or  six  days  of  drill  and  preparation  they  marched  toward  Monte 
rey,  one  man,  Cayetano  Rios,  being  drowned  on  the  way.  The  town  was  still 
burning.  Bouchard  was  on  the  'negra,'  which  opened  the  fight.  Vallejo  was 
ordered  to  stop  firing  by  Estudillo.  Bouchard  landed  350  men.  After  the 
troops  reentered  Monterey  Bouchard  again  landed  a  party  while  Argiiello 
sent  30  men  to  pursue,  and  captured  21  prisoners  (!)  without  firing  a  shot. 
Amador  remembers  of  these  the  following  names:  Acuna,  Francisco,  and 
Joaquin,  Spaniards;  Chavarria,  a  Mexican;  Aguilar,  a  Chileiio  or  Peruvian; 
John  Ross,  a  Scotchman;  and  Francisco,  an  American  negro.  The  men 
returned  to  San  Francisco  in  January.  Sola  made  his  head -quarters  at  Sole- 
dad. 

Canute  Boronda  was  at  San  Miguel  when  the  news  came,  and  hastened 
with  others  to  the  king's  rancho.  Most  of  the  families  fled  to  Soledad. 
'Parecia  el  dia  del  juicio.'  The  insurgents  stayed  about  eight  days  to  repair 
the  damages  caused  by  Vallejo's  guns.  Narrator  was  for  a  time  Sola's  orderly, 
and  one  day  an  Indian  came  who  claimed  to  have  been  captured  by  the  enemy 
but  had  escaped,  with  the  news  that  Bouchard  was  preparing  to  attack  the 
camp.  The  insurgents  carried  away  all  the  provisions  and  other  goods  they 
found.  The  presidio  was  fired  at  four  different  places.  The  families  returned 
six  months  later.  The  narrator  says  the  soldiers'  furniture,  etc.,  was  piled  up 
in  the  plaza  by  the  foe  and  saved.  Jacinto  Rodriguez  was  six  years  old  at  the 
time.  He  confirms  the  statements  of  Alvarado  and  Osio.  Says  the  first  shot 
destroyed  the  house  of  Gomez;  that  the  battery  was  near  the  site  of  the  pres 
ent  custom-house;  Gomez  was  alarmed  because  he  had  heard  that  a  kinsman 
was  on  board;  Bouchard  landed  78G  men  at  Mussel  Point;  and  the  name  of  one 
of  the  captives  was  Mateo  Sagarra.  Early  in  1819  there  came  workmen  from 
the  missions  who  were  not  long  in  repairing  damages.  Jose"  de  Jesus  Pico 
was  a  young  boy  at  the  time  living  with  his  father  at  the  rancho  del  rey.  He 
heard  of  an  understanding  between  Gomez  and  the  insurgents.  Inocente 
Garcia  in  a  brief  narrative  confirms  the  Alvarado  version.  So  does  Capt. 
Jose"  Fernandez,  who  arrived  in  California  this  same  year  just  before  the 
attack.  He  says  both  of  Bouchard's  ships  were  painted  black.  Dona  Maria 
Inocenta  Pico  cle  Avila  was  in  Monterey  at  the  time.  She  relates  that  in  the 
terror  of  hasty  flight  many  families  became  scattered,  some  of  the  children 
not  being  found  by  their  parents  for  several  days.  Most  stayed  at  San  An 
tonio  until  April  1819.  Manuel  Castro  implies  that  J.  J.  Vallejo  merely  man 
aged  one  of  the  fort's  guns,  but  most  effectively.  Dorotea  Valde"s  was  at  San 
Carlos,  whence  everybody  fled  as  from  the  presidio.  Mrs  Ord  frequently  heard 
J.  J.  Vallejo  credited  with  the  achievement.  Justo  Larios  was  at  Monterey 
near  where  his  father  had  been  killed  by  a  bear  a  few  days  before.  He  says 
the  warehouse,  governor's  house,  and  a  few  others  were  burned,  but  not  all. 


FALL  OF  MONTEREY.  233 

tween  the  guns  of  the  ship  and  fort,  though  this  fact 
rests  on  Sola's  statement  alone.  Sending  off  one  small 
cannon  to  the  interior  in  a  cart,  the  governor  ordered 
Estrada  to  retreat  to  the  battery,  spike  the  guns,  burn 
the  little  remaining  powder  that  he  could  riot  save, 
and  fall  back  to  the  presidio.  The  foe  advanced 
steadily.  At  the  presidio  "  some  resistance  was  made, 
fruitless  on  account  of  their  numbers/'  and  Sola  re 
treated  with  all  his  men — saving  one  two-pounder, 
two  boxes  of  powder,  6,000  musket-cartridges,  and  all 
the  documents  of  the  provincial  archives — to  the  ran- 
cho  del  rey,  five  leagues  distant,  where  Salinas  city 
now  stands. 

The  Spanish  force  on  the  Salinas  was  next  day 
considerably  increased  by  reinforcements  from  San 
Francisco  and  San  Jose;  but  it  was  not  deemed  safe 
to  attempt  offensive  measures,  though  sentinels  were 
posted  to  watch  the  operations  of  the  foe.  Mean 
while  the  insurgents  killed  some  cattle  which  they 
found  astray,  ransacked  the  presidio  for  the  few  articles 
worth  carrying  away,  and  took  two  eight-pounders 
and  burst  the  other  guns.  They  probably  made  some 
repairs,  else  they  could  hardly  have  remained  so  long, 
and  forced  or  otherwise  induced  to  accompany  them 
a  drunken  settler  named  Molina,  who  had  either 
straggled  into  Monterey  or  been  left  there  in  the 
retreat.  They  finally  departed  in  the  night  or  early 
morning  of  November  26th  to  27th,  after  setting  the 
presidio  and  fort  on  fire.20  They  did  little  or  no  harm 

20  In  his  Noticia  Sola  says  they  left  on  the  25th,  but  this  is  apparently  a 
misprint.  Nov.  27,  1818,  probably  early  in  the  morning,  Sola  writes  from 
the  rancho  to  the  padres  from  San  Luis  Obispo  south :  '  Having  concentrated 
my  forces  here  to  hinder  the  pirates,  foes  of  the  human  race,  from  going 
inland,  up  to  the  present  time  they  remain  about  the  presidio  and  beach  of 
Monterey,  and  have  not  dared  to  cross  over  to  San  Carlos  ( !).  Yesterday  they 
showed  their  rage  by  burning  down  the  fort  and  presidio,  whereby  they  give 
signs  of  speedy  departure ;  and  it  being  quite  likely  that  their  depraved  in 
tention  is  to  sack  the  other  points  and  missions  that  afford  them  a  chance,  I 
keep  a  sufficient  number  of  men  on  the  lookout  to  advise  me  of  the  course 
they  may  follow  so  as  to  send  you  news  with  the  utmost  speed.'  Please 
advise  one  another,  etc.  This  circular  was  received  at  every  mission  within 
three  days.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  228-30.  On  the  same  day  at  12.30  p.  M. 
Sola  notified  the  southern  commandants  of  the  insurgents'  departure.  Will 
announce  the  direction  as  soon  as  it  can  be  known  from  the  sentinel  at 


234  BOUCHARD  AKD  THE  INSURGENTS. 

at  San  Carlos;  perhaps  did  not  visit  the  mission  at 
all.21  The  damage  in  the  presidio  was  confined  to  the 
northern  side  and  to  three  houses  of  the  southern 
block,  in  all  of  which  the  roof-beams  were  burned, 
allowing  the  tiles  to  fall,  but  leaving  the  adobe  walls 
for  the  most  part  still  standing.  Outside,  the  artillery 
men's  house  at  the  battery  was  burned,  as  was  the 
wooden  esplanade.  Only  two  cannon  were  left  in  a 
serviceable  state.  The  damage  to  the  company  in 
goods  taken  from  the  warehouse  or  spoiled  was  esti 
mated  at  about  $5,000,  most  of  which  was  made  up 
pro  rata  next  year  by  the  missions,  which  trusted  to 
providence  and  the  royal  treasury  for  reimbursement. 
The  padres  had  also  to  furnish  neophyte  laborers  for 
the  work  of  rebuilding.  The  orchard  and  vegetable- 
garden  were  entirely  ruined.  The  houses  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  commandant  were  among  those  partially 
destroyed,  and  those  officers  lost  about  $5,000  worth 
of  private  property.  It  is,  by  the  way,  a  rather  re 
markable  circumstance  that  neither  in  Sola's  report, 
contemporary  correspondence,  statements  of  old  resi 
dents,  nor  in  the  viceroy's  expression  of  thanks  to  be 
mentioned  later,  is  there  any  mention  of  the  part 
taken  in  this  whole  affair  by  Comandante  Estudillo. 
The  scattered  families  gradually  came  back  as  their 
houses  were  repaired;  and  I  suppose  that  by  April 
1819,  and  perhaps  much  earlier,  Monterey  had  well 
nigh  reassumed  its  old-time  aspect.22 

Pt  Ano  Nuevo.  Sentinels  must  be  posted ;  munitions  transported  to  where 
they  are  needed ;  heavy  guns  buried ;  families  sent  to  the  interior ;  nothing  to 
be  left  for  the  foe.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  32-5.  In  a  letter  of  Dec.  8th 
to  Martinez,  Sola  says  that  superiority  of  numbers  forced  him  to  abandon 
Monterey ;  but  he  speaks  slightingly  of  the  insurgents'  courage.  Says  he  has 
lost  all  his  furniture  and  luggage.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv..  21-2. 
Feb.  26,  1819,  Sola  was  at  San  Antonio.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  1. 
1,  10.  Dec.  1,  1818,  J.  J.  Vallejo  and  Quintin  Ortega  with  15  men  encamped 
at  rancho  real.  Id.,  xlix.  58.  Sola's  report  to  Gen.  Cruz  is  but  a  brief  re'sume' 
of  that  to  the  viceroy,  and  is  supplemented  by  an  appeal  for  aid.  Prov.  Rcc., 
MS.,  x.  29-30.  President  Payeras'  report  touches  the  affair  very  briefly, 
adding  nothing  new.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  304-5. 

21  It  is  said  that  one  of  the  insurgents  was  seen  from  the  hills  to  enter  the 
mission  on  horseback  with  two  pack-horses.     Afterward  it  was  found  that 
many  of  the  mission  tools  had  disappeared.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  110. 

22  On  the  damages  at  Monterey  see  Estudillo 's  note  of  March  4th  to  Sola. 
prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  232-3.    June  27th,  Sola  to  president.  Arch.. Sta  B.y 


PREPARATIONS  IN  THE  SOUTH.  235 

Comandante  Guerra  in  addition  to  his  precautions 
for  safety  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Santa  Barbara  had  at 
Sola's  order  sent  a  corporal  and  six  men  to  reenforce 
Monterey.23  This  party  returning  southward  probably 
brought  from  the  rancho  del  rey  news  that  Bouchard 
had  left  Monterey,  his  attack  on  that  place  having 
been  announced  to  the  great  terror  of  the  Barbarenos 
a  few  days  earlier.  Families  had  been  hastily  sent  to 
the  interior,  chiefly  to  Santa  Ines,24  and  some  vecinos 
from  Los  Angeles  had  been  summoned  to  the  presidio 
to  aid  the  soldiers.  It  was  not  thought  likely  that 
Bouchard  would  venture  in  his  large  vessels  into  such 
a  harbor  as  that  of  Santa  Barbara  at  this  season  of 
the  year,  yet  it  was  well  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst.25 
A  part  of  the  San  Diego  garrison  also  seems  to  have 
been  brought  to  the  north  on  this  occasion. 

The  insurgent  squadron,  after  its  departure  from 
Monterey,  November  27th,  was  first  sighted  by 'the 
sentinels  of  Purisima  mission  at  3  p.  M.  on  the  1st  of 
December.  Padre  Pay  eras  sent  a  note  to  the  other 
friars  saying  that  in  passing  Point  Pedernales  the  two 

MS.,  xii.  238.  Sola's  report  of  July  6.  Id.,  vi.  277-80.  July  27th,  President 
to  padres.  Id.,  vi.  107-8.  Aug.  3d,  Sola  to  Estudillo.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS., 
v.  53.  Aug.  13th,  Sola  to  PP.  Tapis  and  Arroyo.  Id.,  xvii.  48.  Payeras  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  440-1;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  71. 

23  Nov.  23, 1818,  Guerra  to  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  28.     Rafael 
Gonzales,  who  was  one  of  the  party,  says  there  were  20  men  under  Sergt. 
Anastasio  Carrillo.  Experiencias,  MS.,  5-8. 

24  Mrs  Ord  remembers  the  journey  made  by  herself  and  other  members 
of  the  Guerra  family  in  a  carriage  that  afforded  little  protection  from  the 
heavy  rain.    She  noticed  Padre  Ripoll  alight  to  give  his  horse  to  a  sick  woman. 
Mcrnoriag,  MS.,  4-6.     Padre  Martinez,  of  San  Luis  Obispo,  wrote  to  Guerra 
on  this  subject  what  must  be  regarded  as  a  very  extraordinary  letter  to  come 
from  a  friar.     He  said  it  had  been  an  alcaldada,  or  stupid  blunder,  to  send 
the  women  to  Santa  Ines.     They  should  have  been  retained,  and  then  the 
insurgents  yielding  to  their  charms  might  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  the 
military  force.     He  narrated  an  instance  when  the  Galicians  had  thus  effec 
tively  defended  themselves  against  the  French.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iii.  9,  10. 

25  It  would  seem  that  on  receipt  of  the  news  that  Bouchard  had  attacked 
Monterey,  Guerra  also  sent  northward  a  new  reenforcement.     Nov.  24th,  at 
5.30  A.  M.,  he  writes  to  Sola  that  Lieut.  Ignacio  Martinez  will  start  in  a  few 
hours  with  all  the  force  he  can  get,  including  prisoners  released  for  the  pur 
pose,  many  without  arms.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  227.     This  maybe  the 
party  alluded  to  by  Gonzalez.     See  note  23.     Dec.  llth,  Sola  expresses  his 
surprise  and  displeasure  at  the  delay  of  Martinez  in  returning  to  Santa  Bar 
bara  with  20  men  of  the  Monterey  company,  probably  in  addition  to  those  he 
brought  north.  Prov \  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  23. 


236  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

vessels  had  stopped  a  little  and  apparently  hesitated 
respecting  the  course  to  be  followed.  Next  day  Father 
Uria  of  Santa  Ine's  announced  at  5  P.  M.  that  the  ships 
had  anchored  at  Refugio ;  but  Payeras  stated  for  the 
consolation  of  all  that  he  had  sent  forty  armed  neo 
phytes  to  aid  Uria,  that  Don  Carlos  was  expected 
that  night  with  a  military  force,  and  that  "with  your 
prayers  a  buena  accion  may  be  looked  for."  Padre 
Rodriguez  expressed  to  Sola  his  opinion  that  "  the 
Canalenos  will  do  deeds  that  should  be  recorded  in 
characters  of  gold."  Martinez  of  San  Luis  Obispo 
rose  from  a  sick-bed  and  marched  with  thirty-five  neo 
phytes  to  the  scene  of  action.  Still  another  friar, 
while  he  thought  that  the  treacherous  rascals  would 
hardly  have  the  impudence  to  measure  strength  with 
the  valiant  Barbarenos,  yet  deemed  it  well,  in  view 
of  the  uncertainty  of  all  things,  to  pray  much  and  eat 
little;  and  even  an  occasional  self-flagellation  would 
do  no  harm.26 

Of  what  was  done  at  and  about  Refugio  we  have  no 
satisfactory  account  so  far  as  details  are  concerned. 
Bouchard's  men,  however,  landed  probably  late  in  the 
afternoon  of  December  2d.  They  first  plundered  and 
then  burned  the  buildings  of  the  rancho,  which  had 
been  abandoned  at  their  approach  by  the  Ortegas  and 
other  occupants,  killed  some  cattle,  and  sailed  away, 
probably  the  next  morning.  Meanwhile  Sergeant 
Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo,  with  a  squad  of  thirty  men, 
soldiers  and  civilians,  hurried  up  from  Santa  Bdrbara 
and  reached  Santa  Ines  at  11.30  p.  M.  on  the  2d.27 
Thence  he  went  up  into  the  sierra  overlooking  the  sea 
shore  and  pitched  his  camp  at  a  place  called  Las  Gra 
ces.  Here  rapidly  assembled  the  fugitives  from  the 
rancho  and  the  padres  with  their  bands  of  warlike 

26  This  correspondence  of  the  warlike  friars  is  found  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iii.  pt.  ii.  35-7,  41;  Arch.  Sla  B.,  MS.,  vi.  277-80. 

27  Carrillo  announces  his  arrival  in  a  letter  to  his  brother-in-law,  Capt. 
Guerra,  at  the  hour  named.     He  is  resolved  not  to  let  the  enemy  cross  the 
sierra  to  Santa  Ine's,  and  if  they  retreat  (!)  to  Santa  Barbara  he  will  follow 
them  closely.     He  is  on  the  point  of  starting  for  the  sierra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  iv.  197. 


ATTACK  ON  KEFUGIO.  237 

neophytes.  From  the  camp  scouts  were  sent  out  to 
watch  the  foe.  One  adventurous  and  imaginative 
vaquero  approached  so  near  to  Refugio  as  to  see  the  in 
surgents  firing  guns,  killing  cattle,  and  breaking  doors. 
He  even  counted  five  hundred  men  in  one  house !  A 
party  of  Spaniards  also  advanced  carefully  and  formed 
an  ambush  so  near  the  doomed  rancho  that  when 
three  of  the  pirates  came  that  way  in  quest  of  a  cart, 
they  were  seized,  hurried  off  across  the  hills  to  the 
mission,  and  put  in  the  stocks.28  One  of  the  prisoners 
called  himself  Lieutenant  William  Taylor,  a  native  of 
Boston;  another,  Martin  Romero  of  Paraguay;  and 
the  third  was  a  negro  named  Mateo  Jose  Pascual. 
As  the  enemy  sailed  away  from  Refugio,  the  Span 
ish  army  with  the  captives  retired  to  the  presidio, 
leaving  the  families  still  at  Santa  Ines.29 

On  December  6th  the  two  ships  cast  anchor  at 
Santa  Barbara,  and  Bouchard  immediately  sent  a 
flag  of  truce  ashore  with  a  letter  to  the  comandante 
in  which  he  proposed  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and 
promised  if  it  were  granted  to  leave  the  coast  without 
committing  further  hostilities.30  Guerra  in  his  reply 

28  The  letters  of  Padre  Ullibarri  to  Payeras,  dated  Santa  Ine"s,  Jan.  3d  and 
4th,  are  the  best  authority  extant  on  these  events.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt. 
ii.  24-6. 

29  In  addition  to  the  documents  already  cited,  I  may  note  that  Sola 
Noticia,  285,  briefly  mentions  the  affair  at  Refugio.    Juan  Avila,  Notas,  MS., 
3-5,  says  that  his  father  was  in  charge  of  the  party  from  Los  Angeles  and 
that  he  captured  the  prisoners  against  Carrillo's  wishes.     He  says  there  were 
only  two  captives,  who  were  exchanged  for  an  Indian  and  a  negro  named 
Molina.     Jos6  Maria  Romero  also  confounds  the  negro  with  Molina.  Memo- 
rias,  MS.,  11,  12.     Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  8,  tells  us  that  the  troops 
returning  from  Monterey  in  passing  the  Cuesta  de  Santa  Ine"s  saw  Ortega's 
buildings  on  fire  arid  many  people  on  the  hills  looking  at  the  conflagration. 
Osio,  hist.  CaL,  MS.,  44-5,  states  that  50  of  the  insurgents  returning  from  - 
the  rancho  to  the  shore  met  30  of  the  Santa  Barbara  troops  and  were  driven 
back  after  losing  two  prisoners  and  several  wounded,  while  the  Spaniards 
lost  only  four  horses  wounded !     There  is  no  foundation  for  this  hostile  ren 
contre,  which,  however,   Vallejo,    Hist.   CaL,  MS.,  i.  231-7.  still   further 
elaborates  into  almost  a  battle.     He  tells  us  that  Carrillo  met  Bouchard's 
men  as  they  were  climbing  the  steep  Cuesta  de  Santa  Ines  80  strong,  and 
drove  them  back  by  rolling  stones  down  upon  them,  killing  five  and  severely 
wounding  two.     Bouchard  cut  the  throats  of  three  tine  stallions  imported  by 
Ortega  from  Mexico.     He  obtained  wood  and  water  at  Santa  Cruz  Island, 
and  was  warned  by  confederates  not  to  land  at  San  Pedro. 

so  Arrival  of  the  vessels  Dec.  Gth,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlviii. 
9.    In  this  same  document  the  date  of  departure  is  given  as  Dec.  9th,  which 


238  BOUCHAED  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

to  Bouchard  stated  that  the  prisoners  were  still  alive, 
and  that  their  fate  would  depend  largely  on  Bouchard's 
own  actions.  The  proposition  for  exchange  had  been 
forwarded  to  the  governor,  and  six  days  would  elapse 
before  a  reply  could  be  obtained.  This  was  on  the 
7th,  and  the  same  day  he  wrote  again,  doubtless  in 
response  to  another  communication  from  Bouchard. 
"If  your  men  are  very  anxious  to  fight,  I  can  assure 
you  that  mine  are  desperate  to  meet  them.  But 
inasmuch  as  feelings  of  humanity  prompt  you  to 
propose  the  cessation  of  hostilities  and  to  return  the 
prisoners  you  hold,  provided  those  taken  at  Refugio 
are  also  given  up,  I,  who  value  the  lives  of  my  fellow- 
beings  above  every  earthly  interest,  give  you  my  word 
to  have  the  prisoners  brought  here  and  to  deliver 
them  some  time  to-morrow."  When  the  morrow  came 
and  Guerra  was  on  the  point  of  giving  up  the  captives, 
he  was  much  surprised  to  learn  that  Bouchard  pro 
posed  to  exchange  only  one  prisoner  for  three,  which 
as  he  informed  the  insurgent  chief  in  a  letter  of  the 
9th,  seemed  to  him  a  very  strange  proposition  in  view 
of  past  references  to  "  prisoners"  in  the  plural.  He 
therefore  declined  to  proceed  in  the  matter,  remind 
ing  his  foe  at  the  same  time  "that  this  moderate 
answer  is  the  offspring  of  my  good  manners  and  not 
of  any  fear  of  your  threats,  which  are  of  no  conse 
quence  to  me."31  But  later  in  the  day,  on  receipt  of 
Bouchard's  assurance  that  he  really  had  but  one 
prisoner  to  deliver,  and  his  proffered  permission  to 

is  perhaps  an  error,  as  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  228,  Guerra  says  they 
sailed  at  dawn  on  the  12th.  On  the  same  day  of  the  arrival  Guerra  had 
reported  to  Sola  the  affair  at  Refugio  and  promised  to  make  the  best  defence 
possible  though  he  had  no  artillery  and  few  men.  Id.,  xx.  223.  Rafael 
Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  8-10,  says  he  was  one  of  two  soldiers  sent  to 
the  beach  with  Alf.  Maitorena  to  meet  Bouchard's  boat  which  was  seen 
approaching  the  Cerro  de  los  Voluntaries.  As  the  boat  drew  near  they  \*  ere 
directed  to  stand  off,  while  one  of  the  men  waded  ashore  with  a  letter  on  a 
stick  which  he  stuck  in  the  sand  and  retired.  Mention  also  of  a  flag  of  truce 
in  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  5,  6. 

31  Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  1-12,  tells  us  that  Guerra  with  a  view  to 
overawe  the  pirates  caused  his  troops  to  march  toward  the  mission  and 
round  a  hill  in  such  a  way  as  to  come  over  and  over  again  into  sight  and 
represent  a  large  army. 


AT  SANTA  BARBARA.  239 

search  his  ships  if  his  word  were  doubted,  the  com 
mandant  "for  humanity's  sake"  consented  to  the 
unequal  exchange,  which  was  at  once  carried  into 
effect.32 

The  so-called  prisoner  whom  Bouchard  gave  up  in 
exchange  for  his  three  men  proved  to  be  the  drunken 
Molina,  who  would  have  been  a  good  riddance  to  the 
province  at  any  price.  And  now  Sola's  replies  to  the 
comandante's  reports  began  to  arrive  with  expressions 
of  the  governor's  surprise  and  dissatisfaction  that 
Guerra  had  consented  to  hold  any  parley  with  pirates 
or  to  take  into  consideration  a  proposition  to  exchange 
prisoners  when  none  had  been  taken  except  by  the 
Spaniards.  Sola's  disgust  at  the  deception  practised 
on  the  comandante  in  connection  with  Molina  was 
natural  enough;  but  his  reprimands  were  altogether 
too  severe,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  blame 
Guerra  for  not  having  attacked  the  insurgents,  which 
was  in  very  bad  taste  indeed,  after  his  own  failure  to 
defend  Monterey  with  resources  vastly  superior  to 
those  of  Santa  Barbara.83  Poor  Molina  had  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  the  governor's  wrath,  since  he  was  sen 
tenced  to  six  years  in  the  chain-gang  after  receiving 
a  hundred  blows  on  his  bare  back.  It  was  never 
clearly  known  whether  he  had  deserted  to  the  insur 
gents,  had  really  been  taken  prisoner,  or  had  gone  on 

82  Bouchard's  letters  are  not  extant,  but  those  of  the  comandante  are  pre 
served  in  blotters  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  138-41.  Dec.  9th, 
Guerra  also  reports  the  exchange  to  Sola,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  224,  an 
nouncing  at  the  same  time  his  purpose  to  attack  Bouchard  if  he  should  break 
his  word  and  land  again.  The  prisoners  had  been  examined  at  Santa  Bdrbara 
on  Dec.  5th.  Their  testimony  has  been  utilized  elsewhere  in  the  narrative. 
Bouchard,  Testimonio,  etc.,  MS. 

33  Dec.  9th,  Sola  to  Guerra,  reprimanding  him  in  very  severe  terms,  and 
expressing  the  fear  that  Bouchard  had  not  done  with  California  yet.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  19-21.  Also  same  to  Padre  Rodriguez  on 
the  same  subject.  Id.,  21.  Dec.  llth,  Sola  to  Guerra,  after  receipt  of  the 
latter's  communication  of  Dec.  9th.  Complaints  of  not  being  informed  whether 
Bouchard  departed  or  not  on  receipt  of  his  prisoners,  and  urging  precautions. 
Id.,  xlix.  22-4.  Sola,  in  his  Noticia,  285,  'Dieron  fondo  en  la  rada  del  pre 
sidio  de  Sta  Barbara  con  bandera  parlementaria  y  ajustaron  con  aquel  coman 
dante  Capt.  D.  Josd  de  la  Guerra  cange  de  prisioneros,  no  teniendo  ellos 
ninguno;  pero  llamaban  asi  d  un  paisano  que  en  Monterey  quedo  6brio  el  dia 
de  la  salida,  de  donde  se  lo  llevaron  d  bordo,  y  a  este  vociferaban  prisionero.' 


240  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

board  the  ship  too  drunk  to  know  his  own  mind.84  It 
is  not  quite  certain  whether  Bouchard  sailed  at  once 
on  the  9th  or  three  days  later.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  he  went  to  some  of  the  Channel  islands  for  wood 
and  water,  and  finally  disappeared  from  sight  on  the 
12th.  At  any  rate  he  was  off  San  Pedro  on  the 
13th.35  Meanwhile  the  troops  from  Santa  Barbara 
were  hurried  south  to  protect  San  Diego  and  the 
missions  of  that  jurisdiction. 

At  San  Buenaventura  the  alarm  was  great,  though 
no  enemy  came  there.  Padre  Senan  with  his  neo 
phytes  and  the  guard  abandoned  the  mission,  taking 
with  them  the  sacred  vessels  and  all  other  movable 
property,  and  went  several  leagues  away  to  the  cana- 
da  de  Purisima  Nueva,  where  a  temporary  church 
was  erected,  and  where  they  remained  twenty-four 
days.  In  his  entry  in  the  mission-books  Senan 
classifies  the  insurgents  as  heretics,  schismatics,  ex 
communicated  persons,  heathen,  and  a  few  Moors  !36 
Bouchard  did  not,  however,  keep  quite  faithfully  his 
promise  to  quit  the  coast  without  further  hostilities,  for 
on  December  14th  to  15th  he  was  at  Sari  Juan  Capis- 
trano.  At  the  first  news  of  his  approach  Commandant 
Ruiz  of  San  Diego  sent  Alferez  Santiago  Argiiello 
with  thirty  men  on  the  13th  to  protect  the  mission. 
The  padres  had  not  been  so  energetic  at  San  Juan 
as  elsewhere  in  removing  property;  but  Argiiello's 
men  hastily  completed  the  work  as  far  as  possible, 
and  families  were  sent  to  the  Trabuco  rancho.  When 
Bouchard  landed,  probably  on  the  14th,  he  sent  a  let 
ter  to  the  person  in  charge,  asking  for  certain  supplies. 

34  Molina's  sentence,  and  the  testimony  of  some  insurgent  deserters  in  bis 
case,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  22-4,  45-6,  66-72. 

35  See  note  30  of  this  chapter.     The  arrival  at  San  Pedro  is  mentioned  by 
Sola  in  a  letter  of  Dec.  16th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  24. 

36  A  child  was  presented  for  baptism  after  the  sacred  vessels,  holy  oils, 
etc. ,  had  been  removed  on  Nov.  29th.     There  was  much  suffering  from  cold 
at  La  Purisima,  and  several  burials  were  recorded.     The  return  to  the  old 
mission  church  was  Dec.  21st.  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mition,  MS.,  17-21, 
61-2.     Jose"  Ramon  Antonio  Valde"s,  Memorias,  MS-.,  3,  4,  relates  the  same 
occurrences.     It  was  his  brother  who  was  thus  baptized  informally. 


AT  SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  241 

Argiiello,  posted  with  his  force  on  a  hill  near  the 
mission,  refused  the  request,  very  likely  in  no  gentle 
terms.  I  do  not  deem  it  certain  that  the  insurgents 
did  any  damage  at  San  Juan.  Sola  says  that  they 
burned  a  few  straw  houses  of  the  neophytes  before 
going  on  board.  Most  of  my  later  witnesses  state 
that  some  wine  and  brandy  were  spilled,  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  such  irregularities  were  committed  by 
some  of  Bouchard's  men  even  without  his  consent.37 
Next  day  reinforcements  arrived  from  Santa  Bar 
bara  and  Los  Angeles,  soon  followed  by  Guerra  him 
self,  who,  as  Sola  tells  us,  challenged  the  foe  to  land 
and  fight,  but  without  success.  After  the  vessels  had 
sailed,  on  the  15th  or  16th,  four  deserters  presented 
themselves  and  asked  for  pardon  on  the  ground  that 
they  had  been  forced  against  their  will  to  enlist  in 
the  insurgent  service.  There  was  no  reason  to  doubt 
their  honest  intentions,  and  they  were  merely  sent 
into  the  interior  and  kept  under  guard  for  a  time  as  a 
precaution.  Strangely  enough,  so  far  as  the  records 
show,  these  men  were  never  examined  with  a  view  to 
get  information  about  Bouchard's  expedition,  though 
their  testimony  was  taken  respecting  the  actions  of 
Molina.  The  four  men  were  the  negro  Mateo  Jose 
Pascual,  who  had  before  been  captured  and  exchanged ; 
John  Rose,  a  Scotch  drummer,  aged  twenty-seven; 
Pedro  Zaldibar,  of  Buenos  Aires;  and  Nicola's  Cha- 
varria  of  Bogota,  both  young  men.38 

3T  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  56,  says  they  carried  away  some  goods  from 
the  warehouse.  Did  some  damage.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  10,  11.  The 
mission  was  sacked  and  burned.  Vallcjo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  237-8.  Did  much 
damage,  spilling  wine  and  oil  that  could  not  be  carried  away.  Ord,  Ocurrencias; 
MS.,  6,  7.  The  chief  building  was  fired,  but  the  church  (destroyed  years  be 
fore)  was  respected  at  the  request  of  some  of  the  enemy.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  46.  Spilled  the  wine  and  did  other  damage.  Romero,  Notas,  MS.,  12. 
Ravaging  and  burning.  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  5,  6.  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  5-8, 
says  his  father  tried  to  persuade  Argiiello  to  attack  the  pirates  while  they 
were  reeling  under  the  influence  of  the  stolen  liquor;  but  he  would  neither 
attack  nor  permit  others  to  do  so. 

38  Sola,  Noticia,  286.     Names  of  the  prisoners  with  their  testimony.  Prov. 

St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  62;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlix.  66-72.     Oct.  28,  1819,  viceroy 

orders  proceedings  to  be  instituted  against  the  men.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xx. 

62.     Sola's  communications  to  commandants  Guerra  and  Ruiz  on  Dec.  18,  19, 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    16 


242  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  soldiers'  stay  at  San  Juan 
there  arose  a  new  strife,  much  more  bitter,  but  quite 
as  bloodless  as  that  with  the  pirates.  It  was  between 
"the  padres  of  the  mission  and  Don  -Santiago  Argiiello. 
The  former  charged  the  alferez  with  having  neglected 
the  mission  property,  during  the  brief  military  occu 
pation,  to  such  an  extent  that,  besides  other  articles 
injured  or  lost,  considerable  wine  and  brandy  had  been 
wasted,  two  Indians  drank  themselves  to  death,  while 
another  became  insane.  He  was  likewise  charged  with 
having  needlessly  driven  away  the  friars  when  they 
came  back  on  December  16th,  forcing  them  to  wander 
about  in  great  suffering  for  two  days  more,  and  with 
having  returned  to  San  Diego  without  leaving  any 
soldiers  for  the  protection  of  San  Juan.  Argiiello, 
on  the  other  hand,  denied  that  any  material  damage 
had  been  done,  or  that  any  Indians  had  been  killed; 
charging  at  the  same  time  that  the  friars  had  been 
remiss  in  removing  and  caring  for  mission  property, 
and  that  they  had  with  insulting  words  refused  the 
horses,  food,  and  other  aid  needed  by  the  military 
force  under  his  command.  The  correspondence  on 
this  subject  though  quite  extensive  is  not  important. 
As  to  the  merits  of  the  case  the  letters  of  Jose  la 
Guerra  are  most  conclusive.  He  was  the  last  man  in 
California  to  entertain  any  feeling  of  hostility  to  the 
friars;  and  yet  he  expresses  the  deliberate  opinion 
that  they  trumped  up  the  charges  against  Argiiello 
only  to  palliate  their  own  culpable  failure  to  do  their 
duty.39 

Here  more  appropriately  than  elsewhere  I  may  call 
the  reader's  attention  to  another  controversial  phe 
nomenon  of  the  Bouchard  invasion,  in  the  north  at 
Santa  Cruz,  where  the  excitement  ran  higher,  if  pos 
sible,  than  elsewhere;  and  where  considerable  damage 

acknowledging  receipt  of  their  reports,  and  ordering  severe  measures  against 
the  pirate  picaros  of  whose  departure  he  was  not  yet  aware.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  25-7. 

39  Correspondence  of  Arguello,  Guerra,  and  Boscana,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  87-92;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  5G-9. 


TROUBLE  AT  SANTA  CRUZ.  243 

was  done,  though  not  by  pirates'  guns.  Padre  Ramon 
Olbes,  the  minister  of  Santa  Cruz,  entertained  a  low 
opinion  of  the  settlers  of  Branciforte:  he  had  accused 
them  in  advance  of  an  intention  to  join  the  pirates  in 
a  raid  on  the  mission.40  He  subsequently  complained,  in 
language  as  forcible  as  a  friar  could  use,  that  on  the 
approach  of  the  vessels  the  rascally  villanos  had  de 
liberately  sacked  the  mission  with  the  intention  of 
charging  that  act  upon  the  insurgents,  who,  however, 
by  not  landing,  left  them  in  the  lurch.  The  friar's 
charges  were  sweeping,  including  the  theft  of  every 
movable  article,  the  wanton  destruction  of  all  that 
was  immovable  or  useless  to  the  thieves,  and  the  most 
shocking  desecration  of  the  church  and  holy  images — 
in  fact,  nothing  but  the  bare  walls  of  the  buildings 
remained  to  show  for  all  the  past  toil  of  the  mission 
aries,  and  Olbes  declared  that  the  establishment  must 
be  abandoned,  for  he  would  not  go  back  to  submit 
longer  to  the  inhuman  outrages  of  the  people  of  Bran 
ciforte.41 

Naturally  such  serious  arid  direct  charges  attracted 
the  earnest  attention  of  both  the  president  and  the 
governor,  and  the  latter  at  once  set  on  foot  a  strict 
investigation,  Santa  Cruz  being  in  the  mean  while 
practically  abandoned.  As  the  investigation  went  on 
Olbes  became  more  violent  than  before,  reiterating 
his  charges  and  pronouncing  the  pretended  investiga 
tion  by  Luis  Arguello  a  fraud.  He  declared  that  the 
settlers  had  the  impudence  to  come  to  church  clad  in 
the  stolen  clothes,  and  had  besides  plenty  to  sell.  "  Justi- 
cia  no  habita  en  California,"  where  such  crimes  can  go 
unpunished !  The  proceedings  instituted  by  Sola,  and 
carried  on  by  Estrada  from  Monterey  and  Arguello 
from  San  Francisco  at  different  dates  for  several 
months,  involved  the  taking  of  testimony  from  all 

40  Oct.  29th,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  ffi*t.  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  92. 

41  Olbes'  letters  of  Nov.  26th,  27th,  Dec.  6th,  and  March  2d  to  Sola  and 
Payeras.    Olbes,  Cartas  sobre  el  Tumulto  de  Santa  Cruz,  1818,  MS.,  besides 
references  in  subsequent  proceedings.     The  writer  was  much  excited,  and  he 
goes  into  some  very  minute  and  amusing  details. 


244  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

the  male  residents,  de  razon,  of  villa  and  mission, 
from  many  women,  and  from  not  a  few  neophytes. 
The  record  is  somewhat  voluminous,42  but  the  testi 
mony  was  not  very  conflicting,  and  the  result  showed 
the  following  facts. 

On  November  21st  by  advice  of  Ex-prefecto  Sarria, 
Sola  ordered  Olbes  to  abandon  Santa  Cruz  and  go  to 
Santa  Clara  with  his  neophytes.  He  was  inclined  a 
clay  or  two  later  to  have  the  mission  burned,  to  keep 
the  grain  and  other  property  from  the  foe;  but  he 
contented  himself  with  sending  an  order  to  Comisi- 
onado  Joaquin  Buelna  of  Branciforte  to  go  to  the  mis 
sion,  and  if  it  had  been  abandoned,  to  remove  all  he 
could  of  the  property.43  Buelna  went  with  a  party  to 
execute  the  order  on  the  24th,  and  there  are  indica 
tions  that  his  movements  were  quickened  by  the  ap 
proach  of  some  of  Bouchard's  boats,  which,  however, 
could  not  land  on  account  of  the  surf.  At  any  rate 
the  doors  of  various  buildings  were  forced,  and  the 
work  was  begun.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d,  Padre 
Olbes  with  his  neophytes  and  a  few  soldiers  of  the 
guard  had  started  for  Santa  Clara.  Joaquin  Castro, 
the  majordomo,  and  a  part  of  the  Indians  stopped  on 
the  way  and  next  morning  returned  to  Santa  Cruz  to 
save  some  of  the  mission  goods.  Castro  found  Buelna 
hard  at  work,  and  naturally  was  surprised;  but  when 
he  learned  the  purport  of  the  governor's  order  he 
joined  his  force  to  that  of  the  comisionado.  One  or 
two  casks  of  wine  and  aguardiente  that  could  not  be 
carried  away  it  was  deemed  best  to  spill,  not  improb 
ably  into  the  throats  of  those  present.  After  this  the 
work  went  bravely  on,  but  naturally  the  goods  were 
not  ( saved '  with  the  systematic  care  that  would  have 
been  desired  by  the  friars.  Doors  were  broken,  cur 
tains  were  torn,  vestments  were  soiled,  a  few  images 

^^  Santa  Cruz,  Testimonio  sobre  el  Tumulto  de  Noviembre  de  1818,   MS.; 
Jan.  27,  1819,  Sola  to  president.  Frov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  166-9. 

43  Buelna  testified  that  the  order  included  also  the  destruction  of  such 
property  as  could  not  be  carried  away,  though  nothing  was  intentionally  de 
stroyed.  The  document  is  not  extant. 


A  MISSION  PLUNDERED.  245 

were  defaced;  and  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  in 
the  confusion  a  few  trifles  were  appropriated  by  both 
settlers  and  Indians.  Of  the  mission  effects  a  part 
were  buried  or  otherwise  concealed;  others  were  listed 
in  an  inventory  by  Buelna  and  taken  to  the  villa;  and 
still  others  were  carried  to  Santa  Clara  by  Castro  and 
his  Indians.  On  the  way  a  trunk  belonging  to  Olbes 
had  to  be  left  for  a  time,  during  which  it  was  broken 
open.  The  guilty  pobladores  were  detected  by  means 
of  certain  pairs  of  the  padre's  stockings  which  one  of 
them  had  given  to  a  young  lady,  and  two  of  them 
were  imprisoned  at  San  Francisco.  Such  was  sub 
stantially  the  friars'  grievance.  The  missionary  author 
ities,  somewhat  excited  at  first,  finally  admitted  that 
the  danger  had  been  exaggerated;44  Olbes  himself, 
calming  his  wrath,  went  back  to  his  post;  and  the 
mission  of  the  holy  cross  escaped  the  threatened  anni 
hilation.45 

After  leaving  San  Juan  Capistrano  Bouchard's  in 
surgents  touched  no  more  on  the  coast  of  California. 
At  San  Diego  Ruiz  made  every  possible  preparation, 
even  to  the  extent  of  red -hot  balls,  but  the  ships 
passed  by  without  attempting  to  enter  the  port.  The 
northern  soldiers  on  their  way  to  reenforce  the  presi- 

44  March  15, 1819,  Payeras  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  69-70.  Dec. 
30,  1818,  Sarria  to  Capt.  Argiiello.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  1.  9.  Jan. 
28,  1819,  Tapis  to  president.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  372-3. 

45  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  3,  heard  that  the  mission  was  plundered  by 
Indians  'and  by  some  who  were  not  Indians.'    Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  50-6, 
gives  quite  an  accurate  though  brief  account  of  the  matter.     He  says  there 
were  certain  people  who  wore  breeches  made  of  fine  red  cloth  stolen  from  the 
mission.     Alvarado's  version,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  173-4,  is  that  a  kind  of  mob 
was  formed  to  plunder  and  destroy,  on  the  ground  that  the  property  might 
as  well  fall  into  their  hands  as  those  of  the  pirates;  but  Judge  Buelna  backed 
by  a  few  good  citizens  succeeded  in  dispersing  the  mob.    Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal. , 
MS. ,  i.  214-20,  gives  the  same  version.    He  adds  that  Buelna  was  much  disliked 
by  the  conspirators,  who  caused  him  much  trouble  until  he  wrote  some  verses 
and  sent  a  copy  to  each.     The  ignorant  villanos  took  the  poetry  for  some  bad 
and  devilish  thing,  and  were  so  frightened  that  they  marched  in  procession  to 
restore  stolen  property  and  beg  the  padre  to  intercede  with  Buelna  for  them. 
The  verses  are  given.     Having  succeeded  so  well  in  this,  Buelna  tried  poetry 
on  some  yoimg  men  who  were  disposed  to  make  love  to  his  wife.     The  verses 
were  bad,  but  they  brought  about  peace,  domestic  and  political,  for  Judge 
Buelna.     Francisco  Rodriguez  recited  a  poem  on  the  event  at  Sta  Cruz  and  in 
praise  of  Buelna.  Cerruti's  Rambling*,  MS.,  207-9. 


246  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

dio  came  no  farther  than  San  Luis  Hey,  and  the  San 
Diego  families  retired  from  Pala  to  their  homes.  Thus 
the  padres  of  the  far  south,  though  burning  with  mil 
itary  ardor,  had  no  opportunity  to  meet  the  foe.46 

Respecting  Bouchard's  movements  after  leaving 
California  we  have  but  a  few  doubtful  and  disconnected 
items  of  information.  Several  of  theCalifornians  speak 
of  the  sacking  of  Loreto  and  of  other  places  in  the 
peninsula;  but  they  clearly  confound  the  ravages  of 
Bouchard  with  those  of  Cochrane  several  years  later. 
The  president  of  the  Lower  California  missions  re 
ceived  news  that  two  vessels  supposed  to  be  the  same 
anchored  in  Todos  Santos  Bay  on  Jan.  26th,  departing 
the  next  day;  but  the  comandante  of  San  Bias  thought 
there  was  an  error  of  date,  and  that  the  vessels  were 
seen  from  the  24th  to  the  27th  of  January  in  the  re 
gion  of  San  Bias.  On  the  19th  Governor  Argiiello  at 
Loreto  heard  of  the  attack  in  the  north,  and  fifteen 
days  later  he  informed  the  viceroy  that  he  had  taken 
every  precaution,  but  had  heard  nothing  more.  About 
the  middle  of  February  the  Indians  reported  the  ar 
rival  of  certain  vessels  at  Motines  on  the  Colima  coast, 
a  report  which  caused  great  alarm  and  mustering  of 
forces,  but  nothing  definite  was  learned  about  the 
strange  ships.  Finally  two  suspicious  frigates  were 
noticed  near  Acapulco  on  the  12th  of  March.  These 
items,  all  that  could  be  collected  in  Mexico  before 
March  24th,  I  take  from  correspondence  appended  to 

46  Dec.  16th,  Sola  to  Guerra,  speaking  of  the  preparations  at  S.  Diego.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  24.  The  fleet  passed  in  sight  of  S,  Diego  in 
sailing  south.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist^  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  24.  Doiia  Juana  Machado 
de  Ridington  was  a  child  in  San  Diego  at  the  time.  In  her  memory  of  the 
event,  or  of  what  was  said  about  it,  she  has  evidently  confounded  it  with  the 
much  earlier  affair  of  the  Leila  Byrd,  since  she  speaks  of  soldiers  having  been 
carried  away.  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  4,  5.  Dec.  19th,  Padre  Muiioz 
writes  to  Sola  that  he  came  to  'give  a  good  blow'  to  the  rebels,  but  they,  like 
cowards,  absented  themselves.  Dec.  30th  (?)  he  writes:  'We  are  ready  for  the 
insurgents.  When  do  they  come?'  He  has  three  ambushes  prepared  and  is 
at  the  head  of  his  men.  '  Esta  mision  es  ya  militar;  no  hay  miedo.  Esta 
tierra  ha  de  ser  de  Fernando,  y  de  cousiguiente  en  eila  debe  reinar  la  religion 
cat61ica!!'  Dec.  27th,  Padre  Escudtf  of  San  Luis  Rey  to  Sola.  Thanks  God 
the  abortos  del  iiifierno  have  disappeared.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  27-9, 
40-1.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  5,  briefly  alludes  to  the  preparations  to  de 
fend  San  Diego. 


OFFICIAL  REPORTS.  247 

Sola's  report  in  the  official  newspaper.47  Osio  in  his 
manuscript  history  adds,  on  authority  of  which  I 
know  nothing,  that  Bouchard's  vessel  while  lying  in 
wait  for  the  treasure-ship  Maria  at  the  Tres  Marias, 
was  attacked  and  badly  crippled  with  great  loss  of  men 
by  the  cruiser  Fidelidad;  but  a  breeze  springing  up 
the  vessel  escaped,  and  Bouchard  himself  died  at  Lima 
five  years  later,  having  been  supported  during  his  last 
years  by  charity.48 

Sola  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy  pictured  the  heroic 
efforts  of  the  Californians  and  their  sufferings  during 
this  winter  campaign  against  invaders,  in  colors  most 
vivid.  The  Gaceta  in  which  that  report  was  printed 
contained  the  viceroy's  warmest  thanks  to  all,  the 
notice  of  Sola's  promotion  to  be  colonel,  while  Manuel 
Gomez  and  Josd  Estrada  were  made  lieutenants,  and 
the  announcement  of  orders  to  send  immediate  reen- 
forcements  and  supplies  for  the  relief  of  California.49 
When  the  Gaceta  reached  California  it  was  of  course 
read  with  great  interest;  but  the  friars  noticed  with 
pain  that  their  own  distinguished  services  and  patri 
otic  sacrifices  had  not  been  mentioned  by  the  viceroy 
or  governor.  Complaint  was  made  to  Sola,  who  rec 
tified  the  past  omission  in  a  supplementary  report  in 
which  full  justice  was  done  to  the  missionary  warriors, 

47  Gacetas  de  Mexico,  xxxix.  286-90.  Alaman,  Hist..  Mejico,  iv.  696-7,  after 
stating  that  the  insurgents  '  siguieron  haciendo  iguales  depredaciones  en  todas 
las  misiones  de  la  costa  de  la  alta  y  baja  California  hasta  el  cabo  de  8.  Lucas,' 
continues:  '  they  presented  themselves  also  on  the  coast  of  New  Galicia,  where 
they  cruised  for  some  days  without  daring  to  land  on  account  of  precautions 
taken  by  the  commandant  of  Colima;  and  although  at  Acapulco  they  anchored 
at  Pt  Caleta,  they  made  no  landing  according  to  the  report  of  Gov.  Gandara.  On 
the  coast  of  Coalmayutla  they  parleyed  with  Guerrero,  who  sent  an  officer . . . 
but  the  vessels  did  not  appear. '  See  also  mention  of  the  affair  in  Noticioso  Gen. , 
March  29,  1819;  and  a  blundering  account  in  Dixon's  White  Conquest,  i.  33-4.  " 

^Osio,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  46-52.  I  suppose  there  is  no  foundation  for  his 
statement. 

49  Jan.  20,  1819,  viceroy  to  Sola  has  already  heard  of  the  attack  on  Mon 
terey,  the  news  having  been  brought  to  San  Bias  by  the  Aventurero  on  Dec. 
30th.  Prov. ^t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  66.  March  30th,  Sola  forwards  the  informa 
tion,  including  the  promise  of  reinforcements,  to  the  padres.  Arch.  Arzob., 
iii.  pt.  75-8.  March  22d,  viceroy  to  Sola,  acknowledging  receipt  of  reports  of 
Nov.  4th  and  Dec.  12th,  thanking  everybody,  and  approving  measures  for 
defence.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  66-C7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  70. 
July  6,  1819,  Sola  communicates  the  preceding  despatch  to  the  comandante. 
Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  1.  25,  Notice  of  the  promotions.  Id.,  xlix.  32. 


248  BOUCHARD  AND  THE  INSURGENTS. 

to  whom  also  the  viceroy  subsequently  expressed  his 
thanks.50 

A  schooner  arrived  at  San  Diego  in  April  1819, 
which  was  said  to  have  been  chased  by  the  insurgents 
off  the  Tres  Marias,  in  consequence  of  which  news  and 
on  general  principles  orders  were  issued  on  several 
occasions  during  the  year  with  a  view  to  prevent  too 
entire  a  relaxation  of  precautions  at  the  missions  and 
presidios.51  The  Bouchard  invasion  increased  the 
number  of  permanent  Anglo-Saxon  residents  in  Cali 
fornia  to  five,  Gilroy,  Doak,  and  Call  being  the  three 
whose  coming  may  be  traced  to  an  earlier  date.  One 
of  the  new-comers  was  John  Rose,  the  Scotchman 
who  gave  himself  up  at  San  Juan;  the  other  was 
the  American  captured  at  Monterey,  Joseph  Chap 
man,  the  third  American  pioneer,  afterward  some 
what  famous,  as  will  be  seen.52  By  the  same  event 
the  foreign  African  population  of  the  province  was  in 
creased  to  three  by  the  addition  of  Pascual  and  Fisher, 
or  Norris — Bob,  left  by  Smith,  having  been  the  pio 
neer  negro  so  far  as  the  records  show. 

What  were  Bouchard's  plans  and  motives  in  com 
ing  to  California  cannot  be  clearly  known,  but  may 

50  June  25,  1819,  Padre  Kipoll's  complaint  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii. 
pt.  ii.  117-18.    April  2d,  Santiago  Argiiello  praises  the  padres  of  San  Luis  Rey. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  92.     July  6,  1819,  Sola,  Liforme  Suplementario,  MS. 
July  19th,  Sola  to  Guerra  on  the  subject.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xlix.  33-4;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.,  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  27.     Oct.  28th,  viceroy  to  Sola, 
; highly  pleased  with  the  friars'  conduct,  especially  that  of  Payeras  and  Mar 
tinez.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  61.     April  4,  1810,  Sola  in  name  of  the  king 
thanks  the  padres.     April  17th,  Payeras  acknowledges  receipt.  Arch.  Arzob., 
318.,  iv.  pt.  i.  14. 

51  For  these  orders  and  responses,  which  call  for  no  special  attention,  see 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  30;  1.  26-31;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  v.  82;  Prov.  St.  PajJ.  MS.,  xx.  71-2,  87,235;  Prov.Rec.,  MS.,  x.  32. 

52 See  chap,  xiii.,  this  vol.,  for  information  on  these  early  pioneers  down 
to  1820.  Neither  Sola  nor  any  other  contemporary  authority  mentions  Chap 
man's  name  in  connection  with  the  Bouchard  affair,  but  Chapman  himself 
stated  in  a  later  document  that  he  '  remained  here  as  a  prisoner  because  he 
was  forced  with  other  persons  at  the  Sandwich  Islands  on  the  expedition  of 
Bouchard.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (96-7);  iv.  156-8.  The  Californians  in 
their  testimony  generally  confound  the  Monterey  prisoners,  those  exchanged 
at  Sta  Barbara,  and  those  who  gave  themselves  up  at  S.  Juan.  Gonzalez, 
however,  Experiencias,  MS.,  9, 10,  remembers  the  American  prisoner  as  Joseph 


MOTIVES  OF  THE  INVADERS.  249 

be  conjectured.  The  Californians  had  no  doubt  that 
he  came  to  conquer  their  province  and  to  plunder  it, 
but  was  repelled  by  their  energetic  measures,  bravery, 
and  unswerving  loyalty  to  the  king.  That  he  had  no 
such  intention  is  best  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  did 
not  carry  it  into  execution,  which  he  certainly  might 
have  done  without  encountering  any  very  formidable 
obstacles.  Cruising  in  the  Pacific  in  search  of  rich 
prizes,  he  doubtless  entered  the  port  of  Monterey 
chiefly  to  obtain  some  needed  supplies.  That  he  was 
inclined  to  ascertain  the  political  feeling  of  the  people 
and  willing  to  aid  in  a  revolt  is  not  unlikely.  Nor  is  it 
improbable  that  in  the  resulting  troubles  he  hoped  to 
get  a  share  of  the  mission  plunder  popularly  supposed 
to  be  very  rich.  Whatever  were  his  plans  and  hopes, 
they  were  effectually  overthrown  on  his  arrival  at 
Monterey.  The  coolness  of  his  reception,  the  refusal 
to  furnish  supplies,  the  popular  alarm  at  his  approach, 
the  removal  of  every  portable  article  of  property,  the 
impossibility  of  coming  in  contact  with  the  soldiers, 
made  it  evident  to  Bouchard  that  no  profitable  busi 
ness,  revolutionary  or  predatory,  could  be  done  in  this 
province.  Angry  at  the  inhospitality  of  the  Cali 
fornians  and  at  the  damage  done  to  his  ships,  if  any 
was  really  clone,  he  allowed  his  men  to  take  all  they 
could  find  and  to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the  pre 
sidio  buildings,  and  then  left  the  capital  in  disgust. 
The  Ortegas,  however,  were  commonly  believed,  as 
notorious  smugglers  and  confidential  agents  of  the 
friars,  to  have  large  amounts  of  money  or  valuables 
at  their  rancho;  and  made  aware  of  these  rumors, 
perhaps  by  Molina,  the  insurgent  privateer  resolved 
to  strike  another  blow  at  Refugio,  with  what  success, 
so  far  as  valuables  are  concerned,  there  are  no  means 
of  ascertaining. 

Chapman.  Foster,  First  American  in  Los  Angeles,  gives  an  interesting  sketch 
of  Chapman's  capture,  etc.,  which  is  purely  fictitious  so  far  as  details  are  con 
cerned. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

1818-1820. 

SOLA'S  REPORT  ON  PRESIDIOS  AND  MISSIONS — DESTITUTION — MISSION  AID — 
REINFORCEMENTS  FROM  MEXICO — NAVARRETE'S  COMPANY  OF  SAN  BLAS 
INFANTRY — PORTILLA'S  COMPANY  OF  MAZATLAN  CAVALRY — THE  CHO- 
LOS— HARD  TIMES  CONTINUED — SOLA  DISGUSTED — SMALL  COMFORT  FROM 
THE  VICEROY— GENEROSITY  OF  THE  FRIARS — No  FOREIGN  CARGOES — 
THE  GOVERNOR  TRIES  IN  VAIN  TO  RESIGN — CAPTAIN  JOSE  DE  LA 
GUERRA  SENT  TO  MEXICO — His  AIMS  AND  EFFORTS — His  RETURN  WITH 
SUPPLIES— REVIVAL  OF  FOREIGN  AND  SPANISH  TRADE — ARRIVAL  OF 
ARTILLERY  DETACHMENT  UNDER  RAMIREZ— FEAR  OF  INSURGENTS — ROY 
ALIST  COMPANIES— THE  SPANISH  CONSTITUTION  OF  1812  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

I  HAVE  already  noticed  Sola's  general  report  on  the 
condition  and  needs  of  the  province  at  the  beginning 
of  1817.1  A  large  portion  of  that  year  was  spent  by 
him  in  making  a  tour  of  inspection,  including  every 
presidio,  pueblo,  and  mission  from  San  Francisco  to 
San  Diego.  On  April  3,  1818,  he  sent  to  Viceroy 
Apodaca  the  result  of  his  observations.  The  report- 
was  chiefly  devoted  to  local  descriptions ;  but  attention 
was  given  in  general  way  to  the  neophytes,  their  alarm 
ing  mortality,  41,000  having  died  out  of  64,000  bap 
tized,  the  prevalence  of  hereditary  venereal  disease 
being  rapidly  communicated  from  the  Christians  to 
the  gentiles.  The  comparative  worthlessness  of  the 
Indians  as  an  element  of  future  prosperity  was  noticed, 
the  faithful  services  of  the  friars,  and  the  urgent  need 
of  supernumeraries  to  act  as  chaplains.  Agricultural 
resources,  progress,  and  prospects  were  given,  with 
the  increasing  devastations  of  squirrels,  gophers,  grass- 

1  See  chap.  x.  this  volume. 

(250) 


SOLA'S  RECOMMENDATIONS.  251 

hoppers,  and  the  chahuistle  in  the  south.  His  observa 
tions  on  these  and  other  special  topics  I  shall  utilize 
elsewhere.  He  gave  the  white  population  of  Califor 
nia  as  3,000  at  the  end  of  1817.  His  suggestion  for 
the  cure  of  the  evil  which  threatened  speedy  ruin  to 
the  missions  was  the  establishment  of  mission  schools, 
in  which  female  children  could  be  trained  from  the  age 
of  three  or  four  years  entirely  free  from  the  debasing 
influences  of  contact  with  older  Indians;  and  also  a 
general  school  or  college  for  the  training  of  five  or  six 
chosen  neophytes  from  each  mission.  The  subject  of 
coast  defences,  with  the  urgent  necessity  of  thwarting 
foreign  schemes,  was  again  presented;  but  still  the 
introduction  of  colonists  was  pointed  out  as  the  coun 
try's  most  pressing  need.  The  new  settlers  should 
number  at  least  one  thousand  families;  should  be  ex 
empt  from  all  taxation  for  ten  years,  and  should  have 
two  vessels  to  carry  away  their  produce  in  semi-an 
nual  voyages  to  southern  ports.2 

Want  in  the  presidios  must  have  been  greater  than 
ever  in  1818,  for  the  sources  of  supply  from  without 
the  province  were  fewer  even  than  usual.  Goods  to 
the  amount  of  about  $14,000  were  purchased  for  drafts 
from  the  Manila  ship  San  Ruperto,  which  put  into 
Monterey  in  January  with  a  scurvy-stricken  crew.3 
Roquefeuil  took  produce  at  San  Francisco  in  Sep 
tember  to  the  value  of  about  $7,000.4  It  is  probable 
that  some  relief  also  was  obtained  from  Hagemeister 
and  Golovnin,  who  visited  Monterey  in  the  autumn; 
but  very  little  is  known  of  those  visits.5  Sola  was 
still  timid  and  reluctant  about  engaging  in  this  unlaw 
ful  trade  with  foreigners;  but  the  condition  of  affairs 
left  no  alternative,  and  after  carrying  his  refusals  and 
protestations  to  such  an  extent  as  his  official  conscience 
demanded,  he  always  yielded.  No  Lima  ships  came 

2  Sola,-  Observaciones  hechas  en  la  Visita  de  la  Provincia  desde  San  Fran- 
Cisco  hasta  San  Diego,  1818,  MS. 
sProv.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  175. 
4  See  chap.  xiii.  this  volume. 
6  See  chap.  xiv.  this  volume. 


252  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

for  tallow.  If  anything  was  obtained  from  the  Clarion 
except  a  warning  against  the  pirates  the  records  do 
not  show  it.  No  memorias  carne,  nor  was  there  any 
encouragement  for  the  future  in  this  respect.6  Mean 
while  the  friars  supported  the  government  and  troops 
from  the  products  of  their  neophytes'  labor,  without 
much  reluctance  for  the  most  part  as  it  seems ;  though 
there  was  a  complaint  from  Santa  Barbara  that  cattle 
for  fresh  meat  were  refused  except  at  excessive  prices. 
The  friars  even  furnished  on  one  occasion  $2,800  in 
silver  coin.7  Complaints  of  suffering  were,  like  sup 
plies,  scarcer  than  usual;  and  finally  in  their  terror  at 
the  Bouchard  invasion  the  people  well  nigh  forgot 
for  a  time  their  destitution. 

The  first  news  of  Bouchard's  attack  on  Monterey 
reached  Mexico,  as  we  have  seen,  in  December  1818. 
So  serious  was  the  emergency  in  the  eyes  of  Viceroy 
Apodaca,  who  supposed  that  a  part  of  the  province 
had  very  likely  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  foes  of 
Spain,  that  he  not  only  urged  Sola  to  strain  every 
nerve  in  the  defence  of  his  country,  but  immediately 
sent  orders  to  Guadalajara  and  San  Bias  and  Sonora 
that  two  vessels  should  be  despatched  forthwith  with 
all  the  troops  and  munitions  of  war  they  could  carry 
for  the  relief  of  California.  Such  was  the  purport  of 
the  viceroy's  letter  of  January  20,  1819,8  and  the  good 
news  was  circulated  at  the  end  of  March.  A  little 
later  when  Sola's  official  report  of  the  invasion  was 
received,  showing  that  the  Spanish  dominion  was  still 
intact  in  the  north-west,  the  danger  still  seemed  so 
imminent  and  the  earnest  appeal  for  reinforcements 

6  Aug.  4,  1818,  Jos<§  Maria  Narvaez  to  Guerra.     The  habilitado  general 
has  no  hope  of  getting  the  situado;  and  even  if  the  funds  were  forthcoming 
there  are  no  vessels  available  for  transportation.   Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.   CaL, 
MS.,  vi.  119.     Complaints  of  destitution.  Id.,  iii.  97,  107.     All  the  author 
ities  on  the  Bouchard  affair  named  in  the  preceding  chapter  speak  of  the 
great  want  which  followed. 

7  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  98;  v.  33.     List  of  missions  with  pro- 
rata  of  $3,000  called  for  by  the  government.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  283. 

BProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  CG-7. 


REINFORCEMENTS.  253 

so  well  founded,  that  past  orders  were  not  counter 
manded  and  measures  for  relief  were  actually  hastened. 
In  June  and  July  the  coming  of  vessels  with  troops 
was  definitely  announced.9 

The  first  detachment  of  troops  that  started  north 
ward  was  the  San  Bias  infantry  company  of  one  hun 
dred  men  under  the  command  of  Captain  Josd  Antonio 
Navarrete,  Lieutenant  Antonio  del  Valle,  and  Sub 
lieutenant  Francisco  de  Haro.  The  transport  San 
Carlos  was  brought  into  service  to  carry  the  lieuten 
ants  and  half  the  company,  and  was  commanded  by 
Gonzalo  de  Ulloa.  The  captain  with  the  rest  of  the 
men  embarked  on  the  ship  Reina  de  Los  Angeles,  Cap 
tain  Jose  Bandini,  chartered  for  this  trip.10  The 
vessels  sailed  from  San  Bias  on  June  8th,  and  both 
landed  their  troops  at  Monterey  between  July  25th 
and  September  7th,  there  being  much  confusion  about 
the  exact  dates.11  The  Reina  among  other  war-stores 
brought  five  iron  six-pounders  and  ten  four-pounders, 
while  the  San  Carlos  had  four  hundred  sabres  and 
three  national  flags.  Forty  men  of  the  company  under 
Lieutenant  Valle  were  soon  transferred  from  the  cap 
ital  to  San  Francisco. 

The  second  detachment  of  reinforcements  was  a 
part  of  the  Escuadron  de  Mazatlan,  a  company  of 
cavalry  one  hundred  strong,  under  Captain  Pablo  de 

9  March  30,  1819.    Sola  in  a  circular  to  the  padres  directs  that  if  the  ships, 
expected  to  arrive  with  troops,  should  be  seen  south  of  San  Buenaventura  they 
are  to  be  directed  to  Sta  Barbara;  but  if  further  north,  to  Monterey  or  San 
Francisco.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  80.     June  21st,  Sola  has  heard  that  a 
vessel  is  fitting  out  at  Mazatlan  to  bring  100  men  under  Antonio  Cordero. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  35.     July  6th,  Sola  expects  the  S.  Carlos  and  Cossack. 
Id.,  x.  36. 

10  She  was  chartered  for  $10,000,  with  $4,000  a  month  from  April  18th  for 
time  lost  at  San  Bias  or  in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Pres.,  MS.,  i.  12.    Jose" 
Bandini  was  a  Peruvian  who  afterwards  settled  in  California,  and  whose  son 
was  a  prominent  man  in  later  times. 

11  June  8,  1819,  instructions  from  Commandant  Antonio  Quartara  of  S. 
Bias  to  Lieut.  Ulloa  for  the  voyage,  giving  details  of  what  is  to  be  done  in 
case  of  meeting  hostile  vessels,  precautions  in  approaching  California,  relations 
with  Sola,  etc.     The  vessels  were  to  bring  back  a  cargo  of  hemp  if  it  could  be 
had.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  238-43.     Announcements  of  sailing  and  ar 
rival,  with  other  unimportant  matter  concerning  the  expedition.  Id.,  xx.  71, 
74,  82-3;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlix.  32.  35;  1.  24,  49;  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  x.  39-40; 
St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  54-5;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vi. 


254  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

la  Portilla,  lieutenants  Juan  Maria  Ibarra  and  Nar- 
ciso  Fabregat,  and  Alferez  Ignacio  Delgado.  This 
company  embarked  at  Mazatlan  in  the  Cossack  on 
July  14th.  The  vessel  was  chartered  for  San  Diego 
direct,  but  the  winds  carried  her  to  the  gulf  instead, 
and  on  August  7th  the  troops,  thirty-seven  of  whom 
are  said  to  have  been  dangerously  ill,  were  landed  at 
San  Luis  Gonzaga  Bay.  From  this  point  they 
marched  slowly  northward,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego 
on  the  1 6th  of  September.  These  troops  came  toler 
ably  well  armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets;  and  they 
brought  ten  thousand  dollars  in  money  with  which  to 
defray  expenses.12  Forty-five  of  the  men  under  Fa 
bregat  and  Delgado  were  soon  added  to  the  garrison 
at  Santa  Barbara;  so  that  the  new  forces  were  in  a 
few  weeks  pretty  evenly  distributed  among  the  four 
presidios,  giving  each  an  increase  of  about  fifty  men. 
None  of  these  men  were  at  this  time  accompanied  by 
their  families.  A  reenforcement  of  artillery  had  been 
asked  for,  promised,  and  had  even  started,  but  did  not 
arrive  this  year. 

The  only  especial  use  for  a  military  force  this  year 
was  in  the  series  of  expeditions  made  in  the  autumn 
against  the  Indians  of  the  interior  valleys,  which,  in 
cluding  the  disaster  at  San  Buenaventura  and  the 
resulting  campaign  of  Moraga  towards  the  Colorado, 
I  narrate  fully  elsewhere.13  The  newcomers  aided  in 
these  expeditions,  part  of  the  southern  company  going 
with  Moraga,  and  the  infantry  by  garrison  duty  in 
the  north  released  the  presidial  soldiers  for  campaign 
service.  Portilla's  Mazatlan  company  was  composed 
of  a  good  class  of  men,  who  subsequently  gave  no 
grounds  for  complaint,  being  equal  in  character  and 
discipline  to  the  regular  presidial  troops.  Navarrete's 
infantry  company,  the  "  veteranos  de  San  Bias,  solda- 
dos  de  la  otra  banda,"  or  as  they  were  best  known  in 

12  Correspondence  about  the  coming  of  the  Cossack  and  the  Mazatlan  com 
pany  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  71,  74,  81,  85-6,  233-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi. 
11,  12;  xlix.  32,  34,  38-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  37-8,  41. 

13  See  chap.  xv.  of  this  volume. 


THE  CHOLOS,  AND  HARD  TIMES.  255 

California,  the  cliolos,u  were  on  the  contrary  most 
emphatically  a  bad  lot.  Such  is  the  unanimous  tes 
timony  of  governor,  commandants,  friars,  and-  citizens, 
no  one  of  whom  has  a  word  to  say  in  their  favor. 
They  belonged  to  the  criminal  and  vagabond  classes; 
were  taken  for  the  most  part  from  the  jails  or  picked 
up  by  press-gangs  in  New  Galicia,  and  they  were 
altogether  ignorant  of  military  discipline  or  the  use  of 
arms.  Notwithstanding  the  suit  of  clothes  and  two 
months'  advance  pay  which  they  had  received,  they 
soon  proved  a  burden  rather  than  a  relief  to  Cali 
fornia.15 

And  here  I  am  brought  back  once  more  to  the  ever- 
recurring  topic  of  hard  times.  Neither  the  San 
Carlos  nor  the  Reina  brought  the  long  hoped  for 
memorias,  though  goods  to  the  small  amount  of  $3,000 
seem  to  have  been  obtained  from  one  of  the  captains.16 
Sola  had  based  some  very  sanguine  expectations  on 
the  viceroy's  communications.  Besides  the  regular 

14  Cholo  in  American  provincial  Spanish  is  the  offspring  of  a  Spanish  father 
and  Indian  mother;  but  it  was  never  used  in  California  except  in  an  offensive 
sense,  with  reference  to  character  rather  than  to  race.     It  was  applied  only 
to  vagabonds  who  came  from  Mexico. 

15  Sept.  28,  1819,  Sola  to  Guerra  says  he  has  complained  very  bitterly  to 
the  viceroy  about  the  class  of  men  '  sent  at  a  cost  of  nearly  $60,000  to  aug 
ment  my  troubles.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  42.     Sept.  6th, 
Lieut.  Estrada  says  not  one  of  the  men  ever  had  a  musket  in  his  hands. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  182-3;  iv.  43.     Sept.  17th,  Padre  Martinez 
to  Sola,  the  new  troops  'sin  disciplina  y  sin  religion.'    The  valley  of  the 
Tulares  is  a  good  place  to  tame  horses  and  soldiers.     The  V.  II.  should  be 
talked  to  very  plainly.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  90-6.    Sept.  16th,  Payeras 
to  Sola,  protests  against  the  new  troops  being  quartered  at  the  missions  or 
having  anything  to  do  with  the  neophytes.     It  is  hard  enough  to  manage  the 
Indians  with  the  best  soldiers  of  the  presidial  companies  as  escoltas.     The 
new  troops  should  be  kept  in  the  presidios;  but  if  some  of  them  must  come 
to  the  missions  he  will  notify  the  padres  to  have  separate  quarters  built  for 
them.     Oct.  8th,  Payeras  to  padres  giving  directions  for  such  buildings.  Id. , 
iii.  pt.  ii.  96-104.    Of  mixed  race  and  worse  than  mixed  character,  vicious  and 
quarrelsome.     Their  conduct  inspired  disgust  and  was  the  origin  of  the  sub 
sequent  bitter  feelings  between  Calif ornians  and  Mexicans.     Small  in  stature, 
wearing  the  hair  short   in   contrast  with  the  presidial  troops,  drunkards, 
gamblers,  and  thieves.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.   11,  12.     Good  and 
esteemed  officers;  but  the  large  majority  of  the  privates  were  regular  leper os. 
Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  4,  5.     The  moment  they  arrived  at  Monterey 
robberies,  excesses,  and  murders  began  in  California.   Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
54-5.     Xov.  13,  1820,  16  of  the  company  sent  back  to  San  Bias  for  insubor 
dination.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  22. 

16 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  37.  Capt..Bandini  also  gave  his 
draft  for  $1,145,  what  for  does  not  appear. 


256  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

presidial  supplies  of  pleasing  memory,  he  hoped  for 
and  regarded  as  promised  a  detachment  of  artillery, 
400  carbines,  300  swords,  fifteen  or  twenty  cannon  of 
large  calibre,  and  a  considerable  sum  of  money  for  the 
repairing  of  forts.17  None  of  these  things  came  ex 
cept  some  sabre-blades,  "  not  fit  for  sickles,"  to  which 
rude  wooden  handles  had  been  fitted  during  the  sea- 
voyage.  Sola  was  filled  with  indignation  and  disgust, 
which  he  expressed  rather  freely  with  more  force  than 
dignity  to  superiors  and  subordinates.  The  viceroy 
he  accused  of  breaking  his  promises,  and  General 
Cruz  of  disobeying  the  viceroy's  orders;  all,  as  he 
peevishly  implies,  for  no  other  motive  than  to  increase 
the  troubles  that  were  keeping  him  restless  night  arid 
day.18 

Viceroy  Apodaca  had  been  almost  surprised  at  his 
own  zeal  in  having  made  such  extraordinary  efforts  in 
behalf  of  California.  He  was  inclined  to  expect  from 
the  far  north  an  outburst  of  gratitude  which  would 
wipe  out  all  the  shortcomings  of  his  predecessors,  and 
his  own  in  the  past  and  future.  He  was  accordingly 
astounded  at  Sola's  impudence  and  ingratitude,  and  on 
receipt  of  his  complaints  he  administered  a  severe  rep 
rimand,  and  wrote  in  substance:  "You  have  no  con 
sideration  of  the  difficulties  encountered,  or  of  the  sac 
rifices  made  in  sending  to  your  province  such  an  army 
as  it  never  saw  before,  and  you  dare  to  say  you  are  in 
a  worse  condition  than  ever.  The  swords  are  not  '  fit 
for  sickles;'  in  fact  were  not  intended  to  be,  but  for 
weapons ;  and  if  the  handles  are  not  suitable  then  put 
on  better  ones,  and  supply  the  lack  of  scabbards  from 
the  hides  so  abundant  in  your  country.  No  carbines 
were  sent  because  none  could  be  found;  let  the  troops 

17  These  hopes  rested  on  the  viceroy's  letters  of  April  26th  and  March 
20th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  68-9,  79,  in  which  some  of  the  items  were 
promised  '  if  possible;'  and  respecting  others  '  orders  had  been  issued  '  merely. 

18 Sola's  correspondence  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  12;  xlix. 
35,  41-2;  Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  iv.  32-3,  35,  43-4.  Sola's  complaints 
to  the  V.  R.  and  Gen.  Cruz  are  not  extant;  but  his  letter  to  the  latter  was 
dated  Dec.  6th,  and  was  evidently  of  the  same  purport  as  those  to  the  coman- 
dantes. 


COUNSEL  FROM  THE  VICEROY.  257 

use  muskets  to  which  they  are  better  accustomed. 
The  artillery  is  on  the  way,  has  been  delayed  I  sup 
pose,  and  will  arrive  in  due  time.  Two  vessels  have 
been  laden  with  supplies,  and  will  take  away  the  pro 
ducts  of  the  country,  thus  aiding  the  pueblo  you  say 
you  have  to  feed.  And  those  settlers,  let  them  go  to 
work,  as  God  and  the  king  require;  let  them  develop 
the  rich  resources  of  their  province  and  talk  less,  and 
thus  will  they  live  comfortably,  and  also  be  an  aid 
rather  than  a  burden  to  the  government  in  such  try 
ing  times  as  these.  I  shall  continue  to  do  all  in  my 
power  for  your  province,  and  I  shall  despatch  the 
San  Carlos  next  March  with  eight  missionaries,  be 
sides  money  and  goods.  Meanwhile  if  the  two  hun 
dred  men  I  have  sent  are  of  no  use  to  you,  send  them 
back."19 

Not  a  single  cargo  of  goods  for  trade  was  brought 
in  1819  by  either  Spanish  or  foreign  craft.  The  gov 
ernor  made  no  secret  of  his  determination  to  trade 
with  the  Russians  as  the  only  partial  remedy  for  ex 
isting  necessities;'20  but  the  opportunity  seems  not  to 
have  occurred,  and  the  only  dependence  for  supplies 
was  on  the  missions.  The  response  of  the  mission 
aries  was  most  satisfactory  and  liberal;  especially  when 
we  consider  that  there  were  now  200  additional  mouths 
to  feed,  that  the  losses  of  the  missions  in  connection 
with  the  Bouchard  affair  had  been  quite  considerable 
in  time,  labor,  and  effects,  besides  the  inconveniences 
naturally  arising  from  the  hasty  abandonment  of  so 
many  establishments,  and  that  the  padres  made  a 
direct  contribution  of  about  $3,500  to  supply  losses 
sustained  at  Monterey,  besides  furnishing  laborers 
and  many  articles  to  which  no  special  value  was  given, 

19 Dec.  15,  1819,  viceroy  to  Sola.  Prof.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  63-5.  Oct. 
28th,  the  V.  R.  had  written  that  there  were  no  carbines  to  be  had,  and  that 
the  treasury  of  Sonora  could  furnish  no  supplies.  Id.,xx.  72.  Dec.  2d,  Alejo 
Garcia  Concle  from  Durango  to  Sola.  Money  and  arms  very  scarce.  Can  send 
no  funds.  Id.,  xx.  84.  Dec.  8th,  'no  hay  novedad  en  California.'  Gaceta  de 
Hex.,  xli.  418. 

20  Sept.  6,  1819,  Sola  to  Payeras.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  179-80. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    17 


258  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

and  besides  having  been  put  to  much  trouble  and  ex 
pense  early  in  1819  to  protect  the  province  from  the 
new  attacks  which  were  feared.21 

It  is  indeed  surprising  how  cheerfully  each  mission 
did  its  part  either  in  voluntary  gifts,  in  regularly  as 
sessed  contributions,  or  in  response  to  special  local 
demands,  and  how  rarely  even  slight  misunderstand 
ings  arose  in  individual  cases.22  The  friars  seem  to 
have  realized  the  fact  that  they  had  the  province  to 
support,  and  to  have  made  the  best  of  it,  cheering 
themselves  with  the  idea  that  they  were  working  for 
the  king  and  their  own  existence  as  missionaries,  and 
with  the  hope  of  better  times  to  come.23  Yet  at  times 
they  were  much  discouraged  at  the  prospect  before 
them.24  Sola  did  not  fail  toward  the  end  of  1819  to 

21  Jan.  28,  1819,  Sola  to  president.  Calls  for  the  establishment  of  a  station 
with  150  horses  ready  for  service  between  each  two  missions;  also  for  the 
manufacture  of  200  machetes  and  150  cartridge-boxes;  also  for  40  skilled 
archers  to  be  kept  ready  at  each  mission.  Feb.  27th ,  president  to  padres  giving 
the  corresponding  instructions,  though  the  horses  were  to  be  kept  at  the  mis 
sions  until  the  alarm  should  be  given.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  51-5,  G3-9; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  1.  26-31.  March  30th,  April  4th,  corre 
spondence  betweeen  Sola  and  prefect  on  aid  for  the  expected  reinforcements. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  121-2;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  80.  Jan.  27th, 
Feb.  2Gth,  June  26th,  Sola's  appeals  for  aid  for  Monterey,  and  Payerr.s' 
favorable  responses,  apportioning  $3,500  among  the  missions  in  the  name  of  the 
communities  of  neophytes.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  49-51,  63-9,  125-6. 
Thanks  of  viceroy  and  governor  to  padres  for  past  services  during  the  inva 
sion,  communicated  by  Sola  June  27th,  and  by  Payeras  July  28th.  Doc.  IJiftt. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  440-1.  Correspondence  about  supplies  for  the  new  troops  after 
their  arrival.  Aug.-Sept.  1819.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  — ; 
St.  Pop.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  67;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  179-85. 

2-2  The  quarrels  at  Sta  Cruz  and  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  have  been  recorded 
in  the  last  chapter.  March  22,  1819,  Santiago  Argiiello  says  he  dislikes  to 
have  anything  to  do  with  the  padres,  for  they  act  like  the  apothecary  who 
sugars  his  pills,  implying  more  than  they  would  dare  to  say.  Gnerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vii.  77. 

'23  Extensive  correspondence  on  special  contributions  during  1819-20, 
showing  no  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i. 
passim.  Especial  zeal  is  shown  in  a  circular  of  President  Payeras  dated  Dec. 
19,  1819,  in  which  he  approved  of  the  governor's  resort  to  contribucloiics  for- 
zozas  in  circumstances  of  extreme  necessity,  and  calls  on  the  padres  to  respond 
liberally  and  without  complaint.  Cloth  is  the  chief  thing  needed;  great  at 
tention  must  be  paid  to  raising  hemp,  even  to  the  neglect  of  vineyards  and 
other  industries.  The  southern  missions  must  also  make  a  desperate  effort 
to  grow  cotton.  Endorsed  by  a  padre  at  every  mission  between  Jan.  3d  and 
.22d.  Id.,  iii.  i.  1-6. 

w  Jan.  4th,  Seiian  to  Sola.  '  Our  time  of  trouble  has  come;  the  Americans 
will  do  all  the  harm  they  can;  old  connections  arc  broken;  no  more  memorias; 
foreigners  disrespectful;  the  Limenos  charged  us  15  per  cent,  on  goods  last 

r,.  .ai^d  will  take  50  per  cent,  next  year  If  they  come  at  all;  from  the  gen- 


MISSION  SUPPLIES.  259 

vent  some  of  his  peevishness  on  the  friars,  accusing 
them,  as  he  accused  everybody,  of  lukewarnmess  and 
a  failure  to  appreciate  his  own  troubles  and  efforts; 
but  the  president  replied  in  a  dignified  manner  that 
he  had  given  no  just  cause  for  such  complaints;  that 
he  fully  realized  the  governor's  difficulties,  and  that 
he  had  done  and  would  do  all  in  his  power  for  the 
province.  Yet  he  was  about  to  resign  and  hoped  his 
successor  would  give  better  satisfaction;  and  he  in 
sisted  that  while  the  padres  were  straining  every  nerve 
to  support  the  troops,  and  doing  everything  except 
the  impossible,  the  comandantes  should  be  ordered  to 
comply  promptly  with  the  friars'  suggestions  in  minor 
matters,  such  as  the  transfer  of  guards  and  details  of 
mission  discipline.25  In  1820  there  was  no  contro 
versy  011  the  subject  and  all  went  smoothly,  the  cor 
respondence  being  very  meagre.  At  the  end  of  the 
decade  the  outstanding  habilitados'  drafts  in  favor  of 
the  missions  amounted  to  $400,000.  Of  some  of  tho 
missionaries'  troubles  at  home  and  in  Mexico,  caused 
by  the  failure  to  collect  either  stipends  or  money  for 
drafts,  I  shall  have  more  to  say  in  another  chapter. 

Sola,  whose  term  of  office  would  naturally  expire  at 
the  end  1819,  had  in  May  1818  sent  a  memorial  to 
the  king  asking  for  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  also  for  a 
new  term  as  governor  when  the  five  years  should  ex- 

eral  outlook  of  affairs  I  infer  the  dcsdmparo  of  the  province.'  Yet  he  wil 
strive  and  pray  for  relief  from  the  government  and  God,  to  prevent  the  aban 
donment  of  such  a  country  and  of  so  many  souls  ripe  for  salvation.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pi.  ii.  46-8.  Luis  Martinez  also  takes  a  melancholico-jocose 
view  of  things  in  his  letters  to  Guerra,  though  much  of  this  padre's  writing 
is  not  over-clear  to  the  uninitiated.  For  instance:  'There  is  no  guitar-player 
to  devote  himself  to  the  preparation  of  a  tune  for  them  to  dance  to.  My 
guitar  has  only  two  strings,  and  I  alone  understand  it,  and  when  I  play  some 
dance  and  I  amuse  myself — so  you  must  ponder  upon  this,  for  the  appear 
ance  of  affairs  is  bad.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  6,  8. 

2i  Correspondence  of  Oct.-Dec.  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  126-37.  Al- 
varado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  187-91,  describes  a  formal  conference  at  Monterey 
between  Sola  and  padres  from  7  missions  on  the  supply  question  soon  after 
the  arrival  of  the  cholos.  He  says  that  Sola  had  to  take  a  very  firm  stand, 
pledge  his  private  wealth,  and  even  use  some  threats  before  the  padres  would 
consent  to  support  the  new  troops.  Correspondence  of  1820.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  155,  iii.  8;  Vail? jo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  25,  28; 
St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  22;  xviii.  35-6,  45. 


260  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

pire.  He  was  in  a  contented  mood  at  that  time  and 
expressed  a  desire  to  end  his  days  in  California.28 
With  increasing  troubles,  however,  he  became  discon 
tented,  and  a  year  later,  although  he  had  in  the  mean 
time  been  made  colonel  of  provincial  militia,  he 
announced  his  expectation  of  being  relieved  at  the 
end  of  his  term  in  accordance  with  his  request  long 
ago  forwarded  to  the  viceroy.27  In  the  spring  of  1820 
he  sent  in  his  formal  resignation,  thus  arousing  strong 
hopes  among  the  friends  of  Captain  Guerra  that  the 
latter  might  through  the  aid  of  San  Fernando  college 
secure  the  position.28  Throughout  the  year  Sola  ap 
pears  to  have  urged  the  acceptance  of  his  resignation 
of  an  office  that  yielded  him  neither  honor  nor  profit, 
nothing  but  vexation  of  spirit.  His  friends  were  asked 
to  work  for  him  and  secure  a  better  place,  as  intend- 
ant  or  minister  of  the  exchequer;  but  no  attention 
was  paid  to  the  matter,  perhaps  partly  on  account  of 
the  demand  for  a  better  place;  on  the  contrary  his 
appointment  as  governor  was  royally  confirmed  in 
June,  though  the  announcement  did  not  reach  Cali 
fornia  until  the  next  year.29 

One  measure  for  relief  devised  and   executed  by 

t/ 

the  governor,  with  the  advice  and  aid  of  his  subordi 
nates,  was  to  send  a  special  commissioner  to  Mexico 

26  May  5,  1818,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  196.     In  April  Moran 
had  written  to  Guerra  from  Mexico  that  Sola  should  be  promoted;  '  he  must 
let  fly  his  memorials '  and  get  the  reward  due  him  for  the  '  banishment  he 
imposed  upon  himself  with  profit  to  the  service  and  benefit  to  that  neglected 
settlement.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  117. 

27  June  21,  1819,  Sola  to  Guerra.     He  says  his  request  was  sent  10  months 
ago,  that  is  about  the  time  he  had  really  asked  for  a  continuation.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  32-3.     On  March  7th  a  notice  appeared  that  the 
governorship  of  California  was  vacant,  with  a  request  to  aspirants  to  make 
the  proper  applications  for  the  position.  Gacetas  de  Max. ,  xxxix.  233.     June 
14th,  Padre  Escude1  having  seen  that  notice  congratulates  Sola  that  he  will  now 
be  able  to  retire  to  Spain  as  he  has  long  desired,  and  will  be  rewarded  for  his 
'honorable  retreat'  from  Monterey  in  1818.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  114. 

28  Mar.  30th,  Apr.  23d,  Lieut.  Estudillo  to  Guerra,  urging  the  latter  to 
avail  himself  of  the  opportunity.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  461-2,  465. 

29  July  25,  1820,  Sola  to  Patricio  Humana.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  56.     Oct. 
7th,  Sola  to  Ruiz  de  Cabanas.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  20-1.     Oct.  9th,  Sola 
to  Guerra,  asking  him  to  call  on '  several  influential  persons  in  his  behalf. 
Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS.,  xlix.  46.     Royal  order  of  June  1820.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  38. 


GUERRA'S  MISSION  TO  MEXICO.  261 

with  a  power  of  attorney  from  all  the  commandants, 
to  lay  before  the  viceroy  the  critical  condition  of  pro 
vincial  matters,  and  also  to  investigate  the  state  of 
things  in  the  habilitado  general's  office  and  see  if 
Gervasio  Argiiello  could  not  be  made  to  render  more 
effective  service,  that  official  being  apparently  inclined 
to  live  very  much  at  his  ease  at  Guadalajara  instead 
of  the  capital.  For  this  important  mission  Jose  de 
la  Guerra  y  Noriega  was  selected  as  a  man  who 
enjoyed  the  confidence  of  all  classes,  and  an  extra 
salary  of  one  hundred  dollers  per  month  was  pledged 
by  the  officers  and  men  of  the  four  presidios.  He 
sailed  early  in  November  with  Bandini  on  the  Reina 
de  los  Angeles  for  San  Bias.  His  instructions,  dated 
September  23d,  required  him  to  hasten  to  Mexico, 
on  no  account  to  delay  at  Guadalajara  or  to  place  any 
reliance  on  the  treasury  official  there,  to  treat  directly 
with  the  viceroy,  to  be  put  off  with  no  frivolous  ex 
cuses,  to  claim  the  promised  armament  not  sent  with 
the  troops  and  also  the  detachment  of  artillery,  and 
above  all  things  to  insist  on  the  immediate  payment 
of  $150,000  or  $200,000,  half  of  which  was  to  be  in 
vested  in  the  supplies  most  needed  according  to 
Guerra's  j  udgment.30 

Doubtless  a  better  man  than  Guerra  could  not  have 
been  chosen  as  commissioner,  and  he  accomplished  the 
little  that  was  possible.  He  wrote  from  San  Bias  on 
November  26th  to  the  viceroy,  who  on  January  12th 
replied  that  he  was  making  preparations  to  send 
$30,000  to  the  habilitado  general  at  Guadalajara; 
that  he  had  informed  Sola  of  his  efforts  to  do  for 
California  all  that  the  condition  of  the  treasury  would 
permit;  and  that  if  he,  Guerra,  had  no  other  business 
in  Mexico  he  might  return  to  his  post  on  the  San 

30  Guerra,  Determination  solre  su  Ida  d  Mexico,  6  Instructions  del  Gobr. 
Sola,  1819,  MS.  Correspondence  on  the  subject,  including  the  powers  of 
attorney  from  the  comandantes  and  the  guarantee  of  a  salary,  $25  from  each 
presidio,  which  Guerra  asked  for,  but  which  he  subsequently  seems  to  have 
declined  voluntarily,  fd.,  iv.  62;  vi.  192-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xlix.  35-6,  38,  40-1,  44;  1.  50-1;  Prov.  liec.,  MS.,  x.  40,  46. 


262  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

Carlos,  since  his  longer  stay  was  unnecessary.31  Yet 
the  captain  thought  it  best  to  go  to  the  capital,  where 
he  succeeded  in  increasing  the  amount  of  the  appropri 
ation,  and  perhaps,  though  this  is  not  so  clear,  in  get 
ting  a  part  of  the  amount  to  expend  in  Mexico,  where 
it  is  stated  that  supplies  could  be  purchased  much 
cheaper  than  in  Guadalajara.  At  any  rate  he  obtained 
a  passport  for  return  on  April  15th,  and  sailed  from 
San  Bias,  probably  on  the  San  Carlos,  in  June,  with 
goods  invoiced  at  $41,319,  but  valued  in  California  at 
$34,000  or  $36,000,  with  which  he  arrived  at  Mon 
terey  in  August.32 

Meanwhile  complaints  of  destitution  in  the  prov 
ince  were  frequent,  several  of  them  having  been  for 
warded  to  Guerra  while  he  was  in  Mexico.33  The 
memorias  if  of  slight  amount  were  better  than  nothing 
after  so  long  waiting;  and  trade,  moreover,  was  much 
more  brisk  than  in  the  preceding  year.  There  were 
at  least  five  Spanish  craft  besides  the  transport  San 
Carlos  on  the  coast,  which  afforded  a  market  for  more 
tallow  than  could  be  obtained,  and  in  addition  to 
their  trade  with  the  padres  and  settlers  sold  to  the 


31  Jan.  12,  1820,  viceroy  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,MS.,  iv.  164; 
vi.  94-5.     On  the  same  date  the  V.  R.  wrote  to  Sola  expressing  great  surprise 
at  the  latter's  letter  of  Sept.  21,  1819,  on  the  uselessness  of  the  expense  in 
curred  to  send  the  vessels  with   100  jail-birds  as  soldiers.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  xx.  282.     Same  date  also  Moran  to  Guerra,  doubting  that  the  latter  will 
get  anything  in  Mexico  more  satisfactory  than  fair  promises.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vi.  118. 

32  March  1820,  Guerra  in  Mexico  thanks  viceroy  for  his  interest  in  the  wel 
fare  of  California,  and  asks  for  money  to  invest  in  supplies.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.   Cal.,   MS.,  iii.  152-5.     April    15th,  viceroy's  passport.  Id.,  vi.    122. 
Invoices  dated  Guadalajara,  May  15th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,    ii.  43;  Id., 
Ben.  Mil,  li.  10.     March  29th,  the  S.  Cdrlos  will  be  overhauled  and  then 
proceed  with  invoices  to  California.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  405-6.     Aug. 
25th,    Sola  says  that  Noriega   has  arrived  with  $36,000  in  supplies.  Prov. 
fiec.,  MS.,  x.  58.     Luis  Argiiello  on  Aug.  12th  says  the  $34,000  brought  by 
Guerra  will  be  but  slight  relief  to  the  4  presidios.   Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  vi.  127-8. 

33  Such  complaints  in   1819-20,  the  purport  of  which  it  is  unnecessary  to 
repeat;  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  52,  55-6,  136;  v.  206-7,  230-1, 
2JO-1;  Prov.  Piec.,  MS.,  x.  24;   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  262-3,  no  ink  for 
writing,  gunpowder  used;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlix.  53-4;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi. 
24.     Dec.  25th,  Sola  to  Garcia  Conde.     Affairs  in  a  bad  condition;  no  trade; 
only  3,000  people  from  whom  to  collect  tithes;    the  dockyards  of  S.  Bias 
ought  to  be  transferred  to  California.  Id.,  vi.  25-6. 


PARTIAL  RELIEF.  263 

presidios  at  least  $17,000  worth  of  goods.34  Besides, 
Khlebnikof  came  from  the  north  with  the  welcome 
cargo  of  the  Bulddkof;  and  possibly  another  Rus 
sian  cargo  was  obtained,  to  say  nothing  of  small 
sums  received  from  two  Russian  vessels  bound  to  the 
north,  and  from  a  British  whaler  for  fresh  provisions 
furnished.  Thus  financially  affairs  were  a  little  brighter 
at  the  close  of  the  decade. 

I  think  the  detachment  of  artillery,  about  twenty 
strong,  including  a  few  artisans,  under  Sub-lieutenant 
Jose  Ramirez,  must  have  arrived  this  year,  perhaps 
in  the  Cleopatra  which  arrived  at  Monterey  on  May 
7th,  though  there  is  no  positive  record  to  that  effect. 
The  reenforcement  was  a  most  welcome  one  to  the 
province,  since  the  few  remaining  artillerymen  under 
Gomez  were  for  the  most  part  old  and  disabled,  and 
the  new  men  were  of  a  good  class  under  an  able 
officer.35  Throughout  the  year  the  Californians  were 
on  the  watch  for  hostile  vessels.  A  large  ship  was 
seen  at  San  Francisco  in  the  evening  of  March  19th, 
but  had  disappeared  next  morning.  This  brought  out 
from  the  governor  an  order  to  the  padres  to  keep 
their  valuables  boxed  and  ready  for  removal.36 
Within  less  than  a  month  there  came  a  warning  from 
Mexico  that  four  insurgent  vessels  from  Chili  might 
be  expected  at  any  moment  on  the  northern  coasts. 

34  See  chap,  xiii.,  this  volume. 

35  The  movements  of  this  artillery  detachment  are  not  very  clear.     Most 
of  my  narratives  speak  of  it  as  having  come  with  the  other  reinforcements  in 
1819;  but  we  have  seen  that  such  was  not  the  case.     March  20,  1819,  the 
viceroy  announced  their  coining.  Prov.  St.  Pop. ,  MS. ,  xx.  68-9, 71 .    At  the  end 
of  May  1819,  Ramirez  and  his  men  are  said  to  have  left  Mexico  for  California 
by  way  of  Durango,  Guaymas,  and  Loreto.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  119. 
Sept.  28th,  Sola  had  received  news  of  their  coming,  from  Guaymas.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ban.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  42.     Oct.  28th,  the  \iceroy  advised  Sola  that  the 
artillerymen  were  at  Mazatlan.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  72.     Preparations 
for  their  coming  in  Sept. -Oct.  Id.,  xx.  251-2.     March  29,  1820,  the  Cleopatra 
is  said  to  be  fitting  at  San  Bias  to  carry  artillerymen  and  war-stores.  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  405-6.     But  in  the  notice  of  the  Cleopatra's  arrival  there  is 
nothing  said  of  artillery.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  v.  207-9;  Prov.  Eec., 
MS.,  54.-   Pico,  Acontecimicntos,  MS.,  4,  tells  us  that  the  artillerymen  were 
nearly  all  men  of  good  character  and  pure  Spanish  blood.     July  20,  1820, 
Hamirez  renders  an  account  at  Monterey.  Dept.  St.   Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
liii.  3. 

3G  March  21,  1820,  Sola  to  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  7. 


264  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

Accordingly  Sola  issued  on  April  9th  orders  to  co- 
mandantes  and  friars  which  required  a  renewal  of  the 
measures  of  1818,  and  a  readiness  to  send  families  and 
property  into  the  interior  and  rally  for  the  defence  of 
the  country  at  the  first  notice  of  an  enemy's  approach/7 
The  only  new  feature  in  the  governor's  precautionary 
measures  was  the  proposed  organization  of  companies 
of  California  royalists,  for  which  purpose  lists  were 
called  for  of  all  civilians  over  fifteen  years  of  age  in 
the  province.  It  does  not  clearly  appear  that  the 
organization  of  the  faithful  realistas  was  carried  fur 
ther  than  the  formation  of  these  lists.  The  neophyte 
warriors  were,  however,  organized  and  drilled  to  some 
extent,  especially  at  Santa  Bilrbara,  where  Padre 
Bipoll  formed  a  'compania  de  urbanos  realistas  de  Santa 
Barbara,'  one  hundred  strong  and  armed  with  bows, 
besides  a  company  of  fifty  macheteroSj  and  another  of 
thirty  lancers,  all  picked  men.  These  Indians  prom 
ised  to  shed  their  last  drop  of  blood  for  their  king, 
and  Ripoll,  meanwhile  keeping  their  arms  locked  up, 
had  much  confidence  in  them,  but  President  Payeras 
had  his  doubts  about  their  conduct  in  battle.38 

Fernando  VII.  having  been  forced  in  March  of 
this  year  to  accept  the  liberal  constitution  of  1812, 
Viceroy  Apodaca  with  his  ministry  followed  the  king's 
example  in  May,  announcing  the  fact  in  a  bando,  or 
decree,  of  May  31st.  This  document  was  forwarded 
to  California  for  publication  by  the  bishop  of  Sonora 
July  1st,  but  there  is  no  record  of  its  reception.  On 
the  7th  of  June,  or  July,  however,  the  viceroy  issued 
another  bando,  requiring  a  formal  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  constitution  to  be  sworn  to  by  all  before  the  curate 

37  April  9,  1820,  Sola  to  President  Payeras  and  to  commandants.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  271-2;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  13.  Preparations  at  San 
Rafael,  where  the  news  arrived  April  18th.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
xxviii.  27. 

38 April  10,  1820.  Estudillo  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose".  S.  Jos6,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  15.  One  hundred  and  eighty-seven  men  fit  for  arms  at  Sari  Diego. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  52;  Prov.  St.  .Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  48.  Maitorena  makes  out 
list  at  Monterey.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  207.  Padres  confident 
in  Indian  loyalty  and  bravery.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  31  et  al.  RipolPs 
preparations  at  Sta  Barbara.  Id.,  iv.  17,  20. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  1812.  265 

of  each  parish  on  the  first  did  de  fiesta  after  the 
publication  of  the  edict.  This  order  was  forwarded 
by  the  bishop  from  Arizpe  on  August  16th,  and 
reached  California  in  October.39  The  matter  first 
appears  in  the  provincial  records  on  October  8th, 
when  Sola  took  the  oath  before  Padre  Suner,  Captain 
de  la  Guerra,  and  the  assembled  people  at  the  presi- 
dial  chapel  at  Santa  Barbara.  Next  day  he  notified 
the  prefect  that  the  friars  must  be  ordered  by  circular 
to  take  the  prescribed  pledge.  October  20th  Lieu 
tenant  Valle  went  to  San  Jose  as  commissioner  to 
receive  the  oath  of  the  pueblo  officials.  The  22d 
President  Payeras  took  the  oath  at  Monterey  and 
sent  out  the  required  circulars.  These  are  the  only 
recorded  instances;  but  doubtless  the  formality  was 
complied  with  everywhere  during  the  month.  The 
only  evidence  of  reluctance  is  found  in  a  communica 
tion  of  Sola  to  Captain  Navarrete,  according  to  which 
the  padres  of  San  Cdrlos  are  to  be  warned  that  if 
they  fail  to  swear  on  the  next  Sunday  they  will  lose 
their  priestly  character  and  prerogatives.40  The  king's 
order  on  this  subject  \vas  obeyed  by  the  loyalists  of 
California  simply  because  it  was  the  king's  order, 
without  discussion,  and,  so  far  as  the  majority  of  the 
people  were  concerned,  without  any  clear  ideas  as  to 
the  purport  of  the  new  constitution.  It  is  not  even 
certain  that  there  was  a  copy41  of  the  document  in 
California  at  this  time.  The  missionaries  understood 

39  Constitution  Espailola  de  1812.    Bandos  del  Virey  y  Obispo  sobre  sujura, 
1820,  MS.    The  form  of  oath  was  to  be:  '  Do  you  swear  by  God  and  the  Holy 
Gospels  to  observe  the  political  constitution  of  the  Spanish  Monarchy  sanc 
tioned  by  the  General  and  Extraordinary  Cortes  of  the  Nation,  and  to  be^ 
faithful  to  the  King?'  the  response  of  all  to  be  'Si  juro.'    This  oath  was  to  be 
preceded  by  a  mass  of  thanksgiving,  and  followed  by  a  te  deum  and  a  dis 
course  by  the  curate.     Next  day  after  the  publication,  all  prisoners  for  other 
than  criminal  offences  were  to  be  set  at  liberty.     The  viceroy's  order  of  July 
31st  is  also  mentioned  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  272.     On  Jan.  21st,  Sola 
had  transcribed  an  order  to  prevent  the  circulation  of  subversive  periodicals 
such  as  the  Espanol  Constitutional,  Gabinete  de  Curiosidades,  etc.  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  li.  8. 

40  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  33;  v.  59;  8.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  13,  16; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  23;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  116. 

41  I  have  what  appears  to  be  the  original  copy  sent  to  California,  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  1-42,  but  it  has  nothing  to  show  when  it  was  received. 


266  LAST  THREE  YEARS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

the  principles  involved,  and  had  no  sympathy  with 
them;  but  they  realized  fully  that  they  and  their 
peculiar  institutions  must  fall  with  royalty,  and  that 
in  unwavering  fidelity  to  the  king  lay  their  only  hope 
for  the  future. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS— MARITIME  AFFAIRS— AND 
CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

1811-1820. 

BlDARKA-FLEETS — CAPTURE  OF  THE  'MERCURY5 — CANNON  AT  SAN  PEDRO — 
THE  TEDLER'  SEIZED — THE  'ISAAC  TODD'  AND  'RACCOON' — GILROY — 
THE  WAR  OF  1812 — RESTRICTIONS — THE  'COLUMBIA' — ELIOT  DE  CASTRO 
AND  THE  'ILMEN' — THE  'L.YDIA'  AND  '  ALBATROSS ' — THOMAS  DOAK — 
KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT — CHAMISSO  AND  CHORIS — A  SUPPLY-SHIP  AT  LAST — 
THE  LIMA  TRADERS — TALLOW — WILCOX  AND  THE  '  CAMINANTE '— THE 
CAPSTAN  COLORADO — ROQUEFEUIL'S  VISITS  IN  THE  'BORDELAIS' — FERNAN 
DEZ  AND  SUNOL — ITEMS  OF  THE  LAST  THREE  YEARS— THE  INSURGENTS 
COMING — FEARS  OF  AMERICANS — CHAPMAN  AND  ROSE — TRADING  FLEET 
OF  1820. 

Two  subjects  connected  with  foreign  relations  for 
this  decade,  Bouchard's  invasion  and  relations  with 
the  Russians,  are  treated  in  separate  chapters,1  receiv 
ing  here  only  such  brief  mention  as  convenience  may 
require.  The  visits  in  1811-12  of  certain  American 
vessels  with  bidarka-fleets  hunting  otters  under  Rus 
sian  contracts — of  the  Winships  in  the  Albatross  and 
O'Cain,  Davis  in  the  Isabella,  Meek  in  the  Amethyst, 
Blan chard  in  the  Catherine,  and  Whitteinore  in  the 
Charon — are  elsewhere  recorded,  little  being  known 
about  most  of  them  beyond  their  presence  on  the 
coast  and  the  number  of  otter-skins  they  carried  away.2 
Kuskof  in  the  schooner  Chirikof  came  down  to  Bodega 
in  1811,  returned  to  establish  Fort  Ross  in  1812,  and 
the  following  year  entered  into  commercial  relations 
with  the  Spaniards  at  San  Francisco.3 

1  Chapters  xi.  and  xiv.  of  this  volume. 

2  See  chapter  v.  this  volume. 

3  The  merchant  brig  Mexicano,  Capt.  Jos6  Arci,  anchored  at  Monterey  in 

(267) 


268          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

In  1813  the  American  trader  Mercury,  Captain 
George  Washington  Ay  res,  repeated  her  visit  to  the 
coast  in  search  of  opportunities  for  contraband  trade, 
and  came  to  grief  in  the  attempt.4  Two  Spanish 
vessels,  Flora,  Nicola's  Noe,  and  Tagle,  Anangua,  were 
on  the  coast  this  year,  having  come  up  from  Lima  on 
a  trading  voyage,5  and  the  former  had  the  good  fortune 
to  find  and  capture  the  Mercury  just  above  Santa 
Bdrbara  on  June  2d.  The  circumstances  of  the  cap 
ture  and  the  testimony  of  officers  and  crew  left  no 
doubt  in  the  mind  of  Argiiello,  who  by  the  governor's 
orders  held  a  formal  investigation  on  the  19th,6  that 
the  Americans  had  neglected  no  opportunity  for  clan 
destine  trade.  Accordingly  a  formal  inventory  was 
made  of  the  captured  effects,  the  officers  and  men 
being  secured  at  the  presidio  until  all  could  be  sent 
south  and  the  matter  be  turned  over  to  the  superior 
government  for  final  disposal.  Noe  did  not  approve 
this  course, since  he  wished  the  Flora  to  be  pronounced 
a  privateer,  and  the  Mercury  her  prize  to  be  confiscated 
and  sold  with  all  her  effects  for  the  benefit  of  himself 

September  1811.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  220;  and  the  Columbia  was  on  the  Cali 
fornia  coast  in  1812.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  158. 

*  Sola  in  1813  states  that  Ayres,  called  Payus,  was  left  at  Monterey  nine 
years  ago,  or  in  1804,  by  a  smuggler,  and  was  sent  to  Mexico,  soon  making 
his  reappearance  on  the  coast.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  133.  This  is  mysterious, 
unless  possibly  Ayres  was  the  mate  of  the  Peacock  captured  in  1806.  See 
chap.  ii.  of  this  vol.  A  scrap  in  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  702,  says  an  American 
smuggler,  Capt.  Geo.  Washington,  being  at  Refugio  at  the  time  of  the  earth 
quake  of  Dec.  20, 1812,  was  carried  up  a  canon  and  brought  back  by  the  wave. 
This  was  from  the  S.  F.  Bulletin  and  was  written  probably  by  Taylor. 

5  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  92-3;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  218; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xix.  351,  and  allusions  in  references  of  following  notes.     No6 
sold  $2,000  in  supplies  to  the  presidios,  taking  a  draft.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xix.  372. 

6  Mercury,  Expediente  de  investigation  sobre  captura  de  la  fragata  Ameri 
cana  '  Mer  curio,'  1813,  MS.     All  admitted  occasional  traffic  for  skins  and 
supplies.     Ayres  testified  that  he  had  been  eight  years  on  the  coast,  engaged 
for  the  most  part  as  on  the  present  voyage  in  bringing  supplies  for  the  Rus 
sians  and  carrying  their  otter-skins  to  China,  but  also  trading  with  the  Indians; 
had  never  entered  the  ports  of  California;  had  a  U.  S.  patent,  but  no  special 
passport  for  these  waters;  was  not  in  company  with  any  other  vessel,  though 
there  were  eight  American  vessels  trading  on  the  coast;  had  some  watches 
from  Ross  to  be  repaired  in  China.     Pilot  John  Dillaway  said  an  American 
vessel  would  soon  arrive  from  China;  and  he  offered  to  aid  in  the  capture  of 
the  Charon,  then  at  San  Quintin.    June  8th,  Arrillaga  to  Noe,  ordering  inven 
tory  and  investigation  made.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  19,  20.     Also  to  command 
ant.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  352-3. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  'MERCURY.'  269 

and  his  men.7  This  Arrillaga  and  Argiiello  could  not 
reconcile  with  their  ideas  of  international  law,  or  at 
least,  they  preferred  to  evade  the  responsibility.  The 
property  must  all  go  San  Bias,  except  $16,000  in  coin, 
which  it  was  more  convenient  to  send  in  the  form  of 
a  draft  on  Guadalajara,  a  perfectly  unobjectionable 
operation,  though  a  very  shrewd  one,  by  which  Cali 
fornia  was  enabled  to  see  once  more  the  color  of  the 
king's  money  in  spite  of  the  treasury  officials  and  the 
revolution.8 

Noe  left  his  own  vessels  at  Santa  Barbara  and 
continued  his  voyage  in  the  Mercury  to  Monterey 
and  other  points.  There  were  rumors  of  other  smug 
glers  about  the  Channel  islands,  and  Noe  hoped  to 
capture  some  of  them,  but  there  is  no  record  of  his 
success.9  Finally  the  prisoners  were  taken  to  San 
Bias  in  October  on  the  Catalina,  alias  the  Tagle, 
which  carried  also  three  Russian  deserters.10  I  sup 
pose  that  the  Mercury  and  Flora  sailed  about  the  same 
time.11  Captain  Ay  res  had  on  his  vessel  a  woman 
from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  who  had  accompanied  him 
for  four  years  as  wife,  or  mistress,  and  had  borne  him 
a  daughter  at  sea  a  few  days  before  the  capture.  Both 
mother  and  child  were  left  in  California  and  became 
good  Catholics.12 

7  June  27th,  ]STo6  to  commandant,  being  his  not  quite  disinterested  views 
on  the  'customary'  disposition  of  contraband  vessels  according  to  the  'rules 
of  the  Pacific.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  349-50. 

91  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  133;  xi.  21.  In  one  document  the  sum  seems  to  be 
given  as  $8,800. 

9  June  9th,  Arrillaga  to  Arguello.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  20-1.  June  26th, 
Argiiello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  350-2.  It  was  recom 
mended  to  send  the  prisoners  up  to  Monterey  for  safe-keeping,  but  it  appa 
rently  was  not  done.  According  to  Id.,  xix.  362-3,  the  captain  was  allowed 
$1  a  day  for  support,  and  each  of  the  men  20  cents.  Only  four  men  besides 
the  captain  are  mentioned;  and  only  three  testified,  one  being  a  native  of 
Manila,  another,  Thomas  Jones,  of  Marblehead,  besides  the  pilot. 

10 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  131. 

U0sio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  28-9,  writing,  probably  from  memory,  an  account 
of  the  smuggling  operations  of  these  years,  in  which  details  are  inextricably 
confused,  says  that  the  captains  of  the  Sultana  and  Urbana,  then  at  San 
Francisco,  offered  to  aid  Capt.  Davis,  owner  of  the  Mercury,  to  recapture  the 
vessel,  but  he  declined.  This  is  all  wrong,  and  no  such  vessels  were  on  the 
coast. 

12  August,  1816,  Guerra  to  Sola.  The  woman  is  called  Maria  Anton ia  de 
la  Ascension  Stuart,  and  is  said  to  have  lived  at  Guerra 's  house.  According 


270          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

There  are  records  of  subsequent  correspondence 
respecting  the  Mercury,  but  none  which  make  known 
the  ultimate  result.  Orders  were  issued  by  the  vice 
roy  that  Ay  res  should  be  well  treated  and  his  prop 
erty  protected.  It  was  decided  that  the  captured 
vessel  must  be  treated  as  a  smuggler  and  not  as  a 
prize  of  war,  and  in  1815  the  Mercury  was  ordered  to 
be  sold  at  Ayres'  petition,  since  she  was  rapidly 
breaking  up.  At  last  in  1816  General  Cruz  was 
named  as  judge  to  dispose  of  the  whole  matter,  but 
the  final  issue  as  I  have  stated  is  not  known.13  Nod, 
for  some  unexplained  reason,  left  six  or  eight  cannon 
at  San  Pedro  in  care  of  Bartolo  Tapia,  probably  to 
make  room  for  more  tallow  and  grain  on  board  his 
vessel.  A  rumor  found  its  way  from  Lower  Califor 
nia  to  the  ears  of  President  Senan  that  guns  had 
been  left  buried  in  the  country  by  Americans  with  a 
view  to  future  hostilities.  The  report  was  sent  to 
Sola,  and  naturally,  the  truth  being  known,  created 
no  special  excitement;  yet  in  view  of  the  frequent 
visits  of  Americans  known  to  have  designs  on  the 
northern  coast,14  and  of  the  efforts  in  progress  for 
Mexican  independence,  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  take 
the  precaution  of  spiking  the  cannon  secretly.15 

to  8.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  13,  the  child  was  baptized  Nov.  7, 1813,  at  the 
age  of  f>  months,  and  named  Maria  de  los  Remedies  Josefa  Antonia,  the 
mother  being  spoken  of  as  Margarita  Ge"gue. 

13  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  365,  374-5;   xx.  4-6;  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.   39; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  98-9.     It  seems  to  be  implied  that  Ayres 
was  back  in  California,  but  this  is  unlikely.     Nov.  7,  1817,  he  writes  from 
Guadalajara  to  Guerra  that  Medina,  No6's  security,  is  to  be  arrested  and  held 
until  he  pays  for  all  damage  and  loss.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  335-7. 

14  July  9,   1813,  viceroy  to  governor,  has  heard  of  maritime  expeditions 
from  the  U.  S.  to  the  Pacific,  which  may  seek  to  unite  with  overland  parties 
to  the  Columbia,  and  there  to  establish  themselves.     They  must  be  closely 
watched  and  treated  as  per  enclosed  private  orders  (not  given);  and  if  pirates 
or  adventurers,  they  must  be  driven  out  with  aid  from  adjoining  provinces. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  334-5. 

15 April  13,  1813,  two  letters,  Senan  to  Arrillaga,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii. 
90-4,  96-7.  March  30th,  Arrillaga  to  Senan.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  xii.  105-G. 
Senan  notes  the  presence  of  an  American  vessel  with  a  bidarka-fleet  at  one 
of  the  islands  since  December.  There  were  68  canoes,  and  the  men  were  en 
camped  in  straw  huts  with  4  women  to  make  their  tortillas.  It  is  difficult  to 
identify  this  vessel  or  the  two  mentioned  by  the  same  writer  as  having  been 
at  San  Pedro  in  January  and  March  1812.  The  latter,  an  American,  is  said 
to  have  brought  much  clothing  which  it  was  intended  to  land  had  the  insur- 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  'PEDLER.'  271 

The  Tagle  came  back  in  1814  under  Jose  Cavene- 
cia  who  was  fortunate  enough  to  sight  the  American 
brig  Pedler  as  she  was  entering  the  bight  of  San  Luis 
Obispo.  Until  she  was  inside,  the  Tagle  raised  the 
stars  and  stripes,  but  then  hoisted  Spanish  colors  and 
fired  a  blank  charge  to  stop  the  prize,  which  showed 
a  disposition  to  make  off.  Two  more  guns,  this  time 
loaded  with  balls,  caused  the  Pedler  to  heave  to,  and 
a  boat  with  twenty-five  men  was  sent  to  take  posses 
sion,  secure  all  papers,  take  the  prize  to  Santa  Bdr- 
bara,  and  lock  her  hatches.  In  an  investigation, 
conducted  by  Lieutenant  Estudillo,  it  was  shown  that 
the  vessel  had  come  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  with 
a  cargo  for  Ross,  and  had  entered  San  Luis  because 
she  had  mistaken  the  Tagle  for  a  Russian  ship  to 
which  a  part  of  the  cargo  was  to  be  delivered.  This 
explanation  may  not  have  been  quite  satisfactory; 
indeed  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  vessel  was  one  chartered 
by  the  Pacific  Fur  Company's  agent,  Hunt,  who  was 
then  on  board  homeward  bound  from  Astoria  to  New 
York;16  yet  there  was  no  proof  of  contraband  trade, 
and  the  captured  brig  was  released  with  an  order  to 
quit  these  waters  at  once.  The  viceroy  approved 
the  release.17 

The  affair  of  the  Pedler  occurred  in  August  and 
September.  Earlier  two  English  vessels  had  visited 
the  coast.  The  armed  merchantman  Isaac  Todd,  Cap 
tain  Frazer  Smith,  ostensibly  bound  to  Manila  for  tea, 

gents  been  found  in  possession  of  any  part  of  the  coast.  '  Ha  Seiior !  Los 
Anglo- Americanos  con  los  Hispano- Americanos  !  Bella  union ! '  The  friar 
laments  the  rapid  destruction  of  sea-otter,  by  foreigners.  Formerly  San 
Buenaventura  employed  six  canoes  and  got  from  100  to  160  skins  each  year, 
but  all-  that  was  past.  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  remark  in  Cronise's 
Nat.  Wealth,  36,  that  in  or  before  1812  a  number  of  stragglers  from  the  fur 
companies  found  their  way  to  California  and  caused  much  trouble  to  the 
padres  by  taking  the  best  looking  squaws  for  housekeepers. 

16  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  332-3;  ii.  235,  this  series.  There  is  no 
authority  for  the  report  that  she  was  sent  to  San  Bias  as  a  prize. 

17 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  383;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlv.  3-6.  Besides  the 
Tagle  the  Santa  Eulalia  or  Resolution  was  on  the  coast  in  1814,  and  sold  the 
presidios  $16,000  of  supplies.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  110-12.  The 
Intrepido  from  Panamd  for  California  touched  at  Acapulco  in  May.  Gaceta 
da  Mex. ,  xxx.  796. 


272          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AXD  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

but  really  to  the  Columbia  River  with  supplies  for 
the  Northwest  Company,  with  a  view  to  the  seiz 
ure  of  Fort  Astoria,18  anchored  at  Monterey  in 
January  and  remained  a  month  there  and  at  San 
Francisco,  thence  proceeding  up  the  coast.  Eight 
men  deserted,  and  three  others  were  left  at  Monterey 
to  recover  from  the  scurvy.  One  of  the  three  was 
John  Gilroy,  the  first  foreigner  to  take  up  his  perma 
nent  residence  in  the  province,  of  whom  I  have  some 
thing  to  sav  elsewhere.19  The  other  vessel  was  the 
man-of-war  "Raccoon,  Captain  William  Black,  cruising 
against  the  United  States,  which  had  left  the  Todd 
at  Rio  Janeiro,  and  rejoined  her  at  San  Francisco  in 
February.  Black  had  visited  the  Columbia  River 
where  he  had  captured  an  American  fort  as  he  said — 
that  is  Astoria;  but  his  vessel  had  been  damaged,  per 
haps  in  crossing  the  Columbia  bar,  and  he  had  been 
forced  by  this  accident  and  the  need  of  supplies  to  San 
Francisco.  He  was  kindly  treated  by  Arguello,  and 
beached  and  repaired  his  vessel  with  the  aid  of  the 
Todd's  crew.20  He  obtained  a  thousand  pounds  of 
gunpowder  with  other  needed  supplies,  recovering, 
perhaps,  the  deserters  lost  by  the  Todd,  and  at  last 
sailed  for  the  Islands.21 

Early  in  this  year  came  orders  from  the  king  that 

18  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  333;  ii.,  chap,  ix-xi.,  this  series.    The  Todd 
arrived  at  the  Columbia  in  April. 

19  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  368-70;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  226-7.     Julian 
Malcolm,  baptized  as  Francisco  Miguel,  with  Gilroy  on  Sept.  21st,  and  James 
M.  Baldwin,  baptized  as  Diego  Mariano  on  Nov.  12th,  were  very  likely  Gil- 
roy's  companions.    Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  no.  28.     These  two  may 
have  died,  or  more  likely  recovered  and  been  given  up  with  the  deserters. 
John  Mulligan,  or  Milligan,  the  Irish  weaver,  may  also  have  been  one  of 
these  men.     Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  25,  says  Mulligan  came  about  the  same 
time  as  Gilroy;  and  in  1819  he  was  included  with  Gilroy  and  Doak  in  a  per 
mit  to  marry  and  settle.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  1. 

20  Cox,  Adventures,  i.  285-6,  says  that  Black  had  determined  to  abandon 
the  Raccoon  and  proceed  overland,  and  would  have  done  so  but  for  the  Todd's 
assistance.     He  is  the  only  authority  for  the  visit  of  the  Todd  to  San  Francisco. 
All  these  voyages  connected  with  the  annals  of  Astoria  are  fully  recorded  in 
Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  this  series. 

21  Jan.   15,  1814,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  226-8;  ix. 
132-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  368-70.   .  The  visit  is  mentioned  in  Soule's 
Annals  of  S.  F.,  163.     Zavalishin;  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  6,  says  that  Black 
was  an  unwelcome  guest  at  San  Francisco,  and  treated  the  Spaniards  as  sub 
ordinates.     The  Raccoon  had  28  guns  and  130  men. 


TRADE  WITH  THE  NORTHWEST.  273 

strict  neutrality  must  be  observed  by  the  Californian 
authorities  in  the  war  between  England  and  the 
United  States,  the  war  of  1812.  No  aid  was  to  be 
given  to  American  privateers,  nor  were  prizes  taken 
by  either  nation  to  be  admitted  into  the  ports  except 
in  cases  of  the  most  urgent  necessity.22  This  order 
was  followed  a  little  later  by  other  royal  instructions. 
The  king's  attention  had  been  called  to  the  excesses 
committed  by  foreign  vessels  which,  under  the  pre 
text  of  whale-fishing,  did  a  large  contraband  trade. 
Foreigners  must  by  every  possible  means  be  kept 
away  from  the  coast,  and  the  oft-repeated  orders  in 
such  cases  must  be  strictly  enforced.  Vessels  seized 
must  be  confiscated  according  to  the  regulations,  and 
the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington  was  said  to  have 
been  notified  that  stringent  measures  would  be  adopted 
to  remedy  the  evil.23 

In  July  and  August,  1815,  the  North-west  Com 
pany's  schooner  Columbia,  Captain  Jennings,  visited 
Monterey  and  obtained  without  difficulty  such  sup 
plies  as  were  needed  for  the  voyage.  Jennings'  chief 
object  was  to  establish  a  trade  between  California  and 
the  Columbia  establishment  lately  purchased  from 
the  Americans,  but  Sola  refused  to  allow  the  landing 
of  goods  or  the  purchase  of  supplies  on  credit,  though 
in  his  letters  to  the  viceroy  he  favored  the  proffered 
traffic.  He  also  refused  to  allow  one  Duncan  to 
remain  at  Monterey  under  pretence  of  awaiting  letters 
from  England.  Ten  deserters  were  left  behind  at 
first,  but  the  Columbia  after  a  trip  to  Bodega  returned 
and  recovered  them  from  the  Spanish  authorities  who 
had  placed  them  under  arrest.24  The  decision  in 

2'2  July  9th,  June  28th,  Aug.  28th,  1813,  viceroy  to  governor.  Prov.  St. 
Pq,p.,  MS.,  xix.  335-9. 

23  Dated  April  15,  1814,  in  Mexico,  with  a  note  to  the  effect  that  there 
was  nothing  in  the  treaty  with  England  to  prevent  proceeding  by  Spanish 
laws  against  Englishmen  who  engage  in  illicit  trade.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  98-100. 

24  One  man,  however,  remained  from  the  Columbia  and  became  a  perma 
nent  resident.     This  was  Antonio  Rocha,  a  Portuguese.  Dep.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  156-8. 

HIST.  CAL..  VOL.  II.    18 


274          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

Mexico,  which  arrived  a  year  later,  was  unfavorable 
to  Jennings'  proposition  and  the  governor's  recom 
mendation.  It  was  apparent  to  the  viceroy's  advisers 
that  the  true  aim  of  the  Englishmen  was  to  obtain 
otter-skins  and  to  reconnoitre  the  country  with  a 
view  to  its  seizure.  Therefore  they  were  to  be 
watched  and  furnished  with  such  aid  only  as  was  re 
quired  by  the  laws  of  hospitality.25 

The  affair  of  the  Ilmen  in  which  Eliot  de  Castro 
visited  the  coast  this  year  with  a  bidarka  fleet,  bent 
on  contraband  trade  and  otter-hunting,  is  recorded  in 
a  chapter  devoted  to  Russian  annals.26  By  the  or 
ders  of  Sola,  the  Russian  Boris  Tarakd/nof  with  some 
twenty  Aleuts  was  captured  at  San  Pedro  and  put  in 
jail  at  Los  Angeles.  This  was  on  September  19th, 
and  on  the  25th  Eliot  with  an  American  and  four 
Russians  was  taken  at  El  Cojo,  the  Ilmen  escaping.27 
Sergeant  Jose  Ortega  of  Refugio  was  suspected  of 
complicity  with  Eliot,  and  still  worse,  with  other 
American  contrabandistas ;  and  Sola  caused  a  strict 
watch  to  be  kept  on  his  movements.28  A  little  earlier 
in  the  year,  in  August,  the  Suvdrof,  Captain  Makdrof, 
had  traded  at  San  Francisco.29  On  one  of  these  ves 
sels,  I  suppose,  came  Jose  Bolcof,  a  permanent  Russian 
settler  in  California,30 

25 Prow.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  387-9,  398-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  135,  137-9; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vii.  11.  Brooks,  Origin  ofJapane.se,  i.,  preserves 
a  statement  of  Captain  Adams  to  the  effect  that  on  March  24,  1815,  while  sail 
ing-master  on  the  Forrester,  Capt.  Pickett,  he  saw  off  Santa  Barbara  a  Japanese 
junk  drifting,  from  which  three  men  were  rescued.  From  the  fact  that,  in  an 
other  item  cited  by  this  writer,  Capt.  John  Jennings  is  represented  as  captain 
of  the  Forrester  in  1813,  the  suggestion  presents  itself  that  this  may  possibly 
have  been  the  true  name  of  the  vessel,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Columbia. 

2(5  Chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume. 

27  Sept.  21,  1815,  Sola  has  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Germania  (Ilmen), 
and  orders  the  arrest  of  all  who  land.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  22.  Sept.  24, 
Guerra  sends  the  governor  two  Englishmen,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xliv.  16.  It  is  said  that  a  soldier  was  offered  $2,000  to  release  Eliot.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  390-1. 

28 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  24-6. 

29  See  chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume.    The  Paz  y  Religion  seems  to  have  been  on 
the  coast  in  the  autumn.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  136.     I  have  a  fragment  of  an 
original  log-book,  Libro  de  Bitdcora,  MS.,  of  a  vessel  not  named  sailing  on 
the  coast  in  June  and  July,  1815.     ' 

30  Arrived  in  1815;  baptized  June  13,  1817,  at  Soledad.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  (258-71).     He  was  a  native  of  Kamchatka. 


ARREST  OF  GYZELAAR  AND  SMITH.  275 

About  the  middle  of  January  1816  two  American 
craft  appeared  at  Refugio  just  above  Santa  Bdrbara, 
coming  from  Sitka.  One  was  the  schooner  Lydia, 
Captain  Henry  Gyzelaar,  and  the  other  the  ship  Al 
batross,  Captain  William  Smith,  the  latter  commander 
and  probably  his  vessel  being  known  of  old  to  the 
reader.31  Comandante  Guerra  immediately  proceeded 
to  Refugio,  and  with  the  aid  of  Carlos  Carrillo  and 
Santiago  Argiiello  arrested  the  two  captains  with  a 
few  men  who  had  landed  in  boats.  Possession  was  at 
once  taken  by  Sergeant  Carrillo  of  the  Lydia,  since 
she  had  no  means  of  defence;  and  to  prevent  her 
breaking-up  in  case  of  a  wind  she  was  taken  to  Santa 
Barbara.  The  Albatross  was  too  well  armed  to  be 
taken  so  easily.  Smith  absolutely  refused  to  order 
her  surrender,  and  she  sailed  away  under  a  promise 
to  return  in  eight  days  to  learn  what  had  been  decided 
respecting  her  captain.  Guerra  hoped  that  the  lack 
of  provisions  and  loss  of  commander,  passport,  and 
part  of  the  crew  would  bring  her  back  and  perhaps 
within  his  power,  but  she  never  came.  The  prisoners 
were  taken  to  the  presidio  before  the  20th  of  Jan 
uary.32 

81  For  former  visits  of  the  A  Ibatross,  Capt.  Winship,  Mate  Smith,  in  1810-12, 
see  chap.  v.  of  this  volume.  The  author  of  Boston  in  the  Northwest,  MS.,  73, 
well  acquainted  with  the  subject,  says  the  Albatross  never  came  back  to  the 
Pacific  after  Winship  left  her  at  Boston  in  181 G.  She  may  therefore  have 
taken  Winship  home  after  this  visit,  or  Smith  may  have  named  a  new  vessel 
for  the  old  one. 

32  The  Lydia's  crew  were  Captain  Henry  Gyzelaar,  pilots  Jacob  Smith  and 
Win  Owen  Jones,  sailmaker  Archi.  Bean,  sailors  Geo.  Heft,  Jas.  Rowe,  Johan 
Dunderfeldt,  Nathaniel  Dennison,  and  Thos.  Bennett;  carpenters,  Wm. 
Moore,  Amos,  and  Deliver;  servant,  Check,  13  in  all.  Those  of  the  Alba 
tross  arrested  were  Capt.  Smith,  white  sailors  Win  Stagg  and  Henry  Septem, 
Kanakas  Ropiam  and  Atnay,  and  the  negro  Bob,  besides  two  deserters, 
Thomas  Doak  and  Nathaniel  Sawis,  who  were  arrested  just  before  or  just 
after  the  rest — 8  in  all.  Jan.  18,  1816,  Sola  writes  to  reprove  Guerra  whom 
he  erroneously  supposed  to  have  allowed  Smith  to  sail  on  the  Albatross  on  his 
promise  to  return  in  8  days.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  29.  The  governor  under 
stands  that  the  Lydia  first  arrived  on  Jan.  7th.  In  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  xlvii.  4-5,  is  given  a  brief  diary  of  events  from  Jan.  14th  to  20th. 
It  was  reported  to  the  viceroy  that  the  Lydia  arrived  at  Refugio  in  distress, 
and  was  furnished  with  supplies  gratis,  because  the  captain  gave  for  the  bat 
tery  1  small  cannon  and  50  axes.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  125.  This  is  the 
only  trace  I  find  of  the  wrhole  affair  in  Mexico,  being  in  the  V.  R.'s  letter  of 
July  28,  1816.  Jan.  14th,  Avila  claims  to  have  aided  Carrillo  in  the  capture. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  ii.  11. 


276          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

In  the  partial  investigation  which  now  took  place 
Gyzelaar  and  all  his  men  affirmed  in  writing  that  on 
account  of  damages  to  the  Lydia,  and  the  want  of  food 
and  water,  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  continue 
the  voyage  without  touching  on  the  coast,  and  he  had 
anchored  at  the  first  place  seen  where  there  were 
houses.  The  vessel  was  bound  from  Sitka  to  the 
China  seas,  belonging  to  the  American  consul  at  Can 
ton.  In  a  letter  to  Sola  Gyzelaar  states  that  he  is 
an  utter  stranger  on  the  coast;  came  here  only  from 
necessity ;  has  $90,000  at  stake  on  the  voyage,  and  begs 
to  be  released.  The  schooner  was  ordered  to  Mon 
terey,  and  by  the  advice  of  Padre  Martinez  was  rein- 
trusted  to  her  own  captain,  who  agreed  to  take  her 
safely  to  the  northern  port.  Sola  disapproved  this 
act,  facetiously  likening  it  to  a  delivery  of  the  church 
for  protection  to  Luther;83  but  the  honest  Dutchman, 
aided  by  four  of  his  own  men,  with  two  from  the  Al 
batross,  and  guarded  by  Carrillo  with  six  soldiers,  kept 
his  promise.  At  Monterey  a  new  investigation  was 
conducted  by  Estudillo,84  and  as  there  was  no  evidence 
of  any  intention  to  engage  in  smuggling,  Sola  decided 
to  release  the  Lydia,  following  the  action  of  Argiiello  in 
the  case  of  the  Pedler  as  a  precedent  approved  by  the 
viceroy.  Gyzelaar  accordingly  sailed  on  March  llth 
for  the  south,  leaving  at  least  one  of  Smith's  men, 
Thomas  Doak,  behind  as  the  first  American  settler  in 
California.05 

33  Jan.  25th,  Sola  to  Martinez.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  115.  The  schooner 
sailed  on  Feb.  2d.  See  correspondence  on  support  of  the  prisoners  by  contri 
butions  from  the  missions,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  20-24;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  115. 

31  It  took  place  on  Feb.  10th,  and  the  records  are  given  in  Si.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  i.  51-63.  It  appeared  from  the  testimony  that  the  Lydia  had  carried  a 
cargo  of  liquors,  ammunition,  etc.,  from  Canton  to  Sitka,  and  that  she  was 
now  bound  for  the  Marquesas  with  a  few  articles  for  trade,  and  comparatively 
heavy  armament  for  defence. 

35  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  31-2;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  224.  Thos. 
Doak,  of  Boston,  according  to  the  mission  books  of  San  Carlos  as  examined 
by  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Found.,  ii.,  no.  28,  was  baptized  on  Dec.  22d  of  this 
year.  Three  other  men  baptized  at  San  Carlos  this  year,  according  to  the 
same  authority,  were  Marcus  Messon  of  Boston,  Geo.  Mayo  of  Plymouth, 
and  Sam.  Grover  of  Maiden.  Juan  Maria  .Romero,  an  Irish  resident,  is  said 
to  have  served  as  interpreter  in  the  Lydia  case.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  51-2. 


RELEASE  OF  THE  CAPTIVES.  277 

Meanwhile  Smith  was  under  arrest  at  Santa  Bar 
bara,  but  striving  earnestly  for  release.  He,  too, 
bound  from  New  Archangel  to  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
had  been  driven  by  lack  of  food  and  water  to  seek  an 
anchorage,  without  the  faintest  idea  of  contraband 
trade.  He  feared  that  his  boatswain  would  disobey 
his  orders  to  return  in  eight  days  with  the  Albatross, 
or  perchance  she  had  been  lost,  being  so  short-handed. 
He  pleaded  old  age,  and  begged  humbly  and  hard  to 
be  set  free.38  His  petition  was  granted,  and  on  March 
15th,  when  the  Lydia  touched  at  Santa  Barbara, 
Smith  and  two  of  his  men  took  their  departure.  The 
negro  and  two  Kanakas  remained  to  be  instructed  in. 
the  true  faith,  as  Doak  had  done  at  Monterey.37  That 
the  two  captains  came  to  Refugio  for  nothing  but 
contraband  trade  there  is  but  little  room  for  doubt; 
but  having  the  full  sympathy  of  the  padres  and  the 
people,  with  only  a  pretence  of  opposition  from  any 

In  Santa  Bdrbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  19,  is  recorded  the  baptism  on  October 
7th,  of  Jos6  Manuel,  aged  22,  of  Boston,  who  also  had  a  brother  Daniel 
Eleazer  in  the  country  baptized  as  Daniel  Martyr  Jos6  de  Santa  Rosa.  This  Jos6 
Manuel  (Lisa)  is  referred  to  by  Sola  in  a  letter  of  Dec.  2Gth,  as  one  of  the  LydlcCs 
crew  whom  Guerra  ought  not  to  have  allowed  to  remain.  Prov,  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
43.  The  Marcus  Messon  was  doubtless  the  Anthony  A.  Mason  baptized 
at  San  Carlos  May  23,  1816,  to  whom  the  president .  gave  a  letter  of  recom 
mendation  on  Feb.  16th,  when  he  proposed  to  go  to  Manila,  according  to  S. 
Antonio,  Muerto  deP.  Sarria,  MS.;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  18-19.  Who 
all  these  men  were,  except  Doak,  and  what  became  of  them  it  is  not  easy  to 
ascertain.  Taylor,  List  of  Pioneers,  MS.,  tells  us  that  Thos.  Duke  died  before 
1846,  near  Santa  Clara;  John  Mulligan,  a  sailor  from  Ireland  who  came  in 
1815,  died  before  1846,  near  Monterey;  Marcos  Mason,  Geo.  Mayo,  Sam. 
Grover,  and  Julian  Malcolm  died  before  1840;  and  James  Baldwin  died  be 
fore  1830.  Most  of  these  statements  doubtless  are  founded  only  in  the  imagina 
tion  of  the  writer.  Doak  at  any  rate  painted  the  S.  Juan  Church  in  1818,  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  45;  was  permitted  by  the  viceroy  to  marry  and  settle  on 
Oct.  20,  1819,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  1;  was  married  on  Nov.  8,  1820, 
under  the  name  of  Felipe  Santiago  Doc,  to  a  daughter  of  Mariano  Castro,  £. 
Juan  Bautisia,  Lib.  Minion,  MS.,  27;  and,  as  we  shall  see,  lived  long  in  the 
country.  We  must  not  forget  the  negro  Bob  and  the  two  Kanakas  who  re 
mained  from  the  Albatross.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  117.  On  August  1C, 
1819,  Bob  was  baptized  as  Juan  Cristobal  by  Ripoll.  Sta  B.,  Lib.  Mision, 
MS.,  20. 

36  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.,  MS.,  ii.  11-14. 

37  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  117.     On  foreigners  remaining  in  the  country 
see  preceding  note.    In  addition  to  the  numerous  sources  of  information  about 
the  Albatross  and  Lydia  already  referred  to,  see,  as  most  important  of  all, 
Albatroxs  and  Lydia,  Comumcacione*  relativas  a  la  captura  de  la  flolrfa  Ame 
ricana  Lydia  j/  arrtstacion  del  capitan  de  lajrarjata  Albatross.  1810,  MS.,  and 
also  some  additional  papers  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  96-116,  120-1. 


273          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AXD  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

but  the  highest  officials,  it  is  not  strange  that  no 
evidence  could  be  found  against  them.38 

The  viceroy's  orders  in  the  case  of  the  Columbia 
had  been  very  strict  against  the  proposed  trade  with 
the  northern  English  post;  yet  when  at  the  end  of 
August  1816  the  Northwest  Company's  brig  Colonel, 
Captain  Daniels,  came  into  Monterey  with  a  tempt 
ing  array  of  goods  in  charge  of  Donald  McTavish, 
Sola  was  unable  to  withstand  the  pressure  brought  to 
bear  on  him  through  the  importunities  of  the  super 
cargo  McDougal,  the  mute  petitions  of  the  needy 
soldiers  and  families,  and  the  advice  of  friars  and  offi 
cers.  He  yielded  to  the  temptation,  sent  out  circulars 
to  the  missions  calling  for  flour  and  other  produce, 
and  bartered  the  result  to  the  extent  of  $6,796  for 
needed  articles  in  deliberate  defiance  of  the  viceroy's 
orders.  In  his  letters  to  the  friars  and  his  report  to 
Mexico  he  frankly  avowed  the  illegality  of  his  action, 
but  pleaded  urgent  necessity;  and  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  was  ever  blamed.39 

On  the  2d  of  October  the  Rurik  under  Otto  von 
Kotzebue,  of  the  Russian  navy,  anchored  in  San 
Francisco  Bay.40  Fitted  out  at  the  expense  of  Count 
Rumiantzof  for  an  exploring  voyage  to  the  north 
Pacific,  she  had  left  Russia  in  1815,  rounded  Cape 
Horn,  touched  on  the  coast  of  Chile,  explored  Kam 
chatka  and  Alaska,  and  sailed  from  Unalaska  Sep- 

38  Orders  to  prevent  all  communication  with  foreigners  came  from  Mexico 
this  year  as  usual.  Prov,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  5,  93. 

39  It  would  appear  that  even  before  the  Colonel's  arrival,  Sola  had  resolved 
to  trade;  for  on  Feb.  16,  1815  (must  be  1816),  President  Sarria  called  on  the 
padres  by  the  governor's  request  to  contribute  flour,  etc.,  for  the  Columbia  en 
her  return.     In  response  San  Juan  Bautista,  Soledad,  and  San  Antonio  offered 
600  of  the  1,000  arroba*  of  flour  desired;  San  Miguel  could  give  only  wine  and 
wool;  San  Luis,  only  blankets;  and  San  Carlos  some  scrapes.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  ix.  197-203.     Arrival  of  the  vessel,  and  Sola's  correspondence  with  the 
friars,  including  the  approval  of  Pay  eras  and  Duran.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  iii.  pt. 
i.  62-5,  71,  87-97,  120-1.     Oct.  10th,  Sola  to  viceroy,  acknowledging  his  dis 
obedience  of  the  order  of  July  8th,  and  justifying  his  conduct.     He  assures 
the  viceroy  that  all  possible  care  is  taken  to  prevent  intercourse  of  foreigners 
with  any  but  the  chief  officials,  P.rov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  144-50.     The  Colonel 
sailed  Oct.  12th.     The  Colonel  Allan  seems  to  have  been  the  full  name. 

i0Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  30-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  37.  Two  deserters 
from  the  Rurilc  captured.  Prov.  Rec.,  ix.  150. 


KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT.  279 

tember  14th  for  California  in  quest  of  fresh  supplies 
with  which  to  continue  her  explorations.  Argiiello 
received  the  officers  and  scientific  corps  with  every 
possible  attention  and  furnished  all  that  was  needed, 
as  indeed  he  was  required  to  do  by  previous  instruc 
tions  from  Spain  and  Mexico.41  The  friars  were 
equally  attentive,  and  entertained  the  strangers  at 
the  mission  on  the  9th,  with  festivities  in  honor  of 
the  patron  saint.  A  bull  arid  bear  fight  took  place  at 
the  presidio.  Sola  came  up  from  the  capital  on  the 
IGth  to  greet  the  foreign  guests,  and  the  Spanish 
officers  were  often  entertained  at  Kotzebue's  tent  on 
shore;  communications  were  established  with  Ross; 
fresh  provisions  were  furnished  in  abundance  for  the 
ship,  and  after  a  pleasant  month's  stay  the  Rurik 
sailed  on  November  1st  for  the  Islands,  thence  to  re 
sume  her  northern  explorations.42 

The  Spanish  officers  at  the  presidio  could  not  re 
frain  from  acquainting  the  visitors  with  their  pet 
grievance,  and  spoke  bitterly  of  the  friars,  who  in 
these  times  of  scarcity  and  suffering  would  furnish  the 
men  only  with  the  barest  necessities  on  the  formal 
requisition  of  the  governor,  although  they  had  plenty 

41  June  27,  1815,  royal  order;  Dec.  21, 1815,  viceroy  to  Sola;  Apr.  30,  1816, 
Sola  to  commandants,  tit.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  49-50;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  384;  xx.  133-4.     Argiiello's  letter  announcing  arrival,  with  copies 
of  various  passports  and  other  official  papers  furnished  by  Kotzebue,  sent  by 
Sola  to  viceroy.  Id.,  xx.  137-40.     Oct.  5,  1816,  Kotzebue  to  Sola,  written  in 
French,  presenting  his  respects  and  thanks  for  kind  attentions;  explaining 
that  his  only  object  is  to  get  fresh  stores,  and  he  does  not  intend  to  remain 
over  15  days;  hr.s  papers  which  he  desires  to  forward  to  Kuskof  at  Ross;  and 
13  glad  to  hear  of  the  governor's  intended  visit.  Id.,  xx.  29-9. 

42  Chamisso  notes  a  few  incidents  not  recorded  by  Kotzebue.     There  was 
a  little  misunderstanding  about  a  salute,  the  Russians  having  fired  7  guns  and 
the  Spaniards  returning  only  5.   When  Sola  came,  both  he  and  Kotzebue  seem  to 
have  expected  the  first  call.     Both  were  somewhat  obstinate  in  their  ideas  of - 
etiquette,  and  Sola,  declaring  he  could  not  endure  the  salt  water,  was  on  the 
point  of  returning  to  Monterey,  when  Kotzebue  came  on  shore  to  make  his 
noon  observations,  and  thus  Spain  and  Russia  were  enabled  to  embrace. 
Finally  at  the  parting  dinner  in  Kotzebue's  tent,  a  good  missionary  allowed 
himself  to  drink  too  much  wine.    Kotzebue  took  with  him  Eliot  de  Castro-and 
three  Russian  prisoners,  having  no  room  for  the  rest,  whom  Sola  seems  to 
have  been  willing  to  give  up.     One  of  these  Russians  went  out  to  hunt  near 
the  presidio  before  embarking,  and,  dropping  a  spark  into  his  powder-horn, 
was  so  seriously  injured  that  he  died  soon  after  sailing.     At  his  first  approach 
to  San  Francisco,  Kotzebue  tells  us  there  was  great  activity  and  ^reparation 
for  defence  at  the  fortress  of  '  St  Toaquin. ' 


\) 


280  MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

of  everything.  Sola  presented  his  complaint  against 
the  intruders  at  Ross;  in  fact  it  was  for  this  purpose 
chiefly  that  he  came  up  from  Monterey.  Kuskcf 
came  down  to  San  Francisco  arid  a  somewhat  impor 
tant  conference  was  held,  but  this  subject  is  treated 
elsewhere.43 

Kotzebue's  voyage  derives  its  chief  importance,  so 
far  as  California  is  concerned,  from  the  fact  that  it 
gave  rise  to  at  least Jiireejbp-oks,  each  containing  in 
formation  about  the  country,  though  in  many  respects 
the  visitors  took  little  advantage  of  their  opportunities. 
The  commander's  narrative  is  a  brief  statement  of 
events  connected  with  the  visit,  without  any  mention 
of  the  negotiations  respecting  Ross,  and  without  any 
very  valuable  observations  on  the  country  or  its  insti 
tutions.  Kotzebue's  general  impressions  were  unfavor 
able.  Beyond  the  country  itself  in  its  natural  state, 
and  Spanish  hospitality,  he  found  nothing  to  praise. 
The  natives  were  ugly  and  stupid  and  not  at  all  im 
proved  by  mission  life,  and  the  padres  cared  little  or 
nothing  for  their  subjects.  "  The  rage  for  converting 
savage  nations  is  now  spreading  over  the  whole  South 
Sea,  and  causes  much  mischief,  because  the  mission 
aries  do  not  take  pains  to  make  men  of  them  before 
they  make  them  Christians."  The  soldiers  were  in  a 
destitute  and  miserable  condition,  as  disgusted  with 
the  government  as  with  the  missions.  California  was 
a  source  of  great  expense  and  no  profit  to  Spain; 
in  fact  a  fine  and  fruitful  country  was  lying  entirely 
useless.44 

Adelbert  von   Chamisso,  a    Frenchman    of  noble 

43  See  chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume. 

44  Kotzebue's  Voyage  of  Discovery  into  the  Soitth  Sea  and  Beerlnys  Straits, 
etc.,  London,  1821,  Svo,  3  vols.     There  were  several  editions  in  different  lan 
guages.     See,  also,  Sabin's  Dictionary,  under  'Kotzebue.'     The  visit  to  Cali 
fornia  is  described  in  vol.  i.  p.  276-89.     A  paper  by  Dr  Eschscholtz  in  vol.  ii. 
p.  327-30  describes  the  accident  to  the  Russian  prisoner.     Engelhardt,  in  vol. 
iii.  p.  337-9,  has  a  paper  '  on  the  nature  of  the  rocks  of  the  coast  of  California.' 
Chamisso's  Remarks  and  Opinions,  in  vol.  ii.  355,  contains  a  brief  mention  of  a 
volcano  on  the  coast;  and,  in  vol.  iii.  38-51,  a  somewhat  extended  account  of 
California,  its  natural  history  and  institutions.     The  maps  and  plates  contain 
.nothing  on  California. 


CHAMISSO  AND  CHORIS.  281 

birth,  was  the  naturalist  of  the  expedition,  and  served 
also  in  California  as  interpreter.  His  narrative  of 
events  as  well  as  of  his  observations  on  the  state  of  the 
country,  is  more  complete  than  that  of  the  com 
mander,  to  say  nothing  of  his  valuable  remarks  on 
natural  history.  His  conclusions,  however,  respect 
ing  Spanish  institutions,  are  substantially  the  same  as 
those  of  Kotzebue.45  The  third  book  written  in  con 
nection  with  this  voyage  was  composed  of  lithograph 
illustrations  from  drawings  by  M.  Louis  Choris, 
painter  of  the  expedition,  with  a  descriptive  text  by 
the  artist,  Chamisso,  and  others.  The  text  is  very 
interesting,  and  like  the  drawings  largely  devoted  to 
the  Indians  of  the  mission.43 

45  Chamisso,  Riese  um  die  Welt,  2  vols. ,  being  torn.  iii.  iv.  of  Chamis*ot  \/ 
Werke,  Berlin,  1856.  The  matter  on  California  is  in  torn,  i.,  p.  129-41,  and 
torn,  ii.,  p.  30.  Tom.  ii.  is  subsequently  the  same  as  the  Remark*  and 
Opinions  attached  to  the  English  edition  of  Kotzebue's  Voyage.  The  narra 
tive  of  the  visit  to  San  Francisco  is  well  translated  by  Miss  Georgie  McElroy 
in  the  Overland  Monthly,  x.  201-8.  The  following  quotations  are  taken  from 
the  Remarks  and  Opinions,  iii.  38-51 :  '  Melancholy  feelings  attend  our  offer 
ing  a  few  words  on  the  Spanish  settlements  on  this  coast.  With  an  avari 
cious  thirst  for  possession,  Spain  extends  her  territory  here  merely  because 
she  envies  others  the  room.  She  maintains  her  presidios  at  a  great  expense, 
and  tries,  by  the  prohibition  of  all  trade,  to  force  ready  money  back  to  its 
source.  But  a  little  liberty  would  make  California  the  granary  and  market 
of  the  northern  coasts  of  these  seas,  and  the  general  resort  of  the  ships  which 
navigate  them.'  'Yet  California  lies  without  industry,  trade,  and  naviga 
tion,  desert  and  unpeopled.'  'Only  a  smuggling  trade,  which  the  new  gov 
ernor  has  tried  to  suppress,  furnishes  this  province  with  the  most  indispensa 
ble  articles.  Spain  has  given  way  in  the  affair  of  Nootka.  England  and  the 
U.  S.,  without  regarding  its  vain  territorial  possessions,  are  now  negotiating 
about  the  colony  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia;  and  the  Russ.  Am.  Co. 
have  still  a  settlement  a  few  leagues  north  of  San  Francisco.'  The  work  cf 
converting  heathen  'has  been  here  injudiciously  begun  and  ill-executed.  The 
pious  Franciscans  are  not  skilled  in  the  arts  and  trades  which  they  ought  to 
exercise  and  teach,  nor  in  any  of  the  languages  spoken  by  the  nations  to 
whom  they  are  sent.  They  are  monks,  exactly  like  those  in  the  convents  of 
Europe.'  'The contempt  which  the  missionaries  have  for  the  people  to  whom 
they  are  sent  seems  to  us,  considering  their  pious  occupation,  a  very  unfor 
tunate  circumstance.  None  of  them  appear  to  have  troubled  themselves 
about  their  history,  customs,  religions,  or  languages.'  'We  observed  with 
regret  that  the  best  understanding  does  not  exist  between  the  missions  and 
the  presidio.  The  fathers  consider  themselves  as  the  first  in  this  country, 
and  the  presidios  merely  for  its  protection.'  'The  presidio  accused  the  mis 
sion  of  not  endeavoring  to  relieve  their  wants.'  Chamisso  gives  considerable 
information  about  the  Indians,  including  the  names  of  18  tribes  around  San 
Francisco.  He  also  gives  some  local  items  elsewhere  utilized. 

^Choris,  Voyage  Pittorcsque  antour  du  Monde,  Paris,  1822,  folio.     There  / 

are  10  plates  and  13  pages  of  text  relating  to  California.  The  plates  ai'c:  1, 
coast  views,  entrance  cf  S.  F'co  Bay;  2,  presidio;  3,  Indian  dance,  with  view 


282          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

The  Pacific  ports  of  South  America  being  more  or 
less  blockaded  by  the  Buenos  Aires  insurgents,  no 
trading  vessels  came  from  Lima  or  Callao  this  year,47 
though  they  resumed  their  trips  later.  The  regular 
rnemoria  ship,  however,  made  its  appearance  in  1816 
for  the  first  time  since  1810.  It  was  the  San  Carlos, 
arriving  at  Monterey  late  in  October,  and  bringing  a 
cargo  of  damaged  supplies  and  war  stores.48  Of  two 
American  vessels  which  entered  California  ports  on 
their  way  to  or  from  Sitka,  in  addition  to  those  already 
mentioned,  we  know  nothing  beyond  the  fact  that  the 
Sultan  or  Sultana  touched  at  Monterey  in  August,43 
and  the  Atala  or  Atlas,  Captain  Kelly,  from  Boston, 
at  Santa  Barbara  late  in  November,50  leaving  one 
American  settler.51 

No  supply-ship  came  in  1817;  but  two  vessels 
brought  goods  from  Lima  to  exchange  for  tallow  as 
before.  These  were  the  San  Antonio,  Captain  Cave- 
necia,  and  the  Hermosa  Mexicana,  supercargo  Genoa 
y  Aguirre,  which  arrived  at  Monterey  in  August52  and 

of  mission;  4,  Indian  games;  5,  grizzly  bear;  6-7,  Indian  faces;  8,  arms  and 
implements;  9,  balza;  11,  sea-lion;  12,  head-dress  of  Indians;  13,  Indian 
hunters. 

47  April  20,  1816,  Capt.  Cavenecia,  Lima,  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  vi.  124. 

48No?.  6,  1816,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  153.  Kotzebue  men 
tions  the  arrival  during  his  stay. 

49 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  141;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  23.  Taylor,  Discov. 
and  Found.,  i.  No.  12,  in  an  imperfect  list  of  vessels  trading  on  the  coast  from 
1810  to  1814,  includes  the  Sultan,  Capt.  Reynolds,  and  the  Avon,  Capt.  Whit- 
temore.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  14-17,  28-9,  names  the  Sultana,  Capt.  Isaac, 
and  Urbana,  Capt.  Raynaldo;  but  he  couples  their  arrival  with  that  of  the 
Mercury,  and  with  Capt.  Davis'  otter-hunting  exploits  about  San  Francisco 
in  a  manner  in  which  chronology  and  fact  go  for  nothing. 

50  Dec.  2,  1816,  Sola  to  Guerra,  the  vessel  ordered  to  Monterey.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  42.     Passport  dated  Boston,  July  15,  1815,  countersigned  at 
Santa  Barbara,  Dec.  7,  1816.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.   189-90;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  158.     June-July,  a  large  Boston  ship  off  San  Carlos  caused 
great  fear.  Arch  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  49-50,  60.    Afterward  off  Santa  Bar 
bara  in  July.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  109. 

51  Daniel  Call,  an  American  carpenter,  age  17,  who  married  and  remained. 
Dep.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  iv.   156-8.     According  to  the  newspapers  Capt.  Wm 
O'Neil  came  to  Cal.  from  China  this  year.  Santa  Cruz  Sentinel,  Sept.   18, 
1875. 

52 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  154-5,  172,  186,  2C2;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
171-3;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  19.  Cavenecia  was  owner,  but  perhaps  not  on 


THE  TALLOW  TRADE.  283 

September  respectively.  Sola  favored  the  exporta 
tion  of  the  tallow,  of  which  there  was  a  surplus  of 
over  1,250  tons  in  the  country  according  to  his  state 
ment.  He  wished  the  missions  to  furnish  fifty  tons 
to  each  presidio  to  be  exchanged  for  articles  which 
the  soldiers  needed;  but  the  friars  showed  no  enthu 
siasm  for  such  a  plan,  preferring  to  trade  directly 
with  the  Lima  ships,  or  ship  the  tallow  to  Mexico  on 
their  own  account;53  yet  there  is  no  indication  that 
there  was  any  difficulty  in  obtaining  cargoes  either  for 
these  vessels  or  for  the  Cazadora  from  Panamd,  which 
came  to  Monterey  in  September,  and  remained  on 
the  coast  until  December.54  The  coming  of  two  ves 
sels,  the  Paz  y  Religion  and  the  Bastany,  from  Tepic 
on  the  same  business  was  announced,  with  the  proba 
bility  that  many  others  might  be  despatched;  but 
none  seem  to  have  come  this  year.55  The  Russian 
visits  of  the  year  were  that  of  Padushkin  on  the 
Chirikofto  San  Francisco  and  Monterey  in  the  spring, 
and  that  of  Hagemeister  on  the  Kutiisofto  San  Fran 
cisco  in  the  autumn,  both  bringing  goods  and  taking 
away  grain.56 

Sola  made  no  attempt  to  carry  out  the  viceroy's 
orders  by  using  force  against  the  Russians ;  but  in  his 
report  of  January  2,  1817,  explained  the  utter  impos 
sibility  of  accomplishing  anything  without  strong 
reinforcements,  arid  the  absurdity  of  expecting  such 
reinforcements  from  New  Galicia.  He  also  expressed 
himself  very  freely  respecting  the  danger  to  be  appre- 

board  of  the  San  Antonio  this  trip.  She  remained  until  November.  The 
JHexicana  paid  $582  export  duties  which  should  have  been  paid  at  Callao. 
This  was  according  to  law  and  was  a  convenience  to  California.  See  also 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  244-5;  iv.  1. 

53  prov.  £€Cf)  MS.,  xi.  49.  Sola  to  Guerra.  The  danger  of  an  attack  from 
the  Buenos  Aires  insurgents  was  given  as  a  reason  for  getting  rid  of  the  sur 
plus  tallow  as  quickly  as  possible.  See  also  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  vi.  61-3; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  245-6. 

^Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  180,  197;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  1. 
July  12,  1816,  viceroy  to  Sola,  trade  between  Panama  and  the  Pacific  ports 
of  New  Spain  strictly  forbidden.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  124. 

55  June  4th,  27th,  Pedro  Negrete,  Tepic,  to  Guerra.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  185,  199.  A  contract  with  settlers  for  tallow  is  alluded  to. 

5(5  See  chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume. 


284          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

bended  from  the  Anglo-American  vessels,  and  declared 
that  the  province  could  not  be  in  any  sense  protected 
against  probable  hostile  designs  of  foreign  powers, 
unless  two  companies  of  infantry,  with  field  artillery, 
and  an  armed  cruiser  were  stationed  permanently  on 
the  coast.57  No  English  craft  appeared.  Orders  came 
from  Viceroy  Apodaca  that  the  British  ship  Good 
Hope  must  be  confiscated  whether  engaged  in  contra 
band  trade  or  not,  apparently  on  account  of  some 
irregularity  of  conduct  at  Mazatlan/8  but  Captain 
Ramsay  did  not  show  himself. 

The  American  contrabandistax  and  Aleut  otter- 
hunters  Jeft  but  slight  trace  of  their  presence  on  the 
coast  this  year,  if  they  came  at  all,  as  is  indicated  by 
occasional  allusions  in  official  correspondence.59  These 
allusions  show  that  Sola  had  no  faith  in  the  honesty 

57  Sola,  Informe  General,  1817,  MS. 

58 Nov.  16,  1817,  viceroy  to  Sola.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  216-18.  The 
Buena  Esperanza  was  bound  from  Bengal  to  the  Russian  settlements. 

59  In  February  Guerra  explains  to  Sola  the  careful  precautions  he  always 
takes  on  the  arrival  of  foreign  vessels  to  examine  their  papers,  etc.,  though 
he  labors  under  difficulties  through  not  understanding  the  language.  Will 
continue  his  precautions,  and  will  report  arrivals  before  furnishing  supplies, 
though  he  reminds  the  governor  that  vessels  cannot  lie  long  at  anchor  at  Santa 
Barbara  without  danger  from  storms.  Other  communications  from  the  same 
source  and  apparently  of  about  the  same  date  mention  the  escape  of  some 
Kadiaks  to  the  islands,  and  the  presence  of  boats  from  an  American  vessel 
engaged  in  taking  otter.  He  asks  for  authority  to  send  out  an  expedition 
against  them.  Guerra.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  69-72.  In  a  letter  of  April 
12th,  Padre  Amoros  explains  to  the  governor  some  of  his  ideas  of  trade  to  the 
effect  that  foreigners  being  also  children  of  God  and  in  a  sense  brethren  of 
the  Spaniards,  it  was  not  generous  or  honorable  to  charge  them  a  maximum 
price — like  $8,  $12,  or  $15,  for  a  cow  worth  $4 — and  find  fault  with  them  for 
not  selling  goods  at  the  minimum,  especially  as  the  trade  was  beneficial  to 
the  country  and  might  be  lost  by  bad  policy.  Id.,  vii.  12-14.  July  28th  an 
American  ship  left  four  men — three  Americans  and  a  Spaniard — at  San  Luis 
Obispo.  They  were  to  be  put  at  work  at  Santa  Barbara  and  watched,  to 
prevent  inter-course  with  people  at  the  presidio.  Id.,  iii.  236,  241.  Thomas 
Lester,  an  English  sailor  who  settled  in  California,  is  said  to  have  deserted 
from  a  vessel  in  1817.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  24-9.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS  , 
241-2,  says  that  the  Boston  ship  Eagle,  Wm.  H.  Davis,  master,  visited  Cali 
fornia  in  1817  or  1818,  and  twice  later.  July  30th,  Padre  Arroyo  assures  Sola 
that  the  friars  of  San  Juan  Bautista  will  not  allow  foreigners  to  observe  the 
country.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  145.  Alvarado  remembers  that  some 
smugglers  were  tried  at  Monterey  in  1817.  The  sumario  ought  to  be  in  the 
archives.  Hist.  CaL;  MS.,  i.  180.  In  November  Sola  eluded  Argiicllo  of  San 
Francisco  very  severely  both  in  an  official  and  private  letter  for  his  slowness 
in  reporting  the  arrival  of  vessels  and  for  his  permission  of  contraband  t  rade; 
'for  you  cannot  make  me  believe  you  were  ignorant  of  it.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.t 
MS.,  xx.  211-14. 


WILCOX  AND  THE  'CAMINANTE.'  285 

and  zeal  with  which  Argiiello  at  San  Francisco  and 
Guerra  at  Santa  Barbara  exerted  themselves  to  pre 
vent  illicit  commerce.  Affairs  at  Monterey  came  more 
immediately  under  the  governor's  own  eye,  and  San 
Diego  the  smugglers  seem  to  have  neglected  altogether 
in  these  days. 

The  presence  of  one  American  vessel,  however,  is 
definitely  recorded,  that  of  the  Traveller,  translated 
by  the  Spaniards  into  Caminante,  Captain  James 
Smith  Wilcox.  This  schooner  came  from  Sitka,  made 
come  repairs  at  Bodega  in  December  1816,  and  ar 
rived  at  Santa  Barbara  on  January  20,  1817.60  Wil 
cox,  said  to  be  a  brother  of  the  United  States  consul 
at  Canton,  was  furnished  with  supplies  to  satisfy  the 
more  pressing  wants  of  the  crew,  and  good-naturedly 
consented  to  wait  for  more  until  the  governor  could 
be  consulted,  whereupon  he  bought  additional  pro 
visions  to  the  extent  of  $656  for  cash.61  Then  in  Feb 
ruary  he  went  up  to  Monterey  and  sold  $700  wrorth 
of  cloth  for  the  soldiers.  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  then  a 
school- boy,  gives  an  amusing  account  of  the  Yankee 
captain's  arrival.  One  spring  morning  the  sentinel 
from  Point  Pinos  came  rushing  in  with  the  news  of 
an  approaching  sail.  Drums  beat  the  alarm,  soldiers 
mounted  their  horses,  artillerymen  and  militia  rushed 
to  man  the  Castillo,  and  balls  were  brought  from  the 
casemate.  Families  made  ready  for  flight,  while  Co- 
niandante  Estudillo  mounted  a  high  rock,  equipped 
with  telescope,  trumpet,  and  flag-book,  all  in  about 
fifteen  minutes.  To  the  inquiry  "^que  buque?"  as  the 
schooner  approached  the  shore  came  the  reply  "no 
sabe  espanol."  Ordered  to  come  ashore  the  stranger 
landed  and  was  escorted  by  the  cavalry  to  the  presence 
of  Sola  who  awaited  his  approach  clad  in  full  uniform 
and  asked  his  business.  Through  an  interpreter  it 
was  learned  that  the  captain  had  goods  to  sell,  and 

60 In  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  45,  the  date  is  given  as  Jan.  8th;  and  Sola  calls 
the  vessel  the  Traulin.     See  also  Id.,  ix.  154. 
61  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  71-2. 


236          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

Sola  was  about  to  dismiss  him  when  somebody  sug 
gested  he  might  be  the  spy  of  some  foreign  power, 
and  it  was  decided  to  hold  a  council  of  war.  Mean 
while  the  Yankee,  an  exceedingly  tall  and  lean  speci 
men  of  the  race,  clothed  in  black  with  a  swallow-tail 
coat  and  tall  fur  hat,  stood  under  arrest  in  the  middle 
of  the  plaza,  wiping  his  perspiring  face  with  a  large 
red  handkerchief,  while  all  the  women  and  boys  of 
the  capital  came  as  near  as  they  dared  to  get  a  look 
at  this  bold  foreigner  who  thus  dared  to  invade  the 
Spanish  realm.  The  ludicrous  aspect  of  the  situation 
was  not  diminished  when  the  noon  bell  rang  and  the 
prisoner  was  required  to  kneel  in  the  dust  and  un 
cover  his  bald  head.  Yet  the  council  could  find  no 
sufficient  evidence  that  he  was  a  spy.62  Wilcox  not 
only  sold  his  cloth,  but  was  trusted  to  carry  south  the 
portions  allotted  to  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Diego, 
having  apparently  made  himself  very  popular  with  the 
Californians.  He  left  Santa  Barbara  on  March  16th 
for  San  Diego  and  Baja  California,  leaving  two  men 
who  were  sick  and  wished  to  become  Catholics.63 

In  June  Wilcox  returned  from  Loreto  and  remained 
until  September,  touching  more  than  once  at  each 
place  on  the  coast  from  Santa  Cruz  to  San  Diego, 
enjoying  the  full  confidence  of  the  authorities,  and 
making  himself  generally  useful  by  transporting  sup 
plies  and  lumber  from  point  to  point  in  his  Caminante. 
If  he  indulged  in  contraband  trade  he  did  it  very 
carefully  and  excited  no  suspicion.  The  only  privi 
leges  refused  him  were  those  of  buying  otter-skins  and 
travelling  by  land  in  defiance  of  the  law.  He  finally 
carried  away  the  four  American  prisoners  of  the  pre 
ceding  year,  but  whether  he  took  also  the  two  men  he 
had  left  before  does  not  appear.64  He  was  also  al- 

™Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  125-32.  The  author  does  not  say  that  this 
'Capitan  Colorado'  was  Wilcox,  and  in  fact  there  are  some  details  of  the  story 
as  narrated  that  do  not  apply  very  well  to  him;  but  there  was  no  other  captain 
who  arrived  at  this  time  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  and  the  story  is  too  good  to  lose. 

6*Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.',  iii.  74.  The  names  of  the  men  are  given 
as  Est  and  Yems.  Est  was  perhaps  Thomas  Lester. 

64  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  249.     The  four  prisoners  were  those 


ROQUEFEUIL'S  VISIT.  287 

lowed  to  take  a  cargo  of  grain  at  San  Diego  for  Lo- 
reto.  In  this  latter  port  the  Traveller  was  seized  on 
October  30th,  by  the  treasury  official  Francisco  Ra 
mirez,  who  managed  to  steal  a  considerable  amount 
of  property  before  the  vessel  was  released,  as  it  soon 
was  through  the  influence  of  Sola  and  Argiiello,  the 
latter  being  now  governor  of  Baja  California.  It  is 
from  the  letters  written  by  Wilcox,  chiefly  at  Guay- 
mas  while  seeking  reparation  for  the  wrongs  done 
him,  that  most  of  my  information  respecting  his  voy 
ages  is  derived.65 

The  merchantman  Bordelais  anchored  at  San  Fran 
cisco  on  August  5th,  being  the  first  vessel  carrying  the 
French  flag  that  had  ever  entered  the  port.  She  was 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Camille  de  Roquefeuil  of 
the  French  navy,  though  the  voyage  was  a  private 
and  purely  commercial  venture  to  the  Pacific  and 
round  the  world  undertaken  by  a  merchant  of  Bor 
deaux.  Roquefeuil  came  direct  from  Chile  and  Peru, 
having  in  the  former  country  rendered  important  aid 

mentioned  in  note  48.  May  9th  the  commander  at  Santa  Cruz  notifies  Sola 
that  a  vessel  has  anchored  and  wants  wood  and  water.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iii.  pt.  i.  133.  This  could  not  be  Wilcox's  vessel  if  the  date  is  correct,  and  may 
suggest  some  light  on  Alvarado's  '  capitan  Colorado. '  Wilcox  took  in  Cali 
fornia  a  draft  for  $G,946  75,  which  was  not  paid,  at  least  not  promptly,  at  Gua 
dalajara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  189. 

65  Wilcox,  Cartas  varias  sobre  sus  viar/es  en  la  cpleta  Caminantc,  1817,  MS. 
Jan.  7,  1818,  Gov.  Cordero,  of  Sonora,  informs  Sola  that  the  Caminante  has 
been  confiscated,  together  with  all  property  belonging  to  Wilcox  wherever  it 
may  be  found  in  Spanish  dominions.  Id.,  xx.  219.  In  another  letter  evidently 
from  Wilcox,  dated  October  2d,  at  Loreto,  it  is  stated  that  the  vessel  was 
taken  on  September  30th,  by  a  'desesperado  de  Lima  llamado  Francisco  Ra 
mirez,'  aided  by  the  patron  and  two  'malvados'  whom  the  governor  had  forced 
him  to  take  on  board  at  Sta  Barbara.  Himself,  Don  Guillermo  (often  men 
tioned  in  the  correspondence,  but  I  cannot  tell  who  he  was),  and  five  sailors 
had  been  put  on  shore  immediately  after  the  capture.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii. 
pt.  i.  145.  Early  in  April  1818  an  attempt  to  take  Wilcox's  schooner  out  of 
Guaymas  by  an  American  vessel  is  mentioned,  some  men  having  been  killed 
on  both  sides.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  87.  Capt.  Wilcox  wished  to 
marry  Dona  Concepcion  Argiiello,  heroine  of  the  Rezanof  romance,  and  he 
was  at  one  time  very  near  success  in  his  wooing;  but  at  last  the  lady  declined 
the  offer.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  237-8;  vi.  131-2.  March  8,  1822, 
the  secretary  of  foreign  relations  reported  that  a  patent  had  been  issued  to 
Wilcox  to  introduce  steam  engines  in  Mexico  for  the  drainage  of  mines. 
Mexico,  Mem.  Rdationes,  1822,  p.  11.  Sept.  18,  1822,  Wilcox  writes  that  he 
is  U.  S.  consul  in  Mexico,  and  intends  to  do  business  on  a  large  scale  with 
California,  monopolizing  the  trade  in  hides  and  horns.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  134. 


288          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

to  the  Spanish  victims  of  the  revolution  by  trans 
porting  them  to  a  place  of  safety.  He  was  hospitably 
treated  during  his  stay  of  nine  days  by  Arguello, 
Moraga,  and  Father  Abella;  and  he  seems  not  to 
have  met  the  slightest  obstacle  in  trading  his  goods 
for  produce,  or  even  for  the  few  otter-skins  that  were 
on  hand.66 

The  16th  of  October,  after  a  trip  to  Nootka  and  a 
call  at  Ross,  the  Bordelais  returned  for  further  barter, 
being  obliged  to  remain  till  November  20th  waiting 
for  the  recovery  of  the  crew,  four  of  whom  were  cared 
for  at  the  mission,  and  one  of  whom,  the  boatswain 
Kenom,  died  there.  Two  men  also  deserted  but  were 
re-taken.67  After  a  trip  to  the  Marquesas  and  again 
to  the  north  coasts,  Roquefeuil  made  his  appearance 
for  a  third  time  at  San  Francisco  on  September  20th, 
1818,  remaining  just  one  month.68  He  counted  on 
obtaining  produce  with  which  to  fill  a  contract  made 
in  Sitka,  and  he  did  obtain  it  through  Luis  Arguello's 
usual  disregard  for  the  governor's  instructions;  for 
Sola,  when  he  learned  that  the  expedition  was  purely 
a  commercial  one,  directed  that  she  must  submit  to 
the  regulations  and  be  content  with  the  supplies 
absolutely  needed  for  the  voyage;  though  he  subse- 

C6  Roquefeuil,  A  Voyage,  round  the  World,  betiveen  the  years  1816-19,  by  M. 
Camille  de  JRoquefeuil,  in  the  ship  Le  Bordelais,  London,  1823,  Svo,  112  pages. 
This  first  visit  to  San  Francisco  is  described  on  pp.  23-7.  Aug.  8th,  Roquefeuil 
to  Sola  enclosing  a  letter  of  recommendation  from  Cavenecia  of  Lima,  and 
asking  for  friendly  consideration  on  account  of  French  sympathy  for  the 
Spaniards  in  Chile.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  208-9.  Sept.  10th,  Sola  to  vice 
roy,  announcing  the  visit,  and  stating  that  Roquefeuil  left  4  Englishmen  (?) 
on  his  departure.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  ix.  171.  Slight  allusions  to  the  visit  in 
Morineau,  Notice,  66;  Browne's  L.  CaL,  42;  Nouv.  An.  des  Voy.,  xviii. 
240-54. 

67  RoquefemVs   Voyage,  29-40.     One  of  the  two  deserters,  named  Ostein, 
was  accused  of  an  attempt  at  mutiny  and  the  author  disposes  of  him  after  his 
re-arrest  by  saying:  'In  the  night,  the  ship  was  rid  of  Ostein;  his  removal 
gave  general  satisfaction  to  the  crew,'  leaving  his  exact  fate  to  the  imagina 
tion  of  the  reader.    Sola  mentions  the  presence  of  a  French  bark  for  9  days,  and 
her  sailing  to  the  north-west.  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xx.  180.    Oct.  25th,  Roque 
feuil  to  Sola  (in  French)  asks  permission  to  ship  a  couple  of  foreign  seamen, 
being  short-handed.  Id.,  xx.  187.     If  this  request  was  granted,  it  disposes  of 
two  of  the  foreign  residents,  one  being  perhaps  Mason. 

68  Roquffeuifs  Voyage,  105-10,     A  fire  on  the  mountains  near  Cape  Men- 
docino  explained  to  this  navigator  Miiat  La  PeYouse  had  probably  mistaken 
for  an  active  volcano — an  error  repeated  perhaps  by  Chamisso. 


FOREIGN  SETTLERS.  289 

quently  consented  to  the  sale  of  produce  for  money, 
and,  according  to  Roquefeuil,  even  consented  finally 
to  much  more  satisfactory  terms.69 

When  Roquefeuil  embarked  from  San  Francisco 
finally  for  Sitka  and  the  Islands  on  November  20th, 
he  left  two  men  at  the  mission  who  were  too  ill  to 
proceed  on  their  voyage.70  He  also  brought  to  Cali 
fornia  two  young  men,  natives  of  Spain,  whom  he  does 
not  mention,  unless  possibly  one  of  them  may  have 
been  one  of  the  two  sick  sailors,  but  who  afterward 
became  somewhat  prominent  and  respected  citizens  of 
the  province,  where  they  both  died  at  an  advanced 
age.  One  was  Jose  Fernandez,  who,  according  to  his 
own  statement,  "took  passage"  in  the  Bordelais  from 
Lima;  and  the  other  was  Antonio  Maria  Sunol,  who, 
having  shipped  as  a  sailor  for  the  round  trip,  could 
not  land  with  Fernandez  as  he  wished  when  the  ves 
sel  first  arrived,  and  was  therefore  under  the  necessity 
of  running  away  when  she  came  back.71  The  French 
navigator's  observations  respecting  the  country  as  re 
ported  in  his  narrative  are  slight.  He  noted  the 
rapid  decrease  of  the  otters  all  along  the  coast;  learned 
that  Argiiello  had  explored  the  river  '  San  Sacra 
mento  '  fifty  leagues  from  its  mouth ;  was  perhaps  the 
first  writer  to  mention  the  annual  floods  of  that  river; 

69  Sept.  22,  1818,  Sola  to  Argiiello  containing  the  usual  instructions,  to  be 
enforced  in  the  case  of  the  Bordelais.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,   ii.   94-6.     This 
Roquefeuil  says,  Voy.  106,  arrived  on  the  25th,  and  was  answered  by  an  ex 
planation  of  the  purity  of  the  trader's  intentions  and  his  belief  that  some 
enemy  had  lied  about  him.    Sept.  26th,  Sola  to  Argiiello,  consenting  to  trade 
for  money,  duties  being  paid,  and  no  padres  or  citizens  being  allowed  to  have 
anything  to  do  in  the  matter.  St.  Pap.   Sac.,  MS.,  ii.   94-6.     This  came  on 
the  28th  and  was  regarded  by  Roquefeuil,  Voy.  108,  as  'vague'  and  'tolerably 
satisfactory. '     A  circular  from  Argiiello  to  the  padres  to  furnish  grain  was 
not  obeyed;  but  on  Oct.  9th,  a  courier  came  in  from  Sola  with  'despatches  en 
tirely  satisfactory'  and  the  process  of  loading  went  on  rapidly.     The  total 
amount  of  trade  on  the  three  visits  was  $6,356,  of  which  $130  was  paid  in 
money. 

70  One  of  them  was  perhaps  Ignacio  Thomas,  described  as  an  Englishman 
left  at  San  Francisco  from  the  Bordelais,  who  remained  for  11  years  and  more. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (12). 

71  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Gal,  MS.,  67-70;   Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,i.  179- 
82.     Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  132-46,  mentions  the  arrival  at  Monterey 
late  in  1817  of  a  man-of-war  pretending  to  be  English  on  a  scientific  expedi 
tion,  but  really  one  of  Bouchard's  ships.     This  is  probably  an  error. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    19 


290 


MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 


was  told  of  the  exploits  of  the  Kadiaks  in  their  bi- 
darkas,  and  learned  of  "the  terrible  decrease  of  the 
native  race  in  the  missions  of  the  two  Californias." 
I  append  a  map  of  the  western  regions  including  Cali 
fornia  made  in  1818.  It  peculiarities  are  self-explan 
atory.72 


THE  PACIFIC  COAST  IN  1818. 

Foreign  affairs  and  maritime  annals  for  the  last 
three  years  of  the  decade,  exclusive  of  Bouchard's  in 
vasion,  the  all-absorbing  topic  of  the  period,  take  the 
form  of  a  series  of  comparatively  unimportant  items, 
which  may  be  grouped  as  follows:  In  1818  the  Amer- 

72  Drawn  by  Roberdeau  under  inspection  of  Wm  Rector,  U.  S.  Surveyor  of 
Mo.  and  111.  Published  in  Warren's  Memoir,  pi.  ii. 


RUMORS  OF  PLOTS.  291 

lean  brig  Clarion,  Captain  Gyzelaar,  formerly  of  the 
Lydia,  touched  at  Santa  Barbara  for  a  week  from 
October  6th,  obtaining  beef  and  beans,  and  leaving  a 
warning  against  the  Buenos  Aires  insurgents.73  Hu 
mors  of  war  between  Spain  and  the  United  States, 
and  of  a  projected  plan  of  American  invasion  from 
New  Mexico,  are  also  said  to  have  found  their  way  to 
California  in  the  friars'  correspondence;74  and  indeed 
Captain  Wilcox  had  been  accused  the  year  before  at 
Loreto  and  Guaymas  of  revolutionary  schemes  of 
similar  purport.  At  the  beginning  of  November  an 
English  sloop-of-war,  the  Blossom,  Hickey  commander, 
from  the  Columbia,  and  having  on  board  the  commis 
sioner  charged  with  transferring  the  northern  post  of 
Astoria  to  the  United  States,  touched  at  Monterey 
for  supplies.75  At  about  the  same  time  the  Russian 
vessels  of  Hagemeister  and  Golovnin  were  at  the  same 
port,  while  Roquefeuil  visited  San  Francisco  as  already 
recorded. 

It  need  hardly  be  added  that  Sola  issued  this  year, 
as  usual,  his  orders  to  commandants  that  foreign  ves 
sels  must  be  treated  exactly  according  to  the  laws.76 
The  Lima  vessel  Cazadora  either  came  back  to  Cali 
fornia  this  spring  or  possibly  had  wintered  on  the 
coast;77  and  on  January  24th  the  San  Ruperto,  Cap- 

73  Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  110, 134-5.  In  July  an  American  ship 
was  anchored  off  San  Pedro,  name  not  given.  Id. ,  iii.  89-90.  And  on  Sept. 
2cl  the  governor  reported  to  the  viceroy  the  arrival  of  the  American  man-of-war 
Ontario.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  197.  Jan.  7th,  Governor  Cordero  of  Sonora  to 
Sola.  The  Cossack,  for  outrages  at  Guaymas,  to  be  confiscated  if  she  appears 
in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.  xx.  218. 

7i  Taylor,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Mar.  21,  1862;  Id.,  in  Browne's  L.  Gal.,  74. 

75  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  28;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
iv.  20-1.     See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast.,  i.  330.     Commissioner  Prevost  wrote  a 
report  to  the  U.  S.  Government  from  Monterey,  dated  Nov.  12th. 

76  April  8,  1818.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  89.     A  vessel  may  be  given  water 
and  one  bullock  per  day  until  a  reply  from  the  governor  is  received.     April 
6th,  Munoz  notifies  Sola  that  he  and  other  padres  will  take  care  to  arrest  any 
agents  of  'Pepe  Botellas'  (Joseph  Bonaparte)  that  may  appear.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  44. 

77  March  5,  1818,  Sola  says  she  has  taken  2,500  butts  of  tallow  besides 
hides,  soap,  etc.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  11.     Sept.  6th,  the  arrival 
of  the  Hermosa  Americana  (Mexicana?)  is  noted.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  197. 
In  Solano  Co.  Hint.,  452,  it  is  stated  that  the  Hongua  touched  on  the  coast 
from  China  in  1818.     According  to  the  West  Shore  Gazette,  6,  7,  a  Scotch 


292          MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  CONTRABAND  TRADE. 

tain  Varela,  from  Manila,  was  driven  into  Monterey 
to  escape  the  gales  and  scurvy.  A  very  large  amount 
of  goods  was  purchased  from  her  for  the  presidios78 — 
a  god-send  for  the  soldiers,  since  "please  pay  the 
amount  due"  was  Sola's  message  to  the  viceroy. 
The  Bouchard  affair  increased  the  foreign  population 
of  the  province  by  the  addition  of  at  least  Joseph 
Chapman,  John  Rose,  and  two  negroes.79 

During  the  whole  year  of  1819  the  only  definitely 
recorded  arrival  of  vessels  were  those  of  the  San  Car 
los  and  Nueva  Reina  de  Los  Angeles,  from  San  Bias 
with  reinforcements  and  war-stores,  respecting  which 
cargo  I  have  much  to  say  elsewhere.  There  are,  how 
ever,  one  or  two  vague  references  to  the  presence  of 
an  American  schooner  on  the  coast.80  And  there  ap 
pear  in  the  archives  a  few  items,  not  without  a  certain 
interest,  concerning  the  foreign  residents  of  California 
at  this  early  date/ 


81 


sailor,  deserting  about  this  time,  settled  among  the  natives  of  Grand  Island, 
where  his  half-breed  children  were  found  in  1841.  A  stone  is  said  to  have 
been  found  on  Feather  River  in  1851  inscribed:  '  1818 — gold  cave,  in  this  M. 
Ship — Lodes,  L.  M.,'  the  inscription  being  possibly,  as  the  author  thinks,  the 
sailor's  work. 

'•*Prov.  Sec.,  MS.,  ix.  175;  xii.  147;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  9. 
The  goods  bought  in  addition  to  the  value  of  supplies  furnished  was  $13,822. 

79  See  chap.  xi.  on  the  Bouchard  affair.     Stephen  C.  Foster  has  an  interest 
ing  but  unreliable  account  of  Chapman  and  one  of  the  negroes.  Foster's  First 
American  in  Los  Angeles.     He  erroneously  calls  Chapman  the  first  American 
settler  in  California,  Doak  being  entitled  to  that  honor.     He  calls  the  negro 
Fisher  and  says  he  disappeared  in  the  mining  excitement  of  1848-9.     Some 
Calif ornians  call  the  negro  Norris.     In  June  1820  Chapman  came  to  Santa 
Ine"s,  where  he  was  employed  as  a  carpenter  and  blacksmith,  also  building  a 
grist-mill.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (84-5).     We  shall  hear  more  of  him  in 
later  years.     On  the  arrival  of  Rose  see  chap.  xi.  of  this  vol.    During  this 
decade  we  only  know  of  him  that  in  1820  he  was  removed  from  the  mission 
of  San  Diego  on  account  of  his  religious  heresies.     But  as  he  was  willing  to 
become  a  Christian,  and  was  also  a  good  mender  of  drums,  his  salvation  was 
undertaken  with  good  prospects  of  success.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  24, 
30-1;  Taylor,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  March  21,  1862.     James  Pease,  still  living  in 
1878,  is  said  to  have  come  in  1818,  North  S.   Juan   Times,  April  3,  1875; 
Browne's  Statement,  18-19. 

80  Jan.  31,  1819,  Padre  Rodriguez  writes  of  a  two-masted  vessel  off  Pt  San 
Simeon,  which  after  taking  many  lobos  marinos  sailed  toward   Monterey. 
Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  55-6.   June  12th,  Guerra  reports  the  illegal  sale  of 
grain  and  cattle  to  an  American  schooner  at  San  Pedro  by  Manuel  Gutierrez, 
the  guard  being  bribed.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  141-2. 

81  Oct.  20th,  Viceroy  Venadi'to  sends  permission  to  marry  and  settle  in 
California,  according  to  the  Ley  de  Indias,  to  Juan  Maria  (Mulligan?),  an 
Irish  weaver,  and  others.     Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  1.     Jan.  6th,  Sola  ap- 


END  OF  THE  DECADE.  293 

For  1820  the  maritime  annals  are  slightly  more  ex 
tensive,  since  there  were  no  less  than  five  Spanish 
craft  on  the  coast.  In  May  there  came  the  San  Fran 
cisco  de  Paula,  or  Dos  Hermanos,  Captain  Bias  Cosio, 
from  Mazatlan,  and  the  Cleopatra,  well  manned,  and 
armed  probably  as  an  escort.  They  brought  an  as 
sorted  cargo  and  some  money,  but  failed  to  get  as 
much  tallow  as  was  expected  even  from  debtors.82 

From  September  to  November  there  were  three 
vessels  in  the  ports,  the  Europa  from  Callao ;  the  Seno- 
riano,  Captain  Juan  Malarin;  and  the  San  Francisco 
Javier,  or  Alcion,  the  two  latter  apparently  from  San 
Bias,  all  with  goods  and  coin  to  exchange  for  tallow 
and  soap.83  Four  Russian  vessels  visited  Californian 
ports,  the  Sulddkofaxid  Ilmen  touching  at  Monterey 
in  August,  and  the  Otkruitie  and  Blagonamerinie  at 
San  Francisco  in  November.  The  only  other  foreign 
craft  was  the  British  whaler  Discovery  at  San  Diego, 
in  quest  of  fresh  provisions  in  August.84 

proves  the  carrying  of  the  American  prisoner,  who  was  at  San  Miguel,  to 
Santa  Barbara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  28.  Sept.  16th,  bishop 
of  Sonora  replies  to  Payeras  about  the  baptism  of  an  English  protestant  named 
Thomas  Cucar.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CW.,MS.,  xxviii.  26. 

82 Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  v.  207-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  54.  Ignacio 
Mancisidor  seems  to  have  been  connected  with  this  venture.  He  sold  $2,254 
worth  of  goods.  Prov.  St.  Pap,,  MS.,  xx.  273. 

83 St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  21-2,  57;  vi.  19;  xviii.  33;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Gust.  H.,  MS.,  i.  17,  39;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iii.  44;  iv.  58;  vi.  139. 
Guerra  got  an  invoice  of  $10,441  on  the  Senoriano,  and  sent  by  her  $9,802  in 
tallow.  The  Europa  had  $4,000  in  goods.  The  governor  speaks  of  the  three 
vessels  as  English.  Feb.  22d,  viceroy  advises  Sola  that  Jose"  Garcia  Berdugo 
of  Cadiz  has  license  to  send  a  commercial  expedition  to  Pacific  ports.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  283.  The  Reina  on  the  coast  (?).  Dept.  Rec.,  i.  273. 

^Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xlvi.  18.  The  captain's  name  is  given  as  Vig. 
Torres,  Peripetias,  MS.,  132,  speaks  of  a  negro  slave  woman  brought  from 
Peru  in  1828,  but  who  went  back  later.  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  state 
ment  in  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth,  40-1;  Yuba  Go.  Hist.,  27,  and  other  works, 
that  in  1820  hunters  and  trappers  found  their  way  from  the  east  into  Califor 
nia.  According  to  Sacramento  Record-Union,  Aug.  4,  1877,  Major  Stirling^ 
living  at  Sta  Rosa  in  1877,  came  to  the  California  coast  for  the  first  time  in  1820. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

RUSSIANS  IK  CALIFORNIA— FOUNDATION  AND   PROGRESS  OF 

FORT  ROSS. 

1811-1820. 

PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  COMPANY — KUSKOF'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  BODEGA — SECOND 
VISIT — FOUNDING  OF  Ross — MORAGA'S  THREE  VISITS  TO  Ross— SLOBOD- 
CHIKOF'S  TRAFFIC — VICEROY'S  ORDERS — EXCUSES — MORAGA'S  REPORT — 
CAPTURE  OF  THE  'PEDLER'— ARGUELLO'S  POLICY — THE  '&UWAROF'  AT 
SAN  FRANCISCO — VISIT  OF  KUSKOF  IN  THE  'CHIRIKOF' — SOLA'S  POLICY  ~ 
THE  'ILMEN'— CAPTURE  OF  ELIOT  DE  CASTRO,  TARAKANOF,  AND  ALEUTS 
— KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT— GERVASIO  ARGUELLO  AT  Ross— CONFERENCE  AT 
THE  PRESIDIO — PADUSHKIN  AT  MONTEREY— THE  RUSSIANS  MUST  Go — 
A  TERRITORIAL  CLAIM— HAGEMEISTER'S  VISIT — VISITS  OF  GOLOVNIN  AND 
KHLEBNIKOF— RUMORS  OF  CESSION — PROPOSITION  TO  ABANDON  Ross. 

KUSKOF  in  behalf  of  the  Russian  fur  company  had 
spent  the  spring  and  summer  of  1809  at  Bodega. 
The  company  had  determined  with  imperial  encour 
agement  not  only  to  secure  the  Californian  trade,  but 
to  found  an  agricultural  and  commercial  supply  station 
on  the  New  Albion  coast,  with  a  hope,  rather  than  a 
definite  purpose,  to  acquire  eventually  territory  south 
of  San  Francisco,  the  northern  limit  of  Spanish  pos 
sessions  as  it  pleased  the  Russians  to  regard  the 
matter.  A  proclamation  to  the  Californian  people 
had  been  forwarded  from  St  Petersburg  to  Sitka; 
and  Kuskof  had  attempted  unsuccessfully  to  make  a 
new  expedition  to  California  in  1810.  Such  was  the 
situation  when  in  a  former  chapter  I  dropped  the 
thread  of  Russian  annals.1 

The  proclamation  was  couched  in  the  most  concili 
atory  terms  and  was  intended  to  put  the  advantages 

1  See  chap.  iv.  this  volume. 

(291) 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  COMPANY.  295 

of  mutual  trade  in  the  most  tempting  light.  Some 
time  before  March  1812,  exactly  when  and  how  does 
not  appear,  the  document  was  received  in  Lower 
California  and  perhaps  in  the  north.2  A  reply  was 

2  According  to  the  Russian  authorities  it  was  sent  down  by  Captain  Ayres, 
or  by  a  confidential  agent  who  sailed  in  his  vessel,  in  1812,  and  was  forwarded 
to  the  commandant  at  San  Vicente,  Manuel  Luis  (Ruiz),  whose  answer  is 
quoted  without  a  date.  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  205;  Potechin,  Selenie 
Ross,  8.  Capt.  Ayres  in  the  Mercury  was  at  Drake  Bay  in  November  1810, 
and  was  captured  at  Santa  Barbara  early  in  June  1813.  Of  his  whereabouts 
in  the  mean  time  nothing  is  definitely  known,  but  he  may  have  come  down 
from  the  north  at  the  end  of  1811.  March  26,  1812,  Ruiz  at  San  Vicente, 
writing  to  a  person  not  named,  probably  the  confidential  agent  alluded  to, 
acknowledges  the  receipt  of  the  proclamation  in  three  different  languages. 
He  says  he  has  forwarded  the  documents  to  Gov.  Goycoechea,  but  feels  sure 
that  no  trade  will  be  permitted  by  the  ruler  of  either  California  with  any 
foreign  power  however  friendly,  or  whatever  may  be  the  advantages  of  such 
trade,  except  with  the  permission  of  Fernando  VII.,  or  the  junta  de  la  regen- 
cia.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  332-3.  The  text  of  the  proclamation,  given 
in  Spanish  and  Latin  in  Id.,  xix.  271-3,  and  in  Russian  in  Potechin,  Selenie 
Ross,  4-5,  is  as  follows:  'Health,  Happiness,  and  the  Blessing  of  the  All- 
Powerful  to  our  friends  and  neighbors  the  noble  and  brave  Spaniards,  inhab 
itants  of  the  Calif ornias,  to  whom  is  addressed  this  official  communication. 
From  the  General  Directory  of  the  Russian  American  Company  under  the 
immediate  protection  of  his  Majesty  the  emperor,  autocrat  of  all  the  Russias, 
Alexander  ,1. ' 

'  You  know  the  good  understanding  and  friendship  that  have  always  ex 
isted  between  the  two  grand  powers  of  Russia  and  Spain.  Now  when  all 
Europe  is  involved  in  wars,  these  two  nations  still  continue  to  esteem  each 
other  and  to  preserve  their  ancient  friendship.  In  the  year  1806  there 
arrived  at  the  port  of  San  Francisco  Don  Nicolas  de  Rezanof,  Chamberlain  of 
His  Imperial  Majesty,  share-holder  and  Agent  of  the  Russian  American 
Company  of  which  the  undersigned  are  Directors,  charged  with  establishing 
some  communications  between  the  Californias  and  the  colonies  of  the  R.  A. 
Co.  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  On  his  return  he  told  us  of  the  kind  reception 
which  he  had  merited  on  those  shores.  Gov.  Jos4  de  Arrillaga,  although  he 
did  not  refuse  the  propositions,  did  not  dare  to  make  an  agreement,  since  the 
Court  of  Madrid  had  not  permitted  it  and  did  not  wish  foreigners  to  come  to 
those  coasts;  still  he  promised  Rezanof  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  Viceroy 
of  Mexico.  Our  Court,  desirous  of  establishing  these  mercantile  relations, 
ordered  overtures  made  to  that  of  Madrid  which  arrived  at  that  unlucky 
time  when  the  king,  Carlos  IV. ,  renounced  his  crown  and  Spain's  great  mis 
fortunes  began;  so  that  down  to  the  present  time  it  has  not  been  possible  to 
secure  the  results  of  this  negotiation  which  could  not  have  failed  to  give 
mutual  satisfaction.  The  actual  condition  of  Europe  in  general  and  of  Spain 
in  particular  gives  rise  to  the  presumption  that  there  is  to-day  no  impedi 
ment  to  the  admission  of  the  Russians  to  the  coast,  especially  since  their 
object  serves  the  interests  of  both  parties.  With  this  view  we  have  ordered 
the  Governor  of  the  colonies,  the  Counsellor  and  Chevalier  D.  Alexander 
Baranof,  resident  in  the  island  of  Kadiak,  lately  Sitka,  to  send  a  ship  with 
some  merchandise  under  the  command  of  a  subordinate  of  his,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  establishing  commercial  relations  with  our  noble  and  esteemed  neigh 
bors,  and  of  supplying  them  with  various  lines  of  goods  which  they  need  and 
we  can  procure  for  them,  taking  in  exchange  grain,  tallow,  cattle,  and  other 
productions  which  there  abound.  We  contemplate  sending  another  ship  to 
California  from  this  city  around  the  world  as  soon  as  circumstances  may  per- 


296  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

elicited  from  Comandante  Ruiz  of  La  Frontera,  and 
perhaps  from  the  governor,  refusing  to  permit  trade 
contrary  to  the  laws  without  the  consent  of  the  au 
thorities  at  Madrid. 

Meanwhile  the  energetic  chief  director  had  not 
neglected  his  plans  for  the  New  Albion  settlement. 
On  February  2,  1811,  perhaps  before  the  receipt  of 
any  definite  instructions  from  St  Petersburg,  Baranof 
despatched  Kuskof  on  the  Chirikqf  for  Bodega,  where 
he  arrived  the  4th  of  March.  Few  details  have  been 
preserved  respecting  this  visit.  Otter  were  not  plen 
tiful  at  Bodega  at  that  time,  and  therefore  twenty- 
two  bidarkas  were  sent  into  San  Francisco  Bay,  where 
hunting  was  carried  on  for  some  months  in  company 
with  two  other  parties  of  Aleuts  from  the  Isabella 
and  Albatross*  with  a  result  of  1,200  otter-skins  for 
Kuskof's  party.  The  Russians  say  that  though  the 
Spaniards  could  do  nothing  at  first  to  interrupt  this 
wholesale  poaching,  they  at  last  hit  upon  the  expedi 
ent  of  guarding  the  springs  of  fresh  water  and  thus 
forced  the  Aleuts  to  withdraw.  The  Spanish  records 
rather  strangely  contain  nothing  on  this  topic.  Dur 
ing  the  absence  of  his  hunters  the  commander  seems 
to  have  devoted  his  attention  to  the  conciliation  of 
the  natives  and  to  the  exploration  of  the  region  round 
Bodega  Bay,  or  Rumiantzof  Bay  as  the  Russians 
called  it  in  honor  of  the  imperial  chancellor.  The  site 
for  a  settlement  selected  by  means  of  this  and  previ 
ous  explorers,  or  possibly  not  finally  determined  on 
until  the  next  year,  was  about  eighteen  miles  above 
the  bay,  where,  though  there  was  no  good  anchorage, 
all  other  advantages  of  soil,  timber,  water,  and  pas 
turage  were  much  better  than  at  Bodega.  It  is  said 

mit  and  there  be  no  danger  from  foes,  since  all  Europe  is  now  belligerent. 
Yours,  etc.,  etc.     (Signed)  Michael  Buldakof,  Benedict  Kremer. 
'St  Petersburg,  March  15,  1810.' 

3  See  chap.  v.  of  this  volume  for  brief  notice  from  the  Spanish  re^rcls 
of  the  presence  of  this  bidarka  fleet  in  the  bay.  Kuskof's  visit  is  not  other 
wise  mentioned  by  the  Spaniards.  The  log-book  of  the  Albatross  does  not 
mention  any  visit  of  Winship's  men  to  San  Francisco  Bay,  but  it  is  not  un 
likely  that  they  were  there. 


KUSKOF  AT  BODEGA.  297 

that  the  valley  of  the  Slavianka,  or  Russian  River, 
called  by  the  natives  Shabaikai,  was  examined  for  fifty 
miles,  but  no  better  location  could  be  found. 

The  native  chiefs  were  made  friends  by  the  distri 
bution  of  petty  gifts,  and  there  is  not  much  doubt 
that  they  made,  either  now  or  the  next  year,  some 
kind  of  a  formal  cession  of  territory  to  the  new-comers. 
The  price  paid,  according  to  the  statement  of  the 
natives  in  later  years,  as  Pay  eras  tells  us,  was  three 
blankets,  three  pairs  of  breeches,  two  axes,  three  hoes, 
and  some  beads.  Always  more  or  less  hostile  to  the 
Spaniards  and  to  their  brethren  under  Spanish  rule, 
the  natives  were  indeed  glad  to  have  the  strangers 
come  as  allies  and  protectors.  In  later  disputes  the 
Russians  dwelt  upon  this  cession  as  one  of  the  strong 
est  elements  in  their  title — so  expedient  has  it  always 
been  found  in  the  New  World  to  affirm  the  natives' 
right  of  ownership  where  the  soil  could  be  bought  for 
a  song,  and  to  deny  it  when  forcible  possession  must 
be  taken.  Having  obtained  a  supply  of  sea-lion  meat 
from  the  Farallones,  Kuskof  sailed  for  the  north  the 
first  of  July,  reaching  Sitka  the  8th  of  August.4 

Meanwhile  Bardnof  probably  received  from  St 
Petersburg  expected  instructions  to  found  the  settle 
ment  without  further  delay.  At  all  events,  late  in 
1811,  or  possibly  early  in  1812,5  he  once  more  de 
spatched  Kuskof  in  the  Chirikof  with  all  that  was 
deemed  necessary  for  the  foundation  of  the  new 
establishment.  There  were  in  the  company  ninety- 
five  men  of  Russian  blood,  including  twenty-five 
mechanics,  and  probably  eighty  Aleuts  in  a  hunting- 
fleet  of  forty  bidarkas.6  The  arrival  seems  to  have 

*  Khttbnikof,  Zapiski,  11,  138;  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  208;  Potechin, 
SelenieRoss,  5-6;  Payeras,  Noticias  sobre  Ross,  MS.,  429-30. 

5Khle"bnikof  says  it  was  in  November  1811;  Tikhme'nef  and  Potechin, 
March  1812,  alluding  perhaps,  however,  to  the  arrival  at  Bodega. 

6  All  authorities  agree  on  the  40  bidarkas,  and  there  were  doubtless  as  usual 
two  hunters  to  each  boat.  Khl6bnikof,  Zapiski,  137-8,  gives  the  number  of 
Russians  as  95.  The  Spaniards  reported  the  number  as  about  100.  Mofras, 
Exploration,  ii.  3,  states  that  there  were  100  Russians  and  100  Kadiak  Ind 
ians,  and  this  statement,  not  very  inaccurate,  has  been  generally  followed  by 


298  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

been  in  March  or  April  of  1812,  though  of  this  and 
immediately  succeeding  events  there  is  no  detailed 
record.  The  Aleuts  were  sent  out  to  hunt  otter  along 
the  coast,  apparently  with  instructions  not  to  enter 
San  Francisco  Bay,  for  it  was  best  not  to  offend  the 
Spaniards  just  at  this  time.7 

The  Russians  prepared  timber  for  several  months. 
When  all  was  ready  the  Aleuts  were  recalled  to  aid  the 
mechanics,  and  everybody  went  to  work  with  a  will  on  a 
fort  and  other  necessary  buildings,  and  in  the  course  of 
a  few  months  a  fortified  village  had  arisen  on  the  shores 
of  New  Albion.  The  site,  selected  probably  during  the 
previous  visit,  was  some  eighteen  miles  above  Bodega 
Bay,  called  by  the  natives  Mad-shui-nui,  in  latitude  38° 
33',  longitude  123°  15',  according  to  Russian  observa 
tions,  and  the  fort  with  its  ten  cannons  was  erected 
on  a  bluff  some  hundred  feet  or  more  above  the  sea. 
Of  the  buildings  and  surroundings  I  shall  have  more 
to  say  later.  All  was  completed  and  ready  for  occu 
pation  early  in  September.8  On  September  10th,  or 

American  writers.  A  large  part  of  the  Russians  seem  to  have  been  sent  back 
to  the  north  after  a  little. 

7  Yet  several  bidarkas  were  seen  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  bay  during  the 
month  of  July,  and  were  supposed  to  belong  to  the  vessel  reported  at  Bodega. 
So  says  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco  to  the  governor  in  his  letter  of 
July  31st.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  322-3. 

8  According  to  Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  127-9,  the  Chirikof,  Beuseman 
master,  sailed  from  Sitka  in  November  1811.     Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie, 
i.  208,  says  Kuskof  returned  to  New  Albion  in  March  1812.     He  gives  lat. 
38°,  long.  123°.     Khle"bnikof,  Zapiski,  11,  137-8,  says  Kuskof  sailed  in  Nov. 
1811,  and  began  the  settlement  in  June.    He  gives  the  latitude  and  longitude 
as  in  my  text.    On  p.  167  he  seems  to  say  either  that  the  fort  was  established 
on  March  26th,  in  lat.  38°  40',  at  Mad-shui-nui,  or  that  the  vessel  left  Sitka 
on  that  date;  but  I  think  that  this  was  probably  the  date  of  arrival.     Pote- 
chin,  Selenie  Rons,  5-6,  says  that  the  fur  company  sent  out  the  expedition  in 
February  1812,  and  that  Kuskof  founded  the  settlement  on  May  26th.     Mo- 
raga  late  in  August  reported  that  the  Russians  had  arrived  five  months  before, 
or  in  March.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  324-6. 

The  works  named  are  my  authorities  on  the  foundation  of  the  Russian  set 
tlement.  American  and  other  writers  mention  the  foundation  briefly  and 
often  incorrectly  in  connection  with  subsequent  history  down  to  1841.  Cro- 
nise,  Natural  Wealth  of  Gal.,  37,  tells  us  that  in  1820  the  Russians  formed  a 
settlement  on  the  river  Sebastian  40  miles  north  of  Bodega,  called  by  them 
Slawianska,  by  the  settlers  Fort  Ross,  and  now  known  as  Mount  Ross ! 
Greenhow,  Hist.  Or.,  18,  says  the  Russians  formed  an  establishment  on 
the  shore  of  the  northern  branch  of  Bodega  Bay  in  1812,  and  some  years  later 
another  called  Ross  30  miles  north  of  Bodega.  Manuel  Castro,  Relation  de 
Alta  Cal.,  MS.,  83,  informs  us  that  Ross  was  established  under  a  special 


FOUNDING  OF  ROSS.  299 

August  30th  of  the  Russian  calendar,9  the  'name-day' 
of  Emperor  Alexander,  the  establishment  was  for 
mally  dedicated  with  great  festivities  and  named  Ross, 
from  the  root  of  the  name  Russia,  a  word  extending 
far  back  into  antiquity.10 

Thus  the  company's  cherished  plan  for  gaining  a 
footing  on  the  California  coast  was  brought  to  a  suc 
cessful  issue,  and  as  yet  without  opposition  either 
from  the  natives,  whom  the  new-comers  chose  to 
regard  as  the  owners  of  the  country,11  or  from  the 
Spaniards,  whom  they  affected  to  look  upon  as  neigh- 
treaty  between  Spain  and  Russia  in  1815,  and  was  occupied  by  500  men  until 
the  term  of  the  treaty  had  expired !  Chamisso,  Reise,  i.  131-2,  says  Kuskof 
settled  with  20  Russians  and  50  Kadiaks  in  a  fine  fort  with  12  cannon.  Such 
was  probably  about  the  force  at  the  time  of  his  visit.  Fe"dix,  L' Oregon, 
109-10,  has  it  that  the  Russians  obtained  permission  to  build  houses  from  the 
governor  of  California,  who  afterwards  repented  but  was  not  strong  enough 
to  expel  the  unwelcome  guest.  Scala,  L'Ancien  Comptoir  Russe,  381-2,  states 
that  the  Russians  in  1814  fortified  the  entrance  of  Bodega  Bay,  and  built  a 
village  to  which  they  gave  the  mystic  name  of  Ross;  while  hundreds  of  Cibo- 
leros  roamed  through  the  interior  hunting  buffaloes  to  supply  meat  for  the  far 
north !  Kotzebue,  New  Voyage,  ii.  120-3,  erroneously  represents  that  the 
Spaniards  for  a  small  compensation  acquiesced  in  the  Russian  plans  and  only 
made  trouble  when  they  were  alarmed  at  the  prosperity  of  Ross,  becoming 
again  friendly  when  the  Russians  firmly  refused  to  yield  to  their  pretensions. 
For  other  mentions  containing  no  errors  requiring  notice,  see  Vallejo,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  i.  105-7;  Fernandez,  Cosas  deCal.,  MS.,  24-5;  Randolph's  Oration, 
311;  TuthiWs  Hist.  Gal.,  119-20;  Thompson's  Hist.  Sonoma,  8-10;  Estab. 
Rusos.,  MS.,  1-4;  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  363-74;  Harm  Co.  Hist.,  36,  45;  Lan- 
cey's  Cruise  of  the  Dale,  31. 

9  Twelve  days  must  be  added  to  a  Russian  date  to  make  it  conform  to  the 
Roman  calendar;  but  in  Alaska  11  da,ys  suffice,  for  the  loss  of  a  day  in  com 
ing  eastward  from  St  Petersburg  was  never  taken  into  account  until  Alaska 
was  tranferred  to  the  U.  S. 

10  It  is  thought  that  Ross  may  be  identical  with  the  Hebrew  rosh  of  Eze- 
Iciel,  xxxviii.  2;  xxxix.  1,  translated  'chief  in  the  English  version,  with  the 
'  Ros '  of  the  Byzantine  writers,  and  with  the  '  Rus '  people  on  the  Volga. 
According  to  the  Arabian  tradition,  Ros  was  a  son  of  Japhet.     However  this 
may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  Russians  were  formerly  known  as  the  '  people 
of  Ross,'  and  their  country  is  still  Rossiia,  or  Russia  in  English.     Galitzin, 
Notice  Blorj.  surBaranoff,  in  Nouv.  An.  des  Vpy.,  cxxv.  245,  says:  'The name  of 
Ross  is  derived  from  the  word  Russiia,  Russia. '    Belcher,  Voyage,  i.  313,  says 
it  means  'Little  Russia.'    Khlebnikof  tells  us  the  place  was  called  Slavensk, 
or  Ross.     Some  very  absurd  derivations  have  been  given  by  late  writers,  as 
for  instance  that  from  the  Spanish  'Fuerte  de  los  Rusos,' as  corrupted  by 
Americans !  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  374;  and  Harper's  Hag.,  Ixvi.  192. 

11  The  Indians  were  friendly  and  at  first  came  often  to  the  fort ;   but 
Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  6-7,  tells  us  that  gradually  the  visits,  especially  of  the 
men,  became  more  and  more  rare.     Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  12,  men 
tions  an  attack  on  the  settlement  by  a  Sotoyome  chief  soon  after  the  coming 
of  the  Russians,  easily  repelled  by  a  few  discharges  of  musketry.    This  writer 
thinks  the  Russians  entitled  to  some  credit  for  having  helped  to  keep  the 
northern  Indians  in  check. 


300 


RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 


bors,  dwellers  in  another  country,  California,  sepa 
rated  from  New  Albion  by  San  Francisco  Bay.  The 
latter,  however,  were  by  no  means  ignorant  of  what 
was  being  done  at  Bodega,  though  in  no  condition 
to  interfere.  In  July  Comandante  Argiiello  noticed 
bidarkas  in  the  bay,  and  sending  out  native  scouts, 
learned  that  a  vessel  was  on  the  beach  north  of  Bo 
dega.  On  August  25th  Moraga  was  sent  with  seven 
men  to  investigate.  He  came  back  September  1st  and 


BODEGA  AND  ROSS. 

reported  that  the  vessel  was  a  small  schooner  stranded, 
or  beached  for  repairs,  eight  leagues  above  Bodega, 
and  that  she  was  in  bad  condition.  Kuskofs  eighty 
men  were  in  great  want  of  food;  the  Russians  who 
had  been  in  the  country  for  five  months,  had  built  a 
fort  protected  by  artillery,  and  apparently  intended  to 
remain.  Moraga,  whose  visit  was  just  before  the 
dedication  of  the  fort,  was  courteously  received,  but 
communication  for  want  of  an  interpreter  was  difficult. 


MORAGA  VISITS  ROSS.  301 

On  his  return  he  was  sent  to  Monterey  with  a  letter 
from  Argiiello,  and  to  report  in  person  to  the  gov 
ernor;  but  of  the  additional  information  thus  imparted 
we  only  know  of  Kuskof's  desire  to  trade  for  grain, 
meat,  and  tallow.12  Russian  authorities  say  nothing 
of  the  difficulty  of  communication,  but  state  that  Mo- 
raga  made  a  complete  inspection  of  the  settlement, 
received  full  explanations  of  the  company's  plans,  was 
shown  the  instructions  of  the  chief  directory,  and 
promised  to  use  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  desired 
trade.13  There  was  no  further  intercourse  between 
the  Russians  and  Spaniards  in  1812,  except  that  early 
in  December  a  flag  was  noticed  across  the  bay  from 
San  Francisco,  and  a  sergeant  crossing  in  a  launch 
brought  back  three  Russians  found  on  the  beach  in  a 
state  of  starvation.  They  had  deserted  from  Ross  in 
consequence  of  the  great  want  experienced  there. 
Their  vessel  was  still  aground,  they  said;  and  Kuskof 
was  hard  at  work  on  his  buildings;  but  they  claimed 
to  know  nothing  whatever  of  the  object  of  the  settle 
ment.14 

Moraga  went  back  to  Ross  late  in  January  1813, 
where  he  conferred  with  Kuskof  about  trade,  was 
shown  a  copy  of  the  proclamation  of  1810,  and  ac 
quainted  himself  with  the  details  of  the  plans  of  the 
strangers.  He  returned  January  27th,  and  four  days 
later  was  sent  to  report  at  Monterey  the  Russian  de 
sire  for  traffic,  bearing  also  a  letter  in  which  the  des 
titution  of  the  troops  was  vividly  described,  doubtless 
as  the  strongest  argument  in  favor  of  the  proposed 
trade.  Arrillaga  communicated  to  the  viceroy  the 
result  of  Moraga's  two  visits.15  There  is  not  a  word 

12  July  31, 1812,  and  Sept.  7th,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xix.  322-6;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  128-9. 

13  Tikhmencf,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  212-13;  Potechin,  Selenie  Boss,  7.    These 
writers  seem  to  make  the  date  of  Moraga's  visit  October. 

"Dec.  16,  1812,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS., 
xliii.  8-9. 

15 Jan.  31,  1813,  Arguello  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  343-4. 
Jan.  25th,  Moraga  at  'Nova  Rosa,  six  leagues  north  of  Bodega,'  certifies  to  a 


302  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

in  the  Spanish  record  to  indicate  that  the  governor 
or  commandant  had  consented  or  would  consent  to 
any  trade  without  the  viceroy's  permission;  yet  the 
Russians  state  that  Moraga  on  this  second  visit 
brought  not  only  twenty  cattle  and  three  horses  as  a 
gift,  but  also  the  verbal  announcement,  as  welcome 
as  unexpected,  that  Arrillaga  had  consented  to  an  ex 
change  of  commodities  on  condition  that  pending  the 
viceroy's  decision,  the  company's  vessels  should  not 
enter  the  ports,  but  transfer  goods  in  boats.  Accord 
ingly  Kuskof  at  once  despatched  his  clerk  Slobod- 
chikof  to  San  Francisco  with  a  cargo  which,  in  the 
manner  prescribed  and  to  the  value  of  $14,000,  was 
exchanged  for  bread-stuffs.  Trade  was  thus  continued 
for  some  time,  but  no  particulars  are  given.  That 
this  traffic  was  allowed,  considering  the  urgent  needs 
of  California,  is  not  strange ;  nor  is  the  silence  of  the 
Spanish  record  to  be  wondered  at,  since  the  trade 
was  illicit.  There  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  the  ac 
curacy  of  the  Russian  statement.16 

The  viceroy  in  the  mean  time  learned  indirectly 
through  the  authorities  of  Lower  California  and  New 
Galicia  that  the  Russians  were  at  Bodega,  and  on 
July  9th  he  wrote  to  Arrillaga  instructing  him  to  ob 
serve  closely  the  movements  of  the  strangers,  and 
ascertain  their  designs.  He  did  not  apprehend  any 
hostilities  on  the  part  of  Russia  in  view  of  friendly 
international  relations,  but  he  feared  the  intruders 
might  be  other  than  they  seemed  and  connected  with 
Anglo-American  designs  upon  California,17  Three 
weeks  later,  having  learned  the  true  state  of  affairs 
from  the  governor's  letter,  the  viceroy  wrote  again 

copy  of  the  proclamation  of  March  15,  1810,  shown  him  at  that  date  by 
Kuskof,  or  Coscof,  as  the  Spaniards  called  him.  Id.,  344.  Feb  4th,  Arrillaga 
to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  128-9. 

16  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  213;  Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  7. 

17 July  9,  1813,  viceroy  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  333-5. 
Manuel  Varela,  commanding  the  Bostoms,  told  the  commandant  of  San  Bias 
that  he  had  seen  a  communication  of  Arrillaga  to  the  governor  of  Lower  Cal 
ifornia  on  this  subject.  From  San  Bias  the  news  went  to  Gen.  Cruz  of  New 
Galicia,  who  forwarded  it  to  the  V.  R.  in  a  letter  of  May  26th. 


THE  RUSSIANS  MUST  GO.  303 

enclosing  the  treaty  of  July  20,  1812,  between  Spain 
and  Russia.  Kuskof  was  to  be  notified  at  once  that 
the  company's  occupation  of  Spanish  territory  was  a 
clear  violation  of  the  treaty;  reminded  that  it  was  a 
duty  of  the  subjects  of  friendly  powers  not  to  embroil 
their  respective  courts;  and  requested  to  remove  his 
establishment  before  the  matter  was  brought  to  the 
attention  of  the  national  authorities.  Meanwhile  the 
Russians  were  to  be  closely  watched,  and  the  military 
authorities  of  the  peninsula  and  the  western  Interior 
Provinces  were  to  be  ready  to  furnish  aid  in  case  of  an 
emergency.18 

These  communications  reached  California  early  in 
1814,  and  in  April  Moraga,  with  Gervasio  Argiiello 
and  an  escort,  was  sent  a  third  time  to  Ross  bear 
ing  letters  in  which  Arrillaga  made  known  to  Kus 
kof  the  viceregal  instructions.19  The  Russian  com 
mander  was  thus  placed  in  a  difficult  position,  and  he 
thought  it  best  to  make  no  definite  answer  until  he 
could  hear  from  Bardnof  and  Luis  Argtiello.  Accord 
ingly  he  waited  until  June  20th  before  he  answered 
the  governor's  letter,  which  even  with  Moraga's  ex 
planations  he  claimed  not  to  understand  sufficiently 
to  justify  official  action.  It  was  always  with  great 
difficulty  that  either  Russians  or  Spaniards  could  be 
made  to  understand  an  unwelcome  message  in  a  for 
eign  language.  Having  thus  disposed  of  the  main 
subject,  Kuskof  proceeded  to  offer  Arrillaga  as  a  gift 
a  tent  formerly  left  at  San  Francisco,  and  closed  his 
letter  by  making  a  formal  demand  for  the  return  of 
certain  Kadiak  captives  who  it  was  claimed  had  en- 

18  Aug.  3d,  viceroy  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  330-1. 

19  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  i.  214.     Arrillaga's  letter  as  quoted  by  Potechin, 
Selenie  Ross,  8-10,  calls  only  for  a  circumstantial  statement  for  the  viceroy's 
information  of  all  that  the  company  had  done  or  proposed  to  do,  and  of  the 
authority  under  which  the  settlement  was  formed;  therefore  it  is  possible  that 
only  the  V.  R.'s  first  letter  had  been  received  and  was  sent  up  by  Moraga;  yet 
had  this  been  the  case  and  an  explanation  only  been  demanded,   Kuskof 
would  naturally  have  furnished  it  as  he  had  done  before,  and  would  hardly 
have  been  obliged  to  fall  back  on  his  ignorance  of  Spanish. 


304  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

tered  the  bay  to  escape  the  storm  with  no  evil  inten 
tion,  and  of  certain  others  who  had  deserted  from 
Fort  Ross.  To  Argiiello  in  a  letter  of  the  same  date 
he  sent  back  a  Spanish  letter  to  be  interpreted,  and 
repeated  his  demand  for  the  release  of  captives. 
These  letters  were  carried  down  to  San  Francisco  by 
the  agent  Slobodchikof,  who  went  after  grain  still  due 
and  with  a  small  cargo  of  goods  for  traffic.20  It  was 
hoped  that  the  trouble  caused  by  the  viceroy's  orders 
would  blow  over  and  that  trade  might  proceed.  It 
was  the  company's  policy  to  keep  its  affairs  in  Cali 
fornia  as  quiet  as  possible  at  St  Petersburg  and  Mad 
rid,  and  by  no  means  to  cause  a  quarrel  between  the 
two  courts,  an  easy  task  on  account  of  the  disturbed 
condition  of  Spain,  and  to  trust  for  the  permanence 
and  prosperity  of  Fort  Ross  to  the  revolutionary  con 
dition  and  consequent  weakness  of  Mexico,  and  to  the 
good  will  and  needs  of  the  Californians.  The  pre 
tence  of  an  equitable  right  to  any  part  of  the  Califor- 
nian  territory  was  an  idea  of  later  growth.21  Moraga 
on  July  30th  made  out  from  his  recent  observations 
a  full  report  on  the  establishment  of  Ross,  particularly 
on  the  strength  of  its  defences.22 

The  capture  of  the  American  smuggler  Mercury, 
Captain  Ay  res,  in  the  preceding  year,  though  she  had 
been  for  years  in  the  service  of  the  company,  if  not 
still  in  that  service,  seems  not  to  have  had  any  bearing 
on  the  Russian  question.  This  year,  however,  another 

20  June  20,  1814,  Kuskof  to  Arrillaga  and  Argiiello  (written  in  Russian). 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  365-7.     It  is  perhaps  worth  noticing  that  the  tent 
offered  to  the  governor  and  which  Kuskof  took  pains  to  represent  as  having 
been  left  at  San  Francisco  by  carelessness,  was  really  sent  down  from  Ross 
with  the  letters. 

21  Raynal,  Hist.  Philosophique,  xii.  705-6,  tells  us  of  secret  negotiations  at 
the  Vienna  congress  of  1814  between  the  ministers  of  Russia  and  Spain  as  a 
result  of  which  some  part  of  California  was  ceded  to  Russia.     England  pene 
trated  the  secret  but  did  not  reveal  it.     I  suppose  this  to  be  without  founda 
tion.    Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  6,  says  that  Capt.  Black  (of  the  English 
ship  Raccoon),  who  refitted  at  San  Francisco  in  1814,  hinted  to  Slobodchikof, 
as  shown  by  Kuskof 's  report  of  July  IS,  1814,  that  the  occupation  of  Ross 
was  a  violation  of  English  rights  to  New  Albion  which  'as  the  very  name 
shows'  belongs  to  England  and  not  to  Spain. 

22  Moraga  to  governor,  July  30,  1814.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  366-7. 


ARGUELLO  TO  KUSKOF.  305 

vessel  was  captured,  the  American  Pedler,  Captain 
Samuel  Northrop,  which  was  taken  by  Cavenecia  of 
the  Spanish  vessel  Tagle  in  August.  Investigation 
showed,  or  perhaps  more  properly  was  made  to  show, 
that,  though  she  had  a  Russian  contract  and  passport, 
she  had  merely  brought  a  cargo  of  supplies  to  Fort 
Ross,  part  of  which  was  still  on  board  to  be  transferred 
to  a  Russian  vessel  for  which  the  Tagle  had  been  mis 
taken;  and  as  there  was  no  evidence  of  contraband 
trade,  the  only  plausible  pretext  for  the  detention  of 
an  American  craft,  she  was  released  with  a  warning 
to  leave  Spanish  waters  forthwith.23  Arrillaga  had 
died  in  July,  and  Jose  Argiiello  was  now  governor 
ad  interim.  The  change  was  not  favorable  for  the 
Russians,  for  Argliello,  either  from  natural  inclina 
tions,  or  more  likely  on  account  of  his  temporary 
power  and  future  political  aspirations,  was  much  less 
friendly  to  the  foreign  colony  than  had  been  his  de- 
ceased^friend  or  his  own  son  Luis.24 

Early  in  1815  Argiiello  wrote  a  peremptory  letter 
to  Kuskof,  stating  that  by  the  viceroy's  orders  the 
settlement  of  Ross  must  be  abandoned  if  friendly 
relations  were  to  be  maintained  between  Spain  and 
Russia,  and  also  expressing  great  surprise  that  Arri- 
llaga's  letter  of  inquiry  had  not  yet  been  answered. 
Kuskofs  only  reply  was  that  he  could  do  nothing 
without  instructions  from  his  superior,  Baranof.25  Yet 

23  The  capture  was  between  the  13th  and  26th  of  August,  and  the  governor 
ordered  the  release  Sept.  10th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlv.  3-6; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  101.  March  5,  1815,  viceroy's  approval  of  the  release. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  383;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  136.  Tikhmenef,  Istor. 
Obosranie,  i.  213-14,  says  that  the  vessel  was  released  as  soon  as  it  was  known 
that  the  cargo  and  most  of  the  crew  belonged  to  the  company.  The  Pedler 
went  back  to  Ross  before  continuing  her  voyage  round  Cape  Horn. 

24 'With  the  death  of  Arrillaga,'  writes  Tikhme"nef,  Istor.  Obosrame,  i. 
214,  '  the  Russian  colonies  lost  a  true  friend.  His  general  good  feeling 
toward  the  Russians  and  his  compliance  with  all  their  wishes  so  far  as  possi 
ble,  in  spite  of  the  uncertainty  of  Spanish  politics  and  his  limited  power, 
continued  since  the  time  of  Rezanof.' 

25  Potechin,  Se.lenie  Ross,  10,  11;  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  215.  As  I 
have  before  implied,  it  is  possible  that  the  viceroy's  orders  of  August  1813 
had  only  just  arrived  and  were  the  cause  of  Argiiello 's  peremptory  communi 
cation. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    20 


306  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

trade  continued,  and  on  August  20th  the  Suvdrqf, 
Captain  Makarof,  arrived  at  San  Francisco.  She 
had  been  despatched  from  St  Petersburg  for  Lima, 
and  her  ostensible  business  at  San  Francisco  was  to 
get  water  and  fresh  food.  Yet  she  had  on  board  a 
proclamation  similar  to  that  of  1810  addressed  by  the 
directory  of  the  company  to  "  our  good  friends  and 
neighbors,  the  noble  Spaniards,"  in  which  the  advan 
tages  of  mutual  trade  were  again  set  forth.  It  does 
not  appear  that  the  authorities  consented  to  any  traf 
fic  beyond  the  furnishing  of  necessary  supplies;  but 
the  people  could  by  no  means  resist  the  temptation  to 
exchange  their  products  for  goods,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  Russian  statement  that  a  large 
part  of  the  Suvdrof's  cargo  was  sold.  The  proclama 
tion  brought  out  a  new  letter  from  Argiiello,  or  per 
haps  from  Sola,  to  Kuskof,  in  which  he  expressed  his 
surprise  at  the  presumption  shown  in  addressing  such 
a  document  to  the  people  or  even  the  provincial 
authorities  of  California,  since  as  a  matter  of  course 
only  the  king  could  act  in  the  matter.  He  would  not 
reply  to  the  proposition  for  traffic,  but  had  sent  the 
papers  to  the  viceroy.  This  communication,  like  the 
former,  received  no  definite  answer.  Trade,  however, 
was  by  no  means  suspended,  for  the  Ckirilcof  and  the 
Ilmen  both  came  to  San  Francisco  this  year  and  ob 
tained  large  quantities  of  grain  which  was  shipped  to 
Sitka  on  the  Chirikof.  Kuskof  came  down  in  person 
on  the  latter  vessel,  and  with  the  other  agents  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost  to  avert  the  threatened  troubles. 
He  still  labored  to  conciliate  California  and  keep  the 
controversy  from  Madrid,  there  being  no  fear  of  Mex 
ican  action.  The  Americans  were  seizing  every 
opportunity  to  work  against  Russian  interests  and 
warn  the  Spaniards  of  their  ambitious  designs  to 
seize  San  Francisco  Bay.  The  company  in  turn 
uttered  warnings  against  the  Anglo-Americans;  rep 
resented  its  settlement  as  the  best  possible  protection 
for  the  Spanish  frontier;  disclaimed  all  desire  for  ter- 


SOLA'S  POLICY.  307 

ritorial  possessions  south  of  Fuca;  urged  that  the 
king  of  Spain  would  have  made  known  his  displeasure 
long  since,  had  he  felt  any,  the  foundation  having  been 
known  at  Madrid  before  the  news  reached  St  Peters 
burg;  and  finally  pictured  in  brightest  colors-  the  evi 
dent  advantage  of  trade  to  the  neglected  soldiers  of 
the  presidios  and  their  families.26 

Governor  Sola  had  arrived  in  August,  and  his  dis 
position  was  not  at  first  more  favorable  toward  the 
Russians  than  Argliello's  had  been,  since  he  was  more 
freshly  imbued  with  Mexican  feeling  and  knew  less 
of  California's  needs.  He  at  once  called  upon  Luis 
Argliello  for  a  report  on  past  visits  of  Russians  to 
San  Francisco,  the  supplies  furnished,  and  how  they 
had  been  paid  for.  He  also  seems  to  have  sent  orders 
to  Ross  forbidding  the  illegal  entry  of  all  foreign  ves 
sels  into  Californian  ports.27  The  affair  of  the  Ilmen 
about  this  time  gave  the  new  governor  a  chance  to 
show  his  devotion  to  Spanish  laws.  This  vessel,  sail 
ing  under  the  American  flag  as  the  Lady,  was  pur 
chased  by  Bardnof  in  1813  and  sent  down  to  Ross 
under  an  American  master.28  She  had  on  board  a 
band  of  Aleut  hunters  under  Boris  Tarakanof,  and  a 
cargo  of  goods  for  traffic  in  charge  of  Juan  Eliot  de 
Castro  as  agent  of  the  company,  who  is  said  to  have 
been  in  California  before.  Of  his  proceedings  down 
to  the  middle  of  1815  we  only  know  that  he  visited 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  376,  392-8;  xx.  5,  6;  Id.,  Sen.  Mil,  xlvi.  37; 
Potechin,  Sdenie  Ross,  8-11;  Tikhmenef,  Ixtor.  Obosranie,  i.  215;  KhUbnikof, 
Zapiski,  146;  Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  147;  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross, 
7.  The  captain  of  the  Suvdrofis  also  called  Lazaref,  and  the  supercargo  was 
Herman  Molvee.  She  was  of  500  tons.  Tikhmenef  alludes  to  the  detention 
of  a  vessel  sent  to  San  Francisco  and  the  seizure  of  her  cargo  and  papers. 
It  is  not  clear  what  vessel  is  referred  to.  Potechin  says  Argiiello's  first  letter 
was  sent  in  March  and  the  second  in  July,  which  latter  may  be  an  error  if 
the  Suvdrof  with  the  proclamation  came  in  August.  Kuskof  is  said  to  have 
shipped  6,000  pounds  of  grain  to  Sitka;  Eliot,  of  the  Ilmen,  bought  in  June 
and  August  $5,371  worth;  and  a  schooner  in  September  brought  $2,818  in 
effects  for  the  troops.  The  proclamation  was  dated  July  13,  1813,  and  is 
preserved  in  the  archives. 

27 Sept.  26,  1815,  Sola  to  Argiiello.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlvi. 
33;  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Olosranie,  i.  215-16. 

28  He  is  called  Vasdrash,  Wosdwit,  Wodwit,  and  Wilson  Wodwarck. 
Nikoforof  was  clerk,  or  supercargo. 


308  BUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

most  of  the  places  on  the  coast,  made  many  friends, 
and  was  very  successful  both  in  trade  and  hunting, 
sending  to  Sitka  a  large  quantity  of  grain,  400  otter- 
skins,  arid  $10,000  in  money.  Success  made  him  reck 
less,  or  perhaps  he  was  not  fully  aware  of  Sola's  strict 
orders  against  contraband  trade;  at  any  rate  on  Sep 
tember  19th  Tarakdnof,  having  paid  no  attention  to 
warnings  to  quit  the  coast,  was  captured  with  over 
twenty  Aleuts  at  San  Pedro  by  Comisionado  Cota 
and  put  in  the  jail  at  Los  Angeles.  Six  days  later 
Eliot  himself,  landing  from  his  vessel  at  El  Cojo,  near 
San  Luis  Obispo,  was  also  arrested  with  another 
American,  four  Russians,  and  an  Aleut.  The  Ilmen 
escaped  and  sailed  for  the  Sandwich  Islands  by  way 
of  Ross.  The  captives  were  sent  to  Santa  Barbara 
and  Monterey  in  October,  the  officers  being  treated 
with  every  attention  and  the  rest  obliged  to  work  for 
their  rations  like  Spanish  prisoners.  The  protestations 
of  Kuskof  were  for  a  time  of  no  avail;  but  some  of 
the  Aleuts,  whom  the  Spaniards  foolishly  sent  out  to 
catch  otter  for  their  new  masters,  made  their  escape 
to  Ross;  while  a  few  embraced  the  catholic  faith  and 
prepared  to  remain  in  the  country.29 

™  Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  135-6;  KhUbnilcof,  ZapisH,  11;  Tikhmenef, 
Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  213,  216.  This  author  accuses  the  Spaniards  of  cruelty  to 
the  captives,  stating  that  according  to  Kuskof  s  report  one  Aleut  who  refused 
to  become  a  Catholic  died  from  ill-treatment  received  from  the  padre  at  San 
Francisco.  The  Spanish  records  are  somewhat  voluminous  on  this  affair,  but 
not  very  important,  being  largely  repetitions  of  the  same  statements  by  dif 
ferent  officials  or  minor  details  respecting  the  transportation  or  examination 
of  the  captives.  Eliot  de  Castro,  Papeles  tocantes  d  su  arrestacion  y  la  de  otros 
Contrabandistas  del  bergantin  ruso  '  Ilmen'';  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  135-6;  xi. 
23-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  362,  379-81,  384-7,  390-1;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil, 
xlvi.  3-4,  33,  41-2.  Sept.  15th,  Sola,  in  an  original  letter,  speaks  of  a  boat  cap 
tured  at  San  Luis  on  July  27th.  8.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  73-4.  The 
vessel  is  often  called  Herminia,  Armina,  or  Ilmenia.  Eliot  is  also  spoken  of 
as  an  Englishman.  Two  American  deserters  from  the  Ilmen  are  said  to  have 
come  to  Monterey  in  November.  Several  Aleuts  were  wounded  in  a  skirmish 
at  their  capture.  An  armed  reconnoissance  of  the  Sta  Barbara  Islands  was 
ordered  in  the  hope  of  finding  a  deposit  of  otter-skins  ;  but  no  result  is  re 
corded.  It  is  amusing  to  read  the  transparent  excuses  the  Russian  prisoners 
always  made  when  taken  redhanded  at  smuggling  or  poaching.  They  were 
'driven  in  by  stress  of  weather,  '-or  had  'lost  their  way,'  and  if  suddenly 


cornered  by  cross-examination  they  suddenly  became  profoundly  ignorant  of 
every  language  but  the  simplest  Russian.  Tarakanof  had  some  silk  goods  in 
his  bidarka  when  captured,  which  he  had  the  impudence  to  declare  were 


A  CONFERENCE.  309 

So  far  as  the  records  show  nothing  was  accom 
plished  by  the  Russians  in  the  way  of  trade  during 
1816,  a  condition  of  things  made  more  endurable  to 
the  Spaniards  by  the  arrival  of  the  supply-ship  for 
the  first  time  since  1810.  The  leading  event  of  the 
year  so  far  as  the  present  matters  are  concerned  was 
the  visit  of  Lieutenant  Otto  von  Kotzebue  on  the 
Rurik  in  command  of  a  Russian  scientific  expedition, 
who  spent  the  month  of  October  at  San  Francisco  as 
elsewhere  related.30  Sola  came  up  from  Monterey  to 
welcome  Kotzebue  and  profited  by  the  occasion  to 
complain  of  his  nation's  grievance  at  the  hands  of 
Kuskof  and  the  company  which  he  represented.  Kot 
zebue,  of  course,  said  he  had  no  authority  in  the 
matter,  but  promised  to  bring  the  subject  to  the  at 
tention  of  his  government;  and  finally  he  consented 
to  summon  Kuskof  to  a  conference.  Accordingly 
Gervasio  Argiiello  was  sent  to  Ross  with  the  sum 
mons  or  request,31  and  Kuskof  came  down  the  25th  of 
October.  During  three  following  days  a  conference 
was  held  at  the  presidio,  the  result  of  which  is 
preserved  in  a  documentary  record  signed  by  Kot 
zebue,  Kuskof,  Chamisso  as  interpreter,  and  Luis 
Argiiello  and  Jose  Maria  Estudillo  as  witnesses.32  In 
this  paper  are  narrated  the  circumstances  under  which 
the  conference  was  held;  Sola's  complaint  that  Kuskof 
had  settled  in  Spanish  territory  and  neglected  to  obey 
the  viceroy's  orders  to  depart,  or  even  to  give  any 
definite  answer  to  the  governor's  letters;  Kuskof 's 
declining  to  make  any  argument  on  the  merits  of  the 

intended  for  his  own  use !    When  asked  if  he  had  not  been  warned  to  quit 
the  coast  he  could  not  understand  the  question. 

30  See  chap.  xiii.  of  this  volume. 

31  The  messenger  on  his  return  made  a  report  on  the  condition  of  the  Rus 
sian  settlement.  Argiiello  (Gervasio),  Observaciones  hechas por  el  Cadete. .  .en 
el  Eslablecimiento  que  tienen  los  rusos  como  d  las  7  leguas  al  Norte  de  jBodeya, 
1816,  MS.     Dated  Oct.  21st. 

32  Conferencia  celebrada  en  el  Presidio  de  San  Francisco  entre  el  Gobcrnador 
Sola,  el  Comandante  del  bergautin  ruso  lRurick,'  Sr  Kotzehuc  y  Coscoff,  ycfe 
del  Establecimiento  ruso  arriba  de  Bodega.    Octubre  de  1816,  MS.     Chamisso, 
who  translated  the  document,  says  Sola  had  the  whole  document  re-written 
to  agree  with  some  of  his,  Chamisso's,  suggestions. 


310  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

case,  or  to  abandon  the  settlement  without  orders  from 
Bardnof ;  and  Kotzebue's  declaration  that  he  had  no  au 
thority  to  act  but  would  submit  the  case  to  his  sovereign. 

It  is  evident  enough,  and  in  fact  Chamisso  so  states,33 
that  Kotzebue  recognized  the  entire  justice  of  the 
Spanish  claim;  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  Kuskof 
was  by  no  means  pleased  with  the  turn  things  were 
taking.  He  wanted  to  be  let  alone  to  deal  with  the 
Californians  after  his  own  manner.  He  was  thinking 
more  of  the  present  than  of  the  future,  more  of  his 
company  than  of  his  nation.  It  is  doubtful  if  the 
idea  of  Russian  rights  under  international  law  to 
any  territorial  possessions  in  California  had  yet  been 
conceived;  but  even  if  there  was  a  vague  hope  of 
future  conquests  based  on  the  occupancy  of  Ross,  the 
company  did  not  want  the  question  submitted  yet  to 
the  home  governments,  since  such  a  submission  must 
needs  unfavorably  affect  for  a  time  their  smuggling 
operations  on  the  coast.  A  later  Russian  writer 
blames  Kotzebue  not  only  for  meddling  in  an  affair 
that  did  not  concern  him,  but  also  for  signing  a  docu 
ment  which  virtually  admitted  the  Spanish  title  to 
all  south  of  Juan  de  Fuca.34 

The  archives  contain  a  few  slight  references  to  the 
Aleut  and  Russian  prisoners  in  California,  some  of 
the  former  having  been  attached  to  the  southern 
missions.35  Eliot  de  Castro  and  Tarakdnof  were  sent 

33  Chamisso,  Keise,  i.  132,  134,  137-9.     He  says  the  document  found  its 
way  into  the  proper  minister's  office  at  St  Petersburg  without  being  acted 
upon;  that  Sola  was  to  receive  a  Russian  decoration;  and  finally  that  while 
the  conference  was  being  held,  Kuskof,  with  Kotzebue's  consent,  sent  out  two 
bidarkas  to  catch  otter  in  the  bay ! 

34  Tikhmenef,  Istor.    Obosranie,  i.  217.     Whatever  Kotzebue   may   have 
thought,  however,  the  document  in  question  can  hardly  be  deemed  an  admis 
sion  of  Spanish  rights,  since  it  was  simply  a  record  of  Sola's  claim  and  Kus- 
kof's   failure   to   reply.     Khle"nikof,  Zapiski,   147-8,    merely  mentions   that 
Kuskof  visited  San  Francisco  at  Sola's  invitation.     Sola  in  a  letter  to  the 
viceroy  dated  Nov.  6,  1816,  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  negotiations  con 
nected  with  Kotzebue's  visit.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  151-3.     Capt.  Wilcox  in 
a  letter  of  Dec.  12,  1817,  says  he  touched  at  Bodega  on  Dec.  25,  1816,  but 
could  sell  nothing,  though  he  refitted  his  vessel,  the  Caminante,  there.  Prov. 
St.  Pa/).,  MS.,  xx.   165-6.     The  arrival  of  a  Russian  vessel,  the  Coscoff,  is 
noted  at  Monterey  from  San  Francisco.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.   143. 

35 Seiian's letters  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  61-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  106;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  39. 


VICEROY'S  ORDERS.  311 

to  San  Bias  by  the  Paz  y  Religion  but  were  brought 
back  by  the  San  Carlos™  Eliot  was  taken  away  by 
Kotzebue  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  where  he  became 
secretary  of  state  to  the  king.  Three  Russian  desert 
ers  were  also  taken  away  to  Ross.  Whether  the 
commander  was  not  willing  to  take  more  or  Sola  to 
give  them  up  does  not  clearly  appear.37 

Sola  is  said  by  Chamisso  to  have  promised,  and 
probably  did  promise,  not  to  use  forcible  measures  to 
eject  the  Russian  intruders  until  the  matter  could  be 
considered  at  court.  Such  an  agreement  was  not  a 
very  important  one  for  either  party;  for  the  governor 
was  hardly  in  a  position  to  use  force  had  he  desired  to 
do  so,  and  he  knew  that  he  could  not  keep  such  a 
promise  by  his  own  authority,  since  he  was  subject  to 
the  viceroy's  orders.  Late  in  the  year  came  a  com 
munication  from  Viceroy  Calleja,  in  which,  while  not 
disapproving  the  past  exchange  of  grain  for  articles 
needed  by  the  soldiers,  he  ordered  a  strict  watch  to  be 
kept  on  the  Russians,  who  were  by  no  means  to  be 
allowed  to  enter  Californian  ports  or  visit  the  presi 
dios  "to  ascertain  the  condition  of  our  forces."33  And 
this  was  followed  by  another  order  to  force  an  aban 
donment  of  Ross,  and  to  call  upon  the  rulers  of  other 
provinces  for  aid  if  necessary.39  The  order  of  course  was 
not  carried  out,  but  the  progress  of  the  colony  in  the 
direction  of  commercial  intercourse  was  at  a  standstill. 

In  his  report  of  1817,  Sola  replied  to  the  viceroy's 

36  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  93;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvii. 
G2.     June  17th,  Sola  writes  to  Guerra  that  Tarakanof  before  sailing  revealed 
the  fact  that  there  was  a  large  deposit  of  skins  on  one  of  the  islands.     These 
are  to  be  taken  and  a  secret  report  made.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  35-6.     Padre 
Martinez  says  of  Eliot  in  a  letter  of  Dec.  llth,  that  unless  he  mends  his  ways 
he  will  go  hence  '  to  hell — not  because  I  will  send  him  there,  for  I  am  not  in 
the  service  of  devils,  but  because  he  so  wishes  it.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  10. 

37  Kotzfbue's  Voy.,  i.  286-7,  ii.  13;  Chamisso,  Reise,  i.  136-7;   Barc'nwf, 
Shizneopissanie,  157;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  34;    lrallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iv.  206-11. 

38  April  16,  1816,  viceroy  to  Sola.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  5. 

39  June  30th,  viceroy  to  govern  or  of  L.  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii. 
28;  Nov.  14th,  Sola  acknowledges  receipt  of  such  orders.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  154. 


312  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

communications,  and  explained  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  ousting  the  Russian  intruders.  To  make  the 
attempt  with  any  chance  of  success  at  least  one  hun 
dred  infantry  and  four  field-pieces  with  artillerymen 
were  necessary,  besides  ammunition,  and  even  supplies 
of  food,  of  which  there  were  none  at  the  governor's 
disposal.  As  for  aid  from  New  Galicia  the  viceroy 
was  simply  reminded  of  the  time  it  would  take  to  send 
a  courier,  obtain  the  necessary  orders,  organize  an 
expedition,  and  land  the  troops  in  California;  and  was 
left  to  meditate  upon  the  absurdity  of  such  a  propo 
sition.40  Made  acquainted  with  the  state  of  affairs  in 
the  south  by  Kuskof's  letters,  Bardnof  despatched 
Lieutenant  Yakov  Padushkin  in  the  Chirikof,  Beuse- 
man  master/1  to  treat  with  the  California  officials. 
His  credentials,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  from  Baranof 
to  Sola,42  mentioned  as  the  subject  of  negotiation  only 
the  release  of  Aleut  and  Russian  prisoners;  but  no 
doubt  Padushkin  was  also  commissioned  to  agitate  the 
all-important  matter  of  trade;  and  he  was  probably 
instructed  to  so  conciliate  the  Spaniards,  if  possible, 
as  to  effect  a  cessation  of  the  troublesome  insistence 
on  the  abandonment  of  Ross.  It  is  noticeable,  how 
ever,  that  the  company  was  very  shy  of  intrusting  to 
paper  its  ideas  on  this  latter  subject. 

Arriving  at  San  Francisco  late  in  March,  Padush 
kin  applied  to  Argiiello  for  permission  to  go  by  land 
to  Monterey,  which,  on  reference  to  the  governor,  was 
refused  and  the  trip  was  made  by  sea.43  At  the  cap- 

40  Sola,  fnforme  General  al  Virey  sobre  Defensas  de  la  California,  1817,  MS. 

41  Christopher  Martinevich  Beuseman,  master  of  the  Ross  schooner  Chiri- 
kof  (the  Spaniards  call  her  lScuna  Chiriko'),  was  a  Prussian  and  first  served 
the  company  as  mate  on  the  Peacock.    He  finally  became  a  Russian  subject 
and  in  1825  was  made  a  noble  of  the  14th  class.  Baranof,  Shizneopissanie,  109. 

42  Feb.  2,  1817,  Baranof  to  Sola,  written  in  Russian.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  206-8.     The  writer  regrets  his  inability  through  ignorance  of  Spanish  to 
enlarge  on  his  own  views,  but  he  has  given  Padushkin  full  powers  to  '  discuss 
without  any  ill-feeling  or  hostile  pretensions  the  questions  referred  to.' 

43  March  31,  1817,  Sola  to  Argiiello.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi. 
38.     April  10th,  May  12th,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  169-70.     It 
would  seem  that  the  schooner  did  not  enter  the  bay,  but  that  the  officers 
landed  in  bidarkas,  or  cayucos  as  the  Spaniards  always  called  them.     April 
24th,  Padushkin  at  Monterey  asked  for  arrest  of  an  Aleut  who  had  deserted 
from  the  vessel  at  Ross.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  205. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  PROTEST.  313 

ital  Sola  received  him  politely,  and  without  the  slight 
est  hesitation  delivered  the  prisoners  to  the  number 
of  fifteen,  promising  to  give  up  the  rest  as  soon  as 
they  could  be  brought  in  from  distant  points.44  As  to 
trade  the  governor,  though  he  seems  to  have  permitted 
Padushkin  to  obtain  a  cargo  of  provisions,45  refused 
to  commit  himself  without  the  consent  of  his  superi 
ors,  and  took  the  same  ground  respecting  a  proposi 
tion  to  hunt  otter  in  partnership  with  the  California 
government.46  These  matters  being  disposed  of,  Sola 
reverted  to  the  old  complaint  against  Kuskof,  who 
persisted  in  keeping  up  a  settlement  in  California 
against  the  wishes  and  orders  of  the  Spanish  authori 
ties.  By  Padushkin,  who  returned  to  Sitka  in  June, 
he  sent  a  letter  to  Bardnof,  in  which,  after  alluding  to 
his  past  dealings  with  Kuskof  and  stating  his  reasons 
for  having  delayed  the  release  of  the  prisoners,  he 
says:  "And  now  I  hope  that  you  will  proceed  to  re 
move  every  ground  of  complaint,  by  immediately  with 
drawing  the  establishment  of  Bodega  beyond  the 
Spanish  limits,  which,  as  already  stated,  extend  to 
the  Strait  of  Fuca;  which  being  done  and  this  cause 
of  ill-feeling  on  the  part  of  both  sovereigns  being  re 
moved,  I  shall  report  to  the  viceroy,  and  perhaps  this 
will  make  my  king  more  favorably  disposed  to  accede 
to  your  proposal  of  obtaining  the  products  of  this 
country  for  the  support  of  the  inhabitants  of  your 
own."  Then  he  ventures  to  doubt  the  genuineness  of 
a  license  of  the  Russian  emperor  to  found  the  settle 
ment  of  Ross,  because  such  an  act  must  naturally 

44  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  214-16;  Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie,  147.     One  of 
the  released  prisoners  was  Tarakanof,  or  Tarasof  as  the  Spaniards  called  him. 
Some  who  had  married  Californian  women  were  allowed  to  remain  at  the 
missions.     Sola  had  intended  to  give  up  the  prisoners  to  Kuskof  the  year  be 
fore,  but  had  been  so  disgusted  at  the  latter's  excuses  about  quitting  Califor 
nia  in  accordance  with  the  viceroy's  orders  that  he  had  concluded  to  wait  a 
while. 

45  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  148.     For  this  purpose  the  Chirikof  seems  to  have 
gone  down  to  Sta  Barbara.     May  9th,  Padre  Eipoll  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  2. 

46  He  even  refused  to  allow  the  lieutenant  to  leave  a  few  hunters  at  the 
bight  of  San  Antonio  'to  kill  deer.'  Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  Hen.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  38. 


314  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

have  been  transmitted  to  Spain  and  thence  to  Mexico 
and  California;  and  finally,  after  exposing  the  flimsy 
nature  of  Kuskof's  excuses  and  showing  that  there 
had  been  110  lack  of  time  or  opportunity  for  repeated 
communications  with  Sitka  and  St  Petersburg,  he 
concludes  by  stating  that  Padushkin  assured  him  that 
within  twenty  days  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter  Bar- 
anof  would  order  Kuskof  to  leave  Ross  and  retire  to 
Russian  territory.47  Tikhmenef  chooses  to  term  Sola's 
simple  obedience  to  the  laws  of  his  country  and  the 
orders  of  his  superiors,  obstinacy,  which  he  absurdly 
attributes  to  Kotzebue's  intermeddling  and  opposition 
to  the  company's  schemes.48 

The  modern  Russian  writers  whom  I  have  cited,  or 
some  of  them,  imply  that  almost  from  the  beginning 
their  countrymen  maintained  the  equity  of  their  claim 
to  the  country  round  Ross.  A  close  examination, 
however,  shows  that  these  writers  simply  antedate 
their  own  views  and  the  arguments  resulting  from 
later  disputes.  The  idea  of  a  claim  to  territory  south 
of  the  Columbia,  if  entertained  by  the  Russians,  was 
never  broached  by  them  to  the  Spaniards  before  1817. 
Contemporary  documents  show  that  the  matter  was 
never  brought  forward  in  the  recorded  discussions; 
and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  such  a  pretension  must  have 
interfered  seriously  and  uselessly  with  the  company's 
cherished  commercial  plans.  Not  even  in  1817  was 
the  claim  urged  in  California;  but  there  is  some  evi 
dence  that  about  this  time  it  was  brought  forward 
elsewhere.  In  fact  such  a  claim  was  the  only  plausi 
ble  answer  to  Sola's  complaint,  unless  the  company 
was  willing  to  promise  the  abandonment  of  Ross;  and 
it  is  said  that  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  St  Peters 
burg  complained  this  same  year  in  a  note  to  Count 
Nesselrode  that  the  Russians,  "  forgetful  of  every 
feeling  of  justice  and  esteem  to  a  friendly  empire," 

47  This  letter  dated  May  5,  1817,  is  copied  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv. 
206-11.  It  is  a  very  important  document,  being  a  manly  and  able  present 
ment  of  the  Spanish  claim. 

^  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosrauie,  i.  216-17. 


HAGEMEISTER'S  VISIT.  315 

had  established  themselves  for  commercial  purposes 
on  lands  not  belonging  to  them,  asking  in  the  name 
of  his  king  that  steps  be  taken  for  the  removal  of  the 
settlement.  To  this  note,  as  we  are  told  by  Tikh- 
menef  and  Potechin,49  the  comdany  replied  by  main 
taining  the  lawfulness  of  their  settlement,  there 
being  nothing  on  any  existing  chart  to  show  that 
the  country  from  San  Francisco  to  the  Columbia 
belonged  in  1812  to  any  European  nation.  We  know 
but  little  about  this  correspondence;  but  it  is  possible 
that  the  claim  was  now  set  up  as  the  only  way  out  of 
existing  difficulties;  not,  I  suppose,  so  much  with  a 
purpose  of  permanent  occupancy  as  with  a  hope  of 
bartering  the  claim  for  commercial  privileges  later. 
Baranof  was  about  this  time  replaced  by  Hagemeister, 
who  came  down  to  Ross,  and  among  other  measures 
is  said  to  have  effected  a  renewal  and  extension  of  the 
old  cession  by  native  chieftains. 

Not  only  did  Hagemeister  come  to  Ross,  but  he 
extended  his  visit  to  San  Francisco  in  October,  and 
brought  Kuskof  with  him  on  board  the  Kutusof.^ 
The  pretext  of  this  visit  was  to  collect  certain  debts 
and  release  the  remaining  prisoners;  the  real  object 
wras  to  see  what  could  be  done  toward  improving 
the  business  relations.  A  correspondence  having  been 
opened  with  the  governor,  the  latter  readily  gave  up 
a  few  more  prisoners,  and,  with  a  view  of  relieving 
the  wants  of  the  soldiers,  himself  made  the  first  ad 
vances  in  the  way  of  trade  by  a  proposal  to  purchase 
the  cargo  to  the  extent  of  $30,000,  and  pay  in  drafts 
on  Guadalajara.  This  Hagemeister  declined,  feeling 
little  confidence  in  the  ability  or  disposition  of  the 
branch  treasury  at  Guadalajara  to  pay  such  debts  for 
California  in  the  present  aspect  of  public  affairs;  but 
he  offered  to  sell  the  goods  nevertheless,  and  to  take 

49  Tlkhmcnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  217-19;  Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  11. 

50  Brief  mention  of  the  Kutusofs  presence,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xx. 
210-11;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  251,  254;  EoquefeuiVs    Voyage,  39-40. 
She  left  for  Sitka  Nov.  llth.     During  her  stay  a  Russian  letter  was  sent  all 
the  way  down  to  Santa  Barbara  and  back  in  vain  search  for  an  interpreter. 


316  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

his  pay  in  sea-otters  which  he  would  catch  in  San 
Francisco  Bay.51  Notwithstanding  the  manifest  ad 
vantages  of  such  a  bargain,  Sola  did  not  feel  at  liberty 
to  accept  it;52  but  he  allowed  the  purchase  of  con 
siderable  quantities  of  grain  on  terms  not  stated,53 
and  the  general  effect  of  Hagemeister's  visit  seems  to 
have  been  a  restoration  of  former  confidence  and 
amity.  For  several  years  the  company  had  but  little 
difficulty  in  disposing  of  the  cargoes,  and  the  old  con 
troversy  was  left  practically  to  take  care  of  itself. 

The  mission  of  San  Rafael,  the  first  permanent 
Spanish  establishment  north  of  the  bay,  was  founded 
at  the  end  of  this  year.  The  Russian  writers  think 
that  this  foundation  was  intended  to  strengthen  the 
Spanish  title  or  to  prevent  the  extension  of  Russian 
possessions.54  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  such  a  pur 
pose  on  the  part  of  either  missionary  or  secular  au 
thorities;  and  if  Ross  was  thought  of  at  all  in  this  con 
nection  it  was  probably,  as  one  writer  asserts,55  only  as 
the  best  available  market  for  mission  products,  in 
which  respect  it  proved  a  great  advantage  in  the  al 
most  continued  intercourse  that  followed.56 

There  is  little  of  importance  to  be  recorded  on  Rus 
sian  relations  during  the  last  three  years  of  the  de 
cade.  Early  in  1818  Sola  acknowledged  the  receipt 
from  the  viceroy  of  a  royal  order  to  strike  a  blow  at 

51  The  company  was  to  bear  all  the  expenses  of  the  hunt;  to  share  the  pro 
ceeds  equally  with  the  Spaniards,  and  to  take  the  share  of  the  latter  in  pay 
ment  for  goods  at  a  fixed  price — $8  for  large   skins,  which  was  very  low. 
Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  12-14.     According  to  Padre  Arroyo's  letter  to  the 
governor  there  were  some  Russians  seen  hunting  near  San  Pedro  this  year. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  125. 

52  Khltbnikqf,  Zapiski,  78,  141-2. 

53  The  Kutusof,  according  to  Potechin,  took  1,396  pouds  of  wheat;  90  of 
barley;  200  of  pease  and  beans;  and  144  of  tallow.     A  poud  was  36  fibs.  Tikh- 
me"nef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  218-19,  states  that  Sola  gave  a  formal  authoriza 
tion  for  future  trade  in  a  letter  to  the  company,  but  this  seems  unlikely,  when 
a  tacit  consent  would  have  served  his  purpose  as  well. 

^KhlebnUcof,  Zapiski,  148-9;   Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  361. 

55 Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  86. 

56Moiras,  Exploration,  ii.  5,  tells  us  that  President  Payeras  on  May  2, 
1817,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  king  of  Spain  on  the  Russian  colony.  This 
letter  I  have  not  seen. 


GOLOVNIN'S  VISIT.  317 

the  intruders;  but  he  urged  that  for  such  a  step  re- 
enforcements  were  needed,  and  did  nothing.57  He 
believed  that  by  his  past  remonstrances  and  his  late 
reference  of  the  whole  matter  to  the  superior  govern 
ment,  he  had  done  all  that  could  be  expected  of  him. 
He  understood  now  better  than  at  first  the  pressing 
needs  of  his  subjects;  therefore,  especially  as  the  vice 
roy  had  not  objected  to  barter  for  articles  needed 
by  the  troops,  he  seems  to  have  allowed  the  traffic  to 
go  on  without  opposition.  Khlebnikof  tells  us  that 
vessels  were  sent  yearly  from  Sitka  without  always 
touching  at  Ross.58 

In  the  autumn  of  1818  Hagemeister  seems  to  have 
made  a  second  visit  to  the  southern  coast,  meeting 
Sola  at  Monterey,  but  we  know  very  little  about  this 
trip.59  Equally  vague  is  our  knowledge  respecting  the 
visit  of  Golovnin  in  the  Kamchatka,  who  was  on  an 
expedition  round  the  world,  and  who  was  at  Monterey 
at  the  same  time  as  Hagemeister.  He  tells  us  of  four 
Aleuts  brought  by  the  latter,  who  with  much  caution 
and  considerable  success  proceeded  to  hunt  otter  under 
the  very  noses  of  the  Spaniards  during  the  few  weeks 
of  their  stay.60  Golovnin,  however,  gives  in  his  narra- 

57  April  3,  1818,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.  ix.  196.    In  this  letter  he 
remarks  that  the  Russians  are  instructing  the  Indians,  who  show  great  aptitude. 
^Zapiski,  148. 

59  The  arrival  of  the  Cotwoff  (perhaps  Kutusof)  is  announced  by  the  gov 
ernor.     Sept.  2,  1818.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  197.     Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  78, 
mentions  Hagemeister's  second  visit. 

60  Golovnin,  Voyage,  i.  271-88,  fragmentary  extracts  in  Materialui,  pt.  iv. 
Ill,  and  in  the  Morskoi  Sbornik,  Jan.  1858.  Correspondence  about  the  delivery 
of  9  more  Aleut  prisoners.     Guerra  thinks  some  of  them  ought  to  remain  in 
California,  since  it  would  be  a  praiseworthy  act  to  enable  them  to  save  their 
souls.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  106-7;  iv.  399-400:  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  18.    Arrival  of  the  Kamchatka  mentioned.    Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  197;  Roque/euiVs  Voy.,  107.     In  a  letter  of  Jan.  28,  1818,  the  com 
pany  is  said  to  have  notified  the  colony  at  Ross  to  refrain  from  all  dealings  with 
the  Americans.  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy,  7-8.     In  July  Kuskof  sent  a  party 
of  38  bidarkas  to  Trinidad  Bay,  but  the  Indians  were  hostile,  and  only  1 1  skins 
were  obtained.  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  139.     In  a  letter  of  July  25th  Senan  men 
tions  a  newspaper  article  from  St  Petersburg  praising  Sola  for  his  reception  of 
Kotzebue.     '  What  has  engaged  my  attention  particularly,'  says  the  friar,  '  is 
the  name  of  New  Albion  which  they  apply  to  the  province,  being  one  of  the 
names  of  Great  Britain.'  Gverra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  66.     In  a  letter 
dated  Monterey  Nov.   11,  1818,  J.  B.  Prevost  notifies  the  U.  S.  secretary  of 
state  of  the  settlement  at  Ross,  and  of  the  probable  ambition  of  the  Russians 
to  acquire  additional  territory  on  the  coast.  Amer.  St.  Pap.,  iv.  855. 


318  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

tive  some  descriptive  matter  about  Ross,  where  he 
was,  apparently  for  the  second  time,  on  September 
27th;  and  he  also  presents  a  formal  argument  on  the 
right  of  the  Russian  company  to  make  a  settlement  on 
the  coast,  the  Spaniards  having  no  rights  there.  New 
Albion,  he  argues,  was  discovered  by  Drake,  is  en 
tirely  distinct  from  California,  and  had  never  contained 
a  Spanish  post  before  Ross  was  founded.  He  says 
the  Spaniards  were  friendly  at  first,  Sola's  hostile 
policy  being  a  new  one,  and  practically  abandoned  in 
view  of  Kuskof  s  defiant  attitude.  The  natives,  he 
claimed,  hated  the  Spaniards,  were  friendly  to  the 
Russians,  and  had  made  a  formal  cession  of  the 
country.  This  is  the  earliest  argument  extant  on  the 
question;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  views  are 
those  of  an  individual,  Russia  never  assuming  any 
such  position. 

The  annals  of  1819  are  even  more  meagre  than 
those  of  the  preceding  year,  no  arrival  of  a  Russian 
vessel  being  recorded.  The  viceroy  reiterated  his 
orders  that  the  inhabitants  of  California  must  have 
no  trade  with  the  Russian  colony;61  and  a  rumor 
reached  the  United  States,  apparently  coming  from 
the  captain  of  a  Russian  vessel  in  China,  that  eight 
hundred  miles  of  the  California  coast  had  been  ceded 
by  Spain  to  Russia.62 

In  1820  Yanofski,  having  succeeded  Hagemeister  as 
chief  manager  at  Sitka,  sent  Lieutenant  Khlebnikof 
down  to  Ross  and  to  Monterey  to  perfect  the  com 
mercial  arrangements  begun  by  his  predecessor.  The 
Bulddkof  and  possibly  the  Ilmen  came  down  on  this 
trip.63  Sola  made  no  objection  to  the  trading  of  the 

61  Oct.  19,  1819.  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xx.  73.  A  private  letter  from 
Mexico  of  Jan.  27th  speaks  of  the  Russian  intrusion  as  a  bad  matter,  and 
hopes  Sola  will  destroy  the  settlement.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  vi. 
117.  In  a  letter  of  May  31st  Payeras  says  Coscoff,  or  Ross,  is  20  leagues 
from  San  Rafael  by  way  of  Olompali  and  Petaluma.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  iv.  343. 

™Niles'  Register,  xvi.  237;  xvii.  232. 

63  Yanofski  in  a  letter  of  June  13th  introduces  Khlebnikof  and  implies 


WILLING  TO  DEPART.  319 

cargo  for  grain,  though  he  insisted  that  he  had  made 
no  promises  to  Hagemeister.  He  received  a  fine 
mirror  as  a  gift,  and  sent  back  in  return  pheasants  and 
tongues.  He  could  as  yet  make  no  definite  reply  to 
the  proposal  to  hunt  otters  on  shares.  Two  other 
Russian  vessels  touched  at  San  Francisco  in  Novem 
ber,  called  the  Otkruitie  and  Blagonamerenie,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Vassilief.  A  royal  order  for  the 
kind  reception  of  these  ships  and  two  others  had  been 
received  by  Sola  in  which  they  were  described  as 
belonging  to  a  scientific  expedition  round  the  world 
and  to  both  poles;  but  it  was  a  custom  of  the  Rus 
sians  to  call  all  the  company's  trips  to  Alaska  voyages 
round  the  world.  Of  their  stay  and  business  in  Cal 
ifornia  I  know  nothing.64 

In  1820  the  company  announced  its  willingness  to 
relinquish  the  claim  lately  set  up  to  territory  on  the 
coast  in  exchange  for  the  privilege  of  trade.  In  a 
letter  to  Nesselrode,  Russian  minister  of  foreign  af 
fairs,  occurs  the  following :  "  The  large  capital  invested 
in  this  settlement  has  riot  made  the  returns  expected 
from  it  by  the  company,  on  account  of  the  short  time 
elapsed,"  and  the  lack  of  permanent  settlers.  "Yet 
the  Spanish  government  of  New  California  constantly 
demands  the  abandonment  of  the  settlement  and  the 

that  he  sails  on  the  Elmaslna;  but  Sola  in  his  reply  dated  August  2d,  calls 
the  vessel  Ylme.ua.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  60-1.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Bulddkofs  arrival  under  Capt.  Cyril  Khlebnikof,  her  buying  grain  at  Santa 
Cruz,  and  her  departure  in  September  are  noted.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  Iv.  9;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  58. 

64  Dec.  14,  1819,  viceroy's  instructions  to  Sola  in  favor  of  the  two  vessels 
named,  and  also  the  Vostock  and  Mirini  under  Capt.  Bilingshausen.  Sent  to 
commandant  by  Sola  April  28,  1820.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  74-5,  270. 
The  Otkruitie  and  Blagonamerenie  sailed  from  Cronstadt  in  August  1819; 
arrived  at  San  Francisco  Nov.  22,  1820;  and  apparently  remained  until  Jan 
uary  1821.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,xx.  273;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  24;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Uist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  62. 

Jos6  Maria  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  24-5,  mentions  an  expedition  of 
Moraga  to  Bodega  and  Ross  this  year  which  he  accompanied  as  a  soldier. 
All  were  very  kindly  received  by  the  Russians,  especially  by  the  officers  of 
two  vessels  at  Bodega,  who  gave  them  silk  shirts  and  other  things  for  them 
selves  and  families,  enabling  them  to  make  a  decided  sensation  with  their 
finery  on  returning  to  San  Francisco.  This  expedition  is  not  elsewhere  men 
tioned,  and  there  may  be  an  error  of  date.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  191, 
gives  a  not  very  probable  rumor  that  the  Russians  prompted  the  unfortunate 
expedition  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  north  this  year. 


320  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

departure  of  the  Russians,  claiming  the  land  occupied 
by  them  and  even  the  whole  coast  of  New  Albion  as 
belonging  to  the  Spanish  crown  on  the  strength  of 
the  first  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus;  and  per 
haps  forcible  measures  would  have  been  resorted  to 
ere  this  had  they  been  in  a  condition  to  carry  them 
out.  In  this  state  of  affairs  the  Russian  American 
Company  would  willingly  abandon  its  settlement, 
which  fills  the  Spaniards  with  fear,  and  never  more 
think  of  choosing  another  site  on  the  coast  of  Albion, 
if  it  could  by  this  sacrifice  gain  the  privilege  of  per 
manent  trade  with  New  California,  which  is  closed  to 
foreigners  by  law  of  the  colony  principally  for  the 
purpose  of  hiding  the  astonishing  poverty  and  weak 
ness  of  its  government."65  The  minister  was  urged  to 
influence  the  Spanish  government  in  favor  of  this  pro 
posal,  and  also  that  of  taking  otter  on  shares.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  terms  might  have  been  accepted 
had  it  not  been  for  political  changes  in  the  relations 
between  old  and  new  Spain. 

Here  I  might  appropriately  give  a  sketch  of  Ross, 
its  actual  condition  in  1820,  its  buildings  and  forces, 
its  industries;  of  the  progress  made  by  the  company's 
agents  in  California  during  the  first  ten  years  in  com 
merce,  in  otter-hunting,  in  agriculture,  and  ship-build 
ing;  the  whole  serving  to  show  why  Ross  was  deemed 
a  failure,  and  why  they  were  willing  to  give  it  up. 
This  sketch,  however,  for  no  reason  more  potent  than 
a  desire  to  divide  the  chapters  somewhat  symmetri 
cally  in  respect  of  length,  is  withheld  for  the  Russian 
annals  of  the  next  decade.66 

65  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obosranie,  i.  221-2;  Potechin,  Selenie  Boss,  13-14. 

66  See  chapter  xxviii.  of  this  volume. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EXPLORATIONS— INDIAN  AFFAIRS— FOUNDING 
OF  SAN  RAFAEL. 

1811-1820. 

ABELLA  EXPLORES  THE  LOWER,  SAN  JOAQUIN  AND  SACRAMENTO  BY  WATER — 
ORIGINAL  NAMES — INDIANS  TROUBLESOME  AT  SAN  GABRIEL — SOTO'S 
BATTLE — PADRE  CABOT  EXPLORES  THE  TULARES — SOLA'S  GRAND  EXPE 
DITION—FRIARS'  REPORT  ON  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES — AN  IMPORTANT  DOCU 
MENT — PADRE  MARTINEZ  VISITS  THE  TULARENOS — A  PRESIDIO  AND 
MISSIONS  RECOMMENDED — THE  NATIVE  ISLANDERS — FOUNDING  OF  SAN 
RAFAEL  ASISTENCIA — TOUR  OF  PADRE  PAYER  AS — THE  NAMES  PETA- 
LUMA,  SACRAMENTO,  AND  SONOMA — DISASTER  AT  SAN  BUENAVENTURA — 
COLORADO  INDIANS — VICTORY  OF  SANCHEZ  OVER  THE  MOQUELUMNES— 
ESTUDILLO'S  CAMPAIGN— MORAGA'S  UNSUCCESSFUL  EXPEDITION  AGAINST 
THE  MOJAVES — NOTES  ON  INDIAN  AFFAIRS  OF  THE  DECADE. 

THE  annals  of  inland  survey  for  the  decade  open 
with  an  exploration  of  the  lower  San  Joaquin  by  water. 
This  visit  to  a  region  so  near  the  settlements  and 
already  more  or  less  well  known  to  the  Spaniards 
might  be  deemed  hardly  worth  notice  as  an  explora 
tion  ;  yet  by  reason  of  its  local  importance,  its  minute 
ness,  and  its  application  of  early  and  original  names, 
I  have  thought  the  diary  worthy  of  reproduction  in 
substance  in  a  note.1  Padre  Abella  was  accompanied 

lAbella,  Diario  de  un  rcgistro  de  los  rios  (jrandes,  1811,  MS.  The  same  ex 
pedition  is  briefly  noticed  by  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  450,  who  adds:  'Le  jour 
nal  manuscrit  de  cette  exploration  int^rressante  est  entre  nos  mains.'  Oct. 
15th  from  the  presidio  anchorage  to  Angel  Island  in  A.  M.  and  in  p.  M.  as 
soon  as  the  tide  was  favorable,  to  Pt  Huchunes  (name  of  the  Indians  there). 
Between  Angel  Island  and  points  Huchones  and  Abastos  is  formed  a  bay  twice 
as  large  as  that  at  the  port,  with  8  islands,  mostly  small,  one  of  which  has  to 
be  passed  on  the  way  to  Huchones.  This  island  has  a  bar  visible  only  at  low 
water,  and  must  be  passed  on  the  west  at  a  little  distance.  Oct.  IGth  gave  to 
Pt  Huchones  the  name  Pt  San  Pablo  and  to  the  opposite  point  (probably  the 
one  before  called  Abastos)  that  of  San  Pedro  (both  names  still  retained).  These 
points,  with  two  little  islands  between,  close  the  first  bay  and  begin  another 
HIST.  CAI,.,  VOL.  II.  21  ( 321 ) 


322  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

by  Padre  Fortuni  of  Mission  San  Jose;  Sergeant 
Sanchez  seems  to  have  commanded  the  expedition. 
The  force  is  said  to  have  been  composed  of  sixtv-eight 
persons,  sailing  in  several  boats.  After  giving  to 
points  San  Pablo  and  San  Pedro  in  the  bay  the  names 
which  they  still  bear,  the  party  went  up  the  western 
and  down  the  eastern  channels  of  the  San  Joaquin, 
which  name,  however,  they  did  not  use,  though  it  had 
been  applied  earlier  to  the  same  river,  choosing  to 
re-name  it,  or  particularly  the  eastern  or  main  branch, 
Rio  de  San  Juan  Capistrano.  Crossing  over  into  the 
Sacramento  through  the  Two  Mile  Slough,  they 
descended  that  river  to  its  mouth — its  first  definitely 
recorded  navigation — calling  it  Rio  de  San  Francisco, 
a  name  they  understood  to  have  been  previously 
applied.  Thence  after  a  visit  to  the  country  of  the 
Suisunes,  they  returned  home  after  an  absence  of 
fifteen  days.  Friendly  intercourse  was  held  with  the 
Indians,  who  were  very  numerous  on  the  Sacramento, 
and  a  few  of  the  aged  and  sick  were  baptized.  The 
Suisunes  showed  more  timidity  than  hostility.  The 

much  larger  one  (San  Pablo  Bay).  There  are  5  gentile  rancherias  on  the  north 
and  west.  On  the  west  enters  an  estero,  said  by  the  Indians  to  be  large  (Pet- 
aluma  Creek),  but  Moraga  has  been  round  it  twice — A  league  and  a  half  to 
another  point  named  San  Andre's  (Pt  Pinole).  Th<?  intermediate  country  is 
all  'mainland  of  San  Jose",'  belonging  to  the  Huchones,  mostly  bare  but  with 
a  few  oaks  and  a  fine  stream  (where  San  Pablo  now  stands) — To  the  Strait 
of  the  Karquines  ending  the  bay-and  formed  between  the  'tierra  firme  de  San 
Josef  and  at  first  an  island  (Mare  Island)  but  farther  on  mainland  also  on  the 
north — Through  the  strait  to  its  end  in  the  country  of  the  Chupunes,  where 
there  are  mud  flats  and  a  dangerous  concealed  rock.  Place  called  La  Division. 
Oct.  17th,  into  a  large  bay  (Suisun  Bay)  where  the  water  gradually  became 
fresh — About  18  leagues  eastward  (clearly  erroneous  as  are  nearly  all  the  dis 
tances  of  the  diary)  along  the  southern  shore,  past  islands,  tules,  and  swamps, 
into  a  right-hand  channel,  to  camp  on  an  island  (Brown  or  Kimball  Island) 
which  was  a  fishing  station  of  the  Ompines.  Oct.  18th,  back  half  a  league  to 
take  the  left-hand  channel,  though  there  was  no  need  as  the  branches  came 
together  again — Eastward  past  another  island,  (Kimball's  or  West's)  past  a 
widening  whence  a  passage  (Three  Mile  Slough  at  head  of  Sherman  Island, 
explored  on  the  return)  led  through  into  the  northern  River  of  San  Francisco 
(Sacramento) — Half  a  league  farther  on  turned  into  the  right-hand  and  smaller 
branch  (The  West  Channel  of  the  San  Joaquin),  and  sailed  southward  in  a 
winding  course  with  nothing  in  sight  but  water  and  tule  and  sky,  sleeping  on 
the  boats  for  want  of  a  landing.  Oct.  19th-22d,  still  up  stream  through  the 
tules  southward  and  eastward  to  the  Pescadero  rancheria  on  an  island  (the 
name  had  been  given  before  and  is  still  sometimes  applied  on  modern  maps 
to  the  southern  end  of  Union  Island)  belonging  to  the  Cholbones — Thence 


TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH.  823 

shores  of  the  Sacramento  offered  a  favorable  site  for 
a  new  establishment,  though  somewhat  difficult  of 
access. 

In  the  south  at  San  Gabriel  the  Indians  were  still 
uneasy  and  troublesome.  Neophytes  and  gentiles 
operated  to  some  extent  in  concert,  stealing  cattle  and 
even  breaking  open  the  mission  store-house.  Some 
Indians  implicated  in  past  hostilities  were  still  pris 
oners  at  the  presidios,  a  fact  which  caused  much 
bitterness  of  feeling  among  the  rest;  and  rumors  of 
impending  attack  from  the  Colorado  River  tribes 
were  current  to  increase  the  general  alarm.  The 
missionaries  were  often  called  upon  for  additional 
force,  which  was  sent  on  several  occasions,  so  that  the 
danger  was  averted  without  fighting.  On  one  occa 
sion,  however,  in  November,  if  we  may  credit  the 
padres'  reports,  a  body  of  Yumas,  also  called  Amaja- 
vas,  with  other  savages  actually  approached  to  the 
number  of  eight  hundred,  with  the  intention  of 
destroying  San  Gabriel  arid  San  Fernando.  The 
arrival  of  reinforcements  prevented  the  attack.  Act 
ual  hostilities  seem  to  have  been  limited  on  the  one 


eastward  (noting  the  middle  channel  and  southern  slough  of  modern  maps) 
into  the  main  river,  which  they  named  the  San  Juan  Capistrano  (San  Joaquin). 
At  or  near  the  junction  they  set  up  a  cross,  and  supposed  themselves  on  the 
parallel  of  San  Jose,  (though  really  opposite  San  Francisco).  At  the  junction 
of  the  southern  slough  farther  up  (just  above  the  present  railroad  bridge.  It 
is  not  clear  that  this  party  went  up  there)  was  the  rancheria  of  the  Cosmis- 
tas — Thence  down  the  main  stream  (East  Channel)  to  the  rancheria  of  the 
Coyboses.  Oct.  23d-7th,  down  the  river  to  the  branch  followed  up  from  the 
18th  (mouth  of  West  Channel) — through  the  passage  before  noticed  (at  head 
of  Sherman  Island)  northward  into  the  San  Francisco  (Sacramento),  naming 
the  numerous  Indians  apparently  Tarquimenes — and  down  the  river  to  the 
junction,  saying  mass  at  the  Loma  de  los  Tompines,  opposite  the  Cerro  Alto 
de  los  Bolbones  (which  was  perhaps  Mt  Diablo).  The  country  on  the  San 
Francisco  (Sacramento)  is  described  as  well  fitted  for  settlement,  but  accessi 
ble  only  by  water,  by  crossing  either  at  the  presidio  or  at  the  Strait  of  Kar- 
quines — Thence  northwardly  through  an  estero  (Montezuma  Creek  and  Nurse 
Slough)  to  a  spot  one  league  from  the  plain  of  the  Suisunes.  Oct.  2Sth-30th, 
one  league  to  the  head  of  Suisun  Creek,  and  the  edge  of  the  large  fine  plain 
dotted  with  oaks.  The  Cerro  de  los  Bolbones  was  about  12  leagues  s.  w.  (s.  E.?) 
Two  rancherias  were  Suisum  and  Malaka,  and  another  at  a  little  distance  was 
Ulululo.  Two  leagues  distant  was  where  Moraga's  famous  battle  took  place. 
On  the  29th  the  voyagers  returned  to  Angel  Island;  and  spent  all  the  next 
day  in  getting  across  to  the  presidio  against  unfavorable  wind  and  tide. 


324  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

side  to  cattle-stealing  and  on  the  other  to  the  pursuit 
and  capture  of  a  few  cimarrones,  or  runaways.2 

Gabriel  Moraga's  three  trips  to  Bodega  and  Ross  in 
1812-14  may  be  here  alluded  to;  though  the  route 
had  been  several  times  gone  over  before,  and  this  offi 
cer's  reports,  so  far  as  extant,  are  confined  to  the  con 
dition  of  affairs  at  the  Russian  settlement.3  There 
were  no  Indian  troubles  during  these  years  except 
such  as  were  connected  with  the  occasional  pursuit  of 
runaway  neophytes  or  the  most  petty  affairs  of  local 
discipline;  though  the  brutal  murder  of  Father  Quin- 
tana  at  Santa  Cruz  in  1812,  elsewhere  narrated,  may 
be  appropriately  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
subject  of  Indian  affairs.  There  are  two  of  the  expe 
ditions  after  fugitives  somewhat  indefinitely  recorded, 
though  not  of  special  importance.  The  first  was  under 
Sergeant  Soto  who,  with  a  hundred  Indians  from  San 
Josd  Mission,  met  twelve  soldiers  who  came  from  San 
Francisco  in  a  boat  and  proceeded  up  a  river  not 
named  but  apparently  the  San  Joaquin.  On  the 
morning  of  October  27th  the  Indians  were  attacked 
on  a  marshy  island,  where  they  had  posted  themselves 
for  a  fight,  the  women  and  children  having  been  re 
moved.  Four  rancherias  had  united  their  forces,  and 
a  thousand  men,  unless  the  Spaniards  counted  some  of 
them  more  than  once,  fell  upon  the  soldiers  and  their 
allies  at  landing.  Soto  was  at  one  time  doubtful  of 
the  result,  so  reliant  were  the  foes  on  their  numbers, 
so  careless  of  life,  and  so  unmindful  of  the  inefficiency 
of  their  arrows.  But  after  three  hours  they  fled  over 
the  marsh  and  escaped  by  swimming,  having  left  many 
dead  but  no  captives,  and  killing  only  one  of  the 
neophyte  warriors.  The  force  returned  on  the  28th.4 

2  Jan.  21st,  commandant  of  San  Diego  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xix.  307.     July  4th,  padres  of  San  Gabriel  to  President  Tapis.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  ii.  85-7.     May  25,  1812,  report  of  Tapis.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  299- 
301.  Pico,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  4-5;  Taylor  in  Cal.  Farmer,  March  21,  1862. 

3  See  chap.  xiv.  of  this  volume.. 

4  Soto,  Expedition  Militar  del  Sargento,  1813,  MS.     The  narrative  is  em 
bodied  in  a  report  by  Argliello.     In  S.  Jos6,  Lib.  Mision,  25,  the  troops  are 
said,  on  Oct.  25th,  to  have  gone  against  the  Unsumnes,  and  the  Alcalde  Julio 


PADRE  CABOT  IN  THE  TULARES.          325 

The  second  expedition  was  made  in  October  1814 
with  aims  less  bloody,  and  apparently  with  a  view  to 
search  for  new  mission  sites.  A  sergeant  with  thirty 
men  accompanied  by  Padre  Juan  Cabot,  left  San  Mi 
guel  October  2d,  reached  the  edge  of  the  Tulares  that 
night,  and  next  day  reached  the  shore  of  the  great 
lake  at  the  rancheria  of  Bubal.  There  were  seven 
hundred  souls  here,  a  harvest  ripe  for  the  missionary 
reaper  as  Padre  Cabot  believed,  since  twenty-six  of 
the  old  and  sick  submitted  to  baptism  on  this  occasion. 
Next  the  Spaniards  went  on,  nearly  a  day's  march 
across  the  tular,  to  the  rancheria  of  Sumtache  of 
about  the  same  population  as  the  preceding.  The  aim 
was  to  reconcile  the  two  rancherias,  but  the  Indians 
of  Sumtache  had  heard  false  reports  that  the  Span 
iards  were  coming  to  kill  them,  and  a  skirmish  en 
sued.  Two  horses  were  killed  on  one  side,  and  an  old 
woman  on  the  other;  whereupon  peace  was  made. 
Next  the  party  came  to  the  fine  river  of  San  Gabriel, 
which  was  forded  at  a  favorable  site  for  a  mission  and 
presidio,  said  by  those  who  had  visited  this  region 
before  to  be  three  leagues  from  Telame,  the  largest 
rancheria  of  all  the  valley.5  Thence  the  route  led  to 
the  abandoned  Guchame,  and  to  the  rancheria  of 
Tache,  said  to  contain  a  thousand  souls,  nearly  all  of 
whom  had  hidden  in  the  tules.  This  was  near  the 
banks  of  Kings  River,  and  the  great  disadvantage  of 
the  country  was  the  lack  of  timber.  Still  the  mis 
sionary  favored  a  mission  there,  without  a  doubt  that 
God  would  point  out  a  way  to  success.  The  return 
was  by  a  more  northern  route  not  described  as  far  as 
the  edge  of  the  great  valley.6 

was  killed.  In  the  S.  Joaquin  Co.  Hist.,  10,  and  Tinl'ham's  Hist.  Stockton, 
14,  Marago  (Moraga)  is  erroneously  said  to  have  explored  the  great  valley 
and  named  the  San  Joaquin  in  1813. 

6  See  chap.  iii.  of  this  vol.  for  preceding  explorations.  Details  are  not 
clear,  but  the  region  was  that  of  Visalia. 

6  Cabot,  Expedition  al  Valle  de  los  Tulares  1814,  MS.  It  is  dated  at  San 
Miguel  April  11, 1815,  and  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  the  president.  The  latter 
011  April  4th  had  called  for  information  on  the  subject,  and  besides  the  narra 
tive  cited,  P.  Juan  Martin  wrote  on  April  26th,  strongly  favoring  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  mission  for  the  benefit  of  the  tularenos,  describing  a  visit  he 


S26  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

The  year  1815  was  marked  by  what  is  somewhat 
vaguely  alluded  to  as  a  grand  expedition  in  pursuit  of 
runaways.  It  is  only  from  allusions  in  the  archives 
that  this  affair  is  known,  for  no  diary  is  extant.  A 
simultaneous  movement  seems  to  have  been  made  by 
order  of  Sola  in  October  from  several  points  north 
and  south  over  into  the  valley  of  the  Tulares,  by 
which  quite  a  large  number  of  fugitives  from  various 
missions  were  brought  back  to  their  Christian  duties. 
Sola  regarded  it  as  on  the  whole  a  success,  since  to  it 
he  attributed  the  subsequent  favorable  aspect  of  af 
fairs  in  the  central  missions;7  but  perhaps  he  exagger 
ated  its  importance  because  it  was  his  first  effort  in 
this  direction,  since  Padre  Tapis  tells  us  the  gran  ex- 
pedicion  did  not  accomplish  all  that  was  expected  of 
it,  though  fortunately  no  casualties  occurred.8 

In  1812  the  Spanish  government  had  directed  to 
the  missionaries,  through  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  a 
series  of  thirty-six  questions  upon  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  country.9 

himself  had  made  to  Bubal  in  1804,  and  urging  that  if  a  mission  were  not 
soon  founded,  Satan,  war,  and  venereal  disease  would  leave  nobody  to  con 
vert.  Martin,  Visita  d  los  Gentiles  Tularenos,  1804,  MS. 

7 Dec.  15,  1816,  Sola  to  Padre  Marquinez.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  99. 
There  are  frequent  references  in  the  missionary  correspondence  of  1815-16  to 
minor  local  expeditions  after  runaway  neophytes.  Such  expeditions  were 
usually  unsuccessful,  for  which  result  the  padres  generally  blamed  the  sold 
iers,  and  vice  versa.  Id.,  iii.  pt.  i.  passim. 

8  Dec.  2, 1815,  Tapis  from  San  Juan  Bautista  to  Guerra.  The  expedition  had 
returned  the  day  before.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  9-10.  Diego  Oli- 
vera  was  one  of  the  party  from  Santa  Barbara,  under  Juan  Ortega  as  he  says, 
which  met  another  from  Monterey  over  in  the  Tulares.  Many  Indians  cap 
tured.  8.  F.  Bulletin,  May  28,  1864;  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  No.  26. 
Sept.  14th  to  Nov.  9th,  several  letters  of  Sola  on  this  expedition.  The  northern 
party  consisted  of  50  men,  was  commanded  by  Gabriel  Moraga;  was  directed 
chiefly  against  the  rancheria  of  the  Pitemas,  started  from  San  Francisco  for 
Santa  Cruz  about  Sept.  25th,  and  had  returned — perhaps  temporarily — by  Oct. 
7th.  Eighteen  of  the  captured  Indians  escaped  through  a  window  at  San  Fran 
cisco.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlvi.  32-4.  In  the  south  Sergt.  Pico 
brought  in  11  Indians  charged  with  killing  Christians  and  wounding  vaque- 
ros.  Sola  to  Ruiz,  Oct.  5,  1815.  Id.,  xlvi.  5-6.  Boronda,  Notas,  MS.,  2,  men 
tions  the  river  Reyes  and  Tache  Laka  in  connection  with  what  seems  to  be 
this  expedition,  which  he  accompanied  as  a  soldier.  Oct.  23d,  Senan  to  Guerra 
about  a  'famous' expedition;  but 'as  there  are  cayucos  and  sailors  mentioned 
the  campaign  may  be  one  against  otter-hunters  and  not  Indians.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  58-9. 

9 Indios,  Interrogator™  del  Siipremo  Gobierno  sobre  costumbres,  1812,  MS., 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS.  327 

\ 

The  final  report  in  response  to  this  interrogatory  was 
rendered  for  California  in  1815.  It  contained  local 
reports  from  all  the  missions  classified  according  to 
topics  by  the  author,  who  was  doubtless  President 
Senan  or  Prefect  Sarria.10  This  is  a  very  important 
document,  containing  as  it  does  the  testimony  of  able 
men  who  were  the  first  to  come  in  direct  and  con 
tinued  contact  with  a  race  now  nearly  extinct.  But 
the  subject  does  not  fall  within  the  limits  of  this 
work,  having  been  already  treated  in  the  Native 
Races.  It  may  be  stated  that  the  conclusions  in  this 
report  do  not  differ  materially  from  those  given  in 
the  work  alluded  to,  though  they  add  some  interesting 
information  on  several  subjects. 

The  great  valley  of  the  Tulares  now  attracted  more 
attention  on  the  part  of  the  friars  than  any  other  por 
tion  of  the  province  as  a  prospective  field  for  mission 
ary  operations;  yet  there  was  difference  of  opinion  on 
the  practicability  of  a  new  establishment  in  the  inte 
rior.  Padre  Luis  Martinez  visited  these  rancherias 
early  in  1816  and  found  the  people  willing  to  be 
Christians  if  the  gospel  could  be  brought  to  them.11 
There  were,  however,  troubles  of  no  interest  in  detail 
between  the  natives  and  some  of  the  soldiers  or 
vaqueros.  In  a  subsequent  correspondence  Father 
Cabot  declared  that  the  soldiers  from  San  Luis  were 
wholly  to  blame,  the  gentiles  being  blameless  and 

dated  Cadiz,  Oct.  6th.  The  questions  were  probably  addressed  to  other 
regions  besides  California. 

10 Indios,  Contestation  al  Interrogators  de  1812,  sobre  costumbresde  Califor 
nia,  1815,  MS.,  104  p.  Dated  at  San  Buenaventura,  Aug.  11,  1815.  The  San 
Diego  report  is  omitted,  but  is  found  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  27-37.  The 
topics  are  as  follows:  Race,  origin,  language,  conjugal  and  parental  love, 
feeling  toward  foreigners,  inclination  for  reading  and  writing,  dominant 
virtues,  superstitions,  idolatry,  medicine,  calendar,  food,  drink,  worship  of 
sun  and  moon,  burial,  character,  trade  and  money,  government,  music,  future 
state,  and  dress. 

11  Martinez,  Entrada  a  las  Rancherias  del  Tular,  1816,  MS.  The  party 
started  from  San  Luis  Obispo  and  visited  the  following  rancherias:  Lucluc, 
23  leagues;  Tuohuala,  91.;  Gelecto,  181.;  Lihuanhilame,  191.;  Quihuame,  7 
1.  on  the  bank  of  a  great  river  not  crossed,  which  flows  into  the  lakes  of  Bue- 
navista,  Tuohuala,  and  Gelecto.  Telame,  or  Telammi,  is  also  mentioned  but 
was  not  visited.  Tuohuala  was  called  also  Hubal  (Bubal?). 


328  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

friendly;  Father  Munoz  defended  the  party  from  his 
mission,  expressing  a  lack  of  confidence  in  the  Tula- 
renos;  while  Sarria  at  San  Carlos  was  not  surprised  at 
the  troubles,  which  confirmed  him  in  his  previous 
opinion  that  no  good  results  were  to  be  expected  from 
an  expedition  in  which  the  friars  were  attended  by 
soldiers.  Expeditions  to  preach  the  gospel  and  those 
of  exploration  were  two  very  distinct  affairs,  the  lat 
ter  sometimes  requiring  military  aid,  the  former, 
never.12  In  his  report  for  1815-16,  President  Pay  eras 
strongly  recommended  the  occupation  of  the  valley  by 
the  early  establishment  of  a  presidio  and  one  or  more 
missions  in  the  Telame  region,  where  there  were  some 
four  thousand  gentiles  accessible.13  Such  additional 
information  as  the  records  afford  respecting  Indian 
affairs  during  these  two  years  takes  the  form  of  in 
definite  or  disconnected  items  which  may  best  be  dis 
posed  of  in  a  note.14 

12  June  1,  Cabot  to  prefect  and  Sarrfa  to  governor  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iii.  pt.  i.  46-9,  51-3,  119-20. 

13  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal,  MS.,  1815-16,  p.   114-17. 

14  May  14,  1816,  Sola  to  Guerra.     Indians  coming  from  the  Colorado  to 
trade  cloths  and  colors  must  be  warned  not  to  return,  on  pain  of  punishment. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  34.     June,  1816,  Moraga  made  a  fruitless  expedition 
against  apostate  Christians  at  Malmi  rancheria  near  Santa  Cruz.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.   103.     Aug.-Sept.,  1816,  some  Indian  horse-thieves  and  a 
murderer  punished  at  San  Diego.  Id. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  xlvi.  8-9. 

In  Reid's  Ind.  of  Los  Angeles;  Taylor,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Mar.  9,  May  4, 
June  8,  1860;  Bowers'  Sta  Rosa  Island,  in  Smithsonian  Rept.,  1877,  316-20; 
and  DalVs  Lords  of  the  Isles,  in  Overland  Monthly,  xii.  522-6,  we  find  certain 
rather  vague  references  to  the  natives  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands,  who 
about  this  time,  being  reduced  to  a  few  survivors,  chiefly  by  the  murderous 
assalts  of  the  Russians  and  Aleuts,  are  said  to  have  been  brought  over  to  the1 
main,  except  perhaps  one  old  woman  left  on  San  Miguel.  A  terrible  massacre 
by  the  otter-hunters  of  Capt.  Whittemore's  vessel  in  1811,  mentioned  by  Tay 
lor,  is  the  only  part  of  the  affair  definitely  stated.  I  suppose  that  most  that 
has  been  written  on  the  subject  comes  from  Taylor's  researches.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that  the  Aleuts  and  Indians  quarrelled  occasionally;  and  it  is  certain 
that  the  islanders,  like  those  of  the  main,  rapidly  dwindled  in  numbers,  and 
that  the  survivors  were  gradually  attached  to  the  Channel  missions;  but  I  find 
no  evidence  of  any  particular  annihilation  or  massacre,  or  of  any  general  re 
moval  to  the  main,  though  it  is  noticeable  that  the  first  isleno  was  baptized  at 
Santa  Ines  in  1814,  and  that  such  baptisms  were  frequent  after  1815.  Sta  Ints, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12-13. 

Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  144-6,  mentions,  as  having  occurred  in  1816, 
an  expedition  under  Argiiello  and  Padre  Ordaz  to  the  far  north,  in  which  the 
chief  Marin  was  captured  in  Petaluma  valley;  but  the  reference  must  be  to  a 
much  later  expedition — in  fact  Ordaz  did  not  come  to  the  country  until  1820. 
The  same  writer,  Id.,  i.  151-5,  and  also  Alvarado,  Hist,  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  69-70, 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  RAFAEL.  329 

It  was  in  1817  that  the  Spaniards  founded  their 
first  establishment  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  The 
mortality  among  the  Indians  at  San  Francisco  had 
become  alarming  and  was  likely  to  create  a  panic, 
when  Sola  suggested  as  a  remedy  for  the  evil  the 
transfer  of  a  part  of  the  neophytes  across  the  bay. 
Some  were  sent  over  as  an  experiment,  greatly  to  the 
benefit  of  their  health;  but  at  first  the  president, 
while  approving  Sola's  plan,  hesitated  about  the  formal 
transfer  for  want  of  friars,  and  because  of  the  diffi 
culties  of  communication.  At  last  when  several  neo 
phytes  had  died  on  the  other  side  without  religious 
rites,  Padre  Luis  Gil  y  Taboada,  late  of  Purisima, 
consented  to  become  a  supernumerary  of  San  Fran 
cisco  and  to  take  charge  of  the  branch  establishment.15 
Such  was  doubtless  the  true  reason  for  the  new  foun 
dation,  in  addition  to  the  general  desire  to  extend  the 
settlements  in  every  direction.  Russian  writers,  how 
ever,  claim  that  the  movement  was  in  opposition  to 
the  company's  occupation  of  New  Albion,  and  one 
Californian  author  states,  with  much  more  plausibility, 

evidently  confound  another  expedition,  which  they  put  in  1817,  with  Moraga's 
famous  battle  of  1810  (see  chap.  v.  of  this  vol.)  Vallejo  puts  Sanchez  in  com 
mand  of  the  Spaniards,  Malaca  of  the  Suisunes,  and  says  the  latter  set  fire  to 
their  own  huts  and  perished  in  the  flames.  Alvarado  puts  Moraga  in  com 
mand,  and  says  that  Sam  Tetoy,  afterwards  known  as  Solano,  was  captured. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  these  writers  confound  Moraga's  expedition  of  1810 
with  some  other  actually  made  in  1817.  Vallejo's  account  of  the  campaign  is 
found  also  in  California  Jour.  Senate,  1850,  p.  531-2;  and  in  Solano  Co.  Hist., 
9,  17-18. 

Jan.  20,  1817,  Sola  writes  to  the  viceroy  that  since  his  arrival  he  has 
ordered  7  expeditions  against  the  pagans,  all  resulting  favorably.  Prov.  Eec., 
MS.,  ix.  168.  Jan.  22d,  Duran  proposes  to  explore  in  May  the  place  where 
the  fugitives  are,  so  as  to  prepare  a  plan  for  their  capture.  His  weapons  will 
be  a  santo  cristo  and  a  breviary,  but  he  would  also  like  a  canoncito  for  the 
secular  branch  of  the  expedition.  Ten  men  and  a  pedrero  were  promised. 
Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  124-5.  June  1st,  Abella  reports  a  visit  to  the  gen 
tiles  who  generally  ran  away  from  their  rancherias.  He  proposes  a  military 
visit  to  where  a  neophyte  and  his  wife  are  urging  resistance  and  arguing  that 
'tambien  los  soldados  tienen  sangre.'  Id.,  iii.  pt.  i.  136-7. 

15  Sarria,  Informe  del  Prefecto,  Nov.  1817,  MS.,  p.  73-6.  The  determina 
tion  was  to  found  '  a  kind  of  rancho  with  its  chapel,  baptistry,  and  cemetery, 
with  the  title  of  San  Rafael  Arctingel,  in  order  that  this  most  glorious  prince, 
who  in  his  name  expresses  the  "healing  of  God,"  may  care'  for  bodies  as  well 
as  souls.  Sola  gives  the  same  reasons  for  the  new  foundation  in  his  letter  of 
April  3,  1818,  to  the  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  777.  Dec.  10,  1817,  Sarria 
writes  to  Sola  that  on  Saturday  next  he  will  go  over  with  Duran.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  21. 


330  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

that  the  padres  desired  to  be  nearer  Ross  as  a  con 
venient  market.16 

The  site  was  probably  selected  on  the  advice  of 
Moraga,  who  had  several  times  passed  it  on  his  way 
to  and  from  Bodega ;  though  there  may  have  been  a 
special  examination  by  the  friars  not  recorded.  Father 
Gil  was  accompanied  by  Duran,  Abella,  and  Sarria, 
the  latter  of  whom  on  December  14th,  with  the  same 
ceremonies  that  usually  attended  the  dedication  of  a 
regular  mission,  founded  the  asistencia  of  San  Rafael 

o 

Arcangel,on  the  spot  called  by  the  natives  Nanaguani.17 
Though  the  establishment  was  at  first  only  a  branch 
of  San  Francisco,  an  asistencia  and  not  a  mision,  with 
a  chapel  instead  of  a  church,  under  a  supernumerary 
friar  of  San  Francisco ;  yet  there  was  no  real  difference 
between  its  management  and  that  of  the  other  missions. 
The  number  of  neophytes  transferred  at  first  I  sup 
pose  to  have  been  about  230,  but  there  is  very  little 
evidence  on  the  subject,  and  subsequent  transfers,  if 
any  were  made  in  either  direction,  are  not  recorded. 
By  the  end  of  1820  the  population  had  increased  to 
590.  In  1818  an  adobe  building  87  feet  long,  42  feet 
wide,  and  18  feet  high  had  been  erected;  divided  by 
partitions  into  chapel,  padre's  house,  and  all  other 
apartments  required,  and  furnished  besides  with  a 
corridor  of  tules.18  Padre  Gil  y  Taboada  remained  in 
charge  of  San  Rafael  until  the  summer  of  1819,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by  Juan  Amoros. 

In  May  1818  President  Payeras,  with  Comandante 
Arguello,  made  a  trip  by  water  to  San  Rafael,  includ- 

16  KhUbnikof,  ZapisM,  148-9;  Tikhmenef,  Inter.  Obosranie,  i.  361;  Fernan 
dez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  86. 

17 S.  fiafael,  Lib.  Mtsion,  MS.,  5;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,iii.  142;  iv.  157-8, 
xii.  125;  original  memorandum  of  Payeras,  in  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.  ;iv.  344-5, 
where  original  name  is  Nanaguanui.  Curiously  in  the  mission  reports  after 
1822  the  date  of  foundation  is  given  as  Dec.  18th.  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  444, 
has  copied  this  error.  Of  this  establishment  I  have  some  of  the  original  regis 
ters,  and  copies  of  the  rest. 

™Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.  ,v.  pt.  ii.  89-92;  Arch.  Sta  B. ,  MS.,  x.  803.  The  neophytes 
sent  to  San  Rafael  were  not  deducted  for  some  years  in  making  up  the  sta 
tistical  reports  for  San  Francisco.  Most  of  them  came  originally  from  the 
country  north  of  the  bay. 


NORTH  OF  THE  BAY.  331 

ing  a  somewhat  careful  examination  of  the  country 
around.  From  the  top  of  a  hill  near  the  new  mission 
they  looked  upon  the  Canada  de  los  Olompalies  and 
the  Llano  de  los  Petalumas.19  In  his  general  re 
marks  on  mission  sites  Payeras  mentions  by  their 
present  names  the  Sonoma  Creek,  the  Sacramento, 
and  the  San  Joaquin.  It  is  stated  in  the  official 
record  of  Luis  Argiiello's  services  that  in  this  same 
month  of  May  he  went  to  explore  the  river  that  flows 
from  the  north  into  San  Francisco  Bay,  that  is  the 
Sacramento,  sailing  on  it  for  seventeen  days,  con 
stantly  threatened  by  the  numerous  Indians,  and  once 
landing  with  four  men  to  fight  them.  It  is  strange 
that  Payeras  does  not  mention  this  trip  if  made  in 
May  1818;  and  indeed  it  was  probably  made  one  or 
two  years  earlier,  since  Roquefeuil  seems  to  have  heard 
of  it  from  Argiiello  in  the  autumn  of  1817.' 


20 


Runaways  from  the  central  missions,  from  Santa 
Barbara  to  San  Miguel,  were  very  numerous  in  1818, 
and  the  general  place  of  refuge  seems  to  have  been 
the  rancherias  of  the  Tulares.  At  Telame,  the  region 
favored  for  a  new  mission,  was  what  Payeras  termed 
"  a  republic  of  hell  and  a  diabolical  union  of  apos 
tates."  This  friar  writing  from  Purisima  in  May  took 
a  very  dark  view  of  the  situation,  declaring  that  the 
natives  were  losing  all  respect  for  the  padres,  no  longer 
feared  the  soldiers,  and  that  unless  some  decided  steps 
were  promptly  taken  the  missionaries'  occupation  in 
California  was  gone.21  The  trouble  was  reported 

19  Payeras,  Noticia  de  un  Viaye  d  San  Rafael,  1818,  MS.  In  this  diary 
Payeras  mentions  the  tradition  that  an  oak  grove  with  a  small  stream  once 
occupied  the  place  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  A  small  island  near  San  Rafael  is 
called  Del  Oro.  A  place  called  Gallinas,  2  leagues  away,  and  another  called 
Aranjuez  are  mentioned.  The  padre's  opinion  of  the  mission  site  was  not  a 
very  favorable  one.  Petalnma  was  12  leagues,  and  Olompali,  6;  38°  15'  was 
the  estimated  latitude  of  San  Rafael.  A  presidio  at  Bodega  and  a  mission  at 
Petaluma  and  Suisun  are  recommended. 

^Aryuello  (Luis),  Hoja  de  Servicios,  1828,  MS.;  Roquefeuil 's  Voy,,  25. 

21  May  4th,  Payeras  to  Guerra  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  29-31. 
May  23d,  Juan  Cabot  at  San  Miguel  reports  on  the  rancherias  where  the 
fugitives  are  concealed  and  on  the  best  way  of  reaching  them.  The  ranche 
rias  named  are  Telame,  Bubal,  Quiuaminc,  Yulumne,  and  Choimoc.  Cabot 


332  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

through  Comandante  Guerra  to  the  governor,  and  a 
grand  expedition  was  planned,  to  last  fifty  days  and 
to  effect  not  only  the  capture  of  neophytes  but  a 
thorough  exploration  of  the  interior.  The  execution 
of  the  plan  was  prevented  by  the  return  of  the  Santa 
Barbara  runaways  in  September,  much  to  the  disgust 
of  Payeras,  since  the  fugitives  from  Purisima  did  not 
make  their  appearance.22  The  president  in  his  bien 
nial  report  notes  the  unsatisfactory  condition  of  the 
Tularenos,  their  growing  habit  of  using  horses,  and 
the  meagre  results  accomplished  by  the  troops  by 
reason  chiefly  of  the  protection  afforded  by  the  tules 
and  lagoons;  yet  he  again  urges  the  establishment  of 
a  presidio  and  missions  as  the  only  means  of  averting 
from  California  in  the  future  the  Apache-like  raids  of 
Sonora.23  It  will  be  seen  elsewhere  that  the  Indians 
rendered  much  aid  and  also  committed  some  excesses 
during  the  excitement  of  the  insurgents  in  18 18-1 9. 24 
Early  in  1819  an  unfortunate  disaster  at  San  Buena 
ventura  caused  excitement  in  all  southern  California, 
and  led  to  a  campaign  against  the  gentiles.  The  Colo 
rado  River  Indians  occasionally  came  to  the  missions 
in  small  parties  to  trade;  though  the  authorities  al 
ways  endeavored  to  break  up  this  practice,  deeming  it 
safer  to  avoid  all  intercourse  with  the  powerful  tribes 
of  the  far  east.  On  May  29th  a  party  of  twenty-two 
Amajavas,  the  Mojaves  of  later  times,  arrived  at  San 
Buenaventura  to  trade  with  the  neophytes. 


25 


hopes  that  captives  will  be  confined  at  Santa  Barbara  and  not  at  Monterey 
which  is  merely  an  alcahueteria  whence  the  Indians  come  out  more  insolent 
than  ever.  Id.,  vii.  88-9.  Missions  to  furnish  supplies.  Id.,  v.  32.  May 
26th,  Guerra  to  Sola  on  details  of  the  proposed  expedition.  Prov.  St.  Pap.t 
MS.,  xx.  225.  An  island  of  Poapui  is  named. 

22  Sept.  15th,  Guerra  to  Sola.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  102.     Sept.  29th, 
Payeras  to  Guerra.  Id.,  v.  33. 

23  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal  de  Misione.s,  1817-18,  MS.,  302-6. 

24  See  chap.  xi.  of  this  volume.     March  22,  1819,  the  viceroy  orders  the 
governor  to  enforce  good  behavior  by  'castigos  moderados  y  correccionales,' 
alluding  to  excesses  at  the  time  of  the  Bouchard  affair.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
xx.  76.     Oct.  28th,  the  viceroy  approves  the  good  order  established  among 
the  Indians.  Id.,  xx.  61. 

25  They  had  called  on  their  way  at  the  rancho  of  San  Francisco  Javier  and 
said  they  were  going  to  San  Buenaventura  to  barter  their  goods  for  beads, 
behaving  very  quietly.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  77. 


DISASTER  AT  SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  333 

In  subsequent  correspondence  the  desire  to  trade 
was  sometimes  spoken  of  as  a  pretence,  but  it  is  clear 
enough  that  the  visitors  had  no  hostile  intentions,  and 
equally  evident  that  they  were  not  very  cordially  re 
ceived  by  the  mission  guard.  They  were  refused  per 
mission  to  visit  the  neophytes,  were  not  allowed  to 
pay  their  respects  to  the  padre  as  they  desired,  and 
were  told  they  must  remain  in  the  guard-house  until 
ready  to  depart  next  day.  The  30th,  while  all  were 
at  mass  in  the  church,  except  one  soldier  left  as  a  sen 
tinel  in  charge  of  the  Amajavas  in  the  guard-house,  a 
disturbance  arose,  and  the  first  two  men  who  came 
from  the  church  to  restore  order,  Corporal  Rufino 
Leiva  and  the  invalid  Mariano  Cota,  were  killed  with 
clubs.  Respecting  the  exact  origin  of  the  quarrel  the 
testimony  was  and  is  naturally  conflicting;  but  it 
would  appear  that  the  sentinel  was  the  one  to  blame.26 

Now  the  rest  of  the  soldiers,  accompanied  by  the 
neophytes  to  whom  the  padre  hastily  distributed  arms, 
rushed  out  of  the  church,  and  a  fight  ensued  in  which 
ten  of  the  Amajavas  were  killed  and  one  neophyte, 

26Senan  who  describes  the  affair  in  letters  of  May  30th  and  June  30,  1819, 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  81-2,  84-7,  says  that  he  warned  the  corporal  and 
majordomo  earnestly  about  the  danger;  that  the  strangers  were  twice  refused 
permission  to  see  the  padre;  and  that  during  mass  the  sentinel  struck  one 
who  wanted  to  go  out  of  the  yuardia,  and  sent  for  the  corporal  who  tried  to 
put  the  gentile  in  the  stocks.  '  Holy  God !  What  bad  management !'  In  an 
other  letter  of  June  1st,  Guerra,  Hist  Doc.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  74-6,  he  implies  no 
blame  to  the  soldiers,  and  says  the  neophytes  and  all  behaved  nobly  in  de 
fence  of  their  lives,  families,  and  homes.  The  Indian  prisoners  testified  later 
that  the  soldier  began  to  beat  some  of  them,  whereupon  the  corporal  came 
and  ordered  all  to  be  put  in  the  stocks.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  429-32. 
Guerra,  in  his  reports,  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  158-61,  41-2;  vii. 
103-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  236,  admits  that  there  were  different  versions 
as  to  the  cause;  but  concludes  that  the  Indians  began  the  trouble  by  attempt 
ing  to  leave  the  guard-house  under  various  pretexts.  The  sentinel  being 
alarmed  sent  a  little  boy  for  the  corporal,  who  brought  Cota  instead,  and  he 
after  striking  some  of  the  Indians  ran  for  Leiva.  The  latter  tried  to  put 
them  in  the  stocks,  when  the  gentile  gave  an  order  in  his  own  language,  and 
the  two  men  were  killed.  All  this  must  have  come  from  the  sentinel,  but 
rather  strangely  nothing  is  said  of  his  fate  or  the  part  he  took  in  the  fray. 
Two  men,  however,  who  were  at  San  Buenaventura  that  day  are  still  living, 
and  give  a  remarkably  accurate  account  of  the  whole  affair.  Vcddcs,  Memorias, 
MS.,  10-13;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  3-5.  Both  state  that  the  cause  of 
the  quarrel  was  the  attempt  of  the  sentinel  Luciano  Felix  to  take  a  blanket 
from  one  of  the  Indians.  Felix  ran  away  as  soon  as  the  fight  began,  to  report 
the  matter  at  Santa  Barbara. 


334  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Nicola's.27  As  soon  as  the  news  reached  Santa  Bar 
bara,  Sergeant  Anastasio  Carrillo  started  with  fourteen 
men  and  a  pedrero,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  four 
of  the  ten  gentiles  who  had  escaped  with  their  lives 
from  San  Buenaventura.  The  prisoners  were  put  to 
work  at  the  presidio  but  subsequently  escaped.28 

After  the  occurrence  just. narrated  the  inhabitants 
of  southern  California  were  in  constant  alarm,  so  far 
as  the  Bouchard  excitement  left  them  time  to  be 
alarmed  at  anything  else,  lest  the  Colorado  tribes 
should  come  in  force  to  attack  the  missions  and  avenge 
their  past  loss.  The  alarm  was  greater  at  San  Ga 
briel  than  elsewhere,  because  that  mission  was  directly 
in  the  route  by  which  the  eastern  hordes  might  be 
expected  to  overrun  the  province.  Several  times 
during  the  summer  rumors  came  in  that  the  Amajavas 
were  approaching  the  mission.  Whether  any  of  these 
rumors  were  founded  in  fact  it  is  difficult  to  determine; 
but  on  several  occasions  reinforcements  were  hurriedly 
sent  from  Los  Angeles,  Santa  Barbara,  or  San  Diego; 
sentinels  were  kept  posted  on  the  eastern  mountains, 
and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  avert  possible  dis 
aster.23  Meanwhile  runaway  neophytes  with  gentiles 
of  the  inland  rancherias  toward  the  north  continued 
to  cause  the  missionaries  much  uneasiness,  the  in- 

27  The  three  victims  were  buried  on  May  31st  as  recorded  in  S.  Buenaven 
tura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  62-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  1.  23.  Oct. 
12th,  viceroy  to  Sola  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  a  report  of  the  '  revolt ' 
of  the  Colorado  Indians  and  their  '  raid  '  on  the  mission,  approving  what  has 
been  done,  and  thanking  troops  in  name  of  the  king.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xx.  77. 

28 Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  429-32;  Sola's  communications  on  the  affair, 
in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  30-2.  Escape  of  the  captives  men 
tioned  by  Moraga  on  Jan.  11,  1820.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  v.  229-30. 
Nuez  in  his  Diario,  MS.,  138-41,  states  that  the  Amajavas  committed  some 
other  hostilities,  attacking  the  pagans  of  the  Atongaibit  rancheria,  and  some 
fugitive  neophytes  from  San  Fernando  and  San  Gabriel.  According  to  a 
letter  in  Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxxvi.  287,  the  Amajava  chief  was 
named  Bueneme. 

29  Correspondence  respecting  alarms  and  precautions.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  142-3;  iv.  25,  28-9,  35-7;  v.  77-8.  June  21st,  Sola  approves 
sending  spies  to  the  sierra.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  11.  Oct. 
16th.  Sola  implies  that  the  Amajavas  had  taken  five  neophytes  and  five  horses. 
Id.,  xlvi.  13.  In  the  mission  report  of  1822  it  is  stated  that  in  1819  the 
Amajavas  actually  marched  on  San  Gabriel,  but  contented  themselves  with 
killing  some  neophyte  runaways.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  271. 


SANCHEZ'  EXPEDITION.  335 

creasing  use  of  horses  by  the  savages  of  the  Tulares 
causing  especial  alarm.30  Therefore  it  was  now  deter 
mined  to  carry  into  effect  the  general  eastward  move 
ment  against  the  runaways  and  their  accomplices  that 
had  been  talked  of  the  year  before.  Three  expedi 
tions  were  organized,  besides  some  minor  local  raids,31 
that  of  the  south  receiving  most  attention  since  it  was 
intended  not  only  to  capture  fugitives  but  to  attack 
the  Amajavas,  yet  the  others  were  carried  out  first. 

About  the  northern  expeditions  we  know  little  more 
than  the  fact  that  they  were  made.  The  first  consisted 
of  twenty-five  men  and  marched  early  in  October  from 
San  Francisco  by  way  of  San  Jose  to  the  lower  San 
Joaquin  Valley  under  the  command  of  Sergeant  Jose 
Sanchez.  It  was  intended  to  send  a  boat  up  the  river 
to  cooperate,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  this  was 
done.  Sanchez  scored  what  was  termed  a  brilliant 
success.  In  a  sharp  fight  which  took  place  in  the 
region  of  the  modern  Stockton — Padre  Duran  names 
the  offending  gentiles  Muquelemes,  this  being  perhaps 
the  first  writing  of  that  name,  or  the  later 'Moquel- 
umne — he  killed  27  pagans,  wounded  20,  captured  16, 
and  took  49  horses.  One  of  his  neophyte  allies  was 
slain,  and  five  soldiers  were  wounded,  one  of  whom, 
Jose  Maria  Amador,  lived  long  to  tell  the  story.  The 
force  returned  before  the  end  of  October,  and  Sanchez 
was  recommended  for  promotion.32 

The  second  expedition  marched  from  Monterey  later 
in  October,  and  entered  the  valley  of  the  Tulares  by 
way  of  San  Miguel  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Jose  Maria  Estudillo,  Sergeant  Jose  Dolores  Pico 
accompanying  him  as  a  man  practically  acquainted 

30  July  28,  1819,  Payeras  to  the  padres  says  that  the  best  horses  are  being 
stolen;  that  in  the  Tulares  all  ride,  even  the  women;  and  that  regular  fairs 
for  the  sale  of  horses  are  held  there.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  436-7. 

31  Oct.  7th,  Sola  approves  Moraga's  suggestion  that  each  presidio  make  its 
own  expedition  within  the  limits  of  its  district.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,xlix.  43. 

32Duran's  letters  to  Sola  June  2d  and  Oct.  28th.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii. 
pt.  ii.  82-4,  104-5.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  45,  49,  51-2;  Sept.  24th, 
Sola  to  Moraga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  40:  Amador,  JUemorias, 
MS.,  15-16. 


336  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

with  the  country.  The  force  was  about  forty  men. 
The  3d  of  November  Estudillo  had  not  yet  returned; 
but  his  report  was  dated  the  19th.  The  document  is 
not  extant,  and  we  only  know  that  the  campaign  was 
regarded  as  a  failure.  No  proper  places  for  a  settle 
ment  were  found  on  the  west  side  of  the  river  and 
lakes,  and  no  convenient  ford;  therefore  Estudillo 
thought  a  strong  garrison  necessary,  not  less  than  115 
men,  if  missions  were  to  be  founded  on  the  eastern 
side.83 

Respecting  the  third  campaign  the  records  afford 
more  information,  though  this  like  the  one  last  de 
scribed  was  not  successful.  Correspondence  on  the 
preparations  from  September  to  November  was  quite 
voluminous,  and  the  plans  were  several  times  changed 
in  detail.34  At  first  it  was  intended  to  send  sixty 
cavalrymen,  whose  places  at  Santa  Barbara  and  San 
Diego  were  to  be  taken  temporarily  by  the  newly 
arrived  reinforcements  from  Mazatlan;  but  by  the 
final  arrangement  of  November  3d  the  force  consisted 
of  Lieutenant  Gabriel  Moraga,  in  command,  with 
thirty-five  cavalrymen;  Lieutenant  Narciso  Fabregat, 
with  fifteen  of  the  Mazatlan  infantry;  four  artillery 
men  with  a  small  cannon,  and  a  lame  number  of 

'  O 

native  allies,  both  neophytes  and  gentiles.  Moraga's 
instructions  were  to  march  to  the  Colorado  and  to  the 
Amajava  rancheria,  where,  if  there  proved  to  be  any 
truth  in  the  reports  that  had  repeatedly  reached  San 
Gabriel,  he  was  to  capture  all  the  fugitives  and  to 
give  the  gentiles  such  a  lesson  as  they  would  not  soon 
forget.  The  army  marched  November  22d  from  San 
Gabriel  eastward  into  the  desert.  Padre  Nuez  ^kept 

33  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ix.  45,  49,  51-2;  Payeras,  Memorial  de  2 
deJunio,  1820,  MS.     Olivera,  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found.,  ii.  No.  26.    The 
party  was  to  explore  the  Ugame  Lake,  Telame  region,  and  San  Gabriel  River. 
Prov.St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  43-4. 

34  Sola's  communications  to  Guerra  and  Moraga  from  Sept.  18th  to  Nov. 
3d  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  M.S.,  iv.  35-7,  45,  49;  and  especially  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  36-40,  43-4,  47-9;  xlvi.  12-15.    Padre  Mar 
tinez  on  Nov.  14th  says  the  50  men  are  not  enough.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii. 
pt.  ii.  113. 


MORAGA'S  RAID.  337 

a  diary  of  the  expedition,  which  was  under  the  com 
bined  patronage  of  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar  and 
Archangel  Gabriel.35  There  is  little  to  be  said  further 
since  nothing  was  accomplished.  It  was  found  that 
the  Amajavas  had  revenged  themselves  for  their 
treatment  at  San  Buenaventura  by  ravages  among 
the  rancherias  of  gentiles;  but  after  penetrating  the 
desert  for  a  distance  estimated  at  seventy  or  eighty 
leagues,  Moraga  found  that  his  horses  and  mules  could 
go  no  farther  for  want  of  grass  and  water;  and,  turn 
ing  back,  he  reached  San  Gabriel  December  14th, 
recommending  another  attempt  at  a  more  favorable 
season  of  the  year. 

The  annals  of  1820,  so  far  as  Indian  affairs  are  con 
cerned,  present  little  or  nothing  of  interest.  Early 
in  the  year  the  Indians  of  the  southern  frontier  be 
tween  San  Diego  and  the  Dominican  mission  of  San 
Miguel  were  troublesome,  particularly  by  their  thefts 
of  horses  from  the  rancho  del  rey;  and  a  little  further 
north  they  burned  the  buildings  of  the  Simi  Rancho, 
for  which  act  the  leader  was  slain  by  Avila  and  Alva- 
rado  of  Los  Angeles.36  Rumors  of  impending  hostil 
ities  from  the  Colorado  tribes  were  still  current;  but 

35  Nuez,  Diario  del  Capellan  de  la  Expedition  para  los  Amajavas,  1819,  MS. 
Nov.  22d  to  Rancho  de  la  Puente,  4  leagues;  Nov.  23d,  to  Cucamonga,  8  1.; 
Nov.  24th  to  the  Cajon  de  San  Gabriel  de  Amuscopiabit,  9  1. ;  Nov.  25th,  to 
rancheria  of  Guadalupe  de  Guapiabit,  9.5  1.;  Nov.  26th,  remained  at  Guada- 
lupe  to  rest  mules;  Nov.  27th,  to  rancheria  of  Animas  Benditas  de  Alongai- 
bit  (or  Atongabi  or  Atonguibit  or  Atongayavit),  10  1.  over  the  desert.  Here 
was  where  the  Amajavas  had  killed  some  neophytes  of  San  Gabriel  and  San 
Fernando,  whose  bones  were  found  and  buried  on  Nov.  28th;  Nov.  29th,  to 
Jesus  de  Topipabit,  8  1.;  and  to  San  Hilario  de  Cacanmeat  (?)  named  three 
years  before  by  Moraga,  3  1. ;  Nov.  30th,  to  San  Miguel  de  Sisuguina,  or  ran 
cheria  del  Diablo,  4  1.;  Dec.  1st,  to  San  Joaquin  y  Sta  Ana  de  Angayaba  (or 
Agallaga),  14  1.;  16  animals  gave  out  on  the  way;  Dec.  2d,  Moraga  with  ten 
men  went  forward  a  long  day's  march  past  Atsamabeat  to  Guanachiqui;  Dec. 
3d-5th,  dealings  with  the  Indians  who  had  suffered  much  from  the  Amajava 
raids,  and  back  to  Angayaba;  Dec.  6th,  back  to  Cerro  de  San  Rafael;  Dec. 
7th-13th,  back  by  same  route  to  San  Gabriel. 

Moraga 's  report  dated  Dec.  16th  adds  nothing  save  that  on  the  way  back 
a  gentile  killed  a  boy  to  get  his  blanket.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  236-8. 
Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  12,  a  soldier  of  the  party  still  living  (1879),  says 
the  boy  killed  was  a  servant  of  the  padre.  Reports  of  Guerra  and  Fabregat, 
and  Sola's  letters  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  50-2;  xlvi.  14-15; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  229;  iv.  51-2. 

•    36  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  286-7;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlix.  53;  St.  Pap.  Sac., 
MS.,  vi.  19. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    22 


338  EXPLORATIONS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

we  hear  no  more  of  the  proposed  expedition  in  that 
direction.  Neither  was  anything  accomplished  for 
the  conversion  of  the  Tulareiios;  though  late  in  the 
autumn  we  find  Payeras  proposing  to  make  in  person 
a  tour  through  the  valley.37 

In  closing  this  part  of  the  record  for  the  decade 
allusion  may  be  made  to  a  peculiar  class  of  informa 
tion  on  Indian  affairs;  that  is,  to  the  statements  ob 
tained  by  me  from  old  residents,  many  of  which  extend 
back  to  this  decade  and  still  more  to  the  next.  Nat 
urally  there  is  no  subject  more  interesting  to  old 
Californians  than  the  Indian  campaigns  of  their  youth 
ful  days  or  those  of  which  they  have  heard  their 
fathers  talk.  Neither  is  it  strange  that  I  find  in 
these  narratives  a  general  uncertainty  as  to  exact 
dates;  much  confusion,  inaccuracy,  and  exaggeration, 
and  not  a  little  falsehood.  I  find  many  accounts  of 
definite  events  that  agree  wonderfully  with  the  orig 
inal  reports  of  the  archives,  and  such  matter  of  course 
I  use  like  similar  original  testimony  in  each  case. 
About  other  accounts  of  purely  imaginary  events,  to 
gether  with  errors  of  detail  in  statements  that  are 
generally  accurate,  I  say  nothing,  since  in  these  manu 
script  narratives,  written  especially  for  my  use  and 
not  for  the  public,  it  is  my  duty  to  search  simply  for 
the  truth  and  not  to  point  out  defects.  But  there  is 
also  matter  of  a  third  class,  statements  more  or  less 
inaccurate  but  founded  on  facts  not  clearly  recorded  in 
the  archives,  which  it  would  be  hazardous  to  embody 
in  chronological  history,  but  which  nevertheless  merits 
brief  notice,  such  as  I  give  it  in  notes  here  and  later.38 

37  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  34. 

38  1812,  etc.,  the  Indians  of  Taclii  had  pits  from  which  they  discharged 
their  arrows,  into  which  the  soldiers'  horses  often  fell.  Boronda,  Notas,  15. 
Six  men,  including  Inocente  Garcia,  under  Sergt.  Jose"  Dolores  Pico  went 
with  Padre  Arroyo  and  30  Indian  auxiliaries  from  San  Juan  Bautista  over  to 
the  other  side  of  Santa  Rita  to  the  rancherlas  of  Jayaya  and  Tape"  to  get  some 
girls  promised  for  converts;   but  the  chief  was  absent  and  a  fight  ensued. 
Most  ran  away,  but  Garcia  and  a  few  men  continued  the  fight  in  aid  of  the 
Indian  allies  against  the  sergeant's  orders,  rescuing  all  but  2  who  were  killed, 
and  all  the  horses.     Garcia  was  put  in  the  stocks  by  Pico,  but  was  pardoned 
and  given  a  furlough  by  the  governor  at  Arroyo's  intercession.    Garcia, 
Hechos,  MS.,  10-15. 


PERSONAL  NARRATIVES.  339 

I  regret  that  iny  space  does  not  permit  more  extended 
extracts  from  these  narratives,  which  are  often  full 
of  interest. 

1813,  Boronda  gives  some  details  of  an  expedition  to  Tachl  in  the  Tulares 
region  under  Sergt.  Espinoza.  Notas,  MS.,  13-15.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
i.  103-7,  says  that  soon  after  Quintana's  murder,  the  padre  of  San  Jose"  was 
attacked  by  800  Indians  in  San  Ramon  Valley.  Apolinario  Bernal  told  the 
padre  and  the  other  soldier  to  run  while  he  fought.  He  held  the  foe  in  check 
until  his  ammunition  was  gone  and  his  horse  killed,  when  he  also  died  from 
loss  of  blood.  '  The  padres  never  wrote  of  this  brave  act;  had  it  been  a  priest 
Rome  would  have  echoed  with  it.'  The  death  of  Bernal  was  terribly  avenged 
by  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco. 

About  1815,  Jose"  Dolores  Pico,  corporal  of  the  escolta  of  San  Juan  Bautista, 
while  out  after  runaways  was  wounded  with  three  arrows  while  warming 
himself  at  an  Indian  fire.  A  fight  followed  in  which  all  the  Indians  but  two 
were  killed.  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  108-9.  Jos6  de  Jesus  Pico  told  Mr  Sav 
age  that  he  remembered,  when  he  was  a  small  boy,  his  father  being  brought 
in  on  a  litter  terribly  wounded.  Boronda,  Notas,  MS.,  2-3,  says  he  was 
wounded  on  the  Reyes  River  about  1816. 

Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  172-8;  and  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  106,  speak  of 
an  expedition  under  Sergt.  Ignacio  Vallejo  in  May  1818  against  the  Indians 
of  the  Tulares,  who  under  Chalpinich  of  the  rancheria  of  Joyima  made  hostile 
demonstrations  against  San  Luis,  San  Antonio,  San  Miguel,  and  Soledad. 
Sergt.  Pico  was  second  in  command.  There  were  two  hard  fights,  one  at  El 
Pleito  on  the  Rio  Nacimiento  and  the  other  to  raise  a  siege  on  San  Miguel. 
The  Indians  wrere  terribly  punished  and  driven  back  into  the  Tulares.  I 
think  no  such  affair  could  have  taken  place  in  or  about  1818,  and  there  is 
some  error  of  date. 

Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  170-1,  tells  us  that  Sola  was  very  careful  to 
conciliate  the  wild  tribes,  making  regular  treaties,  issuing  regular  despachos 
to  the  chiefs,  and  renewing  these  every  year.  The  treaties  bound  the  Span 
iards  to  aid  the  tribe  against  hostile  tribes  who  had  no  treaty  and  to  be 
neutral  in  quarrels  with  such  as  had  treaties,  always  after  the  padres  had 
tried  in  vain  to  effect  a  conciliation.  Gifts  were  often  made  to  the  chiefs, 
who  were  always  entitled  to  food,  etc. ,  on  presenting  their  despacho. 

In  1820  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  17,  records  an  expedition  of  Sanchez 
with  25  soldiers,  15  vecinos  of  San  Jose",  and  50  Indians  against  the  Cosumnes. 
The  Indians  were  attacked  at  daybreak  and  8  or  10  were  killed,  and  70 
horses  recovered.  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  105-7,  speaks  of  another  expedition 
under  Soto  to  the  Mariposas,  the  rancheria  of  Nopochinches  being  named,  in 
which  300  Indians  of  all  ages  and  sexes  were  brought  in  to  San  Juan  Bautista. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 
1811-1820. 

SAN  DIEGO  PRESIDIO — OFFICIALS — TROUBLES  OF  CAPTAIN  Ruiz — POPULA 
TION — STATISTICS — PROPOSED  REMOVAL — PETTY  OCCURRENCES  OF  A  DE 
CADE — MISSION  SAN  DIEGO— TADRE  PANTO  POISONED — NEW  CHURCH — 
CHAPEL  AT  SANTA  ISABEL — SAN  Luis  REY — A  PROSPEROUS  MISSION — 
BRANCH  AT  PALA — SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — EARTHQUAKE— Los  AN 
GELES — LIST  OF  CITIZENS — PUEBLO  CHAPEL — PRIVATE  RANCHOS — SAN 
GABRIEL — FRANCISCO  DUMETZ — JOSE  DE  MIGUEL — BEGINNING  AT  SAN 
BERNARDINO — FATHERS  MUNOZ  AND  URRESTI— SAN  FERNANDO— SANTA 
BARBARA  PRESIDIO— BIOGRAPHY  OF  CAPTAIN  JOSE  ARGUELLO— FORCE 
AND  POPULATION — EVENTS — MISSION — PADRE  AMESTOY — NEW  CHURCH 
— SAN  BUENAVENVENTURA — PURISIMA — REMOVAL — SANTA  INES. 

IGNACIO  DEL  CORRAL  was  nominally  captain  of  the 
San  Diego  company  throughout  this  decade,  though 
he  never  came  to  California.  His  commission  expired 
when  his  successor  was  named  on  July  12,  1820,  but 
the  news  did  not  come  until  the  next  year.1  Lieuten 
ant  Francisco  Maria  Ruiz  was  acting  commandant 
until  temporarily  relieved  in  favor  of  Lieutenant  Josd 
Maria  Estudillo,  of  Monterey,  on  October  23,  1820. 
The  reasons  for  this  change  were  somewhat  compli 
cated.  The  coming  of  Captain  Portilla  in  1819,  on 
account  of  his  superiority  of  rank,  and  of  minor  dis 
agreements  between  the  old  and  new  soldiers,  led  to 
misunderstandings  between  the  two  officers.  Ruiz 
was  now  an  old  man  in  poor  health,  his  illness  being 
attributed  by  his  enemies  to  the  free  use  of  intoxicat 
ing  liquors,  which  he  denied.  He  was  charged  with 

1  Corral  was  promoted  to  be  sargento  mayor  del  batallon  lijero  de  infan- 
teria  provisional  de  Mexico.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  27. 

i  ZiO  } 


SAN  DIEGO  COMPANY.  341 

excesses  during  the  visit  of  the  British  whaler  Dis 
covery  in  August  1820,  whose  captain  he  permitted  to 
make  a  survey  with  soundings  of  the  port.  Portilla 
seems  to  have  been  the  chief  accuser.  Ruiz  was  in 
dignant  on  receipt  of  Sola's  order  of  September  2d  to 
repair  to  Monterey  to  take  command  of  the  company, 
and  care  for  his  health;  but  was  appeased  by  the  gov 
ernor's  later  explanation  that  the  new  command  was 
intended  as  an  honor.  It  is  not  clear  whether  he  act 
ually  reached  Monterey;  but  he  spent  the  last  months 
of  the  year  ill  at  San  Luis  Hey.2  We  shall  see  later 
that  the  substitution  of  Estudillo  was  not  productive 
of  the  desired  harmony.  Ruiz  performed  the  duties 
of  habilitado  in  1801-13  and  1817-18;  Jose  de  la 
Guerra  in  1813-15;  Ignacio  Martinez  in  1815-17; 
and  Santiago  Argiiello  in  1818-1820.  Ignacio  Mar 
tinez  was  the  company  alferez  until  1817,  when  he 
was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant  of  San  Francisco, 
Gervasio  Argiiello  taking  his  place  on  the  rolls,  and 
holding  the  position  for  many  years;  but  as  Don 
Gervasio  was  absent  in  Guadalajara  as  habilitado 
general  and  never  returned  to  California,  his  brother 
Santiago,  promoted  at  the  same  time  to  be  alferez, 
served  at  San  Diego,  though  belonging  to  the  San 
Francisco  company.  Jose  Maria  Pico  was  company 
sergeant  throughout  the  decade;  but  Joaquin  Arce, 
the  other  sergeant,  was  succeeded  before  1817  by 
Cristobal  Dominguez.  Domingo  Carrillo  was  a  cadet 
in  the  company  until  1817;  and  afterward  Jose  Gua- 
dalupe  Moraga,  who  died  early  in  1821.  He  was  a  son 
of  Gabriel  Moraga  and  had  been  a  'soldado  distinguido' 
at  San  Francisco. 

The  San  Diego  military  force  down  to  1819  was 
uniformly  one  hundred  men,  including  two  officers, 
sixty-nine  soldiers  of  the  presidial  company,  twenty- 
three  invalids,  four  artillerymen,  and  two  mechanics. 

2  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  46,  293-4;  Id.  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  15-21;  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  32;  xiii.  7-10;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  48-52;  Ruiz's 
commission  as  captain  was  issued  July  12,  1820,  and  forwarded  by  Sola  June 
21,  1821. 


342  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

Of  this  number  about  20  of  the  invalids  lived  at  Los 
Angeles  or  on  ranches,  and  twenty-five  soldiers 
served  in  the  mission  escoltas;  so  that  the  actual 
force  at  the  presidio  amounted  to  fifty-five  men  as  at 
the  end  of  the  last  decade.  This  number  was,  how 
ever,  doubled  in  1819  by  the  arrival  of  Portilla  and 
his  company  of  Mazatecos,  about  fifty-five  of  whom 
remained  at  San  Diego.  The  total  population  de  ra- 
zon  of  the  district  in  1820,  excluding  as  before  the 
guard  of  San  Gabriel  and  the  invalids  of  Los  Angeles, 
was,  as  nearly  as  can  be  determined,  four  hundred  and 
fifty,  a  gain  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  during  the  dec 
ade,  or  of  seventy-five  besides  Portilla's  men.3  The 
neophyte  population  of  the  district  increased  in  ten 
years  from  4,300  to  5,.200,  the  whole  gain,  and  more, 
being  at  San  Luis  Hey.  For  this  as  for  the  previous 
decade  there  are  but  a  few  meagre  items  respecting 
the  presidial  live-stock;  no  record  whatever  of  such 
limited  agricultural  operations  as  were  probably  car 
ried  on  at  the  presidio;  and  nothing  to  indicate  the 
existence  of  private  ranchos,  except  near  San  Gabriel, 
which,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  still  within  the 
military  jurisdiction  of  San  D.iego.4  Of  presidial 

3  For  the  earlier  years  of  the  decade  statistics  are  very  scattering  and 
unsatisfactory.  For  1818  Ruiz  reports,  a  total  population  of  498,  including 
San  Gabriel.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  xlix.  81.  In  1816  the  total  had  been 
4-18.  Id.,  xlvi.  30.  At  the  end  of  1819  the  same  officer  reports  the  same  total 
as  538 — males  286  and  females  252;  of  which  number  12  are  accredited  to  San 
Diego  mission,  63  to  San  Juan,  41  to  San  Luis,  and  175  to  San  Gabriel;  the 
total  without  San  Gabriel  being  363,  which  cannot,  I  think,  include  Portilla's 
55  men,  because  the  population  of  the  presidio  proper  is  given  as  130  males 
and  117  females,  which,  were  the  Mazatecos  included,  would  leave  only  7  male 
children,  of  course  an  absurdity.  Id.,  1.  52-3.  No  doubt  Portilla's  55  men,  or 
the  same  number  of  other  soldiers,  should  be  deducted  from  the  number  at 
San  Gabriel,  and  even  the  120  left  seems  a  very  large  number.  It  is  on  these 
reports  that  I  have  based  the  figures  in  my  text,  allowing  about  the  same 
increase  in  1820  as  in  1819.  There  is,  however,  a  report  for  1820  which 
makes  the  total  515. 

For  company  rolls,  official  lists,  financial  accounts,  statements  of  popula 
tion,  etc.,  for  San  Diego  in  this  decade — not  very  complete — see  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xx.  46-8,  118,  287-94;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlii.-li.  passim,  especially  xlvi. 
and  xlix.;  Id.,  Presid.,  i.  41-50;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,lxxi.  47-51; 
Ixxxvii.  65;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  7,  38;  ii.  67;  vi.  25-6,  32,  83;  vii.  72;  viii. 
10-17;  xi.  71;  xiii.  7-10;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  180,  185;  xii.  88;  Sta  Clara, 
Parroquira,  MS.,  55-6;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vii.  256;  xxviii.  105, 
108;  Guerra,Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  35,  143;  vi.  48-52,  123. 

*  Yet  a  report  of  1818  does  not  include  San  Gabriel.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  185. 


CONDITION  OF  SAN  DIEGO.  343 

finances,  as  the  reader  of  preceding  chapters  will 
readily  understand,  there  is  little  to  be  said.  No 
soldier  or  officer  received  any  pay  during  the  decade. 
Two  small  invoices  of  goods  arrived  from  the  south. 
Tithes  were  collected  in  kind.  Tobacco  was  served 
out  on  account  of  wages  so  long  as  it  lasted ;  possibly 
a  few  dollars  were  collected  for  papal  indulgences  and 
postage;  the  king's  cattle  were  largely  eaten  and 
charged  to  the  pay  account.  But  for  the  most  part 
the  missions  had  to  support  the  soldiers  and  their 
families,  furnishing  food  and  coarse  cloth,  or  produce 
that  could  be  bartered  for  the  latter  with  the  vessels 
that  rarely  touched  on  the  southern  coasts.5 

Sola  in  his  visit  of  1817  found  the  presidio  build 
ings  in  so  " fatally  ruinous"  a  condition  that  he  was 
obliged  to  "adopt  measures"  for  their  removal  to  a 
better  site  about  three  hundred  yards  farther  north.6  I 
have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  governor's  measures 
were  carried  out.  This  was  an  uneventful  period  even 
for  San  Diego,  always  the  dullest  place  in  the  province. 
As  elsewhere  the  inhabitants  had  the  ever-increasing 
destitution  as  a  subject  for  thought  and  conversation, 
too  often  without  cigarettes  to  clear  their  minds  for 
a  proper  consideration  of  the  problem.  Only  twice 
did  they  see  upon  their  fine  bay  the  sail  of  any 

5  The  only  record  of  the  annual  appropriation  was  $19,695  in  1811;  the 
only  recorded  invoice  $9,046  in  1815-16.  The  habilitado's  regular  accounts 
are  preserved  from  1815  to  1818,  but  are  not  intelligible  in  all  respects.  The 
totals  of  debit  and  credit  increase  in  those  years  from  $67,000  to  $102,000; 
inventories  vary  from  $962  to  $2,397;  debts  contracted  with  missions  and 
private  individuals  increase  from  $43,000  to  $71,000,  and  payments  on  ac 
count  of  those  debts  from  $32,000  to  $55,000.  The  exact  nature  of  which 
latter  accumulations  is  not  clear  to  me.  Mission  supplies  are  given  at  $5,717 
in  1811;  $1,000  from  San  Juan  in  1817;  and  in  1820,  1,300  fan.  of  barley,  286 
fan.  of  beans,  and  832  arr.  of  tallow.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  24.  Aver 
age  net  proceeds  of  live-stock  sales  from  king's  rancho,  $635.  Down  to  1816 
there  were  about  1,200  head  of  cattle  in  the  rancho.  Average  postal  revenue, 
$35.  Tobacco  sales,  $1,251  in  1811,  $1,273  in  1812,  and  $97  in  1817.  Prob 
ably  no  more  tobacco  was  received,  and  the  soldiers  had  to  depend  on  other 
sources,  or  for  the  most  part  go  without  smoking.  Papal  bulls  in  1811, 
$111.  Gunpowder  in  1816,  $286;  in  1817,  $247.  Proceeds  of  forge,  1818, 
$202.  Tithes  very  irregular,  from  $76  to  $924.  Full  accounts  for  1817,  duly 
sworn  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xvi.  13.  Cattle  at  end  of  1816, 
826;  born  in  1817,  212;  lost,  40;  sold,  88;  product  of  sales,  $306. 

6 Sola,  Observations,  MS.,  185. 


344  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

craft  except  that  of  their  own  flat-boat  plying  lazily  to 
and  from  Point  Guijarros,  when  Wilcox  in  the  Trav 
eller  came  for  a  load  of  grain  in  September  1817,  and 
the  whaler  Discovery  refitted  in  the  port  in  August 
1820.7  The  natives  in  this  southern  frontier  were  for 
the  most  part  quiet,  though  thefts  and  petty  disturb 
ances  were  of  sufficiently  frequent  occurrence  to  re 
quire  an  occasional  raid  into  the  mountains,  and  once  in 
a  while  a  trial  at  the  presidio.8  There  was  some  kind 
of  a  school  at  San  Diego  during  a  part  of  the  decade; 
but  the  educational  advantages  offered  we  may  only 
conjecture  from  comparison  with  northern  institutions 
of  the  same  period.9  The  earthquake  of  1812,  so  fatal 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  district,  did  no  harm  here, 
even  if  it  was  felt  at  all;  but  about  the  same  time 
there  was  an  arrest  of  several  soldiers  charged  with  a 
plot  to  revolt  and  seize  the  post.10  And  finally  I  may 
allude  to  the  terror  of  Bouchard's  invasion  already 
narrated.  In  San  Diego  it  produced  no  more  serious 
effect  than  to  furnish  a  topic  of  popular  excitement, 
necessitate  a  strengthening  of  defences  with  prepara 
tions  for  a  shower  of  red-hot  balls  upon  the  pirate  foe, 
and  to  give  the  families  an  excursion  to  Pala.11 

At  the  mission  of  San  Diego  Father  Sanchez 
served  as  minister  until  the  spring  of  1820,  when  he 
was  succeeded  by  Vicente  Pascual  Oliva.  Panto,  the 

7  See  chap.  xiii. ,  this  volume. 

8  Nov.  1811,  trial  of  a  neophyte  for  attempted  murder  of  a  padre,  of  which 
more  elsewhere.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlix.  2-7.     1814,  murder 
case.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxi.  47-51.     Oct.  1815,  captive  gen 
tiles  and  investigation.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  5-6.     Sept. 
1816,  horse-thieves  sentenced  to  a  novenario  de  azotes.  Id.,  xlvi.  8-9.     Same 
punishments  for  stabbing  a  wife  after  putting  yerba  in  her  atole.  Id.     April 
1820,  complaints  of  depredations  and  report  of  skirmishes.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  287. 

9Pio  Pico  remembers  being  one  of  a  class  taught  in  1813  by  Jose"  Antonio 
Carrillo,  and  having  covered  divers  quires  of  paper  with  reproductions  of  the 
name,  'Senor  Don  Felix  Maria  Callejas.'  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  3.  There  was  a 
school  in  1818.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  ix.  180. 

10 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xliii.  7-8.  Pico,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  3-4,  says 
his  father,  Sergt.  Jose  Maria  Pico,  was  arrested  for  complicity  in  this  plot 
and  that  three  soldiers  died  in  prison. 

11  For  map  of  San  Diego  district  see  chap.  vi. 


SAN  DIEGO  MISSION.  345 

associate  of  Sanchez,  died  in  1812  and  was  replaced 
by  Fernando  Martin.  Panto  was  a  rigorous  disci 
plinarian  and  severe  in  his  punishments.  One  evening 
in  November  1811  his  soup  was  poisoned,  causing 
vomiting.  His  cook  Nazario  was  arrested  and  ad 
mitted  having  put  the  'yerba,'  powdered  cuchasque- 
laai,  in  the  soup  with  a  view  to  escape  the  father's 
intolerable  floggings,  having  received  in  succession 
fifty,  twenty -five,  twenty-four,  and  twenty-five  lashes 
in  the  twenty-four  hours  preceding  his  attempted 
revenge.12  There  is  much  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
friar's  death  on  June  30th  of  the  next  year  was  at 
tributable  to  the  poisoning.13 

The  new  mission  church,  vaguely  alluded  to  in  the 
annals  of  the  preceding  decade,  was  completed  in 
time  for  the  dedicatory  ceremonies  to  take  place  on 
the  day  of  the  titular  saint  November  12,  1813.  The 
blessing  was  pronounced  by  Barona  of  San  Juan. 
The  first  sermon  was  by  Boscana  of  San  Luis,  the 
second  by  the  Dominican  Ahumada  of  San  Miguel, 
and  Lieutenant  Ruiz  served  as  sponsor.14  The  erec 
tion  of  a  chapel  at  Santa  Isabel,  some  forty  miles 
from  the  mission,  where  two  hundred  baptized  Indians 
lived,  was  also  urged  by  the  padres  in  1816-19.  The 
governor  lacked  enthusiasm  for  this  scheme  and  there 
is  no  record  that  it  was  carried  out  until  after  1820.15 

12  In  the  investigation  Domingo  Carrillo  was  prosecutor,  Jos6  Maria  Pico 
defender,  and  Joaquin  Arce,  clerk.     Pico  urged  that  Nazario's  offence  was 
justifiable  on  account  of  Panto's  cruelty,  and  he  asked  for  acquittal  especially 
as  the  dose  was  not  fatal.     Carrillo  admitted  the  friar's  cruelty,  but  insisted 
on  a  penalty  of  8  months'  presidio  work  as  a  warning.     The  sentence  is  not 
given.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  2-7. 

13  Jos6  Pedro  Panto  was  a  native  of  Valverde  del  Fresno,  Estremadura, 
Spain,  and  took  the  habit  in  the  religious  province  of  San  Miguel.     He  came 
to  California  apparently  soon  after  joining  the  college  of  San  Fernando, 
arriving  at  San  Diego  July  28,  1810.     He  served  at  this  mission  from  Sept. 
1810  until  his  death  June  30,  1812.     He  was  buried  in  the  mission  church  by 
Boscana  and  Ahumada  on  July  2d.  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  93;  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  x.  434;  xi.  88;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  249. 

14 May  25,  1812,  church  not  finished.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  297.  Dec. 
31,  1812,  church  will  be  ready  next  year.  Neither  old  nor  new  one  injured 
by  the  earthquake.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  23,  25.  Dedication,  San  Diego, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  14. 

15  Oct.  12th,  Dec.  19, 1816,  Sanchez  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,M.S.,  iii.  pt.  i.  67-8. 
Feb.  2,  1819,  P.  Sarria  to  President  Payeras.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  iii.  113-14. 


346  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

San  Diego  lost  about  three  per  cent  of  her  neo 
phyte  population  in  the  whole  decade,  but  was  gaining 
rapidly  in  the  last  years,  the  death-rate  being  seventy- 
seven  per  cent  of  baptisms  and  thirty-five  per  cent 
of  population.  This  mission  now  stood  fourth  in  the 
list,16  and  was  one  of  the  six  that  had  not  yet  passed 
the  highest  limit  of  population.  In  the  matter  of 
live-stock  this  mission's  percentage  of  gain  was  greater 
than  any  other,  and  in  its  total  number  of  sheep  it 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  list.  Agricultural  progress 
was  also  much  more  satisfactory  than  in  the  past, 
perhaps  on  account  of  the  irrigation  works  already 
described ;  yet  the  remark  of  Sola  on  his  visit  of  1817, 
that  the  padres  "  had  now  begun  to  bring  water 
through  conduits/'  may  indicate  that  I  have  placed 
the  completion  of  these  works  at  too  early  a  date.17 

At  San  Luis  Hey  Father  Antonio  Peyri  still  toiled, 
but  with  frequent  changes  of  associate,  Estevan  Tapis 
serving  in  1811,  Ger6nimo  Boscana  in  1812-13,  Fran 
cisco  Suner  in  1814-16,  Ramon  Gibe's  in  1816—18, 
and  Jaime  Escude  from  1818,  none  of  whom  died  or 
left  California  during  this  period.  This  mission  was 
now  by  far  the  most  populous  in  the  province,  with  a 
death-rate  of  only  forty-four  per  cent  of  baptisms  and 
twenty-four  per  cent  of  total  population.  In  agricul- 

The  padres  had  a  person  de  razon  in  charge,,  and  were  allowed  by  the  pref ecto 
to  go  there  to  say  mass  with  a  portable  altar. 

16  Statistics  of  the  decade:  Decrease  of  population  1,611  to  1,567;  1,430  in 
1817;  I,616inl812.  Baptisms,  1,347;  largest  number,  227  in  1820;  smallest, 
49  in  1813.  Deaths,  1,039;  largest  number,  118  in  1813;  smallest,  61  in  1819. 
Increase  in  large  live-stock,  3,720  to  9,162;  horses  and  mules,  720  to  1,042; 
sheep,  etc.,  9,740  to  14,908.  Crops  in  1810,  1,545  bushels;  in  1820,  5,472; 
largest  crop,  13,215  in  1818;  smallest,  1,740  in  1813;  average,  17,500  bushels. 
Dec.  23,  1814,  the  padres  report  deaths  exceeding  births  and  baptisms  for 
four  years.  Arch.,  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  iii.  32.  1819,  neophytes  dress  in  coarse 
woollen  cloths  made  by  themselves.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  1.  53. 
Mission  wine  raised  from  $20  and  $25  to  $30  per  barrel  in  1818.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vii.  37. 

17 Sola,  Observaciones,  MS.,  185.  He  mentions  also  the  use  of  wells  to 
irrigate  vegetables,  vines,  fruit  trees,  and  olives.  In  the  proceedings  in  a 
criminal  suit  of  1830  reference  is  made  to  the  murder  of  the  majordomo  Pedro 
Miguel  Alvarez  by  three  neophytes  at  San  Diego  in  1814;  but  I  find  no  con 
temporaneous  record  of  this  crime.  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  of  the  occur 
rence.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxi.  47-51. 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  347 

ture,  but  not  in  live-stock18  except  horses,  San  Luis 
stood  at  the  head.19  The  mission  church  though  com 
paratively  new,  did  not  come  up  to  Peyri's  ideal,  and 
he  asked  the  governor  in  1811  for  permission  to  build 
a  new  edifice  of  adobes  and  bricks;  but  there  is  no 
further  record  on  the  matter  during  the  decade.20  In 
1816,  however,  the  missionary  founded  a  branch  es 
tablishment  under  the  name  of  San  Antonio  at  Pala, 
six  or  seven  leagues  from  San  Luis.  Here  a  chapel 
was  built,  one  of  the  padres  was  generally  stationed, 
and  within  a  year  or  two  about  a  thousand  converts 
were  gathered  to  till  the  soil  and  recite  the  doctrine.21 

At  San  Juan  Capistrano  the  leading  event  of  the 
preceding  decade  had  been  the  completion  and  dedica 
tion  of  the  new  stone  church,  and  the  most  important 
and  almost  the  only  recorded  event  of  this  decade  was 
the  destruction  of  that  church  by  an  earthquake  on 
the  morning  of  December  8,  1812.  It  was  at  early 
mass  on  a  Sunday  when  about  fifty  persons  were  in 
the  church,  and  only  five  or  six  besides  the  officiating 
padre  escaped  with  their  lives.  The  edifice  was  of  the 
usual  cruciform  shape,  about  ninety  by  one  hundred 
and  eighty  feet  on  the  ground,  with  very  thick  walls 
and  arched  dome-like  roof,  all  constructed  of  stones 
imbedded  in  mortar  or  cement.  The  stones  were  not 
hewn  but  of  irregular  size  and  shape,  a  kind  of  struc 
ture  evidently  requiring  great  skill  to  ensure  solidity » 

18  We  are  told  that  in  1817  so  many  sheep  died  that  the  padres  had  to  go 
north  as  far  as  San  Juan  Bautista  for  wool  to  clothe  their  neophytes.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  139. 

19  Increase  in  population  1,517  to  2,603.     Baptisms,  1,898;  largest  number, 
473  in  1819;  smallest,  54  in  1816.     Deaths,  847;  largest  number,  134  in  1819; 
smallest,  50  in  181 1.     Increase  of  large  stock,  10,576  to  11,852;  7,862  in  1811; 
horses  and  mules,  776  to  1,352;  sheep,  etc.,  9,710  to  13,641.     Crops,  in  1810, 
4,225  bushels;  in  1820,  13,335;  largest,  20,390  in  1817;  smallest,  6,600  in 
1816;  average,  12,470  bushels. 

mArch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  84.     Mar.  11,  1811,  Peyri  to  governor. 

21  Nov.  5,  1817,  Sarria  in  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  iii.  41-2;  Sola,  Observa- 
ciones,  MS.,  ix.  185-6.  San  Luis  had  a  hospital  where  the  padre  made  every 
effort  to  stay  the  ravages  of  syphilis  and  dysentery  among  the  neophytes;  and 
in  the  hospital  was  a  special  chapel  and  altar.  Payeras,  Informe  JJienal.  1817- 
18,  MS.,  303. 


348  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

There  is  not  much  doubt  that  the  disaster  was  due 
rather  to  faulty  construction  than  to  the  violence  of 
the  temblor.  A  lofty  tower  at  the  church  front  fell 
upon  the  dome  at  the  second  movement  of  the  earth, 
and  in  a  moment  the  immense  mass  of  stone  and  mortar 
came  crushing  down  upon  the  poor  neophyte  worship 
pers.  Thirty-nine  bodies  were  recovered  and  buried 
during  the  next  two  days,  and  apparently  several  others 
later.  In  the  search  for  bodies  much  of  the  debris  was 
removed  from  the  interior;  but  otherwise  the  ruin  of 
the  finest  mission  structure  in  California  still  stands 
as  left  in  1812,  an  apartment  in  an  adjoining  adobe 
building  having  been  used  ever  since  for  religious  ser 
vice.  In  my  visit  in  1874  I  noticed  that  at  some  time 
long  past  a  feeble  attempt  had  been  made  to  rebuild 
a  part  of  the  walls  with  adobes.22 

Beyond  the  earthquake  disaster  and  the  landing  of 
Bouchard's  insurgents  in  December  1818  as  already 
recorded,  there  is  nothing  to  be  said  of  events  at  San 
Juan;23  alid  it  only  remains  to  present  the  usual  sta 
tistics.  Father  Barona  continued  his  ministrations 
throughout  the  period;  but  at  the  end  of  1813  or  early 
in  1814  Suner  exchanged  places  with  Boscana  of  San 
Luis  Rey.  In  population  San  Juan  reached  its  high 
est  figure,  1,361,  in  1812;  but  for  the  whole  decade  it 
lost  six  per  cent,  deaths  exceeding  baptisms.  There 

22  Barona's  entry  of  burials  in  S.  Juan  Cap.,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  3.     Dec.  3, 
1812,  report  of  the  padres,  who  say  that  6  besides  the  padre  escaped  as  by  a, 
miracle.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  iv.  22-3.     Dec.  31st,  Ruiz  to  Arrillaga.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xliii.  7.     April  9, 1813,  report  of  president,  who  says 
the  padre  was  in  the  offertory  and  escaped  by  the  sacristy  door.  Arch.  StaB., 
MS.,  xii.  91.     A  temporary  apartment  serving  as  church  in  1818.  Prov.  Rec.y 
ix.  186.  Trask,  Earthquakes  in  Gal.,  133,  on  the  stated  authority  of  'old  in 
habitants'  tells  us  the  day  was  clear  and  unusually  warm.     Half  an  hour  after 
service  a  loud  distant  rushing  sound  was  heard  in  the  east  and  also  out  on  the 
ocean,  approaching  without  any  breeze.     Several  were  warned  by  this  noise 
and  left  the  church.     Then  came  the  first  and  heaviest  shock  which  threw 
down  the  church.  See  also  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  9-10;  Bandini,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
22;  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  i.  122.     The  number  of  killed  has  been  stated  all  the 
way  from  30  to  100  in  newspaper  articles,  etc.     It  is  also  stated  that  many 
were  injured  besides  the  killed,  of  which  there  is  no  original  evidence. 

23  1811,   an  American  ship  anchored  near  the  mission.    Taylor  in   GaL 
Farmer,  March  21,  1862.     1816,  Nieto  complains  to  governor  of  the  padres' 
encroachments  on  his  cattle.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv.  4-5.    1818, 
a  chapel  has  been  built  at  the  hospital.  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal}  MS.,  303. 


LOS  ANGELES.  349 

was  a  gain  in  live-stock,  and  also  in  agriculture;  though 
in  the  matter  of  crops  this  mission  was  surpassed  by 
many.24 

The  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  with  the  ranchos  of 
the  surrounding  region  had  a  white  population  of  about 
six  hundred  and  fifty  in  1820,  or  together  with  its 
neighboring  missions  San  Gabriel  and  San  Fernando, 
of  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty,  though  as  we  have 
seen  there  are  some  difficulties  about  the  gente  de  ra- 
zon  at  San  Gabriel.  There  is  extant  a  document 
which  purports  to  be  a  list  of  all  pobl adores,  ninety- 
one  in  number,  six  of  them  deceased,  down  to  Febru 
ary  1816,  a  list  which  I  have  deemed  sufficiently 
important  to  be  reproduced  in  substance,  though  it  is 
not  altogether  satisfactory.'" 


25 


2*  Decrease  of  pop.,  1,138  to  1,064.  Baptisms  735;  largest  number  240  in 
1812;  smallest,  41  in  1819.  Deaths  755;  largest  number  177  in  1812;  small 
est,  51  in  1820.  Increase  in  large  stock,  10,213  to  11,480;  14,000  in  1817; 
horses,  etc.,  693  to  980;  866  in  1819;  sheep,  etc.,  11,500  to  14,198.  Crops  in 
1810,  5,300  bushels;  in  1820,  1,840,  the  smallest;  largest,  13,700  in  1811. 
Average,  6,530  bushels.  Aug.  30,  1817,  the  padres  ask  the  governor  for  lands 
at  Las  Bajios  de  Santa  Ana  andTLas  Bolsas  on  which  to  pasture  mission  cat 
tle.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,iii.  pt.  ii.  140. 

25  Los  Angeles,  Lista  que  manifiesta  los  pobladores,  Invdlidos,  y  Vecinos, 
con  noticia  de  su  entrada  en  este  pueblo,  tierras  conque  se  les  ha  gratijicado,  y  el 
tiempo  que  las  poscen  por  repartimiento,  y  lo  que  cada  uno  acostumbra  d  tra- 
bajar,  MS.  Signed  by  Guillermo  Cota,  on  Feb.  4,  1816.  Names  of  persons 
deceased  are  in  italics.  For  convenience  and  to  economize  space  I  have 
classified  the  names.  Fourteen  had  received  lands  in  the  pueblo,  which  had 
passed  into  the  hands  of  their  children  or  of  other  persons:  Manuel  Camoro, 
1781;  Jose"  Maria  Navarro,  1787;  Francisco  Reyes,  1787;  Casimiro  Varelas, 
1790;  JuanOlivas,  1800;  Antonio  Ignacio  A vila,  1799;  Anastasio  Avila,  1799; 
Basilio  Rosas,  1781;  Joaquin  Higuera,  1791;  Mateo  Rubio,  1794;  Pedro 
Alvarez,  1799;  Manuel  Valenzuela,  1800;  Manuel  Machado;  1800;  and  Guil 
lermo  Soto,  1789.  Six  still  cultivated  the  lands  given  them — that  is  the 
regular  pueblo  suertes  apparently:  Eugenio  Valde"s,  1800;  Jose"  Polanco,  1804; 
Jacinto  Reyes,  1804;  Fructuoso  Ruiz,  1799;  Tomas  Oribes,  1798;  Jose"  Pal- 
omares,  1810.  Fourteen  had  received  no  lands  but  had  cultivated  the  pueblo 
(common?)  lands,  and  some  had  gardens:  Felipe  Talamantes,  1794;  Ramon 
Buelna,  1793;  Segundo  Valenzuela,  1800;  Juan  Lopez,  1799;  Jose"  Maria 
Aguilar,  1814;  Jose  Ruiz,  1815;  Ignacio  Varelas,  1815;  Juan  de  Dios  Balles- 
teros,  1796;  Pedro  Lizalde,  1808;  Francisco  Avila,  1804;  Javier  Alvarado,  1810; 
Jose"  Berrnudes,  1815;  Francisco  Sepiilveda,  1815;  Jose"  Manuel  Cota,  1815. 
Ten  had  no  lands,  but  cultivated  each  a  garden:  Pedro  Perez,  1805;  Ignacio 
Valencia,  1808;  Vicente  Sanchez,  1814;  Ignacio  Rendon,  1810;  Desiderio 
Ibarra,  1814;  Cayetano  Varelas,  1809;  Jose"  Felix,  1813;  Encarnacion  Ur- 
guides,  1812;  Claudio  Lopez,  1811;  Mariano  Alanis,  1800.  Five  had  no 
lands  of  their  own  but  lived  and  worked  with  relatives  and  others:  Dolores 
Sepiilveda,  Juan  Nepomuceno  Alvarado,  1812;  Jos6  Maria  Soto,  1815;  Bruno 


350  LOCAL  ANNALS  OP  THE  SOUTH. 

Statistics  of  population  are  very  incomplete;  and 
those  relating  to  live-stock,  agriculture,  and  other  in 
dustries  are  altogether  inadequate  to  the  formation 
of  general  conclusions.  Sola,  however,  states  that  in 
1817  the  settlers  had  excellent  lands,  supplied  much 
produce  to  the  presidio,  and  in  fact  produced  all  that 
there  was  a  market  for.  They  had  also  53,686  vines.28 
The  official  list  is  equally  meagre.  Guillermo  Cota 
held  the  office  of  comisionado  until  the  end  of  1817; 
Juan  Ortega,  until  August  1818;  and  subsequently 
Anastasio  Carrillo.  Respecting  the  civil  government 
of  the  pueblo  we  only  know  that  Antonio  Maria  Lugo 
was  alcalde  in  1816  and  1818,  Anastasio  and  Antonio 

Avila,  1815;  Antonio  Valde"s,  1815;  Antonio  Lopez,  1813;  Jose"  Maria  Rocha,  — . 
Twenty  worked  out  as  laborers  or  at  a  trade,  and  a  few  had  gardens:  Pedro 
Valenzuela,  1798;  Nicolas  Alanis,  1807;  Rafael  Arriola,  1811;  Cayetano  Duarte, 
1813;  Pedro  Pollorena,  1805;  Antonio  Romero,  1807;  Ignacio  Almenares, 

1813;  Miguel  Sais,  1806;  Cosme  Olivas, ;  Jose"  Maria  Valenzuela,  1815; 

Agustin  Carabantes,  1807;  Ger6nimo  Canedo,  1812;  Francisco  Olivares,  1815; 
Manuel  Gonzalez,  1814;  Jose"  Garcia,  1808;  Carlos  Garcia,,  1813;  Juan  Ruiz, 
1812;  Vicente  Lorenzana,  1812;  Jose"  Maria  Farias,  1815;  Jos<§  Verdugo, 
1814.  Of  fifteen  it  is  simply  stated  that  they  had  no  lands:  Bruno  Garcia, 
1796;  Ramon  Sotelo,  1805;  Francisco  Acebedo,  1808;  Urcino  Tapia,  1809; 
Joaquin  Ruiz,  1813;  Juan  Jos6  Duarte,  1814;  Teodoro  Silvas,  1816,  Gabriel 
Sotelo,  1815;  Ignacio  Lugo,  1800;  Francisco  Sotelo,  1803;  Leandro  Duarte, 

1809;  Francisco  Avila, ;  Juan  Jose"  Alvarado,  1815;  Francisco  Solorzano, 

1816;  Ramon  Buelna.  And  finally  7  had  apparently  land-grants,  ranchos,  or 
sitios  for  cattle  raising:  Mariano  Verdugo,  1787,  at  Cahuenga,  which  he  held 
until  1810  only,  and  later  a  garden  in  the  pueblo;  Bartolo  Tapia,  1791;  a  sitio, 
besides  two  suertes  and  two  gardens;  Francisco  Felix,  1791,  on  a  rancho  given 
to  his  father,  within  the  pueblo  lands;  Doroteo  Felix,  1803,  also  a  rancho  of  his 
father's;  Antonio  Maria  Lugo,  1809;  Manuel  Gutierrez,  1811,  on  the  rancho  of 
the  late  Juan  Jose"  Dominguez,  which  he  now  owned,  three  others,  two  Avilas 
and  Sepulveda,  living  on  the  same  rancho;  and  Jose*  Maria  Verdugo.  The  last 
named,  like  Gutierrez  and  Tapia,  had  grants  from  the  superior  government. 

June  12,  1819,  Guerra  speaks  of  the  50  vecinos  of  Los  Angeles.  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  142-3;  354  inhabitants  in  1811.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxxiii.  105;  586  in  1818.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  187;  478  in  1815.  Arch.  Sla  B., 
MS.,  xii.  43.  October  1819,  project  to  station  20  soldiers  at  Los  Angeles 
approved  by  Payeras.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  128-30. 

™Sola,  Observadones,  MS.,  187.  In  1811  there  were  4,000  cattle,  1,687 
horses,  458  mules,  and  29  asses.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlii.  8;  in 
1814,  6,295  cattle,  2,499  horses,  346  mules,  39  asses,  and  770  sheep.  Id.,  xlii. 
4;  in  1817,  1,388  cattle,  419  horses,  63  mules,  and  561  sheep.  St.  Pop.,  Sac., 
MS.,  iv.  41-2;  and  in  1823,  10,623  cattle,  2,851  horses,  183  mules,  96  asses, 
and  468  sheep.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  122.  Some  of  these  statements 
include  the  ranchos  perhaps,  and  others  not.  In  1811  the  crop  was  430 
bushels  wheat,  4,920  maize,  and  230  beans.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xliii.  7;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  105.  In  1814,  575  bush,  maize, 
and  435  beans.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlii.  3.  Tithes  on  grapes  in 
1820  amounted  to  1,300  cuartillos,  or  quarts,  of  which  650  were  taken  by  the 
collector.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iv.  7. 


A  PUEBLO  CHAPEL.  351 

Ignacio  Avila  were  alcalde  and  regidor  in  1820,  and 
the  former  with  Tomas  Uribes  regidores  in  1819.27 

In  1811  authority  was  obtained  for  the  erection  of 
a  new  pueblo  chapel  by  the  citizens,  and  the  corner 
stone  was  placed  and  blessed  in  August  1814  by 
Father  Gil  of  San  Gabriel  with  the  permission  of 
President  Senan.  Beyond  laying  the  foundation  no 
progress  was  made  before  1818,  since  in  January  of 
that  year  Sola  ordered  that  the  site  be  changed  in 
favor  of  a  higher  one  near  the  comisionado's  house. 
At  this  time  the  citizens  had  subscribed  five  hundred 
cattle  for  the  enterprise,  but  Sola  feared  that  sufficient 
funds  could  not  be  realized  by  selling  the  cattle,  and 
therefore  proposed  to  take  them  and  include  the  cost 
of  the  chapel  in  the  next  year's  estimate.  In  1819 
Prefect  Payeras  by  an  appeal  to  the  friars  obtained 
seven  barrels  of  brandy  for  the  building-fund,  worth 
five  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars.  This  sum  with 
earlier  contributions  was  expended  on  the  church,  and 
the  walls  were  raised  to  the  window  arches  before 
182 1.28  Meanwhile  the  matter  of  chapel  service  was 
still  an  open  question,  though  little  bitterness  was 
shown  in  the  correspondence  of  1815—18.  The  padres 
of  San  Gabriel  announced  the  impossibility  of  attend 
ing  to  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  pueblo  and  ranches. 
Senan  presented  the  matter  in  a  strong  light  to  the 
governor,  who  in  his  report  of  1818  made  an  appeal 
to  the  viceroy  in  behalf  of  the  veterans  of  the  king's 
service  who  had  gone  to  spend  their  declining  years  at 
Los  Angeles,  and  ought  not  to  be  deprived  of  spiritual 
care.  Yet  the  Angelinos  obtained  no  chaplain.29  The 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  327,  379;  Id.,  Ben.  JM,xlix.  53;  Dept.8t.Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  7;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  9, 18;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  ii.  199-200;  iii.  83,  92;  iv.  2;  vi.  154;  Avila,  Notas,  MS.,  1,  3,  9. 

28  Payeras,  Memorial,  1821,  MS.  Jose"  Antonio  Ramirez  was  architect,  and 
neophytes  from  San  Gabriel  and  San  Luis  Rey  did  the  work  at  one  real  per 
day.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  viii.  137;  xii.  148-9;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iv.  8.  It  is  not  clear  if  the  corner-stone  was  laid  Aug.  15th  or  19th.  Sola, 
Observations,  MS.,  187,  in  his  report  of  1818  says  that  the  citizens  were 
building  a  new  church,  the  old  one  being  small  and  in  a  bad  condition. 

29 Senan,  Informe  Bienal,  1813-14,  MS.,  93;  Sola,  Observaciones,  MS., 
187-8;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  67,  69;  Arch.  Sta  B.t  MS.,  x.  491;  xii.  93. 


352 


LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 


old  controversy  of  pueblo  and  mission  limits  came  up 
again  in  1820  with  a  result  that  cannot  be  definitely 
stated.  It  was  agreed  mutually  that  the  boundary 
should  be  fixed  according  to  the  decision  of  witnesses 
"de  probidad,  conciencia,  y  conocimiento ; "  but  Padre 
Zalvidea  complained  to  the  governor  that  the  pueblo 


MAP  or  Los  ANGELES  DISTRICT,  1800-30. 

officials  refused  to  abide  by  the  decision,  because,  as 
he  believed,  Antonio  Maria  Lugo,  uncle  of  the  comi- 
sionado,  and  others  had  much  stock  on  what  were 
justly  mission  lands.30 

The  pueblo  was  still  within  the  military  jurisdic 
tion  of  Santa  Barbara,  the  sergeant  comisionado  being 

30  March  27th,  Zalvidea  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  9. 


SANTA  BARBARA.  353 

responsible  to  the  comandante ;  but  of  correspondence 
between  the  local  authorities  and  those  of  the  presidio 
and  province  there  is  practically  nothing  extant.  Yet 
as  we  have  seen  Los  Angeles  sent  out  a  large  force 
of  her  citizen  soldiery  to  defend  the  coast  from  Bou 
chard  in  1818;  and  two  years  later  Sola  commended 
the  valor  of  Regidor  Avila  and  Citizen  Alvarado, 
who  marched  against  the  hostile  Dieguinos  and  slew 
their  leader.31  Moreover  the  occasional  approach  of 
a  vessel  to  the  San  Pedro  anchorage,  the  matter  of 
the  cannon  left  there  by  Noe  in  1813,  and  the  capture 
of  Tarakanof  and  his  Aleuts  in  1815,32  may  be  re 
garded  as  Los  Angeles  events.  There  was  also  a 
village  school  in  1817-18,  for  which  a  school-master 
was  awarded  $140  a  year.33 

There  is  very  little  to  record  during  this  decade  of 
the  private  ranchos  in  the  Santa  Barbara  jurisdiction, 
all  classed  as  before  with  Los  Angeles  for  convenience. 
The  list  of  1816  of  the  ranchos  properly  belonging  to 
Los  Angeles,  mentions  those  of  the  two  Yerdugos,  one 
of  which  is  said  to  have  been  at  Cahuenga,  and  to  have 
been  occupied  only  until  1810;  that  of  Felix,  within 
the  pueblo  bounds,  and  that  of  Manuel  Gutierrez,  for 
merly  owned  by  Dominguez.  It  also  includes  the  ran 
chos,  not  named,  of  Bartolo  Tapia  and  Antonio  Maria 
Lugo  not  mentioned  in  the  records  of  the  last  decade, 
but  omits  those  of  Yorba  and  Nieto,  thus  suggesting 
that  those  ranchos  were  included  in  the  San  Diego  jur 
isdiction,  and  that  their  inhabitants  may  have  formed  a 
part  of  the  120  gente  de  razon  credited  to  San  Gabriel.34 
Yorba's  rancho  is,  however,  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  Bouchard  affair  of  1818.35  Simi  is  also  re- 

31  March  25,  1820,  Sola  to  Moraga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  53. 

32  See  chap,  xiii.,  xiv.,  this  volume.     The  escape  of  a  prisoner  from  the 
pueblo  jail  in  Feb.   1818,  and  his  flight  with  two  companions  toward  the 
Colorado,  together  with  the  alcalde's  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  also  caused  a 
slight  ripple  of  local  excitement.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Ca!.,  MS.,  iii.  82-5. 

33 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.   180;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  74,    The 
invalid  Maximo  Pina  was  the  school-master. 
34  See  p.  342,  357,  this  volume. 
M/SWa,  Instruction  Gen.,  1818,  MS.,  248. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    23 


354  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

ferred  to  in  the  same  document.  In  February  1816 
there  had  been  a  piteous  appeal  from  Mission  San 
Fernando  that  there  was  no  place  for  the  mission  sheep 
now  that  Patricio  Pico  had  notified  the  padres  to  re 
move  them  from  his  land;  and  in  1820  a  portion  of 
the  Simi  buildings  were  burned  by  the  Indians.36  In 
1817  the  mission  sheep  were  in  a  like  manner  ordered 
away  from  lands  claimed  as  a  part  of  Refugio,  much 
to  the  padres'  disgust.37  Of  Las  Virgenes  and  El 
Conejo  nothing  is  in  the  records.  In  1816  the  padres 
of  San  Gabriel  objected  to  the  granting  of  a  site  some 
twenty  leagues  from  the  mission  to  Francisco  Avila; 
and  in  1817  a  similar  objection  was  made  to  the  grant 
of  Secpe  near  San  Buenaventura.  The  friars  did  not 
approve  of  private  land-grants,  and  there  was  no  lack 
of  plausible  reasons  or  pretences.33  Finally  in  Decem 
ber  1819  the  regidores  and  thirty  citizens  represented 
that  Captain  Guerra,  just  at  his  departure  for  Mexico, 
had  been  induced  to  grant  to  Talarnantes  and  Ma- 
chado  the  rancho  de  los  Quintos,  which  really  belonged 
to  and  was  needed  by  the  pueblo.  They  claimed  that 
the  commandant  had  acted  without  due  consideration 
and  that  the  governor  had  in  several  instances  refused 
such  petitions  for  land.  Acting  Comandante  Moraga 
seems  to  have  left  the  matter  in  statu  quo  for  the  deci 
sion  of  higher  authorities  by  permitting  the  townsmen 
to  form  corrals  on  the  land.39 

36 Feb.  16,  1816,  Muiioz  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  15-17;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  53. 

37  Nov.  6, 1817,  Ripoll  to  Sola.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  3.  The  padre 
protests  against  the  removal,  says  that  Ortega  has  land  enough  besides  that 
in  question  for  a  whole  mission,  and  that  his  past  attempts  to  have  the  sheep 
removed  have  been  fruitless. 

38 Feb.  15,  1816,  Payeras  to  Sola,  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  18.  Sefian 
and  Victoria  to  Sola,  May  31,  1817.  Id.,  iii.  i.  129-33. 

39  Los  Angeles,  Instanciade  losRegidoresy  Veclnos  sobre  ticrras,  1819,  MS. 
The  names  of  the  petitioners  are  all  written  in  one  handwriting,  with  a  '  + ' 
attached  by  the  two  regidores,  who  could  not  write,  to  certify  the  genuine 
ness  of  all.  The  names  were:  Anastasio  Avila,  Tomas  Uribes,  Francisco 
Acebedo,  Jose*  Palomares,  Jose"  Polanco,  Maximo  Alanis,  Vicente  Sanchez, 
Mariano  Verdugo,  Juan  de  D.  Ballesteros,  Jose"  Fe"lix,  Cayetano  Varelas,  Ma- 
teo  Rubio,  Segundo  Valenzuela,  Ramon  Buelna,  Ignacio  Rendon,  Vicente 
Villa,  Francisco  Villa,  Jose"  Bermudes,  Antonio  Ibarra,  Andre's  Ibarra,  Pablo 
Franco,  Juan  Jose"  Higuera,  Jos6  Antonio  Botiller,  Jos<£  Antonio  Remon,  En- 


SAN  GABRIEL.  355 

January  14,  1811,  Father  Francis  Dumetz  died  at 
San  Gabriel  where  part  of  the  time  since  1806  he  had 
lived  as  supernumerary.  He  was  the  oldest  mission 
ary  in  California,  where  he  had  served  for  forty  years; 
and  he  was  the  only  surviving  companion  of  Junipero 
Serra  who  still  remained  in  the  province.40  Zalvidea 
served  as  minister  throughout  the  decade,  but  his  asso 
ciate  Miguel  died  in  18 13,41  and  was  succeeded  by  Luis 
Gil  y  Taboada,  who  in  1814  was  followed  by  Joaquin 
Pascual  Nuez.  Padre  Urresti  also  lived  here  in  1804-6. 

San  Gabriel  in  1820  was  excelled  in  neophyte  pop 
ulation  by  only  San  Luis  Hey  and  San  Jose.  There 
had  been  more  Indians  baptized  there  during  the  dec 
ade  than  in  any  other  mission  except  San  Jose  and 
San  Francisco;  it  stood  at  the  head  of  the  list  in  the 
number  of  cattle,  and  in  agricultural  products  was 
surpassed  by  San  Luis  only.42  Sola  in  1818  reported 

carnacion  Urquides,  Desiderio  Olivera,  Santiago  Rubio,  Ant.  Reyes,  Jacinto 
Reyes,  Bernardo  Higuera,  Juan  Pollorena. 

40  Francisco  Dumetz  was  a  native  of  Mallorca;  was  appointed  to  the  Cali 
fornia  missions  in  August  1770;  sailed  with  10  companions  from  San  Bias 
Jan.  21,  177J ,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego  March  12th.    He  served  at  San  Diego 
until  May  1772;  at  San  Carlos  until  May  1782;  at  San  Buenaventura  until 
August  1797;  at  San  Fernando  until  1802,  and  again  in  1804-5;  and  at  San 
Gabriel  in  1803-4,  and  from  1806  to  1811.     In  1772  and  1775  he  had  made 
trips  down  to  Velicatd  to  obtain  supplies.     He  was  buried  by  Zalvidea  on 
Jan.  15,  1811,  the  day  after  his  death.     Though  he  appears  to  have  been  an 
efficient  and  zealous  worker,  he  is  perhaps  the  least  prominent  of  all  the  old 
padres  in  the  missionary  records.     Not  a  single  document  bears  his  name  in 
my  list  of  authorities.     His  fame  must  live  in  California  chiefly  as  the  latest 
survivor  of  the  early  friars  and  in  his  name  applied  by  Vancouver  to  a  point  on 
the  coast.     Romero,  however,  Memorias,  MS. ,  5,  tells  us  that  Dumetz  was 
tall,  stout,  and  of  light  complexion,  addicted  moreover  to  the  use  of  snuff, 
traces  of  which  were  always  unpleasantly  visible.  See  Mission  Books. 

41  Jos6  de  Miguel  came  to  California  in  1790;  served  at  Sta  Barbara  from 
June  of  that  year  until  October  1798,  when  he  was  allowed  to  retire  to  Mex 
ico  on  account  of  ill  health;  returned  in  1800  and  served  at  San  Luis  Obispo 
until  September  1803,  and  at  San  Gabriel  from  1803  to  1813.     He  died  on 
June  2, 1814,  at  San  Fernando,  and  was  buried  by  Padre  Gibe's.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  x.  428-9;  xiii.  307;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  52;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  281; 
vi.  102;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  86.     It  seems  that  during  his  absence  in  Mexico 
he  left  the  college  of  S.  Fernando  and  joined  that  of  S.  Pablo  y  S.  Pedro  de 
Michoacan;  but  repenting  was  taken  back.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  281-2,  284. 

"Increase  in  population,  1,201  to  1,636  (but  in  1813-17  if  there  is  no 
error  the  pop.  was  from  1678  to  1701,  the  highest  number  ever  reached);  bap 
tisms,  2,005;  smallest  number,  98  in  1816;  largest,  483  in  1811;  deaths,  1,&23; 
largest  number,  159  in  1818;  smallest,  108  in  1819.  Increase  in  live-stock, 
10,576  to  15,981;  horses,  etc.,  776  to  981;  small  stock,  9,750  to  12,448.  Crop 
in  1810,  19,140  bushels;  in  1820,  11,550;  largest,  19,900  in  1817;  smallest, 
2,845  in  1818;  average,  11,400. 


356  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

this  mission  as  having  the  finest  lands  in  California 
with  abundant  water;  yet  two.  years  before  Zalvidea 
had  reported  the  land  so  exhausted  that  the  neo 
phytes  had  to  go  to  La  Puente  to  plant,  nine  or  ten 
miles  away,  where  six  hundred  were  then  at  work, 
and  where  a  chapel  was  much  needed.43 

A  chapel  was  built  in  connection  with  the  mission 
hospital,  as  at  other  southern  establishments,  before 
1818.  In  1819  the  gentiles  of  the  Guachama  ranche- 
ria,  called  also  San  Bernardino,  some  fifteen  leagues 
from  San  Gabriel,  voluntarily  asked  for  the  introduc 
tion  of  agriculture  and  of  stock-raising  in  their  fertile 
lands,  and  a  beginning  was  made  in  a'  way  not  speci 
fied.  The  padres  regarded  this  as  an  important  step 
toward  the  conversion  of  the  tribes  toward  the  Colo 
rado;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  station  was 
established  at  San  Bernardino,  nor  were  any  buildings 
erected  there  down  to  1822,  in  the  report  of  which 
year  the  preceding  facts  are  mentioned.44 

There  was  constant  alarm  on  account  of  the  Ind 
ians  in  1811,  rumors  of  foes  approaching  from  the 
Colorado  being  frequent.  The  alarm  continued  to 
some  extent  through  the  decade  and  was  particularly 
active  in  1819  in  connection  with  the  affair  of  the 
Amajavas  at  San  Buenaventura.  There  is  no  evi 
dence  of  hostilities,  or  even  that  any  of  the  rumors 
were  well  founded.45  The  earthquake  of  December 
8,  1812,  at  sunrise  overthrew  the  main  altar,  breaking 
the  St  Joseph,  the  St  Dominic,  the  St  Francis,  and 
the  Christ,  damaging  the  church  considerably,  bring 
ing  down  the  top  of  the  steeple,  and  badly  cracking 
the  sacristy  walls,  and  injured  the  friars'  houses  and 
other  buildings.46  As  before  stated  San  Gabriel  be- 

*3Sola,  Observaciones,  MS.,  185-7;  May  16,  1816.  Zalvidea  to  Sola. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,iii.  pt.  i.  40. 

44  Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS.,  268-9.    An  article  in  the  San 
Bernardino  Times,  July  8,  1876,  says  a  branch  of  San  Gabriel  with  buildings 
was  established  here  about  1820,  the  buildings  having  been  destroyed  by  the 
Indians  about  1832. 

45  See  chap.  xv.  this  volume. 

40  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  21-2,.    Eulalia  Perez  remembered  that  Maria 


SAK  FERNANDO.  357 

longed  to  the  jurisdiction  of  San  Diego,  though  it  is 
more  convenient  to  class  it  with  Los  Angeles  in  the 
Santa  Barbara  district.  In  1819  the  mission  was 
credited  with  175  inhabitants  de  razon,  of  which 
doubtless  fifty-one  and  perhaps  more  were  soldiers 
stationed  there  only  temporarily,  while  the  occupants 
of  some  adjoining  ranchos  were  probably  included. 
The  guard  with  the  soldiers'  families  could  not  have 
exceeded  thirty  or  forty  persons.47 

Of  the  two  ministers  at  San  Fernando  Hey,  Munoz 
and  Urresti,  the  latter  died  in  1812,  and  the  former 
left  the  country  in  1817.48  Urresti  was  succeeded  by 
Joaquin  Pascual  Nuez  who  served  in  1812-14;  and 
by  Vicente  Pascual  Oliva  in  1813-15.  Marcos  An 
tonio  de  Vitoria  followed  Munoz,  serving  from  1818 
to  May  1820.  Roman  Ullibarri  came  in  January  arid 
Francisco  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra  in  October  1820.  From 
1815  to  1820,  therefore,  there  seems  to  have  been  but 

Ignacia  Amador  de  Alvarado  taught  .a  kind  of  school  at  her  own  house  in 
1818.  Recuerdos  de  Una  Vieja,  MS.,  7. 

47  The  mission  statistics  give  San  Gabriel  from  1800  to  1819  a  constantly 
increasing  population  de  razon  from  37  to  175;  after  which,  as  was  customary 
at  other  missions,  only  the  padres  are  given.     The  irregularity  of  course  con 
sisted  in  reckoning  during  these  years  the  escolta  and  some  of  the  rancheros. 
Its  cause  is  impossible  to  state;  but  it  introduced  considerable  confusion  in 
the  records,  which,  however,  will  not  affect  the  totals  for  the  whole  province 
nor  for  the  southern  districts,  only  causing  uncertainty  in  the  division  of  the 
two  districts. 

48  Jose  Antonio  Urresti  came  to  California  in  August  1804;  served  at  San 
Gabriel  till  September  1806;  at  Santa  Barbara  to  August  1809;  and  at  San 
Fernando  to  his  death,  Jan.  5,  1812.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  x.  445;  Libros  de 
Mision,  MS. 

Pedro  Muiioz  was  born  at  Puerto  de  Banos,  Estremadura,  Spain,  on  July 
19,  1733;  took  the  habit  June  10,  1793;  became  a  member  of  the  college  of 
Bien-Parada;  and  after  completing  his  studies  and  taking  the  different  orders 
was  ordered  to  San  Fernando,  sailing  from  Cddiz  June  10,  1803,  and  arriving 
Sept.  9th.  He  left  the  college  in  April  1804.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  46-7; 
Arch,  jtfisiones,  MS.,  i.  404.  He  served  at  San  Miguel  from  October  1804  to 
July  1807;  and  at  San  Fernando  till  November  1807,  having  been  at  San 
Francisco  temporarily  also  for  six  months  in  1808.  He  made  several  expedi 
tions  into  the  interior,  the  most  important  being  that  with  Moraga  in  1806 
into  the  Tulares  Valley,  of  which  he  has  left  a  diary.  Munoz,  Diario,  MS., 
etc.  By  some  indiscretion  committed  on  the  way  to  California  he  excited 
the  suspicion  of  his  superiors,  and  instructions  came  to  the  president  that 
his  conduct  was  to  be  watched.  There  was  a  scandal  that  gained  some  cur 
rency  of  his  relations  with  the  wife  of  a  certain  majordomo;  but  we  have  the 
padre's  own  statement  that  the  charge  was  investigated  by  his  superiors  and 
proven  false.  Arch.  Azob.,  MS.,  ii.  6.  Ill-health  was  the  reason  given  for 
his  retirement  in  1817. 


358  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

one  minister.  The  earthquake  of  December  21,  1812, 
did  no  further  damage  than  to  necessitate  the  intro 
duction  of  thirty  new  beams  to  support  the  church 
wall.  In  1813  a  neophyte  was  killed  by  the  Indian 
alcalde,  who  threw  a  club  at  him  from  a  distance  of 
twenty  yards  with  a  view  to  quicken  his  movements 
at  work.  The  killing  was  deemed  accidental  and  the 
penalty  imposed  was  only  two  months  in  the  presidio. 
In  1816—18  there  was  complaint  that  neophytes  were 
running  away  in  large  numbers.  Before  1818  a  new 
chapel  was  completed.*9  San  Fernando  gained  slightly 
in  population  during  the  whole  period;  but  reached 
its  highest  figure,  1,080,  in  1819,  and  then  its  decline 
began.  In  agriculture  and  stock-raising  this  mission 
was  tolerably  successful,  but  except  in  the  item  of 
cattle  did  not  rank  with  the  largest  establishments. 
Its  lands  though  fertile  were  not  broad;  and  when 
its  sheep  were  driven  off  of  Pico's  rancho  of  Simi  the 
friars  complained  that  they  must  all  be  killed  as  there 
was  no  place  for  them.  This  sounds  strange  in  view 
of  the  immense  flocks  of  sheep  pastured  in  this  valley 
in  later  years/ 


50 


Captain  Jose  Argliello  was  commandant  of  Santa 
Barbara61  until  the  autumn  of  1 8 1 5,  when  he  went  south 
as  governor  of  Baja  California.  As  he  never  returned, 
and  had  no  further  connection  directly  with  the  pro 
vince  of  Alta  California,  I  have  here  to  present  in 
accordance  with  my  general  plan  his  biography.52 

™  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  21;  Prw.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlviii.  2; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  vii.  26-30,  43;  Pay  eras,  In/orme  Bienal, 
1817-18,  MS.,  302-3. 

50 Increase  in  pop.,  955  to  1,028.  Baptisms,  619;  largest  no.,  181,  in  1811; 
smallest,  30  in  1815.  Deaths,  536;  largest  no.,  67  in  1815;  smallest,  40  in 
1817.  Large  stock,  8,282  to  12,509;  horses,  etc.,  802,509;  sheep,  etc.,  3,264 
to  7,650.  Crops  of  1811,  8,730  bush.;  1820,  5,270;  largest,  7,720  in  ,1812; 
smallest,  3,950  in  1813;  average,  6,210  bush. 

51  For  map  of  Sta  Barbara  district  see  chap.  xxv. 

52  Jos<5  Dario  Argiiello  was  born  at  Quer^taro  about  1753,  and  enlisted  in 
1773  in  the  Mexico  regiment  of  dragoons.     He  served  as  a  private  about  6 
years,  and  then  as  sergeant  of  the  presidial  company  of  Altar,  Sonora,  for  two 
years  and  a  half,  until  in  1781  he  was  promoted  to  be  alf^rez  of  the  company 
just  organized  by  Rivera  for  the  proposed  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara.  Ar- 


CAPTAIN  JOSE  ARGUELLO.  359 

He  was  the  oldest  resident  of  prominence,  the  rank 
ing  officer,  and  certainly  the  best  known  and  most 
influential  man  in  the  province,  where  he  had  served 
faithfully  for  thirty-four  years.  His  record  was  a 
perfectly  clear  one,  and  in  ability  and  faithfulness 
Argiiello  bore  a  marked  resemblance  to  Arrillaga. 
He  was  a  good  officer,  a  strict  disciplinarian,  an  ex- 

fjiiello,  Hojas  deServicio,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Presid.,  MS.,  i.  27;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  i.  55;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  83-4;  Prov.  Sec.,  MS.,  ii.  84.  Accom 
panying  Rivera  on  his  march  overland  he  left  that  officer  on  the  Colorado,  and 
with  Lieut.  Gonzalez  and  the  company  of  soldiers  and  families  passed  on  to 
San  Gabriel,  where  he  arrived  July  14,  1781,  and  where  he  remained  until 
the  foundation  of  Santa  Barbara  in  April  1782.  His  first  public  service  of 
importance  was  as  comisionado  appointed  by  Gov.  Fages  to  distribute  to  set 
tlers  the  pueblo  lands  of  Los  Angeles  in  August  1786.  Los  Angeles,  Repartition 
de  Solares,  MS.  In  February  1877  he  was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant  of  the 
San  Francisco  company,  and  started  in  June  to  assume  the  new  position.  He 
served  as  commandant  of  San  Francisco  until  March  1791,  and  again  from 
April  1796  until  July  1806,  having  occupied  the  same  post  at  Monterey  in 
1791-6.  For  his  services  as  comandante  and  habilitado  I  may  refer  the 
reader  to  the  local  and  provincial  annals  of  those  years,  since  it  is  useless  to 
repeat  the  record  of  so  prominent  a  man.  Fages,  on  turning  over  his  office  to 
Romeu  in  1791,  spoke  of  Argiiello  in  high  terms  of  praise.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  x.  148.  In  October  of  the  same  year  Argiiello  was  present  at  the  ded 
ication  of  the  Soledad  church.  Soledad,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  1-2.  In  1783-5  his 
name  and  that  of  his  wife  appear  occasionally  as  god-parents  at  baptisms. 
Sta  Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  4,  6.  In  1793,  at  the  request  of  President 
Lasuen,  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  issued  a  '  letter  of  brotherhood'  for  Ar 
giiello  and  his  wife.  Arch.  Sta  B. ,  MS.,  xi.  234.  In  October  1797  he  was  pro 
moted  to  be  brevet  captain,  the  commission  being  received  in  February 
1798.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  265;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  208;  vi.  70-1;  St. 
Pap.  Sac. ;  MS.,  v.  113.  On  the  death  of  Lieut.  Sal  in  1800  Argiiello  desired 
a  transfer  to  Monterey,  but  was  unable  to  obtain  it.  He  was,  however, 
recommended  for  promotion  in  1803,  and  on  March  22,  1807,  the  king  made 
him,  '  in  consideration  of  his  merits  and  services,'  captain  of  the  Santa  Bar 
bara  company.  His  commission  was  received  late  in  1808,  but  he  had  been 
at  Santa  Barbara  since  the  autumn  of  1806.  At  the  end  of  1808  Arrillaga 
certified  him  to  be  a  man  of  '  well  proved  courage,  much  application,  fair 
ability,  and  good  conduct.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  79;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil., 
xxi.  12;  Id.,  Presid.,  i.  27;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  23.  On  the  death  of 
Gov.  Arrillaga  in  July  1814,  Argiiello,  being  the  ranking  officer  in  California, 
became  acting  governor;  but  did  not  on  that  account  cease  to  be  commandant 
of  Santa  Barbara,  nor  did  he  move  his  residence  even  temporarily  to  the  cap 
ital.  It  was  doubtless  a  disappointment  to  the  old  captain  and  his  friends 
that  he  was  not  made  governor;  but  he  was  commissioned  instead  on  Dec.  31, 
1814,  to  rule  Baja  California,  and  after  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Sola  he  started 
for  the  peninsula  by  land  in  October  1815. 

Argiiello's  wife  was  Dona  Ignacia  Moraga,  of  Altar,  a  niece  of  Lieut.  Jose" 
Joaquin  Moraga,  the  founder  of  San  Francisco,  who  came  to  California  with 
her  husband.  Both  were  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  or  believed  to  be  so  by  the 
friars.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xii.  392-3.  Their  nine  children  were  all  born  in 
California.  The  oldest  was  JostS  Ignacio  Maximo,  baptized  at  San  Gabriel  on 
June  8,  1782,  who  was  sent  to  Mexico  to  be  educated  for  the 'priesthood.  He 
came  to  California  on  a  visit  in  1009,  and  assisted  at  the  dedication  of  the 
San  Buenaventura  cluircii  on  Sept.  9th,  also  saying  mass  at  San  Gabriel. 


360  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

cellent  accountant,  and  withal  a  very  popular  man. 
If  we  consider  his  rise  step  by  step  from  the  ranks, 
his  education  was  remarkably  good.  Both  he  and  his 
wife  took  great  pains  with  the  home  education  of 
their  sons,  and  the  captain  was  very  successful  in 
pushing  the  three  boys  forward  in  the  presidial  corn- 
According  to  the  will  of  Arrillaga,  by  which  it  appears  that  Padre  Argiiello 
owed  the  estate  $500  borrowed  on  the  aforesaid  visit,  he  was  at  that  time 
curate  of  Torin,  on  the  Yaqui  River,  Sonora;  and  a  report  was  current  later 
that  he  had  been  killed  in  a  rising  of  the  Yaquis.  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. , 
16;  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  15,  18;  Arrillaga,  Testamento,  MS., 
14;  Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  9.  Of  Luis  Antonio,  Santiago,  and  Gervasio, 
men  more  or  less  prominent  in  California  history,  I  have  more  to  say  else 
where,  as  also  of  Dona  Maria  de  la  Concepcion  Marcela,  the  heroine  of  the 
Rezanof  romance.  The  other  four  children  were  Francisco  Rafael,  Toribio  de 
Jesus,  Ana  Paula,  and  Gertrudis  Rudesinda,  of  whom  I  know  nothing,  save 
that  Paula  married  a  man  named  Obregon  in  Guadalajara,  and  that  none  of 
them  seem  to  have  remained  in  California.  In  consideration  of  his  large 
family  Arguello  had  apparently  obtained  in  1797  the  Pilar  tract  of  land  near 
San  Francisco  for  stock-raising.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  5,  83-4;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  v.  103. 

In  Lower  Calif omia  the  governor  was  far  from  being  content,  since  in 
1816  he  complained  bitterly  in  a  letter  to  his  old  friend  Guerra  of  his  position 
as  'a  veritable  deception,'  besides  other  sorrows  not  specified,  which  troubled 
him  and  his  wife.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vi.  131.  In  1819  he  had  an 
idea  of  applying  for  the  cross  of  the  Order  of  San  Hermenegildo,  to  which  his 
services  entitled  him,  but  was  dissuaded  by  Sola  on  account  of  the  expense 
involved.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  46.  He  got  not  a  cent  of  his  pay,  and  though 
governor,  was  forced  to  live  and  support  his  family  on  small  sums  borrowed 
from  friends.  Old  age  and  ill-health  were  added  to  the  troubles  of  poverty. 
He  was  anxious  but  unable  to  go  to  Mexico  or  California  to  spend  the  rest  of 
his  life.  He  formally  resigned  his  office  on  June  26,  1821,  intending  to  start 
the  next  month  for  Guaymas;  but  suddenly  changed  his  mind  and  resolved 
to  await  the  viceroy's  action,  though  sickness  obliged  him  to  give  up  the 
duties  of  his  office  until  October.  In  the  spring  of  1822  his  house  at  Loreto 
was  sacked  and  stripped  of  everything  worth  stealing  by  Cochrane's  insur 
gents.  Finally  in  July  or  August  he  was  relieved  of  his  office  by  the  imperial 
commissioner  Can6nigo  Fernandez  and  sailed  from  Loreto  Oct.  27,  1822,  en 
route  to  join  his  son  Gervasio  at  Guadalajara,  though  the  state  of  his  health 
made  it  uncertain  if  he  would  reach  his  destination  alive.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  290;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  124,  128,  130-1;  v.  216-19; 
vii.  73;  Lassepas,  B.  Cal.,  107.  See  also  my  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  vol.  i. 

Not  much  is  known  of  the  venerable  captain's  last  years,  spent  in  poverty 
and  sickness  at  Guadalajara.  His  complaints  to  Capt.  Guerra  were  very 
bitter  toward  the  Mexican  government,  which  owed  him  $15,000,  and  would 
not  pay  him  anything  to  buy  a  uniform  of  the  new  style,  paying  no  attention 
to  his  demands  for  a  retiro.  Some  of  his  troubles  were  perhaps  imaginary 
and  the  results  of  dotage,  since  for  a  part  of  the  time  at  least  he  got  $120  per 
month  from  some  source.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  96-7,  133-4,  etc. 
He  died  at  Guadalajara  late  in  1827  or  early  in  1828,  at  the  age  of  75  years. 
The  widow  wished  to  return  to  California  with  Guerra  in  1828,  but  was 
deemed  unable  to  attempt  the  journey.  She  died  on  April  12,  1829.  In  a 
letter  of  Jan.  30,  1829,  the  daughter  Maria  Concepcion  alluded  to  some  reports 
in  California  derogatory  to  her  father's  good  name,  begging  Guerra  to  contra 
dict  such  calumnies.  She  returned  later  to  California. 


SANTA  BARBARA  COMPANY.  361 

panics;  but  none  of  them  ever  equalled  the  father, 
except  Don  Luis  in  rank  and  perhaps  in  popularity. 
Don  Jose  was  a  pious  man  even  for  his  time  and 
country.  Arrillaga  used  to  refer  to  him  familiarly  as 
'el  santo;'  and  the  padres  regretted  the  departure  of 
a  man  "who  seemed  like  one  of  us."  Old  residents 
remember  him  as  a  tall  stout  man,  very  dark  in 
complexion.  Some  of  his  descendants  show  the  true 
Spanish  type  of  face. 

Argiiello  was  succeeded  in  the  command  by  Lieu 
tenant  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  who  held  it  for 
twenty-four  years.  When  the  latter  was  promoted 
to  be  captain  in  1818,  Gabriel  Moraga  became  lieu 
tenant  of  the  company  instead  of  Ignacio  Martinez, 
to  whom  the  place  belonged.  By  a  strange  error  in 
Spain  the  companies  of  these  two  officers  were  trans 
posed  in  their  promotion,  Martinez  going  to  San 
Francisco.53  The  office  of  habilitado  was  held  some 
years  by  the  commandant  and  others  by  the  alferez, 
who  was  Jose  Joaquin  Maitorena  throughout  the  dec 
ade.  Moraga  was  acting  commandant  during  Guerra's 
absence  in  1819-20.  The  company  sergeants  were 
three  in  number,  Guillermo  Cota,  Carlos  Carrillo, 
Juan  Ortega  until  1818,  and  Anastasio  Carrillo  after 
1818.  Santiago  Argiiello  was  cadet  until  1817. 

The  presidial  company  numbered  sixty-six  men 
besides  officers,  with  from  thirty-one  to  twenty-seven 
invalids.  Of  the  soldiers  at  least  twenty-five  were 
absent  on  escolta  duty;  but  it  is  impossible  to  learn 
what  part  of  the  invalids  lived  at  the  presidio.  The 
total  white  population  of  the  district,  including  its  own 
five  missions  and  also  San  Gabriel,  increased  from  four 
hundred  and  sixty  to  seven  hundred  and  forty,  a  part 
of  the  increase  being  the  forty-five  men  of  Portilla's 
company,  who  under  Lieutenant  Fabregat  and  Alferez 
Delgado  were  added  to  the  garrison  in  18 19.5*  Add- 

53  Yet  the  names  and  companies  are  correct  in  the  announcement  of  pro 
motion  from  Guadalajara,  Dec.  11,  1817.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xx.  194. 

54  There  were  some  complaints  by  Fabregat  of  slights  from  the  officers  of 
the  presidial  company.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  13-18. 


362  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

ing  the  population  of  Los  Angeles,  which  was  subject 
to  the  Santa  Barbara  comaiidancia,  we  have  a  total 
of  1,355.  The  neophyte  population  of  the  same  dis 
trict  had  decreased  from  6,500  to  6,400.  Adding  the 
figures  for  the  San  Die^o  jurisdiction  and  we  have  for 

O  O        v 

what  may  be  termed  Southern  California  in  1820  a 
population  of  1,800  gente  de  razon,  and  11,600  neo 
phytes.55  Financial  statistics  are  naturally  meagre, 
while  those  relating  to  agriculture  and  stock-raising 
are  all  together  lacking.  It  appears,  however,  that  in 
1817  or  1818  the  company  established  the  rancho  of 
San  Julian  as  a  source  of  meat  supply  for  the  soldiers. 
The  padres  granted  the  land  provisionally,  to  be  re 
turned  when  the  supplies  should  begin  to  come  regu 
larly;  and  it  was  stocked  with  the  tithe  cattle,  about 
six  hundred  and  fifty  in  number  at  the  beginning. 
The  undertaking  was  altogether  successful.56 

Some  items  of  local  interest  at  Santa  Barbara  have 
been  recorded  in  other  chapters.  Such  were  the  few 
Indian  expeditions  made  by  the  company;  the  capture 
of  Ayres  and  the  Mercury,  and  the  presence  of  the 
otter-hunters  at  the  Islands  in  1813;  the  investiga 
tion  of  the  Pedler  affair  in  1814;  some  vague  state 
ments  about  the  fate  of  the  native  islanders;  the 
arrival  of  the  A ta la  in  1815;  the  exciting  episode  of 
the  Lydia  and  Albatross  with  the  capture  of  Gyzelaar 
and  Smith  in  the  same  year;  the  coming  of  Wilcox 
and  the  Traveler  in  1817;  the  return  of  Gyzelaar  the 

55  July  6,  1816,  Guerra  to  Sola,  says  there  are  100  vecinos  and  35  invalids 
in  the  district,  including  Los  Angeles,  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xx.  112-13.  List  of  108  such  persons  in  1819.  Id.,  Presid.,  i.  25.  Finan 
cial  statistics:  Pay-roll  of  the  company  from  $18,000  to  $20,000  per  year,  not 
paid  of  course.  This  presidio's  share  of  the  invoice  of  1815-16,  $12,222;  that 
of  1820  not  given.  Invoices  of  goods  on  hand,  except  in  1814,  from  $1,000  to 
$2,000.  Totals  of  habilitado's  accounts  $50,000  to  $120,000.  Supplies  from 
missions,  from  $10,000  to  $18,000  per  year  (doubtful).  Postal  revenue  about 
$40;  tobacco  revenue  in  1811-12,  $1,724;  tithes,  $200  to  $1,700;  total  of  tithes 
1786-1815,  $9,827;  papal  bulls  $108  to  $150.  For  company  rosters,  official 
lists,  and  financial  accounts  for  the  decade  see  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xlii.-lii.  passim;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.-ix.;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  362, 
371;  xx.  112-13,  227;  I(L,  Presid.,  i.  25,  28-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  42-5;  xi. 
57;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,'ii.  149-50,  158,  190;  v.  78. 

^Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  96-7,  52-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
224.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  13,  calls  the  rancho  Las  Caiiadas. 


SANTA  BARBARA.  363 

next  year  with  a  friendly  warning;  and  the  subse 
quent  stirring  events  of  the  Bouchard  invasion  in 
1818,  involving  the  destruction  of  the  Ortegas'  rancho 
and  smuggling  depot  at  El  Refugio;  and  finally  the 
hard  times,  chronic  at  Santa  Barbara  as  elsewhere 
throughout  the  decade.57  So  I  have  spoken  elsewhere 
of  the  earthquake  shocks  of  December  1812  and  the 
following  months;  but  I  append  here  correspondence 
and  references  on  the  subject.53  Additional  items  are 
few  and  of  minor  interest.  A  presidio  chapel  of  wood 
with  tile  roof  was  finished  in  March  1813.  In  conse 
quence  of  the  damage  by  earthquake  it  was  proposed 
to  rebuild  the  presidio  on  a  better  site  nearer  the 
mission ;  but  the  records  do  not  show  that  even  a  be 
ginning  was  made.  I  have  in  my  collection  of  origi 
nal  manuscripts,  under  date  of  1814,  a  defence  of  two 
Indians  accused  of  murder  addressed  to  the  royal  au- 
diencia  by  Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo,  the  sargento  dis- 
tinguido  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Company.  In  1816 
Guerra  reports  that  the  presidio  had  no  hospital, 
though  a  lady  at  the  mission  "applied  some  medicines 
for  charity's  sake."  At  the  beginning  of  1817  a  pri 
mary  school  for  girls  was  opened  under  a  female. 

57  See  chap.  xi.  xiii. ,  this  volume. 

58  Dec.  31,  1812,  Argiiello  to  Arrillaga,  almost  daily  shocks  this  month. 
Several  buildings  ruined  and  damaged  at  presidio  and  mission.  Earth  opened  in 
several  places,  with  sulphur  volcanoes.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xliv. 
12.  Jan.  14,  1813,  commandant  to  governor,  speaks  of  shocks  of  Dec.  21st,  still 
in  operation.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xix.  361 .    March  6, 1813,  Maitorena  to  Gov. , 
the  temblor  has  left  him  half  in  convulsions;  sleeping  in  a  tent;  will  start  in 
April  if  fear  will  permit.  Id.,  xix.  341.     March  19th,  Com.  to  Gov.,  all  in 
huts  and  suffering  from  fear.     The  last  shock  was  on  March  8th.     Several 
diapapote  (asphaltum)  springs  formed  in  the  mountains  and  tulares;  gaps  in 
the  sierra;  the  shore  volcano  has  more  openings,  and  another  is  reported  be 
hind  the  Sierra  de  los  Pinos.     Sanchez  said  he  fled  in  fright  to  San  Luis.  Id., 
xix.  339-40.    Juan  Lugo  fled  to  Monterey  frightened  out  of  his  wits.    Valkjo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxxvi.  287.     Weather  on  the  first  day  very  fine;  two 
heavy  shocks  at  the  beginning.  Gonzalez,  Exper.,  MS.,  2-3.    P.  Gil  said  there 
was  a  huge  earthquake  wave  at  sea;  the  people  all  ran  to  the  mission  to 
chant  litanies;  a  stick  with  a  pendent  ball  was  set  up,  and  the  ball  vibrated 
continually  for  8  days,  and  later  at  intervals  for  15  days.  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  56-7.     Jan.  18,  1815,  five  shocks.     Jan.  30th,  more  temblores.     July 
8th,  9th,  six  shocks.  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  264,  268-70.    Announcement  by 
Argiiello  with  autograph.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  110.     Correspondence  in 
1813,  about  rebuilding   the  presidio  on  a  higher  site  nearer  the  mission. 
Nothing  seems  to  have  been  done,  for  in  1816  the  bad  condition  of  the  build 
ings  is  noted.  Prov.St.Pa2).,  MS., xix.  342,  361;  Prov.  /tec.,  MS.,  ix.  183;  xi.  19. 


364  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

In  1818  the  custom  of  burying  in  the  presidio  ceme 
tery  had  been  abandoned,  and  the  governor  refused 
permission  to  inter  there  a  child  of  Alferez  Maitorena. 
In  February  1819  Padre  Sarria  refers  to  a  quarrel 
between  mission  and  presidio  about  the  possession  of 
a  piece  of  land;  but  he  gives  no  de  tails. ; 


59 


At  the  mission  of  Santa  Barbara  Padre  Gil  y  Ta- 
boada  was  succeeded  by  Ramon  Gibe's  in  1813,  and 
the  latter  by  Francisco  Suner  in  1816.  Gil's  associ 
ate  Marcos  Amestoy  retired  in  1814,60  and  after  an 
apparent  vacancy  of  nearly  a  year  Antonio  Ripoll 
took  his  place  in  July  1815.  Under  the  ministers 
named  this  mission  continued  to  decline  in  neophyte 
population,  as  also  in  cattle  and  horses;  though  in 
agriculture  its  success  was  somewhat  greater  than  in 
the  preceding  decade.61  A  new  church  was  begun 
in  1815,  notwithstanding  the  extensive  repairs  that 
had  been  made  on  the  old  building  after  the  earth- 

™  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  340;  Carrillo,  Pedimento  de  los  Reos,  1814, 
MS.;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  76,  103;  iv.  11;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
46;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  115-16;  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Ben.  Mil,,  MS.,  xlix.  15. 

60  Marcos  Amestoy  left  Guadalajara  for  California  April  23,  1804,  and  ar 
rived  at  San  Francisco  Aug.  14th.     His  only  service  was  at  Santa  Barbara 
from  November  1804  to  Sept.  22, 1814,  when  he  sailed  from  Mexico,  disabled 
by  a  paralyzed  arm.     Nov.  16th  of  the  same  year  he  was  at  Tepic  greatly  im 
proved  in  health.     He  came  to  California  under  suspicion  by  reason  of  some 
indiscretion;  but  no  subsequent  complaint  is  recorded. 

61  Decrease  in  population,  1,355  to  1,132.     Baptisms,  947;  largest  number, 
124,  in  1816;  smallest,  48,  in  1811.     Deaths,  918;  largest  number,  97,  in  1816; 
smallest,  72,  in  1820.    Large  stock,  5,670  to 4, 620;  horses,  etc.,  1,390  to  1,120; 
sheep,  etc.,  8,190  to  8,300.     Crops  in  1810,  3,900  bushels;  in  1820,  and  small 
est,  2,500;  largest,  10,265  in  1817;  average,  6,350  bushels.     Among  the  mis 
sion  majordomos  were  Francisco  Garcia  and  Jose"  Dolores  Ortega.  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  ix.  490.     Correspondence  about  cloth  manufactured  here,  in  which 
P.  Ripoll  was  very  successful  in  1816,  producing  a  better  article  than  the 
Quere"taro  cloth.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.,  passim;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
34-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  109.     In  1817  Jose"  Ortega  made  a  report  to 
Sola  on  the  extent  of  the  Santa  Barbara  mission  lands  in  substance  as  fol 
lows:  Eastward  to  Refugio  9  or  10  leagues;  from  N.  to  s.  1  to  3  leagues  from 
the  sierra  to  the  sea,  being  narrowest  at  Las  Llagas  near  Refugio.    Five  flow 
ing  streams:  El  Capitan,  Las  Llagas,  Dos  Pueblos,  Tecolote,  and  Las  Armas; 
with  swamps  at  Mescaltitlan,  etc.     At  first  the  sheep  rancho  was  at  El  Capi 
tan.     Later  P.  Amestoy  founded  the  rancho  de  San  Marcos  on  the  bank  of 
the  Calaguasa  stream,  extending  up  the  stream  from  Teguepe.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  177-8.     1818,  many  runaways,  who,  however,  returned  before 
an  expedition  was  ready  to  go  after  them.    Chap.  xv.  of  this  vol.    1819,  very 
heavy  rains.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  249. 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  365 

quake.  In  1816  the  stone-work  was  nearly  completed. 
In  1817  Captain  Wilcox  in  the  Traveller  made  a  trip 
to  Santa  Cruz  Island  for  timber.  In  1818  the  edifice 
still  lacked  certain  beams;  but  on  the  10th  of  Septem 
ber  1820  it  was  finally  consecrated,  the  ministers  be 
ing  aided  by  three  companions  from  abroad  who 
brought  large  bands  of  neophytes,  Sola  standing  as 
sponsor,  the  commandant  assisting  with  all  the  sol 
diers  and  citizens,  and  the  day  being  closed  with  mili 
tary  evolutions,  Indian  dances,  and  a  banquet.62 

The  earthquake  at  San  Buenaventura  in  1812-13 
drove  the  occupants  away  to  San  Joaquin  y  Santa 
Ana  for  three  months.  Kjacal  church  was  improvised 
and  several  baptisms  and  burials  are  recorded  in  the 
mission  registers  as  having  taken  place  here.  When 
the  people  came  back  in  March  or  April  1813  it  was 
found  that  in  addition  to  some  serious  cracks  in  the 
mission  buildings  the  new  church  was  so  badly  dam 
aged  that  a  part  of  the  facade  and  all  the  tower  would 
have  to  be  torn  down  and  rebuilt.  In  1 8 14  all  damages 
save  those  of  the  church  had  been  repaired;  and  in 
1818  not  only  was  all  restored  to  a  condition  better 
than  the  original,  but  a  chapel  in  honor  of  San  Miguel 
had  been  added.63  The  most  exciting  local  event  of 
the  decade,  not  even  excepting  the  earthquake,  nor 
perhaps  the  temporary  flight  to  Purisima  Nueva  to 
escape  death  at  the  hands  of  the  pirates  in  1818,  was 

62  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  v.  164,  181;  vii.  19-23;  x.  302,  516-17;  xii.   113; 
St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  20;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  166-8;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  183;  Gonzalez,  Exper.,  MS.,  3;  Vischer's  Missions  of  Gal,  36.     The  dedi 
cation  is  described  in  the  mission  books  by  P.  Suner;  and  in  the  mission 
report  of  1820  the  church  is  described  as  'of  hewn  stone  and  mortar,  walls 
very  strongly  built  with  good  buttresses,  a  tower  of  two  stories  holding  six 
bells,a  plaster  ceiling  frescoed,  marbled  columns,  altar  tables  in  Roman  style, 
one  of  them  with  a  pulpit.     Image  of  Santa  Barbara  in  front  in  a  niche  sup 
ported  by  six  columns;  and  at  the  extremities  of  the  triangle  the  three  virtues, 
all  four  of  the  figures  being  of  cut  stone  painted  in  oil.    The  floor  of  burnished 
bitumen.    Various  decorations  in  church  and  sacristy.    All  agreeable,  strong, 
and  neat.' 

63  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.  iv.  24,  26;  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  16, 
17,  19;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  34-5;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  x.  302-3;  xii.  90.    All 
the  work  of  rebuilding  had  been  done  by  the  neophytes  under  direction  of  the 
padres. 


366  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

the  fight  with  the  Amajavas  of  the  Colorado  in  May 
1819,  when  two  soldiers  were  killed  and  ten  of  the 
foe  inside  the  mission  enclosure;  but  these  occurrences 
are  elsewhere  recorded.64 

San  Buenaventura  reached  its  highest  figure  of 
population  in  1816  with  1,328  neophytes,  subsequently 
losing  200  of  the  number;  deaths  having  exceeded 
baptisms  by  over  170.  Though  losing  several  thou 
sand  head  of  cattle,  this  mission  still  stood  first,  show 
ing  a  gain  in  sheep,  and  making  a  somewhat  favorable 
showing  in  agriculture.65  The  government  owed  San 
Buenaventura  in  June  1820,  $27,385  for  supplies, 
§6,200  in  stipends,  and  $1,585  for  a  cargo  of  hemp,  or 
a  total  of  $35,170,  which  there  was  not  the  slightest 
chance  of  ever  receiving.66  The  ministers  were  Jose 
Francisco  de  Paula  Senan,  president  in  1812-15,  and 
Marcos  Antonio  de  Vitoria,  though  the  latter  was 
absent  in  1818-19. 

At  Purisima,  Father  Mariano  Payeras,  president 
from  1815,  served  throughout  the  decade;  but  in  the 
associates  there  were  frequent  changes.  Boscana  left 
the  mission  at  the  end  of  1 8 1 1 ;  Estevan  Tapis,  presi 
dent  until  1812,  served  in  1811-13;  Antonio  liipoll 
in  1812-15;  Luis  Gil  in  1815-17;  Koman  Ullibarri  in 
1818-19;  and  Jose*  Sanchez  in  1820-1.  The  popula 
tion  dwindled  rapidly,  the  death-rate  being  fifty-three 
per  cent  of  population  and  baptisms;  but  in  live-stock 
Purisima  was  among  the  most  prosperous  of  missions.67 

64  See  chap.  xi.  xv.  this  vol.     There  was  an  Indian  murder  case  in  1817. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  1.  445-8. 

65  Decrease  in  population,  1,297  to  1,127.    Baptisms,  713;  largest  number, 
223  in  1816;  smallest,  33  in  1819.     Deaths,  880;  largest  number,  121  in  1818; 
smallest,  70  in  1819.     Large  stock,  21,221  to  18,741;  horses,  etc.,  3,276  to 
3,451;  sheep,  etc.,  8,543  to  10,730.     Crop  of  1810,  7,275  bushels;  of  1820, 
7,437;  largest,    12,135,   in   1818;  smallest,   6,660,   in   1819;   average,   9,340 
bushels. 

66  S.  Buenaventura,  Suministraciones  al  Presidio  liasta  1820,  MS.     Signed 
by  Sefian  and  Vitoria. 

67  Decrease  in  population,  1,022  to  840.     Baptisms,  551;  largest  number, 
115  in  1815;  smallest,  23  in  1820.'    Deaths,  743;  largest  number,  93  in  1815; 
smallest,  41  in  1812.   Gain  in  large  stock,  10,015  to  11,061;  horses,  etc.,  1,215 
to  1,543;  sheep,  etc.,  10,042  to  12,716.    Crops  in  1810,  5,970  bushels;  in  1820, 


I 
PURfSIMA  CONCEPCION.  367 

The  earthquake  of  December  21,  1812,  destroyed 
the  church,  many  of  the  mission  buildings,  and  100 
neophytes'  houses  of  adobe;  and  subsequent  floods, 
caused  by  the  rains  and  the  bursting  of  a  fountain, 
completed  the  devastation,  so  that  very  few  buildings 
were  worth  repairing  even  for  temporary  use.63  Huts 
of  wood  and  grass  were  hastily  erected  for  shelter  and 
religious  service ;  and  in  March  1813  the  padres  peti 
tioned  the  president  for  permission  to  rebuild  the  mis 
sion,  not  at  the  old  site,  but  at  another  across  the 
river  at  Los  Berros,  or  Amun,  the  advantages  of 
which  were  apparent,  and  were  fully  enumerated. 
The  request  was  granted,  and  the  transfer  effected; 
but  of  progress  in  erecting  the  new  buildings  little  or 
nothing  is  known,69  though  church,  houses,  and  an 

and  smallest,  3,790;  largest,  12,000  in  1813;  average,  6,530  bushels.  Dec. 
1816,  Jan.  1817,  no  rains;  prospect  of  a  drought;  sheep  dying  by  hundreds. 
But  a  little  later  it  rained  and  snowed  abundantly.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  v.  24-6.  Feb.  16,  1819,  P.  Ripoll  asks  governor  that  some  Kodiaks  be 
allowed  to  join  the  neophytes  of  Purisima  as  they  desired.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS. , 
iii.  pt.  ii.  61-2.  Purisima  produced  in  1819  500  botas  of  tallow  of  seven  or 
eight  arrobas  (200  fbs.)  each.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  163-4,  In  Jan.-Feb. 
1816,  some  measurements  were  made  by  the  padres  showing  the  distance  from 
Purisima  to  Sta  Lie's  to  be  6|  leagues  and  619  varas;  and  to  San  Luis  Obispo 
by  way  of  La  Graciosa,  18  leagues  less  250  varas,  and  by  way  of  San  Antonio 
rancho,  19  leagues  arid  550  varas ;  to  San  Antonio  rancho  by  way  of  the  garden 
of  Mateo,  3  leagues  and  3,400  varas.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  75. 

68  Dec.  22,  1812,  Payeras  to  President.     There  were  several  light  shocks 
on  Dec.  8th,  doing  little  damage.     On  Dec.  21st,  at  10:30  A.  M.,  a  severe 
shaking  for  four  minutes,  doing  much  harm,  with  a  light  shock  while  the 
padres  were  making  an  examination.     Just  before  11  another  furious  temblor 
of  five  or  seven  minutes,  and  the  church  fell.     Five  or  six  light  shocks  in  the 
evening  and  others  next  morning.     The  earth  opened  in  several  places,  emit 
ting  water  and  black  sand.    Several  wounded,  but  none  killed.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  vi.  184-5.     Dec.  31,  1812,  report  of  Payeras  and  Ripoll,  stating  extent 
of  damages.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  18-19;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xliv.  12.     Trask,  Earthquakes  in  CaL,  132-3,  erroneously  states  that  a  num 
ber  of  lives  were  lost. 

69  Purisima,  Peticion  de  los  Padres  sobre  Traslado  de  la  Mision,  con  otros 
Papeles,  1813,  MS.     The  old  site  is  called  Lalsacupi,  and  the  distance  1| 
leagues,  'and  the  same  distance  back  again'!     Lasuen  had  been  informed  of 
the  inconvenience  of  the  old  site,  but  had  insisted.    The  name  of  the  new  site 
may  be  Amuu.  Purisima,  Lib.  Mission,  MS.,  3;  Salsacupi,  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  ii.  89.     Governor's  consent  to  the  change  March  16th-30th.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  xii.  104-5.     Aid  sent  from  Sta  Barbara,  April.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xix.  343.     Old  site  Alsacupi,  on  south  side  of  Rio  de  Sta  Rosa,  or  San  Ve- 
rardo;  new  site  Los  Berros  Canada,  or  Amun,  f  1.  away,  on  north  side  of  the 
river,  2,300  varas  further  east  than  old  site,  on  the  road  from  Sta  Lie's  to  San 
Luis,  1  1.  nearer  Sta  In£s,  and  1£  1.  nearer  S.  Luis.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv. 
27-8.     Change  effected  in  two  years.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  183.     Romero, 
Memorias,  MS.,  1,  calls  the  old  site  Lompoc,  and  the  new  Las  Flores. 


368  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

irrigating  canal  are  said  to  have  been  completed  in 
two  years.  The  church  was  a  provisional  affair,  and  a 
new  one  of  adobes  and  tiles  was  finished  in  November 
1818.  That  same  year,  the  29th  of  September,  nearly 
all  the  neophytes'  houses  were  destroyed  by  fire,  and 
it  required  a  year  to  repair  the  damages.7 


70 


The  earthquake  of  December  21,  1812,  two  shocks 
fifteen  minutes  apart,  brought  down  a  corner  of  the 
church  at  Santa  Ines,  destroyed  one  fourth  of  the  new 
houses  near  the  church,  ruined  all  the  mission  roofs, 
and  cracked  many  walls;  but  the  friars  did  not  deem 
the  damage  irreparable.71  In  1813  the  ministers' 
house  was  completed,  and  a  granary  was  built  which 
served  temporarily  for  worship;  but  in  1815  a  new 
church  was  begun,  of  adobes  lined  with  bricks,  which 
was  dedicated  on  July  4,  1817.72  The  neophyte  pop 
ulation  reached  its  highest  limit  of  768  souls  in  1816, 
from  which  time  it  steadily  declined.  The  mission 
flocks  and  herds  doubled  in  the  decade,  while  agri 
culture  flourished  in  the  new  fields.73  Father  Uria 
was  in  charge  of  Santa  Ines  continuously;  but  his 
associate,  Calzada,  one  of  the  founders,  died  in  18 14,74 

70  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal,  1817-18,  MS.,  302;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt. 
ii.  22;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  44-7. 

71  Report  of  the  padres  in  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  19-20. 

T2Sta  Ines,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  14;  Payeras,  Informe  Bienal,  1815-16,  MS., 
113;  Id.,  1817-18,  302;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  27;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  183. 

73  Increase  of  population,  630  to  635;  baptisms,  594;  smallest  number,  26 
in  1819;  largest,   183   in  1816;  deaths.   544;   smallest  number,  36  in    1812; 
largest,  85  in  1817.     Large  stock,  3,692  to  7,720;  horses,  etc.,  492  to  770; 
sheep,  etc.,  2,300  to  5,100.     Crops  in  1810,  4,430  bushels;  in  1820,  3,415; 
largest,  10,490  in  1812;  smallest,  2,730  in  1816;  average,  4,340  bushels. 

Nov.  10,  1814,  first  baptism  of  an  iskno  Indian  from  Limu  Island;  such 
baptisms  frequent  after  April  1815.  Sta  Ines,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12-13.  Jan. 
1816,  much  frost  but  «o  rain;  prospect  bad.  March  1817,  heavy  rains  and 
snow.  1819,  heavy  frost  killed  the  wheat;  corn  crop  light.  Potatoes  to  be 
raised  for  the  Indians.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL ,  MS. ,  v.  257-8,  262-3. 

74  Antonio  Calzada  was  born  in  Florida  Nov.  24,  1760;  and  took  the  habit 
at  the  convent  of  the  Purisima  Concepcion  in  Habana  Feb.  3,  1780.     He  was 
ordained  a  priest  in  Mexico  Dec.  18,  1784;  and  arrived  in  California  in  October 
1787.     His  missionary  service  was  at  San  Gabriel  from  1788  to  1792;  at  Puri 
sima  until  1804,  though  absent  in  Mexico  on  account  of  ill-health  from  August 
1796  to  May  1798;  and,  founding  Sta  Lie's  in  September  1804,  he  served  there 
until  a  stroke  of  paralysis  rendered  him  helpless  in  1813.     A  second  stroke 
put  an  end  to  his  life  on  Dec.  23,  1814.     He  was  interred  in  the  church,  and 
on  July  4,  1817,  his  remains  were  transferred  to  the  new  church,  outside  the 


SANTA 

and  there  were  several  other  changes;  Ramon  Gibe's 
serving  in  1812-14,  Estevan  Tapis  in  1813-14,  Roman 
Fernandez  de  Ullibarri  in  1815-19,  and  Antonio  Cat- 
arino  Rodriguez,  apparently  in  1820-1. 

presbytery  near  the  railing  on  the  gospel  side.  Sta  Ints,  Lib.  Mision,  MS., 
17-18;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  228;  x.  409;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  86;  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  47. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    24 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS   OF   THE  NORTH. 
1811-1820. 

SAN  FRANCISCO — OFFICIALS,  POPULATION,  AND  FINANCES — BUILDINGS— LITH 
OGRAPHIC  VIEWS — FOREIGN  VISITORS — THE  MISSION — FATHER  SAENZ — 
ACROSS  THE  BAY — MISSION  SAN  JOSE — SANTA  CLARA — PUEBLO  OF  SAN 
JOSE — OFFICIALS— THE  CHAPEL — SCHOOL — ROAD — MONTEREY  PRESI- 
DIAL  DISTRICT— STATISTICS — PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS— RECONSTRUCTION — 
SCHOOL — A  BEAR  STORY — RECAPITULATION  OF  FOREIGN  VESSELS — 
RANCHOS — SAN  CARLOS — SAN  Luis  OBISPO — SAN  MIGUEL— SAN  Ax- 
TONIO — SOLEDAD— FLORENCIO  IBANEZ— SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA— SANTA 
CRUZ— PADRE  MARQUINEZ — MURDER  OF  ANDRES  QUIN  TANA— VILLA 
DE  BRANCIFORTE. 

Luis  ANTONIO  ARGUELLO  commanded  at  San  Fran 
cisco  as  lieutenant,  while  Rodriguez  in  Mexico  held 
the  captaincy,  until  1817  and  afterward  as  captain. 
He  was  also  habilitado  after  1816,  up  to  which  year 
his  brother  Cadet  Gervasio  Argiiello  kept  the  ac 
counts.  I  have  in  my  collection  the  original  account- 
books  kept  by  Don  Luis  in  these  times.1  Gabriel 
Moraga,  brevet  lieutenant,  was  the  alferez  until  1818; 
but  on  his  promotion,  by  some  mistake  in  Madrid,  he 
was  made  lieutenant  of  the  Santa  Barbara  company, 
and  Ignacio  Martinez  came  here  as  lieutenant.  The 
alferez  after  1818  was  Santiago  Argiiello,  serving  not 
in  his  own  company  but  at  San  Diego.  After  Ger 
vasio  Argiiello's  promotion  Joaquin  Estudillo  wras  a 
cadet  in  the  company  from  1818.  Luis  Peralta  and 

1  San  Francisco,  Cuentas  del  Habilitado  de  la  Companla  Presidial,  1818-33, 
MS.,  torn.  i.  xxix.  Presented  by  General  Vallejo.  torn,  i.-iv.,  contain  Ar 
giiello's  accounts  from  1818  to  1820;  stout  leather-bound  volumes  9x12  inches, 
in  which  a  separate  page,  or  morej  is  devoted  to  the  account  of  each  officer 
and  soldier.  Each  volume  has  an  index  which  is  a  full  company  roster. 

(370) 


SAN  FRANCISCO.  371 

Jose  Sanchez  were  the  sergeants,  the  latter  being 
bre vetted  alferez  in  1820. 

The  force  was  68  soldiers,  twelve  invalids,  and  four 
artillerymen,  of  whom  about  40  lived  at  the  presidio 
until  50  men  of  Captain  Navarrete's  San  Bias  infantry 
were  stationed  here  in  1819  under  Lieutenant  Yalle 
and  Alferez  Haro.  The  total  population  in  1820  of 
presidio  and  missions,  excluding  Santa  Cruz,  had  in 
creased  from  310  to  about  430,  to  which  number,  if 
we  add  the  population  of  San  Jos6  pueblo,  we  have 
for  the  northern  presidial  district  a  total  of  670;  and 
the  neophytes  of  the  same  district  numbered  4,360,  a 
gain  from  2,930  in  1810.2  There  is  no  indication  that 
.any  of  the  new  artillerymen  under  Ramirez  were 
stationed  at  San  Francisco  in  1820.  Statistics  are 
fragmentary,  but  I  embody  some  items  in  a  note.3 

The  fort  of  San  Joaquin  was  rebuilt  in  1816,  a  feat 
which  gave  rise  to  much  correspondence,  all  going  to 
show  the  fact  of  rebuilding  and  nothing  more,  except 
that  the  work  was  satisfactory  to  the  commandant, 
who  praised  Lieutenant  Manuel  Gomez  for  the  skill 
and  energy  displayed.  The  work  was  done  by  presi- 
diarios,  or  convicts,  native  and  Spanish,  it  being  the 

2 1  must  note,  however,  that  we  have  no  exact  and  reliable  statistics  of 
white  population  in  San  Francisco  from  1817  to  1828,  nor  in  San  Josd  between 
1816  and  1822.  For  the  former  I  take  the  population  in  1817,  which  was  380, 
and  add  the  50  infantrymen,  not  knowing  exactly  when  the  decrease  to  280 
in  1828  began.  For  San  Jose",  which  gained  from  137  in  1816  to  about  300  in 
1822,  I  adopt  somewhat  arbitrarily  240  as  the  population  in  1820. 

3  The  annual  pay-roll  was  about  $19,000;  only  invoice  $7,253  in  1815-1G; 
inventories  of  goods  in  the  warehouse,  constantly  dwindling  from  $17,715  in 
1810  to  $1,257  at  end  of  1815,  $3,848  in  1816,  and  $2,043  in  1817:  eupplies 
from  missions  from  $4,000  to  $11,000  per  year.  At  the  end  of  1816  there  was 
owing  to  the  company  $25,878,  in  sums  ranging  from  $55  to  $1,229,  the  largest 
amount  being  due  to  Sergt.  Sanchez;  while  only  two  men,  Gregorio  Briones 
and  Jose  Castro,  were  in  debt  to  the  extent  of  25  cents  each.  Tobacco  revenue 
about  $1,600  down  to  1813.  Tithes,  $40,  $28,  and  $7,  in  1811-12-13,  perhaps 
for  presidio  alone.  Postal  revenue,  average  $26  down  to  1817.  Papal  bulls 
$71  in  1811.  Sales  of  cattle  from  rancho  del  rey  $260  per  year.  This  rancho 
was  located  at  Las  Pulgas  in  1816  when  a  new  lot  of  cattle  was  obtained  from 
the  missions.  After  1816  the  best  authorities  on  San  Francisco  presidial  sta 
tistics  are  the  S.  Francisco,  Cuentas,  MS.,  torn,  i.-iv.  already  noticed,  and 
the  original  records  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xv.  67-97;  xvi.  2-95. 
See  also  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlii.-lii.  passim;  Id..  Presid.,  33,  S6 
77-81;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  68;  viii.  55;  ix.  77;  Prov.  St.  Pap..  MS.,  xx. 
42,  45,  78,  134-6,  174;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  10,  24-7. . 


375T  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

part  of  the  garrison  to  guard  the  laborers,  eighteen 
of  whom  ran  away  on  one  occasion.  Merlons  and 
esplanade  are  favorite  words  with  the  writers;  and 
among  the  material  mentioned  were  200  beams,  600 
planks,  3,600  nine-inch  spikes,  and  lime  mortar.4  There 
were  twenty  guns  in  1820,  three  of  which  were  twenty- 
four  pounders.  Of  the  battery  at  Yerba  Buena  noth 
ing  is  heard  during  the  decade.  There  are  some 
rather  vague  allusions  to  the  rebuilding  or  extensive 
repair  of  the  presidio  proper.  At  any  rate  the  old  chapel 
was  torn  down  to  be  rebuilt,  and  a  provisional  building 
fitted  up  in  which  the  first  mass  was  said  on  Febuary 
25, 1816.  Osio  tells  us  that  Argiiello  and  his  soldiers 
began  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  presidio  square  in 
1815,  and  nearly  finished  it  before  Sola  found  it  out 
and  ordered  a  suspension,  summoning  Don  Luis  to 
Monterey,  and  even  going  so  far  as  to  threaten  him 
with  personal  chastisement.  Amador  also  says  the 
presidio  was  in  process  of  reconstruction  about  1818. 
Choris  gives  a  lithographic  view  of  the  buildings  as 
they  appeared  in  1816,  a  picture  which  imparts  but 
very  slight  information,  and  seems  to  represent  the 
structures  as  complete.  Chamisso,  however,  says  that 
the  presidio  was  newly  built  and  covered  with  tiles, 
though  the  chapel  had  not  been  begun.  In  April 
1818  Sola  informed  the  viceroy  that  the  southern 
block  where  the  church  was  to  be  was  yet  unfinished, 
as  were  the  corrals  on  the  four  sides,  thus  implying  a 
reconstruction,5  respecting  which,  more  or  less  com 
plete,  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

*Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  2-3,  43-5,  103,  123,  134-6,  232,  258-61;  Id. 
Presid.,  i.  33-5;  Prov.  Rec.  MS.,  ix.  137,  155;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
xv.  68-91. 

5  Provisional  chapel.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  45.  Sept.  16,  1816,  one  of 
the  soldiers'  houses  was  burned,  and  14  prisoners  employed  to  put  out  the  fire 
escaped.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlvi.  37.  Choris  says  of  the  presidio,  'sa  forme  est 
carr6e.  II  a  deux  portes  tou jours  occupies  par  une  garde;  les  fenetres  lie  sent 
ou vertes  que  sur  la  cour. '  And  of  the  fort,  '  il  est  muni  de  tout  ce  qui  est 
necessaire  pour  la  deiendre  avec  avantage.'  Choris,  Voy.,  Pittoresque,  (iii.) 
p.  i.  pi.  ii.  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  16,  says  the  old  structures  were  of  polo 
parado,  the  new  ones  of  adobes.  '  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  5-21,  says  that  Sola 
with  his  stick  and  Argiiello  with  his  sword  made  some  hostile  demonstrations, 
whereupon  Sola  threw  away  his  stick  and  extended  his  hand,  desiring  to  be 


SAN  FRANCISCO.  373 

The  leading  events  at  San  Francisco,  chiefly  the 
visits  of  foreign  vessels,  have  been  recorded  in  other 
chapters.  In  1811  Padre  Abella  made  a  boat  voyage 
on  the  bay,  applying  some  new  names.  This  year  and 
the  next  the  Aleut  otter-hunters  frequented  the  bay 
in  their  bidarkas.  In  1812-13  came  the  news  of  the 
Russian  settlement  at  Bodega,  with  some  excitement 
involving  several  expeditions  to  the  north.  In  1813- 
14  communication  with  Ross  was  continued,  and  Slo- 
bodchikof  came  down  more  than  once  with  bidarka 
loads  of  goods  for  traffic.  In  the  latter  year  there 
came  also  Black  in  the  Raccoon  and  Eliot  de  Castro 
in  the  llmen,  returning  in  1815.  This  year  MakaVof 
brought  a  cargo  in  the  Suvdrof.  In  1816  was  the 
visit  of  Kotzebue  in  the  Rurik,  a  visit  resulting  in  the 
publication  of  three  books  which  afford  very  few  items 
of  information  about  San  Francisco  that  the  reader 
had  not  learned  better  from  other  sources.6  Padush- 
kin,  Hagemeister,  and  Kuskof  were  guests  at  the 
presidio  in  1817;  and  finally  Roquefeuil  in  1817-18 
brought  the  Bordelais  into  the  port  three  times,  the 
first  French  craft  ever  seen  within  the  Golden  Gate.7 
In  1818  a  school  was  in  operation;  and  in  December 
1 8 1 9  a  soldier  was  killed  while  firing  a  salute  to  the 
Virgin  of  Guadalupe.8 

friendly  with  so  brave  a  man !  He  says  a  boat  was  built  by  an  English  car 
penter  in  which  timber  was  brought  from  San  Rafael.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal. , 
MS.,  i.  227-8,  says  the  boat  was  built  by  three  English  carpenters,  deserters 
from  the  Columbia  River,  captured  in  Alameda  county,  in  1816.  The  boat 
was  launched  in  November  1818,  Dona  Magdalena  Estudillo  coming  up  from 
Monterey  to  serve  as  madrina,  and  naming  her  the  Paulina.  This  lancha  was 
of  about  five  tons.  Feb.  1816,  correspondence  between  Arguello  and  Sola, 
showing  that  the  old  boat  had  been  badly  damaged  and  after  repairs  destroyed 
in  a  gale.  A  new  one  to  be  built.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  42,  46.  April  3, 
1818,  Sola  to  viceroy  on  presidio  buildings.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  176.  Cha-~ 
misso,  Remarks,  49,  is  wrong  in  saying  the  buildings  were  of  stone.  Roque 
feuil,  Voyage,  26,  says  that  in  1817  the  church  which  had  been  burned  had 
not  been  rebuilt;  but  the  temporary  hall  used  as  a  chapel  was  kept  in  excellent 
condition. 

6 1  have  already  given  the  observations  of  Kotzebue,  Choris,  and  Chamisso 
on  general  matters;  also  some  items  respecting  buildings;  and  I  have  yet  to 
give  others  about  the  mission.  It  may  be  noted  here  that  Chamisso  says 
something  of  the  geology,  fauna,  and  plants  of  the  peninsula;  and  also  that  he 
uses  for  the  first  time  the  name  Point  Lobos. 

7  See  chapters  xiii. ,  xiv. ,  this  volume. 

8 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  180;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  253. 


374  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

Visitors  to  San  Francisco  were  in  most  cases  enter 
tained  by  the  padres  at  the  mission;  and  of  that  in 
stitution  those  who  wrote  books  have  more  to  say 
than  of  the  presidio.  These  writers,  however,  devote 
most  attention  to  the  Indians  and  to  the  imperfectly 
understood  workings  of  the  mission  system.  Choris 
reproduces  the  various  types  of  neophytes'  heads,  and 
incidentally  in  his  picture  of  a  native  dance  portrays 
a  portion  of  the  church,  the  building  begun  in  1782 
and  still  standing  in  1885.9 

San  Francisco  reached  its  highest  limit  of  popula 
tion  in  1820  with  1,252  neophytes  on  its  registers. 
Its  baptisms  were  exceeded  only  at  San  Jose,  and  its 
deaths,  2,100,  nowhere,  the  death-rate  being  63  per 
cent  of  original  population  added  to  the  baptisms.  It 
is  to  be  noted,  however,  these  figures  include  the 
asistencia,  or  branch,  of  San  Rafael;  that  the  popula 
tion  of  San  Francisco  proper  had  decreased  to  622, 
and  that  its  death-rate  was  nearly  seventy-five  per 
cent.  The  mission  lost  heavily  in  cattle,  but  held  its 
own  in  sheep.10  Of  the  two  associate  ministers  Saenz 

9  In  1883  a  new  brick  church  was  built  adjoining  the  old  structure;  but 
no  change  was  made  in  the  latter,  though  its  destruction  was  announced 
in  the  city  newspapers  of  the  time.     Choris,  Voy.  Pittoresque,  (iii. )  p.  2-6, 
pi.  iii.-vii.,  says  the  mission  'forme  un  village  assez  considerable.    L'e"glise  est 
grande,  et  tient  &  la  maison  des  missionaries,  qui  est  simple,  passablemeiit 
propre  et  commode.'    The  Indians  have  their  own  gardens.    Twenty  looms  in 
constant  operation.     Two  mills  moved  by  mule-power.     Much  information 
about  the  Indians.     Chamisso*  Remarks,  49,  says  all  the  buildings,  including 
the  houses  of  the  Indians,  were  of  stone  covered  with  tiles;  horse-power  mill 
in  which  one  stone  is  moved  over  another  without  mechanism.     Kotzebue, 
Voyage,  i.   279-81,  marked  the  favorable   contrast   of   scenery,  vegetation, 
etc. ,  at  the  mission  to  the  surroundings  of  the  presidio.    Says  the  church  was 
'spacious,  built  of  stone,  and  handsomely  fitted  up.'     'The  habitations  of  the 
Indians,  consisting  of  long  low  houses  built  of  bricks,  and  forming  several 
streets.     The  uncleanliness  in  these  barracks  baffles  description,  and  this  is, 
perhaps,  the  eause  of  the  great  mortality ;'  for  of  1,000,  300  die  every  year. 
Roquefeuil,  Voyage,  24-6,  says:    'The  soil  seems  much  more  fertile  than  at 
the  presidio,  and  the  temperature  is  sensibly  milder.     The  church  is  kept  in 
good  order,  and  handsomely  decorated.     It  may  contain  from  500  to  600 
persons.     There  is  not  a  single  seat  in  it.'     April  3,   1818,  Sola  reports  to 
the  viceroy  that  the  church  is  commodious  and  neatly  adorned.  Prov.  JRec., 
MS.,  ix.  177. 

10  Population,  1,059  to  1,252.     Baptisms,  2,238;  largest  number,  321  in 
1811;  smallest,  120  in  1820;  deaths,  2,100;  largest  number,  314  in  1815;  small 
est,  118  in  1819.     Large  stock,  12,250,  to  4,695;  horses,  etc.,  1,010  to  859; 
sheep,  etc.,  10,000  to  10,280.     Crops  ia  1810,  7,678  bushels;  in  1820,  6,280; 


MISSION  SAN  JOSE.  -  375 

de  Lucio  left  the  province  in  1816;11  while  Ramon 
Abella  left  this  mission  in  1819.  Oliva  served  in 
1815-19,  and  Juan  Cabot  in  1818-20;  while  Ordaz 
and  Altimira  came  in  1820.  The  terrible  mortality 
among  their  neophytes  was  the  great  trouble  of  the 
friars  throughout  the  decade;  and  the  establishment 
of  San  Rafael  as  a  kind  of  hospital  to  which  many 
were  transferred  has  already  been  recorded.  There 
seems  also  in  1819  to  have  been  a  beginning  of  agri 
cultural  and  stock-raising  operations  across  the  bay, 
where  Oakland  or  Alameda  now  stands;  but  no  par 
ticulars  are  recorded.  According  to  the  land  com 
mission  records,  however,  the  San  Antonio  rancho 
was  granted  to  Luis  Peralta  in  1820.12 

At  mission  San  Jose  Duran  and  Fortuni  continued 
their  ministry,  baptized  more  Indians  than  the  mis 
sionaries  at  any  other  establishment,  buried  a  smaller 
percentage  of  their  converts  than  at  any  other  except 
San  Luis  Rey,  and  took  the  second  place  in  the  list 
so  far  as  population  was  concerned.  Sheep-raising 
and  agriculture  were  also  prosperous.13  The  decade 
was  as  quiet  as  prosperous.  In  January  1811  the 

largest,  10,070  in  1814;  smallest,  3,520  in  1819;  average,  6,850  bushels,  of 
which  3,900  were  wheat,  yielding  11  fold;  1,950  barley,  eight  fold;  and  223 
corn,  100  fold.  In  1814  limits  were  assigned  to  the  mission  lands  by  Gov.  Sola 
according  to  P.  Este"nega's  statement  in  1828;  but  'East  to  Laurel  Creek  and 
south  across  the  sierra  so  as  to  include  San  Pedro  rancho  on  the  coast'  is  the 
substance  of  information  given.  Register  of  Brands  and  Marks,  MS.,  1.  July 
22,  1814,  P.  Abella  buried  an  old  woman  said  to  be  259  (?)  years  old,  and  the 
last  living  native  within  six  leagues  who  could  remember  the  founders  of  the 
mission.  S.  Francisco,  Lib.Mision.,  MS.,  74.  March  21,  1820,  20  runaways, 
mostly  across  the  bay.  Pomponio  and  his  company  committing  ravages. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  29.  The  mission  supplied  the  presidio  in  1818 
$1,107;  in  1819,  $1,500;  and  in  1820,  to  May,  $683.  Id.,  iv.  i.  32. 

11  Juan  Saenz  de  Lucio  was  a  native  of  Cantabria;  left  his  college  for  Cali 
fornia  in  February  1806;  his  last  signature  on  the  San  Francisco  books  is  on 
Aug.  7,  1815,  and  he  seems  to  have  spent  some  months  at  San  Juan  Bautista 
before  leaving  the  province  in  November  1816.     His  license  was  announced 
by  Sarria  Nov.  6,  1815. 

12  Oct.  30,  1819,  letter  of  P.  Cabot.     The  stock  was  transferred,  'frente  de 
su  mision,  tierra  firme  con  San  Jose", '  where  extensive  planting  was  to  be 
undertaken.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  116.    Grant  of  San  Antonio.    Aug. 
16,  1820.  Cat.  Land  Com.,  no.  4,  273,  274. 

13  Increase  in  population,  545  to  1,754.     Baptisms,  2,601;  largest  number, 
348  in  1812;  smallest,  81  in  1814;     Deaths,  1,380;  largest  number,  193  in 
1817;  smallest,  83  in  1814.     Large  stock,  7,190  to  6,859;  horses,  etc.,  1,190 


376 


LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 


MAP  OF  SAX  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT,  1800-30. 


SANTA  CLARA.  377 

dead  were  transferred  from  the  old  to  the  new  ceme 
tery.  In  1813  there  was  an  expedition  after  run 
aways,  involving  a  fight  on  the  San  Joaquin,  already 
recorded.  In  1817  a  grand  fiesta  patriarcal  was  held 
the  29th  of  April,  to  which  the  governor  was  invited; 
and  finally  in  1818  there  was  an  Indian  murder  case 
of  no  special  interest.14 

The  annals  of  Santa  Clara  are  likewise  brief  and 
unexciting.  According  to  the  biennial  mission  re 
port  for  1817-18  a  fine  new  church  of  adobes  with 
tule  roof  had  been  completed  during  that  period. 
Hittell  and  Tuthill,  to  say  nothing  of  various  news 
paper  writers,  tell  us  that  the  mission  church  was 
thrown  down  by  an  earthquake  in  1818;  but  I  think 
there  is  no  authority  for  such  a  statement.15  Santa 
Clara  was  one  of  the  six  missions  that  still  baptized 
over  one  hundred  Indians  per  year,  and  had  not  yet 
reached  their  highest  limit  of  population;  still  its 
death-rate  was  very  large  and  its  gain  only  twenty- 
five  in  ten  years.16  The  missionaries  were  still  Catala" 
and  Viader. 

The  population  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose',  including 
that  of  some  adjoining  ranchos,  increased  during  this 
decade  from  125  to  about  240,  records  of  population 
being  very  fragmentary  like  all  other  statistics.  For 

to  859;  sheep,  etc.,  7,002  to  12,000.  Crops  in  1810,  4,075  bushels;  in  1820 
and  largest,  9,775;  smallest,  3,030  in  1811;  average,  6,020  bushels,  of  which 
5,040  were  wheat,  yield  27  fold;  243  barley,  17  fold;  and  435  corn,  132  fold. 

liSan  Jost,  Patentee,  MS.,  43;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  349-9;  chap.  xv. 
of  this  vol.;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  222. 

^Payeras,  Informs  Bienal,  1817-18,  MS.,  302;  Hittell's  Resources  of  Cat., 
MS.,  43;  TuthiWs  Hist.  Cal,  116.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  142-3,  and 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  37,  state  that  one  night  in  1814  or  1815,  Padre 
Viader  was  attacked  by  the  Indian  Marcelo  and  two  companions,  who  were 
overcome  by  the  muscular  friar  single-handed.  They  were  pardoned  after  a 
homily  on  the  terrible  sin  of  attacking  a  priest,  and  Marcelo  was  afterward  a 
faithful  friend  of  the  Spaniards. 

16  Gain  in  population,  1,332  to  1,357.  Baptisms  1,266;  largest  number, 
192  in  1811;  smallest,  42  in  1817.  Deaths,  1,158;  largest  number,  192  in 
1811;  smallest,  86  in  1814.  Large  stock,  8,353  to  5,024;  horses,  etc.,  2,032 
to  722;  sheep,  10.027  to  12,060.  Crop  in  1810,  6,525  bushels;  in  1820,  6,770; 
largest,  9,480  in  1813;  smallest,  5,130  in  1811;  average,  7,120,  of  which  4,800 
wore  wheat,  yield  16  fold;  630  barley,  33  fold;  1,117  corn,  181  fold. 


378  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

1819  a  list  of  48  stock-raisers  is  given;  but  there  is  no 
definite  mention  of  private  ranches,  though  those  of 
Ortega  and  Castro  were  in  this  region  and  perhaps 
others.17  The  town  was  still  in  the  military  jurisdic 
tion  of  Monterey ;  but  the  governor's  comisionado  in 
charge  was  Sergeant  Luis  Peralta  of  the  San  Fran 
cisco  company.18  Antonio  Soto  was  alcalde  in  1818, 
Jose  Castro  in  1819,  and  Teodosio  Flores  in  1820. 
For  the  earlier  years  I  find  no  record.  The  chapel  be 
gun  in  1803  was  finished  before  1812,  in  February  of 
which  year  the  inhabitants  petitioned  President  Tapis 
for  religious  services,  which  had  been  promised  by 
Lasuen  whenever  the  chapel  should  be  ready.  In  his 
reply  the  president  reminded  the  citizens  that  wine, 
wafer,  and  wax  were  yet  lacking,  but  authorized  them 
to  apply  to  the  padres  of  Santa  Clara  for  mass  and  sacra 
ments  to  the  sick.  How  the  friars  welcomed  the  call 
we  are  not  informed.19  In  1811  the  citizens  made  a 
contract  with  the  retired  corporal  Rafael  Villavicencio 
to  teach  their  children;  a  contract  which  was  ap 
proved  at  the  capital  with  certain  modifications,  in 
cluding  school  regulations,  and  which  may  be  supposed 
to  have  been  carried  into  effect.  Of  educational  prog 
ress  nothing  more  is  known  until  1818,  when  Antonio 
Buelna  was  appointed  teacher,  and  the  fitting-up  of  a 
new  school-room  was  ordered.  Buelna,  who  had  pre- 

17 1  have  no  definite  figures  of  pueblo  population  from  1816  when  it  was 
137,  to  1822  when  it  was  about  285,  being  about  370  in  1823.  Making  allow 
ance  for  15  or  20  Indian  inhabitants,  240  is  a  fair  estimate  from  these  figures. 
List  of  stock-raisers  in  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  4.  Tithes  in  1811-17  ranged 
from  72  to  180  fanegas  of  grain,  and  from  60  to  100  head  of  cattle.  S.  Jos& 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  52-3.  In  1817  the  governor  reprimands  the  comisionado  on 
account  of  the  small  amount  of  tithes  collected.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,S.  Jos6,  MS., 
i.  143-4.  In  1811  the  crop  was  1,491  fan.;  in  1814,  1,544  fan.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlii.  3,  7.  No  other  years  are  given.  In  1811  cattle  num 
bered  4,673;  horses,  296;  mules,  84.  In  1814,  cattle,  9,896;  horses,  482; 
mules,  89.  Id.,  xlii.  4,  8. 

18  Nov.  17,  1817,  Sola  to  Peralta.  The  alcalde  and  regidores  must  come  to 
an  understanding  with  the  comisionado,  who  represents  the  governor  in  all 
political  matters.  8.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  25.  Nov.  24th,  Sola  to  Peralta,  com 
plaining  of  the  small  amount  of  tithes,  and  blaming  the  comisionado  for  per 
mitting  the  settlers  to  cheat  him  in  this  matter.  Id.,  i.  143-4.  The  sudden 
death  of  Alcalde  Soto  in  June  1818  is  alluded  to  by  the  governor.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  i.  122,  128,  133.  Joaquin  Higuera  and  Felipe  Briones 
were  regidores  in  1820.  Id.,  i.  117. 

19 San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  nil  17;  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  xii.  311. 


MONTEREY  DISTRICT.  379 

viously  complained  that  a  fanega  of  grain  from  each 
parent  was  an  inadequate  salary,  wished  to  give  up 
the  school  in  the  autumn  of  1820,  but  was  required  to 
wait  till  a  successor  could  be  found,  which  seems  to 
have  been  in  the  spring  of  1821,  when  Rafael  del 
Valle  took  charge.20  The  only  other  work  of  public 
importance  to  be  noticed  was  the  construction  of  a 
wagon-road  with  suitable  bridges  between  San  Jose 
and  Monterey.  In  November  1816  the  authorities 
and  citizens  were  invited  to  cooperate  and  Sergeant 
Jose  Dolores  Pico  was  appointed  to  direct  the  work.21 

Lieutenant  Jose'  Maria  Estudillo  was  comandante 
of  Monterey22  till  ordered  to  San  Diego  temporarily 
in  October  1820,  when  Jose  Estrada,  company  alferez 
throughout  the  decade,  became  acting  comandante 
of  the  company,  and  Captain  Jose  Antonio  Navarrete 
of  the  post  whenever  in  the  governor's  absence  such 
an  official  was  needed.  Estrada  was  habilitado  till 
1818,  after  which  to  June  1820  the  accounts  were 
kept  by  Jose  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  who  had  just 
become  a  cadet  in  the  company,  having  been  previ 
ously  the  governor's  secretary.  Down  to  1818 
Raimundo  Estrada  had  been  a  cadet.  The  company 
sergeants  were  still  Ignacio  Vallejo  and  Jose  Dolores 
Pico.  Manuel  Quijano  still  served  as  surgeon.  The 
force  of  this  company  was  usually  81  soldiers  and 
non-commissioned  officers,  one  bleeder,  three  mechan 
ics,  five  artillerymen,  and  28  invalids,  most  of  the 
latter  living  at  the  pueblos  but  being  sometimes 
called  in  as  volunteers  or  artillery-militia  for  the 
defence  of  the  presidio.  Twenty -five  men  were  absent 
on  escolta  duty  at  the  six  missions  of  the  jurisdiction, 
leaving  a  force  of  about  65  at  the  presidio  proper  and 
at  the  rancho  del  rey,  a  force  increased  in  1819  to 

21 8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  40-3;  Hall's  Hist.  S.  Jost,  97-101;  8t.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  v.  45;  vi.  27;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  119,  121,  229-30;  Prov. 
fiec.,  MS.,  ix.  179-80. 

21  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  105. 

22  For  map  of  Monterey  district  see  chap.  vii.  this  volume. 


380  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

115  by  the  addition  of  Xavarrete's  men.  The  total 
population  of  the  presidial  district  with  its  mission 
guards,  given  as  480  at  the  end  of  the  last  decade, 
had  increased  probably  in  1820  to  about  700  souls.23 
Adding  the  population  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Branciforte 
we  have  a  total  of  795,  with  a  corresponding  neophyte 
population  of  4,500  instead  of  5,100  in  1810.  Thus 
in  what  may  be  termed  northern  California  we  have 
1,465  white  persons  and  8,900  neophytes,  against 
1,805  white  men  and  11,600  neophytes  in  the  south 
ern  districts.24 

At  the  end  of  1816  Alferez  Estrada  made  a  report 
on  the  presidio  buildings,  describing  them  somewhat 
in  detail.  In  January  1817  Sola  reported  that  he  had 
caused  the  battery  to  be  repaired  with  masonry;  and 
in  his  report  of  April  1818  he  stated  that  the  southern 
line  of  the  presidio  square  had  yet  to  be  rebuilt,  and 
cross-beams  to  be  made  for  the  northern  and  eastern 
sides,  only  the  lieutenant's  house  remaining  to  be 
built  besides.25  Thus  it  appears  that  under  Sola's 

23  The  population  de  razon  in  1816  was  602,  and  I  have  no  more  definite 
figures  until  1826,  when  it  seems  to  have  been  790.     To  the  602 1  add  Navar- 
rete's  50  men,  and  50  more  for  the  natural  increase  in  four  years,  which 
seems  certainly  small  enough.     Still  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  figures  do 
not  rest  on  a  very  solid  foundation. 

24  Amount  of  the  Monterey  pay-roll  per  year,  $23,000.     Invoice  of  1815- 
16,  $5,109.     Inventories  of  goods  in  the  warehouse,    $10,000  to  $13.000. 
Fonde  de  retencion  in  1812,  $2,807.   Deduction  for  montepio  and  invalidosin 
1816,  $635.     Mission  supplies  1811,  $7,984;  1812,  $7,551.     Tobacco  revenue 
$1,732  in  1811;  $2,503  in  1812.     Postal  revenue  $69  in  1811;  $49  in  1812. 
Tithes,  $242  in  1811;  $164  in  1812,  not  including  evidently  those  of  San  Jose. 
Sales  of  papal  bulls  in  1811,  $127.     For  the  statistics  of  this  decade  see  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlii.  lii.  passim;  Id.,  Presid.,  i.  13,  ii.  19;  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  59,  65;  ii.  67,  125;  iii.  3,  10-16,  29-31;  v.  9,  12-13,  79- 
80;  vi.  53,  75,78,99;  vii.  2;  viii.  1-2,52;  ix.  83,  100-1;   Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal,  MS.,  xvi.  60;  xvii.  191;  xviii.  105. 

25  In  1811,  according  to  Tapis,  the  governor  was  going  to  have  a  baptistry 
built  at  the  presidio;  and  the  friars  were  to  attend  to  baptisms  there.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  84.     Dec.  31,  1816,  Estrada's  description  of  Monterey  build 
ings.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  56-7.    Jan.  20,  1817,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov. 
JRec.,  MS.,  ix.  168;  Sola,  Observaciones,  MS.,  180.     According  to  Estrada  the 
square  was  175  by  128  varas.     On  the  north  was  the  main  entrance  to  the 
guard-house,  on  one  side  of  which  were  a  jail,  barracks,  and  four  corporals' 
houses;  and  on  the  other  a  jail,  a  small  room  for  the  sick,  and  the  sergeant's 
house.     On  the  south  was  the  church,  with  a  house  of  two  rooms  and  a  small 
gate  on  one  side;  and  on  the  other  five  rooms  recently  re-roofed.    On  the  east 
was  the  main  gateway  for  horses,  14  houses,  and  the  smithy.     On  the  west 
were  the  officers'  houses  and  two  warehouses.  On  the  north,  outside  the  walls, 


MONTEREY.  381 

directions  a  general  work  of  reconstruction  was  being 
prosecuted.  Then  came  the  disaster  of  November 
1818,  described  in  a  previous  chapter,  in  which  the 
cross-beams  of  the  northern  block  were  burned  so  that 
the  roofs  fell  in,  while  the  material  collected  for  the 
lieutenant's  house  was  badlv  damaged.  The  work  of 

»/  O 

repairing  the  injuries  caused  by  Bouchard's  men  and 
of  completing  the  general  work  which  the  invasion 
had  interrupted  lasted  far  into  1821  if  not  longer, 
and  the  missions  were  often  called  upon  for  materials 
and  workmen.26  It  is  stated  that  the  work  of  recon 
struction  was  under  the  superintendence  of  Sergeant 
Vallejo,  who  had  also  a  favorite  plan  of  bringing  water 
to  the  presidio  from  the  Carmelo  by  an  aqueduct,  a 
plan  that  he  could  not  carry  out  for  want  of  means, 
though  it  was  approved  by  Sola.27  Ramirez  brought 
from  Mexico  $1,477,  which  sum,  with  other  small 
amounts  lent  by  Ramirez  and  Sola,  was  spent  in  mak 
ing  preparations  for  the  artillery  reenforcement  and 
the  munitions  brought  by  them.  Indeed  this  is  the 
only  clear  evidence  extant  that  Ramirez  and  his  men 
were  in  California  at  all  in  1820.28 

At  Monterey,  as  at  the  other  presidios  and  pue 
blos,  a  school  was  established  by  the  efforts  of  Sola. 
Much  is  said  of  this  school  and  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  conducted  by  Corporal  Archuleta,  the  school 
master,  by  the  pupils,  since  prominent  men  in  Cali 
fornia  history.  But  their  recollections  will  be  more 
appropriately  noticed  in  some  remarks  to  be  made 
later  on  the  general  subject  of  education.  In  these 
days  a  retired  soldier  known  as  '  Tio  Armenta '  had  a 
house  at  some  distance  from  the  presidio  walls,  to  which 
certain  men  were  accustomed  to  resort  at  night  to  play 
at  monte.  This  was  kept  secret  for  a  time,  but  at 

was  a  granary  10  by  15  varas.     The  presidio  was  built  of  stone  and  adobes, 
roofed  with  tiles. 

26  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  11,  44,  and  passim. 

27  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  84,  172-7;  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Reminis.,  MS., 
77. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  232,  235,  264-6. 


382  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

last  became  known  to  Sola  through  a  practical  joke. 
Victor  Arroyo,  a  young  man,  disguised  himself  as  a 
bear  and  lay  in  wait  on  the  trail  to  Armenta's  house 
one  night  for  two  Spanish  traders  who  had  arrived  on 
the  Cazadora  and  had  plenty  of  money  to  lose  in  gam 
bling.  The  two  were  so  terrified  at  being  chased  by  a 
bear,  that  in  their  flight  they  fell  into  a  ravine  and 
were  so  badly  hurt  that  a  surgeon  had  to  be  sum 
moned,  and  the  adventure  became  known.  The  gam 
blers  said  they  had  been  chased  by  eight  bears,  but 
Sola  having  learned  from  the  Indians  that  no  indica 
tions  of  any  bears  at  all  could  be  found,  was  led  to 
follow  up  the  matter,  discovering  the  trick,  bringing 
to  light  the  gambling,  and  putting  Tio  Armenta  in 
jail.  The  two  victims,  recovering,  swore  vengeance, 
not  on  Arroyo,  but  on  Lieutenant  Estudillo,  whom 
they  believed  to  be  the  real  author  of  the  trick;  and 
a  few  months  later  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
the  dignified  lieutenant  kept  for  an  hour  or  two  in  the 
muddy  waters  of  the  Lagunita  by  two  bears,  while 
they  with  a  party  of  friends  looked  on  from  their  place 
of  concealment  near  by.  It  was  long  before  it  was 
deemed  safe  to  tell  the  commandant  that  the  osos 
were  Arroyo,  his  private  secretary,  and  a  friend  in 
disguise.29 

Visits  of  foreign  vessels  to  Monterey  in  this  dec 
ade,  as  elsewhere  recorded  in  full,  were  as  follows: 
In  1814  the  Isaac  Todd  brought  to  California  John 
Gilroy,  the  first  permanent  foreign  resident.  In  1815 
came  the  Columbia,  an  English  vessel.  In  1816  there 
were  the  English  Colonel,  Captain  Daniels;  the  Sul 
tan;  and  the  American  Lydia,  Captain  Gyzelaar. 
In  1817  the  visitors  were  Wilcox  in  the  Caminante, 
three  tallow-seeking  Spaniards  from  Lima  and  Pana- 

™Vall<>)o,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  159-71.  The  same  author,  Id.,  i.  284-5, 
narrates  that  in  1817  a  quarrel  between  Josd  de  la  Guerra  and  Salvador 
Aspiroz  led  to  a  challenge  by  the  latter;  but  the  padres  and  governor  suc 
ceeded  in  preventing  a  duel.  During  the  heavy  rains  of  the  same  year  two 
soldiers,  Cayetano  Rios  and  Ignacio  Castro,  were  drowned  while  attempting 
to  ford  a  stream  with  the  mails.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  236. 


SAN  CARLOS  MISSION.  383 

ma,  and  the  Russian  Padushkin.  In  1 8 1 8  an  English 
craft  came  from  the  Columbia  River,  and  the  Russian 
American  Company  was  represented  by  Hagemeister 
and  Golovnin,  to  say  nothing  of  Bouchard's  insurgent 
fleet.  And  finally  in  1820  Khlebnikof  anchored  at 
Monterey  in  a  Russian  vessel.30  Respecting  private 
ranchos  in  the  Monterey  jurisdiction  at  this  period  I 
find  only  two  items  of  record;  one  a  mention  of  the 
ranchos  of  Ignacio  Ortega  and  Mariano  Castro,  appar 
ently  in  the  region  of  San  Josd,  as  inhabited  places  at 
the  time  of  the  Bouchard  affair;  and  the  other  a  state 
ment  that  the  Rancho  de  la  Vega  del  Pajaro  was 
granted  to  A.  M.  Castro  in  April,  1820.r 


31 


At  San  Carlos  a  quiet  decade  was  passed.  Beyond 
the  building  and  dedication  of  a  new  chapel  adjoining 
the  church,  in  honor  of  the  '  pasion  del  senor,'  intended 
to  excite  devotion  and  at  the  same  time  protect  the 
mission  church  from  the  strong  south  winds,32  and  the 
slight  put  upon  San  Cdrlos  by  the  failure  of  Bou 
chard's  pirates  to  sack  the  mission,  there  is  absolutely 
nothing  to  record,  except  the  usual  statistical  summary 
of  progress.  Padre  Sarria  served  here  throughout 
the  decade,  but  Amoros  was  succeeded  in  1819  by 
Ramon  Abella.  Estevan  Tapis  was  here  as  supernume 
rary  in  1812,  and  Vicente  Pascual  Oliva  in  1813-14. 
The  convert  population  continued  to  decline.  Cattle 
and  horses  increased  somewhat,  but  there  was  a  fall- 
ing-off  in  sheep,  and  crops  were  less  satisfactory  than 
in  the  preceding  period.33  In  1820  Comandante  Es- 

30  See  chap,  xiii.-xiv.  this  volume. 

slSola,  Instruction  General  1818,  MS.,  245;  Brands  and  Marks,  MS.,  23-7. 
Gen.  Vallejo,  however,  states,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  159,  that  four  retired  sol 
diers,  Armenta,  Cayuelos,  Toribio,  and  Boronda,  early  in  Sola's  rule  built 
houses  some  three  fourths  of  a  league  away  from  the  presidio;  though  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  obtained  more  than  permission  to  occupy  building-lots. 

^Payeras,  Informe  Bienal,  1817-18,  MS.,  302.  In  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii. 
225,  249,  255,  270,  288;  iii.  348,  are  given  the  names  of  alcaldes  and  regidores 
composing  the  'neophyte  ayuntamiento '  from  1811  to  1816. 

b*  Estudillo,  Informe  sobre  qficios  de  Capellan  en  Monterey,  1820,  MS.  De 
crease  in  population,  513  to  381.  Baptisms,  245;  largest  number,  41  in  1819; 
smallest,  18  in  1815.  Deaths,  405;  largest  number,  52  in  1811;  smallest,  22 
in  1819.  Large  stock,  2,530  to  3,438;  horses,  etc.,  430  to  438;  sheep,  etc., 


384  LOCAL  ANXALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

tudillo  made  a  full  report,  showing  that  since  1796  the 
friars  had  faithfully  attended  to  the  spiritual  interests 
of  the  presidio  soldiers. 

At  San  Luis  Obispo  the  American  smuggler  Ped- 
ler  was  captured  in  1814,  and  near  by  was  effected 
the  capture  of  Eliot  de  Castro  in  1815.  Luis  Mar 
tinez  continued  his  ministry,  and  was  involved  more 
or  less  perhaps  in  smuggling  operations.  He  showed 
great  military  zeal  in  the  campaign  of  1818,  and  was 
ever  ready  to  contribute  anything  the  mission  had  to 
the  government,  either  as  a  loan  or  gift,  for  he  had  but 
slight  faith  in  the  missionary  future.  Father  Mar- 
quinez  was  replaced  in  1811  by  Antonio  Catarino 
[Rodriguez.  San  Luis  continued  to  lose  in  population, 
but  there  were  in  1820  three  smaller  missions.34 

At  San  Miguel  the  veteran  Father  Juan  Martin 
remained  at  his  post,  and  so  did  Juan  Cabot  until 
1819,  having  made  a  trip  of  exploration  to  the  valley 
of  the  Tulares  in  1 8 14  as  elsewhere  narrated.  Vicente 
Pascual  Oliva  served  in  1819-20,  and  Tomds  Esten- 
ega  in  1820-1.  A  new  church  was  ready  for  roofing 
in  1818.35  This  mission  reached  its  largest  population 
with  1,076  neophytes  in  1814;  and  it  had  two  more 
at  the  end  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  decade,  its 
baptisms  having  exceeded  its  burials  by  five.  In  live 
stock  San  Miguel  showed  an  encouraging  gain;  but 
its  agricultural  progress  was  less  satisfactory.36 

6,045  to  4,032.  Crop  in  1810,  3,675  bushels;  in  1820,  1,950;  largest,  3,800  in 
1818;  smallest,  1,170  in  1814;  average,  2,550  bushels,  of  which  973,  wheat, 
yield  9.6  fold;  815,  barley,  13.5  fold;  beans  207,  23  fold. 

8*  Decrease  in  population,  713  to  504;  baptisms,  272;  largest  number,  49 
in,  1813;  smallest,  16  in  1817;  deaths,  470;  largest  number,  59  in  1813;  small 
est,  38  in  1816.  Gain  in  large  stock,  7,050  to  8,971;  horses,  etc.,  1,050  to 
1,279;  sheep,  etc.,  9,054  to  6,800.  Crop  in  1810,  2,910  bushels;  in  1820, 
3,400;  largest,  6,418  in  1819;  smallest,  1,360  in  1812;  average,  3,487  bushels, 
of  which  2,985  wheat,  yield  17  fold;  barley,  6;  corn,  222,  62  fold;  beans,  64, 
18  fold.  Jose"  de  Jesus  Pico  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  15-16,  says  that  the  Ind 
ians  of  this  mission  were  always  well  dressed,  better  than  most  of  the  gente 
de  razon  in  the  country.  Good  blue  cloth  was  made  and  woolen  manta;  also 
some  home-grown  cotton  was  woven. 

35  Pay eras,  In  forme  Bienal,  1817-18,  MS.,  302.     In  subscribing  for  sub 
sistence  of  troops  in  1815,  San  Miguel  could  give  only  wine  and  wool.  Arch. 
£*a£.,MS.,ix.202, 

36  Increase  in  population,  973  to  975;  baptisms,  603;  largest  number,  135 


SAN  ANTONIO  AND  SOLEDAD.  .  385 

At  San  Antonio  Pedro  Cabot  and  Juan  Sancho 
still  toiled  together,  and  were  obliged  to  bury  many 
more  Indians  than  they  baptized.  The  new  church 
was  still  in  progress  in  1812,  but  there  is  no  record 
of  its  completion  before  1820. 3T 

Father  Antonio  Jaime  still  remained  at  his  post  in 
La  Soledad;  but  his  associate,  Florencio  Ibanez,  died 
in  1818/sand  left  Jaime  alone  until  Juan  Cabot  came 

in  1813;  smallest,  31  in  1818;  deaths,  59S;  largest  number,  73  in  1811;  small 
est,  41  in  1812.  Gain  in  large  stock,  5,281  to  9,449;  horses,  etc.,  581  to 
1,349;  sheep,  etc.,  11,160  to  14,160.  Crops  in  1810,  7,309  bushels;  in  1820, 
1,587;  largest,  3,433  in  1815;  smallest,  909  fan.  in  1812;  average,  2,310  bush 
els,  of  which  wheat  1,830,  yield  11  fold;  barley,  200,  7  fold;  corn,  243,  116 
fold. 

37  Decline  in  population — 1,124  to  878.    Baptisms,  489;  largest  number,  59 
in  1812;  smallest,   24  in  1820.     Deaths,  727;  largest  number,  81   in   1815; 
smallest,  61  in  1820.    Increase  in  large  stock,  3,700  to  6,596;  horses,  etc.,  700 
to  796;  sheep,  etc.,  8,066  to  9,910.     Crops  in  1810,  3,085  bushels;  in  1820, 
3,270;  largest,  4,790  in  1818;  smallest,  2,310  in  1819.     Average,  3,300  bush 
els,  of  which  2,650  wheat,  yield  11  fold;  375  corn,  228  fold;  127  barley,  6  fold. 
New  adobe  church  mentioned  as  being  built  in  May  1812.    Arch.  Sta  />., 
MS.,  x.  297.     Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  58,  says  the  flour  from  San  An 
tonio  was  famous  throughout  California,  and  considered  by  far  the  best  made 
in  the  province. 

38  Florencio  Ibanez,  or  as  he  and  others  wrote  it,  Ybanez,  was  a  man  of 
large  and  varied  experience,  and  quite  famous  among  his  associates.     He  was 
born  at  Tarragona  in  Catalonia,  Spain,  on  Oct.  26,  1740,  and  became  a  Fran 
ciscan  at  the  convent  of  Jesus  at  Zaragoza  Feb.  8,  1757.     Here  he  received 
the  several  orders,  serving  as  master  of  the  choir;  and  afterward  served  as 
2">recentor  at  the  convent  at  Calatayud.     He  arrived  at  the  college  of  San  Fer 
nando  de  Mexico  in  May  1770,  and  was  attached  to  the  choir  there  until  1774, 
when  failing  health  induced  him  to  obtain  a  transfer  to  a  convent  in  Michoa- 
can,  whence  in  1781  he  was  transferred  again  to  the  college  of  Santa  Cruz  de 
Quer6taro,  as  a  member  of  which  company  he  served  17  years  in  Sonora, 
chiefly  at  Dolores  del  Saric,  making  the  journey  out  and  back  on  foot.     In 
1800  he  again  joined  the  college  of  San  Fernando,  and  was  sent  in  1801  to  Cali 
fornia.     He  served  until  1803  at  San  Antonio,  and  from  that  time  until  his 
death  on  Nov.  26,  1818,  at  La  Soledad,  where  he  was  buried  next  day  by 
Jaime  and  Sarria  in 'the  mission  church. 

In  a  report  of  1817  Prefect  Sarria  pronounced  Ihauez  a  missionary  of 
mediocre  ability,  who  could  be  relied  on  only  for  masses  and  like  routine 
duties  except  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity.  The  criticism  seems  to  have  been 
directed  chiefly  against  his  lack  of  success  as  a  doctrinal  preacher  and  instruc 
tor  of  Indians;  and  it  was  attributed  by  Ibaiiez  himself  to  his  ignorance  of  the 
native  language.  In  matters  connected  with  temporal  management  he  seems 
to  have  been  very  active  and  intelligent.  In  person  he  was  tall,  broad-shoul 
dered,  and  of  great  strength.  In  character  he  was  noted  for  his  kindness  to 
all  of  low  estate  or  whom  IIQ  deemed  in  any  way  oppressed.  He  was  fond  of 
teaching  the  soldiers  of  the  escolta  to  read  and  write;  and  never  tired  of 
instructing  the  neophytes  in  work  and  music.  He  seems  to  have  had  an  inclina 
tion,  or  an  affectation,  to  show  on  every  possible  occasion  his  regard  for  the  poor 
and  lowly,  ami  his  disregard  for  those  of  higher  position.  Nothing  in  the  way  of 
food  was  too  good  for  a  private  soldier;  but  to  officers  Ibanez  rarely  showed 
even  courtesy,  feeding  them  from  the  common  pozolero,  and  declaring  that 
they  had  their  pay  and  might  live  on  it.  It  was  sometimes  hinted  by  him 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  25 


386  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

in  1820.  In  population  Soledad  was  now  the  smallest 
mission  in  the  province  except  Sari  Ca>los;  but  there 
was  a  gain  in  all  the  different  kinds  of  live-stock,  and 
crops  were  less  irregular  than  in  the  preceding  decade.29 
At  San  Juan  Bautista  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  was 
still  senior  minister;  but  his  associate,  Ulibarri,  was 
succeeded  in  January  1815  by  Estevan  Tapis.  Saenz 
de  Lucio  was  also  here  for  a  time  in  1816.  The 
new  mission  church  was  at  last  finished,  and  was  dedi 
cated  on  June  23,  1812,  the  padres  of  Santa  Clara  and 
San  Jose  aiding  in  the  ceremonies,  and  Don  Manuel 
Gutierrez  of  Los  Angeles  standing  as  sponsor.  In 
1818  a  new  altar  was  completed.  For  its  decoration 
the  painter  Chavez  demanded  six  reals  per  day,  more 
than  the  mission  could  pay,  and  accordingly  the 
Yankee  Felipe  Santiago,  or  Thomas  Doak,  undertook 
the  job.  Let  us  hope  with  the  padres  that  "the 
Anglo-American,  by  the  aid  of  God  and  of  some 
muchachos"  succeeded  in  the  enterprise,  and  that  the 
altar  was  consecrated  in  November  as  intended.40  This 

that  he  had  left  Sonora  on  account  of  a  personal  quarrel  with  an  officer,  which 
may  account  for  his  strange  prejudice.  Yet  Arrillaga  and  Ibanez  were  always 
firm  friends,  having  known  each  other  in  the  south.  On  Arrillaga 's  second  com 
ing  to  California  he  was  welcomed  by  the  friar  at  Soledad  with  vocal  and  instru 
mental  music,  and  with  verses  composed  by  the  reverend  poet  himself.  The 
verses,  if  correctly  preserved  by  Inocente  Garcia,  were  more  creditable  to  the 
author's  friendship  for  Arrillaga  than  to  his  poetical  skill.  A  quatrain  com 
posed  on  hearing  of  Sola's  arrival  ran  as  follows: 

'  De  Sola  el  nuevo  gobierno 

Echando  a,  la  bigornia 

Convertirii  en  un  infierno 

A  toda  la  California.' 

In  his  last  illness  the  friar  refused  to  excuse  himself  from  any  of  the  duties 
imposed  by  his  church  or  order.  Sarria,  who  was  serving  as  chaplain  at  the 
camp  on  the  Salinas,  hastened  to  Soledad  to  perform  the  last  sad  offices  for 
the  old  missionary,  and  to  leave  in  the  mission  record  a  narrative  of  his  life 
mid  virtues.  Soledad,  Lib.  Alision,  MS.,  22.  See  also  Sarria's  report  of  Nov. 
5,  ;1817,  in  Arch.  Sta  /?.,  MS.,  iii.  60-1;  Garcia,  Heches,  MS.,  31-4;  and 
Antobiog.  Autoy.,  MS.  In  fragments  of  the  old  mission  books  of  Pimeria,  are 
the  signatures  of  Ibanez  as  Conministro  of  Caborca  in  April  1796;  and  as  min 
ister  of  Saric  in  1783,  officiating  often  at  San  Francisco  del  Ati  down  to  1790. 

39  Decline  in  population,  600  to  435.  Baptisms,  349;  largest  number,  59  in 
1817;  .'smallest,  13  in  1819.  Deaths,  403;  largest  number,  48  in  1715;  smallest, 
32  in  1817.  Large  stock,  2,987  to  6,030;  horses,  etc.,  286  to  1,030;  sheep, 
etc.,  8,038  to  9,040.  Crop  in  1810,  3,085  bushels;  in  1820,  2,653;  largest,  4,273 
in  1817;;  smallest,  1,575  in  1815;  average,  2,883  bushels,  of  which  1,537  wheat, 
yield  11  fold;  415  barley,  21  fold;  421  corn,  88  fold. 

40 Church  not  done  in  May  1812.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  x.  297.     Dedication. 


SANTA  CRUZ.  387 

mission  was  still  gaining  in  neophytes,  though  it  had 
shown  a  decrease  during  the  first  six  years  of  the 
decade.  In  cattle  it  was  far  in  advance  of  any  other 
establishment  in  the  north.41 

There  were  frequent  changes  in  the  ministers  of 
Santa  Cruz.  Quintana  served  till  1812,  Rodriguez  till 
1811,  Tapis  for  a  time  in  1812,  Marquinez  in  1811-17, 
Escude  in  1812-18,  Olbes  from  1818,  and  Gil  from 
the  end  of  1820.  Of  the  number  Quintana  died 
in  1812,  and  Marquinez  left  the  country  in  1817.42 
The  former  was  found  dead  in  his  bed  on  the  morning 
of  October  12,  1812,  and  was  buried  by  Yiader  and 
Duran,  who  chanced  to  be  at  Santa  Cruz,  on  the  13th. 
The  suddenness  of  the  death  caused  an  investigation, 
which  at  Arrillaga's  order  was  conducted  by  Lieu 
tenant  Estudillo  during  the  following  week;  but  the 
conclusion  was  that  there  were  no  signs  of  violence, 

S.  Juan  B.,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  17.  According  to  a  scrap  in  Hayes1  Mission 
Boole,  i.  147,  the  church  was  160x60  feet,  paved  with  brick,  and  the  ceiling 
supported  by  brick  arches.  Altar  and  its  decorations.  Paye.ras,  Informs 
Bienal,  1817-18,  MS.,  302.  Tapis  to  Sola,  Oct.  12,  1818.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iii.  pt.  ii.  45.  Justo  Larios,  Convulsiones,  2-3,  relates  that  his  father,  Jos6 
Maria  Larios,  was  killed  by  a  bear  in  November  1818  at  Las  Aromas  rancho. 

41  Increase  in  population,  702  to  843;  575  in  1816.     Baptisms,  710;  largest 
number,  213  in  1820;  smallest,  23  in  1814.     Deaths,  543;  largest  number,  69 
in  1819;  smallest,  35  in  1817.     Large  stock,  6,175  to  11,700;  horses,  etc.,  575 
to  700;  sheep,  9,720  to  9,530.     Crops  in  1810,  7,173  bushels;  in  1820,  and 
largest,  6,708;  smallest,  894  in  1815.    Average,  3,333  bushels,  of  which  2,200 
wheat,  yield  22  fold;  132  barley,  20  fold;  735  corn,  128  fold. 

As  a  sample  of  statistics  that  have  been  current  I  may  note  the  statement 
by  Cronise  that  San  Juan  had  in  1820,  43,870  cattle,  6,230  horses,  and  69,- 
870  sheep!  In  January  1820  President  Tapis  reported  that  many  Indians  of 
the  Tulares  had  come  to  San  Juan  asking  for  baptism.  Taylor,  in  Gal. 
Farmer,  March  21,  1862.  July  30,  1817,  P.  Arroyo  informs  the  governor 
that  he  is  about  to  dye  wool.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  145. 

42  Marcelino  Marquinez  was  a  native  of  Trevino,  Vizcaya,  Spain,  born  in 
May  1779,  took  the  habit  at  Vitoria  in  November  1798,  and  came  to  the  col 
lege  of  San  Fernando  in  1804.     He  arrived  in  California  in  July  1810,  served 
at  San  Luis  Obispo  from  September  of  that  year  to  November  1811,  and  then 
at  Santa  Cruz  until  May  1817.     As  late  as  1821  he  was  still  living  at  the  col 
lege,  and  occasionally  corresponded  with  Gov.  Sola  on  the  condition  of  public 
affairs.     This  friar  was  possessed  of  much  ability  in  the  management  of 
temporal  affairs,  and  had  some  skill  in  medicine;  and  he  was,  moreover,  a 
sensible  man,  and  witty  in  his  methods  of  expression  as  shown  in  his  letters 
to  Sola.     He  was  subject  to  attacks  of  colic,  having  on  one  occasion  in  1816 
taken  the  sacraments  in  expectation  of  death,  and  his  ill- health  was  doubtless 
the  cause  of  his  retirement.  Sarria,  Iwforme  del  ex-Prefecto  1817,  MS.,  65-6; 
Marquinez,  Cartas  al  Gobr.  Sola,  MS.;  Autobiog.  Autog.,  MS. 


388  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

and  that  the  friar,  who  for  some  time  had  been  in  poor 
health,  unable  to  dress  himself  unaided,  had  died  a 
natural  death.43  About  two  years  later  suspicions  were 
aroused;  a  new  investigation  was  made,  and  it  was 
ascertained  that  Quintana  had  been  called  from  his 
room  at  night  to  visit  a  man  said  to  be  dying,  and  that 
while  on  his  way  he  had  been  murdered  in  a  diabolical 
way  and  replaced  in  his  bed,  the  door  of  his  room 
being  carefully  locked.  Nine  or  ten  neophytes  were 
tried  for  the  crime,  and  the  case  was  sent  to  Mexico 
for  final  sentence.  Respecting  the  discovery  of  the 
crime  and  the  details  of  the  trial  there  are  no  original 
records  extant.44 

In  the  spring  of  1816  the  sentence  came  from 
Mexico,  by  which  five  of  the  culprits  were  condemned 
to  receive  two  hundred  lashes  each  and  to  work  in 
chains  from  two  to  ten  years.  Two  others  of  the 
accused  had  meanwhile  died  in  prison,  and  one  of  the 
five,  Lino,  supposed  to  have  been  the  leader,  died  in 
1817  at  Santa  Barbara  where  the  convicts  had  been 
sent  to  serve  out  their  time.  Galirido  states  that 
only  one  survived  the  punishment.45  In  the  sentence  it 

43  Certificate  of  burial  by  P.  Marquinez,  who  arrived  from  Monterey  just 
after  the  ceremony,  with  a  brief  biographical  sketch,  in  Sta  Cruz,  Lib.  J/i- 
670*,  MS.,  30-7;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  102.     Oct.  13,  1812, 
comandante   of   Su  Francisco  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,   xix.   323. 
Oct  15th,  Arrillaga  to  Estudillo,  and  to  Argiiello.  Prov.  Etc.,  MS.,  xi.  221-2; 
xii.  223.     Oct.  23d,  Estudillo's  report.     Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,   MS., 
xiiv.  21. 

44  Vallejo,  HisL  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  12-14,  says  that  a  dying  Indian  at  San  Luis 
Obispo  confessed  that  he  was  one  of  the  .murderers.     Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS. , 
C3-4,  states  that  the  revelation  resulted  from  a  quarrel  between  two  women. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL.  MS.,  i.  98-100,  tells  us  that  the  majordomo  Cdrlos 
Castro  overheard  some  Indians  talking  about  serving  another  padre  in  the 
came  way.     Amador,  Afemcrias,  MS.,  77-8,  says  16  Indians  were  accused, 
and  taken  to  San  Francisco  by  himself.     The  authors  mentioned  give  many 
absurdly  inaccurate  details  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  reproduce;  but  Simp 
son's  Narr. ,  3C4-5,  may  be  noticed  as  equally  unf ounded.     He  says  that  in 
1823  Quintanes,  priest  at  .Sta  Cruz,  was  brutally  and  fatally  mutilated  by  an 
Indian  whose  wife  the  padre  had  seduced.     The  man  according  to  the  popu 
lar  rumor  was  carried  off  by  the  devil  for  his  impiety,  and  it  was  long  before 
the  truth  was  known  through  the  woman's  confessions.     The  general  facts 
about  the  murder  are  briefly  stated,  however,  in  a  marginal  note  attached  to 
the  record  in  the  mission-book  already  noticed,  in  a  statement  of  the  presi 
dent  on  May  13,  1815.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  93-4,  and  in  the  Arch.  Obis- 
pado,  MS.,  86. 

45  There  are  some  slight  discrepancies  respecting  the  numbers,  names,  and 


MURDER  OF  PADRE  QUINTANA.  389 

appears  that  the  defence  of  the  murderers  had  been 
excessive  cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  murdered  friar, 
who  it  was  testified  had  beaten  two  neophytes  almost 
to  death  and  had  ordered  the  making  of  a  new  instru 
ment  of  torture  to  escape  which  his  death  had  been 
planned.  The  officials  in  Mexico  evidently  attached 
some  importance  to  this  testimony,  and  Sola  felt 
himself  called  upon  to  reply.46  He  denied  the  charges 
of  the  neophytes,  and  eulogized  Quintana  as  a  model 
of  kindness,  who  had  sacrificed  his  life  in  the  cause  of 
duty;  first  in  leaving  San  Carlos  to  relieve  his  sick 
associate  and  then  in  rising  from  a  sick-bed  to  visit 
that  of  a  neophyte  supposed  to  be  dying.  Ariel  still 
further,  the  governor  declared  that  after  a  close  inves 
tigation  he  could  find  no  evidence  of  cruelty  on  the 
part  of  the  padres  generally,  their  errors  being  for  the 
most  part  on  the  side  of  mercy.47 

The  leading  event  of  Santa  Cruz  annals  in  this 
decade  was  the  flurry  caused  by  Bouchard's  appear 
ance  in  1818,  with  the  resulting  charges  made  by 
Padre  Olbes  against  the  villanos;  but  this  affair  with 
all  its  interesting  and  amusing  complications  has  been 
fully  recorded  elsewhere.  In  1815—16  there  had  been 
expeditions  after  runaway  neophytes  of  which  not 
much  is, known,  but  the  rancherfas  of  Pitemas  and  of 
Malmi  are  named.  In  1817  Wilcox  visited  Santa 
Cruz  in  the  Traveller;  and  the  same  year  on  petition 
of  the  padres,  the  rancho  known  as  Bolsa  de  Salsi- 
puedes,  belonging  to  Branciforte,  was  provisionally 
ceded  to  the  mission  by  the  villa  on  condition  that  it 

sentences  of  the  culprits  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  notice.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  135,138-9;  xi.  33;  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  xlvi.  7;  Giierra,Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  75-G.  On  Nov.  21,  1820,  another  neophyte,  Alberto,  im 
prisoned  at  San  Francisco,  was  examined  on  the  subject,  and  confessed  that 
he  had  been  urged  to  join  the  conspiracy  and  had  refused,  having  clone  wrong 
in  not  revealing  the  plot  and  in  subsequently  running  away.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,xlix.  59-61. 

*GSola,  JDefensa  del  P.  Quintana  y  otros Misioneros,  1S16,  MS.;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ix.  138-9. 

*7  Andre's  Quintana  was  a  native  of  Antonana,  Alava,  Spain.  He  landed 
at  Monterey,  Aug.  31,  1805,  and  was  minister  of  Santa  Cruz  from  November 
of  that  year  until  his  death  on  Oct.  12,  1812. 


390  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

must  be  given  up  at  any  time  on  six  months'  notice.48 
Olbes  was  back  at  the  mission  in  February  1819,  when 
he  complained  to  Argiiello  that  all  but  three  of  his 
neophytes  had  fled  because  they  had  been  told  at  the 
villa  that  soldiers  were  coming  to  take  them  all  pris 
oners.  This  irritable  friar's  troubles  with  his  citizen 
neighbors  were  well  nigh  unceasing.49  In  population 
Santa  Cruz  lost  heavily  during  the  first  half  of  the 
decade,  but  gained  after  1816,  some  new  rancheria  of 
gentiles  having  apparently  been  discovered.  The 
mission  raised  good  crops  and  was  quite  successful 
with  its  cattle  and  sheep.60 

The  population  of  Branciforte  I  give  as  75  in  1820, 
though  that  figure  rests  on  no  more  solid  foundation 
than  the  record  that  it  was  40  in  1815,  53  in  1818, 
and  114  in  1822. 51  The  corporal  in  charge,  or  comisi- 
onado,  seems  to  have  been  changed  each  year,  and 
the  position  was  held  by  Jose  Rodriguez,  Juan  Jose 
Peralta,* Marcos  Briones,  Luz  Garcia,  Jose'  Antonio 
Robles,  Joaquin  Buelna,  and  Manuel  Rodriguez  from 
1810  to  1819,  there  being  no  record  for  1813-14, 
1816,  and  1820.  In  March  1816  Sola  issued  a  series 
of  instructions  to  the  comisionado  for  the  government 
of  the  villa.  The  general  purport  of  this  document 
was  that  harmony  and  good  morals  must  be  main- 

48 Correspondence  in  May  and  June  1817.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i. 
134-6. 

49  Feb.  24,  1819,  Gibe's  to  Arguello,  in  Id.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  63-4. 

50  Decrease  in  population,  507-461.     Baptisms  393;  largest  number,  112 
in  1820;  smallest,  8  in  1813.    Deaths,  399;  largest  number,  51  in  1813;  smallest, 
33  in  1817.    Large  stock,  1,753  to  3,492;  horses,  etc.,  953  to  492;  sheep,  3,098 
to  5,700.    Crops  in  1810,  2,734  bushels;  in  1820,  4,300;  largest,  8,400  in  1818; 
smallest,  826  in  1817;  average,  3,142  bushels,  of  which  1,482  wheat,  yield  26 
fold;  414  barley,  33  fold;  678  corn,  266  fold. 

Willey,  Centen.  Sketch  Sta  Cruz,  14,  gives  some  statistics  of  1814.  In  Sta 
Cruz,  Parr6quia,  MS.,  10,  24-7,  are  some  accounts  for  the  years  1812-16, 
showing  about  $500  per  year  to  have  been  supplied  to  San  Francisco  presidio. 
In  1817  the  chahuistle  destroyed  the  wheat  crop.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt. 
ii.  5. 

51  In  1818  there  were  11  houses  and  53  inhabitants.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
190.    See  also,  on  population,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlii.  2,  4-5;  xlvi. 
30;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.',  xxviii.  105.     Of  the  11  vecinos  who  signed 
the  concession  of  Salsipuedes  to  the  mission  in  1817,  only  two  could  write. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  135. 


BRANCIFORTE.  391 

tained,  and  particular  precautions  taken  to  prevent 
adultery,  gambling,  and  drunkenness;  that  a  perform 
ance  of  religious  duties  must  be  enforced  by  a  free  use 
of  the  stocks;  that  no  intercourse  of  any  kind  was  to 
be  permitted  between  the  citizens  and  the  Indians; 
that  persons  wishing  to  settle  at  Branciforte  must  ap 
ply  to  the  governor;  that  no  person  could  leave  the 
villa  without  the  governor's  permission;  that  the  set 
tlers  must  be  made  to  work;  and  finally  that  full  re 
ports  must  be  sent  in  of  lands  and  crops.52  At  the 
beginning  of  the  decade  there  was  some  correspond 
ence  about  work  on  the  Santa  Clara  road.  There  are 
preserved  a  few  minor  items  relating  to  petty  criminal 
proceedings,  including  one  disgusting  incest  case  in 
1819,53  but  beyond  these  items  and  others  recorded  in 
connection  with  Santa  Cruz  there  is  absolutely  noth 
ing  to  be  added  either  in  the  way  of  events  or  statis 
tics.  San  Rafael,  the  only  establishment  north  of 
the  bay,  has  already  been  disposed  of  as  a  new  foun 
dation. 

52  Sola,  Instrucdones  al  Comisionado  de  Branciforte,  1816,  MS. 

53  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  13;  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  47;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben,  M&.9 
MS.,  1.  32-44. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

MISSION  AFFAIRS. 
1811-1820. 

POPULATION — MISSIONARIES — NEOPHYTES,  BAPTISMS,  DEATHS,  AGRICULTURE, 
AND  LIVE-STOCK — PRESIDENT — COMISARIO  PREFECTO — GUARDIAN— MIS 
SION  DOCUMENTS— DECREE  OF  SECULARIZATION — DUTIES  OF  FRIARS — 
EXHORTATIONS  OF  SUPERVISORS — EXTRAVAGANT  LUXURY— AUTOBIOG 
RAPHY  OF  THE  PADRES — MISSION  MANAGEMENT — NEED  OF  NEW 
WORKERS— CESSION  TO  COLLEGE  OF  ORIZABA — PROTEST  OF  PAYERAS 
AND  SOUTHERN  FRIARS— SENAN  TO  WRITE  A  HISTORY — ECCLESIASTICAL 
AFFAIRS— IN  QUISITION. 

I  HAVE  now  to  present  some  general  views  of  pro 
vincial  progress  for  the  decade,  partly  summarized 
from  other  chapters  but  chiefly  composed  of  additional 
matter.  In  population  of  Spanish  and  mixed  blood, 
known  as  gente  de  razon,  I  note  an  increase  from 
2,130  in  1810  to  3,270  in  1820.  This  total  is  the 
sum  of  the  figures  elsewhere  given  for  the  several 
districts.  Some  of  those  figures  are  not  quite  exact, 
resting  on  estimates  from  the  population  a  few  years 
before  or  after  1820;  but  the  total  given,  if  not  alto 
gether  satisfactory,  is  as  nearly  so  as  it  can  be  made. 
General  official  estimates  for  the  whole  province  are : 
1,969  in  1811,  2,370  in  1814,  and  2,674  in  1816; 
while  in  1817  Sola  states  that  the  population  was 
3,000  souls.  I  suppose  there  may  be  an  error  in  this 
last  statement;  but  taking  the  figures  for  1811-16 
and  adding  the  average  of  natural  increase  we  have 
3,242  for  1820,  apparently  agreeing  with  my  total  ob 
tained  in  another  way,  but  not  really  so,  since  besides 

I  392) 


POPULATION.  393 

the  natural  increase  there  had  been  an  accession  of 
200  soldiers  from  San  Bias  and  Mazatlan.  Thus  it 
would  seem  that  my  total  of  3,270  is  rather  under 
than  over  the  actual  number;  yet  the  reports  of  later 
years  apparently  call  for  a  reduction  rather  than  an 
increase.1  The  foreign  population,  that  is  of  other 
than  Spanish  or  Indian  blood,  was  as  yet  small,  the 
number  in  1820,  so  far  as  definite  records  show,  being 
13,  as  follows:  three  Americans,  Thomas  Doak  and 
Daniel  Call  of  1816,  and  Joseph  Chapman  of  1818; 
two  Scotchmen,  John  Gilroy  of  1814,  and  John  Rose 
of  1 8 1 8 ;  two  Englishmen,  Thomas  Lester  of  1 8 1 7,  and 
Ignacio  Thomas  of  1818;  one  Irishman,  John  Mulli 
gan  of  1814-15;  one  Russian,  Jose  Bolcof  of  1815; 
one  Portuguese,  Antonio  Rocha  of  1815;  and  three 
negroes,  Bob  or  Juan  Cristobal,  of  1816,  M.  J.  Pas- 
cual,  and  Fisher,  or  Norris,  of  1818. 2  The  total  of 
neophyte  population  had  increased  from  18,800  to 
20,500  in  the  ten  years. 

There  were  nineteen  missions  in  1820  as  in  1810, 
that  is  if  we  regard  San  Rafael  as  a  branch  of  San 
Francisco,  as  indeed  it  was  at  this  time,  just  as 
San  Antonio  de  Pala  was  a  branch  of  San  Luis 
Rey;  yet  as  San  Rafael  later  became  a  regular  mis 
sion,  and  as  the  opening  of  a  separate  set  of  registers 
shows  it  to  have  been  regarded  in  a  slightly  different 
light  from  Pala,  it  is  perhaps  best  to  increase  the 
total  number  of  missions  to  twenty.  Of  the  thirty- 
nine  missionaries  in  the  province  at  the  end  of  1810, 
four  retired  to  their  college  before  1820;  seven  died 
at  their  posts;  and  nine  was  the  number  of  new 
comers,  so  that  thirty-seven  still  remained  at  work, 
not  two  for  each  establishment,  to  say  nothing  of 
those  incapacitated  for  active  service  by  age  or  in- 

*For  the  general  statements  referred  to,  see  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xlii.  2,  6;  xlvi.  30;  Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  105;  Sola,  Inf.  Gen., 
1817,  MS.,  1G2;  Id.,  Obscrvaciones,  MS.,  1818,  191. 

2  For  information  about  these  men  before  1820  see  chapters  xi.  xiii.  xiv. 
of  this  volume.  For  a  list  of  foreign  residents  ten  years  later  see  p.  680. 


394  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

firmity.  Death  had  now  taken  Father  Dumetz,  the 
only  survivor  among  Junipero  Serra's  companions,  and 
had  left  Senan  as  the  sole  representative  of  those  who 
came  to  the  country  before  1790.  Likewise  Miguel 
had  been  taken  from  the  twelve  who  came  before 
1800.  None  of  the  departing  friars  require  special 
mention,  nor  of  the  new-comers,  though  nearly  all  the 
latter  became  well  known  in  the  province  which  was 
long  their  home.3 

Baptisms  were,  in  round  numbers,  18,000,  8,000  be 
ing  so-called  adults  and  10,000  children  under  eight 
years.  The  smallest  number  in  any  year  was  1,254  in 
18 14,  and  the  largest  was  2,41 7  in  1811.  Deaths  num 
bered  15,500,  of  which  10,000  were  adults.  The  high 
est  number  was  1,674  in  1815,  and  the  lowest  1,343  in 
1814.  The  death-rate  was  86  per  cent  of  baptisms 
and  42  per  cent  of  total  population.  In  1815  the 
president  stated  that  in  many  years  there  were  three 

3  The  39  serving  in  1810— those  who  died  before  1820  in  italics,  and  those 
•who  retired,  marked  with  a  *— were  as  follows :  Abella,  *Amestoy,  Amor6s, 
Arroyo,  Barona,  Boscana,  Cabot  (J. ),  Cabot  (P.),  Calzada,  Catala,  Dumetz, 
Duran,  Fortuni,  Gil,  Ibanez,  Jaime,  *Marquinez,  Martin,  Martinez,  Mitjuel, 
*Munoz,  Panto,  Payeras,  Peyri,  Quintana,  Rodriguez,  *  Saenz,  Saizar,  San 
chez,  Saiicho,  Sarria,  Senan,  Suner,  Tapis,  Ulibarri,  Uria,  Urresti,  Viader, 
and  Zalvidea. 

The  nine  new-comers  were:  Altimira,  Escude",  Este"nega,  Martin,  Nuez, 
Gibe's,  Oliva,  Ordaz,  and  Ripoll.  In  the  spring  of  1811  six  padres  were 
destined  for  California,  but  were  delayed  by  the  insurrection  at  San  Bias. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  301.  They  started  in  July  for  Acapulco,  where  they 
were  delayed  by  a  pestilence,  and  left  one  of  their  number,  Oliva,  sick.  The 
others,  Escud6,  Martin,  Nuez,  Olb£s,  and  Ripoll,  sailed,  and  arrived  in 
Lower  California  April  23d,  starting  north  in  May,  and  reaching  San  Diego 
July  6,  1812,  except  Gibe's,  who  was  delayed  by  illness.  Oliva  recovered  and 
arrived  at  Monterey  Aug.  4,  1813.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  89;  Autobiog.  de  los 
Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.  del  Comisario  Prefecto,  1817,  MS.  Meanwhile, 
Dumetz  had  died  in  1811;  Panto,  Quintana,  and  Urresti  in  1812;  and  Mi 
guel  in  1813.  In  1814  Calzada  died  and  Amestoy  left  the  province.  In  1815 
two  of  the  padres  only  were  of  American  birth.  Indios,  Contestation,  MS., 
113.  These  two  were  Gil  and  Rodriguez;  a  third,  Calzada,  having  died  be 
fore.  In  1816,  Saenz  retired,  and  in  1817,  Munoz  and  Marquinez.  In  1818, 
Sola  reports  four  missions  with  only  one  padre  each.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
195-6.  In  Sept.  1818,  the  guardian  wrote  that  only  lack  of  vessels  prevented 
several  good  friars  from  coming.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  324.  This  year 
Ibanez  died.  In  Sept.  1819  Suner  was  refused  permission  to  retire  by  the 
governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  44-5.  Finally  in  1820,  8 
f liars  were  expected,  4  Fernandinos,  and  4  from  Orizaba;  and  the  former 
arrived  in  August  on  the  Senoriano  and  San  Francisco.  They  were  Altimira, 
Estenega,  Ibarra,  and  Ordaz.  See  correspondence  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi. 
328-30;  xii.  397;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  79-80;  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  xii. 
198;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  33;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  xxviii.  31. 


STATISTICS.  305 

deaths  to  two  births.  The  gain  in  neophytes  was 
1,700,  from  18,800  in  1810  to  20,500  in  1820,  or  nine 
)er  cent,  as  against  39  per  cent  for  the  last  decade; 
ut  as  we  have  seen  the  total  had  been  about  as  large 
in  1805  as  it  was  in  1820.  From  1805  to  1825  the 
variation  is  hardly  noticeable.  The  difference  between 
baptisms  and  deaths  in  this  decade  was  2,500,  exceed 
ing  the  registered  gain  in  population  by  1,300,  which 
may  be  regarded  as  representing  not  very  accurately 
the  apostates.  Marriages  ranged  from  729  in  1811 
to  322  in  1814,  averaging  535  per  year  for  the  decade. 
Among  the  gente  de  razon,  as  registered  in  the  mis 
sion  books,  there  were  1,375  baptisms,  535  deaths, 
and  250  marriages. 

In  this  period  of  ten  years  the  mission  cattle  in 
creased  from  121,400  to  140,000;  horses  from  17,400 
to  18,000;  mules  from  1,565  to  1,882;  and  sheep 
from  157,000  to  190,000.  Agricultural  products 
averaged  113,625  bushels  per  year,  or  5,970  bushels 
for  each  mission.  The  largest  crop  was  139,500  bush 
els  in  1817;  and  the  smallest,  93,000  in  1814;  yet 
not  a  single  mission-  raised  its  smallest  crop  in  1814, 
and  only  four  their  largest  in  1817.  Five  was  the 
largest  number  of  missions  that  raised  their  largest 
crop  in  any  one  year,  1818;  while  only  1816  was  not 
the  best  year  for  any  mission.  On  the  other  hand 
three  missions  produced  their  smallest  crop  in  1812, 
three  others  in  1820,  and  only  1814  was  unrepre 
sented  among  the  worst  years.  These  figures  show 
that  there  were  no  years  of  general  drought,  and  that 
local  drought  \vas  more  or  less  under  control  by  means 
of  irrigating  works.  Of  the  average  crop  above  noted, 
67,380  bushels  were  wheat;  16,230,  barley;  22,920, 
corn;  2,655,  beans,  and  4,440  pease  and  miscellaneous 
grains.  Wheat  yielded  15.6  for  one;  barley,  14.6; 
corn,  180  for  one,  nearly  double  the  previous  yield; 
beans,  24;  and  minor  grains,  34.  The  lowest  and 
highest  crops  of  each  kind  were:  wheat,  49,500  bushels 
ir  1814,  82,500  in  1818;  barley,  7,500  in  1820,  and 


396  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

24,000  in  1818;  corn,  5,000  in  1815,  and  33,000  in 
1817;  beans,  1,950  in  1813,  and  3,GOO  in  1818;  minor 
grains,  3,300  in  1812,  and  5,850  in  1818.  A  compari 
son  of  all  these  statistics  with  those  of  the  preceding 
decade  shows  a  notable  improvement  in  stock-raising 
and  agricultural  industry,  and  this  despite  certain  ob 
stacles  with  which  the  reader  is  familiar,  albeit  with 
certain  encouragements  also  in  the  increased  demand 
for  products.* 

The  presidency  of  the  missions  was  held  by  Estevan 
Tapis  until  1812.  On  July  13th  of  that  year  the 
discretory  of  the  college  in  Mexico  elected  Jose  Senan, 
"religioso  de  ciencia,  prudencia,  y  experiencia,"  to 
succeed  Tapis.  The  appointment  was  announced  in 
California  in  November,  and  Senan  assumed  the 
duties  of  the  office  in  December,  receiving  also  the 
appointment  of  vicar  from  the  bishop,  continuing  to 
reside  at  San  Buenaventura,  and  holding  the  office  till 
1815.5  The  president's  powers  were,  how  ever,  abridged 
at  this  time  by  the  creation  of  a  new  and  superior 
office.  On  the  same  day  that  Senan  was  elected  presi 
dent  there  was  also  an  election  of  a  comisario  prefecto, 
at  which  Senan  received  twenty-three  votes,  and 
Sarria  was  elected  by  twenty-seven  votes.  This  was 
announced  July  15th  by  Juan  Bautista  Ceballos,  who 
signed  himself  visitador  and  president  of  the  college 
of  San  Fernando,  and  who  by  special  commission  of 
the  comisario  general  of  the  Indies  had  presided  at 
the  election.  It  was  a  year  later,  in  July  1813,  that 

4  For  mission  statistics  see  Senan,  Informes  Bienales  1811-14,  MS.,  and 
Payeras,  Informes  Bienales  1815-20,  MS.  Also  the  annual  and  biennial  re 
ports  of  each  mission,  most  of  which  are  preserved  in  one  archive  or  another, 

f      ,  1     .  .       t<i  T>>_  1 C<__       Ttf-     •     ..      .        T-f „       A 7__    -.     F>- 7-.., 


78.  I  deem  it  unprofitable  to  refer  in  detail  to  the  hundreds  of  sources  from 
which  much  of  my  statistical  information  is  derived.  Few  documents  in  the 
archives  do  not  contain  some  information  in  this  direction. 

5  July  15,  1812,  guardian  to  Senan,  announcing  his  election,  and  enjoining 
upon  him  the  santa  obediencia,  in  Arch.  Obtipado,  MS.,  11,  and  elsewhere, 
since  the  document  was  copied  into  the  L'ibro  de  Patentes  of  each  mission. 
Nov.  1812,  Senan  to  Tapis.  Dec.  8th,  Seiian  to  padres,  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
xi.  320-1;  xii.  355. 


COMISARIO    PftEFECTO.  397 

Sarria  announced  his  assumption  of  the  office.6  The 
duties  of  his  position  were  not  specified  in  the  an 
nouncement  of  his  election  but  were  made  clear,  not 
only  by  the  prefect's  subsequent  acts,  but  by  an  expo 
sition  of  the  matter  by  Sarria  in  later  years.7  The 
prefect  was  the  president's  superior,  or  prelate,  and 
delegate,  or  representative,  of  the  Franciscan  comi- 
sario  general  of  Indies  in  Madrid.  He  was  likewise 
comisario  of  the  inquisition,  and  had  full  control  of  all 
matters  pertaining  to  the  temporal  management  of 
the  missions.  The  president,  on  the  other  hand, 
while  charged  with  debida  obediencia  to  the  prefect  in 
business  matters,  was  responsible  as  a  missionary  offi 
cial  only  to  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  College, 
and  was  the  bishop's  vicar,  or  representative,  in  eccle 
siastical  affairs.  As  to  their  authority  over  the  friars 
•in  respect  to  missionary  duties  not  connected  with  the 
temporalities  I  am  unable  to  make  a  satisfactory  dis 
tinction  between  prefect  and  president;  but  there  was 
never  any  clashing  between  the  two,  nor  any  apparent 
jealousy.  Prefect  Sarria's  headquarters  was  at  San 
Cdrlos,  but  he  travelled  much  from  place  to  place,  and 
one  of  the  friars  at  the  mission  where  he  chanced  to 
be  served  as  his  secretary. 

In  1815  President  Senan  resigned,  and  Mariano 
Pay  eras  was  chosen  to  take  his  place.  The  election 
was  announced  from  Mexico  by  Guardian  Calzada, 
the  24th  of  July,  and  by  the  new  president  in  Cali 
fornia  the  22d  of  November.  In  December  he  asked 
the  bishop  for  the  usual  appointment  as  vicario  foraneo, 
which  he  obtained  a  year  l^ter.  He  resigned  in  1818, 
but  his  resignation  was  not  accepted,  as  he  was  in 
formed  by  Guardian  Lopez  the  12th  of  September, 

6  July  15,  1812,  Ceballos  to  Sarrfa.     July  7,  13,  1813,  Sarria  to  the  padres. 
#.  «/os4  Patentee,  MS.,  54-7?  Arch.  Sta.  £.,  MS.,  xi.  304-7.     Certified  by 
Viader  on  July  llth,  in  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  24.     Certificate  of  elec 
tion  by  the  secretary  of  the  discretory  on  July  28,  1813.     Sarria,  27  votes; 
Sefian,  23;  and  Garijo,  13.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  435. 

7  Sept.  17,  1823,  Sarria  to  governor.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  72-3. 
He  cites  as  authorities  statements  of  the  guardian. 


3S3  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

and  as  lie  notified  the  padres  the  31st  of  December.8 
For  a  time  Payeras  had  all  the  old  authority  of  presi 
dent,  as  the  guardian  notified  him  that  in  the  absence 
of  orders  from  Spain  no  election  for  prefect  had  been 
held,  and  the  office  no  longer  existed.9  No  official 
information  on  the  subject  reached  Sarria;  but  he 
announced  in  a  circular  that  on  the  expiration  of  his 
term  of  six  years,  with  the  six  months  in  addition 
required  by  the  rules  of  his  order,  he  would  no  longer 
hold  the  position;  repeating  his  determination  in  an 
other  circular  the  day  before  the  whole  term  expired. 
President  Payeras  also  issued  two  circulars,  accepting 
"with  great  sorrow"  the  full  responsibilities  of  the 
presidency  as  it  existed  in  former  years.10 

In  October  1819,  however,  a  new  election  was  held, 
and  Payeras  was  raised  to  the  position  of  prefect, 
while  Senan  was  again  made  president.  The  two 
officials  assumed  their  respective  positions  April  1, 
1820,  and  on  the  4th  Senan  was  also  appointed  by 
his  prelate  as  vice-prefect.  Senan  was  likewise  vicar, 
and  Payeras  commissary  of  the  holy  inquisition.11 

There  are  extant  several  important  documents  bear 
ing  on  mission  affairs  and  dated  in  the  different  years 

8  July  24,  1815,  guardian  to  Payeras,  announcing  election,  and  imposing 
subjection  to  his  prelate  the  prefect.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  353-4;  S.  Jose, 
Patentes,  MS.,  128-9;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  16;  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS., 
24.     Nov.  22d,  announcement  in  Cal.  A rch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  103.     Appoint 
ment  as  vicar  in  1816.  Id.,  iii.  pt.  i.  40;  Prov.  Hec.,  MS.,  xii.  124.    Reappoint- 
ment  in  1818.     Original  circular  of  Payeras,  Dec.  31st,  in  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iv.  409-16;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  18;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi.  164. 

9  Sept.  12,  1818.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  17-18;  8.  Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  343; 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  324:  xii.  316-18.    The  meeting  of  the  chapter  at  which 
the  matter  came  up  seems  to  have  been  held  on  Aug.  8th.  Id.,  xi.  164. 

10 Dec.  18,  1818,  Jan.  12,  1819,  Sarria's  circulars.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi. 
163-8;  xii.  116-18.  Dec.  31st,  Jan.  19th,  Payeras' circulars.  Id.,  xii.  541-5; 
x.  296;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  48. 

11  Communications  of  Oct.  11,  1819,  April  1st  and  April  4,  1820,  in  Arch. 
Obispado,  MS.,  20,  78;  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  25;  S.  Jose,  Patentes,  MS., 
353-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  192,  194;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  x.  294;  xii.  455-6. 
Payeras  elected  by  18  votes.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  27,  29. 
Aug.  21,  1820,  bishop  grants  powers  of  vicario  foraneo.  Arch.  Sea  B.,  MS., 
xi.  103.  The  guardians  of  San  Fernando  college  so  far  as  the  records  show 
during  this  decade  were,  Agustin  Garijo  in  1811,  Miguel  Lull  in  1812,  Juan 
Calzada  in  1815,  Baldomero  Lopez,  formerly  of  California,  in  1818  and  1819. 
The  procuradpr  at  Mexico  was  Pedro  Martinez  in  1812,  and  Juan  Cortes  from 
1818.  The  sindico  at  Tepic  was  Eustacio  de  la  Cuesta  until  1819  and  subse 
quently  Juan  Martiarena.  Ignacio  Estrada  was  sindico  at  Guadalajara  in  1820. 


SECULAKIZATION  IN  THE  DISTANCE.  399 

of  this  decade,  by  the  mention  and  grouping  of  which 
I  may  best  place  before  the  reader  what  remains  to 
be  said  upon  the  general  topic.  And  first  I  may  no 
tice  the  subject  of  secularization,  in  later  years  the 
ground  of  bitter  controversy,  but  not  yet  agitated  in 
California.  In  theory  it  was  the  duty  of  the  mission 
aries  to  convert  and  instruct  the  natives,  fit  them  for 
citizenship,  and  finally  turn  them  over  to  the  care  of 
the  regular  clergy.  The  missions  were  never  intended 
to  be  permanent  institutions.  Practically,  however, 
the  friars  were  never  ready  for  the  change;  always  de 
clared  that  the  neophytes  were  not  yet  fit  to  become 
citizens,  and  never  gave  up  a  mission  of  any  value 
without  a  struggle.  These  contests  with  episcopal 
authorities  had  been  bitter  and  not  infrequent  in  vari 
ous  parts  of  America  for  more  than  two  centuries,  and 
many  missions  had  been  secularized  in  spite  of  the 
friars'  arguments  and  protests.  But,  as  I  have  said, 
the  Californian  establishments  were  as  yet  undis 
turbed,  not  even  threatened,  because  the  bishop,  if  he 
desired  to  get  possession,  which  is  doubtful,  had  no 
curates  at  his  disposal  who  could  be  put  in  charge. 
The  missionaries  in  California  knew  this,  and  had  no 
fear  of  ecclesiastical  interference.  Elsewhere  however, 
in  the  missions  of  Guiana,  South  America,  the  bishop 
did  interfere,  and  with  such  success  that  on  Septem 
ber  13,  1813,  the  cortes  of  Spain  passed  a  decree  to 
the  effect  that  all  missions  in  America  that  had  been 
founded  ten  years  should  at  once  be  given  up  to  the 
bishop  "without  excuse  or  pretext  whatever,  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  laws."  It  was  provided  that  friars 
might  be  appointed  if  necessary  as  temporary  curates, 
and  that  one  or  two  might  remain  in  each  district 
where  they  had  convents  and  had  been  serving  as 
curates;  but  with  these  few  and  temporary  exceptions 
they  must  move  on  to  new  conversions,  and  must  at 
once  yield  the  management  of  temporalities,  the  mis 
sion  lands  having  to  be  reduced  to  private  ownership, 
and  the  neophytes  to  be  governed  by  their  ayunta- 


i; 


400  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

mientos  and  the  civil  authorities.12  This  decree,  per 
fectly  in  accord  with  Spanish  law  and  policy,  applied 
to  the  missions  of  California  and  of  all  America  as 
directly  as  to  those  of  Guiana,  and  it  certainly  was 
something  more  than  "an  opinion  that  the  missions 
ought  to  be  secularized"  as  some  of  the  land-lawyers 
have  regarded  it,13  but  there  was  no  attempt  to  enforce 
it  in  California,  where  it  was  not  officially  published 
as  a  law,  and  perhaps  not  even  known,  for  eight  years. 
So  safe  did  the  friars  deem  themselves  that  in  1819, 
and  perhaps  also  in  1818,  President  Pay  eras  by  direc 
tion  of  his  college  informed  the  bishop  that  he  might 
ut  clergymen  in  charge  of  the  southern  missions  if 
e  thought  them  'ripe7  for  the  change.14 

In  several  mission  papers  the  pa'dres  were  instructed 
in  their  duties  or  exhorted  to  a  faithful  performance 
of  the  same.  Sarria,  on  assuming  the  office  of  prefect, 
issued  a  pastoral  letter,15  bristling  with  learned  quota 
tions,  very  general  in  its  nature,  with  no  direct  bear 
ing  on  the  state  of  affairs  in  California,  and  dealing 
almost  exclusively  with  the  spiritual  interests  of  padres 
and  neophytes.  The  author,  with  profuse  expressions 
of  his  own  unworthiness,  enjoined  a  strict  compliance 
with  Franciscan  rules,  and  uttered  a  warning  against 
neglect  of  the  annual  religious  exercises  of  the  friars 
for  their  own  benefit.  He  favored  the  acquiring  of 
the  native  languages  to  ensure  real  instruction  in  the 
Christian  mysteries,16  and  devoted  more  than  half  the 

12  Secularization,  Decreto  de  las  Cdrtes  de  13  de  Seticmlre  de  1813,  MS.    See 
also  partial  translations  and  mentions  of  the  document  in  Jone*    Report,  no. 
8:  Hailed? s Report,  125;  Dwindle' s  Colon.  Hist.,  39;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col., 
MS.,  ii.  59-00;  Hattys  Hist.  S.  Jose,  430-1;  TuthiWs  Plist.  CaL,  126;  Taylor's 
Eldorado,  i.  181;  also  official  mention  in  Feb.  1821  by  the  guardian  in  Doc. 
Hist,  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  491-2. 

13  Dwinelle  erroneously  says  it  'never  attained  the  form  or  force  of  a 
law.' 

14  Arrh.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  188,  219. 

15  Sarria,  Exhortation  Pastoral  del  P.  Comisario  Prcfccto,  1813,  MS.  Dated 
S.  Carlos,  July  8,  1813,  and  divided  into  48  articles.    Also  in  Arch.  Obispado, 
12-16. 

16  He  also  favored  the  teaching  of  Spanish  to  the  Indians  in  accordance 
with  the  king's  wishes.    What  he  objected  to,  ami  very  sensibly,  was  the 
parrot-like  repetitions  by  neophytes  of  religious  forms  in  a  language  they  did 
not  understand.     Especially  he  urged  the  rendering  of  the  doctrina  and  cate- 


PREFECT'S  PASTORALS.  401 

articles  of  his  pastoral  to  details  of  spiritual  training 
of  neophytes.  He  reminded  the  missionaries  that  in 
the  absence  of  curates  the  souls  of  the  gente  de  razon 
must  by  no  means  be  neglected.  He  alluded  to  the 
care  of  temporalities  as  a  duty  which  must  not  detract 
attention  from  more  solemn  spiritual  obligations,  and 
closed  as  he  had  begun  with  a  general  exhortation. 

In  1817  the  prefect  again  addressed  the  friars  on 
their  missionary  duties.17  This  time  he  had  more 
definite  suggestions  to  make,  having  just  completed  a 
tour  of  inspection,  which,  as  he  affirms,  had  filled  him 
in  a  general  way  with  joy  and  satisfaction.  Yet  he 
had  noted  a  few  rooms  of  the  friars  much  too  large 
and  sumptuously  furnished  for  the  "  cells  of  poor 
evangelical  toilers."  He  was  grieved  at  this  and  at 
certain  comforts  in  dress  and  food  more  in  accord  with 
the  "  spirit  of  the  century  "  than  with  Franciscan  rules. 
He  entreated  them  to  avoid  scrupulously  every  ap 
pearance  of  worldly  ease,  and  not  even  to  wear  shoes 
except  in  cases  of  great  necessity  and  on  formal  per 
mission  from  prelate  or  confessor.  A  caution  was 
given  to  avoid  suspicious  company  and  all  counsel  and 
association  with  women,  that  no  breath  of  scandal 
might  be  raised.  The  matter  of  neglect  to  teach  in 
the  vernacular  was  touched  upon  more  emphatically 
than  before,  and  the  case  of  a  Jesuit,  miraculously 
warned  from  heaven  not  to  preach  in  Spanish,  was 
cited.  He  had  noted  a  few  cases  where  persons  had 
died  without  the  sacraments.  The  padres  were  re 
minded  that  there  was  a  time  for  everything,  includ- 

chism  in  the  native  idioms;  but  he  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  acquire  a 
perfect  conversational  knowledge  of  those  idioms.  There  was  not  much  agi 
tation  about  the  teaching  of  Spanish  to  the  neophytes  during  this  decade.  In 
their  report  of  1815,  Indio*,  Contestation,  etc.,  MS.,  the  padres  represented 
that  Spanish  was  taught  and  its  use  encouraged  at  all  the  missions;  but  that 
the  religious  instruction  was  given  in  Spanish  and  the  vernacular  alternately. 
Sola  in  his  report  of  1818,  Sola,  Observaciones,  MS.,  182,  184,  gave  the  same 
idea,  and  said  the  Indians  learned  Spanish  very  readily,  especially  those  who 
came  in  contact  with  the  troops.  In  Sept.  1812  the  guardian  sent  to  Califor 
nia  a  patent  of  the  comisario  general  on  mission  schools.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
xi.  327:  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  19. 

17  Sarria,  Carlo,  Pastoral  del  Comisario  Prefecto,  1817  >  MS.     Dated  San 
Carlos,  Jan.  25,  1817,  and  divided  in  27  articles. 
HIST.  CAJL.,  VOL.  II.    26 


402  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

ing  recreation,  social  intercourse  with  eacli  other,  and 
especially  the  eight  days  of  rest  from  all  worldly  cares 
in  the  "holy  idleness  of  Mary."  Sarria  objected  to 
the  neophytes  being  required  or  allowed  to  work  on 
the  day  of  St  Francis,  and  favored  greater  attention 
to  other  dias  de  fiesta. 

The  same  year  President  Payeras  issued  a  circular 
to  the  padres  on  their  duties,  as  representatives  of 
the  bishop,  as  confessors,  as  guardians  of  the  public 
morals,  with  particular  reference  to  their  obligations 
toward  the  Spanish  population.18  In  1820  Guardian 
Lopez  of  the  mother  college  thought  it  necessary  to 
preach  the  padres  a  sermon  on  their  worldly  extrava 
gance,  and  to  warn  them  earnestly  to  avoid  even  the 
appearance  of  evil.  It  was  reported  in  Mexico,  and 
unfortunately  with  much  truth,  that  the  Franciscans 
in  California,  forgetting  the  example  of  their  prede 
cessors,  only  the  old  and  infirm  among  whom  had 
travelled  on  muleback  or  otherwise  than  on  foot, 
were  using  carts  of  two  wheels  and  even  coaches  of 
four  wheels!  This  fact  had  given  rise  in  Mexico  to 
the  scandalous  report  that  the  Fernandinos  of  Cali 
fornia,  far  from  enduring  hardships,  were  living  in 
wrealth  and  ease.  Consequently  the  discretory  had 
voted  unanimously  that  every  carriage  must  be  burned 
at  once  if  it  could  not  be  converted  to  some  other  use 
than  the  carrying  of  friars.  The  prefect  was  charged 
with  the  immediate  execution  of  this  order,  which 
was,  however,  accompanied  with  much  flattery  of  the 
padres  for  their  faithfulness  in  other  respects.19 

18 Payeras,  Circular  del  Presidente  A  los  Padres,  1817,  MS.,  dated  Purf- 
sima  Dec.  19,  1817.  Another  circular  of  president  Payeras  dated  Dec.  31, 
1818,  relates  not  to  the  duties  of  the  padres  but  to  the  offices  of  president 
and  prefect.  Original  in  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  409-16. 

19  Lopez,  El  Guardian  d  los  Padres  prohibiendo  el  uso  de  Carruajes,  1820, 
MS.  In  a  report  of  Nov.  5,  1817,  Sarria  admitted  that  he  had  allowed  the 
rooms  of  the  friars  to  be  kept  neater  than  might  be  thought  proper  for  Fran 
ciscans,  and  had  also  permitted  some  privileges  in  the  matter  of  foot-wear. 
Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  iii.  80-1.  In  a  communication  to  the  padres  on  business 
matters  in  1817,  Sarria  had  attributed  the  excessive  demands  of  the  govern 
ment  on  the  missions  for  supplies,  and  the  slowness  of  the  authorities  in 
Mexico  to  relieve  mission  needs,  in  part  to  the  extravagance  of  the  friars  in 
the  matters  of  carriages,  dress,  etc.,  begging  them  to  discontinue  such  foibles. 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  FRIARS.  403 

The  comprehensive  report  of  1815,  in  which  the 
president  and  padres  in  reply  to  inquiries  from  Mex 
ico  told  officially  all  they  knew  about  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  California  Indians,  and  also  Sola's 
descriptive  report  after  a  personal  visit  to  all  the  mis 
sions  in  1817,  have  already  been  noticed.20  I  may 
also  note  the  pastoral  in  which  Fr.  Juan  Buenaven 
tura  Bestard,  comisario  general  of  Indies,  instructed 
the  American  Franciscans  at  great  length  in  August 
1816  on  their  duties  as  loyal  subjects  of  the  king  of 
Spain.21  In  May  of  that  year  the  same  official  had, 
with  profuse  expressions  of  the  deep  interest  he  was 
in  duty  bound  to  feel  for  his  ultramarine  flock,  called 
upon  the  American  friars  of  the  order  for  information 
about  themselves,  their  past  lives  and  present  posi 
tions.  The  reports  were  to  be  rendered  to  their  im 
mediate  prelate,  who  was  to  add  notes  on  various 
topics,  but  especially  on  the  conduct  of  the  padres 
during  the  present  revolution.22  In  accordance  with 
this  demand  Prefect  Sarria  on  May  23,  18l7,  sent 
out  a  circular  of  eight  blank  leaves,  enclosing  a  copy 
of  Bestard's  pastoral,  and  in  a  few  lines  on  the  first 
page  of  his  circular  calling  on  the  padres  for  the  rec 
ord  of  their  lives  and  services.  Each  on  receiving  the 
circular  inscribed  on  it  in  his  own  handwriting  a  brief 
autobiography  of  himself,  signed  his  name  and  riibrica, 
and  passed  the  paper  on  to  the  nearest  companion 
friar,  until  within  a  month  the  document  contained 
the  life  of  each  of  the  thirty-five  missionaries  serving 

Id.,  vi.  63-6.  There  was  some  aid  furnished  to  the  Dominicans  of  the  penin 
sula;  several  of  the  latter  visited  the  southern  missions.  They  are  several 
times  alluded  to  as  'elder  brothers, '  and  there  was  a  mutual  agreement  to 
say  three  masses  for  the  soul  of  a  deceased  padre  of  either  order.  Id.,  iii.  91, 
145;  xi.  163.  For  some  unimportant  orders  of  1817-20  relating  to  the  retire 
ment  of  padres  who  had  served  out  their  term  of  10  years,  see  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  18;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  34;  Arch.  Obis- 
pado,  MS.,  17. 

*° Indios,  Contestation  al  Interoaatorio  de  1811.  MS.;  Sola,  Obserracioncs, 
MS. 

21  Bestard,  Pastoral  del  Comisario  General  de  Indias  de  28  de  Agosto  de 
1816,  MS. 

22  Bestard,  Pastoral  del  Comisario  General  de  Indias  de  6  de  Mayo  de  1816, 
en  que  pide  informes  sobre  losfrailes,  MS.;  Arch.  Oblspado,  16;  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  xii.  401. 


404  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

in  California.  The  original  of  this  most  interesting 
document  I  regard  as  one  of  the  most  important  in 
my  possession.23  The  original  statements  thus  obtained 
were  embodied  with  some  amplification  and  change  of 
arrangement  in  Sarria's  report  of  November  5,  18 17,  to 
Bestard,  to  which  he  also  added  his  testimony  on  the 
unwavering  loyalty  of  the  missionaries,  and  the  zeal 
with  which  they  performed  their  evangelical  duties, 
adding  some  information  about  the  details  of  mission 
management.24 

Bestard's  demand  had  been  not  only  for  one  report 
but  for  a  series  of  annual  reports.  Only  one  of  later 
date  is,  however,  extant,  if  more  were  rendered,  which 
is  somewhat  doubtful.  This  was  made  by  Prefect 
Payeras  in  1820,  and  covered  precisely  the  same 
ground  as  that  of  Sarria,  including  a  biographical 
sketch  of  every  missionary.25  In  addition  to  the 
regular  annual  and  biennial  mission  reports  by  padres 
and  president,  I  may  note  a  special  report  made  by 
Sarria  to  Payeras  in  1819,  just  after  a  tour  of  inspec 
tion,  of  no  special  general  importance  and  fully  utilized 
elsewhere  in  local  annals;26  and  also  a  report  by 
President  Payeras  to  the  governor  in  September 
1819,  which  was  an  eloquent  presentment  of  the 
mission  troubles,  particularly  in  their  relations  to  gen 
tiles  and  runaway  neophytes.  Formerly,  says  Paye 
ras,  the  soldiers  protected  both  padres  and  gente  de 
razon;  kept  the  neophytes  under  the  suave  yugo  of 
the  gospel,  and  inspired  respect  and  fear  among  the 
gentiles;  but  now  a  spirit  of  insubordination  and  in- 

23  Autdbiografia  Autogrdfica  de  los  35  Padres  Misioneros  qua,  sirren  en  la 
Alta  California  en  los  meses  de  Mayo  y  Junio  de  1817,  MS.  The  information 
contained  in  this  document  is  utilized  elsewhere  in  my  biographical  account  of 
each  padre. 

21  Sarria,  Informe  del  Comisario  Prefecto  sobre  los  Frailes  de  California. 
1817,  MS. 

^Payeras,  Informe  por  el  Comisario  Prefecto  del  actual  Estado  de  las  19  Mi- 
sionesde  la  Nueva  California :,  1820,  MS.  Dated  December  31,  1820,  though 
in  the  title  it  is  said  to  have  been  sent  in  March  and  duplicated  in  May. 

20  Sarria,  Informe  de  Misiones',  dirigido  alP.  President?,  1819,  MS.  Dated 
San  Carlos,  Feb.  2,  1819.  There  are  in  the  report  some  vague  allusions  to  an 
asunto  reservado,  to  clear  up  which  the  report  was  probably  made. 


INDIANS  ON  HORSEBACK.  405 

dependence  spreading  through  the  world  had  reached 
California,  affecting  both  soldiers  and  Indians.  The 
neophytes  were  deserting  the  missions,  and  the  gen 
tiles,  under  the  leadership  of  renegade  Christians,  were 
daily  becoming  more  bold  and  hostile.  All  this  was 
urged  to  obtain  a  resumption  of  military  expeditions; 
and,  as  we  have  seen,  was  successful.27 

I  have  elsewhere  noted  the  refusal  of  the  padres  at 
San  Gabriel  to  attend  to  the  spiritual  interests  of  the 
citizens  of  Los  Angeles;  a  refusal  which,  however,  at 
this  period  seems  to  have  caused  no  controversy ;  and  I 
have  also  mentioned  several  minor  and  local  disagree 
ments  about  mission  lands.  The  only  other  subject 
of  dissension  deserving  brief  notice  here  is  one  pre 
viously  noted  in  the  annals  of  each  decade;  a  kind  of 
connecting  link  between  the  earlier  and  later  grounds 
for  dispute — the  use  of  horses  by  Indians.  In  January 
1818  Sola  issued  stringent  orders  that  only  a  certain 
number  of  neophytes,  formally  appointed  by  the  padres 
as  vaqueros  as  per  lists  furnished  to  the  corporal  of 
the  escolta  and  other  military  authorities,  should  be 
allowed  to  ride,  any  other  Indian  found  on  horseback 
to  be  arrested  and  punished.  In  connection  with  the 
enforcement  of  this  order  besides  much  correspond 
ence  there  were  signs  of  a  quarrel  between  Captain 
Guerra  and  Padre  Senan  at  Santa  Barbara;  but  the 
prefect  interfered  to  restore  harmony,  and  the  presi 
dent  ordered  strict  compliance  with  Sola's  require 
ments,  which  he  deemed  just.  If  the  evil  complained 
of,  especially  at  San  Fernando  and  San  Gabriel,  was 
reformed  altogether  we  are  not  advised  of  the  fact.28 

There  is  a  little  to  be  added  on  the  matter  of  mis 
sion  supplies  to  the  presidios  to  wThat  has  been  said  in 
the  chapters  devoted  to  chronological  annals.  Upon 
the  Franciscan  establishments  fell  the  whole  burden 

""Payeras,  Petition  al  Gobernador,  1819,  MS.     Dated  Sept.  17th. 

28  Jan.  2,  1818,  Sola's  regulations.  Prov.  Re.c.,  MS.,  xii.  143-5;  S.  Jo*C, 
Arch.,  MS.,  i.  28;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  45-6;  iv.  3G3;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  33;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  102-4;  xi.  172,  436; 
Dc\  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  435-6. 


406  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

of  supporting  the  provincial  government  and  the 
troops,  and  their  dues  for  unpaid  drafts  amounted  in 
1820  to  nearly  half  a  million  dollars.  Not  a  dollar  of 
stipend  was  received  by  the  friars  during  the  whole 
decade;  and  not  a  single  invoice  of  goods  for  the  mis 
sions — goods  usually  bought  with  the  proceeds  of 
habilitado's  drafts  and  the  friars'  stipends — could  be 
forwarded,29  except  one  or  two  of  very  small  amount 
obtained  from  other  sources.  The  fact  that  the  sti 
pends  came  from  the  pious  fund,  to  which  the  treasury 
had  no  claim  save  as  a  kind  of  trustee  for  the  mis 
sions,  and  the  fact  that  other  missionaries  were  not  so 
entirely  neglected  as  those  of  California,  made  the 
situation  all  the  more  exasperating;  yet  the  protests 
and  complaints  of  the  friars  were  neither  so  frequent 
nor  so  bitter  as  might  be  expected,  considering  the 
legal  rights  that  were  being  violated.  In  reality,  how 
ever,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  the  padres'  condition  dur 
ing  this  decade  was  by  no  means  a  hard  one.  They 
were  much  better  off  than  any  other  class  in  the  prov 
ince,  and  the  current  reports  in  Mexico  of  the  com- 

29  Annual  payment  interrupted  from  1811  to  1834.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  ii.  5.  Procurador  Juan  Cortds  stated  that  the  stipends  for  1819 
were  collected  in  1820-1,  but  unfortunately  fell  into  the  hands  of  Sindico  Es- 
calante,  whose  financial  embarrassment  prevented  anything  being  paid  to 
the  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B^  MS.,  vi.  255-6.  In  1810,  P.  Cortes  wrote  to  the 
president  that  in  spite  of  repeated  efforts  since  1813  nothing  could  be  ob 
tained.  Occasionally  payments  were  ordered  with  a  view  to  keep  the  padres 
quiet,  but  were  never  made.  He  urged  that  the  padres  should  continue  their 
efforts  and  petitions  for  their  just  dues ;  and  mentioned  that  current  reports 
of  mission  wealth  had  much  to  do  with  the  refusal  to  pay;  $4,000  had 
been  sent  from  California  to  buy  goods,  but  had  not  yet  arrived  in  Sep 
tember.  Id.,  xii.  395-7.  In  1817  Prefect  Sarria  had  proposed  that  the  Cali- 
fornian  missions  pay  a  debt  of  the  college  amounting  to  $5,000.  Id.,  iii. 
88.  Aug.  17,  1819,  the  viceroy  had  promised  $10,000  or  $12,000  from  the 
pious  fund,  and  afterward  $15,000  per  year;  but  the  administrator  of  the 
fund  said  he  had  no  money  for  this  year.  Back  pay  must  be  collected  at  Gua 
dalajara.  Id.,  xii.  394-5.  On  Feb.  24,  1813,  the  viceroy  ordered  $45,526  paid 
by  the  Guadalajara  treasury;  and  again  in  1815  the  procurador  was  ordered  to 
apply  to  Guadalajara;  but  all  such  applications  proved  a  useless  expense. 
There  were  various  other  orders  in  1815  to  pay  travelling  expenses  and  freight, 
and  once  a  very  small  amount  was  collected.  The  guardian  states  in  1819 
that  the  padres  of  Zacatecas  and  of  Lower  California  were  being  paid.  He 
pictured  the  needs  of  California  in  dark  colors,  and  earnestly  entreated  the 
viceroy  for  relief,  even  warning  against  the  imminent  danger  of  revolt  grow 
ing  out  of  the  prevalent  neglect  and  want.  Lopez,  Qucjas  del  P.  Guardian  al 
Virey,  1819,  MS. 


CESSION  OF  SOUTHERN  MISSIONS.  407 

parative  ease  and  wealth  in  which  they  lived  were  not 
wholly  without  foundation.30 

The  greatest  trouble,  or  that  about  which  most  was 

O  •          * 

written,  was  that  of  obtaining  new  missionaries  to  take 
the  place  of  those  who  had  died,  of  the  aged  and  in 
firm,  and  of  those  who  having  served  out  their  term 
were  anxious  for  one  reason  or  another  to  retire.  Of 
what  was  accomplished  enough  has  been  said  earlier 
in  this  chapter;  what  was  not  accomplished  requires 
brief  notice  here.  The  failure  to  pay  stipends  seems 
to  have  been  the  smallest  difficulty  in  the  way;  the 
failure  of  the  government  to  pay  travelling  expenses 
was  a  more  formidable  obstacle;  and  worse  yet  the 
college  had  rarely  any  padres  to  spare  for  the  northern 
field.  As  early  as  1810-11  there  was  a  proposition 
for  the  Fernandinos  to  cede  half  the  California  mis 
sions  to  the  college  of  San  Jose  de  Gracia  de  Orizaba, 
with  a  view  to  devote  themselves  to  new  foundations. 
Exactly  what  form  the  proposition  assumed  is  not 
known,  but  it  was  rejected  by  the  discretory.31  In 
1816  Sola  wrote  to  the  viceroy  on  the  great  need  of 
friars  to  relieve  the  old  and  infirm,  attend  to  chaplain 
and  pueblo  duties,  and  to  found  new  missions  in  the 
east.  Twenty  was  the  number  he  asked  for,  and  he 
suggested  that  they  might  be  obtained  from  Orizaba, 
either  acting  for  their  own  college,  or  being  incorpo 
rated  with  that  of  San  Fernando.32 

In  1817,  however,  a  cession  was  voluntarily  made 
to  the  Orizaba  college  of  nine  missions  from  Purisima 
south,  the  alleged  reason  being  inability  for  want  of 

30  The  somewhat  meagre  information  extant  respecting  the  pious  fund 
estates  in  earlier  and  later  times,  contains  of  course  some  slight  items  bearing 
on  this  decade,  but  nothing,  I  believe,  which  can  be  brought  out  here  with  profit 
to  the  reader.  See  San  Mlgud,  Doc.  Rel.  Fondo  Piadoso,  16-18;  Mexico,  Mem. 
Rdationes,    1831,    44-7;  Id.,    1835,   36-7,   and  annex  No.    10;  Id.,  Mem., 
Hacienda,   1825,    10-11;    Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  270.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iv.  89-90,  mentions  the  death  of  one  Jose"  Verdia  in  California  in  1816,  who 
left  all  his  property  to  the  fund,  and  it  was  ordered  distributed  among  the  mis 
sions,  but  had  been  for  the  most  part  destroyed  to  prevent  the  contagion  of 
the  phthisic. 

31  Garijo,  Carta  del  P.  Guardian,  1811,  MS.,  218. 

32  Aug.  21,  1816,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  142;  Arch.  Sta  B.* 
MS.,  vi.  200-2. 


408  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

laborers  to  carry  on  so  great  a  missionary  work.  The 
cession  was  accepted  July  16th  and  approved  by  the 
viceroy.33  It  was  announced  in  California  by  Sarria 
in  a  circular  of  October  llth,  and  was  approved  by 
him,  though  the  archives  show  no  previous  corre 
spondence  on  the  subject.34  There  was,  however,  a 
delay  of  two  years  in  despatching  the  new  mission 
aries,  mainly  attributable,  I  suppose,  to  the  impos 
sibility  of  getting  money  from  the  treasury;  and 
meanwhile  a  hitch  occurred  in  California  which  pre 
vented  their  being  despatched  at  all.  While  Sarria 
was  pleased  with  the  cession,  the  southern  friars  to 
be  displaced  were  astonished  and  disgusted.  Presi 
dent  Pay  eras  shared  their  feeling,  but  a  sense  of  duty 
and  submission  to  his  prelate  led  him  to  comfort  tho 
friars  as  best  he  could  by  suggesting  that  some  of 
them  might  escape  removal  by  joining  the  other  col 
lege.  Early  in  1819,  however,  Payeras  becoming 
absolute  prelate  was  in  a  position  to  express  his  views, 
and  he  lost  no  time  in  doing  so,  protesting  to  the 
guardian  that  the  northern  missions  to  be  retained 
were  but  worthless  skeletons  in  comparison  with  the 
southern  ones  to  be  given  up,  and  insisting  at  the 
least  on  delay,  deliberation,  and  consultation  of  the 
padres  in  California.  Both  guardian  and  viceroy  saw 
the  justice  of  his  request;  in  fact  the  hasty  cession 
by  the  college  had  been  most  astonishing;  a  stay  of 
proceedings  was  effected,  four  friars  from  each  college 
being  ordered  to  California  to  take  the  places  that 

33  Sept.  26,  1817,  viceroy  to  guardian.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xii.  407-9.  The 
cession,  dated  June  10th,  included  Los  Angeles  and  the  two  presidios. 

3:0ct.  11,  1817,  Sarria  to  padres  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  377-8.  He 
states  that  the  viceroy's  approval  is  still  lacking.  He  expresses  his  own  sat 
isfaction  in  his  report  of  Nov.  5th.  Sarria,  Iriforme  del  Comlsario  Prefecto, 
1317,  MS.,  89-90.  Sept.  12,  1818,  the  guardian  writes  that  arrangements 
have  been  made  for  seven  of  the  Orizaba  friars  to  come  this  year  to  take  the 
•ceded  missions,  the  viceroy  having  ordered  the  payment  of  travelling  expenses. 
He  urges  the  padres  in  California  to  receive  the  new-comers  kindly  and  remem 
ber  that  all  are  Franciscans.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  325-7;  S.  Jose,  Patmtes, 
MS.,  340-5;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  18-19.  July  24,  1819,  viceroy  informs 
Sola  that  the  Orizaba  padres  had  been  detained  by  the  war,  but  would  start 
as  soon  as  possible.  Prov.  St.  Pap.j  MS.,  xx.  79.  Aug.  29,  1819,  Com.  Gen. 
Bestard  announces  that  P.  Garijo  is  forming  in  Spain  a  new  party  of  40  friars 
.for  the  Mexican  college.  Arch.  Ma  B.,  MS.,  xii.  404. 


THE  SOUTHERNERS  OBJECT.  409 

might  be  assigned  them  by  the  prelate,  temporarily, 
till  the  main  question  could  be  settled. 

The  Orizaba  friars  naturally  refused  to  come  north 
on  the  experimental  basis  proposed,  and  the  four  Fer- 
nandinos  came  alone.  In  a  private  letter  from  the 
guardian  Payeras  was  informed  of  the  trouble  brew 
ing,  and  was  reminded  that  it  would  be  absolutely 
necessary  to  cede  some  of  the  missions.  He  was  re 
quested  to  consult  with  both  northern  and  southern 
padres  as  to  what  missions  should  be  surrendered, 
and  to  send  in  for  the  viceroy's  consideration  his 
reasons  in  full  for  opposing  the  action  of  his  college.85 
Accordingly  Prefect  Payeras  addressed  the  padres  at 
considerable  length  on  the  subject,  urging  upon  them 
the  importance  of  voting  to  surrender  the  nine  mis 
sions  from  San  Miguel  northward  rather  than  the 
nine  of  the  south.  That  the  southern  establishments 
were  the  richest  and  the  most  desirable  in  respect  of 
climate,  soil,  and  products  was  "  clear  as  the  noon-day 
sun."  For  the  young  friars  of  Orizaba  to  reap  the 
advantage  of  all  that  had  been  achieved,  expelling  the 
old  and  infirm  Fernandinos  from  the  homes  to  which 
they  had  become  attached,  would  be  an  injustice 
equally  manifest.  Moreover,  the  southern  friars  would 
all  retire  to  Mexico  rather  than  endure  a  transfer 
to  the  north;  while  on  the  other  hand  the  change 
southward  would  by  no  means  be  deemed  a  hardship 
by  those  of  the  north.  It  might  be  said  that  San 
Fernando  was  a  college  de  propaganda,  not  propagata, 
fide,  and  should  therefore  choose  the  district  where 
there  were  most  gentiles  to  be  converted.  But  Pay- 
eras  ingeniously  combated  that  argument,  the  force 
of  which  he  admitted,  with  the  plea  that  while  gen- 

35  Lopez,  El  Guardian  al  Presidente  sobre  Cesion  de  Misiones  al  Colegio  de 
Orizaba,  1820,  MS.  The  exact  date  is  not  given.  The  guardian  informs  Pay- 
eras  that  his  proposal  or  plan  will  not  be  needed,  for  the  vidticoa  have  been 
ordered  paid  from  the  pious  fund.  The  reference  was  to  a  plan  for  paying  the 
expenses  of  some  new  friars  by  subscriptions  among  the  missions,  proposed  to 
the  padres  on  August  28,  1819.  Payeras,  Circular  d  los  Padres  sobre  tocdios 
de  conserjuir  nuevos  misioneros,  1819,  MS.,  appro\red  by  the  padres,  or  rather 
referred  by  most  of  them  to  PP.  Senan,  Tapis,  and  Sarria. 


410  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

tiles  were  doubtless  most  numerous  in  the  far  north, 
yet  they  were  not  so  situated  as  to  be  accessible  for 
missionary  purposes  without  a  strong  military  force, 
which  there  was  no  prospect  of  obtaining;  while  in 
the  south  there  were  five  or  six  places  where  new 
missions  might  be  founded,36  if  only  padres  and  some 
church  furniture  could  be  obtained.  As  to  the  latter 
he  had  a  scheme  in  his  head  whereby  a  market  might 
be  found  at  Tepic  or  Guadalajara  for  the  oil,  wine, 
tallow,  woods,  and  soap  of  the  southern  missions,  and 
the  needed  funds  be  thus  raised;  while  it  was  well 
known  that  in  the  north  but  little  produce  could  be 
offered,  even  if  there  were  a  market.57  To  what  extent 
the  California  friars  shared  their  prelate's  enthusiastic 
preference  for  the  south  does  not  appear,  as  they  were 
not  called  upon  to  vote  upon  the  proposition.  I  do 
not  know  exactly  how  the  question  was  settled  in 
Mexico;  but  it  could  not  make  itself  heard  above  the 
political  din  of  the  next  few  years,  and  never  reap 
peared  in  California.38 

Only  one  point  remains  to  be  noted  in  mission  his 
tory — a  proposition  to  write  that  history,  or  to  have 
it  written,  at  this  period.  In  August  1818  Comisario 
General  Bestard  instructed  the  prefect  to  release 
Padre  Senan  from  other  duties  in  order  that  he  might 
be  induced  to  prepare  a  historical  account  of  the  mis 
sions,  a  work  which  he  was  exhorted  to  begin  in  the 
Lord's  name  and  with  the  comisario's  benediction.  In 
September  1819  President  Payeras,  having  consulted 
Senan  and  obtained  his  consent  to  undertake  the  task, 
instructed  the  padres  to  render  him  every  possible 

36  The  places  mentioned  were  El  Cajon  de  les  Difuntos  and  Tejon,  inland 
from  San  Fernando;  San  Antonio  de  Padua  between  Pala  and  Temecula,  San 
Bernardino,  and  Santa  Isabel,  at  each  of  which  three  latter  a  beginning  had 
already  been  made. 

3T  Payeras,  Memorial  d  los  Padres  sobre  la  cesion  propuesta  de  las  9  misi- 
ones^  del  sur,  1820,  MS.  Dated  June  2d  and  divided  in  29  articles  and  writ 
ten  in  a  very  able  and  business-like  manner. 

38  In  December  1820  the  bishop  writes  that  the  transfer  has  been  suspended 
by  the  viceroy.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  25;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
xxviii.  31. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS.  411 

assistance.39  Probably  Senan  collected  some  material 
for  his  missionary  chronicle;  but  he  died  in  1823,  and 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  left  any  part  of  his  work 
completed. 

Ecclesiastical  affairs  afford  but  few  items  of  suffi 
cient  interest,  or  sufficiently  intelligible  to  the  secular 
mind,  to  claim  a  place  in  the  annals  of  the  period. 
Bishop  Francisco  Rouset  de  Jesus  died  in  December 
1814,  and  was  succeeded  by  Bernardo  del  Espiritu 
Santo  in  May  1818.40 

The  president,  as  usual,  held  under  the  bishop  the 
position  of  vicar,  and  in  that  capacity  issued  at  least 
two  formal  circulars  of  instruction  on  public  morality 
and  compliance  with  church  duties.41  Authority  to 
administer  the  rite  of  confirmation  was  not  secured 
for  the  California  prelate,  though  there  was  some  cor 
respondence  with  a  view  to  obtain  either  a  renewal  of 
the  oldfacultad  de  confirmar,  or  at  least  a  visit  from 
the  bishop  in  person.42  Respecting  chaplain  duty  by 

"Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  ix.  69-70;  xii.  404;  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  446-7; 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  24. 

40 Arch.  Arzob.,  76,  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  304. 

41  Senan,  Circular  del  Vicario  Foraneo,  1815,  MS.,  dated  Jan.  28;  Pay  eras, 
Instruction  del  Vicario  Foraneo  1817,  MS.     In  1812  Antonio  Briones  is  put  in 
the  stocks  for  failure  to  'cumplir  con  la  iglesia.'  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  30. 
In  1817  Sarria  says  the  whites  seem  disposed  to  promote  the  establishment  of 
the  third  order  of  penitencia  at  the  presidios.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  92.     At 
a  ball  given  at  San  Francisco  in  1816  the  music  stopped  at  the  stroke  of  eight 
o'clock  to  allow  time  for  prayer.     Foreign  visitors  were,  however,  not  favor 
ably  impressed  with  the  prominence  given  to  St  Francis  in  comparison  with 
Christ  at  a  fiesta.  Chamisso,  Reise,  i.  135;  ii.  25. 

42  This  correspondence  was  in  1815,  1817,  1819-21.     At  one  time  it  was 
said  that  there  was  a  disposition  to  grant  the  faculty  on  petition  of  the  gov 
ernor,  who  was  urged  by  the  president  to  exert  his  influence.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  iii.  92;  xii.  97;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  59-61;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
vi.  20.     Another  fruitful  matter  for  correspondence  was  the  obtaining  of  holy 
oil  from  the  bishop;  which  oil  the  padres  had  to  pay  for  by  assuming  certain 
masses  for  which  the  bishop  had  been  paid;  but  which,  being  thus  paid  for, 
there  was  much  difficulty  in  obtaining.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  276-98;  Prov. 
Rec. ,  MS. ,  x.  48.     The  matter  of  Russian  Indian  converts,  their  instruction 
and  baptism,  was  likewise  referred  to  the  bishop,  who  advised  great  caution 
ia  receiving  Russians  or  other  heretics  into  the  true  church,  and  approved  the 
refusal  to  bury  in  holy  ground  a  Russian  prisoner  who  had  died  suddenly, 
though  the  Greek  church  rite  of  baptism  differed  but  little  from  the  Catholic. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  171-9.     The  bishop  had  also  to  decide  now  and  then  a 
case  where  a  criminal  claimed  the  privilege  of  church  asylum,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Indian  murderer  of  the  majordomo  at  San  Diego  in  1814.  Prov.  St. 


412  MISSION  AFFAIRS. 

the  friars  at  presidios  and  pueblos,  the  old  difficulties 
still  existed,  and  indeed  became  constantly  greater  as 
the  friars  became  old  and  infirm.  Yet  this  difficulty 
was  not  made  the  subject  of  any  general  controversy, 
though  the  friars  were  obliged  to  refuse  a  regular 
attendance  at  Los  Angeles.  The  soldiers  often  com 
plained  because  their  own  leisure  and  disposition  for 
spiritual  matters  did  not  always  coincide  with  tho 
convenience  of  the  padre,  and  the  urgent  need  of 
supernumeraries  for  chapel  service  still  had  a  place  in 
communications  to  Mexico.43 

The  prefect  was  also  representative  of  the  inquisi 
tion,  but  the  duties  of  that  position  were  not  arduous. 
An  occasional  edict  had  to  be  published,  generally 
having  no  special  force  in  California.  Ramon  Sotelo 
was  threatened  with  a  trial  before  the  dread  tribunal 
for  having  expressed  views  about  some  religious  mys 
tery  which  ''not  even  a  Protestant  would  have  dared 
entertain."  Sotelo's  weakness  was  a  tendency  to  ar 
gue  with  the  friars;  and  it  was  deemed  by  the  prose 
cuting  attorney  a  sufficient  punishment  to  condemn 
him  to  the  chain-gang  for  a  time,  with  daily  lessons 
in  Christian  doctrine  from  the  padre  whose  arguments 
he  had  failed  to  appreciate;  but  the  culprit  simplified 
matters  by  breaking  jail  at  Los  Angeles.44  The  con 
version  of  John  Rose,  the  Scotchman,  so  far  astray 
that  it  was  deemed  unsafe  to  expose  the  Indians  of 
San  Diego  to  his  influence,  seems  also  to  have  been 
effected  by  the  efforts  of  Comisario  Payeras. 

Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxi.  47-51.  Prayers  ordered  on  death  of  king's  rela 
tions  and  on  pregnancy  of  the  queen,  1818-19.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  288;  xi. 
438.  Bulls  of  papal  indulgence  ordered  to  be  sold  to  people  of  San  Jos£  in  1 820, 
whether  they  had  money  to  pay  or  not.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  i.  120. 

43  March  20,  1820,  Lieut.  Estudillo  gives  a  historical  account  of  chaplain 
service  at  Monterey  since  1796,  his  aim  being  to  secure  the  services  of  a  friar 
on  fixed  days  and  not  according  to  convenience  as  Sarria  insisted.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  xx.  276-9.  Monterey  to  have  a  bautisterio  in  1811.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
ii.  84.  For  the  trouble  at  Los  Angeles,  see  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  187-8;  Arch. 
StaB.,  x.  491;  xii.  93;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  67-8.  May  9,  1820,  the 
president  asks  governor  to  revoke  the  order  for  soldiers  to  confess  at  the  pre 
sidios  instead  of  missions.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  183. 

"  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  114;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlix.  10-12; 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  136-7,  74.  Case  of  Rose,  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
i.  24,  30-1. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 
1811-1820. 

PUEBLOS — No  COLONISTS  OR  CONVICTS — RANCHOS  AND  LANDS — SPANISH  DE 
CREE  ON  PUBLIC  LANDS — INOPERATIVE  IN  CALIFORNIA — LABOR  AND 
LABORERS — NATIVES  BEAR  THE  BURDEN — MANUFACTURES — ROADS  AND 
BRIDGES — PRIMITIVE  MILLS — MINES — TRADITIONS  OF  GOLD — AGRICUL 
TURE — FLOOD  AND  DROUGHT — PESTS — SPECIAL  PRODUCTS — LIVE-STOCK — 
COMMERCE — FREE  TRADE — DUTIES — LIMA  SHIPS — EXPORT  OF  TALLOW — 
FURS — RETAIL  SHOPS  AT  MONTEREY — PRICES — FINANCE — HABILITADO 
GENERAL — GERVASIO  ARGUELLO — MILITARY — FORCE  AND  DISTRIBU 
TION — PROVINCIAL  AND  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT— ADMINISTRATION  OF 
JUSTICE — CRIMES  AND  PENALTIES— SOLA'S  EFFORTS  FOR  EDUCATION — 
SCHOOL-BOY  DAYS  AT  MONTEREY. 

THE  white  population  of  pueblos,  villa,  and  ranches 
increased  in  ten  years  from  540  to  930,  the  figures 
not  being  entirely  satisfactory,  and  all  other  statistics 
being  practically  lacking.  The  source  of  increase  was 
still  from  children  who  grew  up  to  manhood  in  Cali 
fornia,  and  from  soldiers  who  retired  from  military 
service  in  their  old  age.  There  was  no  influx  of 
colonists  from  abroad;  not  even  convicts  were  sent 
from  Mexico  to  swell  the  criminal  population;1  and 
no  measures  whatever  were  adopted  by  the  authori 
ties  to  promote  the  settlement  of  the  province  by 
Spaniards,  though  there  was  as  usual  an  occasional 
allusion  to  the  importance  of  such  promotion.  In  the 
methods  of  pueblo  management  there  was  no  essential 
variation,  the  few  regulations  issued  being  copied  in 
substance  from  those  of  former  time.  I  do  not  there- 

1  On  the  contrary  there  are  indications  that  several  vagrant  '  leeches '  were 
in  some  way  gotten  rid  of  by  the  governor  and  Capt.  Guerra.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
lien.  Mtl,  MS.,  xlix.  10;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  259. 


414  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

fore  deem  it  desirable  to  reproduce  here  to  any  extent 
the  items  that  have  been  presented  in  connection  with 
local  annals  elsewhere.  The  same  remark  may  be 
made  respecting  private  ranchos  and  land-grants.  It 
is  likely  that  one  or  two  pieces  of  land  were  newly 
occupied,  as  elsewhere  noted,  and  that  some  of  the  old 
ones  were  abandoned;  but  in  this  last  decade  of  Span 
ish  control  the  changes  were  few,  and  the  system 
remained  monotonously  in  statu  quo.  The  padres 
still  opposed  the  granting  of  private  ranchos  and  kept 
up  here  and  there  a  minor  local  quarrel  with  the 
occupants.2  To  some  extent  ranchos  of  neophytes 
had  been  formed  in  connection  with  the  missions; 
but  this  practice  was  not  encouraged,  because  the 
neophytes'  chief  object  was  found  to  be  removal  as 
far  as  possible  from  the  watchfulness  of  the  mission 
aries.3 

One  important  act  of  the  Spanish  government  re 
quires  notice  here  in  its  chronological  order,  though 
without  practical  effect  in  California  in  this  decade. 
This  was  the  decree  of  the  cortes,  1813,  on  the  re 
duction  of  public  lands  to  private  ownership.4  The 
avowed  motives  of  this  decree  were :  first,  the  welfare 
of  the  pueblos  and  the  improvement  of  agricultural  and 
industrial  interests;  second,  to  relieve  public  necessi 
ties  and  reward  the  country's  defenders.  There  were 

*Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  18;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv. 
4-5.  Zavalishen,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross  19,  says  a  rancho  of  San  Pablo  was 
established  north  of  the  bay  in  1819— doubtless  an  error. 

3  May  16,  1816,  Zalvidea  to  governor.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  38-9. 
The  writer  says  it  would  be  better  to  attach  the  ex-neophytes  to  the  pueblos 
than  to  let  them  live  on  distant  ranchos.    April  3,  1818,  Sola  to  viceroy:  The 
experiment  was  a  failure  at  Santa  Clara.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.     It  would  be 
desirable  to  have  more  information  about  these  early  experiments,  but  none 
is  extant.     Payeras,  in  a  report  of  1820,  speaks  of  38  ranchos  in  California, 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  142;  but  this  doubtless  includes  the  farms  cultivated 
by  neophytes  living  at  the  missions  as  well  as  those  occupied  by  Spanish 
rancheros. 

4  Decreto  de  las  cdrtes  sobre  reducir  los  baldios  y  otros  terrenos  comunes  d 
dominio  particular,  4  de  enero  de!813,  in  Mexico.  Leyes  Vigentes,  56,  etc. ;  Trans 
lation  in  Dwindle* a  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F.,  add.,  20-3;  J fall's  Hist.  S.  Jos6,  105-10; 
Jones'  Report,  No.  7;  Wheeler's  Land  Titles,  6.    I  find  no  copy  in  the  Calif ornian 
archives.     Since  the  two  objects  of  the  decree  are  set  forth  with  equal  clear 
ness,  it  is  hardly  just  to  term  one  of  those  objects  a  '  pretence, '  as  writers 
have  been  disposed  to  do. 


PUEBLO  LANDS.  415 

reserved  only  that  class  of  pueblo  lands  known  as 
egidos,  or  necessary  suburbs;  but  any  revenues  thus 
lost  by  the  pueblos  were  to  be  made  up  in  some  other 
way.  Kesidents  of  the  pueblos  were  to  be  preferred 
in  the  transfer;  they  were  also  to  have  the  preference 
in  the  payment  of  their  claims  against  the  government; 
lots  were  to  be  assigned  to  such  residents  as  had  none, 
and  lots  were  also  to  be  assigned  as  '  patriotic  rewards ' 
to  invalid  officers,  and  to  officers  and  soldiers  who 
served  the  king  in  the  late  wars.  All  these  grants, 
for  the  most  part  gratis,  were  to  come  from  one 
half  the  public  lands,  and  were  to  be  in  fee  simple 
after  four  years,  but  not  subject  to  entail  or  transfer 
by  mortmain  title.  The  other  half  of  all  the  public 
domain  was  to  be  sold  or  hypothecated  for  the  pay 
ment  of  the  national  debt  according  to  some  plan  to  be 
'proposed  later  by  the  territorial  deputations.  This 
decree,  as  I  have  said,  was  inoperative  and  perhaps 
unknown — like  the  secularization  decree  of  the  same 
year — in  California  before  1820;  but  it  was  a  prominent 
element  in  later  discussions. 

Of  labor  and  manufactures  there  is  little  to  be 
added  to  what  has  been  said  of  these  topics  for  the 
preceding  period.  Spaniards  showed  an  undiminished 
willingness  to  have  all  work  save  military  service  per 
formed  by  Indians.  At  the  presidios  imprisoned  crimi 
nals,  both  neophytes  and  gentiles,  were  largely  utilized, 
and  for  the  rest,  reliance  was  placed  on  the  hiring  of 
savage  and  Christian  servants.  That  gentiles  were 
regularly  hunted  with  the  reata,  and  dragged  in  to 
toil  at  the  presidios,  as  is  charged  by  certain  for 
eigners,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  believe.  At  the 
pueblos  a  large  part  of  the  settlers  were  content  to  be 
idle,  giving  the  Indians  one  third  or  one  half  the  crop 
for  tilling  their  lands,  and  living  on  what  remained.5 

5  Dec.  31,  1814,  receipt  of  padre  of  Soledad  for  $485  for  neophyte  labor  at 
Monterey.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presid.,  MS.,  ii.  29.  1814,  Indian  servants  male 
and  female  employed  by  troops  and  families  at  San  Diego,  by  whom  they  are 


416  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

No  more  is  heard  of  artisan  instructors  from  Mexico. 
The  prevalent  want  in  the  country  must  naturally 
have  had  an  effect  to  stimulate  manufactures,  in  quan 
tity  if  not  in  quality;  but  we  have  no  definite  record 
on  the  subject  save  that  Padre  Ripoll  at  Santa  Bar 
bara  was  somewhat  successful  in  improving  the  quality 
of  home-made  clothes.6  There  are  a  few  allusions  to 
work  on  the  roads  and  bridges,  especially  between 
San  Francisco  and  Monterey,  where  Sergeant  Pico 
was  commissioned  to  bridge  the  Pajaro  in  1816.  All 
the  lumber  used  was  hewn  by  hand,  there  being  no 
saw-mill.  At  several  places  one  millstone  was  turned 
upon  another  by  the  direct  application  of  horse-power 
without  mechanism;  and  I  suppose  that  equally  rude 
water-power  mills  were  running  at  San  Jose,  Branci- 
forte,  and  San  Gabriel,  though  there  is  no  record  on 
the  subject;  but  most  of  the  flour  consumed  in  the 
country  was  yet  ground  by  women  on  the  hand  me- 
tates.  A  visitor  in  1816  says  the  wind-mill  of  the 
Russians  at  Ross  was  an  object  of  wonder  but  found 
no  imitators. 

In  the  last  decade  it  will  be  remembered  that  Arri- 

fed,  clothed,  and  educated.  Arch.  Sta  J3.,  MS.,  iii.  35.  Work  at  the 
pueblos,  1815.  Id.,  vii.  207-9.  Sept.  30,  1815,  padres  of  San  Francisco  refuse 
to  furnish  20  Indians  as  boatmen  because  Indians  are  scarce,  and  because, 
being  poor  oarsmen,  they  will  surely  be  drowned.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  ii.  102. 
June  29,  181G,  Guerra  says  there  are  plenty  of  Kodiaks  who  would  make  good 
servants  if  baptized;  wants  two  of  them  himself.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  108. 
1817,  Sarria  complains  of  the  non-payment  of  neophyte  laborers,  who  are 
counted  on  for  all  work,  the  white  people  scorning  to  learn  trades  or  to  do  any 
but  military  service.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  84-5,  90-1.  1818,  Golovnin, 
Voyage,  120,  gives  a  very  highly  colored  account  of  the  lassoing  of  Indians 
for  servants.  1820,  the  $8  per  month  allowed  each  neophyte  in  the  maes- 
tranza  should  be  paid  to  the  Indian  community  fund.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv. 
pt.  i.  28.  Never  any  armorers  in  California,  only  very  bad  blacksmiths.  /(/., 
iii.  pt.  ii.  132-3.  In  1819  Sola  asked  for  invalid  mechanics  from  Mexico,  but 
there  were  none  to  be  had.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  79. 

6  Mention  of  the  usual  mission  industries.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  298; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  179, 182,  185.  Oct.  16,  1819,  Sola  complains  to  the  pres 
ident  that  the  Indians  do  not  do  all  that  they  might  for  the  troops;  implying 
that  laziness,  bad  supervision,  and  lack  of  energy  on  the  part  of  the  padres 
were  the  cause.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  433-7.  In  1819  Pay  eras  circulates  a 
'  recipe '  for  making  cloth  '  suitable  to  remedy  the  present  urgent  need,  if  not 

?resentable  on  a  counter.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  5.     Hipoll's  efforts. 
(1.,  iii.  i.  50-1,  54.     Road  and  bridge  making.  Id.,  iii.  pt.  i.  21-2.    St.  Pap., 
S<tc.,  MS.,  viii.  64;   Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  143.     Remarks  on  industries 
in  1816.  Chamisso,  lleise,  i.  129;  ii.  29. 


GOLD  IN  CALIFORNIA.  417 

llaga  had  reported  against  any  prospect  of  mineral 
wealth  in  California;  but  Sola,  on  the  contrary,  in  his 
report  of  1818  declared  that  most  of  the  mountains 
showed  indications  of  metal,  alluding  also  to  the  ex 
traction  of  eight  or  nine  marks  of  silver  by  smelting 
a  few  years  before,  doubtless  in  the  Ortega  mine.  It 
was  also  about  1820  that  some  English  captain  is  said 
to  have  obtained  from  this  country  a  splendid  specimen 
of  gold  in  quartz,  which  was  preserved  by  Edward 
Ellice  in  1850,  and  by  him  exhibited  at  the  Royal 
Institute.  The  popular  rumors  of  gold  near  San  Luis 
Obispo  would  seem  to  date  back  to  this  decade;  since 
Jose  de  Jesus  Pico  narrates  that  he  and  his  boy  com 
panions  knew  of  certain  mysterious  operations  with 
flasks  of  quicksilver  in  the  mission  cuadro  where  none 
but  the  initiated  might  enter.7 

Statistics  of  agriculture  and  stock-raising  have 
already  been  given  in  this  chapter  for  the  missions, 
and  there  are  no  reliable  data  for  anything  more. 
Weather  reports  show  1816-17  to  have  been  a  year 
of  heavy  rains,  causing  some  damage  from  inunda 
tion;  while  1820-1  was  remarkable  for  drought.8  The 
chapulin,  the  chahui&ti,  ground  squirrels,  gophers, 
and  rats — these  animals  having  rapidly  multiplied 
since  the  Indians  had  no  longer  need  to  hunt  them  for 
food — were  the  agricultural  pests  still  complained  of 
occasionally  in  different  parts  of  the  province,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  mustard,  which,  sometimes  choked  the 
crop  and  furnished  a  hiding-place  for  live-stock.9  Re- 

7  Sola,  Observations,  MS,,  190-1;  Quarterly  Review,  1850,  Ixxxvii.  416-17; 
Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  15-16.     The  writer  in  the  Review  does  not  fail  to 
expatiate  on  what  England  might  have  gained,  and  what  troubles  avoided, 
to  say  nothing  of  how  Mr  E.  might  have  become  the  'richest  individual  in 
Europe,'  had  he  realized  that  'such  a  lump  must  have  many  companions.' 

8  Weather  reports  and  items  relating  almost  exclusively  to  1817  and  1820 
in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xliii.  6-7;  xliv.  12-13;  xlvii.  5-6;  xlix.  56;  Pr.ov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  361;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  234-5;  v.  207-8; 
Vallejo,  Sequias  en  CaL,  MS.,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  9-16,  22;  Prov. 
JRec.,  MS.,  ix.  169. 

9  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  341;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlii.  5;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  189;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  105.    Great  scarcity  of  agricultural  implements 
in  1819.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  73. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    27 


418  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

specting  the  cultivation  of  special  crops  I  append  a 
few  minor  items.10  A  slaughter  of  horses  to  keep  the 
numbers  within  limits  was  ordered  on  several  occa 
sions  at  different  places;  but  there  was  no  general 
slaughter  throughout  the  province.11  Meat  was  plen 
tiful  for  all  classes,  there  being  large  numbers  of 
wild  cattle  to  be  had  for  the  hunting.  The  padres, 
however,  complained  that  their  herds  did  not  increase 
as  rapidly  as  they  ought,  because  many  cattle  were 
killed  as  wild  that  were  not  so,  soldiers  and  not  Ind 
ians  being  in  most  instances  the  culprits.  Gentiles 
and  bears  still  made  inroads,  however,  on  the  live 
stock.12  On  the  superiority  of  California-bred  stock 

10  In  1810  olives  had  begun  to  be  planted  at  many  missions;  and  in  1818 
olive  culture  was  already  an  assured  success,  especially  in  the  missions  of  the 
San  Diego  district  which  furnished  other  missions  all  the  oil  they  needed. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  299,  304;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  189.  Lands  of  San  Fer 
nando  deemed  well  fitted  for  sugar-cane  1817.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  ii.  6. 
Dec.  1816,  President  Payeras  asked  for  20  laborers  from  Mexico  to  cultivate 
vines.  Taylor,  in  Col.  Farmer,  March  21,  1862.  Los  Angeles  had  53,686 
vines  in  1818,  and  all  the  missions  south  of  Sta  Barbara  made  wine  of  different 
kinds.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  187-9.  A  little  hemp  was  raised  and  made  into 
coarse  stuffs  during  the  hard  times;  but  although  the  commanders  of  San 
Bias  vessels  were  ordered  to  load  with  hemp  if  possible,  it  does  not  appear 
that  any  considerable  quantity  was  obtained.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  131, 
242;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  31;  Arch.  Sta~B.,  MS.,  x.  304;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  x.  44.  Oranges  abundant  at  San  Gabriel,  Angeles,  and  Sta  Barbara  in 
1820.  Vallejo's  Letter  to  Warner.  There  was  an  effort  made  to  raise  cotton 
and  with  a  little  success  at  San  Diego,  despite  the  fogs.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix. 
189;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  3,  32-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  281;  Vallejo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  25. 

n'Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  145-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xlvi.  16-17;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  52,  including  a  reprimand  to  Juan  Jose" 
Nieto  for  allowing  his  caballada  to  increase,  with  a  threat  that  he  will  forfeit 
his  rancho. 

12  Complaints  of  the  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  15-17,  30,  and 
passim.  P.  Amor6s  is  especially  bitter,  mentioning  instances  within  his 
knowledge,  and  not  hesitating  to  pronounce  the  soldiers  worse  than  the 
Indians.  Yet  the  soldiers  say  'all  is  the  king's  and  the  Indian  is  a  thief .' 
'  El  Indio  todo  para  todos  Indio  es,  Indio  morira,  y  por  esto  tenemos  padre. ' 
The  governor  complains  that  the  yield  of  tallow  was  much  less  after  the 
license  to  hunt  wild  cattle  in  1818.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  51.  Much  meat 
taken  to  the  plains  and  burned  at  slaughtering  times,  so  says  the  president  in 
1815.  A  rch.  Sta  B. ,  MS. ,  vii.  182.  Number  of  cattle  much  diminished  since  the 
yerba  tie  puebla  could  no  longer  be  obtained  to  poison  wolves.  RoquefeuiVs  Voy. , 
in  Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  xviii.  248.  Ravages  of  bears.  Boronda,  Notas,  MS.,  13. 
Price  of  cattle  in  1816,  $4  to  $6.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vii.  13-14. 
Some  changes  in  regulations  for  branding,  and  clipping  ears.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. , 
ix.  143;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  136;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi:  36;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  117;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  23.  Martiarena  asks  for  a  team  of 
carriage  mules  from  Cal.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vi.  129.  One  of  Gov. 
Sola's  first  acts  was  to  issue  an  order  forbidding  the  burning  of  pasture  lands 


COMMERCE.  419 

in  these  early  days  I  may  note  the  request  of  a  gen 
tleman  at  Tepic  that  Captain  de  la  Guerra  would  send 
him  a  span  of  mules  for  his  carriage. 

* 

Spanish  commercial  regulations  were  not  modified,13 
but  there  was  little  need  for  a  resort  to  smuggling, 
especially  during  the  last  half  of  the  decade.  The 
provincial  authorities  were  glad  to  purchase  every 
cargo,  Spanish  or  foreign,  that  could  be  paid  for  in 
mission  produce,  deeming  themselves  especially  for 
tunate  when  a  seller  could  be  induced  to  accept  a 
draft  on  the  treasury.  Sola  insisted  on  the  collection 
of  duties  on  all  exports  and  imports  according  to  a 
tariff  apparently  devised  to  meet  the  needs  of  Cali 
fornia,14  but  otherwise  there  was  practically  no  obstacle 
thrown  in  the  way  of  free  trade  after  1816,  though 
there  is  very  slight  evidence  that  any  trade,  even  con 
traband,  was  carried  on  with  foreign  vessels  except  by 
the  government.15  The  Lima  trade  in  Spanish  ves 
sels  assumed  considerable  proportions,  tallow  being 
the  chief  article  of  export,  with  small  quantities  of 
grain,  soap,  and  hides,  though  the  era  of  the  hide- 
trade  had  not  yet  begun.  There  is  nothing  to  be  re- 

without  permission  of  the  authorities,  except  by  the  padres.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch., 
MS.,  49;  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  20. 

13  In  1820,  on  complaint  of  Sierra,  a  Cadiz  merchant  orders  that  the  old 
decrees  of  1793,  1794,  1795,  and  1818,  relieving  national  goods  and  products 
sent  to  or  from  the  Californias  in  Spanish  vessels,  be  strictly  enforced. 
Printed  decree  in  Pinart  collection.     Bustamante,  Medidas,  MS.,  i.  141-56, 
has  much  to  say  on  the  importance  of  Californian  trade. 

14  In  August  1817  Sola  ordered  that  imports  pay  the  same  rates  as  they  had 
paid  at  the  ports  of  exportation  as  shown  by  their  manifests;  and  in  Novem 
ber  it  was  decreed  that  foreign  goods  pay  12  per  cent  on  the  price  of  sale. 
The  export  duty  was  19  cents  per  arroba  on  tallow;  37  cents  on  soap;  37  cents 
per  fanega  on  corn  and  beans;  and  similar  rates  according  to  value  on  other 
articles.     Roquefeuil  paid  7.5  per  cent  on  imports,  15  and  16  per  cent  on 
corn  and  tallow.   On  imports  the  duty  was  reduced  to  6.25  per  cent  in  1820. 
Hemp  exported  paid  12.5  per  cent.     There  Mas  some  opposition  to  the  pay 
ment  of  the  duty  on  tallow,  or  rather  the  foreigners  thought  it  ought  to  be 
paid  by  the  padres.  Sola  exempted  from  duties  all  articles  bought  for  the  use 
of  church  or  padres.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  154,  168,  212,  285;  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil,  xlvi.  17;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  250;  iv.  11-12;  v.  209;  Prov. 
jRec.,  MS.,  ix.  131;  xi.  51-5;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  44;  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i. 
26;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  376;  RoquefeuiVs  Voyage,  109. 

]5In  a  later  report,  Figueroa,  Cosas  Financier  as,  1834,  it  is  stated  that  Sola 
opened  the  ports  to  foreign  trade  in  1819  with  excellent  results. 


420  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

marked  of  the  Lima  trade  that  has  not  been  said  in 
recording  the  visits  of  each  vessel,  and  the  same 
remark  may  be  made  of  the  whole  topic  of  commerce.16 
The  Indians  still  caught  now  and  then  an  unfortu 
nately  slow-motioned  sea-otter  that  came  in  their  way, 
and  the  padres  shipped  the  small  store  of  skins  or 
sold  them  whenever  they  found  a  chance.  The  Rus 
sians  took  a  constantly  and  rapidly  decreasing  number 
of  otter  each  year,  a  number  which  was  greatly  ex 
aggerated  in  the  ideas  of  the  Spaniards.17  Retail 
trade  there  was  none  in  the  country,  unless  we  reckon 
as  such  the  operations  of  '  Tia'  Boronda  and  '  tios ' 
Armenta  and  Cayuelos,  who  in  their  extra-mural  cots 
at  Monterey  are  said  to  have  kept  a  variety  of  small 
articles  for  sale,  some  of  which  there  is  much  reason 
to  fear  never  paid  duties.  Tio  Armenta  was  a  great 
man  in  this  little  band,  being  a  reputed  protege  of  the 
Ortegas,  and  he  sometimes  engaged  in  grand  affairs, 
such  as  raffling  a  dozen  China  handkerchiefs,  or  getting 
a  bushel  of  salt  from  the  salinas  in  spite  of  the  Span 
ish  estanco.18 

16  Guerra's  commercial  ventures  seem  to  have  continued  more  or  less  con 
stantly  through  the  decade  so  far  as  can  be  judged  from  fragmentary  invoices 
and  accounts.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  31-40.     1811,  circulars  dis 
tributed  proposing  barter  for  tallow.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  220.     1814,  Sarria 
disapproves  of  middlemen,  or  rather  of  the  percentage  allowed  them  in  the 
soap  trade.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  17.    1816,  trade  with  foreigners  positively 
forbidden  by  viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  5.     Negrete  of  Tepic  says  he 
has  lost  $10,000  invested  in  the  tallow-trade  because  the  padres  refused  to 
to  take  mania  or  any  thing  but  dollars.  Id. ,  xx.  127.     Deer's  grease  taken  by 
hunters  and  shipped  to  Peru.    Vallejo,  Sequias  en. Cal.,  MS.,  1817.     Sola  says 
there  are  100,000  arrobas  of  tallow  in  California.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  245-6.     Vessels  taking  tallow.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  167,  180, 
185-6.     Sola  complains  of  trouble  about  closing  business  with  the  friars  who 
are  very  hard  to  please,  and  regrets  that  they  will  not  appoint  an  agent  to  do 
business  for  all.  Id.,  xx.  180.    It  was  found  necessary  to  issue  strict  orders  to 
prevent  frauds  in  the  delivery  of  tallow,  with  penalties  for  adulterating  the 
staple  with  sand,  etc.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  135-7;  8.  Jose  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  19,  1818.     Delivering  tallow  for  lard,  and  vice  versa,  forfeited  the 
goods  and  resulted  in  two  months'  imprisonment.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  47. 

17  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  105-6,  says  the  otter  were  so  abundant  in 
1812  that  they  were  killed  by  the  boatmen  with  their  oars  in  passing  through 
the  sea-weed;  and  that  the  Russians  killed  10,000  a  year  for  five  years,  and 
5,000  a  year  down  to  1831.    Chamisso,  Keise,  i.  132,  in  1816,  estimates  the 
annual  catch  at  2,000,  selling  in  China  for  $60  each  on  an  average. 

™Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  158-9;  ii.  214;  Cerruti's  Rumblings,  MS., 
202-3.  Many  Indians  of  San  Diego  mission  went  to  the  presidio  to  sell  a 
variety  of  small  articles,  and  the  padres  wished  them  arrested  if  they  had  no 


HABILITACION  GENERAL.  421 

I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  recapitulate  here  the 
fragmentary  financial  statistics  that  have  been  given 
elsewhere  for  each  of  the  four  presidios;  neither  is  it 
desirable  to  recur  to  the  most  prominent  but  thread 
bare  topic  of  hard  times  and  failure  to  obtain  the 
inemorias  from  Mexico.  Therefore,  appending  some 
general  provincial  statements  on  the  subject  in  a 
note/9  I  pass  on  to  a  brief  record  of  the  habilitacion 
general.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Ormaechea  took 
charge  in  1810  ad  interim,  and  he  held  it — the  regu 
lar  habilitado  general,  Jose  de  la  Guerra,  not  having 
been  able  to  reach  Mexico — until  1816,20not  giving 
satisfaction  during  his  incumbency,  nor,  as  it  appears, 
rendering  any  proper  accounts  on  leaving  the  office. 
A  new  election  being  ordered  in  1815  the  coman- 
dantes  left  the  choice  to  the  governor,  who  appointed 
Gervasio  Argiiello.  The  latter  left  California  late  in 
1816  never  to  return.21  His  services  nevar  amounted 

pass.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  ii.  83.  Prices  of  the  period  include  the  following: 
Tallow,  $1.50  per  arroba;  lard,  $2.50;  sugar,  $5;  rice,  $2.50;  wheat,  $2  per 
fanega;  barley,  $1;  pease,  $1.62;  cattle  $2  to  $6;  mules,  $10;  aparejos,  $5; 
sheep-skins,  $1.50;  calicoes,  87  cents  per  yard;  flannels,  $1.75:  Cuzco  cloth, 
$1.50;  alpaca,  $1.75;  cueras,  $24  each;  serapes,  $5. 

19  Appropriation  in  Mexico  for  the  California  presidios  in  1811,  $82,333. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlii.  16.  Invoice  of  1815,  $34,840.  Id.,  xlvi. 
29.  Sola's  statement  of  pay-roll,  etc.,  for  year  in  1818,  $91.778,  or  less  the 
deductions,  $89,071.  Id.,  xlix.  75.  Invoice  of  1819-20,  $41,319.  Id.,  li.  10. 
July  20,  1820,  artillery  account  of  Lieut.  Jos6  Ramirez:  rec'd  $5,039;  paid 
$4,708;  balance  paid  to  Lieut.  Gomez,  $331.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
liii.  3.  Dec.  31, 1820,  account  of  Gomez:  receipts  since  May,  $2,184;  paid  out, 
$2,155;  balance  to  last  six  months,  $29.  Id.,  liii.  3.  Correspondence  about 
mails  1811-20  of  no  importance,  but  showing  that  Sola  made  an  effort  to  in 
troduce  more  system  and  despatch.  Pov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  79,  83,  229-30; 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  30;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xli.  128-9;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iii.  pt.  i.  55-60;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  vi.  10;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  i.  143-4. 
Net  yields  of  tobocco  sales:  1811,  $5,851;  in  1812,  $5,  871.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlii.  17-18;  xliii.  13,  14.  In  1816,  P.  Marquinez  of  Sta  Cruz 
writes  to  the  governor  that  he  has  but  50  puros  left,  and  fears  he  will  have  to 
give  up  smoking  when  those  are  gone.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  i.  85. 

20 1812,  report  that  Felipe  Maitorena  had  succeeded  Rodriguez.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  x.  4.  Vote  at  Loreto  in  May  1812,  in  which  all  voted  for  some  offi 
cer  of  that  presidio.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  326-7.  I  have  found  no  definite 
record  of  Guerra's  election  in  1810.  Jan.  26,  1815,  viceroy  orders  a  new  elec 
tion,  as  Ormaechea  could  no  longer  attend  to  the  duties.  Id.,  xix.  371. 

21  Oct.  14,  1815,  comandantes  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  380, 
292.  Argiiello  was  to  have  $1,000  extra  pay  and  $500  for  travelling  expenses. 
Sailed  Nov.  1816.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  154.  At  Guadalajara  in  February, 
1817.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  190.  Feb.  26,  1817,  Sola  reminded  by  a  friend 
of  the  great  importance  of  having  a  trusty  agent  in  Mexico.  Id.,  xx.  151. 


422  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

to  much  to  the  province  he  represented;  but  perhaps 
no  one  could  have  done  better.  To  escape  his  impor 
tunities  the  viceroy  sent  Argiiello  to  reside  at  Guada 
lajara,  the^  California  drafts  being  payable  at  that 
treasury.  Here  he  had  nothing  to  do  but  present  his 
claims  and  listen  to  the  invariable  reply,  "no  hay 
fondos."  Jose  de  la  Guerra  was  charged  with  reform 
ing  the  habilitacion  in  1819-20;  but  though  the  two 
officers  managed  to  secure  a  small  invoice  of  goods, 
Guerra  could  succeed  neither  in  transferring  Argiiello 
to  Mexico  nor  in  getting  him  sent  back  to  his  com 
pany  in  California.22  No  successor  ever  took  the 
position. 

The  military  force  on  duty  in  the  province,  includ*- 
ing  officers  and  men  of  the  four  presidial  companies, 
invalids,  and  veteran  artillerymen,  did  not  vary  more 
than  one  or  two  men  during  the  decade  from  the  410 
at  its  beginning,23  involving  an  annual  expense  to  the 
Spanish  government  of  $89,000,  an  expense  rendered 
much  less  burdensome  by  the  fact  that  it  was  never 
paid.  In  1819  there  came  to  the  country  Captain 
Portilla's  Mazatlan  company  of  cavalry,  the  'Maza- 
tecos/  and  Captain  Navarrete's  San  Bias  company  of 
infantry,  the  'Cholos/  both  companies  numbering 
203  men.24  The  veteran  artillerymen  under  Gomez 
were  reenforced  in  1820  by  the  coming  of  Lieutenant 
Jose'  Ramirez,  who  probably  brought  with  him  15  or 
20  men.25  There  were  besides  the  company  of  militia 

Sola  asks  viceroy  to  give  Argiiello  as  much  pay  as  his  predecessors  had 
received.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  169.  1817-18,  Argiiello  has  to  give  bonds  of 
$6,000.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  192-3,  219. 

22  Guerra,  Dof.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  155-6;  iv.  9,  29-30, 164;  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iv.  443-4. 

23  See  chap.  ix.  this  volume  for  distribution  in  1810.    A  general  statement 
of  July  20,  1818,  makes  the  corresponding  total  407.  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia, 
MS.,  55-6. 

21  Portilla's  company:  1  captain,  2  lieutenants,  2  alfe"reces,  and  95  men, 
including  sergeants,  corporals,  drummers,  and  privates;  Navarrete's  com 
pany:  1  captain,  1  lieut.,  1  sub-lieut.,  3  sergeants,  10  corporals,  1  drummer, 
and  86  privates.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.  MS.,  xlix.  34. 

25  Cost  of  the  artillery  detachment,  $2,700  to  $3,600  per  year.  On  the 
reenforcement  under  Ramirez,  see  chap.  xii.  this  volume. 


MILITARY.  423 

artillerymen,  several  times  called  into  active  service, 
numbering  82  men  in  1816,  but  reduced  to  64  in 
1819. 26  Thus  the  total  force  available  in  1820  was 
about  700  men.  The  services  of  the  army  on  the 
several  occasions  when  the  province  was  threatened, 
or  supposed  to  be  threatened,  with  invasion  by  foreign 
foes,  in  the  various  expeditions  against  Indian  foes  in 
the  interior,  and  in  the  continual  battle  against  the 
want  and  nakedness  resulting  from  Spanish  neglect, 
are  already  well  known  to  the  reader,  and  the  mili 
tary  annals  of  the  period  demand  no  further  notice.27 

Beyond  the  actual  succession  of  political  and  mili 
tary  rulers — Arrillaga,  Argiiello,  Sola — there  is  noth 
ing  to  be  added  respecting  the  theory  or  practice  of 
provincial  government.28  In  municipal  government 
there  was  a  decree  of  the  cortes  of  May  23,  1812,  on 
the  formation  of  ayuntamientos,  which  would  have 
increased  the  number  of  regidores  at  San  Jose  and 
Los  Angeles,  but  which  had  no  immediate  effect  in 
California.29  In  those  branches  of  government  con- 

26  Names  of  the  82  members  of  the  company  on  Aug.  19,  1816.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlvii.  11-13.    Distribution  in  1817,  70  men.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  93.     July  6,  1819.     These  men  are  to  receive  the  same  pay  as 
veterans,  by  governor's  order.  Id. ,  viii.  56. 

27  It  is  but  fair  to  allude  also  to  Padre  Ripoll's  companies  of  native  mache- 
leros  and  lancers  and  archers  at  Sta  Barbara,  trained  by  the  valiant  padre  to 
fight  against  pirates.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  17.     In  the  law  of  Oct. 
11,  1813,  calling  on  each  province  for  its  quota  of  men  for  the  army,  Cali 
fornia  was  exempt.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  126-7.    1815-17  there  was  a 
correspondence  leading  to  the  recommendation  by  Sola  of  a  list  of  officers  for 
promotion.     It  appeared  that  Californian  officers  were  in  danger  of  being 
neglected  in  favor  of  '  cowards  in  Mexico  who  want  to  make  a  show  without 
doing  any  work.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  1-11,  115-16.     Nov.  29, 
1816,  viceroy  orders  release  of  4  soldiers  imprisoned  on  charge  of  sedition. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  25.    Order  to  release  military  prisoners  not  liable  to 
penalty  of  death  or  sedition.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  143.     May  1820,  a  San 
Bias  soldier  sentenced  to  4  years'  work  in  shackles  for  stoning  his  corporal. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  li.  4. 

28  From  Sola's  letter  it  appears  that  the  governor's  term  of  office  was  con 
sidered  5  years.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  149;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlix.  33. 

29  Ayuntamientos,  Decreto  de  las  Ctirtes  de  23  de  Mayo  1812,  sobre  forma 
tion  de  Ayuntamientos  Constitucionales  in  Mexico,  Leyes  Viyentes,  1829,  28, 
etc.;  Rivera,  Nueva  Coleccion  de  Leyes,  1835,  i.  890;  Dwindled  Colon.  Hist.  8. 
F.,  add.,  1820;    Wheeler's  Land  Titles,  6;  White's  Recopilacion,  416;  HalVs 
Hist.  8.  Jose,   102-4.     June  15,  1814,  order  of  viceroy  that  ayuntamientos 
are  to  follow  the  law  of  1808.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  135. 


424  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

nected  with  the  administration  of  justice  and  the  pre 
serving  of  public  order  there  is  nothing  new  to  be  said 
so  far  as  system  is  concerned;  and  illustrative  items 
of  the  decade  may  be  conveniently  grouped  in  a 
note.30 

30  Oct.  9,  1812,  Spanish  law  relating  to  jurisdiction  of  judges.  Hayes'  Mex. 
Law,  13-16.  Sept.  8,  1813,  Spanish  law  abolishing  whipping  for  criminal 
offences.  Circulated  by  President  Senan  Sept.  13,  1814.  Id.,  24;  Vallejo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxiii.  17.  Jan.  20,  1816,  viceroy  orders  that  governors 
and  comandantes  must  inspect  public  prisons  on  the  eve  of  Christmas,  whit- 
sun  tide,  and  easter,  to  report  on  cases  pending.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
1-2;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  141.  April  30,  1816,  governor  says  no  Indian  pris 
oner  must  be  released  without  his  order.  Calls  for  a  monthly  list  of  names, 
crimes,  dates,  etc.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  63.  July  20,  1818,  Fermin  de 
Genoa  y  Aguirre  says  to  Capt.  Guerra  jocosely  that  the  people  are  fast  becom 
ing  converted  and  orderly;  for  instance,  one  Luisa  killed  another  Luisa  with 
a  knife;  one  Castillo  broke  the  head  of  another  Castillo  with  a  stick;  two  Mi 
chaels  lost  the  mail  and  are  now  sweeping  the  plaza,  wearing  calcetas  de  Viz- 
caya-,  and  two  sisters  gave  each  other  a  sound  drubbing.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  vi.  128. 

1813,  the  Indian  alcalde  of  San  Fernando  killed  a  neophyte  by  throwing  a 
stick  at  him  to  make  him  work  faster.  Fiscal  Maitorena  thought  he  should  be 
sentenced  to  2  months  in  the  chain-gang  to  satisfy  the  vindicta  publica  and  teach 
alcaldes  care  and  humanity.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Sen. Mil.,  MS.,  xlviii.  2.  1814,  ar 
tilleryman  charged  with  poisoning  another  soldier — charge  not  proven.  Id., 
xlv.  7.  1817,  the  neophyte  Gorgonio  murdered  his  wife  at  San  Buenaventura; 
took  asylum  in  the  church,  but  left  that  asylum  by  breaking  a  window;  was 
recaptured  and  tried.  The  fiscal  recommended  a  very  severe  punishment,  be 
cause  such  cases  were  becoming  too  frequent.  No  sentence.  Id.,  1.  45-8. 
1818,  two  Indians  at  mission  San  Jose"  killed  another  and  were  in  turn  killed 
while  sleeping  by  4  relatives  of  the  first  victim.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  222. 
1818,  a  n,eophyte  of  San  Diego  going  to  mass  with  his  wife  noticed  that  she 
had  a  piece  of  white  cloth  which  excited  his  jealousy,  though  she  claimed  to 
have  found  it.  By  administering  a  sound  flogging  he  elicited  a  confession 
that  the  cloth  had  been  given  by  a  gentile  for  sexual  favors.  After  the  casti- 
gation  had  been  prolonged  to  the  satisfaction  of  marital  wrath  and  honor,  he 
did  all  a  fond  husband  could  for  his  wife's  comfort  by  stretching  her  on  a 
heap  of  green  branches  over  a  fire  and  bringing  her  cold  water  with  which  to 
bathe;  yet  she  died,  and  he  was  tried  for  murder.  Santiago  Argiiello  was 
fiscal  and  the  accused  chose  Cristob61  Dominguez  for  defender.  In  considera 
tion  of  the  Indians'  peculiar  ideas  the  death  penalty  was  not  recommended 
when  the  case  was  turned  over  to  the  presidio  comandante.  As  usual  the 
sentence  is  not  extant.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlix.  82-5.  In  1811 
another  neophyte  of  San  Diego  had  flogged  a  gentile  woman  to  death  for  infi 
delity  as  a  mistress  and  extravagance;  50  lashes  after  5  months'  imprison 
ment  had  been  the  sentence  asked  for.  Id.,  xlix.  7-9.  1818,  a  neophyte  of 
San  Gabriel  murdered  another  for  refusing  to  pay  '3  reals'  worth  of  beads' 
lost  at  play.  He  took  church  asylum.  Id.,  xlix.  64-6. 

1811,  three  neophytes  and  four  gentiles  tried  for  robbing  the  presidio  ware 
house.  Alf.  Martinez,  fiscal,  and  Sergt.  Mercado,  defender;  80  lashes  and  2 
months'  to  5  years'  presidio  work  ;  4  others  charged  with  helping  conceal  the 
crime  and  with  receiving  stolen  goods.  Id.,  xlix.  9-10.  1815,  Lieut.  Guerra 
required  to  come  from  San  Diego  to  Monterey  to  defend  a  soldier  charged  with 
insulting  his  sergeant.  It  seems  that  the  accused  might  choose  a  defender 
anywhere  in  the  province.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  265-6,  269.  1817,  three 
men  for  breaking  open  a  box  of  playing-cards  at  Sta  Barbara  sentenced  to 
hard  work  in  irons.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  81.  1817,  a  man  at 


JUSTICE  AND  EDUCATION.  425 

Sola  took  quite  a  strong  personal  interest  in  the 
education  of  the  rising  generation  of  Californians. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Arrillaga  had  apparently 
done  nothing  in  the  matter,  and  that  so  far  as  the 
records  show  during  his  rule  not  a  single  school  had 
been  continuously  maintained  in  the  province.  In  his 

Sta  Barbara  sentenced  to  work  in  irons  for  breaking  into  his  employer's  house 
on  holy  Thursday  and  stealing  a  bottle  of  aguardiente.  Id.,  iii.  76-7.  1818, 
two  soldiers  given  50  lashes  in  public  for  stealing  $2.50.  Amador,  Mem.. 
MS.,  52. 

1817,  Jose"  Peralta  of  San  Jose"  sent  a  prisoner  to  Monterey,  and  a  girl 
made  enceinte  by  him  was  committed  to  the  padres  of  Sta  Clara  to  be  kept 
in  the  cuarto  de  las  solteras  until  confined.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  24.  Padre 
thinks  the  alcalde  and  2  Indians  of  Soledad  should  be  sent  to  the  presidio  for 
a  month  for  forcible  fornication.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iii.  pt.  ii.  7-9.  1818, 
governor  says  the  mission  girls  learn  vice  at  10-12  years,  and  soon  practice 
abortion  in  order  to  keep  young.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  194-5.  An  Indian  at 
San  Diego  accused  a  vecino  of  having  ravished  his  wife.  Santiago  Argiiello, 
fiscal;  Jose"  Antonio  Pico,  clerk;  Jose"  Palomares,  defender.  No  decision. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  62-3.  Oct.  3,  1818,  Sola  to  Guerra,  the 
scandal  caused  by  a  widow  of  Los  Angeles  'must  be  corrected  for  her  reform 
and  as  a  public  example. '  The  comisionado  must  take  her  to  San  Gabriel, 
have  her  haircut  short  and  one  eyebrow  shaved,  and  cause  her  to  be  exhibited 
to  the  public  at  the  hour  of  mass.  Then  she  is  to  serve  in  some  respectable 
family  at  Sta  Bdrbara  for  6  months,  being  compelled  to  lead  a  religious  life. 
The  other  guilty  person,  a  carpenter  of  San  Gabriel,  must  be  kept  in  prison 
for  a  month,  devote  a  part  of  his  wages  to  the  support  of  the  child,  and  be 
induced  to  marry  the  widow  if  possible.  Id.,  xlix.  lfr-17.  Trial  of  a  case  in 
which  a  settler  of  Branciforte  was  accused  of  ravishing  his  three  step-daugh 
ters.  Fiscal  Martinez  demanded  for  the  man  four  years'  hard  labor  in  shack 
les,  to  be  followed  by  banishment;  for  the  oldest  girl,  50  lashes  from  an  Indian 
woman,  and  one  month's  arrest;  for  the  second,  50  lashes  from  her  mother  in 
the  girl's  room  at  Sta  Cruz;  for  the  youngest,  25  lashes;  and  for  the  mother 
a  reprimand  from  the  governor.  Id.,  1.  32-44.  1819,  man  and  wife  punished 
for  latter's  adultery,  with  consent  of  former,  at  San  Francisco.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  253.  1820,  two  Sta  Barbara  cases  of  illicit  love.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal,  MS.,  iv.  66. 

Dec.  2,  1817,  Sola  forbids  card  games  on  feast  days,  which  had  been 
allowed  by  Borica.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  139.  Amador,  Memorias, 
MS.,  90-113,  narrates  the  adventures  of  P.  Luis  Gil  at  Sta  Cruz,  who  used  to 
go  in  disguise  and  take  a  hand  in  the  game  for  the  purpose  of  detecting  the 
gamblers  and  confiscating  the  cards.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  8-10,  tells 
some  stories  about  gambling  in  these  days,  including  his  own  adventures  with 
Padre  Menendez  who  first  stripped  Pico  of  all  he  had  at  San  Vicente,  Lower 
California,  and  later  was  stripped  at  San  Diego  by  Pico,  who  won  ]  2  mules. 

1812,  no  mescal  to  be  sold,  under  severe  penalties.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv. 
29.  Governor  has  received  order  for  free  use  and  manufacture  of  mescal,  but 
represents  the  probable  bad  effects.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  128.  1815,  some  in 
formation  on  the  intoxicating  drinks  of  the  natives.  Indios,  Contestation, 
MS.  Acting-governor  Argiiello  signalized  his  brief  term  by  issuing  on  Feb. 
3,  1815,  a  decree  on  the  sale  of  liquors,  which  was  at  the  same  time  an  eloquent 
though  brief  essay  on  the  moral  and  physical  evils  of  intemperance.  The 
decree  provided  that  liquors  might  be  freely  sold  by  importers  at  the  presidios 
only  in  '  unbroken  packages;'  tliat  only  one  person  at  each  presidio,  a  person 
of  confidence,  might  be  appointed  to  retail  liquors  under  the  following  re 
strictions  :  None  to  be  sold  to  an  Indian  on  any  pretext  whatever ;  no  flask  or 


426  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

reports  of  1817-18,  Sola  informed  the  viceroy  that 
each  of  the  four  presidios  and  two  pueblos  had  now  a 
primary  school  where  children  were  taught  religion, 
reading,  writing,  and  reckoning,  by  settlers  or  retired 
soldiers  of  good  character;  implying  clearly  that  on 
his  coming  to  the  province  he  had  found  no  schools 
in  operation  at  most  of  the  places.31  Of  these  schools 
outside  of  the  capital — excepting  the  names  of  one  or 
two  teachers  at  San  Jose,  and  the  fact  that  there  was 
a  girls'  school  as  well  as  one  for  boys  at  Santa  Bar 
bara — we  know  but  very  little  more  than  that  they 
had  an  existence,  and  that  little  has  been  noticed  in 
connection  with  local  annals.  The  governor  also 
urged  upon  the  viceroy  in  1818  the  importance  of 
establishing  a  kind  of  college  in  which  the  more  intel 
ligent  of  the  neophyte  boys  might  be  educated  as 
future  instructors  of  their  race;  together  with  the 
still  more  imperative  necessity  of  providing  for  the 
bringing-up  of  neophyte  girls  beyond  the  influence  of 
their  parents  and  relatives  ;S2  but  naturally  no  encour 
agement  was  obtained  from  Mexico,  and  there  is  no 
evidence  that  the  friars,  the  only  persons  who  could 
have  taken  effective  action,  felt  any  interest  in  the 
matter.33 

bottle  to  be  sold  to  two  or  more  persons  together  without  an  order  from  the 
comandante;  'public  drinkers'  to  have  only  25  cents'  worth  morning  and 
evening;  no  credit  to  be  given  and  no  debt  for  liquor  to  be  collectible;  no 
article  to  be  taken  in  payment  or  pawn,  subject  to  forfeit,  or  to  fine  if  the 
article  belong  to  a  soldier's  uniform  or  equipment;  no  liquor  to  be  sold  to 
mission  escoltas;  prices  not  to  exceed  $1  per  quart  for  aguardiente  and  50 
cents  for  wine  at  Monterey  and  north,  or  75  and  25  cents  per  quart  respect 
ively  in  the  south.  Arguello,  Decreto  de  1815  sobre  bebidas,  in  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
vi.  32.  Feb.  13,  1820,  Lieut.  Estudillo  to  Sola,  a  long  report,  or  plan,  for  re 
forms  in  the  sale  of  liquors.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  275-6.  Feb.  10th,  Sola 
permits  the  opening  of  a  tavern  and  sale  of  liquors  under  restrictions.  Id. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  li.  7,  8.  July  27,  1819,  the  president  complains  of  disorders  aris 
ing  from  drunkenness  and  the  illegal  sale  of  liquor.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi. 
104-7;  Doc.  Hist.  Col.y  MS.,  iv.  437-40. 

31  Sola,  Informs  General,  1817,  MS.,  168;  Id.,  Observations,  1818,  MS., 
179-80.  June  4,  1817,  Sola  states  that  education  has  made  considerable  prog 
ress  during  his  rule  of  two  years.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  150. 

z'2Sola,  Observational,  1818,  MS.,  193-5. 

33  According  to  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  131-2;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal, 
MS.,  i.  75;  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  10.  Sola  brought  with  him 
two  men,  Aspiroz  and  Santa  Maria,  to  establish  a  high  school,  or  college;  but 
they  became  disgusted  with  the  country  and  went  back  to  Mexico  the  same 
year. 


SCHOOLS.  427 

At  Monterey  Sola  found  a  school  in  operation 
under  the  care  of  Corporal  Miguel  Archuleta,  whom 
Padre  Ibanez  had  taught  to  read  and  write.  Within 
a  few  years  a  girls'  school  was  opened,  and  possibly 
another  for  boys.34  Of  schools  at  the  capital  we  know 
no  more  through  the  archives  than  of  others  in  the 
province;  but  Mariano  Guadalupe  Vallejo  and  Juan 
Bautista  Alvarado,  pupils  of  Archuleta  during  this 
decade,  have  written  at  some  length  their  recollec 
tions  of  school-boy  days.  These  sketches,  though 
full  of  interest,  I  have  no  space  to  follow  in  detail, 
especially  as  school-  boy  experiences  are  in  a  general 
way  the  same  the  world  over.  Still  less  can  I  re 
produce  their  eloquent  eulogy  of  later  educational 
methods  in  comparison  with  those  of  old.  It  would 
seem  that,  with  here  and  there  a  point  of  resemblance, 
the  Monterey  school,  in  comparison  with  even  the 
most  primitive  backwoods  establishment  of  the  At 
lantic  states  at  the  same  epoch,  was  a  very  rude  in 
stitution,  worthy  of  no  praise  but  for  the  fact  that 
human  beings  did  there  learn  to  read  and  write. 
Rude  benches  extended  along  the  sides  of  a  long,  low, 
adobe  room,  with  dirty  unpainted  walls.  On  a  raised 
platform  at  one  end  sat  the  soldier-master,  of  fierce 
and  warlike  mien,  clad  in  fantastic  greasy  garments, 
with  ferule  in  hand.  On  the  wall  over  his  head  or 
just  at  one  side  was  a  great  green  cross  and  the  pic 
ture  of  a  saint,  to  which  each  boy  came  on  entering 
the  room  to  say  a  bendito  aloud.  Then  he  approached 
the  platform  to  salute  the  master  by  kissing  his  hand, 
and  receive  a  'bellowed'  permission  to  take  his  seat, 


81  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  255,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i. 
tell  us  that  Sola  established  and  supported  for  the  most  part  with  his  own 
money  two  schools  for  boys  under  Manuel  Boronda  and  Matias  Guerrero,  and  a 
girls'  school  under  Antonio  Buelna.  Jose"  de  Jesus  Pico  remembers  Boronda  as 
the  first  teacher,  followed  by  Archuleta.  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  2.  Inocenta 
Pico  de  Avila  speaks  of  the  girls'  school;  but  says  that  many  girls  failed  to 
complete  the  simple  routine  of  study,  being  taken  out  by  their  mothers  to  be 
married.  The  padre  used  sometimes  to  distribute  sweetmeats  after  mass  to 
the  girls  through  those  who  had  made  most  progress  in  the  doctrina,  ap 
pointed  comisiotiadas,  a  high  honor  often  held  by  the  writer  and  Rosalia 
Vallejo.  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  19-20. 


423  INSTITUTIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

which  he  did  after  throwing  his  hat  on  a  pile  in  the 
corner;  and,  as  soon  as  a  large  boy  had  shown  him 
the  place,  began  to  read  his  lesson  as  loud  as  his 
throat  and  lungs  would  permit;  or,  if  learning  to 
write,  he  ruled  a  sheet  of  paper  with  a  piece  of  lead, 
and  went  to  the  master  for  quill  and  copy.  At  a 
certain  hour  the  copies  were  examined,  and  the  ferule 
was  in  constant  motion  at  that  hour.  "Here  is  a 
blot,  you  young  rascal."  "  Pardon,  master,  I  will  do 
better  to-morrow."  "  Hold  out  your  hand" — thus 
ran  the  usual  preliminary  conversation.  A  more  ter 
rible  implement  of  torture  than  the  ferule,  however, 
lay  on  the  master's  table — a  hempen  scourge  of  many 
iron-pointed  lashes,  held  in  reserve  for  serious  offences 
such  as  laughing  aloud,  running  in  the  street,  playing 
truant,  spilling  ink,  or,  worst  of  all,  failing  to  know 
the  Christian  doctrine.  The  guilty  child  was  stripped 
of  his  shirt,  often  his  only  garment,  and  stretched  on 
a  bench,  with  a  handkerchief  stuffed  in  his  mouth,  to 
receive  the  dread  infliction.  The  course  of  study  was 
six  months  or  a  year  of  primer,  or  a,  &,  c;  six  months 
of  the  Christian  caton,  or  second  book,  a  mass  of 
stupid  and  worse  than  useless  study;  reading  manu 
script  letters  of  officers,  padres,  old  women,  or  the 
master  himself;  writing  from  eight  grades  of  copies, 
from  straight  marks  to  words;  and  finally  the  four 
rules  of  arithmetic,  with  more  doctrina  Cristiana. 
This  last  all-important  branch  was  learned  chiefly 
from  Ripalda's  catechism,  the  bete  noir  of  every  Span 
ish  child,  to  be  learned  entire  by  heart,  and  recited  in 
a  monotonous  sing-song — a  perpetual  torment,  every 
page  of  which  involved  more  than  one  scourging. 
Saturday  was  a  day  of  examination  and  especial  tor 
ture,  when  each  pupil  had  to  tell  all  he  knew  of  Bi- 
palda,  unless  good  luck  or  a  kind  providence  sent  an 
ever  welcome  broken  head,  fever,  or  cholera  morbus 
as  a  temporary  respite.  Mothers  sometimes  showed 
sympathy  for  a  child's  sufferings;  but  fathers,  never. 
Sola  is  accredited,  however,  with  having  enter- 


SOLA'S  EFFORTS.  429 

tained  some  advanced  views  on  education.  He  sug 
gested  to  Archuleta  that  there  were  other  useful 
branches  of  learning  besides  the  doctrina;  that  be 
sides  Bipalda  and  the  caton  and  the  novena  de  nuestra 
senora  and  the  lives  of  saints,  martyrs,  or  virgins, 
there  were  other  books  worth  reading.  Conciliating 
the  good  will  of  the  smaller  children  by  a  distribution 
of  sweetmeats,  he  gave  to  the  'big  boys' — Vallejo, 
Alvarado,  Estrada,  Pico,  Castro,  Torre,  Martinez, 
Rodriguez,  and  Agredo,  two  of  whom  were  yet  alive 
in  1883 — some  copies  of  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico,  decrees 
of  the  c6rtes,  Spanish  constitution  of  1812,  and  even 
a  Don  Quijote.  He  urged  upon  them  the  importance 
of  attention  to  study;  stimulated  them  to  effort  by 
sending  samples  of  their  writing  to  Mexico;  and  often 
visited  their  school  or  invited  them  to  his  office.  On 
the  arrival  of  a  ship  it  was  customary  to  let  the  chil 
dren  run  to  the  shore.  Once  at  such  a  time,  despite 
the  master's  warning  to  be  careful,  the  gatera  was  left 
open,  and  the  room  was  found  occupied  by  hens,  which 
had  overturned  divers  ink-bottles  and  made  sad  work 
with  some  neatly  copied  habilitado's  accounts  which 
were  to  have  been  sent  to  Mexico.  Of  course  a  gen 
eral  application  of  the  scourge  was  in  order;  the  big 
boys  were  called  on  for  the  usual  assistance  in  holding 
the  feet  of  the  first  victims;  but  they  flatly  refused, 
and  drove  the  master  from  the  room.  This  unpar 
alleled  revolt  created  a  commotion  at  the  provincial 
capital;  but  Sola  settled  the  trouble  and  restored 
order  by  pardoning  the  boys  on  promise  of  good  be 
havior.36 

35  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  i.  128-32,  272-7;  iv.  180-91;  Alvarado,  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  i.  72-5,  123-4. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 

THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 
1821. 

BEGINNING  OF  A  NEW  DECADE — NOTHING  KNOWN  OF  THE  REGENCY — MARO- 
MEROS — SECULARIZATION  DECREE — PADRES  OFFER  TO  GIVE  UP  THE  MIS 
SIONS — GOVERNOR  AND  BISHOP  DECLINE — PAYERAS  VERSUS  SOLA — POLICY 
OF  THE  FRIARS,  REAL  AND  PRETENDED — DESTITUTION — SUPPLIES — POLITIC 
GENEROSITY  OF  FRANCISCANS — DUTIES  ON  EXPORTS  AND  IMPORTS — A  CON 
TROVERSY — MOVEMENTS  OF  VESSELS — AMERICAN  SMUGGLERS — VACCINA 
TION — SOLA'S  DISCONTENT— RUMOR  OF  A  NEW  GOVERNOR— INDIAN 
AFFAIRS— COLORADO  TRIBES — SOUTHERN  RANCHERIAS— A  COLD  SEA 
SON — AN  IMPERIAL  DOCUMENT — FOREIGNERS — ARGUELLO'S  EXPEDITION 
TO  THE  NORTH. 

THE  opening  year  of  the  new  decade  belongs,  in  all 
its  aspects  save  that  of  chronology,  to  the  past;  it  is 
the  end  of  an  old  rather  than  the  beginning  of  a  new 
epoch  in  this  history.  California  was  still  a  province 
of  Spain,  or  so  believed  herself  to  be.  Stirring  events 
were  taking  place  in  Mexico.  The  fire  of  rebellion 
had  for  a  time  seemed  extinguished,  but  with  news 
from  Spain  of  liberal  success  and  Ferdinand's  enforced 
adherence  to  the  constitution  of  1812,  it  burst  out 
hotter  than  ever.  Iturbide,  in  the  earlier  struggles  a 
valiant  royalist,  proclaimed  the  independence  of  Mex 
ico  in  February  1821.  His  success  was  rapid  and 
complete;  the  whole  country  espoused  his  cause;  the 
treaty  of  Cordoba  in  August  sealed  the  submission  of 
the  viceroy  and  the  capital;  and  in  September  a 
regency  was  established  with  Iturbide  at  its  head. 
Nothing  of  all  this  was  known  in  California;  at  least 
not  officially  or  popularly  known,  for  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  certain  individuals  had  a  pretty  clear  idea  before 

(430) 


POLITICS.  431 

the  end  of  1821  of  what  was  happening  in  Mexico.1 
The  Californians  had  the  year  before  sworn  the  con 
stitution  of  1812,  and  still  regarded  themselves  as 
loyal  subjects  of  Fernando  VII.2  The  political  hori 
zon  was  clear  enough,  and  the  people  had  ample  leisure 
to  consider  internal  ways  and  means.  Many  would 
have  welcomed  news  from  abroad,  whatever  its  pur 
port,  if  it  could  have  come  accompanied  by  the  memo- 
rias  of  olden  times. 

Nevertheless  the  shadow  of  coming  troubles  was 
creeping  over  the  missionary  establishments.  I  have 
already  alluded  to  the  secularization  decree  passed  by 
the  Spanish  cortes  in  1813.3  After  an  unexplained 
delay  of  seven  years  the  royal  confirmation  of  the 
decree  was  published  by  Viceroy  Venadito  in  a  bando 
of  January  20,  1821,  and  the  news  was  at  once  for 
warded  by  Guardian  Lopez  to  Prefect  Payeras  with 
instructions  to  comply  at  once  with  the  requirements 
of  the  decree,  by  surrendering  to  the  government  the 
administration  of  temporalities,  and  to  the  bishop  the 
nineteen  missions  of  California  as  soon  as  demanded, 
while  insisting  on  exact  inventories  and  other  requi 
site  and  customary  formalities.  On  receipt  of  these 
instructions  in  July,  Payeras  notified  Sola  that  the 
padres  were  not  only  ready  to  give  up  the  missions, 
but  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of  being  free  to  engage 
in  new  spiritual  conquests  or  to  seek  retirement.  A 

1  Yet  we  are  told  in  Sinaloa,  Proposiciones,  7,  that  the  Californians  prepared 
to  oppose  the  plan  of  Iguala. 

2  Dec.  15,  1821,  Sola  says  that  Capt.  Jos6  de  EsteVan,  comandante  of  Guay- 
mas,  had  arrived  on  the  Zertaje  (S.  Javier),  having  fled  after  refusing  to  take 
the  oath  of  independence.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  xi.  69-70.     This  is  the  only  allu 
sion  to  the  subject  of  independence  that  I  have  found  in  the  records  of  the 
year.     Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  255-7,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i. 
119-23,  mention  the  arrival,  perhaps  in  this  year,  of  a  company  of  maromei'os, 
strolling  actors,  or  rope-walkers,  who  were  in  reality  revolutionary  agents. 
They  gave  exhibitions  at  Santa  Clara  and  elsewhere,  tried  their  revolutionary 
arts  without  much  success,  and  were  closely  watched  by  Sola  and  the  padres, 
who  could  obtain  no  definite  evidence  against  them.     One  of  the  number  was 
called  Maldonado. 

3  See  chap,  xviii.  of  this  volume.     The  only  evidence  that  this  decree  was 
known  in  California  before  the  correspondence  I  am  about  to  give  was  a  men 
tion  of  its  provisions  by  Payeras  on  Jan.  25,  1821.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
i,  42-3. 


432  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

similar  notice  was  sent  to  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  and 
corresponding  information  was  sent  in  circulars  to  the 
friars. 

In  the  communications  of  guardian  and  prefect 
there  appears  no  word  of  protest,  no  complaint,  but 
only  joy  as  at  relief  from  a  burden.  In  this  pre 
tended  readiness  to  comply  with  the  decree  of  the 
c6rtes  there  was  perhaps  a  decree  of  honesty,  but  not 
much.  The  complacency  of  the  Franciscans  was  for 
the  most  part  assumed,  and  the  more  easily  because 
it  was  deemed  unlikely  that  secularization  could  be 
effected.  It  was  known  that  the  bishop  had  no  priests 
to  put  in  charge,  and  it  was  not  believed  that  the 
provincial  authorities  would  at  present  assume  the 
management  of  the  temporalities.  Doubtless  there 
was  at  the  college  and  in  the  minds  of  president  and 
prefect  a  feeling  of  weariness  and  disgust  arising  from 
the  complications  of  temporal  management  during  the 
past  ten  years,  and  a  corresponding  sense  of  relief 
from  the  measure  proposed;  but  that  these  feelings 
were  sufficiently  deep-rooted  to  have  withstood  a  real 
danger  of  secularization  may  well,  in  the  light  of 
earlier  and  later  developments,  be  doubted.  Private 
as  well  as  official  communications  were  circulated  by 
Lopez  and  Payeras,  and  in  them  the  friars  were 
given  clearly  to  understand  that  there  was  but  little 
real  danger;  that  the  friars  might  safely  be  enthusi 
astic  in  favor  of  the  new  decree  and  the  founding  of 
new  missions  in  gentile  ground;  and  that  if  the  worst 
should  come  they  would  doubtless  be  permitted  to 
retire,  or  such  at  least  as  were  not  desirous  of  new 
homes  in  the  Tulares.4 

4  The  letters  referred  to  are  carefully  and  in  some  cases  vaguely  worded; 
but  I  have  not  exaggerated  their  spirit.  Lopez  speaks  of  the  occasion  as  a 
fitting  one  for  the  padres  to  exhibit  their  disinterestedness;  tells  them,  if,  as 
he  suspects,  the  bishop  wishes  them  to  remain  in  charge,  to  consent  only  after 
much  urging;  says  that  the  current  visionary  schemes  will  only  serve  to  throw 
lustre  on  the  missionaries;  trusts  that  so  shrewd  a  man  as  Payeras  will  see 
through  the  schemes  and  act  discreetly;  and  is  not  sparing  of  ridicule  for 
all  that  is  being  attempted  in  Spain  and  Mexico.  Prefect  Payeras  simply 
communicates  the  guardian's  belief  that  the  padres  will  not  be  called  to  leave 
their  missions;  alludes  to  one  Tamariz  who  was  fulminating  accusations 


POLICY  OF  THE  FRIARS.  433 

The  confidence  of  the  friars  was  well  founded. 
Sola  replied  to  the  prefect  that  he  had  received  no 
official  news  of  the  matter  in  question,  but  that  on 
receipt  of  such  news  he  "would  act  with  the  circum 
spection  and  prudence  which  so  delicate  a  subject 
demands."  In  a  private  note  he  expressed  his  sur 
prise,  but  congratulated  Payeras  on  the  possibility 
of  escaping  from  official  cares,  and  wished  he  might 
himself  escape  so  easily  from  his  troubles.5  The 
bishop  in  December  replied  that  the  secularization 
had  not  been  enforced  anywhere  in  America;  that 
the  California  padres  might  remain  in  charge  of 
their  missions;  and  that  it  would  be  time  enough 
to  think  of  new  conversions  when  the  imperial  inde 
pendence  should  be  firmly  established.6 

Notwithstanding  the  apparent  readiness  of  the  pre 
fect  to  give  up  the  temporalities  in  July,  only  a  month 
before  he  had  addressed  to  his  college  a  long  and 
earnest  protest  against  Sola's  ever-increasing  inter 
ference  in  the  temporal  management.  The  immediate 
occasion  of  this  protest  was  Sola's  demand  for  the 
original  invoices  and  accounts  of  all  mission  trade, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  adjusting  duties/  but 

against  them  in  Mexico;  tells  them  that  means  for  support  will  not  fail  even 
if  the  temporalities  are  taken  away,  ly  qu6  hasta  aqui  con  sebos  y  sus  ad- 
juntos?  Ah!'  and  exhorts  them  to  have  all  in  readiness,  both  temporal  and 
spiritual,  so  as  'to  reply  with  sonorous  voice  to  the  first  lawful  call,  whether 
ecclesiastical  or  political,  Domine  ecce  adsum. '  One  of  his  letters  the  padres 
are  directed  either  not  to  read,  or  having  read  to  keep  secret. 

5  July  12th,  Sola  writes  to  Guerra  about  the  news  of  the  edict  received 
through  Payeras.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  66.     Aug.  5th,  Estudillo  from  San 
Diego  doubts  that  the  edict  will  apply  to  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  291. 

6  The  correspondence  on  the  subject,  some  of  the  originals  being  in  my 
possession,  is  as  follows:  guardian  to  viceroy  Feb.  3d;  guardian  to  Payeras 
Feb.  7th;  Payeras  to  Sola  July  6th,  7th;  Payeras  to  padres  July  8th;  Sola  to 
Payeras  July  10th;  Payeras  to  bishop  July  16th;  bishop's  reply  Dec.  20th, 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  487-8,  491-2,    541-2;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv. 
pt.  i.  65-75,  83;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  225-6;  viii.  4-11;  xi.  45,  338-41. 
Taylor,   Cat.  Farmer,  March  21,  1862,  tells  us  that  Payeras  was  ordered 
to  deliver  the  missions  to  the  governor,  but  was  advised  by  the  bishop  not 
to  do  so !     Perhaps  the  last  royal  order  circulated  in  California  was  one  re 
quiring  a  quarterly  report  ©f  each  mission  and  prescribing  the  form.     It  was 
received  at  San  Rafael  Oct.  5th.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  40. 

7  The  demand  was  made  in  a  communication  of  April  26th,  in  which  the 
padres  were  required  to  send  the  original  papers  to  the  habilitados,  to  be 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    28 


434  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

really,  as  the  friar  averred,  since  no  such  accounts 
were  required  from  the  settlers,  to  pry  into  mission 
affairs,  show  his  authority,  and  learn  what  the  padres 
possessed.  From  the  first  it  was  urged  Sola  had  held 
radical  views  of  missionary  subordination  to  provincial 
authorities,  had  regarded  the  padres  as  mere  adminis 
trators  of  estates,  and  had  even  proposed  to  take  some 
of  the  best  neophytes  and  form  new  pueblos,  or  in 
crease  the  old  ones.  Hitherto  the  governor's  inquisi 
tive  schemes  had  been  baffled,  chiefly  through  the  old- 
time  decision  that  the  friar  stood  in  loco  parentis  to  the 
Indians,  and  had  exclusive  control  of  them  and  their 
property;  but  now,  in  view  of  the  changes  in  Spain,  Sola 
proposed  to  revive  his  plans,  and  this  demand  for  papers 
was  doubtless  a  first  step  in  that  direction.  The  pre 
fect  points  to  the  progress  of  the  missions  from  strug 
gling  poverty  to  their  present  position  as  proof  of  the 
padres'  successful  management.  He  brings  up  the 
fact  that  the  missions  had  supported  the  province  for 
ten  years,  during  which  the  friars  had  received  no 
salaries ;  declares  that  this  year,  as  before,  the  response 
to  the  governor's  frequent  calls  for  aid  had  been  liberal 
and  cheerful ;  denies  the  charge  that  the  missions  had 
wealth  other  than  what  was  visible,  most  having  from 
$100  to  $1,000  in  money,  and  a  few  $3,000  or  $4,000, 
all  needed  for  current  expenses;  suggests  that  the 
mission  property,  though  large  in  the  aggregate,  would 
afford  but  little  to  each  of  its  thousands  of  owners ;  is 
willing  to  correct  any  faults  that  may  be  pointed  out; 
but  protests  that  the  friars  must  not  be  regarded  as 

returned  after  the  collection  of  duties.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  43-4.  Pay- 
eras  would  seem  to  have  written  a  rather  sharp  reply  on  May  8th,  to  which  Sola 
in  turn  replied  on  the  19th,  regretting  to  enter  into  discussions  indecorous  for 
the  government,  but  insisting  in  very  plain  terms  that  the  padres  must 
pay  their  duties  until  the  viceroy  should  decide  otherwise,  and  charging  that 
they  were  defrauding  the  revenue  in  their  speculations.  The  troops  were 
suffering.  For  50  years  the  missions  have  cost  the  government  millions,  and 
they  ought,  in  these  times  of  necessity,  to  make  some  return.  The  Cadres, 
like  others,  were  citizens,  and  they  could  have  no  honorable  and  legitimate 
reason  for  withholding  their  accounts,  especially  when  the  governor,  for  their 
convenience,  had  permitted  mission  cargoes  to  be  loaded  and  unloaded  at 
obscure  landings,  where  the  officers  could  not  take  account  of  them.  Id.,  xviii. 
44-G. 


GOVERNOR  VERSUS  PREFECT.  4:35 

citizens,  or  managers  of  estates,  or  priests  merely;  nor 
must  they  be  required  to  render  to  secular  authorities 
accounts  which  were  not  demanded  even  by  their  own 
superiors,  and  which  were  ''diametrically  opposed  to 
the  blessed  simplicity  of  our  holy  order."8 

Thus  argued  the  missionary  chief  with  an  eloquence 
impossible  to  render  in  a  resume,  and  with  an  earnest 
ness  seemingly  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  importance 
of  the  question  raised  by  Sola's  simple  and  not  oppres 
sive  demand.  But  such  was  the  feeling  and  policy  of 
the  missionaries,  who  could  manifest  a  cheerful  acquies 
cence  in  a  project  involving  the  total  secularization  of 
their  establishments;  partly  because  they  had  always 
been  familiar  with  the  ultimate  prospect  of  giving  up 
their  ministry,  though  chiefly  because  they  trusted 
that  entire  secularization  would  be  for  many  years 
impracticable.  Nevertheless  they  met  with  unlim 
ited  argument  and  protest  the  slightest  proposal  of 
innovation;  partly  because  they  were  attached  to  the 
methods  of  old  in  all  their  details,  and  partly  because 
they  regarded  the  first  innovation  as  the  entering 
point  of  a  secular  wedge  which  must  inevitably  break 
up  their  power. 

Destitution  still  pressed  upon  the  troops,9  and  the 

*Payeras,  Representation  del  Comisario  Prefecto  al  Padre  Guardian,  sobre 
innovaciones  del  Sr  Gobernador,  1821,  MS.  Dated  San  Antonio,  June  18, 
1721.  The  author  closes  by  announcing  his  great  respect  and  esteem  both 
personally  and  officially  for  Sola.  Jan.  23,  1821,  Payeras  had  issued  a  circu 
lar  to  the  padres  in  which  he  embodied  the  views  of  the  guardian  expressed 
in  1820;  see  chap,  xviii.  this  volume,  upon  the  use  of  carriages,  and  added 
his  own  exhortation  and  warning  against  other  luxuries  and  comforts  incom 
patible  with  a  Franciscan's  vows.  He  doubted  the  propriety  of  even  riding 
on  horseback;  but  surely  no  padre  should  ride  in  any  other  vehicle  than  the 
ordinary  cart  of  the  country  drawn  by  oxen  or  mules,  and  that  only  in  extra 
ordinary  cases,  as  of  sickness.  Payeras,  Circular  a  los  Padres  en  que  prohibe 
el  uso  de  carruages,  1821,  MS.  Dated  at  Soledad  Jan.  23d.  During  this  year 
and  the  next  the  prefect  issued  two  other  letters  on  the  same  subject,  in  one 
of  which,  however,  he  seems  to  have  modified  his  views  somewhat,  declaring 
that  the  president  need  have  no  scruples  in  using  a  cart,  and  advising  the 
aged  to  take  care  of  themselves  since  there  was  no  hope  of  being  relieved 
from  duty.  Id.,  xii.  354-5;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  35. 

8  Desertions  at  Monterey  and  Sta  Barbara.  Some  of  the  militia  declare 
they  would  rather  live  as  convicts  than  as  soldiers.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  xi. 
C4.  Jan.  25th,  Argiiello  from  Guadalajara  says  there  is  no  hope  of  supplies. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  224.  Same  date,  Sola  says  the  $30,000  sent 
for  the  four  presidios  is  but  slight  relief;  has  been  forced  to  establish  duties; 


436  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

only  source  of  relief,  as  in  years  past,  was  the  missions. 
From  them  were  obtained  food  and  other  articles  for 
actual  consumption,  contributions  of  produce  for  trade 
with  foreign  vessels,  laborers  for  presidio  work,  cattle 
for  the  company  ranchos,  and  even  advances  of  money. 
Only  in  one  instance  did  a  padre  protest,  and  then 
under  a  fictitious  name,  to  his  prelate;10  while  the  pre 
fect  seemed  to  vie  with  the  governor  in  his  zeal  for 
collecting  supplies.  He  was  ever  ready  to  levy  con 
tributions,  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  soldiers,  and  to 
chide  the  padres  for  any  manifestation  of  unwilling 
ness  to  give.  In  one  of  his  Cordilleras  he  argued  that 
the  supplying  of  food  and  clothing  to  the  soldiers  was 
a  more  sacred  duty  even  than  the  support  of  the  neo 
phytes,  since  the  latter  could,  if  hard  pressed,  support 
themselves  in  the  monte.  He  did  not  fail  to  remind 
the  friars  that* they  had  been  exempt  from  tithes  and 
other  taxation;  that  they  had  never  been  called  upon 
for  gratuitous  offerings,  supplies  being  still  paid  for  in 
habilitados'  drafts,  and  this  being  no  time  to  consider 
whether  these  would  ever  be  cashed;  and,  above  all, 
that  in  extreme  cases  the  soldiers  could  easily  take  the 
mission  keys  and  help  themselves. 

The  guardian  shared  the  enthusiasm,  real  or  affected, 

understands  there  is  much  suffering  also  in  Lower  California.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. , 
MS.,  vi.  30.  Feb.  26th,  Sola  to  Gervasio  Arguello,  asking  for  cloth  and 
ready-made  clothing,  'of  the  latest  style '  if  possible.  Id.,  vi.  33.  Mar.  27th, 
Sola  to  Gov.  of  Lower  California.  Understands  that  he  has  sent  an  agent 
with  complaints,  and  he,  Sola,  may  be  obliged  to  do  the  same.  Id.,  vi.  36-7. 
June  7th,  San  Diego  in  a  bad  way.  Nothing  but  frijoles,  water,  and  salt  in 
small  quantities.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  173.  For  the  padres  some 
promises  of  payment  of  annual  instalments  from  the  pious  fund,  with  $3,000  a 
month  on  account  of  back  stipends;  but  nothing  could  be  collected.  Arch. 
£to£.,MS.,xii.  399. 

10  Dec.  10,  1821,  one  of  the  padres  of  Sta  Clara,  who  for  some  inexplicable 
reason  signs  himself  'Fr.  Baldiri  de  las  Gallinas,'  complained  bitterly  of  the 
governor's  demands  and  announced  to  Payeras  his  resolve  to  endure  no  more. 
He  declared  that  the  soldiers  were  not  content  with  the  necessaries  of  life; 
often  coupled  their  demands  with  threats,  and,  no  matter  how  much  the 
padres  exerted  themselves,  were  always  grumbling.  Evidently  the  friars 
were  being  '  squeezed  '  for  their  desire  to  hold  on  to  the  temporalities.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  81-2.  P.  Ibarra  of  San  Fernando  also  mounted  his 
high  horse  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  his  Indians  in  some  matter  the  nature  of 
which  is  not  clear;  but  not  apparently  in  connection  with  the  furnishing  of 
supplies,  ,as  is  implied  in  his  letters  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.t  MS., 
vii.  62-4. 


VIEWS  OF  THE  GUARDIAN.  437 

of  Payeras,  and  declared  that  never  more  than  now 
were  the  friars  under  sacred  obligation  to  aid  the 
troops,  being  especially  pleased  at  Sola's  acknowledg 
ment  of  such  aid,  in  one  instance  published  in  the 
Mexican  official  journal.11  That  the  individual  friars 
generally  shared  the  enthusiasm  of  the  prelates,  or 
that  the  latter  acted  from  any  other  motive  than 
policy,  may  well  be  doubted;  but  the  line  of  policy 
was  clear — to  keep  the  Franciscan  institution  in  statu 
quo  until  the  dawn  of  a  better  epoch  with  the  final 
triumph  of  Spanish  power  yet  hoped  for;  to  exhibit 
no  opposition  to  a  secularization  which  was  deemed 
to  be  for  a  long  time  impracticable;  to  resist  to  the 
utmost  every  innovation  on  the  system,  which  might 
obscure  the  brightness  of  future  prospects;  but  to 
avoid,  by  compliance  with  all  demands  for  aid,  the 
danger  of  forcible  confiscation  of  mission  property. 

n  Dec.  1820,  call  for  $3,000  in  coin 'for  the  arsenal  at  Monterey  and  other 
military  purposes.  A  sergeant  commissioned  in  Jan.  1821  to  collect  the 
money.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  35-6;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  69. 
Jan.  8,  1821,  Payeras  deems  the  call  just  and  orders  each  mission  to  contrib 
ute,  as  they  do,  each  giving  from  $25  to  $200.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i. 
34.  Jan.  25th,  in  connection  with  an  order  to  furnish  blankets,  etc. ,  Payeras 
urges  the  secularization  decree  and  the  duties  of  Spanish  citizens  under  the 
constitution  as  reasons  why  the  padres  should  contribute  freely.  Id. ,  iv.  i. 
42-3.  Feb.  26th,  Sola  to  P.  Martinez,  has  received  80  horses,  80  saddles,  and 
50  blankets  from  his  neophytes  as  a  donativo  for  the  troops.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  xviii.  40.  This  was  noticed  in  the  Gaceta  de  Hex.,  xliv.  591-2,  and  by 
the  guardian  in  his  letter  of  May  23d.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.  xi.  343.  May  18th, 
call  for  boat,  timber,  and  14  workmen  for  repairs  at  San  Francisco;  with 
order  of  Payeras  of  same  date.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  59-60.  San 
Francisco  gave  $1,200  worth  of  soap  this  year,  having  no  wheat.  Id.,  iv.  i. 
77.  June  18th,  Payeras,  in  the  Representation  already  mentioned,  alludes 
to  the  $3,000  for  military  purposes,  to  the  furnishing  of  800  cattle  in  May, 
and  to  an  advance  of  $6,000  on  future  dues  Jh  June;  p.  204-5.  July  16th, 
Payeras,  Cordillera  sobre  suministracion  de  Viveres  1821,  MS. ,  the  document 
referred  to  in  my  text.  July  30th,  Sola  calls  on  the  padres  to  indicate  what 
produce  they  can  sell  to  the  E-ussians  in  exchange  for  a  list  of  goods  enclosed, 
it  being  understood  that  half  the  amount  is  to  be  contributed  to  the  troops 
for  treasury  drafts !  Several  padres  reply  favorably;  San  Francisco  had  noth- 

i  -\i  Jj.1  •  1      j  1  •  1  •  j  i  i  •  i         •      i  i  -i-i 


ojos,  y  sm  abnr  la  boca  remitieraii  lo  que 


la  puntualidad  que  se  pueda.  Lo  contrario  seria  dar  lugar  a  disgustos  y  re- 
clamos.'  Id.,  iv.  i.  60-1.  In  another  communication  Payeras  thinks  the  neo 
phytes  may  be  made  useful  as  troops  if  too  much  is  not  expected  of  them, 
and  gives  his  ideas  about  their  organization.  Id.,  iv.  i.  83-9.  The  missions 
offered  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  troops  in  Lower  California  also.  Guerra  t 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  212-13> 


438  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

Should  the  old  regime  be  fully  reestablished  the 
treasury  drafts  would  be  redeemed;  otherwise  all 
would  be  lost.  The  padres  lost  the  battle  eventually 
as  we  shall  see;  but  later  events  leave  much  room  for 
doubt  that  any  wiser  plan  of  campaign  could  have 
been  adopted. 

Besides  the  missions  the  only  source  whence  the 
provincial  exchequer  could  be  replenished  was  the 
duties  on  imports  and  exports,  and  the  leading  com 
mercial  topic  of  the  year  was  the  controversy  already 
indirectly  noticed  respecting  the  payment  of  duties  by 
the  missions.  The  padres  claimed  exemption,  but  the 
governor  would  pay  no  attention  to  their  arguments 
and  protests;  and  the  only  comfort  they  obtained  was 
the  privilege  of  paying  by  a  pro-rata  contribution  a 
sum  of  money  supposed  to  exceed  the  duties  required,12 
reimbursable  if  superior  authorities  should  pronounce 
the  missions  exempt.  This  was  of  course  satisfactory 
to  the  governor,  and  though  it  somewhat  increased 
the  burden  of  the  missions,  it  left  the  friars  free  to 
flatter  themselves  with  the  idea  that  they  were  not 

"Jan.  16th,  Sola  to  Guerra.  Has  heard  of  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the 
padres  and  their  excesses  in  buying  goods  for  speculation  which  are  pretended 
to  be  for  the  missions;  shipping  liquor  and  other  merchandise  under  the  title  of 
gifts,  etc. ;  and  he  is  determined  they  must  pay  duties  on  everything;  '  porque 
csto  de  estar  a  la  critica  segun  su  moral  de  cada  uno  de  estos  padres  en  seme- 
jantes  materias,  como  no  son  muy  escrupulosos,'  it  is  well  to  watch  them  and 
look  out  for  the  nation's  interests.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  67-8; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  60.  April  26th,  Sola  to  Payeras,  demanding  original 
invoices,  as  already  noted;  and  May  19th,  a  sharp  letter  on  the  duties  of  the 
friars  as  citizens  and  their  disposition  to  defraud  the  treasury.  The  ship 
Rita  was  expected,  and  the  friars  were  to  be  required  to  pay  $6,000  or  $8,000 
on  her  inward  and  outward-bound  cargo.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  43-6. 
May  16th,  argument  of  Payeras  against  paying  duties  and  furnishing  in 
voices.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt  i.  54-9.  May  24th,  Payeras'  proposal  to 
pay  in  money  or  tallow  the  $6,000  or  $8,000  on  expected  memorias  of  mission 
goods,  as  a  reintegro  if  the  missions  should  be  declared  exempt.  Id.,  iv.  i.  62- 
3.  May  30th,  Sola  says  padres  must  pay  6.25  per  cent  like  all  other  persons. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  296.  A  smaller  vessel,  the  brig  San  Francisco 
Javier,  came  instead  of  the  Rita  in  December,  and  the  amount  paid  was  re 
duced  to  $3,000,  Sarria  protesting  to  the  last.  Some  of  the  poorer  missions 
were  allowed  to  pay  their  pro-rata  in  tallow.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  296; 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  441-2.  According  to  a  letter  of  Torre,  the  governor's 
secretary,  some  very  sharp  letters  passed  between  Sola  and  Padre  Martinez, 
on  account  of  the  latter's  smuggling  operations.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv. 
562-3. 


COMMERCE  AND  REVENUE.  439 

paying  duties  at  all.  Whether  they  were  actually 
obliged  to  show  any  original  invoices  does  not  appear. 
It  is  not  possible  to  estimate  accurately  the  total 
income  of  the  provincial  government  for  the  year. 
Besides  contributions  of  food,  clothing,  timber,  cattle, 
labor,  etc.,13  there  were  obtained  from  the  missions 
one  half  the  goods  purchased  with  one  or  two  cargoes 
of  produce,  and  at  last  $12,000  as  advanced  duties; 
and  from  various  vessels  for  import  duties  at  Mon 
terey  and  San  Francisco  at  least  $23,000. 

In  April  there  was  published  in  California  a  royal 
order  of  the  preceding  year  declaring  free  from  all 
duties  national  products  exported  in  Spanish  bottoms 
to  San  Bias  and  the  Californias,  in  which  document 
there  are  indications  that  some  such  expedition  was 
thought  of  in  Spain,  together  with  some  points  of  in 
formation  about  previous  schemes  of  similar  nature; 
but  as  it  appears  that  San  Bias  rather  than  California 
was  the  real  objective  point,  and  especially  as  none  of 
the  commercial  plans  were  ever  carried  out,  this  order 
merits  no  further  attention  here.14  The  rates  of  duties 
exacted  continued  as  in  the  last  decade  so  far  as  the 
often  unintelligible  habilitados'  accounts  can  be  made 
out. 

Nine  vessels  are  named  as  visiting  the  California 
ports  this  year,  all  for  purposes  of  trade  or  in  need 
of  fresh  voyage-supplies.15  Two  American  schooners 

13  Some  partial  statistics  of  these  contributions  will  be  given  in  connection 
•with  the  local  annals  of  the  four  presidios. 

uProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  48-54.  This  order  was  dated  March  8,  1820, 
transmitted  by  the  viceroy  Aug.  21,  1820,  and  published  by  Sola  April.  10, 
1821.  Feb.  19th,  Sola  to  Guerra,  only  articles  of  great  necessity  to  be  ex 
empt  from  duties(?)  and  not  presents  sent  or  received.  The  inhabitants  are 
in  the  habit  of  denying  under  oath  on  the  pretext  that  it  would  be  mean  to 
tell  the  truth.  Prov.  jRec.,  MS.,  xi.  61.  May  30th,  all  goods  imported  to  pay 
6.25  per  cent  on  value,  full  invoices  to  be  furnished  to  comandantes.  Prov: 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  297.  Oct.  1st,  Bandini  may  pay  his  duties  in  merchandise. 
Id. ,  xx.  297.  Oct.  16th,  Sola  complains  of  the  difficulty  of  finding  honest 
men,  at  the  same  time  intelligent,  who  would  properly  attend  to  the  collection. 
Even  Bandini  with  his  honeyed  manner  and  apparent  honesty  has  been  known 
to  smuggle.  Prov.  £ec.,  MS.,  xi.  68. 

15  The  Russian  brig  Golovnin,  with  cargo  of  goods  from  Sitka,  at  San  Fran 
cisco  in  Feb. -March;  duties,  $529. 

Senoriano,  Spanish  brig,  Capt.  Juan  Malarin,  from  San  Bias  with  dry 
goods,  hardware,  etc.  Arrived  at  Monterey  March  16th,  and  sailed  for  Sail 


440  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

are  named  as  suspected  of  smuggling,  and  the  opera 
tions  of  one  of  them,  or  rather  of  certain  Califor- 
nians  in  connection  with  its  visits,  created  no  little 
excitement  at  Santa  Barbara  and  Los  Angeles.  An 
tonio  Briones  with  a  few  companions,  by  the  use  of 
certain  signals,  induced  the  master  to  land  some  goods 
for  trade  on  the  Maligo  coast.  The  goods  were  at 
once  seized,  and  the  two  or  three  men  in  charge  were 
arrested  and  held  for  a  ransom  of  a  thousand  dollars. 
Briones  nearly  succeeded  in  getting  the  money;  but 
a  drunken  guard  allowed  the  prisoners  to  escape  just 
at  the  critical  moment.  The  goods  were  taken  by 
the  party  and  nothing  was  said  to  the  authorities; 

Bias  April  17th.  Came  back  to  Monterey  Sept.  25th,  and  in  October  was  at 
San  Francisco,  where  she  paid  $1,194  duties. 

Nueva  Eeina  de  Los  Angeles,  Capt.  Jos6  Bandini.  At  Monterey  in  May, 
July,  and  August;  at  San  Francisco  in  August,  paying  $2,273  duties;  left  San 
Diego  for  San  Bias  in  November.  In  the  Gaceta  de  Guadalajara,  1821,  229- 
30,  is  a  correspondence  of  Bandini  about  raising  the  new  flag  of  independence 
on  his  ship  at  San  Bias  in  December. 

Kutusof,  Russian  ship,  from  Callao,  arrived  at  Monterey  in  July;  paid 
$4,121  in  duties  at  San  Francisco  in  Sept.;  and  made  a  second  visit  to  Mon 
terey  Sept.  10th. 

Sigloe  (?),  Amer.  schr.  Capt.  Grems,  at  Sta  Barbara  in  Sept.  Warned  as 
a  smuggler  to  leave  California  waters. 

Eagle,  Amer.  schr. ;  refused  supplies  at  San  Diego  in  Sept.  on  suspicion  of 
being  a  smuggler. 

Europa,  Spanish  brig.  Paid  $1,754  in  duties  at  San  Francisco  in  Sept.; 
was  at  Monterey  Sept.  1st;  and  also  off  San  Juan  Capistrano. 

San  Francisco  Javier  or  Alcion,  Zertaje  master  or  supercargo (?);  from  San 
Bias  with  goods  for  the  missions;  at  Monterey  in  Dec. 

Bulddkof,  Russian  brig  at  San  Francisco  in  Dec.;  paid  $3,464  in  duties. 
Scattered  records  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  41-2;  xi.  63;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
xi.  63,  66-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  292,  296:  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Gust. 
H.,  MS.,  i.  17-18,  139;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  9;  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  1:  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  213;  xvii.  9,  35-6,  52;  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iii.  45;  v.  187-8,  254;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  76. 

A  foreign  vessel  was  seen  approaching  San  Luis  Obispo  in  Sept. ,  but  seeing 
the  JReina  in  port  hurried  away.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  295.  May  1st, 
P.  Tomas  Est^nega  at  San  Francisco  says  there  are  2  American  vessels  at 
Ross  which  will  come  for  tallow.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  169.  Alvarado, 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  228-9,  says  that  3  Russian  corvettes,  the  Minerva,  Ceres, 
and  Apollo,  wintered  at  San  Francisco,  rescuing  three  English  prisoners  who 
;had  deserted  from  the  Columbia  River.  It  would  appear  to  have  been  the 
winter  of  1820-1;  for  Jan.  21,  1821,  Lieut.  Martinez  writes  of  the  Russian 
officers,  20  in  number,  of  the  two  corvettes,  the  Apollo  probably  being  an 
error  of  Alvarado,  as  very  fine  gentlemen,  including  famous  men  of  science, 
who  could  speak  no  Spanish  but  spent  their  money  very  freely.  They  sailed 
Feb.  23d.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  251-3.  In  May  the  commandants 
were  warned  to  extend  no  aid  to  two  English  vessels,  the  Osprey  and  Hipe- 
rion,  -which  had  been  ordered  away  from  San  Bias.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
296. 


VESSELS  OF  THE  YEAR.  441 

but  the  affair  soon  leaked  out,  and  Captain  de  la 
Guerra  not  only  confiscated  the  goods,  but  made  the 
conspirators  pay  a  heavy  fine  in  favor  of  the  Los 
Angeles  chapel,  and  condemned  the  two  leaders, 
Briones  and  Alanis,  to  six  months'  work  in  chains.16 
Of  the  Russian  visits  it  is  not  necessary  to  say  more 
here  than  to  note  the  fact  that  the  surgeon  of  the 
Kutiisof  brought  vaccine  matter  to  Monterey,  and  the 
28th  of  August  vaccinated  fifty -four  persons,  doubt 
less  the  first  time  this  operation  was  performed  in 
California.17 

Sola  was  still  discontented  and  eager  to  get  a  better 
place  elsewhere.  The  motives  of  his  discontent  varied 
somewhat  from  time  to  time;  over- work,  business 
enough  for  six  men  constantly  employed,  all  to  be 
done  by  himself  alone,  a  cold  and  disagreeable  climate 
unsuited  to  his  advancing  years,  no  officers  to  be 
intrusted  with  the  cares  of  state  while  he  might 
enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  sunny  south,  troubles  with  the 
padres,  neglect  by  the  royal  authorities,  and  disgust 
at  the  character  of  the  Californians,  whose  condition 
he  declares  would  long  ago  have  become  insufferable 
had  it  not  been  for  his  unappreciated  efforts.  His 
petitions  to  be  relieved  were  frequent,  and  he  was 
much  pleased  when  he  heard  in  May  and  July  that 
Lieutenant  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Ulloa,  of  the  navy, 
was  seeking  and  had  even  obtained  the  appointment 
of  governor,  a  rumor  that  probably  was  riot  well 
founded.18 

16  This  affair  took  place  apparently  in  October,  whether  with  the  Eagle  or 
so-called  Siglo6  or  some  other  schooner,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  156-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lii.  9-10;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  69.     Lieut.  Fabregat  was  also  accused  of  surreptitious  trade 
with  an  American  schooner,  perhaps  the  same.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  294. 
Id. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  xlvi.  25.     The  reported  quarrel  between  Padre  Martinez  and 
Sola  arose  also  from  dealings  of  the  former  with  an  American  schooner.  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  562-3. 

17  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  188-9. 

18 St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  33-40;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  63;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal, 
MS.,  iv.  519;  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  47-8;  Arch.Arzob.,  MS.,iv.  pt.  i.  90. 
In  May  Sola  sent  to  Mexico  a  draft  of  $10,000  for  over-due  salary.  In  July 
the  report  was  current  that  Ulloa  was  to  have  come  as  governor  on  the  Reina, 
but  had  been  delayed  at  Tepic  and  might  be  expected  later. 


442  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

The  gentile  tribes  made  no  trouble  in  1821,  and 
the  only  topic  of  Indian  affairs  that  merits  attention 
was  a  correspondence  that  took  place  respecting  the 
tribes  of  the  Colorado.  Since  1819  rumors  of  danger 
from  that  quarter  had  been  current.  This  spring  the 
rumor  of  impending  Amajava  hostilities  came  from  a 
captive  woman,  and  caused  Sola  to  think  of  sending 
out  a  new  expedition  under  Moraga,  posting  a  strong 
force  at  the  entrance  of  the  Tulares,  and  even  fortify 
ing  the  frontier  missions  of  San  Gabriel  and  San 
Fernando  with  walls;  but  nothing  was  done.  A 
Cocomaricopa  chieftain  with  a  few  companions  who 
came  to  trade  at  San  Gabriel  and  San  Diego,  although 
he  bore  a  recommendation  from  the  commandant  of 
Tucson,  was  sent  back  as  quickly  as  possible  after 
being  closely  questioned  about  the  Colorado  tribes, 
and  being  made  to  understand  that  such  visits  were 
not  desired  in  California.19  In  the  autumn  Pay  eras 
and  Sanchez,  with  a  guard  of  six  soldiers,  made  a  trip 
of  inspection  between  San  Gabriel  and  San  Diego. 
The  only  value  of  the  diary  for  my  purpose  is  in  its 
local  names  and  statistics,  which  I  condense  in  a 
note.20 

19  Rumored  danger,  proposed  expedition,  and  fortification  of  the  missions. 
Sola  to  Ruiz,  Guerra,  and  Payeras,  March  8th.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  61-2; 
Prov.  St  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  290-1;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  21;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS., 
xvii.  42-3.  Treatment  of  the  Cocomaricopa  chief.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iv.  72;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  42;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
xlvi.  22.  Reports  of  Santiago  Argiiello  and  Estudillo  on  the  statements  of 
the  chief  that  the  Cocomaricopas,  Papagos,  Jalchedumes,  and  Fagiies  on  both 
banks  of  the  Colorado  were  united  against  their  constant  foes,  the  Yumas, 
Apaches,  and  Amajavas,  the  last  living  farthest  up  the  river;  and  that  it  was 
7  days'  journey  from  San  Gabriel  to  the  Colorado:  1st  to  San  Antonio,  9  1.; 
2d  to  San  Jose\  15  1.;  3d  to  San  Sebastian,  15  1.;  4th  to  Jesus  Maria,  26  1.; 
5th  to  Pozo  de  la  Alegria,  12  1.;  6th  to  the  Meganos,  8  1.;  and  7th  to  the 
river  near  by.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  287-9. 

'^Sanchez,  Diario  de  la  Caminata  que  hizo  el  P.  Prefecto  Payeras  en  Union 
del  P.  Sanchez  por  la  Sierra  desde  San  Diego  hasta  S.  Gabriel,  1821,  MS. 
Begun  Sept.  10th,  ended  Oct.  1st.  The  route  was  as  follows:  From  San 
Diego  Mission,  E.  to  the  mission  rancheria  of  Sta  M6nica  or  El  Cajon,  5  1.;  N. 
1  1.  to  Canada  del  Arrastradero;  ranch.  Michegua;  up  the  windings  of  the 
Canada  E.  and  N.  ;  branch  canada  with  ranch.  Queptahua;  into  plain  of 
Pam6  with  ranch.  Canapui;  by  the  valley,  N.  E.,  and  then  E.  to  ranch.  Balle- 
na,  or  Egepam;  to  Canada  of  Sta  Isabel,  or  Elcuanain,  about  111.  from  Sta 
Monica.  Climbed  the  Sierra  Madre  E.  ,  past  the  mission's  cattle  range;  could 
not  see  the  Colorado  with  a  good  glass  as  was  hoped;  much  description; 
back  by  the  same  road,  into  canada  of  San  Dieguito,  where  the  mission  had 


WEATHER  REPORTS.  443 

The  winter  of  1820-1  was  noted  as  cold  through 
out  the  province.  There  was  hardly  a  mission  where 
there  were  not  complaints  of  frost  or  snow  in  excess 
of  anything  that  could  be  remembered.  Argiiello 
walked  on  the  ice  in  a  ditch  at  San  Francisco;  deep 
snow  lay  on  the  plains  about  Soledad ;  the  holy  water 
was  frozen  at  Monterey,  as  was  the  stream  at  San 
Luis  Obispo;  at  Santa  Ines  many  sheep  perished, 
and  as  far  south  as  San  Luis  Hey  the  cold  was  ex 
cessive.  All  this  from  January  to  March.  A  comet, 
'muy  feo/  was  visible  at  Santa  Ines  in  March;  there 
was  a  violent  earthquake  at  San  Luis  Rey  the  1st 
of  January,  and  a  succession  of  shocks  at  Santa 
Barbara  early  in  the  same  month ;  while  at  San  Diego 
in  September  or  October  the  valley  was  flooded  on  a 
clear  day  by  a  cloud-burst  in  the  mountains,  if  we 
may  credit  the  memory  of  Bias  Aguilar,  an  old  resi 
dent.  As  a  rule  rain  was  light- according  to  reports 
from  all  quarters;  yet  1821  was  by  far  the  most  pro 
ductive  year  the  missions  ever  knew,  the  total  yield 
reaching  180,000  bushels.21 

The  annals  of  the  year  should  not  be  closed  without 
brief  mention  of  a  report  which  Tadeo  Ortiz  de  Ayala 
placed  "  at  the  imperial  feet  of  his  Majesty  Iturbide  " 

corn  growing;  ranch.  Guichopa,  Geonat,  Tatayojai,  and  Elcuanam,  or  Sta 
Isabel;  450  Christians;  Canada  called  Tamatia,  or  Jamatai.  Other  rancherias 
in  region  of  Sta  Isabel,  Mucucuiz,  Gelonopai,  Egenal,  Tegilque,  Gecuar; 
about  200  gentiles;  a  cross  was  blessed  with  great  ceremony  at  the  chapel  on 
Sept.  15th.  Payeras  went  4  1.  N.  to  visit  the  hot  spring  of  Jacopin,  past 
Ajata  or  Las  Llagas,  and  Buenavista  Spring,  all  in  or  near  San  Jos6  Valley; 
N.,  partly  by  same  route  to  Taqui,  in  a  fine  valley  fitted  for  a  mission,  also 
called  Guadalupe,  2.5  leagues  from  Sta  Isabel;  6  or  7  1.  E.  of  Sta  Isabel 
are  10  rancherias  with  450  souls.  West  down  the  Canada  to  Potrero,  or  Caqui ; 
to  Pala,  or  San  Antonio;  about  3  1.  N.  and  E.  to  Tem^cula;  w.  and  N.  to 
spring  of  San  Isidro;  Sta  Gertrudis;  San  Jacinto,  or  Jaguara,  a  ranch,  of  San 
Luis  Rey,  some  11  1.  from  Teme"cula.  About  9  1.  to  San  Bernandino,  or 
Guachinga;  200  Indians;  Ranch.  Jubuval;  Arroyo  de  San  Miguel  in  region  of 
San  Bernandino;  some  casas  viejas  mentioned;  a  good  mission  site  at  a  marsh 
of  Jesus  Maria;  Jubabal  on  Rio  Sta  Ana;  Guapia;  Ajuenga  (?);  San  Gabriel. 
There  is  of  course  much  descriptive  matter;  but  my  only  object  has  been  to 
preserve  the  names. 

21  For  weather  reports,  see  Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.  MS.,  ii.  191;  iv.  71, 
495-501;  v.  85,  185,  253;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  89,  91-2;  Hayes'  Em. 
Notes,  501-2;  Id.,  Memorabilia,  133;  S.  Diecjo  Union,  Jan.  28, 1876.  See,  also, 
the  chapters  on  local  annals  for  this  decade. 


444  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

in  October  182 1.22  In  this  document  several  pages 
are  devoted  to  the  Californian  regions,  their  value, 
and  the  imminent  danger  of  their  invasion  or  too  close 
hemming-in  by  the  Anglo-Americans  from  Missouri 
by  way  of  the  Columbia,  or  from  Texas  by  way  of  the 
Colorado,  or  by  the  Russians  already  within  the  prov 
ince,  "  perhaps  under  some  secret  agreement  with  the 
government  of  Spain."  The  remedy,  or  prevention, 
for  threatened  ills,  as  outlined  by  this  author,  consisted 
in  the  convict  colonization  of  California,  free  trade, 
"  giving  another  method  to  those  missions,"  and  the 
opening  of  communication  with  Sonora  and  New  Mex 
ico.  This  was  doubtless  the  first  proposition  of  inde 
pendent  Mexico  in  favor  of  California. 

Of  the  foreign  residents,  John  Gilroy  was  married 
about  easter  to  Maria  Clara  de  la  Asuncion  Ortega, 
and  went  with  Captain  Argliello  on  a  trip  to  the  far 
north  in  the  autumn.  John  Rose  was  zealously  per 
fecting  his  religious  education  at  Purisirna  and  San 
Buenaventura,  while  Jose  Chapman,  at  work  on  a 
mill  near  Santa  Ines,  received  from  the  governor  in 
December  a  document  certifying  that  he  was  included 
in  the  king's  amnesty  to  all  Anglo-American  pris 
oners.23  John  Michael  Johnson,  a  Scotchman,  was 
baptized  at  San  Buenaventura  on  May  26th,  but  noth 
ing  more  is  known  of  him.24  According  to  statements 
in  later  lists  and  petitions  there  were  at  least  three 
additions  in  1821  to  the  foreign  colony,  Jeremiah 
Jones,  a  Protestant  calker  of  Surrey,  England,  John 
Bones,  an  Irish  carpenter  twenty-three  years  of  age, 
and  Phillip  Fellom,  or  Felon,  a  Danish  hatter  of 
twenty  years.25  These  were  probably  deserters  from 

22  Ayala,  Restimen  de  la  Estadistica  del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1822. 
M.S.  16mo.  p.  104.  Dated  Oct.  10,  1821,  while  Iturbide  was  yet  president  of 
the  regency:  pp.  96-100  on  California. 

33 Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  42;  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  508;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  67;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (96-7). 

24 8.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mixion,  MS.,  22-3. 

25 Naturalization  records  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  10-28;  xx.  15;  Es 
trada,  Noticia  de  Estranyeros,  1829,  MS.  There  are  several  others  who  are  said 


EXPEDITION  TO  THE  NORTH.  445 

different  vessels,  about  the  date  of  whose  arrival  there 
may  be  an  error  of  a  year  or  two,  but  who  lived  long 
in  the  country. 

Late  in  the  summer  rumors  were  current  that  a 
party  of  English  or  Americans  had  established  them 
selves  somewhere  within  forty  or  fifty  leagues  of  San 
Francisco,  and  Sola  determined  to  send  out  an  explor 
ing  expedition  to  ascertain  the  truth,  and  if  necessary 
drive  out  the  intruders.28  Thirty-five  soldados  de 
Cuera  and  twenty  infantes,  part  of  the  force  coming 
up  from  Monterey,  were  assembled  at  San  Francisco. 
Horses  and  much  of  the  supplies  were  sent  from  Santa 
Clara  and  San  Jose  up  to  the  strait  of  the  Carquines. 
The  officers  selected  were  Captain  Luis  Argiiello, 
Alferez  Francisco  de  Haro,  Alferez  Josd  Antonio 
Sanchez,  and  Cadet  Joaquin  Estudillo,  with  Padre 
Bias  Ordaz  as  chaplain  and  chronicler,  and  John  Gil- 
roy,  called  the  "English  interpreter  Juan  Antonio." 
Some  neophytes  were  also  attached  to  the  force,  and 
all  was  ready  for  the  start  the  18th  of  October.  The 
company  sailed  from  San  JFrancisco  at  11  A.  M.  in  the 
two  lanchas  of  presidio  and  mission,  landing  at 
Ruyuta,  near  what  is  now  Point  San  Pedro,  to  pass 
the  night.  Next  day  they  continued  the  voyage  to  the 
Carquines,  being  joined  by  two  other  boats.  Satur 
day  and  Sunday  were  spent  in  ferrying  the  horses 
across  the  strait,  together  with  a  band  of  Ululatos  and 
Canucaymos  Indians  en  route  to  visit  their  gentile 
homes,  and  in  religious  exercises.  Monday  morning 
they  started  for  the  north. 

to  have  come  in  1821,  but  are  at  the  same  time  accredited  to  vessels  known  to 
have  arrived  in  1822;  and  still  others,  as  Buckle  and  Mclntosh,  whose  ar 
rival  is  referred  in  different  documents  to  1821,  1822,  and  1823  respectively, 
and  whom  I  have  included  in  1823. 

28  Sept.  24th,  an  expedition  of  50  men  contemplated  to  go  after  'the  strange 
people  said  to  be  in  the  direction  of  San  Jos6  towards  the  north. '  Commander 
not  yet  chosen.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  254.  Oct.  4th,  Sola  to  padres 
of  Sta  Clara,  San  Jose",  and  San  Francisco.  Has  resolved  to  send  Arguello 
with  45  or  50  men,  and  asks  the  padres  to  furnish  supplies.  Document  signed 
by_the  padres  and  sent  back  to  be  archivado.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
i.  79. 


446  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

The  journey  which  followed  was  popularly  known 
to  the  Spaniards  at  the  time  and  since  as  "  Argiiello's 
expedition  to  the  Columbia."  The  Columbia  was  the 
only  northern  region  of  which  the  Spaniards  had  any 
definite  idea,  or  was  rather  to  them  a  term  nearly 
synonymous  with  " the  northern  interior."  It  was  from 
the  Columbia  that  the  strange  people  sought  were 
supposed  to  have  come;  and  it  is  not  singular,  in  the 
absence  of  any  correct  ideas  of  distance,  that  the  only 
expedition  to  the  far  north  was  greatly  exaggerated 
in  respect  of  the  distance  traversed.  The  narratives 
in  my  possession,  written  by  old  Californians,  some  of 
whom  accompanied  Argiiello,  are  unusually  inaccurate 
in  their  versions  of  this  affair,  on  which  they  would 
throw  but  very  little  light  in  the  absence  of  the  orig 
inal  diary  of  Father  Ordaz — a  document  that  is  fortu 
nately  extant.27 

Starting  from  the  strait  on  the  morning  of  October 
22d,  Argiiello  and  his  company  marched  for  nine  days, 
averaging  little  less  than  eight  hours  a  day,  north 
ward  up  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  which  they 
called  the  Jesus  Maria.  The  names  of  rancherias 
passed  I  give  in  a  note.28  There  is  little  else  to  be 

27  Ordaz,  Diarlo  de  la  Expedition  de  Don  Luis  Argiiello  al  Norte,  1821, 
MS.     Besides  the  usual  faults  of  the  padres'  diaries,  largely  consisting  in  the 
undue  prominence  given  to  minor  happenings  supposed  to  bear  on  the  pros 
pective  salvation  of  gentile  souls,  this  one  has  the  less  common  defect  of 
omitting  distances  in  each  day's  march.     The  statements  made  by  men  who 
claim  to  have  accompanied  the  expedition  are  in  Boronda,  Notas,  MS.,  18-21 ; 
Amador,  Memoriae,  MS.,  19-24;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal,  MS.,  20-2;  and 
Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  18-19.     Of  these  that  of  Boronda  is  by  far  the 
most  accurate,  and  that  of  Fernandez,  largely  followed  by  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  i.  144-6,  251-3,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.   Gal,  MS.,  i.  191-3,  is  the  least 
correct.     It  seems  useless  to  note  errors  respecting  dates,  officers,  forces,  re 
gions  traversed,  and  battles  with  Indians  in  these  manuscript  authorities. 
Some  of  the  writers  admit  that  Argiiello  did  not  go  farther  probably  than 
the  Willamette.     Narrative  also  in  Bojorges,  Itecuerdos,  MS. ,  1-4.     No  ac 
count  of  the  expedition  so  far  as  I  know  has  ever  appeared  in  print,  beyond  a 
brief  newspaper  mention  in  a  notice  of  the  death  of  Capt.  Fernandez.     Dr. 
Marsh,  however,  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  1842,  MS.,  p.  2,  mentions  the  affair 
and  says:  'I  have  ascertained  that  this  famous  expedition,  which  was  out 
about  4  months,  did  not  go  beyond  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  a  distance  of 
not  more  than  200  miles  from  San  Francisco.' 

28  Pozo  de  San  Bias,  near  Suisun.    Ranch,  of  the  Ululates,  near  that  of  the 
Gualactos;  ranch,  of  the  Libaytos,  400inhab.,  on  a  river  'bastante  conside 
rable'  called  Rio  dc  San  Pedro.    Ehita  on  a  river,  near  an  oak  grove,  900  in- 


ARGUELLO'S  EXPEDITION.  447 

said  of  the  march,  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome  having 
been  few  and  slight.  The  natives  were  either  friendly, 
timid,  or  slightly  hostile,  having  to  be  scattered  once 
or  twice  by  the  noise  of  a  cannon.29  The  neophyte 
Rafael  from  San  Francisco  had  but  little  difficulty  in 
making  himself  understood.  The  most  serious  calam 
ity  was  the  loss  of  a  mule  that  fell  into  the  river  with 
two  thousand  cartridges  on  its  back.  There  were  no 
indications  of  foreigners. 

On  the  30th,  to  use  the  words  of  the  diary,  "the 
place  where  we  are  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the 
Sierra  Madre,  whence  there  have  been  seen  by  the 
English  interpreter  Juan  Antonio  two  mountains 
called  Los  Cuates — the  Twins — on  the  opposite  side 
of  which  are  the  presidio  and  river  of  the  Columbia. 
The  rancherias  before  named  are  situated  on  the  banks 
of  the  Rio  de  Jesus  Maria,  from  which  to-morrow  a 
different  direction  will  be  taken."  Accordingly  the 
31st  they  "marched  west30  until  they  came  to  the  foot 
of  a  mountain  range  about  fifteen  leagues  from  the 
Sierra  Nevada,  which  runs  from  north  to  south,  ter 
minating  in  the  region  of  Bodega."  Exactly  at  what 
point  the  travellers  left  the  river  and  entered  the 
mountain  range,  now  bounding  Trinity  County  on  the 
east,  I  do  not  attempt  to  determine,  though  it  was 
evidently  not  below  Red  Bluff.  The  distance  made 
up  the  valley,  allowing  an  average  rate  of  three  miles 
an  hour  for  sixty-eight  hours,  the  length  of  the  return 
march  of  ninety-six  hours  through  the  mountains,  at 
a  rate  of  two  miles  an  hour,  and  the  possible  identity 
of  Capa",  reached  in  forty-four  hours  from  Carquines, 
with  the  Capay  of  modern  maps  opposite  Chico,  would 

hab. ;  Goroy,  1,000  inhab.,  on  Rio  Jesus  Maria,  near  a  hill  and  alameda,  or 
grove;  the  rancheria  was  protected  by  a  stockade;  Guiritoy,  or  Guitistoy, 
1,600  inhab.,  on  same  river,  near  an  alameda  of  large  oaks  stretching  10 
leagues;  Capa  (Capay,  opposite  Chico?);  Coriii;  Cha,  1,500  inhab.;  Teroti; 
Hutulrabe;  Ducdac;  Pachi;  Sunus;  Chen6;  Llali. 

29  It  is  rather  vaguely  implied  by  Ordaz  that  a  few  Indians  were  wounded 
at  Guiritoy  on  Oct.  26th;  and  Amador  claims  to  have  aimed  low  notwithstand 
ing  Argiiello's  orders,  killing  seven. 

30 The  diary  has  it  'east,'  but  this  must  of  course  be  an  error,  perhaps  of 
my  copyist. 


448  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  SPANISH  RULE. 

seem  to  point  to  the  latitude  of  Shasta  or  Weaver- 
ville  as  the  northern  limit  of  this  exploration.31 

For  nine  days,  the  explorers  marched  southward 
over  the  mountains.  No  distances  are  given,  and  I 
shall  not  pretend  to  trace  the  exact  route  followed, 
though  I  give  in  a  note  the  names  recorded  in  the 
diary.32  Like  those  in  the  valley,  the  savages  were 
not  as  a  rule  hostile,  though  a  few  had  to  be  killed  in 
the  extreme  north;  but  their  language  could  no  longer 
be  understood,  and  it  was  often  difficult  to  obtain 
guides  from  rancheria  to  rancheria.  The  natural  diffi 
culties  of  the  mountain  route  were  very  great.  Many 
horses  died,  and  four  pack-mules  once  fell  down  a 
precipice  together.  The  3d  of  November,  at  Benenuc, 
some  blue  cloth  was  found,  said  to  have  been  obtained 
from  the  coast,  probably  from  the  Russians.  On  the 
6th  the  ocean  was  first  seen,  and  several  soldiers 
recognized  the  "  coast  of  the  Russian  establishment 
at  Bodega,"  Next  day  from  the  Espinazo  del  Diablo 
was  seen  what  was  believed  to  be  Cape  Mendocino, 
twenty  leagues  away  on  the  right.  Finally  on  the 
10th  the  party  from  the  top  of  a  mountain,  higher 
than  any  before  climbed,  but  in  sight  of  many  worse 
ones,  abandoned  by  their  guides  at  dusk,  with  only 
three  days'  rations,  managed  to  struggle  down  and 
out  through  the  dense  undergrowth  into  a  valley. 

31  Another  clue  to  the  locality  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  on  starting 
south,  they  followed  a  river  along  the  foot  of  the  range  for  a  whole  day,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  second  day,  after  passing  between  two  steep  ranges  still 
southward,  encamped  on  a  river  supposed  to  be  the  same.     They  named  the 
stream  Todos  Santos.     Amador  says  it  was  the  Trinity,  which  indeed  seems 
to  be  the  only  stream  in  this  region  on  whi%h  they  could  have  travelled  so 
long  to  the  south.     Yet  the  diary  does  not  indicate  that  they  crossed  the 
main  Shasta  range  to  reach  the  river,  nor  do  subsequent  events  seem  to  point 
to  the  Trinity. 

32  Rio  Todos  Santos;  Tuyaja,  on  river  said  by  the  Indians  to  be  the  same; 
Lonita;  Gapetely;  Poquetoe;  Benenuc.     Fertile  valleys  of  Sta  Catalina  and 
Carmen;  Mt  Maltrato;  Arroyo  de  Salsipuedes;  and  ranch — Chugelempa; 
Arroyo  de  los  Peligros;  Caguitlome';  Saturn tutillami;  Gualactole;  Guiaguil- 
lomi;  Oleyomi;  Catalillomi;  Chiyasayacume;  Espinazo  del  Diablo;  Magma; 
Valley  of  Buena  Esperanza;  Arroyo  de  S.  Ignacio  (this  according  to  Pa- 
yeras,  Noticias  sobre  fioss,  MS.,  417 — see  also  chap.  xx.  this  volume — was 
the  Russian  River  about  1 3  leagues  above  its  mouth,  or  perhaps  not  far  above 
Cloverdale);  Valley  of  Libantiliyami. 


RETURN.  44ft 

And  down  this  valley  of  Libantiliyami,  which  could 
hardly  have  been  any  other  than  that  of  the  Russian 
River,  though  at  what  point  in  the  present  Sonoma 
County  or  from  what  direction  they  entered  it  I  am 
at  loss  to  say,33  the  returning  wanderers  hastened; 
over  a  route  that  seems  to  have  presented  no  obsta 
cles — doubtless  near  the  sites  of  the  modern  Healds- 
burg  and  Santa  Rosa — and  on  November  12th  at 
noon,  after  twenty  hours'  march  in  three  days,  arrived 
at  San  Rafael.34  Next  day,  after  a  thanksgiving  mass, 
the  boats  arrived  and  the  work  of  ferrying  the  horses 
across  to  Point  San  Pablo  was  begun.  The  infantry 
soldiers,  who  were  mounted  during  the  expedition, 
also  took  this  route  home,  both  to  Monterey  and  San 
Francisco.  The  rest  arrived  at  the  Presidio  in  the 
boats  at  10  A.  M.  on  the  15th.  Thus  ended  the  most 
extensive  northern  expedition  ever  made  by  the  Span 
iards  in  California.35 

33  From  this  diary  alone  it  would  be  most  natural  to  suppose  it  was  in  the 
region  of  Ukiah  from  the  direction  of  Cow  Mountain  011  the  east  or  north-east; 
but  from  the  mountains  the  ocean  was  plainly  visible,  and  there  is  no  men 
tion  of  any  body  of  water  corresponding  to  Clear  Lake.     In  a  diary  of  the 
next  year,  however,  Payeras,  NoticiassobreRoss,  MS.,  417,  it  is  clearly  stated 
that  the  Arroyo  de  San  Ignacio,  where  they  encamped  on  Nov.  9th,  subse 
quently  climbing  a  high  mountain  on  the  10th,  and  thence  descending  into 
the  valley,  was  the  Russian  River  13  1.  above  its  mouth,  that  is  in  the  region 
of  Cloverdale.     And  again  in  the  expedition  to  explore  Sonoma  in  1823,  the 
rancheria  of  Libantiliyami,  passed  in  1821  on  the  first  day's  march  down  the 
valley  of  the  same  name,  is  said  to  have  been  three  and  a  half  leagues  N.  w. 
from  the  site  of  the  modern  Petaluma,  that  is  not  far  from  Santa  Rosa.  Alti- 
mira,  Diario,  MS. ;  Sanchez,  Diario,  MS. ;  see  also  chap.  xxii.  of  this  volume. 

34  Names  on  this  last  part  of  the  journey  were:  Sierra  de  Buen  Retiro,  the 
range  which  they  had  left  running  parallel  with  their  route  down  the  valley; 
rancheria  of  Libantiliyami;  spring  of  San  Jorge,  and  Alompali  (Olompali). 

33  Nov.  15th,  Sola  to  Martinez,  supposes  Argiiello  and  his  men  have  re 
turned  and  are  resting.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  48.  Dec.  24th,  Mar 
tinez  to  Guerra,  the  expedition  did  not  find  the  strange  people,  though  they 
went  very  near  Cape  Mendocino,  the  Columbia  River,  and,  according  to  the 
Indians,  '  very  near  New  Mexico.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  255. 


HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    29 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 
1822. 

NEWS  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AND  THE  REGENCY — JUNTA  or  APRIL  OTH  AT  MON 
TEREY—OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE — FIRST  PROVINCIAL  ELECTION — SOLA  AS 
DlPUTADO  TO  THE  C6RTES— EVENTS  AND  FEARS  IN  MEXICO — ITURBIDE 
SENDS  A  COMISIONADO — THE  EMPEROR  AGUSTIN  I.— ARRIVAL  OF  THE 
CAN6NIGO  FERNANDEZ  IN  SEPTEMBER— CHANGE  OF  FLAG — JUNTA  OF 
OCTOBER — AYUNTAMIENTOS — DIPUTACION — THE  CANdNioo  AT  Ross — 
PRIESTLY  MISHAPS — ELECTION  OF  GOVERNOR — WIRE-PULLING — ARGUE- 
LLO  DEFEATS  GUERRA — LOYALTY  OF  THE  FRIARS — DEPARTURE  OF  FER 
NANDEZ  AND  SOLA — BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES — CHARACTER  OF  SOLA — 
COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE — VESSELS — GALE  AND  THE  BOSTON  TRADE — 
McCULLOCH  AND  HARTNELL — CAPTURE  OF  THE  '  EAGLE5— FOREIGNERS — 
MISSION  SUPPLIES — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — THE  SEASON. 

ITURBIDE'S  imperial  regency,  established  in  Septem 
ber,  was  not,  as  we  have  seen,  announced  in  California 
before  the  end  of  1821.  In  January  1822  Governor 
Sola  wrote  to  Argiiello,  of  Lower  California,  that  he 
had  received  from  Mexico  "such  documents  as  are 
printed  in  a  country  of  dreamers,  since  independence 
is  a  dream.  Day  by  day  their  presses  will  turn  out 
absurdities  by  the  thousand;  but  you  and  I,  aware 
that  the  immortal,  incomparable  Spanish  nation  has 
many  and  great  resources  with  which  to  make  herself 
respected,  must  look  with  contempt  on  such  absurd 
views."1 

Sola,  with  all  his  loyalty,  was  no  prophet;  for  there 
were  already  on  the  way  from  Mexico  despatches 
announcing  Iturbide's  success,  with  manifiestos  of  the 

1  Jan.  10,  1822,  Sola  to  Argiiello.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  44.  The  papers 
referred  to  were  doubtless  dated  between  Iturbide's  rising  in  Feb.  and  his 
success  in  Aug.  and  Sept.  In  the  letter  to  which  this  was  an  answer  Argiiello 
had  announced  the  refusal  of  his  son  Gervasio  to  swear  the  independence. 

(450; 


JUNTA  AT  MONTEREY.  451 

Soberana  Junta  de  la  Regencia  del  Imperio  Mejicano. 
These  despatches,  giving  it  to  be  understood  that 
Iturbide's  rule  was  to  continue  only  until  Fernando 
or  one  of  his  brothers  could  come  to  take  the  throne, 
and  also  announcing  the  future  meeting  of  the  Mexi 
can  c6rtes,2  were  received  in  March  18 22, and  on  March 
16th  Sola  communicated  the  news  to  the  commandants, 
whom  he  summoned  to  a  junta  at  Monterey.  Pay- 
eras  was  requested  to  be  present,  representing  the  in 
terests  of  the  missions  and  neophytes.3  The  junta 
met  the  9th  of  April.  It  was  composed  of  ten  per 
sons:  The  governor,  prefect,  and  Sarria  representing 
the  president,  captains  Guerra  of  Santa  Barbara  and 
Argiiello  of  San  Francisco,  lieutenants  Estrada  of 
Monterey  and  Estudillo  in  place  of  Captain  Ruiz  of 
San  Diego,  captains  Portilla  and  Navarrete  of  the  Maz- 
atlan  and  San  Bias  companies,  and  Lieutenant  Gomez 
of  the  artillery,  being  also  commander  of  the  post  of 
Monterey.  Estudillo  acted  as  secretary.  Of  the 
discussions,  if  there  were  any,  we  have  no  record; 
but  the  result  was  a  resolution  to  acquiesce  in  the 
regency,  to  obey  the  new  government,  to  recognize 
the  dependence  of  California  on  the  Mexican  empire 
only,  and  to  take  the  prescribed  oath.  On  April  llth 
the  oath  was  taken  with  all  due  solemnity;  first  by 
the  members  of  the  junta  at  Sola's  house,  and  then 
by  the  troops  in  the  plaza;  then  followed  religious 
services  in  which  Padre  Payeras  preached  an  appro 
priate  sermon;  and  the  day  was  closed  with  vivas 
and  firing  of  guns  and  music  and  illuminations  in 
honor  of  independence.* 

2  These  despatches,  dated  Oct.  6th  and  Nov.  18,  1821,  from  Herrera,  the 
secretary  of  relations,  and  from  Dominguez,  minister  of  justice,  are  only  known 
as  alluded  to  in  Sola's  letters  of  Mar.  16th.     In  the  secretary's  report  of  Mar. 
8,  1822,  is  a  complaint  that  nothing  had  yet  been  heard  from  California. 
Mexico,  Mem.  Rdaciones,  1822,  7. 

3  Sola  to  comandantes.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.   5-6.     Same  date  Id.  to 
Payeras.  St.  Pap.  Sac. ,  MS. ,  xviii.  2-3.     Ruiz  of  San  Diego  was  excused  on 
account  of  his  infirmities.     Senan  doubtless  received  a  similar  notice.     In 
Junta  de  Fomento  de  Gal.,  Dictdmen,  3,  it  is  said  the  orders  arrived  from 
Mexico  in  April. 

4  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  1-4.     April  14th,  Sarria  to  Senan  in  Arch.  Misiones, 
MS.,  i.  508.     Estudillo  was  secretary  of  the  junta.     The  resolution  of  the 


452  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

The  oath  was  taken  at  Santa  Barbara  April  13th, 
probably  at  San  Francisco  about  the  same  day,  and 
at  San  Diego  the  20th.5  There  is  no  evidence  of 
any  hesitation  on  the  part  of  officers,  soldiers,  or  civil 
ians;  neither  was  there  any  protest  from  the  friars. 
The  communication  in  which  Payeras  made  known 
to  the  padres  the  proceedings  of  the  junta,  and  their 
consequent  duties,  is  not  extant;  but  I  have  Sarria's 
original  report  to  President  Senan,  in  which  he  an 
nounces  having  taken  the  oath  after  much  reflection, 
and  "may  God  grant  that  all  may  be  for  the  best."6 
The  13th  of  April  Sola  formally  addressed  to  both  pre 
fect  and  president  the  acta  of  the  junta  for  circulation 
among  the  padres,  who  on  the  day  after  its  receipt 
must  be  required  to  take  the  oath,  together  with 
their  neophytes,  and  forward  a  certificate  of  such 
action.7  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  there  was  a  gen 
eral  compliance  with  this  order  in  April  and  May, 
such  compliance  being  definitely  recorded  at  some  of 
the  missions,  and  the  evidence  of  hesitation  on  the 
friars'  part  being  confined  to  one  or  two  instances.8 

assembly  is  translated  in  Randolph's  Oration,  and  mentioned  in  TuthilVs  Hist. 
Cal.,  121-2,  with  the  statement  of  Boscana  that  the  Indians  of  San  Diego 
celebrated  the  independence  by  burning  their  chief.  The  record  of  the  junta 
and  of  the  proceedings  of  April  9th  and  llth,  as  in  Leg.  Rec.,  i.  1-4,  were 
sent  to  Mexico  by  Sola  with  a  letter  of  April  13th,  and  were  published  on 
Aug.  3d,  in  the  Gaceta  del  Gobierno  Imp.  de  Mex.,  iii.  585-7.  Vallejo,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  277-81,  and  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  78,  imply 
that  Sola  wished  to  keep  the  news  of  independence  a  secret  to  himself,  Guerra, 
and  a  few  other  Spaniards;:  but  that  the  other  officers  'interviewed'  the  mes 
senger,  learned  the  news,  and  insisted  that  it  must  be  made  public. 

5Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  72;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  liii.  89;  Ivi.  7-8; 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  43;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  6. 

6 Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  508.  An  incident  had  much  effect  incasing  the 
padre's  conscience,  the  receipt  by  mistake  of  a  communication  of  the  bishop 
to  the  president  of  the  Lower  California  missions  ordering  the  taking  of  the 
oath. 

''St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  7;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  7. 

8  April  21,  1822,  the  oath  taken  by  padres  and  neophytes  with  religious 
ceremonies  at  San  Juan  Bautista,  Sta  Cruz,  and  Sta  Barbara.  St.  Pap.  Miss. , 
MS.,  x.  10;  xi.  38;  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  ix.  128;  Arch.  Obispado,  MS., 
89.  May  5th,  at  Soledad,  whence  Payeras  writes,  '  Por  fortuna  acabamos  de 
rcconocer  a  un  Emperador  tan  justo  como  Cristiano  ypio.'  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  95.  May  12th,  the  oath  joyfully  taken  at  San  Rafael.  Id.; 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  41.  May  16th,  at  San  Buenaventura, 
as  reported  by  Senan.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  13.  Down  to  July  Padre 
Escud<$  seems  to  have  refused  the  oath,  and  on  that  ground  to  have  applied 


DEPUTY  TO  THE  CORTES.  453 

About  the  same  time,  I  suppose,  there  must  have  ar 
rived  through  the  bishop  certain  orders  of  the  regency 
calling  for  public  prayers,  not  only  for  the  success  of 
the  new  regime,  but  in  honor  of  the  heroes  who  had 
died  in  the  struggle  for  liberty.9  I  find,  however,  no 
records  of  such  religious  services.  There  also  came 
a  letter  of  the  guardian  on  the  deplorable  condition 
of  the  college,  where  cavalry  had  been  quartered  for 
a  month.10  Truly  the  prospects  of  the  friars  were  not 
cheering,  though  they  wrote  but  little  about  their 
troubles. 

Sola  had  announced  in  his  call  for  a  junta,  that 
California  was  entitled  to  send  a  diputado,  or  deputy,  to 
the  new  c6rtes  in  Mexico.  This  matter  came  up  in  the 
junta,  after  the  oath  had  been  taken  the  12th  of  April. 
The  unanimous  decision  as  reported  by  Sarria11  was. 

for  license  to  retire;  indeed  that  seems  to  have  been  his  main  object,  since  on 
being  promised  preference  in  the  matter  of  retirement  he  swore  to  independ 
ence  in  the  month  mentioned.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  19-20.  There  was 
also  a  slight  quarrel  with  Sarria  in  May.  He  announced  in  church  that  the  sol 
diers,  having  sworn  to  independence,  no  longer  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  eating 
meat  on  certain  days,  a  privilege  conceded  by  the  pope  through  the  king,  and 
Sola  excused  them  from  religious  service  until  the  regency  could  decide  the 
question.  Next  year,  however,  the  bishop  proclaimed  that  the  soldiers  were 
to  have  the  same  privileges  as  under  the  old  government.  St.  Pap.  Sac. ,  MS. , 
xviii.  11-12;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  11.  Feb.  13th,  Seftan  had 
written  to  Guerra,  'May  God  have  mercy  on  this  province  which  seems  at 
present  to  lie  between  Scylla  and  Charybdis.'  Guerra.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  vi.  93.  March  15th,  Padre  Peyri  wrote  to  the  same  officer,  that  of 
course  the  missions  would  be  required  to  acknowledge  under  oath  Mexican 
independence,  but  he  for  one  would  not  do  it  if  he  had  any  hope  of  being 
free  from  persecution  in' Spain;  for  the  offer  of  permission  to  retire  seemed 
to  him  like  the  rejoicing  at  the  wedding  feasts;  and  later  '6  por  fas  6  por 
nefas,  6  por  si  6  por  no,  6  por. . .  (ya  me  entiende)  siempre  la  pagara  el  caido; 
y  pobres  de  los  pobres  si  llegara  a  empezar  la  fandanga.  Dios  no  lo  permita 
y  nos  asista.'  Id.,  vii.  6-7. 

9S.  Jost,  Patentes,  MS.,  157-9;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  vi.  MS.,  310-12.  Dated 
Oct.  7,  1821.  A  series  of  circulars  from  the  president  seems  to  have  been  re 
ceived  at  San  Rafael  in  May,  containing  not  only  the  decrees  referred  to  but 
others  regulating  arms  in  private  hands;  forbidding  abusive  words  against  the 
new  government,  and  empowering  old  authorities  to  continue  in  power. 
Vcdlejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  42. 

10 Oct.  23,  1821,  Gasol  to  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  249-52.  The 
padres  were  said  to  be  retiring  to  Spain,  and  only  29  were  left.  It  was  im 
possible  to  do  anything  for  California.  The  new  government  seemed  bent  on 
upsetting  all  that  was  old  and  stable. 

11  April  14th,  Sarria  to  Senan.  A  rch.  Misiones,  MS. ,  i.  508-1 1 .  He  favored, 
and  understood  the  other  padres  to  favor,  the  choice  of  Guerra.  Sola  was 
mentioned,  as  he  would  require  no  salary  in  addition  to  that  of  governor;  but 
Sola  himself  objected  to  that  view  of  the  matter. 


454  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

that  an  election  should  be  held;  that  five  provincial 
electors  should  be  chosen,  one  for  each  presidial  juris 
diction  with  another  for  Los  Angeles,  and  that  the 
diputado  should  receive  a  salary  of  $4,000  to  be  raised 
by  voluntary  subscriptions  if  possible,  and  otherwise 
by  a  pro  rata  tax.12  On  April  17th  Sola  addressed 
to  the  prefect  instructions  for  the  election,  to  be  cir 
culated  among  the  padres — for  at  each  mission  the 
native  alcaldes  and  regidores,  "  with  the  padres7  ad 
vice,"  were  to  choose  an  elector  de  partido.  Thus  in 
California's  first  general  election  the  Indians  had  nomi 
nally  a  voice.  Instructions  for  the  presidios  and  pue 
blos  I  have  not  found;  neither  are  any  records  extant 
of  the  local  elections.  The  partido  electors,  however, 
met  at  their  respective  capitals  and  chose  for  each  a 
•provincial  elector; — Francisco  Castro  for  San  Fran 
cisco,  including  San  Jos6  and  Branciforte  with  four 
missions;  Jose  Aruz  for  Monterey  and  six  missions; 
Francisco  Ortega  for  Santa  Barbara  and  five  missions; 
Jose  Palomares  for  Los  Angeles;  and  Ignacio  Lopez 
for  San  Diego  and  four  missions.  The  five  met  at 
Monterey  May  21st,  with  Sola  and  lieutenants  Es 
trada,  Estudillo,  and  Gomez,  these  officers  holding 
seats  by  what  authority  I  know  not,  and  elected  Sola 
as  diputado  to  the  c6rtes.  Guerra  had  been  the  choice 
of  the  friars.  Whether  they  were  out- voted  or  changed 
their  mind,  preferring  to  take  the  chance  of  seeing 
Guerra  governor,  there  are  no  means  of  knowing. 


13 


12  Sarria  says  that  the  salary  was  to  be  raised  for  one  year  only,  and  that 
there  was  to  be  a  petition  that  California  should  be  exempt  from  sending  a 
diputado  in  future.     The  salary  of  $4,000  was  to  be  diminished  by  the  old 
salary  if  a  military  man  should  be  elected.     It  was  regarded  as  of  great  im 
portance  that  the  diputado  should  carry  clear  instructions  on  mission  matters, 
sent  in  duplicate  to  the  college.     On  the  very  next  day,  Apr.  13th,  Sola  is 
sued  an  appeal  on  the  all-essential  topic  of  the  $4,000,  urging  a  donativo  gra- 
closo  to  obviate  a  contribution  fowoza;  and  Apr.  17th  Pay  eras  issued  a  circular 
to  the  padres,  all  of  whom  promised  to  give  mas  6  menos.  St.  Pap., Sac.,  MS., 
xviii.  8;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  94-5. 

13  Sola,  Prevenciones  sobre  Election  de  Diputado,  1822,  MS.    Dated  Apr.  1 7th, 
and  addressed  to  the  prefect  for  the  padres.     The  electores  de  provincia  could 
neither  be  military  men  nor  friars.     San  Gabriel  and  San  Juan  were  added  to 
Los  Angeles  as  a  partido;  but  in  the  returns  the  missions  seem  to  have  been 
classed  with  San  Diego.     Form  of  credentials  to  electores  de  partido,  in  Arch. 
Sta  B.t  MS.,  ix.  139-42.     Record  of  the  meeting  of  May  21st  with  names  of 


FEARS  IN  MEXICO.  455 

Captain  Argiiello  was  elected  as  diputado  suplente,  or 
substitute,  for  the  contingency  of  accident  to  the  prin 
cipal.  On  June  2d  Sola  wrote  to  his  cousin  in  Mex 
ico,  announcing  his  coming  and  rejoicing  in  the  triumph 
of  independence.14  Five  months  it  seems  had  modi 
fied  his  political  ideas. 

While  all  went  thus  smoothly  in  the  north,  Cali 
fornia  making  haste  to  follow  Mexico  in  each  successive 
phase  of  independence  as  fast  as  the  news  arrived, 
without  the  faintest  shadow  of  hesitation  or  protest; 
while  officers,  soldiers,  friars,  neophytes,  and  civilians 
had  formally  renounced  their  allegiance  to  Spain,  and 
became  faithful  subjects  of  the  new  Mexican  empire; 
while  all  that  was  'royal'  had  become  'imperial;'15 
while  not  only  was  the  regency  fully  recognized,  but 
the  term  emperor  somewhat  prematurely  used;  and 
while  the  people  and  provincial  authorities  were 
patiently  awaiting  further  instructions  as  to  their 
duties  under  the  new  regime — California  was  the  ob 
ject  of  much  suspicion  and  fear  in  Mexico.  Rather 
strangely  no  news  had  been  received  about  the  recep 
tion  of  independence  there.  The  loyalty  of  the 
Franciscans  to  Spain  was  well  known.  The  wealth 
of  the  missions  was  exaggerated,  and  it  was  feared 
that  California  might  be  made  by  Spaniards  a  centre, 
or  starting-point,  for  a  reactionary  movement. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  was  deemed  best  to 
send  an  agent,  or  comisionado,  of  the  regency  to  learn 
the  feeling  of  the  Californians,  to  'foment'  a  spirit 
of  independence,  to  obtain  an  oath  of  allegiance,  to 
raise  the  new  national  flag,  and  in  general  to  superin- 

the  five  electors.  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  i.  4-8.  Estudillo  was  secretary.  On  account 
of  the  difficulties  and  delays  of  travel  between  California  and  Mexico,  Sola's 
powers  were  extended  over  two  years,  probably  1823-4,  if  the  cdrtes  could  be 
induced  to  sanction  such  an  act.  According  to  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  i. 
221-2,  and  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Reminiscenclas,  MS.,  78-9,  Arguello  and  Estudillo 
had  each  their  friends  in  the  electoral  college.  Apr.  15,  1822,  the  '  sovereign 
congress  '  decreed  that  provinces  should  be  represented  therein  and  fixed  the 
pay  of  deputies.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vii.  123-4. 

14 St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  47.     See  beginning  of  this  chapter. 

15  'Presidio  imperial'  in  May  and  June  instead  of  the  old  form  'presidio 
real.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  liii.  2,  75. 


456  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

tend  the  putting  in  working  order  the  new  machin 
ery  of  constitutional  government.  The  mission  was 
regarded  as  a  delicate  one  requiring  high  and  peculiar 
abilities,  such  as  were  believed  by  Iturbide  with  much 
reason  to  be  possessed  by  Agustin  Fernandez  de  San 
Vicente,  canonigo,  or  canon,  of  the  Durango  cathe 
dral,  who  was  selected  for  the  position  probably  in 
April,  on  the  13th  of  which  month  the  San  Carlos 
was  ordered  to  be  made  ready  to  carry  him  to  the 
north.  While  preparations  were  being  made,  Iturbide 
was  proclaimed  emperor  on  May  19th,  under  the  title 
of  Agustin  I.;  but  there  are  indications  that  the 
commission  of  Fernandez  already  made  out  by  the 
regency — that  is  Iturbide  as  president  of  that  some 
what  mythical  body — was  not  replaced  by  another 
from  Iturbide  as  emperor,16  an  omission  that  might 
have  had  serious  results  had  the  mission  been  as 
delicate  as  it  was  supposed  to  be. 

The  commissioner  was  to  proceed  first  to  Loreto, 
where  no  opposition  to  the  new  regime  was  anticipated ; 
and  thence  by  sea  to  Monterey,  respecting  the  politi 
cal  attitude  of  whose  inhabitants  the  greatest  appre 
hensions  were  felt,  where  the  utmost  precautions  were 
to  be  taken  to  keep  the  San  Carlos  from  falling  into 
the  hands  of  foes,  and  where  the  canonigo  was  to  find 
a  field  for  his  diplomatic  talents.  The  instructions  of 
Ulloa,  comandante  at  San  Bias,  to  Narvaez,  com 
mander  of  the  San  Carlos,  were  dated  June  9th  and 
the  vessel  sailed  probably  on  the  13th.17  Let  us  re 
turn  to  Monterey  and  await  her  coming. 

16  This,  in  the  paucity  of  documents,  is  largely  conjectural;  but  it  is  to  be 
noted  that  in  the  one  or  two  instances  in  which  Fernandez  formally  named 
his  position,  it  was  as  '  Comisionado  de  S.  A.  la  Regencia  del  Imperio  Meji- 
cano,'  and  never  as  comisionado  of  the  emperor.     I  suppose  the  change  in 
commission  and  instructions  was  either  neglected  in  the  rush  of  public  affairs, 
or  that  by  some  accident  the  papers  failed  to  reach  Fernandez  before  the  day 
of  sailing,  and  that  he  preferred  to  sail  without  them,  deeming  the  technical 
informality  of  less  moment  than  the  question  of  time,  especially  as  the  differ 
ence  between  the  regency  and  the  empire  was  microscopic.     If  this  was  the 
case,  it  may  account  for  the  failure  of  the  Canonigo  to  exhibit  his  instructions 
in  California,  and  their  absence  from  the  archives. 

17  Ulloa,  Instrucciones  relativas  d  la  comision  de  Estado  d  ambas  Califor- 
nias  en  el  bergantin  imperial  nombrado  San  Carlos,  at  mando  del  teniente  de 


THE  CANONIGO  FERNANDEZ.  457 

While  Sola  was  preparing  for  a  trip  to  Mexico  as 
deputy,  on  July  14th  the  American  ship  Panther  ar 
rived  at  Monterey.  She  had  left  San  Bias  in  com 
pany  with  the  San  Carlos  and  brought  the  news  both 
of  Iturbide's  accession  to  the  throne  and  of  the  Cano- 
nigo's  mission.  Sola  accordingly  suspended  his  de 
parture,  and  at  once  communicated  the  news  to 
commandants  and  friars,  with  the  information  that  he 
had  received  a  pattern  of  the  new  flag,  and  a  promise 
from  the  emperor  that  all  dues  to  troops  and  missions 
should  be  quickly  paid,18  a  promise  that  would  have 
removed  all  difficulties,  had  there  been  any,  in  the  way 
of  Iturbide's  recognition.  But  the  Californians  were 
far  from  suspecting  that  their  allegiance  was  not 
known  in  Mexico,  or  that  Fernandez  was  coming  with 
any  diplomatic  views.19 

Fernandez,  having  accomplished  his  task  in  Lower 
California  during  July  and  August,  arrived  at  Mon- 

navio  D.  Jos6  Maria  Narvaez  (1882),  in  Ilustradon  Mexicana,  ii.  164-7. 
This  is  the  most  important  document  extant  on  the  subject  in  the  absence  of 
the  instructions  to  Fernandez  himself,  which  are  substantially  embodied  in 
it.  The  date  of  sailing  is  said  to  have  been  32  or  23  days  before  July  15th. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  73;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  229. 

18 July  15th,  Sola  to  Payeras.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  229-31.  Id.  to 
Guerra.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  73.  July  20th,  Id.  to  Tapis.  August  8th,  to 
Payeras.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  19,  21;  vi.  51.  August  9th,  the  new  im 
perial  flag  made  its  first  appearance  in  California,  save  in  the  pattern  received 
by  Sola,  at  Sta  Barbara  on  the  brig  San  Francisco  de  Paula,  whose  master, 
Manuel  Garcia  was  anxious  to  know  how  it  was  regarded  in  the  province. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vi.  143.  Yet  as  early  as  July  13th,  if  there  is 
no  error  in  the  date,  Capt.  Ruiz  wrote  from  San  Diego  that  a  new  Mexican 
flag  was  being  made,  though  both  cloth  and  colors  were  scarce.  Id.,  vi.  61. 
August  16th,  Santiago  Argiiello  sends  to  Guerra  a  model  of  the  new  coat-of- 
arms.  Id.,  vii.  75.  August  23d,  the  same  officer  understands  that  Fernandez 
is  coming  with  much  authority  both  military  and  ecclesiastic.  Id.,  vi.  62. 
August  10th,  Capt.  Ruiz  rejoices  at  the  empire  and  hopes  it  may  be  free  from 
storms.  Id.,  vi.  63.  August  12th,  Torre,  the  governor's  secretary,  writes  to 
Guerra  that  people  are  insane  about  the  coming  of  the  canonigo  as  of  a  mes- 
siah,  some  persons  having  just  come  from  the  south  who  had  talked  with  him. 
It  is  said  his  powers  are  very  great,  that  the  missions  are  to  be  turned  into 
towns,  etc.  '  Some  feel  themselves  already  rich,  others  avenged,  others  with 
offices,  and  still  more  with  ranches. '  The  writer  doubts  the  comisionado's 
authority  over  either  the  military  or  missionaries.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  iv. 
587-8.  Sept.  5th,  Sola  says  that  on  St  Augustine's  day  he  set  at  liberty  a 
soldier  under  arrest  in  honor  of  the  Generalisimo  Don  Agustin  Iturbide. 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  41. 

19  Yet  July  1st  a  hurried  express  from  Mexico  by  way  of  Loreto  arrived  at 
Monterey  to  inquire  if  the  independence  had  been  adopted  in  California.  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  18. 


458  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

terey  in  the  San  Carlos™  the  26th  of  September.  In 
the  peninsula  he  had  doubtless  learned  that  there 
were  no  reasons  to  fear  a  hostile  reception,  and  that 
no  especial  precautions  would  be  required  to  keep  the 
vessel  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  recalcitrant  loy 
alists.21  That  same  day  before  landing  he  sent  his 
credentials  from  the  regency  to  Sola,  and  others  from 
the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  to  Payeras,  the  receipt 
of  which  was  acknowledged  on  the  27th  and  30th  re 
spectively.22  From  this  point  records  respecting  the 
comisionado's  acts  and  the  acts  of  the  authorities  in 
consequence  of  his  coming  are  meagre.  It  is  a  re 
markable  fact  that  neither  public  nor  private  archives 
furnish  a  single  contemporary  document  on  the  change 
of  flag;  nor  is  the  exact  date  of  that  event  known, 
though  it  doubtless  took  place  with  all  due  ceremony 
at  the  four  presidios  at  the  end  of  September  or  early 
in  October. 

All  the  old  Californians  of  course  remember  the 
coming  of  the  can6nigo  and  the  change  of  flag,  but  in 

20  The  San  Carlos  was  commanded  by  Jose*  Maria  Narvaez,  his  son  Miguel 
being  alferez  de  navio,  Prieto,  contador,  and  the  priest  Afanadon,  or  Af ana- 
dor,  chaplain.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  121.     Old  Californians  say 
that  Fernandez  had  a  somewhat  numerous  suite  of  attendants,  which  may  be 
true,  though  there  is  nothing  in  the  records  on  the  subject.     He  was,  how 
ever,  accompanied  by  a  priest  known  to  the  Californians  as  the  *  padre  chi- 
quito,'  or  Padre  Borrego,  possibly  identical  with  Afanadon. 

21  Of  the  prevalent  fears  in  Mexico  on  this  subject,  the  existence  of  which 
I  learned  chiefly  from  the  instructions  to  Narvaez,  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
i. ,  formed  the  same  idea  from  a  conversation  he  overheard  between  Borrego 
and  one  of  the  maromeros. 

22  Sept.  26th,  Fernandez  to  Payeras,  from  on  board  the  imperial  brig  San 
Carlos.     Sept.  30th,  Payeras  to  *  Seiior  Canonigo  Comisionado  Dr  Don  Agus- 
tin  de  San  Vicente,'  announcing  that  he  has  circulated  a  copy  of  the  creden 
tials  among  the  padres  '  that  they  may  receive  with  reverent  submission  such 
precepts  as  Vuestra  Senoria  may  have  imposed  on  them.'  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
ix.  112-14.     Sept.  26th,  Sola  to  Fernandez,  receipt  of  documents.     Sept.  27th, 
receipt  of  credentials  (from  the  regency  and  not  the  emperor).     Same  date, 
letter  of  thanks  for  praise.   St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  52.     In  the  document 
alluded  to  as  sent  by  Fernandez  to  Payeras  or  possibly  another,  dated  Mexico, 
April  18th,  the  guardian  wrote  that  there  were  rumors  in  Mexico  that  the 
padres  were  averse  to  taking  the  oath;  that  he,  when  summoned  before  a 
junta,  had  denied  this;  and  that  the  comisionado  must  be  received  with 
respect  and  obedience.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  512-13;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
xi.  348-51.     Fernandez  also  brought  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  padres 
from  Sindico  Martiarena  of  Tepic.  Id. ,  xii.  405.     Oct.  2d,  Narvaez  to  Guerra, 
says  that  Fernandez  will  not  leave  California  until  he  has  installed  the  new 
government,  diputacion,  and  ayuntamientos.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
vi.  121. 


CHANGE  OF  FLAG.  459 

details  their  statements  are  confused,  since  they  are 
inclined  to  group  in  this  connection  all  that  occurred 
in  the  way  of  politics  from  the  swearing  of  the  liberal 
constitution  in  1820  to  that  of  1824  as  part  of  the 
change  from  the  old  to  the  new,  from  Spanish  mon 
archy  to  Mexican  republicanism  with  the  empire  as  a 
connecting  link.  No  wonder  they  fail  to  keep  clearly 
defined  the  details  of  the  successive  phases.  At  Mon 
terey  the  canonigo  took  part  personally  in  the  cere 
monies,  making  a  speech  in  which,  with  all  the  arts 
of  the  wily  populachero  that  he  was,  he  showed  that 
the  change  in  government  was  specially  devised  to 
promote  the  interests  of  each  particular  class.  Then 
the  old  flag  was  lowered,  not,  let  us  hope,  without 
tears  from  the  old  soldiers  of  Spain,  and  the  imperial 
banner  of  Mexico  was  unfolded  to  the  breeze  amidst 
thunders  of  artillery,  noise  of  drum  and  fife,  and 
shouts  of  "  Viva  la  Independencia  Mejicana!  Viva  el 
Emperador  Agustin  I.I"  The  friars  thought  much 
and  said  nothing;  young  men  were  inclined  to  be 
pleased  at  the  novelty;  the  Indians  are  said  to  have 
been  delighted  at  the  substitution  of  the  eagle  for 
the  lion;  and  if  any  felt  sad  at  heart  when  they 
thought  of  the  old-time  glories  of  the  flag  of  Castile, 
the  races  and  feastings  that  followed  the  church  cere 
monies,  and  the  grand  ball  that  lasted  through  the 
night,  went  far  to  efface  unpleasant  thoughts.23 

It  may  be  supposed  that  a  new  oath  of  allegiance 
to  Agustin  I.  was  required  from  every  one  in  the 
province;  but  there  is  no  record  to  prove  that  such 

23Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  281-95,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  i. 
193-206,  narrate  these  affairs  more  fully  than  others.  Pico,  Acontecimientos, 
MS.,  5-6;  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  20-2;  Ve"gar,  Recuerdo*,  MS.,  4;  and 
Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  6,  speak  more  or  less  fully  of  the  event  at  Mon 
terey.  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  79-80,  129-31,  remembers  the  change  at 
San  Francisco.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  15,  says  that  Guerra  was  absent 
from  Sta  Barbara  when  the  ceremony  took  place.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias, 
MS.,  13-14,  was  away,  but  heard  that  Manuel  Cota  and  another  man  refused 
allegiance.  Sra  Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  9-10,  remembers  that  the 
flag  was  raised  at  San  Diego  as  well  as  possible  without  a  flagstaff;  that  the 
soldiers  complained  that  there  was  no  distribution  of  money,  and  that  next 
day  all  the  soldiers  had  to  cut  off'  their  queues,  to  the  great  disgust  of  them 
selves  and  of  the  women. 


460  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

was  the  case.  A  decree  of  the  Mexican  congress 
dated  April  18th,  requiring  all  to  recognize  the  sov 
ereignty  of  the  nation  as  represented  by  that  body, 
and  to  promise  obedience  to  its  acts,  came  through 
the  bishop's  hands  and  was  circulated  by  the  presi 
dent  in  November;  but  the  only  recorded  instance 
of  compliance  was  at  San  Rafael  on  December  8th, 
and  in  the  oath  there  was  no  allusion  to  the  emperor.24 
Three  other  orders  were  forwarded  through  the  same 
channels.  One  was  the  bishop's  order  to  substitute 
the  name  of  Agustin  for  Fernando  in  the  litany  of 
prayers;  the  second  was  a  call  for  a  solemn  mass  arid 
te  deum  in  thanksgiving  for  the  installation  of  con 
gress,  and  three  days  of  prayer  for  divine  aid  to  that 
body;  the  third,  an  imperial  cedula  requiring  similar 
prayers  for  Iturbide's  wise  and  happy  rule;  while  a 
fourth,  arriving  too  late  for  obedience  in  this  year, 
called  upon  the  friars  to  pray  for  the  successful  issue 
of  important  business  which  called  the  emperor  to 
"Vera  Cruz,  and  also  for  the  happy  delivery  of  the 
empress.25 

The  canonigo  called  upon  the  padres  the  1st  of  Oc 
tober  for  a  full  report  on  each  mission,  with  particular 
reference  to  geography,  lands,  and  natural  resources. 
The  report  was  promptly  made  out  and  contained  a 
large  amount  of  information,  being  perhaps  the  most 
complete  descriptive  document  extant  on  the  subject; 
but  from  the  nature  of  the  material  it  can  best  be  util 
ized  in  connection  with  the  local  annals  of  this  decade.26 

24  April  18th,  decree  of  congress,  which  seems  to  have  been  constitutional 
when  the  decree  left  Mexico,  and  constituyenle  on  its  arrival  at  San  Rafael. 
S.  Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  165-6.  June  7th,  bishop  to  president.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  vi.  122-3.  N®v.  2d,  president  to  padres.  Id.,  xi.  184.  Dec.  8th,  oath 
taken  at  San  Rafael.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii. 

25 &  Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  166-70;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  123-30;  Vallejo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  xxxiii.  45. 

26  Oct.  1st,  Fernandez  to  the  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  124-7.  The 
information  was  sought  under  7  different  heads  or  topics,  including  popula 
tion,  live-stock,  crops,  mines,  fisheries,  geography,  and  needs  for  defence, 
etc.  The  answer  was  the  document  which  I  call  Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados, 
1822,  MS.  The  heading  in  the  original  is  Estado  de  la  Mision  de  San  Diego  (other 
names  substituted  and  rest  of  title  omitted  later)  en  satisfaction  de  los  puntos 
que  el  Sr  Prebendado  etc. ,  etc.  Comisionado  por  el  Supremo  Consejo  de  Re- 
gencia  a  las  dos  Calif ornias,  pide  d  la  Prcfectura  de  esta  Provincia. 


AN  INFORMAL  COUNCIL.  461 

Fernandez  clearly  understood  the  importance  of  the 
mission  question. 

A  meeting  was  held  at  the  governor's  house  on  the 
8th,  at  which  were  present  Sola,  Fernandez,  Payeras, 
Sarria,  and  Tapis,  captains  Argiiello  and  Navarrete, 
lieutenants  Estudillo,  Estrada,  and  Gomez,  and  Al- 
ferez  Haro.  The  meeting  was  an  informal  one,  of 
which  probably  no  records  were  kept,  but  from  letters 
written  the  next  day27  we  learn  that  four  topics  re 
ceived  attention  from  the  assembled  Californians  and 
were  decided — by  the  canonigo.  The  first  was  the 
governorship,  of  which  I  shall  speak  a  little  later. 
Next  came  up  the  establishment  of  a  provincial  dipu- 
tacion,  or  legislative  assembly,  under  the  constitution 
of  1812.  This  body  ought  properly  to  have  been  or 
ganized  long  before,  but  Sola  for  various  reasons  set 
forth  at  the  meeting,  chiefly  the  unfitness  of  the  Cali 
fornians  for  self-government,  had  neglected  to  comply 
with  the  law.  His  reasons  and  arguments  were  over 
thrown  by  the  comisionado,  who  declared  there  must 
be  a  diputacion  if  it  had  to  be  composed  of  Indians, 
and  that  the  art  of  self-government  could  best  be 
learned  by  practice.  Thus  it  was  settled.  Thirdly, 
the  matter  of  ayuntamientos,  or  town  councils,  at  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Jose  was  considered,  the  perfect  or 
ganization  of  these  councils  having  been  hitherto 
neglected,  without  any  sufficient  reason  as  the  cano 
nigo  decided.  Finally,  the  future  status  of  the  mis 
sions  was  discussed,  and  the  conclusion  was  that  the 
neophytes  might  remain  in  their  present  condition, 
with  certain  not  very  radical  modifications;  that  is, 
secularization  was  not  to  be  immediately  enforced.28 

27  Oct.  9th,  Sola  to  Guerra.    Two  letters.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.  78-80.    Oct. 
9th,  Payeras  to  the  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B. ,  MS.,  ix.  106-11.  Oct.  10th,  Jose"  Maria 
Narvaez  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  119-20.     Sola  writes 
chiefly  of  the  diputacion  and  ayuntamientos;  Payeras  of  mission  matters;  and 
Narvaez  of  the  new  governor  to  be  chosen,  though  all  three  mention  the  dif 
ferent  topics. 

28  Those  of  the  Indians  best  fitted  to  care  for  themselves  might  with  the 
consent  of  the  governor  and  padres  be  allowed  to  go  with  their  share  of  the 
property  to  the  pueblo,  or  to  live,  under  inspection,  separately  or  in  any  de 
cent  family.     The  lash  being  absolutely  abolished,  reliance  must  be  placed  on 


462  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

The  pueblos  had  always  had  an  ayuntamiento  com 
posed  of  an  alcalde  and  one  or  two  regidores.  The 
change  now  proposed  was  simply  the  addition  of  a 
sindico,  or  counsellor,  and  a  secretary  at  San  Jose 
and  Los  Angeles,  and  the  removal  of  the  governor's 
comisionado  who  at  each  pueblo  had  hitherto  been 
really  the  highest  authority.  Though  the  local  records 
are  incomplete,  I  think  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
change  was  carried  into  effect  this  year,  in  accordance 
with  the  governor's  orders.29 

The  same  electors  who  on  May  21st  had  elected  Sola 
as  diputado  to  the  Mexican  cortes,  were  at  once  sum 
moned  to  Monterey.  The  can6nigo  had  ordered  that 
these  five  men  had  the  right  not  only  to  choose  a 
diputacion  for  the  province,  but  to  elect  themselves  as 
members  of  that  august  body.  Accordingly  they  did 
so  elect  themselves  on  November  9th  in  the  following 
order  of  seniority :  Jose  Aruz,  Francisco  Ortega,  Fran 
cisco  Castro,  and  Jos£  Palomares.  Carlos  Castro  was 
substituted  as  fifth  vocal,  or  member,  for  Ignacio  Lopez; 
perhaps  because  the  latter  could  not  read  or  write,  and 
Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  was  added  to  make  up  the  requi 
site  number  of  six.  Antonio  and  Jose  Castro  were 
named  as  substitutes ;  the  governor  was  ex  officio  pre 
sident,  and  Francisco  de  Haro  was  made  secretary. 
Thus  constituted,  this  first  legislature  of  California, 
the  members  having  sworn  obedience  to  the  consti 
tution  and  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  was  installed 
on  the  same  day  with  appropriate  ceremonies  not  mi- 

a  stick  applied  to  the  clothed  back,  or  .to  stocks,  shackles,  etc.,  all  'gently' 
applied.  The  diputacion  would  watch  over  the  missions.  The  padres  must 
make  extra  efforts  to  instruct  the  Indians.  The  neophytes  must  be  in  readi 
ness  to  help  resist  invasion. 

'29  In  his  letter  of  Oct.  9th,  already  referred  to,  Sola  ordered  that  Maitorena 
be  sent  at  once  to  Los  Angeles  to  assemble  the  officers  and  people,  inform 
them  of  the  addition  to  be  made,  leave  them  to  choose  new  officers,  or  retain 
the  old  ones,  and  cause  the  comisionado  to  retire  and  join  his  company.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  78-9.  Payeras  in  his  letters  stated  that  Branciforte  was  in 
this  respect  to  be  added  to  S.  Jose".  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  100-10.  Nov. 
7th,  Sola  has  been  informed  of  the  installation  of  the  newly  appointed  ayun 
tamiento  of  Los  Angeles.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  80.  The  ayuntamiento  as  a 
body  was  to  be  addressed  as  '  Ilustre,'  or  '  Muy  Ilustre,'  or  '  Usia';  the  mem 
bers  as  '  Seiior  Eegidor,'  etc.,  or  plain  '  Vd.'  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i,  262. 


FIRST  LEGISLATURE.  463 

nutely  described,  but  including  a  discourse  by  Payeras, 
a  solemn  te  deum,  and  salutes  of  artillery  and  musketry. 
The  diputacion  held  a  session  now  and  then  for  the 
rest  of  the  year,  dealing  for  the  most  part  with  minor 
matters,  and  doing  less  harm  than  is  attributed  to 
some  of  the  legislative  assemblies  of  later  years.30 

Between  the  meeting  of  October  8th  and  the  or 
ganization  of  the  diputacion  on  November  9th  the 
canonigo  made  a  visit  to  the  Russian  settlement  above 
Bodega.  Payeras  went  with  him  and  wrote  a  diary 
of  the  trip.31  They  left  Monterey  on  October  llth 

30 Record  of  the  organization  of  the  diputacion.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  8-11. 
Capt.  Navarrete,  Cadet  Torre,  and  Alf .  Haro  were  the  witnesses  of  the  formal 
installation.  Other  statements  of  the  fact  and  lists  of  members.  Dept.  JRec., 
MS.,  i.  119;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  183;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  82; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  29.  Nov.  27th,  the  governor  issues  a  procla 
mation  in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  forbidding,  under  severe  penalties,  all 
undue  criticisms  of  the  acts  of  the  diputacion,  and  all  marks  of  disrespect  to 
the  body,  or  any  of  its  members,  and  all  efforts  to  divide  public  opinion,  or 
create  ill-feeling  or  disturbance.  Published  at  San  Francisco  Dec.  1st.  Val- 
lejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  50.  It  seems  that  some  of  the  military  officers 
had  talked  rather  freely  about  the  ignorance,  etc.,  of  the  new  legislators. 
Dep.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  123.  Guerra,  in  a  private  letter  to  Argiiello,  disapproved 
of  the  bando  as  too  sweeping,  and  on  an  insignificant  matter.  It  was  no  crime 
to  say  that  one  of  the  diputados  was  a  tomista,  and  others  ignorant  fellows. 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  623-4.  Nov.  30th,  Payeras  instructs  the  padres  as 
to  the  titles  due  to  the  new  assembly.  As  a  body,  the  diputacion  was  to  be 
addressed  as  'Vuestra  Excelencia,' a  communication  to  be  addressed  'a  la 
Excma.  Diputacion  Provincial  de  esta  Nueva  California,'  or  'al  Sr  Presi- 
dente  de  la  Excma  Diputacion.'  Each  member  in  the  board  was  to  be  'Usia,' 
or  '  Vuestra  Senoria;'  but  out  of  it  '  Sr  Vocal,'  or  '  Vd.'  The  title  of  'gov 
ernor  '  had  been  abolished  in  favor  of  '  Gefe  or  Comandante  Superior  Politico 
y  Militar.'  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  262.  The  only  recorded  sessions  of  the 
diputacion  in  1822  were:  Nov.  9th,  when  the  body  was  organized;  Nov.  12th, 
when  taxes  were  levied;  Nov.  13th,  when  a  special  tax  to  pay  Sola's  expenses 
was  imposed;  and  Nov.  27th,  when  the  matter  of  habilitado's  compensation 
was  settled. 

bl  Payeras,  Noticias  sobre  Ross.  Diario  de  la  Gaminata  que  emprenditi. . . 
en  union  del  Sr  Gomisionado  del  Imperio. .  .1822,  MS.  The  route  with  names 
was  as  follows:  Oct.  llth,  Monterey  to  Rancho  Nacional,  formerly  Del  Rey, 
or  San  Pedro.  Oct.  12th,  through  the  Canada  de  Natividad  N.  E.  to  San  Juan 
Bautista,  where  Sunday  was  spent.  Oct.  14th,  3  1.  N.  E.  to  rancho  of  M.  C. 
(Castro?);  Laguna  Seca;  San  Jose";  Sta  Clara.  Oct.  15th,  to  San  Fraiicisquito 
5  1.  N.  w.;  3  1.  to  Rancho  de  las  Pulgas;  2  1.  to  San  Mateo;  5  1.  to  El  Porte- 
zuelo;  1  1.  to  Mission  San  Francisco.  Oct.  16th-18th,  rested  while  horses 
were  crossed  over  the  bay.  Oct.  19th,  crossed  from  San  Francisco  to  San 
Rafael  in  the  lancha  by  rowing.  Oct.  20th,  5  1.  N.  to  Sta  Lucia  de  Olompali 
(written  Onompali,  on  a  former  trip  Alompali};  2  1.  N.  w.  to  Airoyo  de  San 
Antonio;  6  1.  N.  w.  into  the  hills  and  Canada  de  San  Vicente,  with  two 
springs.  Oct.  21st,  N.  w.  ciound  two  points  of  the  Estero  del  Americano, 
over  very  steep  hills,  and  south  1  1.  to  shore  of  Bodega  Bay,  11  1.  from  San 
Vicente,  where  were  two  springs  near  the  beach  and  two  redwood  houses  built 


464  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

accompanied  by  eight  'citizens/ half  of  whom  were 
Indians.  The  breaking-down  of  a  cart  to  which  the 
two  padres  had  intrusted  themselves  deposited  them 
in  positions  more  or  less  inconsistent  with  ecclesiastical 
dignity,  inflicted  a  few  bruises,  and  supplied  the  only 
excitement  of  the  journey  to  San  Francisco.  Being 
reenforced  by  Captain  Argtiello  and  Lieutenant  Valle, 
with  a  few  soldiers  and  servants,  the  party  were  rowed 
on  the  19th  in  the  lancha  to  San  Rafael.  Three  days 
took  them  over  the  hills  to  Bodega  and  up  the  coast 
to  Ross.  The  distinguishing  incident  on  this  part  of 
the  trip  was  the  attempt  of  a  refractory  mustang  to 
throw  the  imperial  comisionado  into  a  stream.  It  was 
not  quite  successful,  but  the  struggle  made  the  rider 
sick  even  to  vomiting  and  the  color  of  the  result  gave 
to  the  stream,  now  Salmon  Creek,  the  name  of  Arroyo 
Verde. 

The  time  spent  at  Ross  was  from  11  A.  M.  on  the 
22d  to  the  morning  of  the  24th.  The  visitors  were 
received  with  a  salute  of  four  guns,  and  were  treated 
with  the  most  cordial  hospitality  by  the  young  mana 
ger  Karl  Schmidt  and  his  subordinates,  who  enter 
tained  them  with  fireworks  and  music,  besides  showing 
and  explaining  everything  in  and  about  the  settlement. 
The  resulting  description  as  written  by  Payeras  will 
be  utilized  elsewhere.  Of  official  diplomatic  intercourse 
between  Fernandez  and  Schmidt  there  is  no  record. 
The  comisionado's  object  was  of  course  to  obtain  as 
much  information  as  possible  for  the  government  in 
Mexico.  A  Russian  writer  says  that  he  warned  the 
Russians  to  abandon  the  settlement  within  six  months 
or  they  would  be  ejected  by  force.82  Some  of  the 

by  the  Russians;  N.  along  beach  and  over  several  hard  hills  to  Arroyo  Verde. 
Oct.  22d,  2  1.  N.  to  Rio  de  San  Ignacio,  so  named  by  Argiiello  in  his  expedition 
of  1821  at  a  point  about  13  1.  further  up  (Russian  River  of  course.  See  chap, 
xx.  this  volume.  There  is  some  confusion  not  easily  cleared  up;  but  the  131. 
may  be  an  underestimate);  1£  1.  to  Santa  Maria  Arroyo;  to  Ross,  6£  1.  from 
Arroyo  Verde;  arriving  at  11  A.  M.  Oct.  24th  at  8.30  A.  M.  sailed  for  Bodega, 
where  the  soldiers  and  horses  wese  joined.  No  new  names  on  the  return 
march.  Oct.  31st,  they  were  at  San  Jose",  and  Nov.  2d  reached  San  Juan 
Bautista. 

32  Potechin,  Selenie  fioss,  16. 


SEA-SICK  DIGNITARIES.  465 

Californians  give  credit  to  a  report,  which  I  deem 
utterly  without  foundation,  that  Fernandez  devised  a 
scheme  to  bribe  the  Indians  and  treacherously  fall 
upon  the  Russian  garrison  at  night,  thus  freeing  the 
imperial  domain  from  its  invaders  at  one  blow!  The 
Spanish  officers,  we  are  told,  refused  to  take  part  in 
any  such  plot.33 

For  the  return  Manager  Schmidt  offered  a  bidarka 
with  fifteen  oarsmen,  to  which  apparently  frail  vessel 
of  skins  the  two  priests  with  a  few  attendants  in 
trusted  themselves,  not  without  misgivings,  for  a  sea 
voyage  down  to  Bodega.  The  sea  was  not  quite  tran 
quil  from  a  landsman's  point  of  view,  and  now  it  was 
the  turn  of  the  venerable  comisario  prefecto  with 
contorted  features  to  unburden  his  stomach,  while  the 
canonigo,  pale  as  death,  looked  with  as  much  com 
placency  as  circumstances  would  permit  on  his  com 
panion's  discomfiture.  Nothing  of  interest  occurred 
on  the  return  from  Bodega  to  San  Rafael,  except  an 
other  equestrian  performance  in  which  the  canonigo 
was  thrown  and  somewhat  bruised,  while  Payeras 
looked  on,  in  sorrow — perhaps.  The  party  was  at  San 
Jose  the  31st  and  at  San  Juan  Bautista,  where  the 
diary  terminates,  the  2d  of  November.  At  each  mis 
sion  on  the  route  Fernandez  was  welcomed  with  the 
ceremony  due  to  his  exalted  rank. 

Chosen  as  deputy  and  engaged  in  preparations  for 
departure  Sola  had  notified  Jose'  de  la  Guerra  to  be  at 
Monterey  by  the  middle  of  July  to  assume  the  com 
mand.  As  the  senior  officer  in  California  Guerra  was 
entitled  in  the  natural  order  of  things  under  the  old 
system  to  become  acting  governor  until  the  regular 
appointment  of  a  successor  to  Sola;  and  no  other 
officer  was  thought  of  for  the  position.  The  change 
was  delayed  by  the  coming  of  Fernandez;  but  again 

™Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  212-16;  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  317- 
23;  Vallcjo  (J.  J.L  Remimscencias,  MS.,  80-1;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS., 
32-5.    None  of  these  seem  to  know  that  Argiiello  was  one  of  the  party,  or 
how  small  the  Spanish  force  really  was. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    30 


4G6  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

on  October  1st,  Sola  announced  his  intention  of  sail 
ing  in  the  San  Carlos,  and  summoned  Guerra  to  the 
capital.  The  captain  was  congratulated  by  his  friends, 
who  expressed  the  hope  that  the  appointment  would 
be  made  permanent.34 

When  the  cancSnigo  heard  who  was  to  be  intrusted 
with  the  temporary  rule,  he  suddenly  discovered  that 
his  instructions  required  the  acting  governor  to  be 
chosen  by  a  vote  of  officers.  He  knew  the  growing 
feeling  of  bitterness  against  the  Gachupines,  or  Span 
iards,  in  Mexico,  and  he  did  not  deem  it  conducive  to 
his  own  personal  influence  and  popularity  to  return  to 
Mexico  with  a  report  that  he  had  left  a  Spaniard  in 
command  of  California.  He  had  no  objections  per 
sonally  to  Guerra,  does  not  seem  to  have  expressed 
openly  any  opposition  to  his  appointment,  and  sub 
sequently  gave  as  a  reason  for  his  real  opposition  the 
advice  of  the  padres  that  Don  Jose  was  too  strict  a 
disciplinarian  for  the  times.35  The  wily  priest  had 
noted  some  signs  that  the  younger  Californians  were 
imbibing  the  Mexican  prejudice  against  the  Spaniards, 
had  dropped  here  and  there  a  word  calculated  to 
foment  the  infection,  and  supposed  he  could  safely 
trust  the  officers  for  the  rest. 

It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  this  matter  was  talked 
over  by  Fernandez  and  Luis  Argiiello  during  their 
trip  to  Bodega.  At  any  rate,  soon  after  his  return 
the  can6nigo  learned  that  the  officers  were  not  likely 
to  vote  in  accordance  with  his  wishes,  perhaps  had 

34  June  20th,  Sola  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  97-8.     On 
July  7th,  P.  Zalvidea  congratulated  him  on  his  accession.     Oct.  1st,  Sola  to 
same.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  78.     Oct.    6th,  20th,  Lieut.   Gomez  and  Sergt. 
Vallejo  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  150,  155.     As  early  as 
January  P.  Martinez  had  conjectured  a  change  of  governor  and  the  choice  of 
Guerra.  Id.,  iii.  11. 

35  From  a  letter  written  soon  after  his  arrival  it  would  seem  that  Fernan 
dez  knew  Guerra  in  Mexico.     He  addresses'  him  as  '  my  old  and  esteemed 
friend,'  and  hopes  to  see  him  come  to  take  possession  of  the  government. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  169.     Feb.  10,  1823,  Manuel  Varela  writes 
from  Tepic  that  the  canonigo  expressed  regret  at  not  having  left  Guerra  in 
charge,  but  that  he  had  acted  on  the  advice  of  the  padres  who  thought  in 
the  present  condition  of  the  troops  it  was  not  best  to  '  keep  the  hawser  too 
taut.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  vi.  135. 


ARGUELLO  ELECTED  GOVERNOR,  467 

already  voted  against  them,36  and  was  forced  to  con 
sult  anew  his  instructions,  which  told  him  this  time 
that  the  diputacion  must  also  have  a  voice  in  the 
election.  So  of  course  it  was  decided.  The  dipu- 
tados  voted  solid  against  Guerra,  and  Captain  Luis 
Arguello  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  one  or  two, 
probably  on  the  9th  or  10th  of  November.  Don  Jose 
was  bitterly  disappointed,  and  his  friends  were  indig 
nant.  Argiiello  was  not  blamed,  at  least  not  by 
Guerra,  who  had  always  been  and  continued  to  be  his 
warm  personal  friend;  but  charges  of  corruption  were 
freely  made,  and  the  vote  of  the  diputacion  was  said 
to  have  been  bought.  Some  dwellers  in  the  south 
were  inclined  to  take  a  sectional  view  of  the  matter 
and  regard  the  election  of  Arguello  as  a  dangerous 
triumph  of  the  north.  The  correspondence  on  this 
subject  being  altogether  one-sided,37  it  does  not  be 
hoove  me  to  enter  deeply  into  the  merits  of  the  con 
troversy,  neither  is  it  necessary.  The  can6nigo  deemed 

36  The  fact  that  Estudillo  writes  from  San  Diego  on  Nov.  llth,  saying  that 
he  presumes  the  election  is  over,  and  that  he  voted  for  Guerra,  shows  that 
some  of  the  votes  were  forwarded  by  letter.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.  vi. 
111.     Estudillo  admits  that  he  would  prefer  the  governor  under  present  cir 
cumstances  not  to  be  a  European. 

37  Nov.  21st,  Estudillo  to  Guerra,  says  that  he  understands  the  number  of 
votes,  those  of  the  diputados  included,  was  equally  divided,  and  Arguello 
was  elected  by  Sola's  declining  to  vote.     He  congratulates  Guerra  on  escap 
ing  the  burden.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  vi.     Juan  Malarin  writes 
to  same  effect;  says  that  Estrada  did  vote,  and  Santiago  was  not  allowed  to; 
declares  that  there  was  trickery  in  the  southern  votes;  and  that  the  diputa 
cion  voted  solid  for  Arguello.  Id.,  vi.  113.     These  two  letters  are  all  the 
definite  information  we  have  about  the  voting.     It  would  appear  that  only 
one  or  two  officers  could  have  voted  for  Arguello.     Guerra  himself  says  such 
was  the  case  in  a  later  communication  to  a  Mexican  newspaper  in  which  he 
defended  himself  against  charges  by  Petit  Thouars.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
1,376-7.     Nov.  18th,  Anastasio  Carrillo  writes  from  Los  Angeles  that  'those 
of  the  north  have  had  their  own  way  in  electing  Don  Luis.'  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  91.   Nov.  21st,  Estudillo  writes:  'It  is  best  to  obey;  time 
will  tell.'  Id.,  vi.  111.    Nov.  22d,  Capt.  Ruiz  writes  that  the  bomb  has  burst 
against  them.     'Those  provineiales  (diputados)  will  work  to  render  them 
selves  hateful  to  all.'  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  613.     Nov.  24th,  Malarin 
writes  that  Narvaez  had  told   him  'the  votes  of  the  diputados  had  been 
bought.     Indeed  may  God  help  them,  but  the  facts  are  before  our  eyes.' 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  126.     Jan.  2,  1823,  Narvaez  advises  Guerra 
to  abide  by  his  fate,  but  yet  lay  a  complaint  before  the  supreme  government 
of  the  gross  slight  inflicted  on  him.    Thinks,  however,  he  was  lucky  to  escape 
the  burden.  Id.,  vi.  122.     Nov.  22d,  Torre  says  there  are  many  discontented 
ones  and  he  believes  even  the  diputados  repent  of  their  action.  Id.,  vi.  105. 
The  Californians  in  their  recollections  add  nothing  on  this  subject  to  what  is 


468  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

it  best  that  a  Mexican  and  not  a  Spaniard  should  rule 
California,  and  many  in  the  province,  though  Guerra 
was  very  popular,  shared  this  feeling,  or  were  induced 
to  share  it.  Just  what  wires  were  pulled,  and  how, 
in  this  election  of  governor  as  in  all  that  have  fol 
lowed  down  to  date,  is  not  known.  Acting-governor 
Argliello  came  down  to  the  capital  on  a  whaler  and 
took  formal  possession  of  his  office  on  the  day  that 
Sola  departed,  probably  November  22d,  but  possibly 
a  day  later.  His  proper  title,  however,  like  that  of 
Sola  himself  during  this  last  year  of  his  rule,  was  no 
longer  governor  but  gefe  politico,  or  political  chief,  as 
appears  from  the  usage  in  contemporary  documents, 
though  I  find  no  definite  order  in  the  archives  for 
such  a  change  at  this  time.  This  being  explained,  I 
shall  continue  to  use  the  more  convenient  title  of  gov 
ernor  as  before.33 

The  comisionado  was  not  quite  satisfied  with  the 
padres,  or  at  least  he  wished  to  carry  back  to  Mexico 
more  definite  proofs  of  their  loyalty  to  the  cause  of 
independence  than  he  yet  possessed;  and  he  therefore, 
with  the  aid  of  Payeras,  attempted  to  obtain  from 
each  friar  a  certificate  of  his  views.  Many  had  not 

learned  from  the  few  original  papers  preserved,  and  they  fall  into  very  many 
errors.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  217-21;  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  11-12; 
Oslo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  56-7;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  295-9;  Larios,  Con- 
vulsiones,  MS.,  6-7;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  16;  Pico,  Acontedmientos,  MS., 
6-7;  Avila,  Cosas  de  Gal,  MS.,  22;  Fernandez,  Gosas  de  Gal,  MS.,  22-3. 

38  There  is  no  definite  record  either  of  Argiiello's  taking  possession  or  of 
Sola's  departure;  but  on  Nov.  22d  Torre  writes  that  Argiiello  has  arrived  from 
San  Francisco  and  has  not  yet  received  the  badge  of  office.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal.,  MS.,  vi.  105;  and  on  the  same  date  Fernandez  dates  a  letter  from  'on 
board  the  San  Carlos,''  indicating  that  he  had  embarked,  and  that  the  vessel 
sailed  that  afternoon  or  next  morning.  S.  Jos6  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  49.  Nov. 
13th,  Payeras  writes  that  the  San  Carlos  must  sail  on  the  22d.  Arch.  Sta  B., 
MS.,  xi.  180-1.  This  is  perhaps  rather  a  weak  foundation  on  which  to  base 
the  date  when  Argiiello's  rule  began;  but  it  is  all  that  is  extant.  The  title 
given  to  Sola  this  year  and  to  Argiiello  was  generally  '  gefe  politico  y  coman- 
dante  militar;'  but  the  word  'superior'  was  often  added,  and  there  were 
other  verbal  variations  indicating  that  the  change  rested,  so  far  as  California 
was  concerned,  on  no  direct  order  from  Mexico,  but  rather  on  a  general  under 
standing  that  a  change  had  been  ordered.  In  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerra,  1823,  p. 
25,  it  is  stated  that  the  office  of  governor  had  been  suppressed  in  various 
places;  but  that  in  California  the  matter  was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  exec 
utive.  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  292-3,  erroneously  states  that  Sola,  faithful  to 
his  oaths,  refused  to  serve  the  new  government,  and  left  Monterey  with  some 
of  his  royalist  soldiers. 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  CANON.  460 

responded  as  late  as  November  13th,  when  the  prefect 
issued  a  circular  to  hasten  their  response,  and  to  show 
the  importance  of  the  Franciscans  being  square  on  the 
record  before  the  sailing  of  the  ship.  Of  the  effect  pro 
duced  by  this  document  I  know  nothing,  but  I  suppose 
that  all  the  certificates  were  forthcoming,  since  after 
the  oath  previously  taken  there  was  no  object  in  with 
holding  them.  The  14th  Pay  eras  wrote  in  the  name 
of  the  padres  and  neophytes  a  polite,  humble,  and  flat 
tering  address  to  the  emperor,  praying  for  blessings 
on  the  imperial  family,  regretting  that  the  Califor- 
nians  were  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  seeing  one 
whese  august  name  had  reached  their  ears,  and  hoping 
that  Agustin  I.  would  not  lose  sight  of  the  pagans  yet 
to  be  converted  in  the  north.39 

The  canonigo  thus  accomplished  his  task  in  Califor 
nia  and  was  ready  to  depart.  Besides  being  imperial 
comisionado  he  was  the  highest  ecclesiastical  dignitary 
who  had  ever  visited  the  province;  yet  his  qualities 
did  not  altogether  accord  with  his  holy  office  as  viewed 
by  the  friars  and  by  many  others.  He  was  a  rosy- 
cheeked,  jovial,  gayly  dressed  priest,  a  bon-vivant, 
spending  money  freely  and  always  ready  to  borrow 
from  any  one.  His  peculiarities  as  a  politician  and 
demagogue  are  sufficiently  illustrated  in  the  preceding 
narrative  of  his  operations.  That  he  left  unpaid  debts 
and  that  he  was  a  gambler,  is  shown  by  the  corre 
spondence  of  the  time,  even  if  we  hesitate  to  credit  the 
unclerical  fondness  for  wine  and  women,  by  which, 
according  to  old  Californians,  the  friars  were  scandal 
ized,  and  by  reason  of  which  they  rejoiced  at  the 
canon's  departure.  Sola,  at  first  his  friend,  afterward 
denounced  him  as  a  scoundrel.  After  the  downfall  of 
Iturbide,  Fernandez  was  reported  to  be  in  prison,  but 
in  1825  he  appears  again  as  vicar  of  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexico.40 

39  Nov.  13th,  Payeras  to  padres.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi.  180-1.     Nov.  14th, 
Payeras  to  emperor.  Id.,  vi.  236-40. 

40  On  the  can6nigo's  character,  and  especially  his  gambling  propensities, 
correspondence  of  various  padres  and  officers  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Caly 


see 


470  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

Sailing  from  Monterey  November  22d  the  San 
Carlos  touched  at  San  Diego  for  a  week  or  perhaps 
more  at  the  end  of  December  and  beginning  of  Jan 
uary.  If  Fernandez  had  any  official  business  here 
beyond  an  attempt  to  retrieve  his  fortunes  at  the 
gaming-table  its  nature  does  not  appear.  He  was  not 
lucky  at  cards  in  the  south  if  we  may  credit  the  state 
ment  of  Santiago  Argliello,  one  of  whose  letters  and 
one  from  Captain  Narvaez  are  the  only  records  extant 
of  the  stay  at  San  Diego.  On  the  San  Carlos  besides 
the  canon  sailed  Sola  and  Lieutenant  Manuel  Gomez, 
who  left  the  artillery  force  of  California  to  the  com 
mand  of  Ramirez.41 

In  connection  with  Sola's  departure,  though  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  mention  his  name  incidentally  a  little 
later,  I  present  here  a  connected  biographical  notice.42 

MS.,  v.-vii.  passim.  He  quarrelled  with  Santiago  Argiiello  and  others  about 
gambling  debts  at  San  Diego.  P.  Uria  when  he  heard  that  the  Cononicazo  was 
coming  thought  it  would  be  a  good  plan  to  present  him  with  $2,000  and  a 
dozen  packs  of  cards.  Sola  accused  him  of  intriguing  to  keep  him  out  of 
congress,  of  committing  scandalous  acts  both  in  California  and  Mexico,  of 
leaving  unpaid  debts  at  the  capital,  and  of  abandoning  in  Mexico  one  of  the 
Russians  he  had  brought  with  him  and  from  whom  he  had  borrowed  $497. 
Malarin  had  something  to  say  about  his  debts  and  fondness  for  display.  Va- 
llejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  323-7,  says  Maginwas  so  horrified  that  he  requested 
Fernandez  to  quit  Sta  Clara.  He  also  alludes  to  the  races  and  bull  fights 
given  in  Monterey  in  honor  of  the  comisionado.  J.  J.  Vallejo,  llcminis- 
cencias,  MS.,  79-81,  speaks  of  his  immoralities;  as  does  also  Alvarado,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  i.  216-17.  August  2,  1823,  Ruiz  to  Guerra,  mentions  report  that 
Fernandez  is  a  prisoner.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  221.  Appointed 
vicario  of  New  Mexico.  Mexico,  Mem.  Jutticia,  1826,  18-19. 

41  Manuel  Gomez  first  appears  in  the  California  records  in  1817  when  he 
was  sergeant,  and  brevet  alf^rez  in  command  of  the  artillery  detachment  of 
San  Francisco.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xliv.  20.     When  he  came  to 
the  country  is  not  known,  his  name  not  appearing  among  the  18  artillerymen 
who  came  in  1797.     In  1818  he  commanded  the  artillery  at  Monterey,  and 
was  accused  by  some  of  the  Calif ornians  of  treachery  in  connection  with  the 
Bouchard  affair.     The  charge  was  I  think  wholly  without  foundation — see 
chap.  xi.  of  this  volume — and  for  his  gallantry  at  this  time  he  was  promoted 
to  be  lieutenant  in  1819.     March  22,  1819,  viceroy  to  Sola.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  72.     July  6th,  Sola  to  viceroy.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlvi.  11;  xlix.  32. 
He  remained  in  chief  command  of  the  artillery  force  until  his  departure. 
He  married  a  daughter  of  Jos6  Maria  Estudillo.     July  30,  1822,  announces 
his  approaching  departure.     Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  59-60;  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  155.     I  know  nothing  of  his  subsequent  career. 

42  Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola  was  a  native  probably  of  Mondragon,  Vizcaya, 
Spain,  and  of  gentle  birth.     He  had  two  brothers,  Casimiro  and  Vicente,  in 
Spain,  with  whom  he  corresponded,  as  also  with  a  niece,  Dona  Brigida  Sola. 
There  was  a  sister  who  was  a  nun,  and  apparently  another  brother  who  was  a 
priest,  besides  his  brother  Faustino,  who  served  in  California  as  a  missionary 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  SOLA.  471 

The  reader  of  the  preceding  seven  years'  annals  of 
California  is  well  acquainted  with  the  man,  his  pecu 
liarities,  defects,  and  excellences  of  character.  He 
was  of  an  essentially  different  type  from  his  predeces 
sors.  They  had  earned  their  military  rank  step  by 
step  in  frontier  presidial  service,  and  were  thorough 
soldiers.  Sola  sprung  from  a  family  of  considerable 
wealth  and  position  and  had  been  carefully  educated 

before  1790,  and  died  at  San  Fernando  college  in  1820,  after  being  insane  for 
30  years.  He  had  also  a  nephew,  Jose"  Gabriel  Sola,  who  was  a  lieutenant- 
colonel  in  Mexico  in  1820.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  23,  26,  35;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  200-2;  Arch.  Sta  B..,  MS.,  xi.  159-60.  Don  Pablo  evidently 
rsceived  a  good  education,  but  of  his  early  life  and  of  his  military  service 
nothing  is  known,  until  he  was  appointed  to  act  temporarily  as  habilitado 
general  of  the  Californias  in  Mexico  in  1805-7,  being  a  captain  at  the  time, 
and  over  40  years  of  age. 

Being  lieut.  -colonel  of  provincial  militia,  he  was  appointed  governor  of 
California  by  the  viceroy  on  Dec.  31,  1814,  took  the  oath  at  Guadalajara 
March  31,1815,  and  landed  at  Monterey  Aug.  30th.  To  recount  his  difficulties 
in  combating  the  insurgents  and  hard  times  would  be  to  repeat  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  nine  preceding  chapters.  He  was  often  discontented  and  asked  -to 
be  relieved,  but  always  joined  to  his  complaints  a  petition  for  a  better  posi 
tion.  One  of  his  last  communications  written  in  California  was  a  complaint 
of  overwork.  Nov.  15,  1822,  letter  to  Guerra  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  81. 
This  was  only  one  of  fifty  complaints,  many  of  which  have  bee"n  noticed  in . 
other  chapters.  March  22,  1819,  the  viceroy  sent  Sola  a  commission  as  col 
onel  of  provincial  militia,  with  thanks  in  the  king's  name  for  his  services 
against  Bouchard.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xx.  70;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  55.  In  Octo 
ber  of  the  same  year  he  was  again  thanked  for  his  conduct  when  the  Colorado 
Indians  attacked  San  Buenaventura.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  77. 

Elected  May  21st  as  diputado  to  the  Mexican  cortes,  or  congress,  he  sailed 
from  Monterey  Nov.  22d,  and  was  at  San  Diego  Dec.  18th  and  Jan.  2d.  He 
arrived  at  Tepic  Jan.  25th,  was  at  Guadalajara  in  April,  and  at  Mexico  in 
June.  Nothing  is  really  known  of  him  later,  except  that  early  in  1826  an 
order  of  the  Mexican  government  separating  him  from  the  military  service 
was  published  in  California.  Dept.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  45.  He  was  not  admitted 
at  first  to  the  congress  of  1823,  a  fact  which  he  attributed  to  the  influence  of 
the  canonigo  Fernandez;  and  though  the  Calif ornians  accredit  him  with  some 
subsequent  service  as  a  diputado,  I  find  no  record  on  the  subject.  Taylor 
says  he  died  in  Mexico  about  1824,  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  181,  but  I  sup 
pose  without  any  authority. 

Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  2-5,  51,  tells  us  that  Sola  had  less  prudence  and 
knowledge  than  Arrillaga,  was  proud,  and  unpopular  with  his  subordinates; 
sometimes  showing  traits  of  generosity,  and  again  cruel  and  harsh  even  to  tho 
extent  of  striking  those  who  displeased  him;  regarded  by  Pay  eras  as  not  hard 
to  manage.  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  75-7,  describes  him  as  amiable, 
peaceful,  and  humane,  with  a  better  education  and  more  polished  manners 
than  any  of  his  predecessors;  being  also  one  of  the  most  influential  of  Spanish 
liberals  in  Mexico.  Jose"  de  Jesus  Vallejo,  Reminixcencias,  MS.,  69-70,  has 
nothing  but  praise  for  Sola's  character,  describing  him  as  Christian,  liberal, 
loyal,  an  'Espaiiol  rancio'  yet  loving  the  Calif  ornians  as  his  countrymen  (!). 
Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  128-34,  tells  a  number  of  anecdotes  illustrating  his 
peculiarities  from  a  favorable  point  of  view;  but  relates  that  he  on  one  occa 
sion  struck  a  soldier  who  applied  to  him  for  retirement  from  the  service, 
because  the  application  should  have  been  made  to  a  lower  officer.  Romero,, 


472  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

in  the  schools  of  Spain.  He  had  probably  seen  no 
military  service,  but  had  been  advanced  by  the 
influence  of  friends  to  various  staff  positions  in  Mexi 
can  military  bureaux.  His  associations  and  tenden 
cies  were  aristocratic,  but  liberal  and  refined,  and  he 
had  good  natural  abilities.  He  had  had  better  advan 
tages  than  any  of  his  predecessors  except  Neve  and 
Borica,  but  in  strength  and  depth  of  character  not 
one  in  the  list  was  his  inferior.  He  was  a  ruler  for 
fair  weather.  His  inclinations  were  to  be  a  gentle 
man,  wise,  public-spirited,  liberal,  brave,  dignified  but 
affable.  There  are  traces  of  these  inclinations  through 
out  his  experience  in  California.  Under  such  favorable 
circumstances  as  could  rarely  or  never  occur  in  this 
world  he  might  have  made  those  qualities  the  promi 
nent  characteristics  of  his  rule,  but  such  was  the 
inherent  weakness  of  his  nature  that  the  first  wave 
of  adversity  swept  them  away,  leaving  a  peevishly 
despotic,  egotistic,  and  ill-tempered  old  man,  prone  to 
attribute  every  trouble  to  the  stupidity  of  the  despised 
Californians,  the  culpable  neglect  of  Spain,  or  a  league 
of  all  the  powers  of  heaven  and  earth  against  himself. 
Not  only  are  his  constant  complaints  and  self-praise 
in  the  worst  taste,  but  his  acts  and  especially  his 
correspondence  at  the  time  of  the  Bouchard  affair 
savor  strongly  of  cowardly  braggadocio;  while  the 
manner  of  his  sudden  change  from  a  royalist  Spaniard 
to  an  enthusiastic  Mexican  independent  reflects  no 
glory  on  his  ,  name.  He  was  fond  of  children,  paid 
much  attention  to  the  school-boys  in  Monterey,  and 
was  occasionally  very  affable  to  a  common  soldier.  It 
is  to  these  characteristics  chiefly  that  he  owes  the 

Memoriae,  MS. ,  6-8,  speaks  of  Sola  as  quick-tempered  and  despotic.  Boronda, 
Notas,  MS.,  6-8,  remembers  him  as  a  strict  disciplinarian,  but  impartial  and 
just.  He  also  speaks  of  his  fondness  for  children  and  of  his  great  personal 
strength.  All  agree  that  he  was  of  medium  stature,  thick-set,  strongly  built, 
.and  of  rather  florid  complexion.  Torre,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  2-4,  adds  that 
his  head  was  large,  that  his  teeth  were  mostly  gone,  hair  and  beard  abundant, 
but  not  worn  long,  and  nearly  white.  His  voice  was  measured  and  somewhat 
trough;  but  his  manners  were  affable.  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.  3,  speaks  of  him 
as  despotic  in  his  treatment  of  soldiers.  M.  G.  Vallejo,  like  Alvarado,  speaks 
highly  of  Sola's  character  and  abilities. 


COMMERCIAL  TOPICS.  473 

kind  words  spoken  of  him  by  some  of  the  old  Cali- 
fornians.  Yet  Sola's  defects  of  character  were  like 
his  excellences,  shallow,  and  there  must  be  placed  to 
his  credit  a  considerable  degree  of  executive  business 
ability  shown  in  the  management  of  provincial  affairs 
for  seven  years.  He  was,  moreover,  kind-hearted 
and  honorable. 

Having  thus  presented  the  political  annals  of  the 
province  for  1822, 1  have  now  to  glance  at  other  cur 
rent  topics  of  the  year.  The  most  important  are  those 
connected  with  commerce.  At  the  beginning  of  this 
year,  or  end  of  1821,  there  was  some  legislation  in 
Mexico  removing  restrictions  on  foreign  trade;  and 
although  this  action  does  not  seem  to  have  been  offi 
cially  known  in  California,  no  restrictions  were  thought 
of,  and  every  vessel,  foreign  or  Spanish,  was  welcomed 
for  the  duties  paid.43  In  June  the  missions  and  other 
producers  were  called  upon  to  advance  in  addition  to 
all  duties  six  or  twelve  per  cent  on  all  sales  of  pro 
duce,  as  a  kind  of  forced  loan  to  be  repaid  when  the 
*  usual'  supplies  or  pay  should  come  from  Mexico.44 

There  were  twenty  vessels  on  the  coast  this  year, 
one  being  the  government  transport  San  Carlos,  six 

43  Monterey  and  San  Diego  opened  to  foreign  trade  by  decree  of  the  c6rtes 
and  tariff  of  Dec.  15,  1821.  Prieto,  Rentas,  204.     Jan.  14,  1822,  the  soberana 
junta  gubernativa  of  Mexico  decreed  the  opening  of  San  Diego  to  foreign 
commerce.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1838,  pt.  i.  p.  6-7.     June  11,  1822,  gov 
ernor  to  prefect,  in  reply  to  inquiry  if  laws  prohibiting  foreign  trade  are  an 
nulled,  says  the  papers  announce  the  entry  of  several  foreign  vessels  trading 
in  Mexican  ports.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  13-14.     June  12,  Payeras  says 
to  the  padres  that  according  to  advices  from  the  governor  they  are  to  have 
free  trade— a  new  thing  for  them.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxviii.  165;  Arch.  Mis- 
iones,  MS.,  i.  516.     The  duties  exacted  were  25%  on  imports;  6%  by  seller  and 
6%  by  buyer  on  exports;  3.5%on  coin  exported;  $10.50  each  on  whalers;  and 
25  cents  per  ton — in  one  instance  at  least — for  tonnage.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal,  MS.,  i.  35,  37;  xvii.  83,  99;  xxviii.  166;   Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  81-2. 
Amount  of  duties  paid  at  Monterey  this  year,  $9,089.     Habilitado  got  5%  for 
collection.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iv.  11. 

44  June  20th,  governor  to  prefect  and  to  Argiiello.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii. 
15;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  34,  36;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  516.     The 
records  do  not  agree  whether  this  tax  was  6%  or  12%.     July  6th,  governor  to 
comisionado.     Excuses  the  people  of  San  Jose"  for  one  year,  on  account  of 
failure  of  crops  from  drought,  from  paying  one  third  of  the  fat  from  wild  cat 
tle  and  deer,  which  it  would  therefore  appear  they  had  paid  before.  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  49. 


474  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

being  whalers  touching  at  San  Francisco  for  supplies, 
and  the  rest  engaged  more  or  less  exclusively  in 
trading  goods  for  Californian  produce.45  We  have  not 
even  tolerably  complete  statistics  of  either  cargoes  or 
duties;  and  respecting  many  of  the  vessels  we  know 
only  the  fact  of  their  presence;  yet  there  are  a  few 
items  of  interest  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  some 
of  these  visits.  The  San  Francisco  Javier,  which,  as 
will  be  remembered,  came  with  a  cargo  of  mission 
goods  in  December  1821,  seems  to  have  been  cap 
tured  by  one  of  Cochrane's  fleet  at  Cape  San  Lucas 

45  The  Colonel  Young,  English  brig,  from  Lima,  loaded  by  Juan  Ignacio 
Mancifcidor,  who  came  as  supercargo.  At  Monterey  and  S.  F.  in  Jan.  and 
Feb.  At  S.  F.  she  paid  $4,807  in  duties. 

Bulddkof,  Russian  brig  from  Sitka.  At  San  Francisco  and  Monterey  in 
Feb.,  having  probably  remained  since  December  1821.  Again  in  December 
she  returned  with  a  cargo  to  San  Francisco. 

Snipe,  English  brig;  A.  Haig,  master;  at  Monterey  from  end  of  May  until 
late  in  June,  when  she  sailed  down  the  coast  after  tallow. 

Lady  Blackioood,  English  ship;  John  Hall,  master;  at  all  the  ports  in 
June  and  July,  for  provisions  and  with  goods  for  sale.  See  Hall's  Remarks 
for  a  description  of  all  the  ports. 

John  Begg,  English  brig;  John  Lincoln,  master;  arrived  at  Monterey  in 
June  from  Callao;  at  San  Francisco  July  and  August;  consignment  to  Mc- 
Culloch,  Hartnell  &  Co. ;  duties  at  San  Francisco,  $476. 

Claudine,  English  ship;  from  Lima;   at  Monterey  July  14th. 

Panther,  American  ship;  Austin,  master;  arrived  Monterey  from  San  Bias 
July  15th.  Had  a  contract  dated  May  28th  with  Cubillas  and  Medina  of 
Tepic  to  be  loaded  with  10,000  arrobas  of  tallow  in  California,  for  which 
Austin  had  deposited  a  bill  of  exchange  for  $18,750.  (Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  43.)  Aug.  9th,  loaded  3,000  fanegas  of  San  Gabriel  wheat  at  San 
Pedro. 

Sachem,  American  ship  from  Boston;  Gyzelaar,  master;  Gale,  supercargo. 
Left  Boston  in  Jan. ;  probably  at  Mont,  in  July. 

Orion,  English  whaler;  Barnes,  master;  at  S.  F.  Aug.  3d. 

San  Francisco  de  Paula,  or  Dos  Hcrmanos,  formerly  the  Cossack;  Rafael 
Larragoyti,  master;  Manuel  Garcia,  owner;  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  Aug. 
10th  from  San  Bias;  still  there  in  Sept. 

Eagle,  Amer.  schooner;  at  Monterey;  seized  at  Sta  Barbara  Sept.  13th. 

San  Carlos,  Imperial  Mexican  man-of-war;  Capt.  Jose"  Maria  Narvaez;  at 
Mont.  Sept.  26th  to  Nov.  22d;  at  S.  Diego  Dec.-Jan. 

Ontario,  Alex.  Bunker;  Almira,  T.  Daggett;  Gideon,  Obed  Clark;  Plow- 
boy,  W.  Chad  wick;  Alert,  C.  Roy— Nantucket  whalers,  at  S.  F.  Oct.  15th. 

Hawaii,  English  brig;  at  S.  F.  in  Nov. 

Volga,  Russian  Brig;  Capt.  Prokop  Tamanin;  at  S.  F.  Dec.  3d,  from 
Ross;  also  at  Mont. 

Sir  Francis  Baring,  English  brig;  at  Monterey  sometime  during  the  year. 
On  movements  of  vessels  in  1822  see  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  35-8,  45; 
xvii.  83;  xxviii.  166;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xii.  3,  5-6;  xviii.  12,  18;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  1,  8;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,liv.  22;  Iv.  11;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
iii.  43;  iv.  94;  v.  209;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  70,  74;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presid., 
MS.,  ii.  44;  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xi.  94;  Hartnell,  Narrativa,  MS.;  Spence's 
List  of  Vessels,  MS. 


VESSELS  OF  1822.  475 

on  her  return  voyage  in  February.46  The  Colonel 
Young  brought  in  January  some  news  of  the  insur 
rection,  the  nature  of  which  is  not  specified.  The 
Panther  in  July  brought  news  of  the  empire,  and  of 
the  canonigo's  coming.  In  her  also  came  Jose'  Amesti, 
a  Spaniard  who  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  California 
and  was  a  somewhat  prominent  citizen. 

It  was  by  the  voyage  of  the  Sachem  that  a  direct 
trade  between  Boston  and  California  was  opened. 
William  Alden  Gale,  whom  we  have  seen  on  the  coast 
in  earlier  years  engaged  in  the  fur-trade,  by  his  favor 
able  reports  of  commercial  prospects  induced  some 
Boston  merchants — Bryant  and  Sturgis,  Trot,.  Bum- 
stead  and  Sons,  W.  B.  Swett,  and  perhaps  others  were 
interested — to  despatch  the  ships  with  an  assorted 
cargo  in  January  of  this  year.  Captain  Henry  Gyze- 
laar,  whom  the  reader  has  met  in  California  twice 
before,  was  in  command,  while  Gale  came  as  super 
cargo  and  part  owner.  Circumstances  were  not  at 
first  favorable,  for  reasons  to  be  noted  in  the  follow 
ing  paragraph;  yet  a  load  of  tallow,  hides,  and  other 
produce  was  obtained,  and  the  trade  was  successfully 
continued  in  later  years,  mainly  by  Bryant  and  Sturgis 
through  the  agency  of  Gale,  who  became  virtually  in 
later  years  a  resident  of  California.47 

On  the  John  Begg  in  June  there  arrived  Hugh 
McCulloch  and  William  Edward  Paty  Hartnell,  rep 
resenting  the  firm  of  John  Begg  and  Co.,  of  Lima,  who 
brought  a  small  cargo  of  goods,  and  came  with  the 
purpose  of  making  a  long  contract  for  products  of  the 
province  and  of  establishing  in  California  a  branch 
house  under  the  title  of  McCulloch  and  Hartnell,  or 
"Macala  and  Arnel"  as  the  Spaniards  wrote  it,  and 
as  the  partners  themselves  not  unfrequently  signed. 
Both  the  governor  and  prefect  entered  with  some 

™St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  45.  The  news  of  this  capture  caused  precaution 
ary  orders  to  be  circulated  by  governor  and  prefect  in  April  and  May,  calling 
for  the  neophytes  to  be  in  readiness  for  action  and  for  other  measures  of  vigi- 
ance  like  those  of  1818.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  iii.  233-6;  xi.  173-7. 

47  Phelps'  Fore  and  Aft,  241-2;  Robinson's  Statement,  MS.,  1-2. 


476  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

enthusiasm  into  the  plans  of  the  Englishmen,  as  be 
ing  advantageous  for  the  province,  arid  in  July  a  con 
tract  was  concluded  for  three  years  from  January 
1,  1823.  A  scale  of  prices  was  arranged  with  the 
prefect  after  consultation  with  the  friars.  Pay  eras 
attended  closely  to  the  interests  of  the  missions,  and 
was  not  to  be  caught  napping,  being  fully  aware,  as 
he  said,  that  "the  times  had  changed,  arid  the  day 
long  passed  when  hides  and  tallow  could  be  had  for 
nothing."  Had  he  known  of  Gale's  early  coming  he 
could  doubtless  have  secured  yet  better  prices.  By 
the  terms  of  the  contract  Begg  and  Co.  were  bound 
to  send  at  least  one  vessel  each  year,  to  touch  at  each 
harbor  or  roadstead,  to  take  all  the  hides  offered,  and 
at  least  25,000  arrobas  or  312  tons  of  tallow,  and  to 
pay  either  in  money  or  in  such  goods  as  might  be 
desired.  Each  mission  was  free  to  ratify  the  contract 
or  not,  but  the  ratification  must  be  for  the  fall  period 
of  three  years,  and  exclusive  of  other  traders  so  far 
as  Hartnell  and  Co.  could  take  the  mission  produce.48 
The  governor  in  addition  to  the  mission  contract 

48  The  tariff  of  prices  was  as  follows:  Hides,  $1  each,  large  and  small; 
wheat,  $3  per  fanega;  tallow,  $2  per  arroba;  suet,  $3;  lard,  $4;  soap,  $16  per 
cental.  Beef  in  pickle,  including  bone,  $4  per  cental,  for  which  casks  were 
to  be  furnished  or  the  Indians  taught  how  to  make  them.  Other  articles  men 
tioned,  without  prices  being  affixed,  were :  horns,  hair  of  horses  and  cattle, 
hemp,  wine,  brandy,  saffron  for  dyeing,  skins  of  bears,  foxes,  etc.  The  only 
article  to  be  taken  in  unlimited  quantities  was  hides.  Wheat  in  large  quan 
tities  could  only  be  taken  when  the  crop  was  short  in  Chile. 

June  llth,  governor  to  prefect  announcing  the  proposition  of  Hartnell. 
St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  13-14.  June  12th,  Payeras  to  the  padres  on  the 
advantages  of  the  plan,  and  his  own  efforts  to  get  high  prices.  June  17th, 
announcing  his  conclusion  of  the  arrangement  which  is  explained  at  length; 
with  autograph  approval  of  the  governor  on  June  20th.  Payeras,  Dos  Circu- 
lares  sobre  Contrata  con  McCulloch,  Hartnell  y  Cia,  1822,  MS.  June  19th, 
governor  to  commandants  in  south  announcing  contract  and  prices.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  7.  Same  date,  Id.  to  commandants  in  north,  announcing 
also  that  the  pueblos  and  rancheros  could  sell  all  the  tallow,  suet,  lard,  soap, 
and  beef  they  could  deliver  on  the  shore,  at  the  prices  of  the  mission  contract. 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  34.  June  20th,  Sola  to  Guerra,  if  the  people 
do  not  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  they  will  deserve  to  be  treated  as 
vagrants.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS. ,  iv.  98.  June  22d,  Sola  to  Payeras, 
approval  of  the  contract.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  16.  June  28th,  Sola  to 
Guerra,  mentioning  the  matter.  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  xi.  73.  July  6th,  Sola  to 
comisionado  of  San  Jose'.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  49.  July  31st,  Hugh  Mc- 
Culloch  to  John  Begg,  sends  a  copy  of  the  contract.  Thinks  he  can  get  25,000 
or  30,000  hides  per  year,  also  many  skins  of  otter,  bear,  deer,  fox,  etc.,  and 
30,000  arrobas  of  tallow  if  wanted.  Is  obliged  to  take  only  hides  and  25,000 


McCULLOCH,  HARTNELL,  AND  COMPANY.  477 

stipulated  that  articles  of  produce  from  the  pueblos 
and  ranches  should  be  taken  at  the  tariff  prices  if 
delivered  at  the  shore.  McCulloch  went  back  to 
Lima,  though  he  made  later  voyages  to  the  coast, 
while  Hartnell  remained  to  manage  the  business,  and 
become  a  permanent  resident  of  the  province.  The 
business  thrived  for  some  years,  and  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  often  of  this  commercial  house,  the 
first  established  in  California. 

The  Eagle,  or  Aguila  as  the  Californians  called  her, 
an  American  schooner  that  had  been  engaged  in 
smuggling  on  the  coast  for  some  years,  came  to  grief 
at  Santa  Barbara  this  year.  Her  crew  attempted  to 
seize  the  San  Francisco  de  Paula  lying  at  anchor  there 
the  13th  of  September.  The  reason  assigned  for  this 
extraordinary  act  was  some  irregularity  in  the  sale  of 
the  brig,  formerly-  the  Cossack,  to  the  new  owners. 
The  attempt  was  successful  at  first;  but  in  trying  to 
take  the  prize  out  of  the  harbor,  the  Eagle  ran  aground 
and  was  herself  captured  with  the  aid  of  the  garrison 
and  a  cannon.  After  some  legal  formalities  both 
vessels  and  cargo  were  confiscated  and  sold  at  auction 
for  about  $3,000,  which,  pending  a  decision  in  Mexico, 
was  devoted  to  provincial  uses.  The  schooner  could 
not  at  first  be  floated,  but  seems  to  have  sailed  as  the 
Santa  Apolonia  next  year.  She  seems  to  have  been 
bought  by  the  padres  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  records 
afford  no  information  respecting  officers  or  crew.*9 

arr.  of  tallow.  Salting  beef  will  be  a  good  business,  since  cattle  can  be  had 
at  $4  per  head,  or  a  little  more.  Prices  may  be  deemed  high,  but  an  American 
ship  (Gale's)  is  offering  $1.50  for  hides,  and  $4  per  100  horns,  while  $1.50  or 
$1.75  is  freely  offered  for  tallow.  The  American  ship  could  not  get  a  load 
because  the  contract  had  been  signed.  Many  vessels  this  year,  and  the  people 
have  high  expectations;  goods  selling  slowly;  but  fewer  vessels  will  come  for 
3  years,  while  the  contract  lasts.  Tallow  generally  commands  a  good  price 
at  San  Bias.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  177.  Accounts  of  the 
establishment  of  McCulloch  and  Hartnell,  in  Larkin's  Descrip.  of  CaL,  MS., 
inSpence's  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  11-12;  Robinson's  Statements,  MS.,  1-2;  Alva- 
rado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  68-72;  Fernandez,  Cosas  deCal.,  MS.,  50-3. 

i9Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  99-101;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  75-7, 
81-2;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  133;  vi.  199;  vii.  160;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  52; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  21-2.  Exactly  what  became  of  the  pro 
ceeds  of  this  sale  was  what  some  later  officials  tried  to  iind  out,  and  the  matter 
in  some  of  its  phases  was  still  pending  as  late  as  1829. 


478  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

The  subject  of  foreign  residents  in  California  assumes 
increasing  importance  as  the  years  pass  by,  and  ere 
long  the  annual  record  will  exceed  the  limits  of  a  para 
graph.  The  vessels  of  1822  left  a  number  who  settled 
in  the  province.  The  John  Begg  brought  W.  E.  P. 
Hartnell,  a  native  of  Lancashire,  England,  and  the 
Italian,  Juan  B.  Bonifacio,  to  be  the  stevedore  of 
McCulloch,  Hartnell,  and  Go's  cargoes.  The  British 
whaler  Orion  left  at  San  Francisco  under  circumstances 
not  explained,  her  mate,  William  Anthony  Richardson, 
a  native  of  Kent,  afterward  somewhat  prominent,  who 
asked  in  October  and  received  in  November  from  Sola 
permission  to  remain  on  condition  of  teaching  carpentry 
and  navigation  to  the  young  rnen  of  California;  and 
the  same  vessel  left  a  deserter,  John  Martin,  also  an 
Englishman  but  willing  to  become  a  Christian. 
Still  another  young  Englishman  named  Robert  Liver- 
more  deserted  from  the  Conoliango,  as  the  Colonel 
Young  was  called,  and  was  baptized  at  Santa  Clara. 
Joseph  Vincent  Lawrence,  a  native  of  New  York  aged 
twenty-six,  and  William  Welsh  came  on  the  Lady 
JBlackwood,  were  discharged  at  Bodega  at  the  end  of 
1821,  and  came  down  to  San  Francisco  in  a  boat. 
Lawrence  was  carpenter  and  calker  on  the  Blackwood, 
wrhich  came  from  Bengal.  Jean  Baptiste  Mutrel,  of 
Paris,  came  to  the  coast  this  year  on  the  French  ship 
Nereid,  but  appears  to  have  lived  exclusively  in  Lower 
California  for  five  years.  William  A.  Gale  and  Cap 
tain  Henry  Gyzelaar,  of  the  Sachem,  may  almost  be 
considered  as  residents  of  California  from  this  date; 
and  the  Panther  had  on  board  F.  W.  Macondray,  who 
returned  in  1850  and  was  the  founder  of  a  great  mer 
cantile  house.  There  were  no  less  than  six  additional 
arrivals  accredited  more  or  less  definitely  to  this  year. 
These  were  George  Allen,  baptized  as  Josef  Jorge 
TomaX  an  Irish  Quaker  who  perhaps  came  in  1821; 
William  Wilson,  an  American  of  twenty  years;  Man 
uel  de  Dios  Pasos,  a  Portuguese  or  Brazilian,  who 
perhaps  did  not  come  until  1824;  Michael  Lodge,  an 


FOREIGN  RESIDENTS.  479 

Irishman,  tv,renty-three  years  of  age;  another  Irish 
man  of  whose  name  the  records  make  Michael  Meque- 
lixt;  and  an  Englishman,  William  Thompson,  alluded 
to  in  a  newspaper  sketch.  Of  the  older  pioneers  Jose 
Chapman,  convinced  "how  mistaken  he  had  been  when 
he  lived  within  the  sect  of  the  Anabaptists,  resolved 
to  forsake  it  and  embrace  that  most  holy  one,"  and 
accordingly  "had  the  glory  of  receiving  baptism  from 
that  holy  man  Padre  Senari"  on  the  24th  of  June; 
and  the  same  year  he  married  Guadalupe  Ortega  by 
whom  he  had  four  children  before  1829.  Jose  Bolcof, 
the  Russian,  was  married  this  year  to  Candida  Castro, 
and  possibly  he  was  the  Russian  who  accompanied  the 
canonigo  to  Mexico.50  Foreigners  were  now  generally 
well  received,  though  the  padres  were  inclined  to  be 
strict  about  religious  matters.  The  deserting  sailors 
had,  however,  no  objections  to  becoming  Catholics; 
and  McCulloch  wrote  that  he  and  Hartriell  had  com 
promised  the  matter  satisfactorily  by  consenting  to 
remove  their  hats  and  go  on  their  knees  on  certain 
occasions.  . 

As  a  matter  of  course  the  missions  were  still  called 
upon  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  troops,  both  by  Sola 
and  Argiiello.  That  the  missions  must  pay  duties  on 
sales  of  produce  was  regarded  as  settled,  so  that  there 
was  no  refunding  of  the  last  year's  advances,  as  indeed 
there  would  have  been  none  had  the  decision  been  in 
favor  of  the  friars.  Now  that  they  paid  their  duties 
without  protest,  they  were  called  upon  for  six  per 
cent  in  addition  as  a  reintegro,  or  loan,  which  was 
paid,  not  without  some  murmurs.  None  of  the  com 
munications  of  the  friars  are  extant,  but  Sola  in  the 
last  months  of  his  rule  used  some  very  plain  language 
to  Payeras.51  In  a  circular  issued  in  December  to  sat- 

60 Naturalization  records  in  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.-xx. ;  Estrada,  Noticia 
de  los  Estrangeros,  1829,  MS.;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  42;  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  x.  12;  8.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,MS.,  23;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
ix.  213-14;  xii.  432;  S.  Jose  Pioneer,  June  14, 1879;  S.  F.  Alta  Cal.,  Mar.  9, 
1866;  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth,  39. 

51  Padre  Martinez  wrote  that  as  he  had  nothing  he  could  give  nothing,  '  but 


480  A  PROVINCE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  EMPIRE. 

isfy  demands  of  Governor  Argiiello,  Prefect  Payeras 
very  clearly  expressed  the  missionary  policy  on  the 
current  topic  as  follows:  "I  believe  we  should  sacri 
fice  the  less  in  order  to  save  the  greater.  If  on  ac 
count  of  the  small  harvest  we  refuse  to  give,  they 
will  impose  on  us  tithes  of  all,  and  the  troops  will  get 
in  abundance  what  they  now  ask  in  moderation." 


52 


The  Indians  caused  no  trouble  this  year,  though 
the  Colorado  tribes  were  still  greatly  feared;  and 
when  at  the  end  of  October  or  beginning  of  Novem 
ber  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  women,  and  children 
came  from  that  direction  with  an  Opata  bearer  of 
despatches,  the  most  exaggerated  rumors  were  cur 
rent  both  in  respect  to  their  numbers  and  intentions. 
The  visitors  reached  San  Gabriel,  doubtless  with  no 
hostile  intentions,  whither  Captain  Portilla  was  sent 
to  arrest  and  send  them  back.  They  departed  with 
out  resistance  but  in  great  displeasure  at  their  inhos 
pitable  reception.53 

these  neophytes  have  full  liberty  to  cede  their  chattels  as  their  charity  may 
prompt.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  12.  June  12th,  Payeras  implies 
that  12%  is  demanded  as  a  loan — instead  of  6% — says  it  will  smother  many 
speculations,  and  he  will  remonstrate.  Arch.  Misiones,MS.,i.  516.  February 
20th,  Sola  declares  the  padres  are  arbitrary  and  despotic  in  the  matter  of 
furnishing  supplies,  and  he  will  report  it  to  the  viceroy.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  xi. 
71.  Feb.  22d,  Sola  begs  Payeras  to  write  less  and  do  more.  Regrets  his  lack 
of  firmness  in  these  trying  times.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  2.  June  13th, 
Sola  to  Payeras.  The  contribution  of  12%  must  be  paid,  and  there  is  no  need 
of  listening  to  the  padre's  opinion.  Haste  is  also  necessary  to  prevent  troubles 
like  those  in  Lower  California,  where  the  troops  refused  to  obey  their  chief. 
Id.,  xviii.  15.  June  22d,  in  answer  to  Payeras'  complaints  that  the  Indians 
have  to  support  the  whole  province.  The  padre's  expressions,  says  Sola,  are 
insolent  and  only  to  be  borne  because  he  is  accustomed  to  deal  exclusively 
with  Indians.  The  mission  aid  has  not  been  so  important  as  the  padre  im 
agines.  He  had  better  use  more  delicate  language  or  resign.  Id.,  xviii.  16- 
17.  December,  a  levy  of  $3,000  imposed  on  the  missions.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  xi. 
124.  Dec.  1st,  Gov.  Argiiello  to  prefect.  Calls  attention  to  wants  of  the 
garrisons.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  27.  Further  correspondence  between  Argiiello 
and  Payeras.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  97-100. 

52  Dec.  4th,  Payeras  to  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  99. 

53  Oct.  23d,  30th,  Nov.  llth,  22d,  communications  of  Capt.  Ruiz  of  San  Diego 
to  Capt.  Guerra.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  609-10,  613-15;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  65;  Nov.  3d,  Estudillo  to  governor.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  8- 
9.     The  number  of  Indians  was  at  first  given  as  600,  and  they  were  reported 
to  have  declared  their  intention  to  set  the  neophytes  free.     Hostilities 
between  this  party,  or  another  similar  one,  and  the  Yumas  are  referred  to. 
Portilla  had  known  the  6pata  chief  in  Sonora  and  did  not  arrest  him. 


THE  SEASON.  481 

The  '  intelligent  Californian/  who  furnished  the  re 
port  of  'an  unprecedented  flood  this  year — a  report  ex 
tensively  circulated  in  the  newspapers  and  utilized  in 
support  of  the  theory  of  decennially  recurring  inunda 
tions — was  in  error,  probably,  since  so  great  was  the 
scarcity  of  water  in  1822  that  in  February  the  gov 
ernor  ordered  a  novena  of  prayers  to  San  Antonio  cle 
Padua  for  relief.5*  True  the  result  may  have  been  a 
flood  in  April,  but  there  are  no  records  to  that  effect, 
and  moreover  the  harvest  was  small.  Hall  tells  us 
that  the  Santa  Clara  church  was  considerably  injured 
by  an  earthquake  this  year.  I  have  found  no  origi 
nal  evidence  of  the  occurrence.55 

54 Feb.  20th,  governor  to  comandantes.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  70.  Feb.  6th, 
no  rain  yet  at  San  Diego. 

55  Hall's  Hut.  S.  Jose,  114,423. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL,  II.    31 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

AUGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST   OF  THE  EMPIRE— A  NEW  MISSION 

AT  SONOMA. 

1823. 

POLITICAL  RUMORS— THE  EMPIRE  PROCLAIMED  IN  APRIL— GOVERNOR  Tos- 
TA'S  EXPLOITS — DOWNFALL  OF  ITQRBIDE  ANNOUNCED  IN  NOVEMBER — 
CALIFORNIA  APPROVES — FEDERATION  PROPOSED — JUNTA  SUMMONED — 
SESSIONS  OF  THE  DIPUTACION — A  RING  AND  LOBBY — SIGNS  OF  SECU 
LARIZATION — VIOLENCE  TO  A  PADRE — DEATH  OF  PREFECT  PAYERAS 
AND  PRESIDENT  SENAN — THEIR  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER — SARRIA  AS 
PRELATE — VESSELS  ON  THE  COAST — COMMERCE — PURCHASE  OF  THE 
'ROVER' — OTTER-HUNTING  CONTRACT — FOREIGN  RESIDENTS — A  MIS 
SION  AT  SONOMA — EXPLORATION  BY  ALTIMIRA — NEW  SAN  FRANCISCO — 
TROUBLE  AMONG  THE  FRIARS — A  COMPROMISE— NAME  CHANGED  TO 
SAN  FRANCISCO  SOLANO — ANNALS  1824-30— SANTIAGO  ARGUELLO  IN 
THE  NORTH — ROMERO'S  EXPEDITION  FROM  SONORA,  1823-6. 

POLITICALLY  1823  was  an  uneventful  year  in  the 
province,  where  stiring  national  events  were  but  little 
known.  The  records  contain  few  official  communica 
tions  between  the  authorities  of  Mexico  and  California. 
Doubtless  the  correspondence  extant  is  also  incomplete; 
yet  the  successive  imperial,  revolutionary,  constituent, 
and  executive  powers  had  but  little  time  to  think  of 
so  distant  a  province,  and  communication  by  mail  was 
far  from  regular  or  rapid.  In  addition  to  the  official 
news  received,  startling  rumors  were  current.  From 
Lima  came  a  report  of  a  compact  between  Spain  and 
France,  by  which  California  was  to  be  ceded  to  the 
latter  power  in  return  for  troops  to  be  furnished  against 
the  Spanish  liberals;  a  compact,  however,  opposed  by 
England.1 

1  July  22,  1823,  JoscS  Estrada  to  Guerra,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
v.  189. 

(Oft) 


STARTLING  RUMORS.  483 

Again  it  was  feared  that  the  Russians,  now  that 
there  was  no  danger  of  complications  with  Spain, 
might  attempt  to  seize  California.  Iturbide  in  a 
speech  before  the  council  of  the  regency  a  few  days 
before  his  elevation  to  the  throne  had  said:  "In  the 
Californias  the  Russians  are  threatening  us."  In  a 
letter  to  one  of  the  friars  from  Mexico  was  the  declara 
tion:  "At  the  moment  when  Spain  shall  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  the  Mexican  empire  you  will  all 
be  Russians."  The  canonigo  wrote  that  the  emperor 
was  apprehensive  of  trouble  from  the  direction  of 
Ross  and  Sitka.  Padre  Duran  in  a  communication 
of  January  6th  recapitulated  the  preceding  points, 
and  added  that  Russian  officers  had  recently  made 
inquiries  about  the  strength  of  the  garrisons.  He 
noted  a  suspicious  paper  in  Russian  found  in  the 
province  and  sent  to  Mexico  for  interpretation,  and 
assured  the  governor  that  the  danger  was  at  least 
sufficiently  real  to  warrant  precautionary  measures.2 
Yet  Argiiello  felt  no  more  than  a  proper  'official' 
alarm;  most  other  Californians  felt  none  at  all,  and 
as  we  shall  see  relations  with  the  Russian  company 
became  more  friendly  than  ever.  Indeed,  the  changes 
of  the  past  year  with  long-continued  neglect  by  Spain 
and  Mexico  had  left  the  Californians  indifferent  to 
exterior  politics.  Some  of  them  would  not  have  been 
greatly  surprised  to  find  their  province  annexed  to  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  nor  perhaps  very  reluctant  in  their 
allegiance  to  an  Hawaiian  sovereign,  able  and  willing 
to  pay  his  debts. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  throughout 'the  trans 
actions  of  Fernandez  in  California,  though  Iturbide 

2  Jan.  6,  1823,  Duran  to  Argiiello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  1-4. 
May  30th,  Argiiello  to  the  can6nigo,  is  filled  with  alarm  at  his  letter.  Has 
noticed  nothing  suspicious,  hut  is  closely  watching  the  Russian  frigate  Apollo. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  55.  March  8th,  P.  Amor6s  to  prefect.  Has  entertained 
the  Russian  officers  at  San  Rafael,  but  has  prevented  them  from  going  over 
land  to  '  Ros-Koskoff '  as  they  desired,  without,  however,  telling  them  of  the 
governor's  orders,  by  pretending  that  the  roads  were  bad,  streams  high,  etc. 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  7.  In  August  the  Russian  taken  to  Mexico  by 
the  can6nigo  passed  the  frontier  of  Lower  California  on  his  way  back.  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  v.  222. 


484  ARGUELLO'S  RULE-LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

was  often  spoken  of  as  emperor,  all  official  acts  were 
in  the  name  of  the  regency,  from  which  body  the 
canon  held  his  powers ;  and  that,  so  far  as  the  records 
show,  no  formal  allegiance  was  sworn  to  Agustin  I. 
In  fact  Iturbide,  though  proclaimed  emperor  in  May, 
before  the  comisionado's  departure,  had  not  been 
crowned  until  later.  The  coronation  took  place  on 
July  21,  1882,  and  the  official  despatch  from  the 
minister  of  war  communicating  the  intelligence  reached 
California  at  the  end  of  March  1823.  On  April  2d 
the  empire  was  proclaimed  at  Monterey  and  the  oath 
taken  "with  all  the  solemnity  permitted  by  the 
exhausted  condition  of  the  province."  At  San  Fran 
cisco  the  ceremony  took  place  the  27th,  and  doubtless 
about  the  same  time  at  the  other  presidios  and  pue- 
bios.3 

Iturbide  had  dissolved  in  October  1822  the  un 
manageable  congress,  to  establish  in  its  place  the 
junta  instituyente,  and  the  motives  which  impelled  him 
to  such  an  act  were  explained  in  a  communication,  the 
receipt  of  which  was  acknowledged  by  Governor 
Argiiello  on  May  30,  1823.4  In  March,  during  the 
last  days  of  his  power,  the  emperor  is  said  to  have 
appointed  a  governor  and  comandante  general  to 
succeed  Sola,  choosing  for  the  position  Captain  Boni 
facio  de  Tosta  of  the  navy.  Thus  Don  Bonifacio  may 
be  entitled  to  a  place  in  the  list  of  governors;  for 
though  his  term  of  office  was  only  a  few  days,  it  is 
said  that  he  succeeded  in  collecting  some  money  at 

3  April  3,  1823,  Argiiello  to  minister  of  war,  with  ratification  by  the  dipu- 
tacion.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  8,  9.     May   1st,  Martinez  to  Argiiello,   on  the 
ceremony  of  April  27th,  at  which  some  coin  was  distributed.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS. ,  xiii.  2.     In  May  and  June  there  arrived  and  were  published  by  the 
prefect  the  decrees  already  alluded  to,  and  received  through  the  bishop, 
calling  for  prayers  in  behalf  of  Iturbide  and  his  family.     The  prayers  were 
too  late,  for  in  May  the  emperor  was  banished.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  276; 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  51.     May  30th,  Argiiello  to  minister 
of  state.     Has  received  the  warning  to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  runaway 
malcontents  of  Guerrero.  Dept.  fiec.,  MS.,  i.  14. 

4  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  i.  16.     On  forming  the  junta  to  replace  the  congress 
Iturbide  appointed  Ambrosio  Martinez  de  Vea  to  serve  as  a  representative  of 
California.   Gaceta  del  Gob.  Imp.,  iii.  925-7.     Let  us  hope  that  this  gentleman 
faithfully  represented  the  views  of  his  far  away  constituents  during  his  short 
term  of  office. 


FALL  OF  ITUEBIDE.  485 

Guadalajara  on  salary  account,  a  fact  that  should  per 
haps  entitle  him  to  a  very  high  place  in  the  list  in 
respect  of  ability.5 

Iturbide  surrendered  his  crown  in  March  and  was 
banished  from  America  in  May.  Under  different 
dates  in  April  various  proclamations  and  decrees  of 
the  congreso  constituyente  and  poder  ejecutivo  were  de 
spatched  to  California.  The  17th  of  November,  in 
thirteen  separate  communications  to  Lucas  Alaman, 
secretary  of  state,  Argiiello  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  as  many  decrees.  At  the  same  time  he  declared 
that  the  Californians  had  ' adhered'  to  the  new  and 
tan  justa  form  of  government;  that  all  decrees  had 
been  or  should  immediately  be  obeyed;  that  the  term 
nacional  should  be  substituted  for  imperial;  that  all 
political  prisoners  should  be  set  free,  and  that  any 
man  daring  to  support  Iturbide  as  emperor  by  word 
or  deed  should  be  treated  as  a  traitor.6 

The  adhesion,  announced  by  Argiiello,  had  been 
rendered  I  presume  by  the  diputacion  acting  in  the 
name  of  the  people;  for  I  find  no  record  of  any  popu 
lar  swearing  of  a  new  allegiance.  Meanwhile  there 
was  formed  at  Durango  a  plan  of  federation  to  em 
brace  Nueva  Yizcaya,  New  Mexico,  and  the  Califor- 
nias;  and  a  document  setting  forth  the  advantages  of 
such  a  union,  with  a  formal  invitation  to  join  it,  dated 
Aug.  7th,  was  sent  by  the  diputacion  of  Arizpe  to 

5  April  10th  and  June  18th.     Sola  to  Guerra  from  Guadalajara  and  Mexico. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.   CaL,  MS.,  iv.  104-6.     Letter  from  Jos<§  Manuel  Ruiz. 
Id.,  v.  220-1.    At  what  date  these  letters  reached  California  does  not  appear; 
probably  not  before  November. 

6  Nov.  17th,  Arguello  to  Alaman.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  18-23.    On  Dec.  llth, 
another  batch  of  despatches  were  received,  whose  purport  is  not  given.    April 
19th,  Alaman  to  Arguello.  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  3.  Sept.  27th,  Alaman 
to  Arguello.     No  royal  or  imperial  insignia  to  be  used.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi. 
12.    As  late  as  June  18th,  Sola,  as  diputado  from  California,  had  not  been  ad 
mitted  to  a  seat  in  the  congress.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  104-6.    Nor 
does  it  appear  that  he  was  admitted  at  all  this  year,  if  ever.     Yet  in  August 
and  September  some  orders  were  sent  to  California  for  diputados  to  proceed 
to  Mexico;  and  that  money  for  mileage,  etc.,  be  paid  into  the  national  treas 
ury.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xvi.  10-13.     Meanwhile  the  missions  had  drawn  on 
Tepic  for  §1,500  to  pay  Sola's  expenses,  and  were  assessed  19  cents  per  neo 
phyte  to  raise  $3,000  for  a  year's  salary,  which  they  had  also  advanced.     May 
6th,  the  prefect  protests  that  this  tax  was  a  temporary  and  not  a  permanent 
expedient.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  96-7,  101;  iv.  pt.  ii.  8-9. 


486  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

that  of  Monterey,  and  was  received  by  Argiiello  in 
December.7  In  consequence  of  this  invitation,  and 
probably  of  some  further  news  from  Mexico,  Arguello 
determined  to  call  a  junta  of  prominent  men  of  the 
three  orders,  military,  civil,  and  ecclesiastic,  to  delib 
erate  on  the  future  condition  and  policy  of  the  prov 
ince.  The  call  was  for  December  31st;  but  as  we 
shall  see  the  junta  did  not  meet,  or  at  least  did  not 
act,  until  January  1824.8 

The  only  change  in  the  personnel  of  the  provincial 
diputacion  was  the  appointment  of  Cadet  Josd  Joaquin 
cle  la  Torre  as  secretary  in  place  of  Francisco  de  Haro. 
The  only  recorded  sessions,  the  records  being  for  the 
most  part  but  indirect  references,  were  in  April.  On 
the  8th  the  members  were  at  the  capital  but  had  not 
met;  the  9th  action  was  taken  on  a  proposition  to 
move  the  mission  of  San  Francisco;  the  12th  a  reve 
nue  law  was  enacted;  and  the  18th  a  secretary  was 
appointed.  There  are  also  some  indications  that  the 
body  may  have  met  in  November  to  '  ratify '  the  down 
fall  of  Iturbide.9  From  the  letters  of  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo  and  Torre  it  would  appear  that  even  at  this 
early  date  Californian  legislators  did  not  live  in  perfect 
harmony,  nor  were  they  free  from  the  taint  of  both 
ring  and  lobby.3 


10 


7  The  original  document  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  63.     It  is 
signed  by  Antonio  Narbona,  president,  and  by  Jos£  Manuel  de  Estrella,  sec 
retary.     The  precise  nature  of  the  confederation  and  its  relations  to  the  rest 
of  New  Spain  are  not  explained.     The  receipt  of  a  similar  document  through 
P.  Felix  Caballero  is  acknowledged  by  Arguello  on  March  22,  1824.  Dept. 
-Bee.,  MS.,  i.  239. 

8  Records  of  San  Rafael  mission  in  A  re  h.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  266,  showing 
that  the  call  was  received  there  on  Dec.  24th,  and  that  prayers  were  to  be 
offered  for  success. 

9  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  20-1;  Guerra,Doc.  Hist.  Cal:,  MS,,  v.  168;  vii.  123-8; 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  xxviii.  49,  85;  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  ix.  133-8; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  50-1;  v.  pt.  ii.,  117-19;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
621-2.     On  the  two  special  topics  alluded  to,  revenue  law-and  transfer  of  San 
Francisco,  I  shall  have  more  to  say  later. 

10  Torre  writes  to  Guerra  that  the  secretary,  Haro,  is,  said  to  have  been 
dismissed  because  he  refused  to  sign  a  representation  to  the  can6nigo  against 
President  Arguello  and  the  officials  of  Monterey,  and  in  favor  of  ousting  Ortega 
in  favor  of  a  suplente.     Ortega  was  the  only  diputado  who  did  not  regret  the 
choice  of  Arguello,  the  others  admitting  thty  did  it  to  please  the  canonigo. 
He  also  says  Arguello  is  much  displeased  at  the  unfavorable  reception  of  his 


MISSION  SUPPLIES.  487 

The  comparatively  meagre  correspondence  extant 
on  the  old  topic  of  mission  aid  to  the  presidios  throws 
little  new  light  on  the  subject  and  develops  no  special 
controversies,  indicating  rather  that  on  both  sides  the 
duty  of  the  padres  to  make  up  deficiencies  in  provin 
cial  revenue  had  come  to  be  regarded  largely  as  a  mat 
ter  of  course.11  While  the  subject  of  secularization 
was  not  directly  brought  up  in  California  this  year, 
yet  there  are  frequent  indications  of  a  general  impres 
sion  in  official  circles  that  the  step  was  only  in  abey 
ance,  and  that  a  crisis  was  approaching.  A  refusal  to 
favor  the  missions  in  taxation,  a  bold  step  of  the 
diputacion  in  decreeing  the  suppression  and  transfer 
of  missions,  the  tone  of  the  governor  on  the  disposi 
tion  of  public  lands,  and  other  manifest  signs  of  the 
times  showed  that  the  day  had  well  nigh  passed  when 
the  padres  could  maintain  their  old-time  power  and 
monopoly.12  Meanwhile  the  missions,  and  the  pious 

bando,  laying  the  blame  on  Guerra.  This  man  Torre  was  very  much  inclined 
to  be  a  tale-bearer  and  mischief-maker.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  621-2.  'All 
is  going  to  the  devil,'  writes  Carrillo;  'we  have  three  superior  chiefs,  and  all 
impolUicos.  Malarin,  Estrada,  and  Don  Luis  form  this  imperfect  trinity, 
voting  by  seniority.  The  first  is  the  one  who 'decrees,  ever  assenting  to  what 
is  determined  by  the  second,  in  order  not  to  lose  what  he  has  gained  by  mar 
rying  his  daughter,  while  the  last  (Argiiello)  plays  the  role  of  the  constitu 
tional  kings,  except  that  the  kings  act  in  accordance  with  the  law,  and  our 
chief  por  tonto  £  infeliz.  Twenty -four  hours  here,  and  yet  no  session,  because 
the  step-father  and  step-son  have  so  decided  on  account  of  I  know  not  what 
vast  projects  of  their  own.  I  have  been  tempted  to  protest,  but  three  of  my 
companions  have  not  consented,  doubtless  because  on  the  day  of  the  swearing 
money  was  distributed  to  all  but  me.'  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  168. 

11  Jan.  25th,  in  reply  to  an  urgent  demand  for  aid  S.  Rafael  replies  that 
the  mission  has  already  given  all  the  grain  it  can  spare.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS., 
i.  263.     March  1st,  Argiiello  to  prefect.     Calls  his  attention  to  the  extreme 
want  of  soap;  felt  even  in  his  own  family;  $1,200  worth  needed  at  San  Fran 
cisco  every  year.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  29.     In  May  Sefian  protested  against 
the  missions  being  included  in  the  tax-law  of  April  12th  as  contrary  to  all 
precedent  and  law.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.   11-12;  v.  pt.  ii.   117-19. 
June  llth,  P.  Ibarra  offers  $200  in  money  instead  of  $1,000  in  goods  on  a 
forced  loan.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  60.     Senan  during  the  short 
time  he  was  prefect  seems  to  have  been  more  timid  than  Paycras  had  been  in 
calling  for  supplies.     Fernandez  says,  Cosas  de  Col.,  MS.,  27-8,  that  but  for 
the  padres'  liberality  and  Argiicllo's  firmness  the  soldiers  would  have  deserted 
and  gone  to  Sonora  as  they  several  times  threatened  to  do. 

12  August  31st,  Arguello  to  padres  of  S.  Gabriel,  reprimanding  P.  Sanchez 
for  speaking  satirically  of  the  '  imaginary  '  ayuntamiento  of  Monterey.     As 
to  the  claim  of  the  missions  for  lands  which  he  had  granted  to  private  indi 
viduals  the  governor  says  it  is  his  duty  to  look  out  for  the  welfare  of  ail  the 
inhabitants,  including  the  useful  ones  who  had  borne  arms  for  the  country; 


488  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

fund  by  which  they  had  been  supported,  received  some 
attention  at  the  hands  of  the  new  Mexican  govern 
ment  which  favored  radical  changes;13  the  guardian 
wrote  that  affairs  at  the  college  were  going  on  from 
bad  to  worse,  that  utter  ruin  was  imminent,  and  that 
friars  were  greatly  in  error  if  they  hoped  to  better 
their  condition  by  retiring  to  San  Fernando;14  while 
at  home  in  one  instance  at  least  the  soldiers  of  a  mis 
sion  escolta  went  so  far  as  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  a 
padre  and  threaten  him  with  their  weapons,  "  the 
most  scandalous  case  ever  seen  in  California,"  as 
Father  Boscana  described  it,  and  probably  the  first 
instance  of  actual  violence  to  a  friar.15 

But  the  greatest  loss  of  the  missionaries  in  1823 
was  in  the  death  of  two  of  their  oldest,  best  beloved, 
and  ablest  companions,  the  prefect  and  president, 

and  that  because  the  missions  have  heretofore  been  allowed  to  be  sole  owners 
of  the  lands  it  is  no  reason  why  such  a  state  of  things  should  continue. 
Dept.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  36-8.  April  23d,  Sarria  opposes  the  suppression  of  Sta 
Cruz.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  361-2. 

13  Alaman  in  his  report  of  Nov.  8th  to  the  congress,  Mexico,  Mem.  Rela- 
clones,  1823,  31-3,  states  that  the  events  of  the  war  have  ruined  the  funds 
devoted  to  the  support  of  the  California  missions,  and  that  the  estates  of  the 
pious  fund  are  entirely  unproductive,  so  that  no  stipends  can  be  paid,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  large  amounts  advanced  by  the  padres  for  the  support  of  the 
troops.     It  is  recommended  that  the  estates  be  sold  outright  if  possible,  or 
otherwise  that  the  rents  be  farmed  out  to  private  persons  at  moderate  rates 
as  the  only  means  of  securing  an  income.     But  this  income  once  secured,  it 
should  not  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  payment  of  stipends.     *  It  is  neces 
sary  to  consider  other  interests  than  those  of  the  missionaries  in  the  vast  and 
fertile  peninsula  of  Californias.     The  rich  commerce  of  which  it  is  one  day 
to  be  the  centre,  the  multitude  and  excellence  of  its  agricultural  products, 
the  aid  it  can  lend  to  the  formation  of  a  national  navy,  and  the  ambitious 
views  respecting  it  shown  by  certain  foreign  powers,  should  claim  the  atten 
tion  of  congress  and  the  government.     If  the  mission  system  is  that  best 
suited  to  draw  savages  from  barbarism,  it  can  do  no  more  than  establish  the 
first  principles  of  society  and  cannot  lead  men  to  its  highest  perfection. 
Nothing  is  better  to  accomplish  this  than  to  bind  individuals  to  society  by 
the  powerful  bond  of  property.     The  government  believes,  therefore,  that  the 
distribution  of  lands  to  the  converted  Indians,  lending  them  from  the  mission 
fund  the  means  for  cultivation,  and  the  establishment  of  foreign  colonies, 
which  perhaps  might  be  Asiatic,  would  give  a  great  impulse  to  that  important 
province.'    The  use  of  California  as  a  penal  colony  is  also  recommended,  not 
only  to  benefit  the  province,  but  to  make  of  the  criminals  '  farmers  useful  to 
the  nation,  good  fathers,  good  neighbors,  and  finally  good  citizens. ' 

14  Jan.  1st,  guardian  to  prefect.  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  xi.  351-7. 

15  Letters  of  Boscana,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  6-7.     The  event  oc 
curred  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  in  January.     Three  soldiers  swore  that  P. 
Barona  should  not  depart  for  San  Diego,  tried  to  prevent  his  mounting,  and 
finally  caused  his  horse  to  throw  him. 


DEATH  OF  PAYERAS  AND  SE^AN.  489 

Mariano  Payeras  and  Jose  Senan.  The  former  died 
on  April  28th  at  his  own  mission  of  Purisima  and  was 
buried  next  day  under  the  pulpit  of  the  mission 
church.16  There  was  no  missionary  with  whose  pub 
lic  life  and  character  for  the  past  eight  years  the 
reader  is  better  acquainted  than  with  that  of  Payeras, 
through  his  writings,  many  of  which,  both  originals 
and  copies,  form  part  of  iny  collection  and  have  been 
presented  in  substance  in  the  mission  annals  of  preced 
ing  chapters.  There  was  no  friar  of  better  and  more 
evenly  balanced  ability  in  the  province.  He  was  per 
sonally  a  popular  man  on  account  of  his  affable  man 
ners,  kindness  of  heart,  and  unselfish  devotion  to  the 
welfare  of  all.  It  was  impossible  to  quarrel  with  him, 
and  even  Governor  Sola's  peevish  and  annoying  com 
plaints  never  ruffled  his  temper.  Yet  he  had  extra 
ordinary  business  ability,  was  a  clear  and  forcible  as 
well  as  a  voluminous  writer,  and  withal  a  man  of 
great  strength  of  mind  and  firmness  of  character.  He 

16  Mariano  Payeras  was  born  on  Oct.  10,  1769,  at  Inca,  island  of  Mallorca, 
taking  the  habit  of  St  Francis  Sept.  5,  1784,  at  the  principal  convent  of  the 
order  at  Palma.  He  left  Spain  in  January  1793,  and  in  February  1796  was 
detailed  by  the  college  of  San  Fernando  for  duty  in  California.  He  served  as 
a  missionary  at  San  Carlos  from  1796  to  1798;  at  Soledad  from  November 
1798  to  1803;  at  San  Diego  from  September  1803  to  1804;  and  at  Purisima 
from  1804  to  his  death  on  April  28,  1823,  though  after  1815  a  large  part  of  his 
time  was  spent  in  travelling  from  mission  to  mission.  From  July  1815  to 
April  1,  1820,  he  held  the  place  of  president  of  the  missions,  having  been 
reflected  in  1818,  and  holding  the  office  of  vicar  from  May  1816.  From  April 
1,  1820,  though  his  election  in  Mexico  was  in  October  1819,  till  his  death,  he 
was  comisario  prefecto,  and  also  comisario  del  santo  oficio.  In  all  the  mission 
reports  he  is  credited  with  especial  and  distinguished  merit.  On  his  life,  see 
Purisima,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12;  mission  books  of  the  other  establishments 
where  he  served,  though  there  is  not  a  single  mission  in  the  province  on  the 
books  of  which  his  name  does  not  occasionally  appear.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los 
Padres,  MS. ;  Sarria,  Informe  del  Com.  Prefecto,  1817,  MS.,  53-4;  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  iii.  129-30,  158;  xi.  94,  334,  337;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  pas 
sim;  iv.  pt.  ii.  8.  See,  also,  the  documents  under  his  name  in  my  list  of 
authorities,  and  the  mission  annals  of  the  country  since  1815  in  the  preceding 
chapters  of  this  volume.  The  sentiments  of  Payeras  at  the  time  of  the  Bou 
chard  attack  were,  *  viva  Dios,  viva  la  religion,  viva  el  rey.  viva  la  patria,  y 
6  veneer  6  morir  en  tan  preciosa  defensa. '  In  October  1819  he  was  thanked  in 
the  king's  name  for  his  services  in  those  trying  times.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  61.  He  was  the  only  one  of  the  padres  who  visited  and  described  Ross; 
and  Mofras,  Exploration,  ii.  5,  says  that  on  May  2,  1817,  he  addressed  a  let 
ter  to  the  king  on  the  subject  of  the  Russian  colony.  Notwithstanding  his 
prominence  it  was  never  the  lot  of  Payeras  to  be  the  ministro  fundador  of  any 
mission. 


490  ARGUELLO'S  RULE-LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

was  called  to  rule  the  friars  during  a  trying  period, 
when  it  would  have  required  but  a  trifle  to  involve  the 
padres  and  soldiers  in  a  quarrel  fatal  to  the  missions. 
Payeras  saw  but  one  line  of  policy  by  which  to  escape 
existing  difficulties,  and  from  that  policy  he  never 
wavered,  though  it  sometimes  placed  him  in  seeming 
opposition  to  his  companion  friars.  His  firmness  must 
often  have  seemed  harshness  to  his  subordinates,  and 
they  would  hardly  have  borne  it  with  so  good  a  grace 
from  any  other  prelate.  With  much  of  Lasuen's  suav 
ity  and  none  of  Serra's  bigotry,  he  had  all  the  zeal  of 
the  latter  and  more  than  the  shrewdness  of  the  for 
mer.  His  death  just  at  this  time,  in  the  prime  of 
life,  must  be  considered  as  a  great  misfortune,  though 
not  even  his  skill  could  have  saved  the  missions  in  the 
times  that  were  coming. 

Early  in  April  Payeras  had  named  to  succeed  him 
as  prefect  his  associate  the  president  and  vice-prefect 
Jose  Senan.  But  Senan's  term  of  office  was  very 
brief,  since  he  himself  died  at  his  mission  of  San 
Buenaventura  on  August  24th  of  the  same  year.  He 
died  kissing  the  crucifix  at  7  A.  M.,  after  long  and 
severe  suffering,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  and  was 
buried  the  25th  by  Vitoria,  Ordaz,  and  Suner,  his 
remains  being  deposited  in  a  wooden  coffin  within  a 
stone  vault  on  the  epistle  side  of  the  main  altar  op 
posite  the  grave  of  Padre  Santa  Maria.17 

17  Jose*  Francisco  de  Paula  Senan  was  born  March  3,  1760.  at  Barcelona, 
in  a  convent  of  which  city  he  became  a  Franciscan  on  Jan.  8,  1774,  at  the 
early  age  of  14,  being  noted  for  extraordinary  memory  and  inclination  to 
study.  Leaving  his  convent  in  April  1784,  he  arrived  at  the  Mexican  college 
in  September,  and  in  October  1787  was  sent  to  California,  where  he  served  at 
San  Carlos  until  1795,  and  then  retired.  While  in  Mexico  he  made  a  full 
report  to  the  viceroy  on  the  condition  of  the  California  missions.  Later  he 
returned  northward,  arriving  at  Sta  Barbara  May  7,  1798,  and  serving  at  San 
Buenaventura  from  July  of  that  year  until  his  death  on  Aug.  24,  1823. 
Senan  was  elected  president  in  July  1812,  and  held  the  office  from  the  end  of 
that  year  until  the  end  of  1815.  Again  he  was  elected  in  October  1819,  and 
held  the  office  from  April  1820  till  his  death,  being  also  vicario  foraneo  and 
vice-prefect,  and  prefect  from  April  28y  1823.  On  his  life  see  Autobiog.  Au- 
tocj.  de  los  Padres,  MS.,  403;  Sarria,  Iwforme  del  Com.  Prefecto  1817,  MS., 
47-8;  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  21-3,  ii.  58-60.  Arrival  at  Sta 
Barbara  May  7,  1798,  with  seven  companions.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  47. 
Jan.  18,  1821,  governor  has  received  bishop's  appointment  of  vicar  for  Senan. 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  SEftAN.  491 

Father  Senan  was  older  in  the  service  than  any 
other  in  California,  being  the  only  survivor  of  those 
who  had  come  before  1790.  He  also  was  a  model 
missionary,  resembling  Payeras  in  many  of  his  ex 
cellences,  but  unlike  the  latter  shrinking  from  the 
cares  and  responsibilities  of  official  life.  He  was  the 
superior  of  Payeras  in  scholarship,  his  equal  in  the 
qualities  that  make  a  successful  missionary,  but  infe 
rior  as  a  politician  and  leader.  He  was  particularly 
averse  to  all  controversy,  except  on  theological  points, 
being  somewhat  more  of  a  religioso  than  was  Payeras. 
He  disliked  to  issue  orders  or  assume  authority,  but 
was  always  ready  to  respond  to  the  frequent  calls  of 
his  confreres  for  advice.  He  was  sometimes  nick 
named  Padre  Calma.  He  was  familiar  with  the 
language  of  the  Indians  about  San  Buenaventura. 
Comparatively  few  of  his  writings  are  extant.  During 
his  first  term  as  president  he  managed  the  interests 
of  the  missions  with  much  skill,  but  during  his  second 
term  he  was  released  as  far  as  possible  from  such 
duties  by  orders  from  Spain,  in  order  that  he  might 
w^rite  a  history  of  California.  In  1819  he  promised  to 
undertake  the  task,  but  what  progress  he  made,  if 
any,  before  his  death  is  unknown. 

Vicente  Sarria  was  named  by  Senan  on  August 
4th  to  succeed  him  as  prelate.  He  learned  of  Senan 's 
death  September  5th,  and  held  the  office  of  prefect, 
ad  interim  until  November  1824,  to  the  end  of  the 
decade.  He  was  also  president  till  April  1825,  hav 
ing  tried  unsuccessfully  to  give  the  office  to  Father 
Jairne,  to  whom  it  by  right  belonged.18 

St.  Pap..  Sac.,  MS.,  38-40.  Notices  of  his  death..  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
ii.  8,  1G,  20,  68;  De.pt.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  39-40.  April  19,  1820,  in  a  letter  to  the 
governor  he  says  he  is  61  years  old,  and  had  hoped  for  rest;  but  there  is  110 
hope  of  rest  in  this  world.  Arch.  Arzob. ,  MS.,  i,.  15-16.  Valdds,  Memorias, 
MS.,  7,  describes  Senan  as  short  and  fat  with  rather  fair  complexion,  appear 
ing  younger  than  he  was.  Autograph  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  60-1, 
6S-9. 

18 Arch.  Minones,  MS.,  i.  265-6;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  20,  68. 
Dec.  18,  1823,  Sarria  announced  that  the  powers  hitherto  enjoyed  by  the  pre 
fect  had  been  extended  for  five  years  more.  I  may  here  allude  to  the  statis 
tical  report  on  the  state  of  the  missions  at  the  end  of  1823,  Mmonesy  Estado 


492  ARGUELLO'S  EULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

The  number  of  vessels  clearly  recorded  as  having 
been  on  the  coast  this  year  was  seventeen,  ten  of 
them  being  identical  with  those  of  the  past  year,  three 
being  Russian  men-of-war,  five  being  whalers,  and 
the  rest  traders  in  quest  of  tallow,  hides,  and  grain. 
I  append  their  names.19  The  traders  did  a  lively 
business/  the  duties  paid  on  imports  and  exports  ac 
cording  to  the  accounts  kept  at  Monterey  amounting 

de  las. .  .sacado  de  los  in  formes  de  los  Misioneros,  etc.,  MS.,  not  because  it  was 
more  important  than  similar  reports  for  other  years,  but  because  it  was  trans 
lated  by  Taylor  and  published  in  the  S.  f'.  Bulletin,  Oct.  27,  1860.  It  is  said 
to  have  been  written  by  Arroyo,  but  if  so  that  padre  must  have  acted  merely 
as  secretary  for  Sarria. 

19 Bulddkof,  Vichilman,  master;  at  S.  F.  in  Jan.,  July,  Aug.,  and  Sept., 
perhaps  making  a  trip  to  the  north  in  the  mean  time.  Duties  $806,  includ 
ing  tonnage  at  $2.50  per  ton. 

Apollo,  Russian  frigate;  at  S.  F.  from  March  to  May,  buying  $3,647  of 
provisions.  She  came  back  in  November. 

Sachem,  Gyzelaar,  master;  Gale,  supercargo;  at  S.  F.  in  April,  $131 
duties;  again  in  July,  $499;  at  Mont,  in  Aug.,  $662.  She  got  2,500  hides. 

John  Begg,  McCullough,  supercargo;  to  McC.,  H.  and  Co.  At  S.  F.  April, 
$1,860  duties;  at  S.  Diego,  May-June,  $1,500;  at  Mont,  in  Aug.  Total  of 
duties,  $11,608;  cargo,  $44,528. 

Thomas  Nowlan,  or  Newlands,  English  ship;  Wm.  Clark,  master;  at  Sta 
B.  and  S.  Diego  in  May,  bound  for  Callao. 

Sta  Apolonia,  which  appears  to  be  the  Eagle  of  1822,  got  off  the  bar,  re- 
christened,  and  despatched  to  Mazatlan  and  S.  Bias  in  May  or  June  from  Sta 
B.,  Antonio  Arana,  master;  Carlos  Carrillo,  owner. 

Neptune,  English  brig;  at  Monterey  in  July.  Total  of  duties,  $3,064; 
cargo,  $10,404. 

Rover,  Amer.  schooner;  Cooper,  master.  At  S.  F.,  in  June,  from  Manila 
and  China.  Paid  $412  duties,  including  $30  on  coin  taken  away  at  3.5  per 
cent. 

Hebe,  English  brig;  Nixon,  master;  to  McC.,  H.  and  Co.  At  Mont,  in  Oct. ; 
at  S.  F.  in  Oct.  and  November,  paying  $384. 

Almira,  Timothy  Daggett,  or  Doggett;  Gideon,  Obed  Clark;  Plowboy  (and 
perhaps  the  Alert,  Charles  Ray,  or  Rey,  or  Roy);  and  the  Massachusetts, 
Catharte(?),  whalers  at  S.  F.  in  Oct.  to  refit. 

Mentor,  American;  at  S.  F.  in  Nov.;  paid  $624. 

Coronel,  perhaps  Colonel  Young;  at  S.  F.  in  Nov. ;  paid  $286. 

Golovnin,  Russian  brig  from  Sitka;  at  S.  F.  in  December. 

Creiser  and  Ladoga,  Russian  frigates.  The  former  42  guns,  240  men, 
Capt.  Michael  Lazaref;  the  second  20  guns,  100  men,  Capt.  Andrew  Lazaref. 
Arrived  at  S.  F.  Dec.  11-14,  from  St  Petersburg  to  repair  and  refit. 

Besides  the  preceding  the  Peruvian  brig  Huascar  was  permitted  in  Sep 
tember — that  is  by  a  document  of  that  date — to  load  tallow  and  hide  at  S. 
Pedro;  the  Nocturno  and  Bay  a  Paquet(t)  are  vaguely  reported  at  Monterey 
and  about  to  sail  south  in  April;  while  Spence  includes  in  his  list  for  1823, 
erroneously  I  suppose,  the  Joven  Tartar,  Pizarro,  and  Mercury. 

On  the  movements  of  vessels,  see  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  54, 
213;  xvii.  128,  155-65,  187-9,  201-6,  229-35;  xxviii.  322,  329;  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  i.  56,  66,  68,  72,  76,  111-12,  181-3,  188-9;  215;  vi.  96;  St.  Pap.  Sac., 
MS.,  x.  14,  16,  18,  19,  81-2,  93.  98-9;  xi.  15,  16,  48,  71;  xii.  1,  2;  xviii.  23; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Gust.  H.,  MS.,  iii.  83;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii. 
47;  Spence' s  List  of  Vessels,  MS. 


VESSELS  OF  1823.  493 

to  $17,538,  which  may  or  may  not  include  the  $6,500 
known  to  have  been  paid  at  San  Francisco  and  San 
Diego.  The  grain  crop  was  50,000  fanegas  against 
58,000  for  the  preceding  year,  the  drought  still  con 
tinuing.20 

The  John  Begg  and  one  or  two  other  vessels  came 
in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Hartnell  con 
tract.  We  have  few  details,  but  it  appears  that  some 
of  the  missions  either  had  not  signed  the  contract  or 
did  not  keep  it,  and  that  McCulloch,  Hartnell,  and 
Company  had  by  no  means  monopolized  the  entire 
mission  trade.21  Gyzelaar  and  Gale  were  on  the 
coast  in  their  Boston  ship,  the  Sachem,  though  where 
she  had  spent  the  winter  does  not  appear;  and  at 
least  one  other  American  ship  obtained  a  cargo.  Also 
in  April  there  arrived  from  China  the  American 
schooner  Rover,  Captain  John  R.  Cooper,  who  after 
disposing  of  his  cargo  sold  the  vessel  to  Argiiello  for 
$9,000.22 

20  The  only  document  relating  to  the  season  is  an  order  of  Vicar  Senan  al 
lowing  the  faithful  to  eat  meat,  eggs,  etc. ,  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  get 
ting  corn  and  beans,  '  having  before  my  eyes  the  barrenness  of  the  fields 
owing  to  a  most  notable  lack  of  rain  in  the  south,  and  seeing  that  the  threat 
ening  of  the  locust  plague  and  the  visitation  of  the  worm  have  begun.'  Arch. 
Obispado,  MS.,  22. 

21  San  Diego  was  bound,  for  the  padres  refused  to  let  Cot  have  1,000  ar- 
robas  of  tallow.    Cot  on  March  20th  asks  Hartnell  to  let  him  have  that  tallow 
to  be  repaid  in  May  with  other  tallow  which  he  could  obtain  from  San  Luis 
Key,  which  mission  was  therefore  free  to  trade.   Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
i.  58.     April  18th,  P.  Martinez  purchases  one  fourth  of  the  Thos.  Nowlan  for 
$3,000  in  coin,  binding  himself  to  obtain  for  her  on  the  next  trip  all  the  hides 
of  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  as  many  more  as  possible.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iii.  46.     Nov.  28th,  P.  Duran  to  Hartnell,  complaining  that  tallow 
weighing  1,205  at  the  mission  (San  Josd)  weighed  only  1,070  on  board  the 
ship;  also  says  that  the  hides  used  for  botas  to  pack  the  tallow  must  be  paid 
for  if  H.  wishes  to  continue  the  contract.   Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii. 
325.     April,  habilitados  warned  to  look  out  for  smuggling  from  the  John 
Begg.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  111. 

22  It  seems  that  the  president  was  called  upon  to  furnish  the  $9,000; 
but  Aug.  5th  Senan  writes  that  while  he  approves  the  purchase  and  would 
be  glad   to  furnish  the  money,  he  fears  the  padres  would  not  understand 
the  utility  of  the   measure;   would  regard  the   vessel   as   a  useless  source 
of  expense,  and  would  blame  him;  therefore  he  refuses.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iv.  pt.  ii.  12.     When  Argiiello  secured  the  money,  or  whether  he  obtained 
credit  for  all  or  part  of  the  price,  is  not  clear;  but  I  have  before  me  the  bill 
of  sale  from  Cooper  to  Argiiello,  dated  Dec.  29th.     The  schooner  was  of  83 
tons  burden.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  143.     Alvarado  mentions 
the  purchase.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.   15-19.     Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS., 
23-7,  tells  us  that  according  to  the  conditions  of  the  sale  Cooper  was  to  re- 


494  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

Still  another  venture  of  Don  Luis  was  to  form  a 
contract  by  which  the  Russian  American  Company 
could  hunt  otter  on  shares  in  California  waters.  Long 
ago  the  Russians  had  desired  this  privilege,  as  will  be 
remembered,  and  now  that  their  old  friend  was  gov 
ernor  they  renewed  their  demands  with  success.  The 
contract  was  signed  at  Monterey  the  1st  of  December 
for  four  months.  The  Russians  were  to  furnish  Aleuts 
and  bidarkas;  the  Californians  to  feed  the  hunters 
and  furnish  ten  Indians  to  watch  the  Aleuts,  and 
the  product  of  the  hunt  was  to  be  equally  divided, 
the  skins  being  kept  under  inventory  at  the  presidios 
until  the  division  was  made.  Should  the  contract  be 
renewed  the  Californians  must  pay  the  Aleuts'  wages. 
It  was  apparently  renewed  next  year,  and  down  to 
October  1824  the  share  was  677  skins  for  the  govern 
ment  and  838  for  the  company  according  to  the  Rus 
sian  accounts.  There  is  no  Spanish  record  of  the 
revenue  thus  produced.23 

In  the  matter  of  general  commercial  regulations  I 
have  only  to  note  the  revenue  act  of  the  diputacion 
on  April  12th,  designed  to  raise  money  for  expenses 
connected  with  its  own  organization,  with  that  of  the 
ayuntamientos,  the  sending  of  a  diputado  to  congress, 
the  repair  of  roads,  the  support  of  schools,  and  the 
good  of  the  province  generally.  To  these  ends  a  tax 
of  six  per  cent  was  imposed  on  all  exports;  a  tax  of 
eight  or  ten  dollars  per  barrel  on  brandy,  and  four 
dollars  on  wine;  and  a  slaughter  tax  of  one  real 

main  in  command,  and  sail  whenever  ordered  at  $100  in  cash  and  $50  in 
goods  per  month,  with  free  house-rent  and  expenses  when  on  shore;  also 
to  receive  four  youths  for  instruction.  Vallejo,  Hfct.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  338-41, 
thinks  that  Argiiello  borrowed  the  money  from  the  president  to  pay  for  the 
vessel,  and  then  borrowed  part  of  it  back  from  Cooper. 

23  A  full  statement  of  the  contract  and  result  is  given  in  KhUlnikof,  Zapiski, 
143-4.  The  hunting  was  done  chiefly  in  San  Francisco  Bay,  but  also  at  Mon 
terey  and  down  as  far  as  San  Pedro.  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  25-6, 
says  the  Russians  agreed  to  sell  their  skins  to  Argiiello  at  $45  each  and  take 
pay  in  wheat.  A  copy  of  the  contract  was  sent  to  the  minister  of  state  in 
Mexico  on  June  20,  1825.  Dcpt.  JRec. ,  MS. ,  i.  229.  According  to  St.  Pap.  Sac. , 
MS.,  xiii.  1,  the  number  of  skins  obtained  by  the  Californians  down  to  the 
end  of  1823  was  324.  They  were  sent  to  China  the  next  year  on  the  Rover, 


FOREIGNERS.  495 

on  each  head  of  cattle  or  sheep,  and  two  reals  on 
each  hog.24 

Captain  John  R.  Cooper,  of  the  Rover,  may  be  re 
garded  as  a  resident  of  California  from  his  first  com 
ing  in  1823,  and  he  brought  with  him  Daniel  A.  Hill 
of  Billerica,  Mass.,  and  Thomas  M.  Bobbins  of  Nan- 
tucket,  two  gentlemen  who  became  prominent  citizens 
of  Santa  Barbara.25  William  Borris,  or  perhaps  Bur 
roughs,  was  an  American  from  New  York  or  New 
Jersey,  with  whom  Captain  de  la  Guerra  on  July  1st 
formed  a  contract  for  medical  service  in  and  about 
Santa  Barbara  for  four  years.26  It  was  perhaps  in 

1823  that  David,  afterward  baptized  and  known  as 
James  or  Santiago,  Watson,  the  Englishman,  came 
to  the  country;27  the  two  Buckles,  William  and  Man 
uel,  English,  and  perhaps  brothers,  came  this  year  or 
possibly  a  little  earlier,  while  Manuel  Edward  Mc- 
Intosh  was  the  name  of  a  new  Scotch  settler.28     Of 
the  older  foreign  residents  William  A.  Richardson 
was  baptized  at  San  Francisco  on  June  16th,29  being  27 

uLeg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  11-16;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  xxviii.  85; 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  126-7;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  117-19; 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  133-8.  The  liquor  tax  is  very  unintelligible  in  some 
respects.  It  would  seem  that  it  must  be  paid  by  both  manufacturer  and 
buyer. 

25  Dana  and  Moraga,  Lista  de  Estrangeros  en  Sta  Barbara,  1836,  MS.,  ac 
cording  to  which  document  both  Hill  and  Robbins  came  on  the  Rover  in  1823. 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  Robbins  came  on  a  subsequent  trip,  according  to 
Huse's  Sketch  Sta  B.,  6-7,  where  it  is  stated  that  Hill  settled  in  Sta  Bdrbara 
in  1824  and  Robbins  in  1827.     In  the  introduction  to  Robbins'  Diary,  MS.,  he 
is  said — probably  by  Hayes  the  copyist — to  have  come  on  the  Rover  in 
1826. 

26  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  197-8.    DanielJennison  of  Ireland  and 
John  Wumson  of  Holland  served  as  interpreters  and  witnesses.     How  these 
men  came  to  California  does  not  appear, 

27  Larkin,  Notes  on  Pers.  Char,  of  Californians,  MS.,  104,  says  that  Wat 
son  in  1845  had  been  22  years  in  California.     Other  authorities  make  the  date 

1824  or  1826. 

28  Estrada,  Lista  de  Estrangeros  en  Monterey,  1829,  MS.     Naturalization 
records  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  32,  37;  xx.  31,  33;  Id.,  xvii.  39.    Buckle's 
name  is  also  written  Boc,  Bocle,  Bockel,  and  Bugle.     One  is  often  called  Jos<5 
Samuel.  I  suppose  that  one  was  originally  William  and  the  other  Samuel.  The 
former  was  19  and  the  latter  22  years  of  age  in  1823.     Mackintosh  was  28. 
He  is  said,  Sacramento  Record,  Nov.  15,  1870,  to  have  first  visited  California 
in  1813,  and  to  have  returned  in  1823  as  master  of  a  hide  droger. 

29  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  10-11;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  xxviii. 
322;  Dep.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  74. 


496  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

years  of  age.  Joseph  V.  Lawrence  came  to  live  at 
Los  Angeles,  where  he  soon  married  Maria  Arriola. 
Jeremiah  Jones  was  baptized  sub  conditione  at  San 
Juan  Bautista  on  March  5th  by  Arroyo  de  la  Guest  a, 
who  added  Te6filo  Tomds  to  his  name,  while  George 
Allen  and  John  Mulligan,  the  latter  a  native  of  Tully- 
bamman,  County  Down,  Ireland,  were  living  at  Mon 
terey.30 

A  new  mission  was  established  in  1823,  the  twenty- 
first  and  last  of  the  list,  begun  under  peculiar  cir 
cumstances.  At  first  there  was  no  idea  of  founding 
a  new  mission.  In  1822  at  a  conference  between 
Canon  Fernandez,  Prefect  Payeras,  and  Governor 
Arguello  it  had  been  decided  to  transfer  the  mission 
of  San  Francisco  from  the  peninsula  to  the  "  north 
eastern  contra  costa  on  the  gentile  frontier,"  a  decision 
based  on  the  comparative  sterility  of  the  old  site,  the 
insalubrity  of  the  peninsula  climate,  the  broadness 
of  the  field  for  conversion  in  the  north,  the  success  of 
the  experimental  founding  of  the  San  Rafael  branch, 
and  not  improbably  a  desire  on  the  part  of  two  of 
the  three  conferring  dignitaries  to  throw  the  few  fer 
tile  ranches  south  of  San  Francisco  into  the  hands  of 
settlers.31  The  matter  next  came  up  just  before  the 
death  of  Payeras,  who  seems  to  have  had  nothing 
more  to  say  about  it.  March  23,  1823,  Padre  Jose^ 
Altimira,  very  likely  at  Arguello's  instigation,  pre- 

30  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  16;  8.  Juan  B.,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  19;  Vallejo. 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxvili.  322;  xxx.  136.    Oct.  1st,  Alaman  to  gefe  politico. 
The  supreme  government  has  decided  that  all  foreigners  must  present  them 
selves  and  declare  for  what  purpose  they  have  come  to  the  country,  that  they 
may  be  given  a  carta  de  seguridad.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  16.     Oct.  7th,  de 
cree  of  congress  authorizing  foreigners  to  take  an  interest  in  mines.  Schmidt's 
Civil  Law  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  337-9. 

31  There  is  no  formal  record  of  this  conference,  probably  none  was  written, 
and  it  is  only  recorded  in  subsequent  correspondence,  chiefly  in  Arguello's 
letter  of  Aug.  4,  1823,  in  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  32;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
ii.  16.     There  were  to  the  inhabitant  of  San  Francisco  three  contra  costas: 
The  northern,  or  what  is  now  Marin  County;  the  eastern,  or  Alameda  and 
Contra  Costa  counties,  often  called  'tierra  firme  de  San  Josd;'  and  the  north 
eastern,  including  the  country  from  Petaluma  Creek  to  the  Sacramento,  or 
the  counties  of  Sonoma,  Napa,  and  Solano. 


PROPOSED  TRANSFER  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO.  497 

sented  to  the  diputacion  a  memorial  in  which  he 
recommended  the  transfer,  he  being  a  party  naturally 
interested  as  one  of  the  ministers  of  San  Francisco. 
On  April  9th  the  diputacion  voted  in  favor  of  ihe 
change.  It  was  decreed  that  the  asistencia  of  San 
Rafael  should  be  joined  again  to  San  Francisco,  and 
transferred  with  it,  and  the  suggestion  made  that  the 
country  of  the  Petalumas  or  of  the  Canicainios,  should 
be  the  new  site.  The  suppression  of  Santa  Cruz  was 
also  recommended.  The  governor  sent  these  resolu 
tions  to  Mexico  next  day,  and  Altimira  forwarded 
copies  to  the  new  prefect  Senan  on  April  30th,  but 
received  no  response.32 

An  exploration  was  next  in  order,  for  the  country 
between  the  Suisunes  and  Petalumas  was  as  yet  very 
little  known,  some  parts  of  it  never  having  been  visited 
by  the  Spaniards.  With  this  object  in  view,  Altimira 
and  the  diputado,  Francisco  Castro,  with  an  escort  of 
nineteen  men  under  Alferez  Jose  Sanchez,  embarked 
at  San  Francisco  the  25th  of  June,  and  spent  the  night 
at  San  Rafael.  Both  Sanchez  and  Altimira  kept  a 
diary  of  the  trip  in  very  nearly  the  same  words,  the 
substance  of  which  I  reproduce  in  a  note  so  far  as  names, 
courses,  and  distances  are  concerned,  omitting  neces 
sarily  much  descriptive  matter  respecting  a  country 
since  so  well  known.33  The  explorers  went  by  way  of 

32  For  these  facts  also  we  must  depend  on  later  correspondence,  chiefly 
Altimira's  letter  to  Argiiello  on  Aug.  31st.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  50-1. 
The  legislative  records  have  no  mention  of  this  session,  and  Argiiello 's  de 
spatches  to  the  minister  of  state  dated  Apr.  10th,  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  11-12, 
contain  but  few  details.    Altimira  states  that  Payeras  had  at  the  first  specially 
intrusted  the  transfer  and  choice  of  site  to  him. 

33  Sanchez,  Diario  de  la  Expedition  verificada  con  objetode  reconocer  terrenos 
para  la  nuevaplanta  de  la  Mision  de  San  Francisco,  1823,  MS.    The  departure 
of  Sanchez  and  the  number  of  his  men  are  stated  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  16. 

Altimira,  Diario  de  la  Expedition,  etc.,  MS.  This  diary  was  also  trans 
lated  by  Alex.  S.  Taylor,  and  published  in  Hutchitigs'  Mag.,  v.  58-G2,  115-18, 
as  the  Journal  of  a  mision-foundiny  expedition  north  of  San  Francisco  in  1823. 
Though  there  are  many  verbal  differences  between  the  two  diaries,  it  is  evi 
dent  that  they  were  not  written  independently  from  day  to  day.  Probably 
Sanchez  used  the  friar's  MS.  in  making  out  his  narrative.  Taylor's  transla 
tion  is  often  inaccurate. 

The  diary  is  in  substance  as  follows:  June  26th,  in  the  morning  from  S. 
Rafael,  5  leagues  north  to  Olompali;  in  afternoon,  north  and  round  the  head 
of  the  creek  at  the  point  called  Chocuay  (where  the  city  of  Petaluma  now 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  II.  32 


498  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

Olompali  to  the  Petaluma,  Sonoma,  Napa,  and  Suisun 
valleys  in  succession,  making  a  somewhat  close  exam 
ination  of  each.  Sonoma  was  found  to  be  best  adapted 
for  mission  purposes  by  reason  of  its  climate,  location, 
abundance  of  wood  and  stone,  including  limestone  as 
was  thought,  and  above  all  for  its  innumerable  and 
most  excellent  springs  and  streams.  The  plain  of  the 
Petalumas,  broad  and  fertile,  lacked  water;  that  of 
the  Suisunes  was  liable  more  or  less  to  the  same 
objection,  and  was  also  deemed  too  far  from  the  old 

stands,  the  main  stream  being  apparently  called  Chocoiomi)  to  the  little  brook 
of  Lema  on  the  flat  of  the  Petalumas,  where  a  bear  was  killed,  and  where 
they  passed  the  night  with  8  or  10  Petalumas  hiding  there  from  their  enemies 
of  Libantiloyami,  or  Libantiloquemi  (the  Libantiliyami  of  chap.  xx. ),  3^  1.  to 
the  N.  w.  (1  think  this  Arroyito  de  Lema  may  have  been  some  distance  down 
the  creek.) 

June  27th,  over  the  plains  and  hills,  eastward  and  north-eastward,  past  a 
small  tule-lake  50x100  yards,  and  a  little  farther  the  large  lake  of  Tolay,  so 
named  for  the  chief  of  the  former  inhabitants,  one  fourth  of  a  league  long  by 
150  or  200  yds.  to  £  league  wide  (perhaps  they  were  as  far  south  as  the  lake 
back  of  the  modern  Lakeville),  and  thence  N.  E.  to  the  plain  on  which  is  the 
place  called  Sonoma,  so  called  from  the  Indians  formerly  living  there,  camp 
ing  on  the  stream  near  the  main  creek,  where  a  boat  arrived  the  same  day 
from  S.  Francisco.  (Sonoma  had  probably  been  visited  before.)  Payeras  in 
1817  used  the  name  of  Sonoma  as  well  as  Petaluma.  chap.  xv.  The  arrival 
of  the  boat  and  also  the  mention  of  the  name  coming  from  former  inhabitants 
point  in  the  same  direction  though  there  is  no  definite  record  of  any  previous 
visit.  This  afternoon  and  the  next  forenoon  they  spent  in  exploring  the 
valley. 

June  28th,  in  the  afternoon  they  crossed  over  the  hills  north-eastward  to 
the  plain,  or  valley,  of  Napd  (so  accented  in  the  original  of  Altimira),  named 
for  the  former  Indian  inhabitants,  and  encamped  on  the  stream  (Napa  Creek) 
which  they  named  San  Pedro  for  the  day.  A  whitish  earth  on  the  borders 
of  a  warm  spring  thought  to  be  valuable  for  cleansing  purposes,  and  large 
herds  of  deer  and  antelope  were  noted  on  the  way. 

June  29th,  crossed  over  another  range  of  hills  into  the  plain  '  of  the  Suisun, ' 
so  called  like  the  other  places  from  the  former  Indian  inhabitants  (generally 
called  in  earlier  documents  'of  the  Suisunes' as  the  name  of  the  Indians), 
camping  on  the  main  stream  5  1.  from  Napa,  101.  from  Sonoma,  and  51.  s.  w. 
of  the  rancheria  of  the  Hulatos.  June  30th,  killed  10  bears,  and  had  some 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  Lybaitos.  (In  a  letter  of  July  10th,  Arch.  Arzob. , 
MS.,  iv.,  pt.  ii.  23-6,  Altimira  gives  more  particulars  of  his  conference  with 
the  Indians,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  Lybaitos  lived  about  3 1.  beyond 
[N.  E.]  the  Hulatos,  or  Ulatos.  The  rancherias  of  the  Chemocoytos,  Sucuntos, 
and  Ompines  are  mentioned  in  the  same  region.) 

July  1st,  back  to  Napa  and  Sonoma  with  additional  explorations  of  the 
latter  valley.  July  2d,  up  the  valley  and  over  the  hills  by  a  more  northern 
route  than  before,  past  a  tule  lake,  into  the  plain  of  the  Petalumas,  and  to 
the  old  camping-ground  on  the  Arroyo  de  Lema.  July  3d,  back  by  a  direct 
course  of  2  leagues  to  Sonoma,  whereafter  new  explorations  a  site  was  chosen. 
July  4th,  ceremonies  of  taking  possession,  and  return  to  Olompali,  6  long 
leagues.  July  5th,  back  to  San  Rafael  and  waited  for  the  boat  from  Sonoma. 
July  6th,  embarked  at  Point  Tiburon  and  went  to  San  Francisco  before  the 
wimd. 


NEW  SAN  FRANCISCO. 


409 


San  Francisco;  but  Sonoma  as  a  mission  site,  with 
eventually  branch  establishments,  or  at  least  cattle- 
ranches  at  Petaluma  and  Napa,  seemed  to  the  three 
representatives  of  civil,  military,  and  Franciscan  power 
to  offer  every  advantage.  Accordingly  on  July  4th  a 
cross  was  blessed  and  set  up  on  the  site  of  a  former 
gentile  rancheria,  now  formally  named  New  San  Fran 
cisco.  A  volley  of  musketry  was  fired,  sacred  songs 
were  sung,  and  holy  mass  was  said.  July  4th  might, 
therefore,  with  greater  propriety  than  any  other  date 


fo.Diablo 

CONTRA  COSTA  OF  THE  NORTH-EAST. 


be  celebrated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  foundation, 
though  the  place  was  for  a  little  time  abandoned,  and 
on  the  sixth  all  were  back  at  Old  San  Francisco. 

Only  the  approbation  of  the  prelate  was  now  want 
ing,  and  nothing  being  heard  from  Senan,  Altimira 
wrote  to  him  again  on  the  subject  in  very  earnest 
terms,  explaining  what  had  been  done  and  on  what 
authority,  justifying  the  proposed  measures  on  the 
ground  that  San  Francisco  was  on  its  last  legs  and 
San  Rafael  could  not  subsist  alone,  "notwithstanding 
the  prejudices  of  certain  persons."  He  hoped  the 


500  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

prelate  would  not  delay  his  approval  of  so  beneficial  a 
measure,  nor  listen  to  the  unfounded  objections  of 
Padre  Amor6s.  He  threatened,  moreover,  if  the 
affair  should  fail,  to  leave  California  and  go  to  Europe 
on  the  first  opportunity!  In  the  same  letter  he 
charged,  on  the  authority  of  the  Indians  lately  visited 
in  the  Suisun  region,  that  Duran  of  Mission  San  Jose 
was  in  the  habit  of  making  raids  for  converts  in  that 
region,  forcibly  seizing  the  gentiles,  and  even  killing 
those  who  resisted.  Altimira  not  only  protested 
against  this  modo  de  conquistar  practised  by  Duran 
and  Amoros,  and  bitterly  complained  of  by  the  late 
prefect,  but  he  declared  that  by  the  terms  of  an 
arrangement  made  when  San  Rafael  was  separated 
the  minister  of  San  Jose  was  prohibited  from  making 
converts  at  all  in  that  region,  and  demanded  that  all 
such  neophytes  should  at  once  be  given  up  for  the 
new  establishment.34 

At  the  end  of  July  Argiiello  asked  why  Altimira 
had  not  made  the  transfer,  and  was  told  that  it  was 
impossible  to  begin  operations  without  the  people  of 
San  Rafael,  for  those  at  San  Francisco  were  not  half 
enough.  The  padre  went  to  Monterey,  and  was 
instructed  by  Argiiello  not  to  wait  for  the  prelate's 
orders  but  to  make  a  beginning  at  once;  and  corre 
sponding  communications  were  sent  on  August  4th 
to  Senan,  Amoros,  and  the  comandante  of  San  Fran 
cisco.  Accordingly  Altimira  went  over  to  San  Rafael 
with  Lieutenant  Martinez,  and  on  the  12th  took 
possession  by  inventory  of  the  mission  property. 
Returning  to  San  Francisco,  he  started  on  the  23d 
for  Sonoma  with  an  escort  of  twelve  men,  including 

34  July  10,  1823,  Altimira  to  Senan  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  iii.  21-6. 
The  last  portion  of  this  letter,  relating  to  tke  complaints  against  Duran,  was 
translated  by  W.  H.  T.  and  published  in  Hutching  Mag.,  v.  28-30,  as  The 
First  Exploration  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  North ;  Extract  of  a  Letter,  etc. ; 
and  this  translation  was  in  1877  reprinted  in  Territorial  Pioneers  of  Cal., 
First  Annual,  109-12.  I  suppose  that  the  translator  never  saw  the  whole 
letter,  and  that  probably  the  publishing  committee  of  the  society  were  not 
aware  that  the  fragment  had  been  before  published;  else  they  would  have 
been  likely  to  select  for  reprinting  the  more  important  diary  of  Altimira  also 
in  Hutchings'  Magazine. 


A  CONTROVERSY  AT  SONOMA.  601 

an  artilleryman  to  manage  a  cannon  of  two  pound 
calibre,  and  a  force  of  neophyte  laborers.  They 
arrived  at  New  San  Francisco  the  25th  and  at  once 
began  work  on  granary,  ditch,  corral,  and  other  needed 
structures.  There  is  no  record  of  any  formal  ceremony 
on  August  25th,  though  that  is  generally  given  as 
the  date  of  foundation;  and  it  is  not  probable  that 
any  was  performed,  the  usual  ceremonial  acts  having 
taken  place  as  we  have  seen  the  4th  of  July.  Good 
progress  was  made  for  a  week.35 

Meanwhile  Prefect  Senan,  just  before  his  death, 
affixing  his  signature,  very  likely  for  the  last  time,  to 
a  document  prepared  by  his  secretary,  had  written  on 
August  23d  to  Padre  Sarria  on  the  subject.  Respect 
ing  Santa  Cruz  he  expressed  no  opinion,  having 
consulted  his  superiors.  To  the  suppression  of  so 
flourishing  an  establishment  as  San  Rafael  he  was 
strongly  opposed;  and  while  he  did  not  altogether 
disapprove  the  transfer  of  San  Francisco,  he  was  as 
tounded  at  the  summary  and  illegal  manner  in  which 
the  diputacion  had  disposed  of  the  subject  without 
consulting  the  supreme  government.  On  receipt  of 
this  communication  Sarria  wrote  to  Altimira  refusing 
to  authorize  the  change.  By  this  letter  the  padre  at 
New  San  Francisco  was  interrupted  in  his  work  the 
31st  of  August,  and  was  naturally  furious.  The  same 
day  he  wrote  to  Arguello  narrating  en  resume  all 
thai?  had  occurred,  and  complaining  most  bitterly  of 
the  way  in  which  he  had  been  treated,  and  of  the 
"frivolous  difficulties"  put  in  his  way  by  the  "minister 
of  an  unprofitable  asistencia"  through  "underhanded 

35  August  4th,  Arguello  to  Amor6s,  Altimira,  SeSan,  and  Martinez.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  i.  32;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  16-20.  Aug.  18th,  Altimira 
to  Arguello,  will  start  on  the  21st.  Id.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  78.  Aug.  25th,  Mar 
tinez  to  Arguello,  saying  that  the  padre  started  on  the  23d.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. , 
MS.,  x.  83-5.  Aug.  31st,  Altimira  to  Arguello,  narrating  all  the  events 
en  resumd.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  50-6. 

Thompson,  Hist.  Sonoma,  10-11,  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  explorations 
and  foundation.  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  445;  ii.  6,  says  the  mission  was 
founded  by  Amor6s  on  Aug.  25th.  See  also  Sonoma  Democrat,  June  2,  1875, 
and  other  sketches  in  newspapers  and  books.  Nearly  all  who  mention  the 
subject  call  the  mission  San  Francisco  Solano,  or  San  Solano,  a  name  given, 
as  we  shall  see,  at  a  later  date. 


502  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

efforts,"  and  the  aid  of  "confederate  padres."  The 
prefect  had  obstinately  kept  silent,  though  not  in 
worse  health  than  usual  and  perfectly  able  to  confirm 
the  orders  of  his  predecessor.  The  confederates  were 
all  blind  to  the  circumstances  and  had  exerted  them 
selves  in  the  oficio  de  Satands  of  throwing  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  a  great  enterprise,  especially  Padre 
Duran;  and  the  new  president  seemed  to  be  one  of 
the  plotters,  complaining  that  his  license  should  have 
been  waited  for,  though  all  might  have  died  before  it 
came.  The  padre  concludes  by  saying,  in  substance : 
"I  wish  to  know  whether  the  diputacion  has  any 
authority  in  this  province,  and  if  these  men  can  over 
throw  your  honor's  wise  provisions.  I  came  here  to 
convert  gentiles  and  to  establish  new  missions,  and  if 
I  cannot  do  it  here,  where  as  we  all  agree  is  the  best 
spot  in  California  for  the  purpose,  I  will  leave  the 
country."36 

A  correspondence  followed  between  Sarria  and 
Argiiello,  in  which  the  former  with  many  expressions 
of  respect  for  the  governor  and  the  secular  govern 
ment  not  unmixed  with  personal  flattery  of  Argiiello, 
justified  in  a  long  argument  the  position  he  had  as 
sumed.37  The  governor  did  not  reply  in  detail  to  Sar- 

36  Aug.  23d,  Senan  to  Sarria.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  12-15.  Aug. 
23d  (must  be  an  error),  Sarria  to  Altimira.  Id.,  16.  Aug.  31st,  Altimira  to 
Argiiello.  Id.,  50-6. 

37 Sept.  5th,  Sarria  to  Argiiello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  56-68,  or 
Sarria,  Argumento  contra  cl  traslado  de  San  Francisco,  1823,  MS.*  The 
points  made  are  briefly  as  follows :  Sarria  regards  himself  as  only  prefect  ad 
interim  and  dislikes  to  give  positive  orders;  but  claims,  1st:  That  the  new 
constitution  does  not  change  the  old  laws  and  usages  by  which  the  whole  mat 
ter  of  founding,  suppressing,  or  moving  missions,  and  of  appointing  padres 
was  intrusted  by  both  church  and  state  to  the  prelate,  the  diputacion  having 
no  authority  in  the  matter  whatever.  2d.  The  original  decree  of  the  diputa 
cion  mentioned  the  country  of  the  Petalumas,  and  now  it  was  changed  to 
Sonoma  on  the  judgment  of  one  padre.  What  would  Captain  Argiiello 
think  if  the  location  of  a  fortification  settled  by  the  military  authorities 
should  be  changed  by  a  private  soldier?  3d.  He  dwells  on  the  great  wrong 
to  the  Indians  of  San  Rafael,  now  under  the  new  regime  free  citizens  and 
equal  to  white  men,  by  forcing  them  to  leave  their  birthplace,  their  lands, 
their  houses,  and  the  padre  whom  they  love,  they  being  unanimously  opposed 
to  the  change.  4th.  There  is  a  great  lack  of  padres  to  carry  out  the  proposed 
scheme,  3  having  died  or  departed  since  Payeras  approved  the  transfer;  and 
it  was  unsafe  for  one  friar  to  live  alone  at  so  distant  a  place.  5th.  If  Payeras 
approved  the  transfer  on  general  principles,  it  would  be  an  insult  to  his  mem- 


GOVERNOR  AND  FRIARS.  503 

ria's  arguments,  since  it  did  not  in  his  view  matter 
much  what  this  or  that  prefect  or  padre  had  or  had 
not  approved,  but  took  the  ground  that  the  diputacion 
was  empowered  to  act  for  the  public  good  in  all  such 
urgent  matters  as  that  under  Consideration,  and  that 
its  decrees  must  be  carried  out.  During  fifty  years 
the  friars  had  made  no  progress  in  the  conversion  of 
northern  gentiles  or  occupation  of  northern  territory ; 
and  now  the  secular  authorities  proposed  to  take  charge 
of  the  conquest  in  its  temporal  aspects  at  least.  The 
new  establishment  would  be  sustained  with  its  escolta 
under  a  majordomo,  and  the  prelate's  refusal  to  author 
ize  Altimira  to  care  for  its  spiritual  needs  would  be 
reported  to  the  authorities  in  Mexico.38 

Yet,  positive  as  was  the  governor's  tone  in  general, 
he  declared  that  he  would  not  insist  on  the  suppres 
sion  of  San  Rafael;  and,  though  some  of  the  corre 
spondence  has  doubtless  been  lost,  he  seems  to  have 
consented  readily  enough  to  a  compromise  suggested 
by  the  prefect,  and  said  by  him  to  have  been  more  or 
less  fully  approved  by  Altimira.  By  the  terms  of 
this  compromise  New  San  Francisco  was  to  remain  as 
a  mission  in  regular  standing,  and  Padre  Altimira 
was  appointed  its  regular  minister,  subject  to  the  de 
cision  of  the  college;  but  neither  Old  San  Francisco 
nor  San  Rafael  was  to  be  suppressed,  and  Altimira 
was  to  be  still  associate  minister  of  the  former.  Neo- 

ory  to  suppose  he  would  have  approved  such  medios  violentos  of  effecting  it. 
Gth.  Neither  Payeras  nor  the  can6nigo  ever  approved  the  aggregation  of  San 
Rafael,  but  on  the  contrary  both  promised  the  neophytes  a  new  church.  7th. 
Padre  Seuan  entertained  the  same  views  as  the  writer,  and  was  asombrado  at 
the  earlier  developments.  How  much  more  astounded  will  he  be  at  later 
ernes  !  '  What  a  labyrinth !  The  political  authorities  performing  the  func 
tions  of  a  bishop !'  8th.  It  may  be  said  that  application  was  made  to  the 
prelate.  So  did  Henry  VIII.  apply  to  the  pope  for  approval  of  his  unholy 
marriage,  but  he  obtained  no  favorable  reply;  neither  did  P.  Altimira.  9th. 
Still  Altimira  is  not  accused  of  acting  in  bad  faith,  because  letters  are  known 
to  have  been  delayed  on  the  way.  10th.  Too  much  weight  should  not  be 
given  to  the  representations  of  one  padre  unsupported  by  his  prelate  and 
associates,  llth.  All  are  zealous  for  new  conversions,  but  wish  them  to  be 
accomplished  with  moderation,  regularity,  and  wisdom.  Some  of  these  argu 
ments  were  repeated  in  Sarria's  letter  of  Sept.  12th,  unless  there  is  an  error 
in  the  date.  Id.,  69-72. 

3dSept.  17th,  Argliello  to  Sarria.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  42-6. 


504  ARGUELLO'S  RULE^LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

phytes  might  go  voluntarily  from  Old  San  Francisco 
to  the  new  establishment,  and  also  from  San  Jose  and 
San  Rafael,  provided  they  came  originally  from  the 
Sonoma  region,  and  provided  also  that  in  the  case  of 
San  Rafael  they  might  return  if  they  wished  at  any 
time  within  a  year.  New  converts  might  come  in 
from  any  direction  to  the  mission  they  preferred,  but 
no  force  was  to  be  used.39 

All  did  not  go  quite  smoothly  under  the  compro 
mise,  and  Altimira  still  had  his  troubles,  though  his 
temper  cooled  considerably.  He  complained  that  the 
ministers  of  the  neighboring  establishments  were 
using  their  influence  to  keep  their  neophytes  from 
going  to  New  San  Francisco,  while  Duran  even  circu 
lated  false  statements  of  impending  attacks  by  gentiles 
to  accomplish  his  purpose,  and  he  should  be  made  to 
hold  his  tongue.  The  new  mission  had  received  less 
aid  and  cooperation  from  the  old  ones  than  had  usually 
been  afforded;  the  padre  at  Old  San  Francisco  showed 
a  disposition  to  retain  all  property  of  any  value;  a 
show  of  military  power  was  needed  to  inspire  respect 
on  the  part  of  the  gentiles;  and  too  great  liberty  was 
allowed  the  neophytes  in  the  matter  of  choosing  their 
place  of  residence,  as  they  were  inclined  to  change 
their  mind  every  day  or  two.  Yet  the  padre  was  en 
couraged  on  the  whole  by  the  progress  made.40 

Passion  Sunday,  April  4,  1824,  the  mission  church, 
a  somewhat  rude  structure  24  by  105  feet,  built  of 
boards  and  whitewashed,  but  well  furnished  and  deco 
rated  in  the  interior,  many  articles  having  been  pre 
sented  by  the  Russians,  was  dedicated  to  San  Francisco 
Solano,  which  from  this  date  became  the  name  of  the 
mission.  Hitherto  it  had  been  properly  New  San 
Francisco,  though  Altimira  had  always  dated  his  let 
ters  San  Francisco  simply,  and  referred  to  the  penin- 

39  Sept.  12th,  30th,  Sarria  to  Argiiello,  inclosing  copy  of  appointment  and 
instructions  for  Altimira.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  69-75. 

40 Oct.  4th,  18th,  Altimira  to  Argiiello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  US.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  75-8. 
Oct.  18th,  Sarria  to  Argiiello,  has  heard  reports  that  the  Indians  are  running 
away  and  do  not  like  their  missionary.  Id.t  86. 


SAN  FEANCISCO  SOLANO.  505 

sular  establishment  as  Old  San  Francisco;  but  this 
usage  became  inconvenient,  and  rather  than  honor  St 
Francis  of  Asisi  with  two  missions  it  was  agreed  to 
dedicate  the  new  one  to  San  Francisco  Solano,  "the 
great  apostle  of  the  Indies."  It  was  largely  from 
this  early  confusion  of  names,  and  also  from  the  in 
convenience  of  adding  Asis  and  Solano  to  designate 
the  respective  saints  Francis,  that  arose  the  popular 
usage  of  calling  the  two  missions  Dolores  and  San 
Solano,  the  latter  name  being  replaced  ten  years  later 
by  the  original  one  of  Sonoma.41 

Beyond  the  fact  that  Buenaventura  Fortuni  took 
Altimira's  place  as  minister  in  September  1826,  the 
only  information  extant  respecting  the  annals  of 
Solano  for  the  rest  of  the  decade,  not  of  a  statistical 
nature,  is  to  the  effect  that  a  mission  rancho  of  Santa 
Eulalia  had  been  established  at  Suisun  before  the  end 
of  1824,  that  a  provisional  house  for  the  padre's  visits, 
with  a  corral  for  horses,  had  been  built,  and  that  a 
neophyte  alcalde  was  in  charge  of  the  rancho.  In 
March  1824  the  mission  had  a  granary,  a  padres'  house, 
and  seven  houses  for  the  guard  besides  the  chapel,  all 
of  wood.  But  by  the  end  of  the  year  one  large  adobe 
house  30  by  120  feet  and  seven  feet  high  had  been 
completed,  with  tiled  roof  and  corridor,  and  two  other 
structures  had  been  made  ready  for  roofing  just  in 
time  to  be  destroyed  by  the  unusually  heavy  rains. 
A  loom  had  been  set  up  and  a  beginning  made  of 
weaving.  A  garden  fenced  with  willows  contained 
from  150  to  300  fruit  trees,  and  in  the  vineyard  from 
1,000  to  3,000  vines  were  growing.  Between  1824 
and  1830  cattle  increased  from  1,100  to  2,000;  horses 
from  400  to  725 ;  and  sheep  remained  at  4,000,  though 
as  few  as  1,500  in  1826.  Crops  amounted  to  1,875 
bushels  per  year  on  an  average,  the  largest  yield  being 
3,945  in  1826,  and  the  smallest  510  in  1829,  when 

41  Mar.  29,  1824.  Altimira  to  Arguello,  announcing  the  intention  to  dedi 
cate  the  church  on  Passion  Sunday,  and  explaining  the  progress  he  had  made 
in  other  respects.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  125-8. 


506  ARGUELLO'S  RULE-LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

wheat  and  barley  failed  completely.  At  the  end  of 
1824  the  mission  had  693  neophytes,  of  whom  322 
had  come  from  San  Francisco,  153  from  San  Jose, 
92  from  San  Rafael,  and  96  had  been  baptized  on  the 
spot.  By  1830,  650  had  been  baptized  and  375  buried ; 
but  the  number  of  neophytes  had  increased  only  to 
760,  leaving  a  margin  of  over  100  for  runaways  even 
on  the  supposition  that  all  from  San  Rafael  retired 
the  first  year  to  their  old  home.  Notwithstanding 
the  advantages  of  the  site  and  Altimira's  enthusiasm 
the  mission  at  Sonoma  was  not  prosperous  during  its, 
short  existence.42 

In  September  the  governorwas  making  preparations 
for  an  expedition  to  explore  the  country  lying  between 
the  new  mission  at  Sonoma  and  the  Bodega  coast. 
The  rancheria  of  Huilantuliyami43  was  an  objective 
point,  and  it  was  thought  best  to  find  out  what  Karl 
Schmidt  was  doing  in  that  direction,  where  it  was 
said  the  Russians  had  been  seen.  It  appears  that 

42  On  buildings,  etc.,  see  Altimira's  letter  of  March  29th,  in  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  125-8,  by  which  it  also  appears  that  from  San  Francisco  the 
mission  received  20  yoke  of  oxen,  25  bulls,  50  cows,  60  horses,  and  3,000  sheep, 
besides  some  implements,  etc.    See  also  the  padre's  annual  report  on  this 
mission  at  the  end  of  1824,  in  Arch.  Sta  J3.,  MS.,  x.  519-26.    I  have  in  my 
collection,   #.   Francisco  Solano,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  the  original  registers  of 
baptisms  and  burials  with  the  alphabetical  index  of  neophytes,  from  the 
beginning  down  to  1839,  three  quaint  old  leather-bound  tomes,  types  of  simi 
lar  records  at  all  the  missions.    The  first  baptism  was  that  of  26  children  of 
both  neophyte  and  gentile  parents  on  April  4,  1824;  the  next  was  of  13  adult 
Petalumas  on  April  16th;  and  the  3d  of  23  Ululatos.    The  first  burial  was 
that  of  a  gentile  woman  on  Dec.  26,  1823,  the  only  death  in  the  year.    Tho 
last  baptism,  Oct.  1,  1839,  was  numbered  1,494;  and  the  last  burial,  Oct.  7, 
1839,  was  numbered  875. 

The  different  nations  or  tribes  of  Indians  which  furnished  converts  as 
shown  by  the  mission  books  were  as  follows:  Aloquiomi,  Atenomac,  Canoma, 
Carquin,  Canijolmano,  Caymus,  Chemoco,  Chichoyomi,  Chocuyem,  Coyayomi 
or  Joyayomi,  Huiluc,  Huymen,  Lacatiut,  Loaquiomi,  Linayto(Libayto?),  Loc- 
noma,  Mayacma,  Muticolmo,  Malaca,  Napato,  Oleomi,  Putto  or  Putato 
(Pulto  or  Pultato  or  Pultoy— Putah  Creek  ?),  Polnomanoc,  Paque,  Petaluma, 
Suisun,  Satayomi,  Soneto,  Tolen,  Tlayacma,  Tamal,  Topayto,  Ululato,  Za- 
clom,  Utinomanoc. 

I  have  also  the  original  statistical  reports  for  each  year  from  1825  to  1830 
inclusive,  together  with  financial  accounts  of  mission  supplies  to  the  escolta, 
amounting  to  about  $200  per  year,  in  Arch.  Misionex,  MS.,  and  Vallejo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  xviii. -xx.,  xxix.-xxx.  passim. 

43  Identical  very  likely  with  the  Libantilayomi  of  former  records,  and  ap 
parently  somewhere  in  the  region  of  the  modern  Santa  Rosa. 


SONORA  AND  CALIFORNIA.  507 

the  expedition,  consisting  of  twenty-five  men  under 
Alferez  Santiago  Argiiello,  did  start  from  San  Fran 
cisco  the  7th  of  October;  but  respecting  the  trip  and 
what  was  accomplished  nothing  is  known.4* 

Still  another  expedition  may  be  noticed  here  as  well 
as  elsewhere,  though  it  extended  through  several 
years;  and  briefly,  though  I  have  before  me  no  less 
than  seventy-five  official  communications  on  the  sub 
ject.  I  allude  to  the  expedition  of  Captain  Jose  Ro 
mero  to  California  and  back  by  way  of  the  Colorado 
from  Tucson,  Sonora.  Unfortunately  with  all  the 
correspondence  no  diaries  are  extant.  The  object 
was  to  explore  a  permanent  route  of  communication 
between  the  two  provinces,  and  Romero  with  a  small 
force  of  eleven  men  was  accompanied  by  Padre  Felix 
Caballero,  a  Dominican  friar  of  Lower  California.45 
At  the  crossing  of  the  Colorado  and  later  the  In 
dians  were  hostile  and  stole  all  the  horses,  but  after 
great  suffering  the  party  arrived  by  a  southern  route 
at  the  frontier  peninsular  missions  in  July  1823,  the 
report  having  reached  Tucson  that  all  had  been  killed. 
The  explorers  were  fed  and  clothed,  and  Romero  was 
summoned  to  Monterey  for  consultation  with  the 
governor  as  to  the  best  way  to  get  back  to  Sonora. 

Romero  left  Monterey  the  10th  of  October  for  San 
Gabriel  to  prepare  for  his  return,  Argiiello  having 
issued  orders  to  officers  and  padres  that  every  assist 
ance  was  to  be  afforded.  After  two  months  of  dili 
gent  correspondence  about  men  and  guns  and  rations 
and  animals,  about  forty  men  under  Lieutenant  Estu- 
dillo  were  equipped  as  an  escolta,  and  the  march  began 
the  1 5th  of  December.  On  account  of  various  mishaps 
they  did  not  leave  San  Bernardino  until  Christmas, 
and  subsequently  lost  their  way  and  wandered  in 
mountains  and  deserts  without  water  for  their  animals 

44 St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  17,  82,  91;  xiii.  2;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  41,  65,  68-9. 
45  He  started  from  Sta  Catalina  April  14th,  and  reached  Arizpe  in  May. 
Caballero,  Estadistica  de  Son.  y  Sin.,  11. 


508  AR&UELLO'S  RULE— LAST  OF  THE  EMPIRE.- 

till  the  end  of  January,  when  they  returned  to  San 
Gabriel.46  It  required  about  as  much  paper  and  ink 
to  announce,  explain,  and  complain  of  the  result  as  it 
had  to  prepare  for  the  start. 

Two  parties  of  Indians  soon  arrived  in  search  of 
Romero  with  despatches  from  Sonora;  but  an  Indian 
revolt  which  occurred  this  spring,  and  will  be  described 
in  the  next  chapter,  prevented  his  return  with  the 
messengers.  It  took  a  long  time  to  convince  Argiiello 
that  the  danger  was  past;  and  in  September  1824, 
when  Romero  was  preparing  for  another  start,  the 
governor  received  instructions  from  Sonora  to  send 
him  back  by  way  of  Loreto.  Romero  was  unwilling 
to  go  by  that  route;  Argiiello  would  not  authorize  or 
help  him  to  go  by  the  other;  and  the  ensuing  corre 
spondence  consumed  the  time  until  the  late  summer 
of  1825.  Then  a  new  general  in  Sonora,  Jose  Figue- 
roa,  of  whom  I  shall  have  much  to  say  in  later  years, 
ordered  Romero  to  return  by  land  and  complete  the 
exploration;  and  a  new  governor  ordered  the  neces 
sary  guard  to  be  prepared.  A  new  avalanche  of  official 
documents  in  August  and  September  was  repeated  in 
November;  and  finally  all  was  ready,  though  in  the 
mean  time  Figueroa  had  come  to  the  Colorado  to  meet 
Romero,  and  tired  of  waiting  had  gone  back.  Such 
active  and  complicated  preparations  were  rarely  known 
in  California,  every  officer  in  the  south  being  involved. 
At  one  time  it  was  proposed  to  fortify  the  San  Gor- 
gonio  pass,  but  this  plan  was  given  up  on  account  of 
the  deep  snow.  The  last  mishap  was  the  running 
away  of  the  Cocomaricopa  guides  from  San  Bernar 
dino  the  4th  of  December.  The  grand  total  of  result 
was  that  Alfdrez  Romualdo  Pacheco  with  five  soldiers 
and  a  party  of  Indians  escorted  Romero  to  the  Colo- 

46  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  14-19,  accompanied  the  party  and 
gives  some  details.  He  attributes  the  failure  largely  to  Estudillo's  incompe 
tence  and  intemperance.  It  would  appear,  however,  that  the  attempt  of  Ro 
mero  to  take  with  him  a  large  drove  of  mares,  and  the  attempt  to  follow  a 
new  trail  pointed  out  by  an  Indian,  instead  of  the  old  route  of  Anza  and 
others,  had  much  to  do  with  the  disaster. 


ROMERO'S  EXPEDITION.  509 

rado  in  December,  and  then  returned  by  another  and 
better  route  to  San  Diego  before  February  2,  1826, 
on  which  date  the  governor  announced  the  result  to 
the  minister  of  war  in  a  communication  which  closes 
the  series.47 

47  Romero,  Documentos  relatives  d  la  Expedition  del  Capitan  £.  para  abrir 
Camino  entre  Sonora  y  California,  1823-6,  MS.  Being  the  letters  of  Romero, 
Argiiello,  Echeandia,  Urrea,  Figueroa,  Estudillo,  Guerra,  Portilla,  Pacheco, 
Sarria,  and  others.  Also  Echeandia's  final  report  of  Feb.  2,  1826,  in  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  24-6.  It  is  implied  in  this  report  that  some  point  on  the 
southern  route  had  been,  or  was  being,  garrisoned  with  a  view  to  keep  open 
the  communication  by  land.  March  30th,  Gen.  Figueroa  to  comandante  gene 
ral  of  California.  Thinks  an  effort  should  be  made  to  keep  the  route  open. 
Distance  from  Arizpe  to  Concepcion,  200  leagues;  from  Concepcion  to  San 
Diego,  80  leagues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ivii.  17-18.  There  are 
many  minor  points  of  some  interest,  but  no  importance,  in  the  correspondence, 
matters  of  official  etiquette,  etc.,  which  I  have  omitted. 


CHAPTEK  XXIII. 

EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— INDIAN  REVOLT. 

1824. 

NATIONAL  POLITICS — JUNTA  AT  MONTEREY — PLAN  DE  GOBIERNO — CALIFOR 
NIA'S  FIRST  CONSTITUTION— SESSIONS  or  THE  DIPUTACION — BANDOS 
AGAINST  CRIMINALS  —  COMMUNICATIONS  WITH  MEXICO  —  MINON  AP 
POINTED  GOVERNOR — COLONIZATION  LAW— THE  MISSIONS  AND  PADRES — 
QUESTION  or  SUPPLIES — STIPENDS  PAID— LIST  or  VESSELS — COOPER'S 
VOYAGE  TO  CHINA — OTTER  CONTRACT — COMMERCE  AND  REVENUE  — 
KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT  AND  IMPRESSIONS — FOREIGN  RESIDENTS  OLD  AND 
NEW — REVOLT  OF  NEOPHYTES  IN  THE  SOUTH — MOTIVES — BURNING  OF 
SANTA  Ms — PURISIMA  TAKEN — FIGHT  AND  FLIGHT  AT  SANTA  BAR 
BARA — ESTRADA'S  CAMPAIGN — EXPEDITIONS  OF  FABREGAT  AND  POR- 
TILLA  TO  THE  TULARES — CAPTURE  AND  EXECUTION  OF  POMPONIO. 

THE  federal  constitution  of  October  4,  1824,  was 
not  known  in  California  until  the  next  year;1  but 
there  were  rumors  of  federation  proclaimed  by  some 
of  the  provinces  and  not  yet  approved  by  others- 
rumors  not  well  understood,  but  sufficient  to  create  a 
vague  impression  that  it  was  perhaps  incumbent  on 
California  to  do  something.  Moreover  several  prov 
inces,  including  Sonora,  Jalisco,  and  Oajaca,  had 
directly  invited  the  Californias  to  join  them;  and  it 
was  necessary  to  take  some  action  on  these  invitations. 
Accordingly  Argiiello  had  summoned  a  junta  as  we 
have  seen  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

The  junta  met  at  Monterey  on  the  7th  day  of  Janu 
ary.  It  was  composed  of  the  military  officers  Guer'ra, 
Estrada,  Ramirez,  and  Santiago  Argiiello,  with  the 
deputies,  Josd  Castro  as  substitute  taking  the  place  of 

1  In  the  Acta  Constitutiva  of  Jan.  31,  1824,  it  was  declared  that  California 
and  Colima  should  be  federal  territorities,  immediately  subject  to  the  supreme 
powers.  Supt.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  1.  But  not  even  this  acta  appears  to 
have  been  known  in  California. 

(510) 


JUNTA  AT  MONTEREY.  511 

Ortega.  For  some  reason  not  explained  the  friars 
were  not  represented.  The  "Political  and  Military 
Superior  Chief  and  President  of  said  Most  Excellent 
Diputacion,"  Don  Luis  Argiiello,  in  his  opening 
address  stated  that,  in  distress  at  the  unhappy  condi 
tion  of  our  America,  disturbed  by  political  differences, 
he  had  called  the  meeting  to  devise  some  means  of 
escape  from  the  prevalent  contagion,  and  secure  for 
the  province  the  peace  hitherto  enjoyed.  He  invited 
all  to  express  their  views  frankly  on  the  following 
points :  1st.  Will  it  be  expedient  for  this  province  to 
declare  itself  in  favor  of  the  federation ;  and  if  so  will 
it  be  advantageous  to  join  some  one  of  the  provinces 
inviting  it?  2d.  What  kind  of  a  government  in  any 
case  will  be  best  for  California?  The  diputados  spoke 
first;  the  military  men  followed;  and  after  sufficient 
discussion  the  junta  by  a  unanimous  vote  resolved:— 
1st.  That  for  the  present  the  province  should  remain 
aloof  and  free  from  any  other  until  the  intentions  of  the 
national  government  could  be  learned  with  reference 
to  a  general  federation  of  all  the  American  provinces ; 
and  2d.  That  a  committee  of  four  should  be  appointed 
to  report  a  plan  of  government  for  internal  affairs. 
The  committee  was  named  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 
Next  day  the  junta  reassembled  to  hear  the  report 
of  the  committee,  whose  members  are  not  named. 
The  report  was  a  'plan'  of  preamble,  four  titles,  and 
twelve  articles.  It  was  unanimously  adopted  after 
discussion ;  was  officially  published  in  a  proclamation 
by  Argiiello  on  January  17th;  and  was  publicly  read 
at  each  presidio  within  a  few  days.  Though  this_p/cm 
de  gobierno  introduced  no  radical  changes;  never  had 
properly  any  legal  or  political  force  or  authority,  and 
was  nominally  the  law  of  the  land  for  only  one  year, 
yet  as  California's  first  constitution  or  organic  law  I 
have  deemed  it  worth  preservation  in  a  note,  though 
in  a  form  somewhat  abridged.2 

2  Plan  de  Gobierno  Provincial  resuelto  por  la  Junta  General  en  Monterey, 
1824,  MS.,  and  incomplete  in  Leg.  fiec.,  MS.,  i.  17-19.     Read  to  the  troops 


512  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

Thirteen  subsequent  meetings  of  the  diputacion  are 
recorded  in  1824,  several  of  which  were  of  the  junta 
provided  for  in  the  plan,  to  constitute  which  Presi 
dent  Sarria  with  lieutenants  Estudillo  and  Martinez 
were  called  in  to  take  part  in  the  deliberations. 
Though  the  matters  treated  and  the  decisions  reached 
were  for  the  most  part  trivial,  yet  as  the  methods  of 
treatment  were  in  some  cases  peculiar  and  interesting 
I  append  the  substance  of  the  record.3  During  the 

at  San  Francisco  on  Jan.  20th  as  certified  by  Lieut.  Martinez  on  the  original 
record  in  my  collection. 

Title  I.  on  Government. — Art.  1.  The  government  of  this  province  shall  be 
civil  and  military,  vested  in  one  person  exercising  the  functions  before  pre 
scribed  by  the  laws.  Art.  2.  The  diputacion  shall  still  subsist,  with  the 
same  attributes  as  before  under  the  laws.  Art.  3.  There  shall  be  a  junta 
general  composed  of  diputacion,  two  officers,  and  the  prelate  of  the  missions, 
with  the  governor  as  president — to  have  cognizance  of  grave  affairs.  Art.  4. 
The  governor  may  judge  what  matters  require  the  assembling  of  the  junta; 
but  such  matters  shall  include:  1st,  extraordinary  taxes;  2d,  grants  of  land; 
3d,  foreign  relations;  and  4th,  control  of  public  funds  arid  accounts.  Art.  5. 
The  junta  may  at  any  meeting  modify,  add  to,  or  repeal  any  of  the  regula 
tions  in  force. 

Title  If.  on  Military  Force. — Art.  1.  So  long  as  there  are  means  for  pay 
ment  the  governor  is  to  receive  $2,500;  a  captain,  $1,200;  a  lieutenant,  $550; 
alferez,  $400;  sergeant,  $262.50;  corporal,  $225;  and  private,  $217.50  per 
year.  The  Monterey  presidial  company  to  consist  of  80  men  including  offi 
cers,  and  each  of  the  others  of  70  men,  the  artillery  to  continue  as  before. 
Art.  2.  All  men  from  18  to  50  years  should  be  enlisted  to  form  companies 
(militia)  of  infantry  or  cavalry,  and  the  militia  artillery  companies  should  be 
kept  full  and  in  a  good  state  of  instruction. 

Title  III.  Expenses  and  Revenue. — Art.  1.  Indispensable  expenditures  are: 
the  regular  and  prompt  payment  of  the  garrisons;  $1  per  day  to  diputados 
during  absence  from  home;  and  a  salary  of  $270  to  the  secretary  of  the  dipu 
tacion.  Art.  2.  Revenues  to  meet  these  expenditures  are:  (1)  tonnage  on  for 
eign  vessels  as  per  last  Mexican  tariff;  (2)  25%  on  sales  of  goods  imported  on 
foreign  craft,  after  deducting  12.5%  as  before(?);  (3)  10%  on  imports  by  Mexi 
can  vessels;  (4)  6%  from  foreigners  on  exports;  (5)  12%  from  sellers  on  same; 
(6)  the  product  of  the  national  ranches;  (7)  other  revenues  according  to  the 
public  exchequer — at  present  only  that  of  the  postoffice;  (8)  the  product  of 
the  otter-fishery  lately  established;  (9)  10%  on  all  cattle  branded,  and  on  crops 
including  wine  and  brandy — no  importation  of  foreign  liquors  being  per 
mitted.  Citizens  may  pay  the  tax  in  kind;  but  the  missions  (in  money?)  on 
cattle  at  $1.50  per  head;  wheat,  $2  perfanega;  corn,  $1.50;  beans,  $2.50;  wine 
$8  per  barrel;  brandy,  $35  per  barrel.  But  all  effects  for  the  church  or  per 
sonal  use  of  the  padres  are  exempt.  Art.  3.  The  junta  may  devise  other 
sources  of  revenue  if  needed. 

Title  IV.  on  Administration  of  Justice. — Art.  1.  For  civil  cases  in  towns 
there  shall  be  three  resorts  (instancias).  1st  to  alcalde;  2d  to  comandante; 
and  3d  to  the  governor.  Civilians  living  at  the  presidios  will  apply  first  to 
the  comandante,  secondly  and  finally  to  the  governor.  Art.  2.  Criminal 
cases  will  be  tried  by  a  court-martial,  whose  sentence  will  be  executed  with 
out  appeal. 

3  Legislative  record  for  the  year:  At  the  spring  session  the  first  recorded 
meeting  after  Jan.  7th-8th  was  on  Jan.  23d,  when  after  fixing  a  date  for 


SESSIONS  OF  THE  DIPUTACION.  513 

year  Arguello  issued  a  series  of  bandos  intended  to 
promote  the  public  welfare,  some  of  them  founded  on 
acts  of  the  diputacion,  arid  others  having  no  such  re 
corded  basis.  On  January  31st  he  proclaimed  the 
death  penalty  for  all  thefts  exceeding  twenty-five  dol 
lars,  the  body  to  be  quartered  in  cases  where  force  or 
false  keys  were  used.  For  thefts  of  $1.25  to  $6.25 
ten  years  of  presidio  or  public  works  were  imposed; 

the  commencement  of  the  secretary's  salary — a  matter  more  important  to 
Torre  than  to  the  reader — the  subject  of  revenue  was  taken  up  and  Lieu 
tenant  Estrada  was  appointed  administrator  general.  Next  day  attention 
was  called  to  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  forts  at  Monterey  and  San  Diego, 
and  a  novel  expedient  was  devised  for  effecting  repairs.  A  competent  person 
was  to  be  appointed  in  each  place  to  watch  for  vagabond,  lazy,  and  useless 
persons,  who  were  to  be  reported  to  the  governor  and  set  to  work  on  the  de 
fences,  at  a  cost  of  six  cents  a  day  for  rations.  Jan.  27th  the  establishments 
of  a  college,  or  hospicio  de  estudios,  for  the  education  of  Californian  youth  was 
proposed;  but  when  it  came  to  a  vote,  Carrillo  and  Palomares,  while  admit 
ting  that  such  an  institution  would  be  convenientisimo,  opposed  the  assump 
tion  of  any  obligation  to  pay  a  teacher.  Sarria,  being  called  in  next  day  for 
consultation,  promised  to  see  what  could  be  done  in  view  of  the  scarcity  of 
money  and  friars;  and  there  the  matter  rested.  In  the  session  of  the  27th 
abuses  in  police  regulations  were  noted,  and  the  governor  was  authorized  to 
issue  a  baiido  making  each  ayuntamiento  responsible  for  the  proper  control  of 
its  own  pueblo.  By  resolution  of  the  29th,  whalers  were  required  to  pay 
tonnage  dues,  and  all  foreign  vessels  to  pay  for  wood;  and  on  the  same  day 
the  proposed  voyage  of  the  Rover  was  considered,  of  which  more  anon.  On 
this  occasion  Palomares  refused  to  vote,  and  Aruz  being  sick  three  members 
went  to  his  house  to  take  his  vote,  since  he  had  only  a  bad  cold  and  was  in 
full  possession  of  all  his  senses. 

At  the  autumn  session  on  Sept.  14th  the  distribution  of  lands  was  consid 
ered;  Sarria  made  a  speech  in  behalf  of  the  neophytes  as  individuals  and 
communities;  it  was  proposed  to  take  for  redistribution  a  part  of  their  lands, 
from  such  settlers  as  had  more  than  they  needed;  and  finally  it  was  resolved 
to  leave  the  whole  matter  to  be  settled  in  Mexico.  On  the  16th  Sarria,  Estu- 
dillo,  and  Martinez  met  with  the  diputacion  forming  the  junta  general  pro 
vided  for  in  the  plan.  The  revenue  accounts  for  the  three  preceding  years 
were  called  for;  but  Arguello  after  various  excuses  declared  that  as  he  got  no 
recompense  for  '  heating  his  head  '  over  those  accounts,  the  junta  would  have 
to  wait  until  they  were  ready;  whereupon  it  was  voted  that  if  the  documents 
were  not  forthcoming  within  fifteen  days,  the  legislators  could  not  perform 
their  duties  and  the  people's  money  would  be  wasted.  On  the  19th  it  was 
noted  that  foreign  brandy  had  been  sold  in  violation  of  the  plan,  and  some  of 
the  members  were  in  favor  of  fining  Arguello  $10  per  barrel  on  all  liquor  sold, 
for  having  failed  to  enforce  the  laws;  but  others  doubted  the  power  of  the 
diputacion  to  fine  the  governor,  and  it  was  thought  best  to  refer  the  matter 
to  the  sovereign  congress.  At  the  session  of  Oct.  18th  a  petition  was  received 
from  the  neophytes  of  San  Buenaventura  asking  to  be  relieved  from  the  taxes 
imposed  by  the  plan;  and  as  the  style  of  the  document  was  not  altogether 
reverential,  it  being  '  adorned  with  an  enormous  criticism  and  threat '  by  the 
padres  in  an  appended  prologue,  it  was  decided  to  refer  it  to  a  committee  of 
two,  who  were  not  to  consider  the  propriety  of  abating  the  tax,  but  the  best 
means  of  administering  a  '  prudent  rebuke. '  At  this  same  session  the  junta 
notified  the  people  that  the  ten  per  cent  tax  on  products  was  not  to  be  con 
founded  with  tithes,  but  was  an  independent  and  direct  tax.  On  the  27th 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  33 


514  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

and  from  $6.25  to  $25  there  was  added  a  running  of 
the  gauntlet  six  times  between  lines  of  two  hundred 
men  armed  with  ramrods.  On  the  same  date  he  de^ 
creed  that  no  person  should  leave  town,  presidio,  or 
rancho,  without  a  passport  from  the  civil  authority; 
and  again  he  ordered  that  all  books  and  papers  sus 
pected  of  being  seditious  against  either  the  govern 
ment  or  the  Catholic  faith  must  be  delivered  for 
examination  by  the  president  of  the  missions.  The 
5th  of  February  he  forbade  the  selling  or  buying  of 
cattle  without  notice  to  the  administrator  of  revenues, 
or  the  transfer  of  produce  for  sale  without  a  permit 
from  the  alcalde,  under  penalty  of  confiscation  and 
fine.  And  finally  on  November  22d  he  issued  an 
edict  against  horse-stealing,  or  rather  against  the 
prevalent  practice  of  taking  a  horse  wherever  it  might 
be  found  and  leaving  it  wherever  convenience  might 
dictate  without  reference  to  the  rights  of  the  owner.4 
Communication  with  the  Mexican  government  was 
very  rare  and  of  slight  importance.  The  governor  sent 
in  a  few  complaints  of  destitution  with  reminders  of 
back  pay  due  the  garrisons,  directing  his  communica 
tions  to  the  minister  of  the  treasury  or  to  Don  Pablo 
dc  Sola.  The  latter  was  still  regarded  as  California's 
diputado  in  congress,  and  Argiiello  declared  that  if 
he  were  not  admitted  no  successor  could  be  sent  for 
want  of  funds.  From  Sola  we  hear  nothing,  and  from 
the  habilitado  general  in  Guadalajara,  Gervasio  Ar- 

comandantes  were  instructed  to  facilitate  in  every  possible  way  the  sale  of 
produce  offered  by  settlers.  Oct.  30th,  the  junta  repealed  from  Jan.  1,  1825, 
the  two  taxes  of  12 J  per  cent  and  6  per  cent  on  exports;  but  imposed  a  tax 
of  25  per  cent  on  all  coin  extracted  from  the  province.  Nov.  lOth-llth,  there 
was  some  vaguely  recorded  action  on  the  proposition  of  Arus  that  the  '  April 
session  be  held  in  January, '  and  that  the  diputacion  meet  '  in  the  centre  of 
the  province.'  Dec.  2d,  comandantes  were  ordered  to  have  the  cargo  of  each 
vessel  appraised  for  the  collection  of  duties  immediately  on  arrival.  Leg.  Rec., 
MS.,  i.  16-41.  It  is  very  likely  that  the  record  is  not  quite  complete. 

4  Bandos  of  Jan.  31st  and  Feb.  5th  in  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Josd,  MS.,  iv.  12- 
13,  17-18.  Bandos  on  passports  and  seditious  books,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  iv.  144-6.  Bando  of  Nov.  22d,  original  document  in  Coronel,  Doc. 
Hixt.  CaL,  MS.,  3-4.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  342-5,  notes  Arguello's 
attempts  to  diminish  crime  and  the  severity  of  his  measures.  We  do  not 
hear,  however,  of  the  death  penalty  being  inflicted  for  stealing. 


GOVERNOR  MlftON.  5J3 

giiello,  nothing  officially,  though  in  a  private  letter 
he  stated  that  no  aid  was  to  be  hoped  for  from  the 
treasury.5  Under  date  of  November  3d  the  superior 
powers  attempted  to  use  California  as  a  medium  for 
manufacturing  favorable  public  opinion  throughout 
the  world  and  counteracting  the  malicious  reports  of 
Spanish  foes  by  ordering  that  reports  of  the  prevalent 
harmony  be  sent  by  every  English  or  American  vessel 
to  Michelena  at  London  and  Obregon  at  Philadelphia. 
The  minister  of  war  also  noticed  the  past  services  and 
present  needs  of  the  Californian  troops  in  his  report 
presented  to  congress  the  20th  of  December.6 

At  the  end  of  the  year  came  the  announcement, 
apparently  in  official  form,  for  it  was  formally  pro 
claimed  a,t  San  Francisco,  that  a  new  comandante 
general,  and  presumably  gefe  politico  as  well,  had  been 
appointed  to  succeed  Sola,  Argiiello's  rule  being  of 
course  ad  interim.  Brigadier  General  Juan  Jose  Mi 
non  was  the  new  ruler,  with  Lieutenant  Manuel  Ruiz 
as  second  in  command;  but  neither  ever  came  to  the 
province,  and  another  man  was  named  a  little  later,  as 
we  shall  see,  in  place  of  Mifion.7 

Among  the  general  acts  of  the  Mexican  congress 
in  1824  the  only  one  requiring  special  notice  in  con 
nection  with  Californian  history  is  the  colonization 
decree  of  August  18th,  which  was  forwarded  imme 
diately  on  its  passage  for  publication  in  the  province. 
Though  the  law  had  no  immediate  practical  effect  in 
California,  its  subsequent  importance  as  a  basis  of 
land  legislation  and  in  connection  with  the  admission 

5Argiiello  to  sup.  govt.  and  to  Sola  of  different  dates  in  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  48,  51,  173,  214,  274.  Oct.  9th,  Arguello  sends  a  complaint  of  the  diputa- 
cion  that  Sola  has  not  been  admitted  to  congress.  Arch.  Arzol).,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
ii.  132.  Dec.  9th,  Gervasio  Arguello  to  his  brother,  in  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  v.  226. 

6  Nov.  3d,  Esteva  to  Arguello,  Sup.  Govt.,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  9-10.    Micr 
y  Teran  to  congress.  Mexico,  Mem.,  Guerra,  1824,  19-20. 

7  Dec.   14th,  Arguello  to  Guerra.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  4; 
Dec.  3d,  Martinez  to  Arguello.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  6.    Minon  named  as 
general,  Dec.   17th.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  161.    April  24th,  Varela  to  Guerra, 
the  San  Carlos  is  ordered  to  Acapulco  to  convey  to  California  war  material 
and  the  new  governor  of  both  Calif ornias,  Col.  Minon.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  139. 


516  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

of  foreigners  renders  its  reproduction  here  essential. 
The  provisions  of  the  act  were  certainly  liberal  and 
wise,  if  not,  as  Tuthill  says,  "so  liberal  as  to  excite  a 
wonder  what  hidden  motive  suggested  its  wiser  pro 
visions."8 

The  missionaries  like  others  were  waiting  for  some 
thing  to  turn  up,  but  without  the  slightest  possible 
hope  that  the  ' something'  would  be  in  any  way  favor 
able  to  their  interests,  to  which  the  fall  of  Iturbide 
was  a  death-blow.9  The  day  of  republicanism  was  at 

8  Decreto  del  Congreso  Mejicano  sobre  Colonization,  18  de.  Agosto,  1824,  MS. 
Forwarded  by  Minister  Alaman  on  same  date  to  California.     Also  printed  in 
Mexico,  Cal.  de  firdenes  y  Decretos  de  la  Soberano  Junta  Provisional  guberna- 
tlva,  etc.,  iii.  64.     Translated  in  Halleck's  fieport,  app.  4;  I  Rockwell,  451; 
Wheeler's  Land  Titles,  7-8;  Schmidt's  Civil  Laws  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  340-5; 
Dwinelle's  Col.  Hist.  S.  F.,  add.  23-4.     Art.  1.  The  Mexican  nation  promises 
security  in  person  and  property  to  foreigners  settling  in  its  territory  and  obey 
ing  its  laws.     Art.  2.  This  law  refers  to  national  lands,  not  private  property 
nor  belonging  to  corporations  or  pueblos.     Art.  3.  The  congress  (legislature) 
of  each  state  will  at  once  regulate  the  matter  of  colonization  according  to  this 
and  the  general  laws.     Art.  4.  Lands  within  20  leagues  of  the  boundary  of  a 
foreign  nation,  or  within  10  leagues  of  the  coast,  cannot  be  colonized  without 
approval  of  the  supreme  executive  power.     Art.  5.  The  federal  government 
may  reserve  lands  for  public  edifices.     Art.  6.  For  5  years  after  the  publica 
tion  of  this  law  no  tax  shall  be  imposed  on  the  entry  of  foreign  new-comers. 
Art.  7.  Before  1840  the  national  congress  cannot  prohibit  the  entry  of  for 
eigners  to  colonize,  except  compelled  to  do  so  in  the  case  of  individuals  of 
some  nation  for  strong  reasons.     Art.  8.  The  government  will  take  precau 
tionary  measures  for  the  security  of  the  federation.     Art.  9.  Mexican  citizens 
are  to  be  preferred  in  the  distribution  of  lands,  with  no  distinction  among 
them  except  for  merit,  services,  circumstances,  or  residence  in  the  place  where 
the  lands  are.     Art.  10.  Military  persons  entitled  to  lands  under  the  promise 
of  March  27,  1821,  shall  be  attended  to  in  the  states.     Art.  11.  The  supreme 
executive  may  grant  vacant  lands  in  the  territories  to  military  or  civil  officers 
of  the  federation.     Art.  12.  No  person  shall  have  more  than  one  sq.  league 
of  5,000  varas  of  irrigable  land;  four  leagues  of  land  dependent  on  rain;  or 
six  leagues  of  grazing  land.     Art.  13.  The  colonists  cannot  transfer  their  pos 
sessions  in  mortmain.     Art.   14.  This  law  guarantees  the  contract  made  by 
individuals  to  bring  families  at  their  own  cost  and  in  accordance  with  the 
laws.     Art.  15.  No  grantee  under  this  law  can  retain  lands  if  he  reside  out 
of  the  republic.     Art.  16.  The  government  will  proceed  in  accordance  with 
these  principles  to  the  colonization  of  its  territory. 

9  Sept.  12th,  P.  Martinez  of  San  Luis  writes  to  Argiiello  of  his  disgust 
at  the  state  of  affairs  in  general.     He  thinks  all  is  lost,  sees  no  prospect 
of  improvement,  and  will  himself  leave  the  country  rather  than  stay  to  see 
'the  devil  get  away  with  all  he  has  done.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  129-31. 
According  to  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  and  345-8,  and  Alvarado,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  25-9,  P.  Martinez  had  this  year  a  quarrel  with  Corporal  Miguel 
Avila.     He  harshly  reproved  Avila  for  talking  with  an  Indian  in  the  ranche- 
ria;   Avila  blamed  him  for  administering   the  .reproof  in  presence  of   ser 
vants  and  inferiors;  the  friar  called  the  corporal  a  perjurer  and  a  traitor;  the 
corporal  in  trying  to  induce  the  padre  to  go  with  him  and  settle  the  matter 


TROUBLE  WITH  THE  FRIARS.  517 

hand,  and  the  friars  had  this  year  for  meditation  on 
their  future  policy.  Notwithstanding  their  despond 
ency,  and  the  fact  that  the  old  reasons  for  com 
pliance  with  secular  demands  had  largely  ceased  to 
exist,  I  find  but  one  instance  of  refusal  on  their  part 
to  comply.  At  San  Diego  in  February,  at  a  time 
when  the  province  was  threatened  with  danger  from 
the  Indians,  the  padres  of  the  four  missions  of  the 
jurisdiction  refused  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  troops 
unless  paid  their  just  value.  This  gave  rise  to  some 
correspondence,  but  the  result  is  not  clearly  given.10 
The  threatening  attitude  of  the  Indians  gave  the 
friars  a  temporary  advantage,  and  Argiiello  was 
obliged  to  adopt  a  somewhat  conciliatory  tone,  merely 
warning  the  friars  that  there  was  danger  of  driving 
the  troops  to  extremes.  Sarria  on  the  other  hand 
protested  on  December  31st  that  it  would  be  impos 
sible  to  continue  meeting  such  exorbitant  demands 
as  those  of  the  past  year.  The  provincial  authorities, 
he  said,  had  a  very  erroneous  idea  of  the  mission 
products;  most  of  the  missions,  after  paying  the 
various  taxes,  duties,  and  forced  loans,  could  barely 
clothe  their  neophytes  in  coarse  and  scanty  material; 
they  could  not  collect  the  sums  due  them;  and  the 
pueblos  had  never  done  anything  for  the  troops, 

quietly,  touched  his  robe;  whereupon  the  padre  cursed  him  and  threatened 
excommunication.  Avila  was  greatly  frightened,  turned  pale,  and  called  his 
men  to  arms.  The  infuriated  padre  rang  his  bell  and  summoned  all  his  as 
sistants  and  neophytes.  The  two  forces  faced  each  other  in  battle  array, 
armed  on  one  side  with  guns  and  lances,  and  on  the  other  with  book,  holy 
water,  and  cross.  Martinez  began  to  read,  and  Avila  seized  the  book,  think 
ing  thus  to  escape  damnation;  but  the  padre  went  on,  finished  the  rite  in  bad 
Latin  from  memory,  and  retired  in  triumph  to  the  church.  The  matter  was 
sent  to  the  commandant  and  to  the  governor,  and  was  compromised  by  an 
nulling  the  excommunication  and  the  appointment  of  a  new  cabo. 

10 I)ept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  239,  314.  Padre  Boscana  was  prominent  in  the 
refusal.  April  12th,  Arguello  encloses  to  Sola  his  letter  to  Sarria,  not  in 
cluding  all  the  correspondence  as  'too  tiresome,'  but  enough  to  show  that 
the  padres  made  a  great  deal  of  trouble  about  a  little  corn  and  beans.  Id. ,  i. 
51.  Arguello  also  complained  to  the  president  this  year  that  the  padres  of 
San  Carlos  refused  to  say  mass  at  a  court-martial  on  the  ground  that  this  was 
a  new  duty,  but  really  because  they  feared  they  would  get  no  pay.  Id.,  i. 
321.  To  Kotzebue,  Lieutenant  Estudillo  accused  the  padres  'of  consulting 
only  their  own  interest,  and  of  employing  their  proselytes  as  a  means  of 
laying  up  wealth  for  themselves,  with  which,  when  acquired,  they  return  to 
Spain.'  Kotzebue's  New  Voyage,  ii.  108. 


518  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

though  Los  Angeles  had  one  thousand  inhabitants 
with  rich  lands  and  many  ranches.  If  Argiiello 
chose  to  use  violent  means,  the  president  would  not 
support  him,  and  while  the  padres  would  not  resist, 
there  was  great  reason  to  fear  that  all  would  quit 
the  country  and  the  missions  would  be  abandoned.11 

The  padres  had  one  extraordinary  stroke  of  good 
luck,  however,  about  which  both  by  inclination  and 
by  superior  instructions  they  said  nothing.  They 
were  informed  in  a  letter  of  the  guardian,  confidential 
and  to  be  circulated  with  the  greatest  care,  that  the 
stipends  of  1820-3,  amounting  to  $42,680,  had  at  last 
been  collected  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  Sindico 
Martiarena  at  Tepic  for  the  use  of  the  missions.  The 
matter  had  been  managed  in  Mexico  so  shrewdly  that 
not  even  Procurador  Escalante  knew  of  it,  because 
he  was  not  to  be  trusted,  and  because  "in  these  days 
money  is  the  greatest  enemy  a  man  can  have  in  the 
house."  It  was  also  to  be  kept  secret  in  California 
lest  the  padres  might  not  be  believed  to  be  so  desti 
tute  as  they  pretended,  and  lest  the  knowledge  might 
prevent  the  collection  of  the  later  stipends,  of  which 
there  was  yet  some  hope,  though  those  preceding  1820 
were  regarded  as  lost.12 

I  give  a  list  of  sixteen  vessels  for  this  year,  though 

II  April  22d,  Argiiello  to  Sola.    Says  he  has  sent  a  despatch  to  the  minis 
ter  of  the  treasury  praising  the  conduct  of  the  troops,  but  expressing  a  fear 
that  their  pacific  spirit  may  be  disturbed  if  the  padres  go  on  acting  as  they 
have  done.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  52-3.     Dec.  31st,  Sarria  to  Argiiello.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  121-4.     Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  333-5,  and  Alva- 
rado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  4-7,  both  speak  of  a  regular  junta  of  the  governor, 
diputacion,  and  padres  at  Monterey  at  which  Argiiello  explained  the  critical 
state  of  affairs,  called  on  the  friars  for  food  and  for  a  loan  011  his  personal 
credit,  and  was  supported  in  his  demands  by  Padre  Peyri  in  an  eloquent 
speech;  but  I  find  no  evidence  of  any  such  meeting. 

12 Guardian  Cortes'  circular  to  the  padres.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  255-9. 
Dated  June  27th.  In  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xviii.  20-2,  27,  I  find 
an  invoice  of  a  large  lot  of  goods  for  the  missions  shipped  from  San  Bias  on 
May  1st  by  the  Apolonia,  Malarin  master.  These  effects  may  be  supposed 
to  have  been  bought  with  a  part  of  the  $42,680. 

On  May  24th  Sarria  was  elected  comisario  prefecto  at  the  college  by  17 
votes,  Tapis  receiving  15  votes  and  Duran  13.  The  result  was  announced  in 
California  on  Nov.  11th.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  121;  Arch.  Obisjwdo, 
MS.,  23;  Sta  Clara,  Arch.  Parroyma,  MS.,  26;  8.  Jose,  Pattrdcs,  MS.,  360-1. 


VESSELS  OF  THE  YEAR.  519 

the  records  are  not  so  complete  as  would  be  desirable.13 
Only  two  or  three  of  the  fleet  were  strangers  visiting 
the  coast  for  the  first  time.  The  Pizarro  was  con 
signed  to  McCulloch,  Hartnell,  and  Co.,  as  were  per 
haps  one  or  two  other  vessels.  The  home  firm  of 
Begg  and  Co.  of  Lima,  had  made  a  contract  to  supply 
the  Peruvian  government  with  salt  beef;  and  a  num 
ber  of  salters  and  coopers  from  Ireland  and  Scotland 
were  sent  to  prepare  the  meat  in  California  under 
the  superintendence  of  David  Spence,  who  came  on 
the  Pizarro.  But  few  details  are  known  respecting 
this  branch  of  the  company's  business,  which  proved 
unprofitable  after  a  few  cargoes  had  been  shipped. 

13  Arab,  American  brig,  arrived  off  S.  Diego  from  S.  Dec.  30th.  The 
Rover,  Cooper,  on  the  coast  in  spring  and  autumn,  in  the  mean  time  making 
a  trip  to  China.  $210  duties  on  corn  taken  away. 

Bulddkof  at  S.  F.  and  Sta  Cruz  in  Jan.  Corporal  Rodriguez  and  Jose* 
Bolcof  were  arrested  for  smuggling  goods  to  the  amount  of  $136  from  her  at 
Sta  Cruz. 

Rurik,  Russian  brig;  Basilic,  master.  At  S.  F.  in  Jan.,  paying  $234,  and 
perhaps  at  Mont,  in  Dec.  1823. 

Apollo,  Creiser,  and  Ladoga,  Russian  frigates  at  S.  F.  in  Jan.,  having 
arrived  in  the  autumn  of  1823.  The  Creiser,  Capt.  Mighael  Lazaref,  came 
back  to  S.  F.  in  Dec.  1824. 

Hawaii.  English  brig,  Capt.  Kelly.  At  Mont,  and  S.  F.  in  May.  Paid  at 
S.  F.  $481. 

Young  Tartar,  or  Jdven  Tartar;  Wm.  Smith,  master;  English  schooner. 
Arrived  from  Lima  at  Monterey,  June  12th;  at  S.  F.,  in  July  and  Dec.,  pay 
ing  $,'>54. 

Constancia,  Colombia  schooner  from  S.  Bias;  Zurrillaga,  master;  arrived 
at  Mont.  July  29th. 

Thomas  Nowlan,  from  Lima;  Wm.  Clark,  master;  at  S.  F.  in  Aug.  and 
Sept.,  paying  $1,191. 

Mentor,  American  ship.  At  S.  F.  in  July,  paying  $471,  and  S.  Diego  in 
Sept. ,  bound  for  Mazatlan. 

Predpriate,  or  Enterprise,  Russian  frigate  under  Kotzebue.  At  S.  F.  in 
Oct.  and  Nov. 

Pizarro,  English  brig,  from  Lima.  Arrived  at  Mont,  in  Oct. ;  still  there  in 
Nov. 

Royal  George,  English  ship;  no  dates;  left  8  men. 

Sachem,  vaguely  alluded  to  as  having  been  on  the  coast  in  February,  but 
very  doubtful. 

On  movements  of  vessels  see  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  24,  87,  90,  156,  222,  224, 
291;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Oust.,  H.  MS.,  iii.-viii.  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  156-9;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  87;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  liv.  5;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  xi.  70;  xiv.  1,  5-11,  24;  Leg.  Rec..,  MS.,  i.  29;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS., 
v.  36;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  213;  xviii.  6-11,  31-3,  43,  47-50, 
57-60;  xxviii.  405,  416;  Spence' 8  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  12-13.  According  to 
Reynolds'  list  in  Honolulu  Friend,  ii.  49,  there  were  7  arrivals  from  Cali 
fornia  ports  at  Honolulu  in  1824.  Combier,  Voyages  au  Golfede  la  Cal.,  251, 
speaks  of  a  Mexican  ship  captured  by  an  English  corsair  in  the  latitude  of  S. 
Fraiucisco. 


520  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

Within  a  year,  Peru  having  failed  to  pay  promptly, 
the  contract  was  annulled.14 

Arguello  sent  his  newly  purchased  schooner,  the 
Rover,  with  a  cargo  of  skins,  including  300  otters  ob 
tained  from  the  Russian  contract,  and  tallow  enough 
to  properly  ballast  the  vessel,  to  China  under  the  com 
mand  of  Captain  Cooper,  her  former  owner.  He 
intended  the  cargo  to  be  exchanged  for  such  goods  as 
were  most  needed  by  the  troops;  but  he  also  kept  in 
mind  his  own  personal  interests  and  obtained  from  the 
diputacion  a  decree  granting  to  himself  as  owner  of 
the  vessel  five  per  cent  of  the  net  value  of  the  effects 
to  be  brought  back.  The  Rover  was  ready  to  depart 
at  the  end  of  January,  and  probably  sailed  in  Feb 
ruary.  She  returned  in  November,  but  of  the  voyage 
and  its  results  we  know  only  that  the  return  cargo 
was  valued  at  $12,781.  November  9th  a  contract 
was  made  between  Arguello  and  Cooper  for  a  second 
voyage  to  be  made  the  next  year.15 

According  to  the  figures  given  in  the  last  chapter, 
the  Russian  otter  contract  yielded  to  the  provincial 
government  about  350  skins  down  to  the  end  of  Octo 
ber  when  it  expired.16  I  have  already  recorded  the 
commercial  legislation  of  the  year  in  presenting  the 

"Spence,  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  No.  24;  Cronise's  Nat. 
Wealth,  46;  Hartne.il,  Narrativa,  MS.,  2-3. 

15  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixii.  23.  Decree  of  diputacion,  Jan.  29th. 
Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  28-31.     Jan.  31st,  receipt  for  $210  duty  on  $6,000  in  coin 
exported.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  xxviii.  333.     Dec.  31,  1823  (?),  bill 
of  goods  bought  in  Manila  and  Canton  for  account  of  Arguello  to  be  shipped 
by  Rover.  Id.,  xxviii.  329-30.     Fernandez,  Cosas  de  CaL,  MS.,  23-7,  says 
that  Santiago  Estrada  and   Marcelino  Escobar  sailed  with  Cooper.     J.   J. 
Vallejo,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  86,  tells  us  that  the  crew  brought  back  many 
silks,  etc.,  for  smuggling.     The  contract  of  Nov.  9th  is  in  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Oust.  H.,  MS.,  i.  20-1.     It  is  not  altogether  intelligible,  giving  the  im 
pression  that  Cooper  was  still  owner.    He  was  to  have  $10,000  for  freight  out 
and  back,  and  the  privilege  of  bringing  $10,000  worth  of  effects  on  his  own 
account  free  of  duties. 

16  Jan.  12th,  the  governor  reprimands  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco 
for  having  eight  canoes  engaged  in  otter-fishing,  thus  robbing  the  provincial 
treasury.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  76.     Dec.  6th,  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco 
reports  that  20  cayucos  had  returned  without  finding  a  single  otter,  and  had 
gone  to  Bodega.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  6.     This  would  indicate  that  the 
contract  had  been  again  renewed  after  October.     In  the  mission  report  of  1822 
it  had  been  recommended  that  Alaskans  should  be  employed  to  teach  otter- 
hunting.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  288-9. 


COMMERCIAL  ITEMS.  521 

acts  of  the  diputacion.  Arguello  issued  the  17th  of 
January  a  provisional  tariff  of  prices  for  the  province,17 
to  accompany  the  plan  cle  gobierno  proclaimed  the 
same  day,  and  title  III.  of  which  was  devoted  to  reve 
nue.  On  the  23d  Estrada  was  appointed  adminis 
trator  general  of  provincial  finance  and  revenue,  a 
subject  which  was  further  regulated  in  some  of  its 
details.18  In  March  Sarria  presented  an  argument 
against  a  double  price-list,  one  for  natives  and  another 
for  foreigners,  "a  thing  which  he  could  not  make  agree 
with  Christian  morality."19  In  the  autumn  the  dipu 
tacion  chided  the  governor  for  permitting  the  intro 
duction  of  foreign  brandy;  paid  no  heed  to  a  petition 
of  neophytes  and  padres  for  relief  from  taxation;  en 
couraged  the  exportation  of  pueblo  products;  and 
finally  removed  the  tax  on  exports  for  reasons  not  ex 
plained,  to  take  effect  from  the  beginning  of  1825.20 
Of  the  practical  results  of  the  legislation  on  trade  we 
only  know  that  the  duties  on  exports  and  imports  for 
the  year  as  recorded  at  Monterey  amounted  to  $8,000, 
or  less  than  half  the  amount  for  1823.21  With  the 
free  trade  that  followed  the  downfall  of  Spanish  power, 
smuggling  again  became  prevalent  and  profitable ;  but 

17 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  iv.  9-10;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
xviii.  11.  The  prices  were:  wheat,  $2;  maize,  $1.75;  beans,  $2.50;  Lima 
beans,  $1.75;  pease,  $1.75;  chick  pease,  $3;  lard  per  arroba,  $2;  tallow  do., 
$1.75;  flour,  fine,  do.,  $2;  flour,  coarse,  do.,  $1.50;  dried  meat  do.,  $1;  deer 
skin  shoes,  $1.50;  cows,  heifers,  etc.,  for  beef,  $1.50  to  $7;  other  articles  at 
the  old  rates. 

18  The  habilitados  collected  the  revenue  at  the  presidios,  and  the  sindicos  at 
the  pueblos,  each  receiving  3  per  cent  and  reporting  to  Estrada  at  the  capital. 
S.  Fernando  was  added  for  revenue  purposes  to  S.  Diego  jurisdiction,  and  Sta 
Cruz  to  Monterey.  Estrada  secured  three  per  cent  on  the  total  net  receipts 
and  reported  to  the  diputaciou.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  21-3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S. 
Jose,  MS.,  iv.  14-15.  By  act  of  Jan.  29th  a  tonnage  due  of  5  reals  per  ton 
was  exacted,  and  also  6  reals  per  boat-load  of  wood,  the  tax  on  timber  to  be 
left  to  the  administrator.  Id.,  iv.  20. 

19 March  22d,  Sarria  to  Arguello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  94. 

20 Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  32-9.  Dec.  14th,  Arguello  in  a  proclamation  orders 
that  all  the  decrees  of  the  diputacion  on  the  collection  of  duties  must  be 
enforced.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  liv.  4. 

21  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Gust.  II. ,  MS. ,  i.  (212).  In  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda, 
1826,  p.  27,  it  is  stated  not  very  intelligibly  that  the  customs  received  up  to 
the  end  of  1824  were  $1,160.  Feb.  16th,  governor  calls  on  habilitados  for 
accounts  for  1822-3.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv.  146-7.  April  20th, 
Guerra  ordered  to  distribute  the  $2.600  in  his  hands,  giving  each  of  the  7  com 
panies  §300  and  devoting  the  rest  to  necessary  expenses.  Id.,  iv.  155-6. 


522  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

the  annals  of  contraband  trade  are  never  clearly  re 
corded,  and  in  these  years  smugglers  were  rarely  dis 
turbed.22 

There  is  no  record  extant  respecting  the  weather 
during  the  winter  of  1823-4,  as  there  probably  would 
be  had  the  season  been  a  notably  dry  or  wet  one. 
Some  of  the  crops  were  caught  in  the  fields  by  the 
heavy  rains  of  the  next  autumn,  but  the  harvest  was 
a  little  larger  than  that  of  the  preceding  year,  aggre 
gating  about  78,000  bushels.23 

One  of  the  visits  of  foreign  vessels  deserves  more 
extended  notice,  chiefly  from  the  fact  that  the  visitor 
published  a  book  in  which  a  chapter  was  devoted  to 
California.  I  allude  to  the  voyage  of  Otto  von  Kot- 
zebue,  who  had  once  before  visited  California  and 
described  his  impressions.24  On  this  second  visit 
he  commanded  the  Russian  frigate  Predpriatie,  de 
spatched  with  a  cargo  and  also  as  a  cruiser  to  protect 
the  Russian  company  from  foreign  smugglers  on  the 
north-west  coast,  but  also  carrying  a  scientific  corps. 
Coming  from  the  north,  Kotzebue  anchored  in  San 
Francisco  Bay  on  October  8th,  and  was  saluted  by 
the  guns  of  Fort  San  Joaquin  as  soon  as  powder  could 
be  borrowed  for  that  purpose  from  the  frigate.  The 
vessel  remained  until  December  6th,  the  visitors  were 
furnished  with  all  the  fresh  provisions  needed,  and 
were  most  hospitably  entertained;  and  during  the 

22  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  75-6,  says  that  Argiiello  did  not  object 
to  smuggling,  saying:  'I  see  not  why  we  should  prevent  it,  since  our  people 
are  the  gainers. '    In  fact  the  governor  may  have  indulged  slightly  in  contra 
band  trade  himself,  if  we  judge  by  his  request  of  Aug.  9,  1824,  to  some  one 
in  Lower  California  to  send  him  some  pearls  for  his  daughter  through  his 
uncle  at  S.  Diego  that  there  may  be  no  suspicion.  Dept.  Rec.,  i.  156.    Vallejo, 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  9,  tells  us  that  the  padres  were  still  engaged  in  smuggling, 
or  at  least  pocketed  the  proceeds;  and  J.  J.  Vallejo,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  23, 
states  that  few  captains  or  supercargos,  to  say  nothing  of  sailors,  came  with 
out  a  pacotilla  of  all  sorts  of  things  not  indicated  on  the  ship's  manifest, 
prohibited  books  being  among  the  articles  thus  introduced.     Yet  we  have 
ccen  that  Arguello  issued  an  occasional  warning  and  that  Bolcof  and  Rodri 
guez  were  arrested  for  smuggling  at  Sta  Cruz. 

23  There  are  newspaper  accounts  of  earthquakes  in  1824. 

24  See  chap.  xiii.  of  this  volume;  Kotzebue' s  Voyage;  Chamisso,  Reise;  and 
Choris,  Voyage. 


KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT.  523 

stay  of  two  months  the  commander  made  three  some 
what  extended  expeditions  into  the  interior.  First 
he  visited  Santa  Clara  arid  San  Jose;  next  went  to 
Ross  overland  by  way  of  San  Rafael;  and  finally 
made  a  boat  voyage  up  the  Sacramento  River.25 

Kotzebue's  observations  on  local  matters  connected 
with  San  Francisco,  Santa  Clara,  San  Jose,  San  Rafael, 
and  Ross  will  be  utilized  in  other  chapters.26  His  im 
pressions  of  things  actually  seen  are  interesting,  and 
tolerably  accurate.  He  was  enthusiastic  in  his  admira- 

25  Kotzebue's  New  Voyarje  round  the  World  in  the  years  1823,  24,  25,  and 
26.    By  Otto  von  Kotzebue,  Post  Captain  in  the  Russian  Imperial  Navy.    Lon 
don,  1830.  12mo.  2  vols.    The  chapter  on  California  is  found  in  vol.  ii.  71-150. 
Notice  of  the  arrival  on  Oct.  8th  (Kotzebue  gives  it  as  Sept.  27th,  Russian 
style)  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  8-9.     Notice  of  sailing  before  Dec.  18th. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  224.     See  accounts  of  Kotzebue's  visit  by  Stillman  in 
Ovniand  Monthly,  ii.  260  et  seq.,  and  by  Taylor  in  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Jan.  11, 
1867. 

26  A  few  items  not  directly  connected  with  local  annals,  or  the  other  topics 
referred  to:  *  Some  speculators  have  attempted  a  trade  with  China,  but  with 
out  success.     A  richly  laden  ship  was  intrusted  to  a  North  American  captain 
for  this  purpose,  who  disposed  of  the  cargo  in  China;  but  found  it  more  con 
venient  to  retain  both  the  money  and  ship  for  his  own  use  than  to  return  to 
the  owners.'    This  allusion  is  not  intelligible.     On  the  way  to  Sta  Clara  they 
landed  on  a  small  pleasant  island,  where  '  probably  the  foot  of  man  had  never 
before  trod,'  whose  '  northern  shore  was  tolerably  high,  and  rose  almost  per 
pendicularly  from  the  sea. '     The  author  speaks  of  the  mission  San  Jose"  as 
'one  of  the  richest  in  California,  and  a  Pueblo  has  arisen  in  its  neighborhood; 
the  only  Pueblo  on  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  except  that  near  Santa  Clara' ! 
On  his  trip  to  Ross  he  was  accompanied  by  Lieut.  Estudillo,  whom  he  found 
'  a  very  cheerful  companion,  and  one  of  the  most  enlightened  Spaniards  I  have 
met  in  California;'  yet  who  seems  to  have  given  the  traveller  some  absurdly 
inaccurate  information  about  the  province.     A  distant  view  was  had  of  the 
mission  of  '  St.  Francisco  Salona,  the  only  one  situated  on  the  northern  shore 
of  the  bay  except  San  Gabriel ' !     A  valley  extending  farmland  from  Bodega 
was  called  by  the  natives  Valley  of  the  White  Men,  there  being  a  tradition 
that  a  ship  had  once  been  wrecked  on  the  coast,  and  the  white  men  had  chosen 
this  valley  for  their  residence.     These  men  had  perhaps  improved  the  native 
race,  who  were  '  distinguished  for  their  courage,  and  preferred  death  to  the 
dominion  of  the  Missionaries,  into  whose  power  no  one  of  them  has  ever  yet 
been  entrapped. '    The  latitude  of  the  mouth  of  the  Sacramento  was  found  to 
be  38°  2'  4",  and  longitude  122°  4';  and  the  voyagers  went  up  to  38°  27',  or  very 
near  the  present  site  of  the  city  of  Sacramento.     Of  the  two  rivers,  which  unite 
23  miles  from  the  general  mouth,  the  one  from  the  east  was  called  by  the 
Spaniards  Pescadores,  and  its  two  tributaries  San  Joaquin  and  Jesus  Maria. 
'  No  trace  remains  of  a  numerous  race  called  Korekines  (carquines)  by  whom 
it  \vas  once  inhabited.'    Kotzebue  conjectured  that  the  Slavianka  (Russian 
River)  was  an  arm  of  the  Sacramento.    The  extraordinary  abundance  of  game — 
deer,  bears,  and  birds — attracted  attention  and  furnished  much  sport.     A 
flock  of  pelicans  attacked  an  Aleut,  and  gave  him  a  severe  beating  with  their 
wings;  a  bear  was  seen  swimming  after  a  deer  by  moonlight.     The  river  by 
sounding  was  found  to  be  from  15  to  20  fathoms  deep,  except  at  the  mouth, 
where  it  was  4  or  5  fathoms. 


524  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

tion  of  the  country,  its  natural  resources  and  charms, 
and  its  grand  prospects  for  the  future.  Each  of  the 
three  great  districts  visited  successively  furnished  a 
new  topic  for  wonder  and  praise,  all  being  in  marked 
contrast  with  the  Russian  territories.27 

"It  has  hitherto  been  the  fate  of  these  regions," 
writes  Kotzebue,  "like  that  of  modest  merit  or  humble 
virtue,  to  remain  unnoticed;  but  posterity  will  do 
them  justice;  towns  and  cities  will  hereafter  flourish 
where  all  is  now  desert;  the  waters,  over  which 
scarcely  a  solitary  boat  is  yet  seen  to  glide,  will  reflect 
the  flags  of  all  nations;  and  a  happy  prosperous  people 
receiving  with  thankfulness  what  prodigal  nature  be 
stows  for  their  use,  will  disperse  her  treasures  over 
every  part  of  the  world."  For  the  institutions  of  the 
country,  and  particularly  for  the  mission  system,  the 
author  has  nothing  but  condemnation.  The  Spaniards 
were  an  ignorant,  indolent,  good-for-nothing  people; 
and  the  padres  had  no  good  quality  but  hospitality. 
The  neophytes  were  simply  slaves,  captured  in  their 
homes  by  the  lasso  and  dragged  into  the  missions  to 
toil,1  until  relieved  by  death,  under  tyrannical  masters 
who  treated  them  worse  than  cattle.  Naturally  the 
lowest  race  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  the  Indians  were 
still  further  degraded  by  the  iniquities  of  the  mission 
system  under  the  hypocritical  pretence  of  conversion 
to  Christianity.  While  Kotzebue's  views  were  not 
altogether  without  foundation,  his  exaggeration  and 
prejudice  on  these  points  are  apparent,  and  are  attribu- 

27  South  of  San  Francisco  '  the  country  presented  on  all  sides  a  picture  of 
beauty  and  fertility,'  described  at  some  length.  'How  abundantly  and  hap 
pily  might  thousands  of  families  subsist  here  !  and  how  advantageously  might 
the  emigrants  to  Brazil  have  preferred  this  spot  for  colonization ! '  On  the 
north  side  of  the  bay  the  country,  '  chiefly  characterized  by  gently  swelling 
hills,  the  park-like  grouping  of  the  trees,  and  the  lively  verdure  of  the  mead 
ows,  is  as  agreeable  to  the  eye  as  that  of  the  southern  coast.'  On  the  Sac 
ramento  '  in  every  direction  the  landscape  was  charming  and  luxuriant. '  '  The 
many  rivers  flowing  through  this  fruitful  country  will  be  of  the  greatest  use 
to  future  settlers.  The  low  ground  is  exactly  adapted  to  the  cultivation  of 
rice;  and  the  higher  would  yield  the  finest  wheat  harvests.  The  vine  might 
be  cultivated  here  to  great  advantage.  All  along  the  banks  of  the  river  grapes 
grow  wild  in  as  much  profusion  as  the  rankest  weeds, '  and  the  grapes,  though 
small,  were  very  edible. 


FOREIGN  PIONEERS.  525 

table  in  part  to  his  reliance  on  the  statements  of 
Jose  Maria  Estudillo,  a  bitter  foe  of  the  padres.  Es- 
tudillo  also  led  our  author  very  far  astray  respecting 
the  political  situation  of  the  province.  His  version 
was  that  California,  though  neglected  by  Spain  and 
importuned  by  Mexico,  had  remained  through  poverty 
and  suffering  true  to  the  king,  and  in  unquestioning 
submission  to  the  friars,  until  a  smouldering  spark  had 
a  few  years  ago  been  blown  into  a  flame  in  consequence 
of  a  revolt  of  the  Indians.  The  troops  with  little  loss 
defeated  large  numbers  of  the  foe,  learned  how  weak 
the  padres  really  were,  declared  their  independence 
of  Spain,  and  made  California  a  separate  republic. 
Whether  it  was  best  to  remain  independent  or  place 
herself  under  the  protection  of  a  foreign  power  was 
yet  a  subject  of  discussion.  "Our  soldiers  are  all  of 
one  mind;  whoever  pays  them  the  arrears  due  from 
the  Spanish  government  is  their  master;  he  purchases 
them  and  to  him  they  belong.  Induced  by  a  knowl 
edge  of  this  disposition,  Mexico  has  entered  into  nego 
tiations  with  us" !  The  only  obstacle  now  to  California 
becoming  a  powerful  state  was  the  inability  of  her 
ruler,  Don  Luis  Argiiello,  and  thus  Estudillo  gratified 
again  his  personal  spite.28 

Foreigners  were  still  welcomed  and  baptized;  and 
though  authority  came  from  Mexico  to  expel  them 
should  the  necessity  arise,  there  was  no  need  to  exer 
cise  such  power,  and  harmony  was  undisturbed.29  Of 
old  acquaintances  George  Allen  was  baptized  as  Jose* 
Jorge  Tomas  by  Sarria  at  San  Carlos  on  December 

28  Kotzebue  also  exhibited  much  prejudice  and  unfairness  in  his  present 
ment  of  the  Russian  question;  but  this  will  be  noticed  elsewhere. 

29  Dec.  24th,  the  governor  is  ordered  to  make  public  the  decree  of  congress 
authorizing  the  expulsion  of   foreigners  if  necessary.    Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xix.  18.     Jan.  2, 1825,  Sarria  to  bishop  announcing  that  he  has  baptized 
many  English  and  Americans  in  forma  absoluta,  but  feels  some  doubt  about 
the  Episcopal  sect.     A  Russian  was  admitted  on  protestation  of  faith,  ab- 
jugation  of  error,  and  absolution  of  censure.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  362-3. 
Ground  was  designated  for  the  burial  of  foreigners.  Dcpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  3. 
Cot  tells  Hartnell  that  in  the  Sta  Barbara  troubles  the  Indian  leaders  said 
they  had  no  intention  of  harming  foreigners.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  xxviii. 
358. 


526  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

22d;  John  Martin  was  received  into  the  church  at 
San  Juan  Bautista  by  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  October 
16th;  Padre  Uria  baptized  Dr  Diego  Borris,  aged  22, 
at  Santa  Barbara  June  5th;  Jose  Chapman  bought  a 
house  at  Los  Angeles  from  Agustin  Machado;  and 
Wm.  A.  Richardson  was  in  trouble  at  San  Francisco 
about  his  debts,  being  threatened  with  the  calabozo  if 
he  did  not  pay  within  twenty-four  hours.80  Among 
new-comers  the  most  prominent  was  David  Spence,  the 
Scotchman,  who  arrived  on  the  Pizarro  to  take  charge 
of  the  meat-packing  establishment  of  Begg  and  Com 
pany,  and  who  became  a  leading  and  wealthy  citizen.31 
James,  Walter,  or  Santiago  Burke,  came  on  the  Young 
Tartar;  Nicodemus  Goddard,  an  American  shoe 
maker,  nineteen  years  of  age,  on  the  Sachem,  probably 
the  year  before.  Thomas  Stewart,  a  Scotch  carpen 
ter  of  twenty-three  years,  was  one  of  six  deserters 
left  by  the  Royal  George.32  William  Logan  and 
Thomas  Shaw  are  spoken  of  in  documents  of  this 
year  as  residents;  and  Joseph  Lawrence,  called  La- 
rans,  a  native  of  New  York,  was  baptized  by  Sarria 
at  San  Gabriel  the  llth  of  July.33  An  English  whaler 
seems  to  have  left  at  San  Francisco  in  November 
James  McKinley,  William  R.  Garner,  and  James 
Watson,  natives  of  Scotland,  England,  and  Ireland 
respectively.34  Other  names  accredited  to  1824  by 
lists  of  foreigners  in  later  years,  but  with  no  details 
of  vessels,  are  the  following:  David  Littlejohn  and 
Santiago  McFerion,  Scotch;  Joseph  Daniel  Ferguson, 
Irish;  Joseph  Dilen,  or  Dillon,  American;  Mathew 

z°Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (96-7,  185-7);  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  284;  Sta 
Bdrbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  20;  S.  Juan  Bautista,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  19. 

31  Spence's  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  12-13.  At  Monterey  in  December.  Vallejo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  xxviii.  422. 

83 Dana  and  Moraga,  Lista,  1836, MS.-,  Estrada,  Lista,  1829,  MS.  Huse, 
Sketch  of  Sta  B.,  6,  says  that  Capt.  Burke  came  in  1820. 

33  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  402,  408;  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision, 
MS.,  57. 

34  Monterey  list  of  1840.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  38;  Los  Angeles  list 
of  1836  in  Los  Angeles  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  121-4;  Naturalization  records  in  Dept. 
St.   Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  (460-4);  xx.  (108-13);  Monterey  Herald,  May  1,  1875. 
Kotzebue  notices  the  arrival  of  the  whaler  with  a  scurvy-stricken  crew. 


INDIAN  REVOLT.  527. 

Fellom,  or  Felon,  identical  perhaps  with  the  Philip 
Felon  of  1821,  a  Dane;  and  several  more  doubtful 
names.35  Charles  Smith  is  mentioned  as  engaged 
in  otter-hunting,  but  the  reference  may  possibly  be  to 
Karl  von  Schmidt,  of  Ross;  and  an  American  whose 
Christian  name  was  Daniel  is  thought  by  Mrs  Ord  to 
have  been  killed  in  the  Indian  troubles  at  Santa  Bar 
bara,36 

The  neophytes  of  three  southern  missions  revolted 
this  year  against  the  military  authority.  There  are 
evidences  that  other  missions  were  asked  to  join  in 
the  rising,  but  only  slight  indications  that  any  con 
sented  or  furnished  material  aid.  Records  of  official 
investigations  have  been  lost,  if  they  ever  existed. 
Old  Californians,  writing  of  the  affair  from  memory, 
attribute  the  movement  to  a  deliberately  planned  at 
tempt  to  free  the  country  forever  from  the  power  and 
presence  of  Spaniards,  doubtless  exaggerating  its  im 
portance  in  this  respect.37  Franciscan  authorities  in 
Mexico  took  the  ground  that  the  real  cause  was  the 
ever  growing  discontent  of  the  Indians  at  having  to 
support  the  troops  by  their  hard  labor  without  pay, 
that  is  without  the  old-time  inemorias  of  mission  sup 
plies  which  could  no  longer  be  sent  now  that  drafts  in 
favor  of  the  missions  were  not  honored  by  the  treas- 

33 .Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  121-4;  Id.,  Ayuntamiento  Rec.,  MS.,  32; 
Estrada,  Lista,  1829,  MS.;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  37-8;  xx.  (478-9).  In 
a  sketch  of  0.  J.  Fellom  in  the  8.  Jos6  Pioneer,  July  6,  1878,  Mathew  is  said 
to  have  come  to  California  in  1823.  See  Pioneer  Heyister. 

36 Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  76;  Ord,  Ocurrenclas,  MS.,  13-14;  Ripoll,  Levanta- 
mievto  de  Indios,  MS. 

3>0sio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  58-85;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  47-57;  Va- 
llejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  350-69;  Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  82-3; 
Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  19-25;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  7-15;  V 'aides, 
Memorias,  MS.,  14-17;  Banding  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  67-70;  Gal'mdo,  Apuntcs, 
MS.,  4-5;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  14.  The  Vallejo- Alvarado  version 
makes  Pacomio  leader  of  the  revolt,  a  well  educated  neophyte,  skilful  car 
penter  and  cabinet-maker,  patriotic  in  his  ideas  and  determined  to  free  his 
country,  and  subsequently  an  intelligent  citizen  and  member  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  at  Monterey.  The  archives  simply  show  that  Pacomio  was  one  of  ton 
men  sentenced  to  ten  years  of  presidio  work  and  exile,  and  that  Jose"  Pacomio, 
Monterey,  Padron,  MS.,  15,  was  a  married  carpenter  40  years  old  in  1836 
living  at  the  capital.  Gonzalez  says  the  leader  was  one  Patricio,  a  half- 
breed. 


528  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

ury.88  This  explanation,  if  somewhat  far  fetched  for 
an  apparent  motive,  was  not  entirely  without  founda 
tion.  Some  of  the  padres  claimed  that  the  first  out 
break  was  due  to  a  petty  act  of  injustice  on  the  part 
of  the  soldiers,  and  that  it  was  fanned  into  a  revolu 
tion  by  continued  acts  of  cruel  severity.39  At  any  rate 
there  was  no  ill-feeling  shown  by  the  neophytes  against 
the  padres.  The  truth  is  that  the  Indians  did  not 
fare  so  well  in  these  hard  times  as  formerly,  wrhen  there 
was  no  market  for  mission  produce;  the  soldiers  on  ac 
count  of  their  destitution,  if  not  their  new  republican 
ideas,  were  careless  of  the  Indians'  rights;  the  neo 
phytes  noted  the  growing  difficulties  of  the  friars  and 
their  comparative  inability  to  protect  their  subjects 
from  the  soldiers;  and  they  finally  were  incited  in  con 
nection  with  some  local  event,  but  as  I  think  without 
very  definite  plans,  to  test  the  strength  of  their  op 
pressors. 

The  trouble  began  at  Santa  Ines  on  the  afternoon 
of  Sunday  the  21st  of  February.  The  flogging  of  a 
Purisima  neophyte  by  the  orders  of  Corporal  Cota  a 
short  time  before  is  mentioned  as  the  immediate  cause. 
Details  of  what  happened  here  are  not  known.  The 
soldiers  defended  themselves  and  the  padre;  it  does 
not  clearly  appear  that  anybody  was  killed,  but  a 
large  part  of  the  mission  buildings  was  burned.  Early 
the  next  day  Sergeant  Anastasio  Carrillo  arrived  with 
a  small  force,  and  the  hostile  Indians  seem  to  have 
fled  to  Purisima.  Carrillo  remained  for  some  time  at 
Santa  IneX  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
abandoned.40 

38  July  5,  1825,  guardian  to  Minister  Alaman.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
ii.  145-8. 

89 May  5th,  P.  Ripoll  to  Sarria.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  95;  Sarriaalso 
seems  to  take  this  view  of  the  matter  more  or  less  fully. 

40  According  to  Ripoll,  Levant amiento  de  Indios  en  Sta  B.  1724,  MS.,  the 
rebels  at  Sta  Ine"s  sent  a  message  to  the  alcalde  Andre's  at  S.  Marcos,  the 
message  reaching  Sta  Barbara  on  Monday  morning,  that  they  had  killed  the 
soldiers  and  shut  up  the  padre.  Osio,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  61-5,  tells  a  story  of 
P.  Uria  being  awakened  from  his  siesta  by  a  page  who  said  the  Indians  were 
coming  to  kill  him;  whereupon  the  padre  seized  a  musket,  killed  two  of  the 
assailants,  broke  the  arm  of  another,  and  fought  his  way  to  where  the  soldiers 


REVOLT  AT  PUftf SIMA.  529 

At  Purisima  the  neophytes  rose  on  the  same  after 
noon,  probably  on  receipt  of  the  news  from  Santa 
Ines,  and  took  possession  of  the  mission.  Contem 
porary  documents  afford  few  particulars,  but  corrobo 
rate  in  a  general  way  the  accounts  from  memory. 
Corporal  Tiburcio  Tapia  with  his  four  or  five  men 
defended  the  families  and  padres  through  the  night, 
only  one  woman  being  wounded,  but  at  last  surren 
dered  when  powder  gave  out.  In  the  morning  Tapia 
and  Padre  Ordaz  were  sent  to  Santa  Ines  to  prevent 
Carrillo  from  coming  with  his  troops  and  thus  causing 
the  slaughter  of  the  families.  What  answer  was 
received  is  not  known,  but  soon  all  the  soldiers  and 
their  families  were  allowed  to  retire  with  Padre  Ordaz 
to  Santa  Ines ;  while  Rodriguez,  minister  of  the  mis 
sion,  remained  with  his  neophytes,  who  showed  no 
disposition  to  molest  him.41  Four  wrhite  men  were 
killed  at  Purisima  during  the  affray;  but  two  of 
them — Dolores  Sepiilveda  and  Ramon  Sotelo — and 
probably  all,  were  travellers  on  their  way  to  Los  An 
geles,  who,  suspecting  no  danger,  arrived  at  the  mission 
after  the  trouble  had  begun  and  apparently  before  the 
guard  had  surrendered.  The  number  of  Indians  killed 
was  seven,  or  at  least  that  was  the  number  buried  this 
and  the  two  following  days.42  Masters  now  of  the 
situation  locally,  reenforced  from  Santa  Ines  and  per 
haps  to  a  slight  extent  from  other  missions,  the  rebels 

were  defending  themselves  in  the  square!  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  11- 
12,  tells  us  that  P.  Uria  and  the  soldiers  defended  themselves  in  the  padre's 
house  all  night,  killing  several  Indians;  and  also  that  Carrillo  had  a  fight 
after  his  arrival,  killing  some  and  capturing  the  leaders.  She  says  that  the 
padre  and  families  left  Sta  Lie's  and  came  to  Sta  Barbara  for  a  while. 

41  Osio  says  the  rebels  offered  to  spare  Tapia-  if  he  would  give  up  his  arms, 
but  he  refused ;  also  that  in  the  fight  many  houses  were  burned.  A  letter  of 
Sarria,  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  87-90,  partially  confirms  the  statement 
of  Mrs  Ord  that  the  soldiers'  families  were  held  for  a  while  as  hostages  to 
keep  Carrillo  away.  Gonzalez,  a  soldier  who  took  part  in  the  events  of  the 
next  month,  tells  us  that  Ordaz,  who  was  minister  of  Sta  Ine"s  and  not  of 
Purisima,  arrived  at  the  latter  mission  after  the  surrender.  Valdds  says  that 
the  majordomo  Arellanes  was  held  as  a  captive  until  the  mission  was  retaken. 
Vallejo  and  Alvarado  imply  that  the  soldiers  were  kept  as  prisoners.  They 
confound  Padre  Rodriguez  with  Victoria,  and  the  former  states  that  Pacomio 
had  2,000  Indians  when  he  attacked  and  captured  the  mission. 

n Pitrixima,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  11. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    34 


530  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

began  to  prepare  for  defence  by  drilling,  erecting  pali 
sade  fortifications,  cutting  loop-holes  in  the  adobe 
walls  of  the  church  and  other  buildings,  mounting 

O     '  O 

one  or  two  old  rusty  cannon  hitherto  used  chiefly  to 
make  a  noise  on  dias  de  Jlesta,  sending  messages  of 
exhortation  to  gentiles  and  neophytes,  and  taking 
every  precaution  that  native  ingenuity  could  devise. 
It  was  nearly  a  month  before  they  were  attacked. 

The  news  reached  Santa  Bdrbara  on  Monday  morn 
ing,43  and  the  neophytes  under  Andre's  manifested 
great  excitement,  which  fathers  Ripoll  and  Jaime  suc 
ceeded  in  allaying  for  a  little  time;  but  during  the 
former's  absence  at  the  presidio  the  Indians  armed 
themselves  and  worked  up  renewed  fury  by  recalling 
instances  of  ill-treatment  from  the  soldiers.  They 
also  claimed  to  be  in  danger  from  the  rebels  if  they 
did  not  join  the  revolt.  They  promised  the  padre, 
however,  on  his  return  to  do  no  harm  if  the  troops 
were  kept  away,  and  Ripoll  produced  an  order  from 
the  commandant  for  the  escolta  to  withdraw.  The 
Indians  insisted  that  the  soldiers  should  leave  their 
weapons,  and  wounded  two  men  who  refused  compli 
ance  with  that  condition.  Guerra  at  once  marched  to 
the  mission  and  a  fight  of  several  hours  ensued,  in 
which  the  Indians  fought  with  guns  and  arrows  from 
behind  the  pillars  of  the  corridor.  The  Indians  lost 
two  killed  and  three  wounded;  while  the  troops,  with 
four  wounded,  retired  to  the  presidio.  The  rebels  then 
took  all  the  clothing  and  other  property  they  could 
carry,  respecting,  however,  all  that  was  in  the  church, 
and  retired  to  the  hills  not  far  distant,  sending  Padre 
Jaime  to  the  presidio  on  horseback  after  they  had 
urged  him  in  vain  to  go  with  them.  The  same  after 
noon  the  troops  came  back  under  Alferez  Maitorena, 
and  within  a  day  or  two  they  sacked  the  Indians' 

43  The  best  authorities  on  events  at  Sta  Barbara  alone  make  it  Sunday,  and 
speak  of  mass  at  the  presidio;  but  I  follow  the  dates  of  official  documents 
which  speak  of  the  rising  at  the  three  places  as  having  taken  place  on  Feb. 
21st-22d,  that  is  on  Sunday  and  Monday.  Osio  says  the  affair  began  at  Sta 
In6s  on  Saturday. 


REVOLT  AT  SANTA  BARBARA.  531 

houses,  despite  the  padre's  protests,  and  killed  such 
stragglers  as  they  could  catch  without  reference  to 
their  guilt  or  innocence,  as  Ripoll  claimed.  Messages 
passed  between  the  fugitives  and  the  padres;  but  the 
former  refused  to  return,  and  after  a  week  or  more 
moved  their  camp  further  off  toward  the  Tulares. 
Such  was  the  situation  at  the  end  of  February,  at 
which  time  twelve  victims  had  been  buried  at  the 
mission.4* 

Meanwhile  the  alarm  reached  Monterey  and  a 
correspondence  ensued  between  the  governor,  his 
subordinates,  and  the  missionaries,  on  the  steps  to  be 
taken  to  ward  off  the  danger.45  The  result  was  that 
a  hundred  men  were  sent  south  under  Lieutenant 
Mariano  Estrada  and  Alferez  Francisco  de  Haro  to 
cooperate  with  Captain  de  la  Guerra  against  the 
rebels.  By  some  mischance,  or  misunderstanding  of 
orders,  the  two  armies  were  not  united,  and  Estrada, 
having  left  San  Luis  Obispo  March  14th,  reached 
Purisima  early  in  the  morning  of  the  16th.  The 
cavalry  having  been  sent  to  the  right  and  left  under 
corporals  Alviso  and  Espinosa  to  act  as  skirmishers 
and  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  foe — or  prevent  the  re 
treat  of  the  army  being  cut  off,  as  the  case  might  be 
— the  rest  of  the  force  opened  fire  on  the  adobe  walls 

44  The  best  authorities  are  Ripoll,  Levantamiento  de  Indios  en  Sta  Barbara, 
1824,  MS.,  which  is  Ripoll's  report  of  May  5th,  to  Sarria;  and  Ord,  Ocur- 
rencias,  MS.,  7-11,  the  author  of  which,  the  daughter  of  Guerra,  though  a 
young  girl  at  the  time,  had  exceptional  facilities  then  and  later  to  learn  all 
about  the  matter.     The  burials  are  recorded  in  Sta  Barbara,  Lib.  Mision, 
MS.,  45-6,  where  is  also  a  later  certificate  that  16  other  Indians  had  been 
buried  by  their  companions.     Mrs  Ord  says  that  in  the  forenoon  only  a  small 
part  of  the  neophytes  fought,  while  the  rest  were  getting  away;  and  that  when 
the  troops  returned  after  dinner  all  had  gone.     Meanwhile,  Ripoll  sat  at  a 
window  at  the  presidio  overlooking  the  mission,  weeping  and  exclaiming, 
*  My  God,  they  killed  some  Indians!'  and  refused  to  partake  of  the  broth 
carried  to  him  by  Seuorita  de  la  Guerra.     Osio  also  has  something  to  say 
about  the  retreat  of  the  troops  having  been  merely  going  to  dinner  in  order 
to  fight  on  a  full  belly  '  d  la  inglesa.' 

45  Feb.  25th,  27th,  March  7th,  Sarria  to  Argiiello,  transmitting  news,  and 
in  last  letter  begging  most  earnestly  that  the  trouble  be  settled  without 
shedding  of  blood.  Arch.   Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  87-9.     Feb.  24th,  March 
10th,  Arguello  to  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  147-51.     Feb.  27th, 
March  3d,  Araiicllo  to  Ramirez.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  97-9.     The  force  sent 
south  finally  was  16  artillerymen,  23  cavalry,  35  infantry,  and  35  auxiliaries 
(Indians?).  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iviii.  7;  Ixxxvii.  64. 


532  EVENTS  OF  AEGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

at  eight  o'clock  from  muskets  and  a  four-pounder. 
The  neophytes,  now  said  to  have  been  about  four 
hundred  strong,  returned  the  fire  from  cannon,  swivel- 
guns,  and  muskets,  to  say  nothing  of  the  clouds  of 
arrows.  The  guns  were  ineffective  through  the 
ignorance  of  the  neophyte  gunners.  Some  say  the 
cannon  burst  at  the  first  discharge  and  killed  several 
persons.  The  Indians  after  a  while  attempted  to  fly, 
but  were  prevented  by  the  cavalry.  Then  they  begged 
Padre  Rodriguez  to  intercede  and  stop  the  firing, 
which  he  did,  first  by  a  letter  and  then  by  coming  out 
in  person.  The  battle  was  over  at  half  past  ten.  The 
Spaniards  had  three  men  wounded,  one  of  them  mor 
tally;  while  the  Indians  lost  sixteen  killed  and  a  large 
number  wounded.  Two  swivel-guns  and  sixteen 
muskets  were  the  most  important  items  in  the  war- 
stores  captured.  After  the  depositions  of  the  prisoners 
had  been  taken,  Guerra  and  Estrada  proceeded  under 
authority  of  the  governor  to  decree  the  punishment. 
Seven  were  condemned  to  death  for  complicity  in  the 
murder  of  Sepulveda  and  his  companions,  and  were 
shot  before  the  end  of  the  month.  The  four  ring 
leaders  in  the  revolt,  Mariano,  Pacomio,  Benito,  and 
Bernabe,  were  sentenced  to  ten  years  of  presidio  and 
perpetual  exile  from  the  province;  and  eight  others 
to  eight  years  of  presidio  in  California.  It  was  claimed 
by  Ripoll  that  a  pardon  had  been  promised  to  all  at 
Purisima,  which  was  most  unlikely,  and  was  indig 
nantly  denied  by  Estrada.  Argiiello  was  disposed  to 
think  his  officers  had  been  too  lenient  in  the  punish 
ments.46 

46 March  19th,  Estrada's  official  report  to  the  governor.  Dcpt,  St.  Pap., 
MS.,i.  166-9.  He  especially  commends  the  valor  of  the  artisan  Francisco 
Pacheco  who  volunteered,  acted  as  aid,  and  did  good  service  with  a  gun;  the 
artillerymen  Manuel  Flores  and  Octaviano  Gutierrez;  and  the  infantrymen 
Santa  Ana,  Diaz,  Leonardo  Virgen,  and  Antonio  Rodriguez.  Sentences  of 
the  offenders  on  March  23d.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ivii.  36-7.  No 
tice  of  the  execution  of  the  seven;  no  details.  Dcpt.  Rec..  MS.,  i.  100-3. 
Arguello's  report  of  Estrada's  campaign  to  minister  of  war.  Id.,  i.  217.  May 
22d,  Estrada  to  Guerra,  denying  the  charges  of  the  padres,  and  calling  on  the 
captain  to  state  the  facts.  Guerra,  .Doc.  Hi»t.  Ccd.,  MS.,  v.  190-1.  April 
22d,  Torre  to  Guerra,  to  the  effect  that  there  is  much  current  fault-finding  at 


REBELS  IN  THE  TULARES.  533 

All  the  revolted  neophytes  had  now  been  subjected 
except  those  of  Santa  Barbara,  with  a  few  refugees 
who  had  joined  them  from  other  missions.  Respect 
ing  the  movements  of  this  party  during  the  month  of 
March  very  little  is  known,  save  that  the  rebels  re 
treated  to  the  region  of  the  Tulares.  March  21st 
Padre  Ordaz  wrote  to  the  governor  that  the  situation 
was  threatening,  the  rebels  being  at  San  Emigdio 
rancho  where  a  Russian  was  instructing  them  in  the 
use  of  firearms,  the  Indians  of  San  Fernando  having 
run  away  presumably  to  join  the  rest,  and  those  of 
San  Buenaventura  and  San  Gabriel  showing  alarm 
ing  signs  of  revolt.47  But  it  would  seem  that  the 
danger  was  exaggerated;  for  at  the  end  of  the  month 
Argilello,  on  the  strength  of  reports  that  the  Santa 
Bdrbara  Indians  had  dispersed  and  were  gradually 
returning  to  their  mission,  ordered  Estrada  back  to 
Monterey,  that  the  settlers  might  attend  to  their  sow 
ing;  he  was  to  wait  for  the  roads  to  dry,  and  to  make 
an  expedition  later  if  it  should  prove  necessary.48 

The  reports  that  prompted  Argliello's  orders  would 
also  seem  to  have  been  premature;  for  Guerra  imme 
diately  despatched  Lieutenant  Fabregat  with  eighty 
men,  who  had  two  encounters  with  the  rebels  on  April 

the  slight  punishment  inflicted  and  at  the  failure  of  the  Sta  Barbara  troops  to 
take  part  in  the  action.  Id.,  vi.  106-7.  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  also 
complains  of  the  failure  as  an  injustice  to  the  southern  soldiers  of  which  he 
was  one. 

Vallejo  and  Alvarado  add  something  of  interest  if  not  of  accuracy  to  the 
narrative,  by  representing  the  Indians  to  have  exposed  the  person  of  the 
padre  where  the  shots  fell  thickest  in  order  to  stop  the  firing.  They  put 
Guerra  in  command  of  the  assaulting  force;  represent  the  besieged  rebels  as 
having  escaped  during  the  night,  perhaps  with  the  connivance  of  P.  Rodri 
guez;  and  as  subsequently  encamping  at  the  Laguna  where  terms  were  made, 
the  murderers  being  given  up  and  Pacomio  sent  to  Monterey  to  live  as  an 
independent  citizen  !  Osio  tells  us  of  an  Indian  who,  in  the  midst  of  the  con 
flict,  tied  a  crucifix  to  his  neck  wrapped  in  a  blanket,  with  a  view  to  test  its 
efficacy,  vowing  life-long  devotion  if  he  were  unharmed.  He  fought  unscathed 
among  the  flying  bullets  until  his  arrows  were  all  gone,  and  later  served  as  a 
pious  sacristan  until  death.  An  increased  escolta  was  left  at  Purisima  under 
Sergt.  Pardo  after  this  affair.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  153. 

47  Mar.  21st,  P.  Ordaz  to  Arguello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  91-3. 
The  padre  deems  it  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the  Indians  be  punished  by 
a  military  force  at  once. 

*8  March  31st,  Argiiello  to  commandant  of  Sta  Barbara.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist, 
Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  151-2.  Id.  to  Ramirez.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  102-3. 


534  EVENTS  OF  ARGtJELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

9th  and  llth  at  Buenavista  Lake,  and  at  or  near  San 
Emigdio.  Sergeant  Cdrlos  Carrillo  commanded  at  the 
latter  fight,  killing  four  Indians,  recovering  thirteen 
horses,  and  having  three  civilians  of  his  force  wounded. 
In  the  other  battle  of  five  hours  Fabregat  lost  not  a 
man  killed  or  wounded;  but  the  army  retreated  to 
Santa  Barbara.  The  governor  thanked  the  troops  for 
their  bravery,  though  he  could  not  quite  comprehend 
the  retreat;  but  it  seems  that  a  storm  of  wind  and 
dust  had  prevented  more  effective  operations.49 

Argiiello  immediately  set  about  the  organization  of 
a  new  expedition  to  the  Tulares,  the  preparations  for 
\vhich  were  completed  by  the  end  of  May.50  The  com 
mand  was  given  to  Captain  Portilla,  some  slight  blame 
being  imputed  to  Guerra  for  his  past  management. 
The  subordinate  commanders  were  Lieutenant  Yalle, 
of  the  forces  sent  from  Monterey,  fifty  in  number,  and 
Lieutenant  Ibarra  of  the  southern  troops.  The  whole 
force  was  about  130.  Padre  Bipoll  was  asked  to 
serve  as  chaplain,  but  at  first  declined,  declaring 
that  he  would  rather  die  than  be  present  at  the  hor 
rors  that  were  to  be  committed.  This  padre  carried 

49 Record  of  the  fights.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  liv.  3;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  153,  157-8.  The  wind  and  dust  are  mentioned  by 
Ripoll,  Levantamiento  de  Indios,  MS.,  and  by  Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS., 
23.  Ripoll  was  asked  to  go  as  chaplain  but  refused.  He  says  that  an  Indian 
taken  at  S.  Emigdio  was  killed  to  save  the  trouble  of  guarding  him;  also  that 
two  men,  one  of  them  an  American,  were  killed  at  the  same  place  by  gentiles, 
aided  by  only  one  Christian.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrentias,  MS.,  13-14,  says  the 
American's  Christian  name  was  Daniel.  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  6-8,  tells  us  that 
the  brothers  Dominguez  were  struck  by  arrows  while  the  force  was  marching 
through  the  Cajon  de  Uvas;  he  also  notes  a  song  composed  by  a  San  Diego 
soldier  for  the  occasion,  beginning: 

'  El  Sargento  Don  Carlos 
For  la  Trinidad 
Se  vistio  de  gucrra 
Con  mucha  crueldad.' 

and  so  on,  a  verse  for  each  soldier. 

50  April  15th,  Argiiello  to  Guerra  and  Portilla.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iv.  153-5;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MiL,  MS.,  liv.  3.  Orders  of  various 
dates  to  Portilla  and  Valle.  Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  i.  143-52.  June  llth,  Argiiello 
to  minister  of  war  before  the  result  of  Portilla's  campaign  was  known.  Id.,  i. 
221.  June  1st,  several  Indians  who  had  been  in  the  Tulares  were  examined 
as  to  what  they  saw  there,  and  testified  that  the  refugees  had  plenty  of  cattle 
but  had  drank  all  their  liquor;  that  the  married  and  xinmarried  were  living 
together;  and  that  they  spent  their  time  in  gambling  without  prayer.  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vii.  142-50. 


END  OF  THE  REVOLT.  5C5 

his  humanity  in  the  affair  to  the  verge  of  childish 
weakness.  The  Indians  had  not  harmed  the  friars, 
and  had  committed  no  sacrilege  in  the  church,  and 
Ripoll's  head  had  room  for  no  other  ideas.  Sarria  at 
last  determined  to  go  in  person,  and  Bipoll  went  also. 
He  also  deplored  the  martial  and  destructive  ideas 
that  were  prevalent,  begged  that  pacific  measures 
might  be  used  so  far  as  possible,  and  finally  induced 
Argiiello  to  grant  an  indulto,  or  general  pardon,  for 
all  past  rebellion,  which  he  forwarded  in  advance  to 
the  Tulares,  with  a  letter  of  his  own  the  1 6th  of  May.51 
Portilla  marched  the  2d  of  June  from  Santa  Bar 
bara  and  Valle  from  San  Miguel,  the  two  divisions 
uniting  the  8th  far  out  in  the  plain  of  the  Tulares,  at 
San  Emigdio.52  The  fugitives  were  encamped  near 
this  place,  heartily  repentant,  as  they  said,  and  will 
ing  to  return  to  mission  life,  but  timid  and  apprehen 
sive  of  punishment  if  they  should  give  up  their 
weapons.  All  was  thought  to  be  settled  on  June 
llth,  but  unfavorable  rumors  circulated  by  gentiles 
and  distrustful  neophytes  caused  additional  delays; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  16th  that  the  army  started 
to  return,  the  rebel  chief  Andres  being  left  behind  to 
collect  and  bring  in  some  forty  refugees  who  had  not 
yet  been  found.  The  pardon  seems  to  have  been 

51  May  7th,  Ripoll  to  Sarria;  April  30th,* May  10th,  14th,  18th,  27th,  June 
3d,  Sarria  to  Arguello.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  112-17,  133-4.    Domingo 
Carrillo  commanded  24  of  the  presidial  troops  under  Portilla. 

52  Portilla,  Diarlo  de  una  Expedition  al  Tular,  1824,  MS.     The  diary  of 
the  northern  division  is  not  extant,  if  any  was  written.     The  route  of  Por- 
tilla's  march  was  as  follows:   To  S.  Buenaventura,  where  he  remained  until 
June  5th.    Up  the  Sta  Clara  River  15  leagues  to  Camulos  rancho,  where  the 
S.  Fernando  sheep  were  kept.     Up  the  river  3  1.  to  S.  Javier  rancho;  N.  E., 
over  a  summit  named  by  Sarria  S.  Norberto,  to  the  spot  named  Espiritu  Santo 
from  the  day,  5  1.     Over  the  hills,  past  an  arroyo  called  Tinoco  to  Alamos,  8 
1. ;   over  the  plain,  past  the  Salinas  de  Corte"s,  into  the  Canada  de  Uvas,  to 
Sta  Teresa  de  Jesus,  a  fine  site,  6  1.     Three  leagues  more  through  the  Cajon 
to  the  plain,  whence  the  Lake  Misjamin  was  seen  6  1.  toward  the  N.  ;  over  the 
plain,  leaving  the  lake  to  the  right,  to  S.  Emigdio,  which  was  9  1.  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Cajon  de  Uvas  and  5  or  61.  from  the  lake.     The  camp  of  the 
rebels  was  at  Mitocha.     The  rancheria  of  Tulali  is  mentioned  on  or  near  the 
lake.      The    return   was    by  Malapica;    Camup,  Cuyam,  Casitec   named   S. 
Pablo;   Seguaya,  or  S.  Gervasio  Creek;   down  the  creek  to  Sta  Ines  River, 
down  the  river  3  1.  to  Cie"negas  rancho  or  Trinidad;   to  S.  Roque  and  half  a 
league  to  Sta  Barbara  Mission. 


536  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE— 1824. 

complete,  and  the  repentant  rebels  were  even  al 
lowed  to  retain  their  arms  on  the  march  in  order  to 
be  ready  for  an  attack  from  the  gentiles.  All  reached 
Santa  Barbara  the  21st,  and  the  revolt  of  1824  was 
at  an  end.53 

As  a  reward  for  bravery  at  Purisima,  Mariano  Es 
trada  was  made  by  the  Mexican  government  full  lieu 
tenant;  the  artisan  Francisco  Pacheco  was  made  brevet 
alferez;  and  to  the  troops  was  awarded  double  pay  for 
a  month — a  graceful  compliment  which  cost  nothing, 
as  the  soldiers  never  received  their  original  pay,  not 
to  mention  the  double  allowance.54  After  the  revolt 
all  the  neophytes'  weapons  were  by  the  governor's 
orders  removed  to  the  presidios  as  a  precautionary 
measure.55  In  October  the  junta  named  Captain  de 
la  Guerra,  with  diputados  Aruz  and  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo,  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  revolt;  but 
we  have  no  record  of  results.56  In  July  1825  a  crim 
inal  prosecution  was  carried  on  by  Alferez  Maitorena 

53  June  28th,  Sarrfa  to  Arguello,  announcing  the  success  of  the  expedition, 
and  praising  the  conduct  of  Portilla,  Valle,  and  Ibarra.     Dec.  31st,  Capt. 
Ruiz  mentions  Cadet  Domingo  Carrillo's  exploration  of  the  lake  during  this 
expedition.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ivii.  4-5;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv. 
pt.  ii.  118-20.     Rafael  Gonzalez  was  a  soldier  in  this  expedition.     He  says 
that  Ibarra  lost  his  patience  and  threatened  an  attack  if  the  Indians  did  not 
yield  next  day.     He  also  mentions  the  celebration  of  the  Corpus  in  an  enra- 
mada  on  the  plain.   Gonzalez,  Experiencias,  MS.,  23-4.     In  the  middle  of 
April  there  had  been  rumors  of  a  disposition  to  revolt  on  the  part  of  the  neo 
phytes  at  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  Sergt.  Ignacio  Vallejo  was  sent  by  the 
governor  to  investigate,  and  if  necessary  punish.     The  rumors  proved  un 
founded,  but  Vallejo  could  not  lose  the  opportunity  of  making  a  speech  to 
the  Indians  on  the  terrible  punishment  that  had  been  in  store  for  them  had 
they  been  less  faithful.  Dept.  St.  Pap., Ben.  Mil,  MS.,lv.  1-3;  Dept.  J^cc.,  MS., 
i.  96,  104-5.     Padre  Cabot  of  S.  Miguel  in  a  letter  to  the  governor,  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  132,  says  that  the  rebels  of  Purisima  sent  beads,  etc., 
to  various  gentile  rancherias  with  an  invitation  to  join  them.     Tache  and 
Telame  refused  to  receive  the  gifts;  the  Nbtontos  took  the  beads,  but  did  not 
go!     Bubal  and  Santache  started  but  do  not  seem  to  have  joined  the  rebels. 
Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  15,  deems  it  fortunate  that  the  revolted  Ind 
ians  were  on  bad  terms  with  those  of  San  Buenaventura,  else  the  latter  would 
have  risen  and  been  followed  by  those  of  S.  Fernando  and  S.  Gabriel.     By  a 
letter  of  Arguello  to  Guerra  on  July  23d,  it  would  appear  that  there  was  some 
further  trouble  with  the  Indians,  or  perhaps  that  the  refugees  left  in  the 
Tulares  did  not  come  in  as  had  been  promised.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben,  Mil., 
MS.,  liv.  4-5. 

54  Communications  from  war  department  of  July  31st  and  Aug.  llth.  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  18-19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvii.  69. 

55  July  22d,  Sarria  to  Padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  120. 
™  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  vii.  151-2. 


CAPTURE  OF  POMPONIO.  537 

against  the  ex-rebels  of  Purisima,  not  for  insurrection, 
but  for  the  theft  of  certain  articles  which  had  never 
been  returned.57  In  January  1826  Benito  and  Ber- 
nabe,  two  of  the  rebel  leaders  condemned  to  the  chain- 
gang,  made  their  escape;  and  a  report  to  the  minister 
of  war  in  October  indicates  that  not  all  the  refugees 
had  yet  been  reduced  to  submission.58 

Besides  the  great  revolt  there  is  nothing,  in  the 
Indian  affairs  of  1824  that  calls  for  special  notice, 
except  the  capture  and  execution  of  Pomponio.  He 
was  a  refugee  neophyte  of  San  Francisco,  and  a  native 
of  the  San  Rafael  region;  and  for  several  years  had 
been  notorious  as  an  outlaw  and  criminal,  whose  cap 
ture  had  often  been  attempted  without  success.  Of 
his  depredations,  extending  from  San  Rafael  to  Santa 
Cruz  and  probably  farther  south,  consisting  of  rob 
beries,  outrages,  and  murders,  chiefly  of  Indians,  but 
including  the  killing  of  one  soldier  named  Manuel 
Varela,  we  have  no  contemporary  record  save  general 
allusions  in  connection  with  his  capture.  From  the 
vague  recollections  of  old  inhabitants  some  startling 
and  romantic  tales  of  his  adventures,  wholly  unrelia 
ble  in  detail,  have  found  their  way  into  the  newspapers 
of  later  days.  Lieutenant  Martinez  with  a  corporal 
and  two  men  captured  Pomponio  in  the  Canada  de 
Novato  above  San  Rafael.  He  was  tried  by  a  court 
martial  at  Monterey  February  6th  and  shot,  appar 
ently  the  6th  of  September.59  It  was  also  in  or  about 

™Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ivi.  10-11. 

™Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  180;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  liv.  10.  The  mission  report 
for  1827-8  also  implies  that  some  were  yet  absent.  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  6.  General  mention  of  the  revolt  in  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  51,  172;  Sta 
Clara,  Arch.  Parroquia,  MS.,  58-63;  Taylor  in  CaL  Farmer,  March  21,  1862. 
Morineau,  Notice  sur  la  Nouvelle  Californie,  148-9,  gives  an  inaccurate  ac 
count,  dating  the  revolt  in  June  1827,  or  rather  representing  the  afl'air  as  an 
attack  by  the  gentiles,  or  Tolds.  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  143-5,  inaccu 
rately  describes  the  revolt  and  dates  it  in  1820. 

53Hoja  de  servicios  of  Martinez  in  Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xix.  141. 
Statement  of  Martinez  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvi.  93;  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  66-7;  xiv.  3.  The  court-martial  consisted  of  Guerra,  Ramirez, 
Santiago  Argiiello,  Ignacio  Vallejo,  Carlos  A.  Carrillo,  Torre,  and  Jose"  R. 
Estrada,  who  with  Gov.  Arguello  sign  the  sentence  on  Feb.  6th.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  lii.  7.  Execution  on  Sept.  6th.  Estrada,  in  Guerra, 


538  EVENTS  OF  ARGUELLO'S  RULE-1824. 

1824,  apparently,  that  Martinez  and  Sanchez  had  some 
encounters  with  the  chieftains  of  northern  contra 
costa  tribes,  Marin  and  Quintin,  who  left  their  names 
one  to  a  county  and  the  other  to  a  point  in  that  region.60 

Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  v.  190.  Torre,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  46,  and  Galindo, 
Apuntes,  MS. ,  65-6,  gives  some  account  of  his  depredations,  stating  that  it  was 
his  favorite  associate  who  at  one  time  cut  off  his  own  heel  to  escape  from  the 
mission  stocks.  See  also  narrative  in  Sacramento  Record,  Nov.  18,  1869,  from 
Sta  Clara  News.  I  have  also  noticed  a  newspaper  item  to  the  effect  that  Salva 
dor,  hanged  for  murder  at  San  Rafael  in  1879,  was  a  grandson  of  Pomponio. 
A  stream  in  San  Mateo  County  bears,  Pomponio 's  name. 

60  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  146-9.  In  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  6.  A 
northern  campaign  which  lasted  45  days  is  mentioned,  and  may  be  the  one 
referred  to  by  Vallejo.  Mention  of  miscellaneous  minor  hostilities  during  the 
year,  chiefly  on  the  Lower  California  frontier.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  163-4,  197, 
223;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MSv,  vi.  124. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

9  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 
1821-1830. 

SAN  DIEGO  PRESIDIO — Ruiz  AND  ESTTTDILLO — BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES — 
OFFICERS,  MILITARY  FORCE,  AND  POPULATION — PRESIDIAL  FINANCE — 
THE  PORT — RANCHO  DEL  REY,  OR  RANCHO  NACIONAL — TOWN  AND  ITS 
BUILDINGS — PRIVATE  RANCHOS — VISITS  OF  MORRELL,  DUHAUT-CILLY, 
AND  PATTIE — A  SCHOOL — CRIMINAL  RECORD — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — RESI 
DENCE  OF  THE  GOVERNOR — CHRONOLOGIC  RECORD  OF  LOCAL  HAPPEN 
INGS — FLOODS,  POLITICS,  AND  FOREIGN  VISITORS— MISSION  SAN  DIEGO — 
MINISTERS — STATISTICS — CHAPEL  AT  SANTA  ISABEL — NAMES  OF  RAXCHE- 
RfAS  AND  MISSION  RANCHOS — SAN  LUIS  REY — EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS — 
BRANCH  AT  PALA — LANDS — SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — A  PERIOD  OF  DE 
CLINE. 

IT  has  not  been  found  practicable,  without  too  great 
sacrifice  of  convenience  in  other  respects,  to  make  an 
exact  chronological  division  of  all-  volumes  after  the 
first.  Thus,  having  given  the  regular  history  of  the 
province  down  to  the  end  of  1824,  I  now  proceed 
with  local  and  institutionary  annals  not  only  to  that 
year  but  to  1830.  This  plan,  though  involving  a 
slight  apparent  lack  of  symmetrical  arrangement,  will 
not,  I  believe,  be  regarded  as  a  real  defect,  and  is 
in  every  way  preferable  to  breaking  the  record  of  a 
decade. 

Lieutenant  Jose  Maria  Estudillo>  of  the  Monterey 
company,  remained  in  temporary  command  at  San 
Diego  nearly  a  year,1  when,  not  having  been  more 
successful  than  his  predecessor  in  maintaining  harmony 

1  See  chap.  xvi.  of  this  volume  for  local  annals  of  the  south  in  1810-20. 
See  chap.  vi.  for  map  of  S.  Diego  district. 


540  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

between  the  officers  of  the  presidial  and  Mazatlan  com 
panies,  he  returned  to  Monterey,  while  Francisco 
Maria  Ruiz,  promoted  to  be  captain  and  somewhat 
restored  in  health,  resumed  the  command  in  September 
1821,  and  Captain  Portilla  was  apparently  sent  for  a 
short  time  to  Santa  Barbara.2  Ruiz  retained  com 
mand  of  the  company,  and  so  far  as  the  records  show, 
of  the  post  as  well,  until  1827,  when  he  w,as  retired 
at  the  age  of  seventy-three.  He  had  owned  a  rancho 
for  several  years,  and  he  built  one  of  the  first  houses 
at  what  "is  now  old  San  Diego,  outside  the  presidio 
walls.  Though  the  old  captain  lived  until  1839,  he 
had  little  or  nothing  more  to  do  with  public  life,  and 
a  biographical  notice  may  be  presented  appropriately 
here.3 

2  For  some  not  very  complete  details  of  the  troubles  among  the  officers  see 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  293-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlvi.  13,  15-18,  24-5;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  195-9;  vi.  60.    Guerra  was  sent  by  Sola  to  investigate 
the  troubles  at  S.  Diego  in  October  1821.  Id.,  iv.  93-5.     It  seems  that  one 
Capt,  Patricio  Anje  had  sought  the  command,  understanding  that  there  was  to 
be  a  vacancy;  but  Sola  tells  him  on  March  27,  1821,  that  Ruiz  will  retain  the 
place.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  35. 

3  Francisco  Maria  Ruiz  was  born  at  Loreto  about  1754,  his  parents,  accord 
ing  to  the  statement  of  his  grandniece,  Burtoris  Biocj.  Sketch  of  Ruiz,  MS., 
being  Juan  Maria  Ruiz  and  Isabel  Carrillo,  both  descendants  from  families 
somewhat  distinguished  in  Spain.     His  father  was  killed  by  a  lion  while 
Francisco  was  being  educated  by  a  Jesuit  missionary.     Francisco's  brother 
Jose"  Manuel  became  governor  of  Lower  California;  and  descendants  of  his 
three  sisters  were  connected  with  several  leading  families  of  California.     He 
enlisted  at  Loreto  in  1780,  Ruiz,  Hoja  de  Servicios,  1817,  MS. ;  soon  came  to 
California,  where  in  1795  he  became  sergeant  of  the  Santa  Barbara  company. 
Not  a  month  after  his  appointment  he  was  arrested  for  offensive  language  to 
a  private.    In  1801  he  was  made  alf erez  of  the  same  company.  Prov.  8t.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xviii.  90-1.    At  the  end  of  1805  he  was  promoted  to  lieutenant,  and  in 
1806  became  acting  comandante  of  San  Diego,  where  he  soon  had  a  serious 
quarrel  with  his  relative  Guerra  y  Noriega,  whom  he  knocked  down.     See 
chap.  vii.  of  this  volume.    In  1809  he  indulged  in  certain  bickerings  with  Alf. 
Ignacio  Martinez.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  209.    In  1813  he  served 
as  padrino  at  the  consecration  of  the  new  mission  church.   S.  Diego,  Lib. 
Mision,  MS.,  14.    In  1816  Ruiz  was  recommended  to  Gov.  Sola  by  Pedro 
Negrete  of  S.  Bias  as  follows:  'This  is  an  old  American,  one  of  the  few  true 
men  met  with  in  America  or  the  world.    He  may  have  some  faults  as  all  men 
have,  but  all  are  outweighed  in  the  balance  by  his  natural  honesty;  by  the 
jiistice  that  in  the  midst  of  his  great  popularity  with  his  soldiers  he  deals  out 
so  as  to  make  himself  respected  by  all;  and  by  his  unbounded  love  for  Fer 
nando  VII.  our  monarch,  in  whose  honor  he  often  assembles  his  soldiers,  order 
ing  them  to  play,  dance,  drink,  and  shout  Viva  Spain !  Viva  Fernando  VII. ! 
Long  live  the  Governor!  Viva!  Viva!  Viva-a-a-a!'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx. 
128.     And  he  was  in  later  years  as  enthusiastically  loyal,  in  words  at  least, 
to  the  empire  and  republic  in  succession.     In  1817,  with  a  report  of  his  33 
years,  10  months,  and  29  days  of  service,  noting  that  he  had  been  in  several 


CAPTAINS  RUIZ  AND  ESTUDILLO.  541 

The  lieutenancy  of  the  company  had  remained 
vacant  from  1821  to  1825,  when  Estudillo  was  trans 
ferred  permanently  to  the  San  Diego  company,  of 
which  he  became  comandante  on  the  retirement  of 
Ruiz  in  1827.  At  the  end  of  that  year  Estudillo  was 
made  captain,  Santiago  Argiiello  becoming  lieutenant 
at  the  same  time.  For  a  time  in  1828-9  Estudillo 
was  noted  on  the  company  rolls  as  'retired'  or  ' absent/ 
being  doubtless  under  temporary  suspension,  like 
Guerra,  in  consequence  of  the  Mexican  laws  requiring 
the  expulsion  of  Spaniards.  It  is  not  quite  clear  that 
he  ever  resumed  the  active  command  before  his  death, 
which  occurred  at  San  Diego  the  8th  of  April  1830. 
He  was  buried  next  day  in  the  presidio  chapel.  Don 
Jose  Maria's  character  requires  but  brief  notice,  eulo 
gistic  or  otherwise.  He  was  not  an  able  man,  but 
wras  an  honest  and  faithful  officer  so  far  as  routine 
duties  were  concerned;  a  skilful  penman  and  a  fair 
accountant.  His  greatest  fault  was  an  overweening 
vanity  which  made  him  unpopular,  especially  with 
other  officers,  who  failed  to  recognize  in  him  any  ex- 
campaigns,  including  one  to  the  Colorado  River,  Gov.  Sola  recommended 
Ruiz,  in  the  third  place,  for  promotion  to  a  captaincy.  In  1818  he  was  rec 
ommended  again,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xlvi.  10,  and  his  commis 
sion  was  issued  in  Mexico  on  July  12,  1820,  and  received  by  him  in  January, 
1821.  Id.,  21.  The  charges  of  drunkenness  and  other  irregularities  made 
against  him  in  1820,  and  his  consequent  temporary  suspension  from  command 
have  been  noticed  in  chapter  xvi.  this  volume.  Ruiz  earnestly  denied  the 
charges,  which  he  attributed  to  the  personal  enmity  of  Portilla;  and  Gov. 
Sola,  while  satisfied  that  his  conduct  had  been  imprudent,  evidently  felt  much 
esteem  for  the  old  man  and  was  glad  to  restore  his  command.  June  16,  1822, 
Ruiz  writes  that  he  has  entirely  regained  his  health.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal., 
MS.,  vi.  60.  It  was  in  1823  that  he  obtained  from  Gov.  Argiiello  the  rancho 
of  Penasquitos  against  the  protest  of  the  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt. 
ii.  75;  Hayes*  JKmig.  Notes,  492;  Gal.  Land.  Com.,  No.  452.  It  has  been 
stated  by  old  Californians  to  Hayes  and  others  that  Capt.  Ruiz  came  down 
from  Presidio  Hill  and  built  his  house  in  1824,  or  even  earlier,  and  this  is 
possibly  true;  still  it  seems  unlikely  that  it  was  before  his  retirement  from 
the  command.  This  was  early  in  1827,  when  his  name  was  dropped  from  the 
company  rolls,  though  Echeandia's  formal  and  final  document  seems  to  have 
been  sent  him  on  Jan.  11,  1828.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  168;  v.  2-3.  In  June 
1834  Capt.  Ruiz  had  received  no  pay  as  an  invalid  fora  long  time,  and  asked 
for  $200.  He  was  told  there  were  no  funds;  but  if  he  would  prove  his  claim 
he  would  be  remembered.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iii. 
34-5.  Aug.,  22,  1839,  Alf.  Salazar  announces  to  Gen.  Vallejo  the  death  of 
Capt.  Ruiz  on  Aug.  14th.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  viii.  52.  He  had 
never  been  married. 


542  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

traordinary  qualities,  and  one  after  another  became, 
with  few  exceptions,  the  objects  of  his  serious  dis 
pleasure.  His  descendants  have  been  in  later  years 
among  the  most  respected  of  the  native  Californian 
families;  and  several  of  the  name  have  reached  hon 
orable  prominence  in  public  life.4 

Lieutenant  Santiago  Argiiello  took  the  command 
at  Estudillo's  death,  having  been  indeed  acting  co- 

4  Jose"  Maria  Estudillo  was  born  in  Spain,  I  think  in  Andalucfa,  in  1772, 
his  father  being  an  officer,  and  came  to  America  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years  in 
1787.  Coming  to  Lower  California  in  1705,  he  enlisted  July  23,  1796,  at  Lo- 
reto,  where  he  served  as  soldado  distinfjuido  until  August  1799,  and  then  as 
cadet  till  March  1806.  He  was  now  made  alfe"rez  and  transferred  to  Monterey, 
where,  on  the  recommendation  of  Gov.  Arrillaga,  he  was  promoted  to  be  lieu 
tenant  before  the  end  of  the  year.  He  kept  the  lieutenancy  of  the  Monterey 
company  for  more  than  20  years,  being  much  of  the  time  comandante  of  that 
presidio,  and  was  promoted  to  be  captain  of  San  Diego  in  December  1827. 
To  his  33  years  of  actual  military  service  were  added  11  years  of  extra  time 
duing  the  war  of  independence  in  accordance  with  the  Mexican  decree  of  March 
1822.  Estudillo,  Hojas  de  Servitio,  1817, 1828, 1830,  MS.  In  1810  Estudillo  was 
complimented  for  the  ability  with  which  he  had  defended  three  Indians  accused 
of  murder,  by  the  auditor  de  guerra  in  Mexico.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xl.  10.  In  1817  he  was  recommended  by  Gov.  Sola  for  promotion,  and 
accredited  with  having  commanded  a  party  of  13  men  who  prevented  seven 
Russian  fishing  canoes  from  effecting  a  landing  at  Monterey,  killing  one  of  the 
occupants,  capturing  one,  wounding  several,  and  driving  the  rest  away.  In 
1819  he  commanded  an  expedition  against  the  Indians  of  the  Tulares,  which  ac 
complished  nothing,  see  chap.  xv. ;  and  in  1823  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  company 
which  was  sent  to  escort  Capt.  Romero  from  S.  Gabriel  to  the  Colorado,  but 
which  lost  its  way  and  had  to  return,  chap.  xxii.  Estudillo  was  accused  by 
Santiago  Argiiello  of  neglect  and  cruelty  toward  the  presidial  company  while 
at  S.  Diego.  In  June  1822  he  was  ordered  to  take  command  at  Sta  Barbara, 
and  may  have  done  so  for  a  short  time.  On  April  9,  1822,  he  swore  to  the 
national  independence.  April  22,  1827,  the  governor  sent  the  Mexican  ratifi 
cation  of  Estudillo's  appointment  as  commandant,  and  Dec.  31st  notified  him 
of  his  promotion  to  be  captain.  J)ept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  39,  121-2.  In  1828  the 
governor  reported  to  the  supreme  government  that,  though  a  Spaniard,  Estu 
dillo,  by  his  activity,  intelligence,  and  services,  was  entitled  to  be  considered 
useful  to  the  republic,  being  a  friend  to  the  system  which  he  had  sworn  to 
support.  Id.,  vi.  34,  38-9.  His  death  and  burial  on  April  8th  and  9th,  1830, 
are  recorded  in  S.  Dier/o,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  97;  Carrillo  (</.)>  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  21;  Dcpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  94. 

Capt.  Estudillo's  wife  was  Gertrudis  Horcasitas,  a  lady  of  Mexican  birth> 
with  whom  he  did  not  always  live  harmoniously.  By  her  he  had  C  children; 
and  in  1828  12  of  his  grandchildren  were  living.  He  left  no  estate,  though 
his  son  and  daughter,  Dona  Maria  Magdalena,  a  famous  beauty  and  noted 
also  for  her  charms  of  character,  as  Alvarado  tells  us,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i. 
176,  received  each  a  land-grant  of  one  league  at  Otay  in  1829.  His  son,  Don 
Jose"  Antonio,  was  a  prominent  man  at  San  Diego,  and  the  founder  of  the 
southern  branch  of  the  family,  a  member  of  which,  Don  Jose"  Guadalupe,  son 
of  Jose"  Antonio,  once  held  the  office  of  state  treasurer.  Another  of  the  cap 
tain's  sons,  Don  Jose"  Joaquin,  also  figured  somewhat  prominently  in  public 
affairs  before  1848,  and  was  the  founder  of  the  northern,  or  Alameda  county 
branch  of  the  family. 


OFFICERS.  543 

mandante  for  some  time  before.  He  obtained  his 
captain's  commission  at  the  end  of  the  year  or  early 
in  1831.  This  officer  had  served  as  alferez  of  the 
company,  though  belonging  to  that  of  San  Francisco, 
till  his  promotion  to  a  lieutenancy  in  1827,  his  brother 
Gervasio,  the  regular  alferez,  being  still  absent  in 
Guadalajara,  Don  Santiago  had  also  acted  as  habili- 
tado  until  1825;  and  Domingo  Carrillo  held  the  place 
from  1825  to  1829,  as  cadet  in  1825-7,  and  as  alferez  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  company  in  1827-9.  Juan  Salazar 
seems  to  have  acted  as  habilitado  in  1830,  though 
not  commissioned  as  alferez  until  the  next  year.  Jose 
Maria  Pico  and  Crist6bal  Dominguez  were  retired 
sometime  before  1825,  and  succeeded  as  company 
sergeants  by  Jose  Gongora  and  Pedro  Lobo.  In 
1828  Jose  Antonio  Pico  was  the  sergeant,  the  other 
place  being  vacant.5 

There  were  several  other  officials  at  San  Diego 
during  this  decade  who  require  mention  here.  Jose 
Maria  Echeandia,  gefe  politico  and  comandante  gen 
eral  of  the  Californias,  made  this  presidio  his  residence 
from  1825,  accompanied  by  his  secretary,  Alferez 
Agustin  V.  Zamorano.  Captain  Pablo  de  Portilla 
of  the  'Mazatecos/  and  Lieutenant  Juan  M.  Ibarra 
of  the  same  company  were  stationed  here.  Domingo 
Carrillo  as  habnitado  was  comisario  subalterno,  or 
revenue  collector,  in  1825-8,  when  Juan  Bandini  was 
appointed  to  fill  the  position  by  the  governor.  Jose 
Antonio  Estudillo  was  a  kind  of  associate  collector 
with  Bandini,  and  at  the  same  time  treasurer  of 
municipal  funds.  Ignacio  Lopez  was  the  first  partido 
elector  for  the  San  Diego  district  in  1822;  but  when 
the  electors  chose  themselves  as  members  of  the 
provincial  diputacion,  the  name  of  Carlos  Castro  was 

5  Pattie,  the  trapper,  was  very  kindly  treated  by  Sergt.  Pico,  or  Peaks,  as 
he  calls  him,  in  1828  as  elsewhere  related.  Among  the  invalidos  during  these 
years  was  Juan  Marine"  y  Salvat,  a  soldier  retired  as  lieutenant  de  premio  for 
long  service.  He  lived  at  S.  Gabriel  and  was  the  second  husband  of  Eulalia 
Perez  the  centenarian.  He  was  a  Catalan,  60  years  old  in  1828,  and  had  been 
33  years  in  California.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  39;  vi.  41;  S.  Dieyo,  Lib.  de  Mis- 
ion,  MS.,  55;  Perez,  Recuerdos  de  una  Vieja.  MS. 


544  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

substituted  for  that  of  Lopez.  Zamorano  was  chosen 
as  elector  in  1827-8;  and  Juan  Maria  Osuna  in  1830. 
Last  and  not  least  must  be  mentioned  Padre  Antonio 
Menendez,  a  Dominican  who  came  up  from  the 
peninsula  with  Echeandia  in  1825,  and  ministered 
spiritually  to  troops  and  citizens  as  chaplain  and  cura 
until  1829,  at  an  irregular  salary  of  fifteen  dollars  a 
month. 

The  presidial  company  of  San  Diego  failed  to  keep 
its  ranks  quite  full,  and  by  1830  had  decreased  to  sixty 
men  and  fifteen  invalids;  there  were  seven  artillery 
men;  Portilla's  Mazatlan  company  dwindled  from  55 
to  35  men;  and  the  total  force  with  two  or  three 
mechanics  was  thus  120  men.  A  detachment  of  in 
fantry  came  with  Echeandia  in  1825,  but  there  is 
nothing  to  indicate  whether  or  not  any  part  of  that 
body  remained  at  San  Diego.  The  mission  escoltas 
required  about  half  the  presidial  company;  at  least 
half  of  the  invalidos  lived  at  the  pueblo;  and  the 
actual  force  at  the  presidio  was  about  100  men.  The 
total  population  de  razon  in  the  district,  which  I  have 
given  as  450  in  1820,  I  put  down  at  520  in  1830.6 
The  increase  of  70  seems  small,  but  the  error,  if  there 
is  one,  is  more  likely  to  be  in  the  earlier  than  the  later 

6  See  chapter  xvi.  this  volume  for  population  in  1820.  There  are  reports 
making  the  population  in  1821,  630;  and  in  1830,  439;  and  one,  St.  Pap. 
Miss.,  MS.,  v.  37,  making  the  total,  including  S.  Gabriel,  557  in  1830;  but  the 
estimate  must  be  founded  chiefly  on  reports  which  are  extant  for  1827-8.  In 
Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  6,  is  an  official  report  of  the  governor  for 
1827,  cited  also  in  Hayes*  Emig.  Notes,  477,  in  which  the  population  of  S. 
Diego  is  given  as  769,  or  273  men,  246  women,  and  250  children;  but  this  in 
cludes  Indians  whose  number  varied  in  these  years  from  130  to  200,  and 
deducting  160  say  from  769,  we  have  609  as  the  white  population,  or  479  if 
130  be  deducted  for  S.  Gabriel.  Again  a  similar  official  table  for  1828  was 
published  in  Withes'  Nar.,  U.  8.  Expl.  Exped.,  v.  555,  making  the  number 
608  of  gente  de  razon,  or  478  after  the  deduction  for  S.  Gabriel.  That  these 
reports  include  in  the  presidio  population  all  the  whites  at  the  missions  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  their  totals  for  the  missions  agree  -with  the  number 
of  neophytes  derived  from  other  sources.  Finally  a  report  for  1828,  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.  Pres.,  MS.,  i.  97-8,  in  which  S.  Gabriel  is  not  included,  gives  the 
population  de  razon  as  477.  Thus  the  agreement  of  these  three  reports  leaves 
but  little  doubt  respecting  the  figures  for  1828,  though  a  report  for  1828  in 
»S7.  Pup.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  8,  makes  the  number  at  least  540  in  that  year.  In 
Estudlllo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  170,  41  of  69  men  in  the  presidial  company 
are  said  to  have  had  families  in  1821.  In  Id.,  ii.  160,  the  distribution  of  men  a 
few  years  later  was  35  men  to  the  presidio;  5  at  the  mission;  6  at  S.  Juan;  8 


POPULATION  AND  STATISTICS.  545 

figures.  The  population,  always  excluding  San  Ga 
briel,  was  475  in  1828  and  the  only  element  of  uncer 
tainty  is  respecting  the  increase  of  the  last  two  years. 
The  population  at  the  presidio  proper  was  about  400 
white  persons  and  150  Indians.  Only  two  or  three 
foreigners  lived  in  the  district.  The  neophyte  popu 
lation  remained  at  5,200,  San  Luis  having  gained  and 
San  Juan  having  lost  over  a  hundred. 

There  are  no  other  presidial  statistics  extant  except 
the  usual  fragmentary  items  of  finance,7  from  which 
it  is  impossible  to  draw  any  general  conclusions  of  any 
value.  The  pay-roll  of  the  military  force  was  nomi 
nally  over  $20,000  a  year;  the  men  really  received  at 
least  what  they  ate  and  wore,  contributed  by  the  mis 
sions  and  obtained  from  vessels  as  duties  on  imports. 
The  reader  may  find  in  the  general  lists  for  each  year 
in  other  chapters  the  names  of  vessels  which  touched 
at  San  Diego,  though  the  record  in  this  respect  is  far 
from  being  complete.  The  port  was  practically  open 
to  foreign  trade  throughout  the  decade,  and  legally 
so  during  a  large  part  of  the  time,  as  there  was  a 
decree  of  1822  formally  opening  it;8  the  orders  of 
1826  to  close  it  were  riot  carried  out;  and  in  1828-9 
it  was  officially  deemed  to  be  open  provisionally  even 

at  S.  Luis;  and  11  at  S.  Gabriel.  In  1828  the  distribution  of  population  was 
403  at  the  presidio;  10  in  ranches;  12  at  the  mission;  17  at  S.  Juan;  and  35 
at  S.  Liiis.  The  foreign  residents  were  J.  B.  Mutrel,  James  Thompson,  and 
James  McFerion. 

7  Items  of  habilitado's  accounts:    1823,  S.  Diego  indebted  to  Monterey, 
$1,544.     1825,  treasury  owed  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  company  $42,700; 
citizens  and  former   soldiers,   $32,700.      Pay-roll   for  five   months,  $6,728. 
182G,  due  company  on  pay-roll  to  August,  $9,137;  June  to  December,  $4,981. 
Supplies  to  the  Mazatlan  company  in  1826-7,  $9,080.     Company's  pay  in 
1827,  $1,300  per  month.     Estimate  for  expenses  of  1828,  $19,574.     Pay  of 
Mazatlan  company  per  month  in  1828,  $924.     Pay-roll  of  1830,  $14,639,  and 
$2,523  for  invalidos.    Net  yield  of  postal  revenue  about  $30  per  year.    Muni 
cipal  funds  in  1828:  receipts,  $424;  expenditures,  $330.     1829,  receipts,  $358; 
expenditures,    $311.     Tax    on   cattle,    1828,    $27.     Tithes,    1821-5,    $1,230. 
Liquor  dues,  1826,  $205  net;  1827,  $144;  1828,  $100.     Sixty-five  otter-skins 
sold  in  1826,  $991.     Revenue  from  customs  in  1830,  net,  $19,346  (?).     Comi- 
sario  Bandini's  account  for  Aug.  1829:  Balance  Aug.  1st,  $25,362;  supplies 
from  missions,  $443;  import  duties,  $826;  paid  out,  $3,370;  balance  Sept.  1st, 
$23,261. 

8  Decree  of  soberana  junta  provisional  gubernativa  of  Jan.  14,  1822,  open 
ing  S.  Diego  to  foreign  vessels.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1838,  pt.  i.  6.     See 
also  chapter  v.  of  this  volume. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    35 


546  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

when  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Bdrbara  were  closed. 
Yet  Monterey,  and  not  San  Diego  as  has  sometimes 
been  claimed,  was  always  the  chief  port  of  entry  and 
site  of  the  territorial  custom-house. 

The  rancho  del  rey,  now  known  as  the  rancho 
nacional,  was  still  kept  up  in  a  manner,  and  furnished 
meat  and  horses  for  the  troops;  but  we  have  no  sta 
tistics  and  no  information  save  an  occasional  complaint 
that  the  cattle  are  almost  exhausted  and  should  be 
replenished  from  the  missions.  All  tithes  of  cattle 
were  added  to  this  rancho.9  As  before  there  is  no 
definite  record  of  agricultural  or  pastoral  industry 
except  in  the  missions;  but  there  are  indications, 
chiefly  from  the  recollections  of  old  Californians,  that 
both  soldiers  and  invalids  now  cultivated  to  a  consid 
erable  extent  fertile  spots  in  the  vicinity  of  the  pre 
sidio;  that  several  retired  soldiers  and  officers  came 
down  from  Presidio  Hill  before  1830  to  live  in  adobe 
houses  standing  about  the  site  of  what  is  in  modern 
times  old  San  Diego;  and  there  is  proof  that  several 
ranches  had  been  granted  to  private  individuals  by 
whom  some  of  them  were  occupied.10 

9Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  78;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  291;  Gucrra, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  vi.  60;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  liii.  89;  liv.  8; 
Ixiii.  13;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  40. 

10  Soledad  Valley  was  the  tract  chiefly  cultivated  by  the  military  farmers. 
Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  4;  Ayuilar,  in  Hayes'  Emiy.  Notes,  502-3;  Hayes1 
Miscellany,  78;  Bancroft's  Personal  Obs.,  85-6.  Of  the  earliest  houses  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill  Gunn  gives  an  account  from  the  recollections  of  old  residents, 
in  the  S.  Diego  Union  of  July  20,  1876.  He  says  there  were  5  houses  in 
1821,  the  'Fitch  house,'  and  those  of  Capt.  Ruiz,  Maria  Reyes  Ibaiiez,  Raf- 
aela  Serrano,  and  Juan  Maria  Marron.  Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  1-2,  men 
tions  the  same  houses  as  existing  in  1825,  except  the  Fitch  house  not  named. 
Gunn  says  the  6th  house  was  built  by  a  Pico  in  1824;  and  that  by  1830  there 
had  been  added  7  more,  including  those  of  Juan  Rodriguez,  Jose"  Antonio  Es- 
tudillo,  Juan  Bandini,  Tomasa  Alvarado,  Rosario  Aguilar,  the  'French 
bakery, '  and  part  of  the  '  Seely  house. '  Judge  Hayes'  Memorabilia  and  other 
scrap-books  contain  much  detailed  information  respecting  these  earliest  houses, 
fields,  and  gardens;  and  photographs  of  many  of  them  are  given  in  his  Emi 
grant  Notes.  Naturally  I  have  no  space  for  these  voluminous  details,  which 
though  interesting  are  for  the  most  part  rather  vaguely  founded.  There  is  a 
decided  tendency  to  antedate  the  building  of  the  older  houses,  and  I  have  no 
faith  in  the  exactness  of  the  dates  given.  There  were  probably  no  houses  on 
the  bench  in  1821,  and  few  in  1825;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  most 
of  the  dozen  named  in  this  note,  if  not  many  more,  had  been  built  by  1830. 
Capt.  Ruiz  probably  did  not  come  down  from  the  hill  to  live  before  his  retire 
ment  in  1827.  J.  A.  Estudillo  and  Juan  Bandini  were  granted  house-lots,  or 


BUILDINGS.  547 

In  1826  a  commission  composed  of  Captain  Por- 
tilla,  Domingo  Carrillo,  and  Lieutenant  Romualdo 
Pacheco  reported  the  presidio  buildings  as  in  a  "de 
plorably  ruinous  condition,"  and  requiring  at  least 
§40,000  for  repairs.  The  fort  at  Point  Guijarros  was 
hardly  in  a  better  state,  but  might  be  repaired  at  a 
cost  of  $10,000.  We  do  riot  learn  that  any  such  sums 
were  forthcoming  from  territorial  or  national  treasury; 
but  in  May  1828  the  governor  asked  the  padres  for 
ten  men,  with  tools  and  food,  to  be  set  to  work  on  the 
battery,  which  a  few  months  later  was  at  least  in  con 
dition  to  discharge  several  broadsides  into  Bradshaw's 
vessel.11  The  barca  plana,  or  flat-boat,  which  had 
been  wont  to  ply  between  the  presidio  and  the  port, 
was  wrecked  at  Los  Adobes  late  in  1827,  and  a  year 
later  the  governor  directed  that  a  small  wharf  should 
be  built  of  the  timbers.12  Three  foreign  visitors, 
whose  narratives  were  printed,  have  something  to  say 

a  lot  100  varas  square  in  common,  in  1827.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  8.  As  to 
the  private  ranches,  in  a  report  of  1828  there  are  named,  besides  La  Purisima 
or  rancho  nacional,  where  the  presidio  had  250  cattle  and  25  horses,  San  An 
tonio  Abad  with  300  cattle,  80  horses,  and  25  mules,  producing  also  143  fane- 
gas  of  grain;  Sta  Maria  (de  Pefiasquitos),  with  50  cattle,  20  horses,  and  8 
mules;  El  Rosario,  or  Barracas,  a  sitio,  with  25  head  each  of  cattle,  horses, 
and  mules,  producing  125  fan.  of  grain;  and  San  Isidro,  also  a  sitio.  Each  of 
these  was  inhabited  by  2  or  3  men.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Pres.,  MS.,  i.  97-8.  The 
names  of  owners  are  not  given;  but  we  know  that  Pefiasquitos  had  been 
granted  to  Capt.  Ruiz  and  Francisco  M.  Alvarado  on  June  15,  1823,  against 
the  protest  of  the  padres.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  75;  Hayes1  Emig. 
Notes,  492;  CaL  Land  Com.,  No.  452.  In  an  official  report  of  1830,  St.  Pap. 
Miss.,  MS.,  v.  37,  the  same  four  ranches  are  named  and  no  more;  yet  we 
know  that  in  Jan.  or  March  1829  Echeandia  had  granted  one  league  at  Otay 
to  Jose"  Antonio  Estudillo;  another  league  at  Otay  (Janal?)  to  Maria  Magcla- 
lena  Estudillo;  and  Tia  Juana,  across  the  line  of  Lower  California.  Dept.  Rec., 
vii.  62;  Register  of  Brands,  43-4;  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  492;  CaL  Land  Com., 
No.  330.  It  is  also  stated  by  the  padres  in  1828  that  the  rancho  of  Temescal 
between  S.  Luis  Rey  and  S.  Juan  Capistrano  had  been  occupied  by  Leandro 
Serrano,  majordomo  at  S.  Juan.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  41. 

11  Report  to  Portilla,  etc.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  188-9.  Demand  for 
laborers.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  202.  Armament  of  S.  Diego  in  1830:  13  can 
nons,  8  of  brass,  and  5  of  iron;  3  eight-pounders,  7  of  6  Ibs.,  and  3  of  4  Ibs. 
Df.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixii.  24.  Romero,  Memoriae,  MS.,  23;  Hayes* 
Emig.  Notes,  494,  describes  the  fort  and  powder  magazines  as  of  stone,  and 
the  barracks  of  brick,  situated  close  under  the  high  hill  on  what  is  now  Bal 
last  Point.  Machado,  Tkmpos  Pasados  de  CaL,  MS.,  22,  says  that  Echeandia 
made  the  troops  construct  a  dam  or  reservoir  of  stone  and  mortar  in  a  canada 
near  the  fort.  The  water  later  broke  the  dam,  but  the  ruins  were  yet  visible 
in  1877. 

12 Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  141;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvii.  9. 


548  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

of  San  Diego  in  this  decade.  The  first  was  Morrell 
in  1825,  and  his  absurdly  inaccurate  description  of 
the  presidio  is  quoted  elsewhere.13  Duhaut-Cilly 
came  in  1827.  He  devotes  more  attention  to  a  de 
scription  of  the  port,  which  he  pronounces  "  without 
doubt  the  best  in  all  California,"  safer  even  than  San 
Francisco,  and  its  natural  surroundings  than  to  artifi 
cial  improvements;  but  he  says,  "a  sad  place  is  the 
presidio  of  San  Diego,  the  saddest  of  all  that  we  had 
visited  in  California  except  San  Pedro.  It  is  built 
on  the  slope  of  an  arid  hill  and  has  no  regular  form. 
It  is  a  shapeless  mass  of  houses,  all  the  more  gloomy 
because  of  the  dark  color  of  the  bricks  of  which  they 
are  rudely  constructed.  Under  the  presidio  on  a 
sandy  plain  are  seen  thirty  or  forty  scattered  houses 
of  poor  appearance,  and  a  few  gardens  badly  culti 
vated."14  Finally  the  American  trapper,  Pattie,  was 
confined  here  during  the  greater  part  of  1828.  He 
describes  nothing  but  his  prison,  situated  just  across 
the  square  from  the  governor's  house,  of  which  he 
says:  "My  prison  was  a  cell  eight  or  ten  feet  square, 
with  walls  and  floor  of  stone.  A  door  with  iron  bars 
an  inch  square  like  the  bars  of  window  sashes,  and  it 
grated  on  its  iron  hinges  as  it  opened  to  receive  me. 
Over  the  external  front  of  this  prison  was  inscribed 
in  capital  letters  Destination  de  la  Cattivo"  !15 

There  was  a  primary  school  at  the  presidio  during 
the  last  half  of  the  decade  if  not  before;  it  had 
eighteen  scholars  in  1829;  Padre  Menendez  was  for 
a  time  the  teacher;  and  he  received  from  fifteen  to 
twenty  dollars  a  month  from  the  municipal  funds.16 
Justice  w^as  administered  in  a  primitive  and  irregular 
way  by  the  military  authorities;17  but  the  criminal 

13  See  chapter  i.  of  volume  iii.  MorreWs  Narrative,  201. 

14  Duhaut-Cilly,  Fiaggio,  ii.  14-25. 

15  Pattie 's  Narrative,  'l76. 

16 St.  Pap.,  Miss..  MS.,  vi.  1,  2;  Leg.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  146;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ii.  114;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  Ixvi.  91. 

17  In  1821  several  cases  of  adultery  and  dissolute  life  are  reported.  In  one 
the  man  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  two  months  and  transfer  to 
another  presidio;  while  the  woman  had  to  stand  with  shaven  head  in  church 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  549 

annals  of  San  Diego  at  this  period  include  no  causas 
celebres.  Hostile  gentiles  caused  less  trouble  on  the 
southern  frontier  in  this  decade  than  in  most  others, 
Lieutenant  Ibarra's  fight  at  Santa  Isabel  on  April  5, 
1826,  being  the  only  exciting  event  of  Indian  war 
fare.  Ibarra  lost  three  men  of  his  Mazatlan  squad 
ron,  but  he  killed  twenty-eight  of  the  foe  and  sent  in 
twenty  pairs  of  ears.  One  of  the  gentiles  was  cap 
tured  and  publicly  shot  at  Sari  Diego  the  23d  of 
April.  In  a  battle  between  the  Indians  of  San 
Felipe  Valley  and  gentiles  from  more  distant  ran- 
cherias,  eighteen  of  the  latter  were  killed  and  lost 
their  ears.18 

where  all  could  see  her,  and  was  shut  up  for  six  months  in  the  mission  mon- 
jeria.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  286,  294;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xlvi.  23;  lii.  11. 
In  April  1826  the  soldier  Victor  Linares  killed  the  vecino  Juan  German. 
Argiiello  was  prosecutor;  Pio  Pico,  clerk;  and  Zamorano  defended  the  ac 
cused.  The  court-martial,  composed  of  Echeandia,  Rocha,  Valle,  Ibarra,  Por- 
tilla,  Pacheco,  and  Mata,  each  of  whom  gave  a  separate  vote  in  writing, 
acquitted  Linares,  who  had  merely  performed  his  duty  as  a  sentry.  Id. ,  lix. 
5-7.  In  December  a  neophyte  was  tried  for  killing  another.  The  fiscal  asked 
for  only  one  year's  imprisonment  and  hard  work,  in  consideration  of  the  man 
being  a  new  convert.  As  usual  the  final  decision  is  not  known.  Id. ,  Ixiii.  5. 
In  October  1828  five  soldiers,  in  the  name  of  all,  complained  to  Lieut.  Argiie- 
llo  of  hunger  and  nakedness,  asking  for  something  on  account  of  back  pay. 
Argiiello  became  angry  and  began  to  put  them  in  irons,  desisting  at  the 
demand  of  the  troops.  The  five  appealed  to  the  general  and  were  promised 
justice ;  but  seem  to  have  been  scattered  in  other  presidio'3  as  a  punishment 
for  their  insubordination.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixvi.  64-8.  In 
Feb.  1821  an  Indian  was  condemned  to  two  years  of  public  work  for  having 
killed  his  neophyte  wife.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  81.  In  April  a  house  of  ill- 
fame  is  mentioned.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  134;  and  a  soldier  was  liberated 
after  21  months'  confinement  for  stealing  three  cattle  from  the  rancho  nacional. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv.  13.  In  July  a  soldier  was  tried  for 
perjury,  a  crime  punishable  by  death,  but  was  released  after  a  few  months 
in  jail  as  the  subject  of  the  perjury  was  of  little  consequence.  Id.  Ixx.  1.  In 
May  1830  a  civilian  cut  a  soldier  with  a  knife,  escaped  from  prison,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  mission  church.  An  interesting  trial  followed  on  the  question 
of  his  right  of  church  asylum.  He  was  sentenced  to  eight  years  in  the  chain- 
gang.  Id.,  Ixxi.  35-58.  In  September  a  soldier  lost  a  despatch,  for  which  he 
seems  to  have  received  25  blows  and  a  month  of  extra  sentry  duty.  Id.  Ixix. 
4..  In  November  there  were  12  prisoners  in  custody.  Id.  Ixxii.  6.  This  year 
the  majordomo,  Hilario  Garcia,  was  tried  for  excessive  cruelty  in  having 
flogged  a  party  of  gentile  and  neophyte  captive  cattle-thieves,  one  of  whom 
was  pulled  about  by  the  hair  until  he  died.  At  the  first  trial  the  fiscal,  Cadet 
Ignacio  del  Valle,  insisted  on  10  years  in  the  chain-gang.  Later  Juan  Ban- 
dini  defended  Garcia,  pronouncing  the  charges  only  lies  of  Indians.  The 
aspsor  called  for  five  years  in  the  chain-gang,  and  Gov.  Victoria  thus  ordered 
in  April  1831.  Id.,  Ixii.  11-15. 

18 Ibarra  in  his  report,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,Pref.  y  Juzfj.,  MS.,  iii.  81-3,  says  he 
lost  one  pagan  and  had  14  neophytes  and  one  soldier  wounded,  so  that  the  three 
soldiers  killed  on  or  about  the  same  day,  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  96, 


550  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

San  Diego  was  not  at  this  time  in  any  proper  sense 
the  capital  of  California,  as  is  sometimes  claimed  by 
those  who  have  interested  themselves  in  the  local 
annals  of  the  south.  Monterey  was  officially  recog 
nized  as  the  capital,  but  San  Diego  was  the  residence 
of  Governor  Echeandia,  who  preferred  its  climate, 
and,  as  it  is  more  than  hinted,  its  ladies;  and  who 
had  a  plausible  excuse  for  remaining  there  in  his  lack 
of  health  and  in  the  fact  that  the  peninsula  was  also 
within  the  jurisdiction.  The  presence  of  the  gefe 
politico  naturally  did  something  toward  enlivening  the 
normal  dulness  of  life  at  this  presidio;  and  it  tended 
to  make  San  Diego  more  prominent  than  before  in 
territorial  history  as  recorded  in  chapters  of  the  next 
volume.  I  have  no  space  to  repeat  here  so  much  of 
that  general  history  as  relates  particularly  to  San 
Diego ;  but  I  have  deemed  it  well  to  append  a  chrono 
logical  statement  on  the  subject,  in  which  I  introduce 
some  minor  events,  with  details  of  others,  not  else 
where  recorded.19 

were  perhaps  of  another  party.  Report  of  the  fight  between  Indians  in  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  i.  136-7.  1821,  Indians  in  prison  for  having  killed  the  soldier 
Lerma  and  a  neophyte.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvi.  22-3.  Ma- 
chado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  2-3,  mentions  an  expedition  made  by  her 
father  about  1823  against  horse-thieves,  in  which  corporal  Machado  had  a 
hand-to-hand  fight  with  and  killed  the  chief  Agustin. 

19 1821.  In  the  autumn,  according  to  the  statement  of  Bias  Aguilar, 
Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  501-2;  Id.,  Memorabilia,  133;  S.  Diego  Union,  Jan.  28, 
1876;  Sta  Barbara  Press,  Feb.  19,  1878,  a  flood  came  sweeping  down  the 
valley,  the  result  of  a  cloud-burst  in  the  mountains,  probably,  as  there  was 
no  rain.  It  banked  up  the  sand  so  as  to  turn  the  river  into  False  Bay.  The 
stream,  according  to  Aguilar,  had  previously  entered  the  bay  by  a  channel 
farther  west  than  that  of  modern  times,  and  a  small  stream  still  continued  to 
flow  into  the  port,  though  the  greater  part  of  the  water  found  its  way  into 
False  Bay.  Such  an  event  as  Aguilar  describes  may  likely  enough  have  oc 
curred,  though  little  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  exact  date.  I  suppose 
there  may  have  been  several  changes  in  the  channel  since  1769;  but  it  is 
not  likely  we  shall  ever  know  the  dates.  Juan  Bandini  said  the  river  was 
turned  from  False  Bay  into  the  port  in  1825.  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  268-9;  ami 
it  is  true  there  was  a  great  freshet  that  year.  Guerra,  Doc.  IJitt.,  Cal.,  MS., 
v.  200-1.  Pio  Pico  thought  the  change  took  place  in  1828,  and  his  statement 
is  supported  to  a  certain  extent,  as  against  that  of  Bandini,  by  the  fact  that 
Duhaut-Cilly  found  the  river  flowing  into  False  Bay  in  April  1827.  Viaggio, 
ii.  19.  The  stream  is  said  to  have  been  artificially  turned  into  False  Bay  by 
Lieut.  Derby  in  1853,  the  dam  standing  the  freshet  of  1854,  but  yielding  to 
that  of  1855. 

1822.  On  April  20th,  the  oath  of  independence  and  allegiance  to  the  impe 
rial  regency  was  taken;  and  in  December  the  canonigo  Fernandez,  imperial 
commissioner,  came  to  show  the  San  Dicgana  what  he  kncv,-  about  gambling. 


MISSION  SAN  DIEGO.  651 

Padres  Fernando  Martin  and  Pascual  Oliva  con 
tinued  to  rule  the  destinies  of  San  Diego  mission  dur 
ing  this  decade.  The  former  was  one  of  the  few  who 
finally  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  republic; 
while  the  latter,  like  most  of  his  companions,  persisted 
in  his  refusal.  In  1823  the  friars  had  occasion  to 
protest  against  the  granting  of  the  Penasquitos  ran- 

chap.  xxi,  of  this  volume.  A  tendency  on  the  part  of  Captain  Portilla's 
company  to  desert  this  year  and  the  next  is  noted.  Dept.  JRec.,  MS.,  i.  137-40; 
Vejar,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  3. 

1824.  The  padres  of  the  missions  refused  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  pre 
sidios,  chap,  xxiii.  this  volume.     On  Oct.  30th  an  Indian  -was  publicly  exe 
cuted  in  the  presence  of  a  great  crowd;  cause  not  stated.  S.  Diego,  Lib.  JKtrioft, 
MS.,  95. 

1825.  In  February  a  pestilence  which  had  been  raging  in  Lower  California 
broke  out  here,  and  in  24  hours  carried  off — the  wife  of  a  soldier !  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  201.     Capt.  Benjamin  Morrell  of  the  Tartar  was  at  S. 
Diego  April  llth-23d,  and  he  had  some  exciting,  but  purely  imaginary,  adven 
tures  with   Indians   of   the  interior.     MorretVs  Narrative,    200-6.     On    or 
about  April  30th  the  federal  constitution  of  Mexico  was  ratified  by  officers, 
soldiers,  and  citizens.     At  the  end  of  October  Gov.  Echeandia  arrived,  and 
received  the  office  formally  from  Argiiello  in  November,  chap.  i.  of  vol.  iii. 
In  December  Jedediah  Smith,  the  American  trapper,  came  down  from  S. 
Gabriel  to  explain  the  motives  of  his  arrival  and  to  get  certificates  from  Ameri 
can  sea  captains,  chap.  vi.  of  vol.  iii. 

1827.  In  January  a  wild  bull  made  an  excitement  by  nearly  killing  a  man, 
mounting  the  church  and  throwing  tiles  in  all  directions.     So  writes  Gale 
to  Cooper.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxix.  104.     Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio, 
ii.  55-6,  tells  the  same  story.     It  was  one  of  his  men  that  was  in  danger  of 
being  killed — but  it  must  be  added  that  this  author  represents  the  incident 
as  having  occurred  at  S.  Luis  Rey  in  June.     A  territorial  election  for  dipu- 
tacion  and  member  of  congress  was  held  on  Feb.  18th  and  19th.     Echeandia 
started  north  in  March  and  was  absent  a  year.     Secret  proceedings  against 
Jose  Maria  Herrera  were  begun  in  April,  chap.  ii. ,  iii.  of  vol.  iii.     The  visit 
of  the  French  captain,  Duhaut-Cilly,  and  the  Italian  scientist,  Botta,  was  on 
April  18th-30th,  and  they  spent  much  of  their  time  hunting  on  the  peninsula 
where  game  was  very  abundant.    Viaggio,  ii.  14-25. 

1828.  James  0.  Pattie's  captivity  with  that  of  his  company  of  trappers 
lasted  throughout  this  year  from  March,  chap.  vi.  of  vol.  iii.     The  smuggling 
adventures  of  Capt.  Braclshaw  in  ihe  Franklin,  of  Capt.  Lawlor  in  the  Karimoko, 
and  of  Charles  Lang,  belong  also  to  the  annals  of  this  year.  chap.  v.  of  vol. 
iii.     A  second  territorial  election  was  held  at  S.  Diego  on  Oct.  Cth;  and  in 
December  Echeandia  started  on  a  second  visit  to  the  north,  chap.  ii.  of  vol.  iii. 
I  must  not  omit  to  mention  the  celebration  of  July  4th  by  the  burning  of  much 
powder  on  board  the  American  vessels  in  port.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
xxix.  252. 

1829.  The  Solis  revolt  gained  no  foothold  at  S.  Diego,  chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iii. 
A  party  of  hide-salters  from  the  Brooklyn  raised  the  U.  S.  flag  over  their  sta 
tion  on  LaPlaya.  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.    Jan.  1st,  the  diputacion  assembled  here 
only  to  be  dismissed,  chap.  ii.  of  vol.  iii.     In  April  occurred  Capt.  Fitch's 
elopement,  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii. 

1830.  On  Aug.  22d  a  primary  election  is  recorded,  at  which  13  electors 
were  chosen  to  select  an  elector  de  partido  to  go  to  Monterey  and  vote  fora  mem 
ber  of  congress.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  16-17.    In.  December  the  new  governor 
Victoria  probably  arrived  by  land  from  Lorcto. 


552  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

cho  to  Captain  Ruiz;  in  1827  they  refused  to  furnish 
more  supplies  for  the  presidial  company,  drawing  out 
from  the  governor  an  order  that  the  provisions  be 
taken  by  force;  and  in  1829  they  had  to  call  upon  the 
governor  to  settle  a  dispute  on  boundaries  with  the 
padres  of  San  Luis  Rey.  Materially  this  was  one  of 
the  most  prosperous  missions.  Neophyte  population 
was  about  the  same  in  1830  as  in  1820,  but  had  reached 
its  maximum  of  1,829  souls  in  1824.  San  Diego  had 
now  passed  San  Gabriel  and  stood  third  on  the  list. 
Baptisms  still  slightly  exceeded  deaths.  There  was  a 
small  falling-off  in  herds,  but  a  gain  in  flocks;  though 
San  Luis  Rey  had  now  passed  its  neighbor  and  taken 
the  first  place.  The  average  of  agricultural  products, 
6,900  bushels  per  year,  was  a  little  less  than  that  of 
1810-20;  but  the"crop  of  1821,  21,000  bushels,  was 
not  only  the  largest  ever  raised  here,  but  with  a  sin 
gle  exception  the  largest  ever  raised  at  any  mission. 
The  statement  in  a  report  of  1822  that  there  were  no 
facilities  for  irrigation  brings  up  yet  once  more  the 
old  doubt  respecting  the  date  at  which  the  elaborate 
irrigating  works  now  in  ruins  were  built  and  used,  but 
throws  no  light  upon  the  puzzle.  By  1822  a  chapel 
had  been  built  at  Santa  Isabel,  and  there  were  also 
several  houses,  a  granary,  and  a  graveyard,  with  four 
hundred  and  fifty  neophytes  living  at  this  branch  es 
tablishment,  which  proved  a  great  aid  in  keeping  the 
gentiles  quiet.  There  is  extant  for  this  period  con 
siderable  information  respecting  the  limits  and  ranches 
of  the  mission,  which  I  append  in  a  note  with  some 
references  and  details  of  matters  treated  in  this  para- 
graph.20 

20  In  addition  to  padres  Martin  and  Oliva,  there  may  be  mentioned  P. 
Menendez  who  served  as  chaplain  after  1825,  and  P.  Tomds  Mancilla  who  was 
at  S.  Diego  in  1829-30,  both  being  Dominicans  from  the  south.  On  the  mat 
ter  of  taking  the  oath  see  chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii. ;  Dtpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  27.  The 
boundary  dispute  was  settled  by  Echeandia  dividing  the  Canada  de  Buena- 
vista  half  and  half  between  S.  Diego  and  S.  Luis.  Id.,  vii.  90,  258.  Chapel, 
etc.,  at  Sta  Isabel.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  228-9;  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision, 
MS.,  97. 

Statistics  of  the  decade:  Decrease  of  population,  1,567  to  1,544;  highest 
number,  1,829  in  1824.  Baptisms,  1,094;  largest  number,  189  in  1823;  small- 


SAN  LUIS  REY.  553 

San  Luis  Hey  was  still  under  the  care  of  its  ven 
erable  and  energetic  founder,  Father  Antonio  Peyri. 
Jaime  Escude  remained  as  associate  until  the  end  of 
1821;  Jose  Joaquin  Jimeno,  a  new-comer,  served  from 
1827  to  1830;  and  Jose  Barona  also  lived  here  in  re 
tirement  in  the  infirmity  of  old  age  after  1827.  Peyri 
was,  unlike  most  of  the  friars,  an  enthusiastic  friend 
of  the  republic,  after  he  knew  it  to  be  inevitable,  and 
took  the  oath,  of  allegiance;  but  was  so  offended  at 
the  expulsion  law  of  1829  that  he  tried  unsuccessfully 

est,  53  in  1830.  Deaths,  1,030;  largest  number,  179  in  1825;  smallest,  63  in 
1830.  Decrease  in  large  stock,  9,162  to  8,822;  horses  and  mules,  1,042  to 
1,192;  increase  in  sheep,  14,908  to  16,661.  Largest  crop,  20,880  bushels  in 
1821;  smallest,  2,796  in  1823;  average,  6,948  bushels,  of  which  3,840  wheat, 
yield  8  fold;  2,173,  barley,  7  fold;  810,  corn,  50  fold.  The  greatest  number 
of  horned  cattle  was  9,245  in  1822;  of  sheep,  19,450  in  the  same  year. 

For  some  local  names  of  rancherias  between  S.  Diego  and  S.  Gabriel  in 
1821  see  expedition  of  P.  Sanchez  in  chap.  xx.  In  the  mission  report  of  1822 
the  land  in  the  south  is  said  to  be  occupied  by  the  presidio  cattle;  eastward 
the  mission  lands  stretch  17  1.  to  Sta  Isabel  and  the  summit  of  the  sierra; 
northward  for  7  1.  to  Canada  de  San  Bernardo;  and  N.  w.  only  1  1.  because 
of  presidio  and  settlers.  Land  sterile,  only  producing  grain  when  rain  is 
abundant.  No  irrigation.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  261-2.  Romero,  Memorias, 
MS.,  5,  says  in  1825  the  mission  lands  extended  down  the  valley  to  Canada 
de  Osuna;  but  later  El  Pozo  was  the  boundary.  In  1827,  Hayes,  Emig.  Notes, 
477,  found  in  a  report  the  names  of  the  ranches  Sta  Monica,  Sta  Isabel,  S. 
Jos<§  del  Valle,  S.  Bernardo,  S.  Dieguito,  and  Paguay.  A  report  by  Santiago 
Arguello  in  1825  names  only  Sta  Monica,  Sta  Isabel,  and  S.  Bernardo.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.  Pres.,  MS.,  i.  98.  In  the  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  37-8,  the  bounds 
are  described  with  some  minuteness  on  the  authority  of  P.  Martin  in  1828: 
Lands  occupied  westward,  down  the  valley,  1.5  1.  to  Canada  de  Osuna,  neigh 
bors  '  los  vecinos  del  puerto;'  southward  2.5  1  to  rancheria  of  San  Jorge,  land 
used  for  sheep  in  winter,  neighbors  the  gentiles  of  S.  Jorge;  eastward  2  1.  to 
S.  Jaime  de  la  Marca  and  S.  Juan  Capistrano  de  Matamo  used  for  pasturage, 
5  1.  to  Sta  Monica,  or  El  Cajon,  where  grain  is  raised,  and  9 1.  to  Sta  Isabel; 
from  Sta  Isabel  northward  to  Valle  de  S.  Josd  1  1.  used  for  cultivation  and 
grazing;  to  Laguna  de  Agua  Caliente,  2  1.  on  the  boundary  of  S.  Luis  Rey; 
thence  7  1.  past  Bosque  de  Pam6  to  Rancho  de  S.  Bernardo;  thence  northward 
2  1.  to  S.  Luis  Rey;  and  by  way  of  S.  Dieguito  the  mission  lands  extend  3  1. 
to  La  Joya  where  cattle  are  kept.  Between  S.  Bernardo  and  the  mission  is  a 
rancheria  and  ayuage  called  Paguay.  In  March  1829,  Echeandia  allows  the 
padres  to  occupy  provisionally  the  rancho  of  Jamul.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  94. 
In  a  report  of  1830  by  Arguello  the  names  of  Sta  M6nica,  or  Cajon,  Sta  Isa 
bel,  and  S.  Bernardo  only  are  given  as  in  1827.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  37. 
See  also  many  items  on  mission  lands  and  those  ad  joining  in  U.  S.  vs.  Santiago 
Arguello,  Claimant's  Brief  on  Exceptions  to  Final  Survey.  Before  U.  S.  Stirv. 
Gen.  for  CaL,  with  map.  (Hayes,''  Legal  Hist.  S.  Diego,  i.  45.)  Brigiclo 
Murillo  was  majordomo  at  the  mission  in  1828-30,  and  testifies  on  lands,  live 
stock,  etc.  /(/.,  8,  9,  59-60.  Apolinaria  Lorenzana,  'La  Beata,'  lived  here 
during  this  decade,  teaching  the  women  to  sew,  distributing  clothing  and 
rations,  caring  for  the  sick,  and  making  herself  generally  useful  to  neophytes 
and  padre.  She  used  to  go  with  the  sick  to  the  Agua  Caliente  in  the  moun 
tains  for  baths.  Lorenzana,  Memorias,  MS.,  11-12,  48.  She  subsequently 
received  a  land-grant. 


554  LOCAL  AXXALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

to  obtain  a  passport.  In  every  element  of  material 
prosperity  San  Luis  was  now  far  in  advance  of  any 
other  mission.  There  is  no  record  that  a  new  church 
was  built  as  had  been  proposed  in  1811,  but  the  church 
and  other  buildings,  the  same  now  standing  in  ruin, 
were  the  largest  and  in  some  respects  the  finest  in 
California.  San  Luis  alone  of  the  old  missions,  except 
San  Juan  Bautista,  gained  in  population,  baptisms 
outnumbering  deaths;  but  it  had  reached  its  maximum 
of  2,869  neophytes  in  1826,  and  had  started  on  its 
decline.  Herds  and  flocks  had  doubled  in  ten  years. 
Sheep  had  reached  the  highest  limit  of  28,900  m'l828, 
and  cattle  were  still  increasing;  though  the  figures 
have  been  grossly  exaggerated  in  current  newspaper 
reports.  The  average  crop  of  grain,  12,660  bushels, 
was  nowhere  surpassed,  though  both  San  Diego  and 
San  Gabriel  produced  larger  single  crops.  The  1st 
of  January  1821,  after  a  period  of  excessive  cold,  a 
somewhat  violent  shock  of  earthquake  is  recorded. 
An  ex-neophyte  pueblo  at  San  Luis  was  a  feature  of 
Echeandia's  secularization  experiment  of  1826,  but  we 
have  no  information  about  results,  if  the  experiment 
was  tried,  which  is  very  doubtful.  The  branch  estab 
lishment  at  Pala  was  yet  in  a  flourishing  condition; 
and  several  ranchos,  sitios,  and  estanciaz,  were  occu 
pied  for  cultivation  or  grazing  at  some  distance  from 
the  mission.21 

21  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viacigio,  ii.  40-6,  visited  the  mission  in  1827  and  gives  a 
good  description  of  the  buildings  and  surroundings,  also  presenting  a  view  of 
the  front,  which,  though  less  elaborate  than  that  made  by  Duflot  de  Mofras 
in  1841,  is  in  several  respects  more  accurate.  This  author  speaks  of  two  large 
gardens,  two  reservoirs,  the  Indian  village  of  straw  huts  just  north  of  the 
mission,  and  says  each  of  the  ranchos  had  its  chapel.  Robinson,  Life  in  CaL, 
24-6,  describes  San  Luis  as  it  appeared  in  1829-30  at  the  time  of  his  arrival. 

Statistics  of  the  decade:  Increase  of  population,  2,603  to  2,776;  highest 
number,  2,869  in  1826.  Baptisms,  1,430;  highest  number,  234  in  1823;  lowest, 
88  in  1827.  Deaths,  1,200;  highest  number,  272  in  1825;  lowest,  60  in  1830. 
Increase  in  large  stock,  11.852  to  27,978;  horses  and  mules,  1,352  to  2,468; 
sheep,  13,641  to  26,658.  Crops:  largest,  17,700  bushels  in  1821;  smallest. 
8,020  in  1823;  average,  12,660  bushels,  of  which  3,220  wheat,  yield  6.5  fold; 
3,106  barley,  15  fold;  5,679  corn,  247  fold;  559  beans,  36  fold.  In  the  CaL 
Farmer,  Feb.  15,  1861,  Taylor  speaks  of  80,000  head  of  cattle,  4,000  horses, 
and  70,000  sheep !  There  are  many  similar  exaggerations.  The  white  popu 
lation  in  1828  was  35.  Nathaniel  Pryor,  an  American,  lived  here  from  1829. 
Only  a  few  gentiles  in  the  eastern  sierra  in  1822,  generally  related  to  the  nco- 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  555 

Padre  Jose  Barona  was  minister  at  San  Juan  Ca- 
pistrano  throughout  the  decade,  though  spending 
much  of  his  time  at  San  Luis  after  1827;  but  Padre 
Jose  Maria  Zalvidea  came  in  1826  to  take  the  place 
of  Boscana.  This  establishment,  unlike  the  other 
southern  missions,  was  no  longer  prosperous.  Popu 
lation  decreased,  and  so  did  the  number  of  cattle 
slightly,  though  in  this  respect  San  Juan  still  stood  in 
the  fifth  place;  while  sheep  showed  a  decrease  of  over 
50  per  cent;  and  the  average  crop  was  less  than  half 
that  of  the  preceding  decade.  Many  vessels  touched 
at  the  mission  anchorage  during  these  ten  years, 
though  much  of  the  time  it  required  a  special  permis 
sion  from  the  governor,  and  in  one  or  two  of  the  years 
this  embarcadero  was  closed  to  foreign  vessels.  The 
neophytes,  while  not  engaging  in  open  revolt,  were 
disposed  to  be  insolent  and  unmanageable;  and  there 
was  also  at  times  a  spirit  of  hostility  between  padres 
and  the  escolta.  In  January  1823  the  soldiers  went 
so  far  as  to  use  violence  toward  Padre  Barona,  some 
thing  that  had  never  before  occurred  in  California. 


22 


phytes  and  friendly.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  231,  265.  Great  drought  in  1829. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  264.  Beechey,  Voyage,  ii.  36,  incorrectly  reports  the 
murder  of  a  padre  near  S.  Luis  in  1823.  Earthquake  of  1821,  mentioned  in 
Guerra,  Doc,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  191.  On  the  ex-neophyte  pueblo  see  chap, 
iv.  of  vol.  iii.  Trouble  in  1827  with  a  neophyte  who  'pronounced'  on  his 


said  to  extend  11  1.  N.  and  s.,  and  15  1.  E.  and  \v.,  besides  a  rancho  15 
1.  off  in  the  N.  E.  Lands  rather  sterile,  and  all  utilized  at  one  time  or  an 
other.  Squirrels,  locusts,  and  crows  very  troublesome.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
iii.  263-4;  vi.  196-7.  In  1828  the  rancho  of  Temdcula,  estancias  of  S.  Anto 
nio  de  Pala  and  S.  Pedro  (Las  Flores)  and  sitios  of  Sta  Margarita,  Las  Pulgas, 
S.  Jacinto,  S.  Juan,  and  Agua  Caliente  are  named.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Pres., 
MS.,  i.  98.  Same  in  1830.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  38.  In  the  Register  of 
Brands,  MS.,  38-40,  the  mission  lands  are  described  on  the  authority  of 
Peyri.  West  3  1.  a  stock-farm  not  named:  N.  E.  7  1.  S.  Antonio  de  Pala;  s.  E. 
9  1.  Rancho  of  Teme'cula  used  for  wheat  and  pasturage;  N.  1.5  1.  Sta  Mar 
garita  with  house,  garden,  vineyard,  and  land  fit  for  all  crops;  3  1.  farther  N. 
Rancho  de  S.  Pedro,  or  Las  Flores,  with  chapel,  houses,  and  granaries;  a 
stock  rancho  1  1.  (from  S.  Pedro?);  12  1.  N.  E.  in  mountains,  stock  rancho  of 
San  Jacinto,  with  a  house;  good  timber  2  1.  east  of  Pala  and  9  1.  from  the 
mission. 

22  This  affair  is  mentioned  in  chap.  xxii.  this  volume.  Boscana  reported 
it  as  'el  caso  mas  escandaloso  que  se  habia  visto  en  California.'  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS. ,  iv.  pt.  ii.  6-7.  Jos6  Canedo  and  two  other  soldiers  were  implicated; 


556  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT. 

they  were  excommunicated  by  the  padres,  and  a  military  trial  was  held. 
Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  i.  30,  39.  Finally  in  Dec.  1824  the  supreme  tribunal  in 
Mexico  decided  that  Caiiedo  had  merely  carried  out  the  orders  of  his  chief, 
and  in  view  of  his  two  years'  imprisonmant  in  shackles  he  was  to  be  set  free 
and  made  a  corporal.  Soon  after  he  was  absolved  from  the  excommunication. 
The  others  had  been  absolved  in  1823,  and  he  had  been  offered  the  same  grace 
if  he  would  repent.  Arch.  Sta  J3.,  MS.,  xii.  138-43.  Pattie,  Narrative,  214, 
claims  to  have  vaccinated  600  neophytes  here  in  1828.  He  says  the  padre 
was  in  the  habit  of  indulging  freely  in  wine  and  liquors  so  as  to  be  often 
intoxicated.  There  is  some  slight  evidence  that  Boscana  had  been  removed 
in  consequence  of  irregularities  with  women.  Record  of  slight  troubles  with 
Indians  in  1826-7.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  134-5;  ii.  12.  On  one  occasion 
the  neophytes  wished  the  padre  put  in  the  stocks.  On  San  Juan  as  a  port 
see  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii. 

Statistics  :  Decrease  in  population,  1,064  to  926;  baptisms,  454;  largest 
number,  57  in  1821;  smallest,  40  in  1823  and  1830.  Deaths,  592;  largest 
number,  137  in  1827;  smallest,  37  in  1826.  Decrease  in  large  stock,  11,480 
to  10,978;  horses  and  mules,  480  to  178;  sheep,  14,198  to  5,019.  Average 
crop,  2,943  bushels,  of  which  1,200  wheat,  yield  12  fold;  84  barley,  14  fold; 
1,539  corn,  96  fold;  largest  crop,  6,837  in  1825;  smallest,  781  in  1829.  The 
wheat  crop  of  1824  was  spoiled  in  the  field  by  rains.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv. 
pt.  ii.  122.  The  white  population  was  17  in  1828.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  PresicL, 
MS.,  i.  98.  1823.  Mission  lent  J.  A.  Carrillo  $2,000  for  a  year.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  13. 

In  1822  the  lands  were  described  as  extending  12-1.3  1.  N.  and  s. ;  3-4  1.  E. 
and  w.  Some  of  the  fields  irrigated,  and  they  furnished  grain  enough  to 
feed  the  Indians  with  the  aid  of  fish  and  meat.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  233, 
266.  In  1828-30  the  mission  ranches  are  named  as  Sta  Ana,  S.  Joaquin,  Tra- 
buco,  and  S.  Mateo.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  PresicL,  MS.,  i.  98;  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  v.  38.  In  1828  the  lands  are  described  by  the  padres  as  extending  10 
1.  from  N.  w.  to  s.  w.  (?),  and  from  .5  to  4  1.  wide.  Much  of  the  land  useless 
on  account  of  the  mustard  which  it  is  impossible  to  destroy;  and  the  water 
both  of  the  sea  and  of  the  arroyos  of  Trabuco  and  Mision  Vicja  does  more  harm 
than  the  mustard.  In  dry  seasons  the  streams  have  no  water;  in  winter  they 
are  torrents,  frequently  changing  their  channels  and  spoiling  much  land. 
The  mission  will  perhaps  have  to  be  moved  for  want  of  land  and  wood.  The 
live  stock  is  pastured  near  Sta  Ana  River.  South-east  3  1.  is  the  rancho  of 
S.  Mateo,  within  a  half  league  of  which  S.  Luis  has  established  that  of  S. 
Onofre  on  land  said  to  belong  to  S.  Juan.  2  1.  N.  (of  S.  Onofre?)  is  the 
Trabuco  hill,  near  which  S.  Luis  has  occupied  S.  Jacinto,  and  its  majordomo 
has  occupied  El  Temescal.  On  the  s.  half  a  league  to  the  sea  the  land  is 
alkaline.  The  pastures  of  Sta  Ana  are  6  1.  N.  w.  across  the  river,  and 
bounded  by  the  lands  of  the  Yorbas,  the  Nietos,  and  S.  Gabriel.  Register  of 
Brands,  MS.,  40-2. 


CHAPTEE  XXV. 

LOCAL  ANNALS— SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 
1821-1830. 

PUEBLO  OF  Los  ANGELES — POPULATION — AYUNTAMIENTO,  AND  MUNICIPAL 
AFFAIRS — CHAPEL — INUNDATION — PORT  OF  SAN  PEDRO— PRIVATE  RAIT 
CHOS  AND  LAND  GRANTS — MISSION  SAN  GABRIEL— PADRE  NUEZ — 
LANDS — SAN  FERNANDO— STATISTICS — MISSION  RANCHOS— ULIBARRI — 
GUERRA  VERSUS  IBARRA  —  SANTA  BARBARA  PRESIDIO — LIEUTENANT 
GABRIEL  MORAGA — OFFICERS— COMPANY  STATISTICS — CRIMINAL  REC 
ORD — LOCAL  EVENTS— SANTA  BARBARA  MISSION — FATHERS  JAIME  AND 
RIPOLL — SAN  BUENAVENTURA — ITEMS  OF  DECADENCE — ALTIMIRA — 
PuRisiMA  MISSION— DEATH  OF  RODRIGUEZ— SANTA  INKS. 

Los  ANGELES1  with  the  ranchos  within  its  jurisdic 
tion  had  1,000  inhabitants  in  1830,  a  gain  from  615  in 
1820.  There  were  besides  from  150  to  350  Indians 
in  the  last  years,  statistics  on  this  point  being  irregular 
and  unreliable.  In  the  pueblo  proper  were  770  inhab 
itants  de  razon,  and  on  the  ranchos,  230.  If  we  add 
160  for  the  adjoining  missions  of  San  Gabriel  and  San 
Fernando,  the  total  for  what  I  have  from  the  first 
treated  as  a  kind  of  a  district  is  1,160,  a  gain  from 
750  during  the  decade.  There  was  a  foreign  popula 
tion,  not  including  Spaniards — who  were  in  these 
times  always  spoken  of  as  foreigners — Portuguese,  or 
negroes,  of  at  least  sixteen  men,  several  of  whom 
were  married  to  Californian  wives.  Four  or  five  of 
them  lived  at  San  Gabriel  and  the  rest  in  town.  On 
other  topics  than  that  of  population  figures  are  for 
the  most  part  wanting;  but  it  would  seem  that,  under 
the  increased  demand  for  hides  and  tallow,  the  cattle 

1  For  map  of  Los  Angeles  district  see  chap.  xvi. 

(  557) 


558  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

owned  by  citizens  and  rancheros  had  increased  to 
10,000  in  1823,  and  in  1830  to  over  40,000.2 

There  are  more  items  of  interest  extant  respecting 
municipal  affairs  in  Los  Angeles  for  this  than  for 
earlier  periods,  though  they  are  still  fragmentary. 
Not  even  a  complete  list  of  pueblo  officials  can  be 
formed.  While  the  change  in  national  system  had 
practically  no  effect  on  that  of  municipal  government, 
yet  the  growth  of  what  were  supposed  to  be  republi 
can  ideas  did  not  make  of  Los  Angeles  a  better  gov 
erned  and  more  orderly  community  ^han  before,  but 
had  rather  the  opposite  tendency.  Besides  the  ordi 
nary  difficulties  of  enforcing  police  regulations  and 
restraining  the  unruly  element  of  town  population, 
there  were  frequent  troubles  at  elections,  dissensions 
between  officials,  conflicts  between  civil  and  military 

2  All  is  not  clear,  however,  in  statistics  of  population.  An  official  report 
in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  39,  which  I  have  followed,  gives  the  population 
of  the  pueblo  proper  as  258  men,  264  women,  and  242  children;  total,  764; 
ranches,  237;  Indians,  198;  total  de  razon,  1,001.  There  is  a  report  for  1824 
in  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  57-8,  which  makes  the  total  837,  which, 
though  the  contrary  is  implied,  may  include  Indians  and  thus  agree  well 
enough  with  my  figures  for  1830.  There  are,  however,  three  reports  for 
1827-8,  which  present  difficulties.  One  padron  of  1828.  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  v.  27,  precisely  similar  to  that  of  1830,  makes  the  population  of  the 
pueblo,  exclusive  of  Indians,  881,  and  the  total,  including  the  ranchos,  1,007. 
So  far  the  difficulty  is  removed  by  the  probability  that  San  Gabriel  is  included 
with  the  pueblo,  as  it  is  not  included  in  a  report  for  San  Diego  the  same  year, 
in  Prov.  8$.  Pap.,  Presid,  MS.,  i.  98.  The  original  official  report  for  1827,  in 
Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  6,  makes  the  total  1,170,  probably  including 
350  Indians,  but  not  the  population  of  San  Gabriel.  I  suppose  the  820  de 
razon  to  include  700  for  the  pueblo  and  120  for  the  ranchos,  and  thus  both 
these  authorities  fall  into  line  after  a  fashion.  But  the  report  for  1828  in 
Wilkes'  Nar.  U.  S.  Explor.  Exped.,  v.  555,  gives  a  total  of  1,388  inhabitants 
de  razon,  and  I  am  obliged  to  suppose  there  is  an  error  in  the  figures,  as 
indeed  is  not  unlikely. 

Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  36,  says  Los  Angeles  had  about  1,500  inhabitants 
in  1829.  Pattie,  Narrative,  215,  says  he  vaccinated  2,500  persons  here  in 
1828.  Duhaut-Cilly  estimated  the  population  at  about  1,000  in  1827,  includ 
ing  200  Indians.  Viaggio,  ii.  98.  In  Dec.  1824  President  Sarria  speaks  of 
Los  Angeles  as  having  nearly  1,000  gente  de  razon,  with  the  best  lands  in  the 
province  and  large  private  ranchos;  yet  this  region  does  nothing  for  the 
troops  and  the  missions  are  impoverished  by  excessive  exactions.  Arch.  A  rzob. , 
MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  123.  The  foreigners  resident  at  Angeles  and  San  Gabriel  were 
Jose"  Chapman,  W.  A.  Richardson,  Jos.  V.  Lawrence,  Isaac  Galbraith,  Win. 
Welch,  Joaquin  Bowman,  J.  B.  Leandry,  John  Temple,  Geo.  Rice,  Wm. 
Fisher,  Jesse  Ferguson,  John  Haley,  John  Davis,  Richard  Laughlin,  Fred. 
Roland,  and  Louis  Bauchet.  See  Hist.  Cal.,  chap.  vi.  vol.  iii.  this  series.  Live 
stock  in  1823:  10,623  cattle,  3,130  horses  and  mules  and  asses,  468  sheep. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  (i.)  122;  in  1830,  42,903  cattle,  3,057  horses 
and  mules,  2,469  sheep.  St.  Pap.  Mits.,  MS.,  v.  (297). 


LOS  ANGELES.  559 

authorities,  complaints  and  petitions  of  citizens,  appeals 
to  governor,  diputacion,  and  commandant,  arrests  and 
suspensions  from  office,  all  tending  to  a  never  ending 
confusion.  The  people  generally  had  an  unfavorable 
opinion  of  their  local  rulers,  and  the  latter  of  each 
other,  and  there  are  indications  that  these  opinions 
were  for  the  most  part  well  founded.  Something  of 
detail  for  this  paragraph  and  the  next  I  append  in  a 
note.3 

3  1820.  Prefect  Payeras  suggests  that  if  the  citizens  would  give  their  atten 
tion  to  other  products  of  industry  than  wine  and  brandy,  it  would  be  better 
for  both  province  and  pueblo.  Arch.  Arzoh.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  32. 

1821.  Comisionado,  Anastasio Carrillo;  alcalde,  Anastasio  A vila;  regidores, 
Antonio  Ignacio  Avila  and  Jos(S  Maria  Aguilar.     Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cat..  MS., 
155,  relates  that  on  coming  to  town  from  San  Diego  on  a  visit  he  was  ordered 
by  Alcalde  Avila,  an  ignorant  fellow  who  ruled  '  a  f uerza  de  machete, '  to  go 
to  work  with  the  citizens  on  the  new  aqueduct;  but  being  on  horseback  and 
armed  with  a  musket  he  escaped  the  task  and  went  home.     Two  women  for 
scandalous  conduct  were  sentenced  to  six  months  in  the  '  nunnery '  after  expos 
ure  with  shaven  heads  at  the  church  door.   St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  40-1; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  293. 

1822.  Comisionado,  A.  Carrillo,  till  November;  alcalde,  Manuel  Gutierrez. 
Jose  Palomares  was  elector  for  this  district,  including  temporarily  San  Ga 
briel  and  San  Fernando,  in  May,  and  he  became  a  member  of  the  diputacion 
in  Nov.  chap.  xxi.  this  vol.     In  November  the  ayuntamiento  was  established 
by  order  of  the  diputacion;  but  the  incumbent  officers  seem  to  have  continued 
in  their  places,  and  the  only  change  was  the  addition  of  a  smdico  and  secre 
tary,  whose  names,  as  indeed  those  of  the  regidores,  are  not  known.  Prov. 
JRec.,  MS.,  xi.  80;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS. ,  i.  262.     In  January  Vicente  Sanchez, 
a  prominent  citizen,  was  sent  by  the  comisionado  in  irons  to  Sta  Barbara,  the 
oft'ence  not  being  specified.  Gucrra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  91. 

1823.  Alcalde,  Manuel  Gutierrez;  regidor,  Juan  Ballesteros;  secretary  of 
ayuntamiento,   Francisco   Morales.     The  salary  of  the  latter  was  $15  per 
month.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  15.     Guillcrmo  Cota  appointed 
by  Guerra  as  a  kind  of  comisionado  in  February.     Letters  of  Lieut.  Moraga 
and  Alcalde  Gutierrez  on  the  refusal  to  recognize  his  authority.  Dept.  liec. , 
MS.,  i.  131;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  2CG,  285-G.     Yet  according  to 
Id.,  v.  149-65,   Carrillo  seems  to  have  been  comisionado  until   Feb.    1825. 
Aug.  2cl,  Gov.  Argiiello  reprimands  Gutierrez  for  disrespect  and  interference 
with  military  affairs.     Calls  him  pitiably  ignorant  and  stupid.  Id.,  iv.  136-7. 

1824.  Cota,  comisionado;  alcalde,   Encarnacion  Urguides,  though   some 
one  objected  to  Carrillo  in  1826  on  the  ground  that  he  had  held  the  office 
within  two  years;  regidor,  Ballesteros.     Comisionado  Cota  wrote  to  Guerra 
that  the  town  was  filled  with  vagrants,  from  which  class  he  has  agreed  with 
the  alcalde  to  take  the  quota  of  military  recruits,  25  men.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hint. 
CaL,  MS.,  iii.  23;  vi.  144;  v.  164-5. 

1825.  Cota,  comisionado;  alcalde,  Jos6  Maria  Avila  until  October;  regi 
dores,  Francisco  Sepiilvecla  and  Jos6  Maria  Aguilar.     Avila  is  said  to  have 
been  suspended  from  office  by  the  people.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xii.   12.     A 
complaint  of  Jose  Joaquin  Sanchez  is  found  in  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  17-20,  to  the  effect  that  Alcalde  Avila  had  put  him  in  irons  for  having 
refused  to  copy  some  public  documents  without  pay.     Avila  claimed  that  as 
no  official  clerk  was  provided  it  was  the  duty  of  any  citizen  to  perform  such 
duties.     Sepulveda  acted  as  alcalde  after  October,  and  on  Oct.  26th  he  com- 


560  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

In  1822  an  ayuntamiento  was  established  in  acccord- 
ance  with  an  act  of  the  diputacion  at  Monterey;  but 
the  only  change  was  in  the  name  and  the  addition  of 
a  treasurer  and  secretary  to  the  old  officers.  By  this 
act  the  civil  authority  was  supposed  to  be  fully  organ 
ized,  and  the  military  office  of  comisionado  to  have 
no  longer  any  raison  d'etre.  But  the  invalids  and  inili- 

plained  that  Aguilar  declined  to  attend  to  his  duties  as  regidor.  Guerra,  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  153.  Alcalde's  complaints  that  several  citizens  had  re 
fused  to  pay  their  taxes.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  755-6.  Comisionado  Cota 
sends  a  militiaman  to  Sta  Barbara  in  irons  for  illicit  relations  with  a  married 
woman.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  vi.  144.  Correspondence  between 
Avila  and  Guerra  on  obedience  to  the  comisionado.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv. 
629-30,  721,  725-8,  743-4.  It  appears  that  in  April  the  citizens  publicly 
declared  that  they  would  not  recognize  any  military  authority.  Gov.  Ar- 
giiello  leaves  the  matter  for  the  decision  of  his  successor  July  23d.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  9. 

1826.  Alcalde,  Claudio  Lopez;  regidores,  Desiderio  Ibarra  and  Jose"  Maria 
Aguilar;  sindico,  Jose"  Palomares;  secretary,  Narciso  Botello,  and  later  Fran 
cisco  Morales.     Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo  had  been  elected  alcalde  for  this  year; 
but  9  citizens  protested  that  his  election  was  illegal,  as  he  as  elector  had  voted 
for  himself,  and  as  he  could  not  hold  the  office  twice  within  two  years.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.  Prcf.  y  Jitzg.,  MS.,  iii.  94-5.     A  new  election  was  ordered  for  Jan. 
1st.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  20.     There  are  several  indications  that  Vicente  San 
chez  acted  as  alcalde  for  a  time  in  1826-7,  under  what  circumstances  I  know 
not.     Nov.  8th,  Regidor  Aguilar  to  be  set  at  liberty.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  12. 
April  13th,  Echeandia  declares  San  Gabriel  and  San  Fernando  to  be  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  Los  Angeles.  Id.,  iv.  30.     November,  a  man  prosecuted  for 
'habitual'  rape.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iviii.  5,  6. 

1827.  Alcalde,  Guillermo  Cota;   regidores,   Vicente  Villa  and  Desiderio 
Ibarra;  secretary,  Francisco  Morales.     The  last  named  official  on  petition  of 
5  persons  was  removed  from  office  in  September  for  incompetency,  revealing 
confidential  business,  losing  papers,  etc.   Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  80-1;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iii.   17;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixi.  i.     Vicente  Sanchez  was  elector  do 

Eartido  for  the  February  election.  On  May  25th  the  ilustre  ayuntamiento 
ssued  a  series  of  resolutions  on  police  regulations  for  the  preservation  of 
morality  and  good  order.  All  offenders  against  the  Roman  apostolic  religion 
were  to  be  punished  with  the  utmost  severity.  Failing  to  enter  church,  enter 
ing  disrespectfully,  lounging  at  the  church  door,  standing  at  the  corners  or 
remaining  on  horseback  when  processions  were  out,  were  all  to  be  punished, 
first  with  fines,  and  then  with  imprisonment.  Purchasing  articles  of  ser 
vants,  idleness  and  vagrancy,  swindling,  gambling,  prostitution,  scandalous 
assemblages,  obscenity,  and  blasphemy,  also  riding  at  speed  in  the  streets  at 
unusual  hours  or  without  lawful  cause,  were  among  the  evils  which  it  was 
proposed  to  exterminate.  Los  Angeles,  Re.ylamento  de  Policia  formado  por  el 
Ayuntamiento,  1827,  MS. 

1828.  Alcalde,  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo;  regidor,  Desiderio  Ibarra;  secretary, 
Jose"  Palomares.     Manuel  Domniguez  was  elector  de  partido  for  the  Septem 
ber  election.     March  30th,  Echeandia  says  that  for  the  coming  year  two 
more  regidores  are  to  be  chosen.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  197.     Alcalde  Carrillo 
accused  of  having  opened  letters  of  President  Sanchez  with  a  view  to  impli 
cate  him  in  smuggling.     He  was  ordered  by  the  governor  to  explain.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  79-80.     Five  dollars  per  month  added  to  the  salary  of  the  sec 
retary.  Id. ,  vi.  J  30.    Municipal  receipts  for  the  year,  $859;  expenditures,  $703. 
De^t.  ijt.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  76.     Bod}7  of  Bermudes  found  at  Sta  Gertrudis.   /(/., 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  561 

tiamen  of  the  pueblo  clung  to  their  fue.ro  militar,  and 
Captain  de  la  Guerra,  with  the  governor's  approval, 
appointed  Sergeant  Guillermo  Cota  to  have  jurisdic 
tion  over  those  persons  in  criminal  matters  only,  in 
fact  with  very  much  the  same  authority  as  the  old 
comisionados.  The  alcalde  and  ayuntamiento  declined 
to  recognize  Cota's  authority  or  any  military  authority 
whatever  over  the  citizens  of  the  free  town  of  Angels ; 
but  a  sharp  reprimand  from  the  governor  would  seem 
to  have  calmed  for  a  time  the  alcalde's  republican  zeal. 
In  1825,  however,  under  another  alcalde,  the  dispute 
came  up  again,  when  the  commandant  at  Santa  Bar 
bara  reappointed  Cota,  or  perhaps  Anastasio  Carrillo. 
Again  the  citizens  protested  against  having  any  mili 
tary  authority  in  their  midst;  and  Guerra  defended 
the  fuero  militar.  The  last  we  hear  of  the  matter, 
Argiiello  decided  in  July  to  leave  all  questions  per 
taining  to  the  civil  administration  of  the  pueblo  to  his 
successor  then  daily  expected.  Perhaps  the  subsequent 
choice  of  Cota  as  alcalde  was  a  kind  of  compromise. 
The  pueblo  church  was  at  last  finished,  perhaps  in 
1822  or  1823,  but  certainly  not  in  1821  as  has  been 
represented.4  In  the  autumn  of  1821  work  had  been 
for  some  time  suspended.  The  missions  had  contrib- 

Prof.  y  Juzf}.,  i.  45.  Man  fined  $5  for  attempt  to  stab  a  vagrant.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  188.  Adultery  case.  Id.,  vi.  55;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
Ixvii.  1. 

1829.  Alcalde,  Guillermo  Cota;  regidor,  Dominguez;  sindico,  Francisco 
Morales;  secretary,  Jos6  Palomares.     Aug.  7th,  S.  Gabriel  and  S.  Fernando 
again  joined  to  Angeles  for  the  election  of  a  diputado.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii. 
213.     June,  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo  fined  $5  for  returning  from  San  Diego  with 
out  having  his  passport  properly  signed.   Coronal,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  7-8. 
Debt  of  ayuntamiento,  Dec.  31st,  $49;  tax  on  wine  and  brandy  retailed,  $339; 
fines,  $158;  expenditures,  $642.     The  sindico  obtained  three  per  cent  on  the 
liquor  tax.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  Ixix.  27.     At  an  election  held 
in  December,  Vicente  Sanchez  and  Regidor  Sanchez  called  each  other  hard 
names  and  made  threatening  gestures.     Sanchez  was  put  in  prison.  Id.,  Ixxii. 
24-5;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  46-63. 

1830.  Alcalde,  Tiburcio  Tapia;  regidor,  Juan  B.  Alvarado;  secretary,  Jose" 
Palomares.     Jose"  A.  Carrillo  was  elector  de  partido  for  the  October  election. 
Aug.  16th,  Vicente  Sanchez  to  Echeandia  declares  the  last  election  void,  the 
candidates  being  vagabonds,  drunkards,  and  worse.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
17-18.     Record  of  election  for  diputado.  Los  Angeles,  Ayunt.  Record,  MS., 
6.     Receipts  by  the  treasurer  for  the  year,  $532;  expenses,  $429.     Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxii.  8-9. 

4 Los  Angeles  History,  49. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    36 


562  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

uted  brandy,  which  the  citizens,  besides  furnishing 
timber,  had  promptly  converted  into  money,  some  of 
them  drinking  immense  quantities  in  their  zeal  for  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  town.  Now  the  funds  were 
exhausted,  and  $2,000  were  needed.  In  this  emergency 
Padre  Payeras  made  a  new  and  most  earnest  appeal 
to  the  different  missions  to  contribute  cattle,  laborers, 
anything,  for  the  completion  of  the  edifice  as  a  monu 
ment  of  missionary  zeal  in  the  cause  of  God  and  St 
Francis.  His  plan  was  to  have  work  begun  imme 
diately  and  to  have  both  church  and  a  priest's  house 
completed  in  about  a  year,5  the  Jiesta  of  Our  Lady  of 
the  Angels  being  postponed  so  as  to  coincide  with 
the  dedication,  an  occasion  which  was  to  be  celebrated 
with  extraordinary  ceremony.  The  friars  seem  to 
have  responded  liberally.  Governor  Sola  contributed 
his  mite,  and  even  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  seem 
to  have  taken  a  little  interest  in  the  matter,  so  that 
the  church  was  completed  as  planned,  and  was  formally 
dedicated  December  8,  1822.6  It  elsewhere  appears 
that  Captain  Fitch  in  1830  was  condemned  as  a  penance 
to  furnish  the  church  with  a  bell. 

5  His  appeal  is  dated  Nov.  5th,  and  he  proposes  that  Ramirez  with  a  few 
neophytes   begin  to  prepare  timber,   etc.,    'next  November,'  while  in   the 
'coming  April  or  May'  enough  Indians  will  come  to  finish  the  work  by  Sep 
tember.    I  have  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  'next  November'  is  a  slip  of  the 
pen  for  December.     The  priest's  house  was  already  far  advanced. 

June  22,  1821,  Jose1  Antonio  Carrillo  petitioned  the  comisionado  fora  house- 
lot,  'near  the  new  temple  which  is  being  built  for  the  benefit  of  our  Holy 
Religion.'  The  lot,  40x60  varas,  was  granted  next  clay.  Los  Angeles,  Arch., 
MS.,  i.  1.  Judge  Hayes  in  a  note  adds  that  this  is  the  only  grant  of  a  lot 
extant  between  1781  and  1836,  and  that  the  lot  was  that  on  which  the  Pico 
House  now  stands. 

6  Payeras,  Memorial  d  los  PP.  sobre  Nueva  Iglesia  en  el  Pueblo  de  Los 
Angeles,  1821,  MS.     S.  Miguel  offered  500  cattle;  S.  Luis  Obispo,  200  cattle; 
Sta  Barbara,  1  bbl.  brandy;  S.  Diego,  2  bbls.  white  wine;  Purisima,  6  mules 
and  200  cattle;  S.  Fernando,  1  bbl.  brandy;  S.  Gabriel,  2  bbls.  brandy;  S. 
Buenaventura  would  try  to  make  up  deficits,  or  supply  church  furniture,  etc. 
I  have  an  original  record  of  the  dedication  on  Dec.  8th;  but  have  lost  the 
reference.     Guerra  was  chosen  by  the  ayuntamieiito  as  padrino.     Dec.  6th, 
Gov.  Sola  offers  to  give  something.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  xi.  439.    In  April,   1823, 
which  indicates  that  the  work  had  been  done  partly  on  credit,  the  alcalde 
called  on  Guerra  for  aid  to  drive  in  the  cattle  contributed  by  the  different 
missions.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi.  157-8. 

In  the  beginning  of  1821  the  municipal  authorities  sent  a  petition  to  the 
prefect  that  P.  Luis  Gil  de  Taboada  be  sent  as  pastor  to  Los  Angeles;  but 
Payeras  replied  that  the  ill  health  of  Gil  would  render  it  impossible.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  37-40;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  61. 


LOS  ANGELES.  563 

On  April  30,  1815,  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles 
through  their  local  authorities  ratified  the  federal 
constitution  of  the  Mexican  Republic.7  It  was  prob 
ably  in  the  same  month  that  occurred  the  great  flood 
which  turned  the  Los  Angeles  River  into  a  new  chan 
nel — its  present  one  so  far  as  the  vicinity  of  the  city 
is  concerned — eastward  of  its  original  course.  Con 
siderable  damage  was  also  done  to  gardens  and  farms, 
and  cattle  are  said  to  have  perished  in  large  numbers.8 
In  the  autumn  of  1827  Duhaut-Cilly  visited  the  pue 
blo,  which  from  its  inland  situation  was  but  rarely 
seen  by  foreign  visitors  in  the  early  times.  He  found 
eighty-two  houses,  with  well  cultivated  gardens  on 
the  alluvial  lands,  and  noted  the  inability  of  the 
alcalde  to  preserve  order  or  protect  individual  rights 
in  property.  There  was  an  earthquake  on  or  about 
the  23d  of  September.9  It  was  also  in  1827  that  Juan 

7  See  Hist.  Gal.,  chap.  i.  vol.  iii.  this  series. 

8  'In  1825  the  rivers  of  this  county  were  so  swollen  that  their  beds,  their 
banks,  and  the  adjoining  lands  were  greatly  changed.     At  the  date  of  the 
settlement  of  Los  Angeles  city,  a  large  portion  of  the  country,  from  the  cen 
tral  part  of  the  city  to  the  tide-water  of  the  sea,  through  and  over  which  the 
Los  Angeles  River  now  finds  its  way  to  the  ocean,  was  largely  covered  with 
a  forest,  interspersed  with  tracts  of  marsh.     From  that  time  till  1825  it  was 
seldom,  if  in  any  year,  that  the  river  discharged  its  waters  into  the  sea,  even 
during  the  rainy  season.    Instead  of  having  a  river- way  to  the  sea,  the  waters 
spread  over  the  country,  forming  lakes,  ponds,  and  marshes.     No  channel 
existed  till  the  flood  of  1825,  which  by  cutting  a  river- way  to  tide- water 
drained  the  marsh  land  and  caused  the  forest  to  disappear.     From  1825  to 
January  18G7  the  San  Gabriel  and  Los  Angeles  Eiver  united  at  a  point  north 
erly  from  the  dwelling-house  on  the  Cerritos  raiicho,  and  flowing  past  the 
house  on  the  west,  emptied  into  the  S.  Pedro  estuary  south-west  of  that 
house.'     The  flood  of  1832  changed  the  drainage  in  the  S.  Pedro  region,  caus 
ing  some  lakes  to  disappear;  and  the  S.  Gabriel  River  cut  a  new  channel  in 
1867.  Los  Angeles  History,  10.     Luis  Vignes  told  Hayes  in  1850  that  he  by 
the  use  of  brush-wood,  etc. ,  had  turned  the  river  still  farther  east  than  the 
flood  of  1825  had  left  it,  and  thus  reclaimed  the  land  on  which  his  willow 

trove  stood.  Hayes*  Emig.  Notes,  MS.,  46.  See  Los  Angeles  Express,  March 
,  1872.  Jos<5  del  Carmen  Lugo,  Vida  de  RancJiero,  MS.,  9-12,  describes 
the  flood  of  1825,  which  came  in  the  night,  and  forced  all  the  people  in  town 
to  take  refuge  on  the  hill.  He  says  the  river  cut  its  way  through  his  father's 
rancho  of  S.  Antonio,  carrying  away  house,  vineyard,  corral,  and  spoiling  all 
the  fields.  He  tells  us  also  that  the  flood  introduced  mustard  which  had  not 
been  troublesome  in  that  region  before. 

9  'It  was  8  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  we  were  taking  tea  with  Don 
Jos<3  Carrillo,  our  host,  and  his  family,  the  earth  suddenly  shook.     Their  first 
movement  was  to  rush  into  the  court,  and  I  with  them.     But  all  at  once  it 
occurred  to  me  that  the  son  of  Carrillo,  8  years  old,  was  asleep  in  the  room 
and  I  ran  to  get  him.     I  had  carried  him  to  his  parents  before  they  had 
thought  of  their  neglect. '    '  The  chief  crops  are  corn  and  grapes.    Vines  flour- 


564  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Bandini  introduced  in  the  diputacion  his  proposition 
to  make  the  pueblo  a  city  and  capital  of  Alta  Califor 
nia  under  the  name  of  Villa  Victoria  de  la  Reina  de 
los  Angeles.  He  seems  even  to  have  obtained  the 
approval  of  the  legislators  and  governor,  for  the  propo 
sition  is  said  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  national 
government;  but  that  was  the  end  of  the  scheme  for  a 
long  time." 


10 


San  Pedro  was  the  port  of  Los  Angeles  in  early  as 
in  later  times,  though  the  commercial  connection  was 
more  important  with  San  Gabriel.  This  port  was 
considered  as  of  more  importance  than  the  other 
minor  embarcaderos,  and  was  kept  open  to  foreign 
trade  when  they  were  closed.11  Few  trading  vessels 
came  to  the  coast  without  touching  at  San  Pedro. 
There  were  no  buildings  at  the  landing,  or  at  least 
nobody  lived  nearer  than  the  Dominguez  rancho, 
several  leagues  on  the  way  to  the  pueblo.12  The 
smuggling  adventures  of  Briones  and  other  citizens 
of  the  town  with  an  American  schooner  in  1821  are 
elsewhere  noticed,  as  also  the  charges  against  Padre 
Sanchez  of  smuggling  operations  in  connection  with 
Captain  Lawlor  in  1828.  In  1830  the  Danube  was 
wrecked  at  San  Pedro. 


ish  very  well,  but  the  wine  and  brandy  are  very  inferior  to  the  exquisite  flavor 
of  the  grape,  and  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  this  inferiority  is  to  be  attributed 
rather  to  the  manner  of  making  the  wine  than  to  the  quality  of  the  soil.'  He 
mentions  an  almost  continuous  forest  of  mustard  higher  than  the  horses' 
heads  on  the  way  from  S.  Pedro.  Diihaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  96-107.  Pattie's 
statement  about  Angeles  should  by  no  means  be  omitted.  'The  houses  have 
flat  roofs  covered  with  bituminous  pitch,  brought  from  a  place  within  4  miles 
of  the  town,  where  this  article  boils  up  from  the  earth.  As  the  liquid  rises, 
hollow  bubbles  like  a  shell  of  a  large  size  are  formed.  When  they  burst  the 
noise  is  heard  distinctly  in  the  town.  The  large  pieces  thus  separated  are 
laid  on  the  roof,  previously  covered  with  earth  through  which  the  pitch  can 
not  penetrate  when  it  is  rendered  liquid  again  by  the  heat  of  the  sun' !  Narra 
tive,  214-15. 

10 See  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  ii.  vol.  iii.  this  series;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  54-5;  Dcpt. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  44.  In  1823  a  school-master  was  to  be  appointed  by  the 
ayuntamiento  at  a  suitable  salary.  DfpL  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  iv.  5-6. 
Luciano  Valdes  held  the  position  in  1828;  and  had  Joaquin  Botiller  as  an  as 
sociate  in  1830.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvii.  3;  Ixxii.  10. 

11  See  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.  this  series. 

12 Duhaut-Cilly.  Viaggio,  i.  288-90;  ii.  18. 


RANCHOS.  5G5 

I  have  found  no  definite  contemporary  record  of 
any  increase  in  the  number  of  private  ranchos  in  this 
district  during  the  decade,  but  it  appears  that  a  grant 
of  La  Brea  Avas  made  in  1828  to  Josd  Antonio 
Rocha,13  and  also  that  of  San  Antonio  to  Antonio 
Maria  Lugo.14  There  is  also  a  record  that  Las 
Cienegas  was  granted  to  Francisco  Avila  in  1823.15 

A  report  of  1830  names  the  following  five  as  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  Los  Angeles:  San  Pedro,  Santa 
Gertrudis,  Santa  Ana,  San  Rafael,  and  San  Jose  de 
Gracia  y  Simi;16  and  we  have  seen  that  these  ranchos 
had  a  population  de  razon  of  two  hundred  and  forty 
souls.  San  Pedro  was  in  1822  declared  by  Sola  to 
belong  to  Sergeant  Cristobal  Dominguez  as  heir  of 
the  original  grantee,  and  Dolores  Sepulveda  was 
obliged  to  remove  his  cattle.17  Santa  Gertrudis,  or 
Los  Nietos,  was  the  residence  of  several  men  who 
with  their  families  and  servants  formed  quite  a  little 
settlement  ruled  by  an  alcalde  auxiliar.  There  was 
some  trouble  with  intruders  in  1828,  which  caused  tes 
timony  to  be  taken  respecting  the  grant  and  its  limits. 
A  part  of  the  rancho  was  occupied  at  this  time  by 
the  mission  with  the  consent  of  the  owners.18  An 
tonio  Yorba  was  alcalde  of  his  own  rancho  of  Santa 
Ana.  It  was  on  the  river  of  the  same  name,  and  the 
adjoining  land  farther  down  the  stream  was  occupied 

13 Jan.  6,  1828,  according  to  Gal.  Land  Com.,  No.  477;  April  8th,  ac 
cording  to  Briefs,  JRocha  vs.  Hancock  (no.  5331).  By  the  table  in  Hoffman's 
fiepts.,  the  claim  was  rejected  by  the  commission  and  by  the  district  court; 
but  according  to  U.  S.  Sup.  Court,  Septs.  t  9  Wall.-  639,  it  was  finally  con 
firmed. 

™  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  43;  Lugo,  Vida,  MS.,  9-12,  79;  Gal.  Land  Com., 
No.  308.  It  was  claimed  that  the  grant  was  made  in  1810  by  Jose"  Argiiello 
and  confirmed  April  1,  1823  by  Luis  Arguello. 

15  Cal.  Land  Com. ,  No.  372.  As  Micheltorena's  name  is  mentioned  with 
that  of  Guerra  y  Noriega,  there  may  be  a  misprint  of  1823  for  1843. 

ieSt.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  39. 

VSegister  of  Brands,  MS.,  35.  S.  Pedro  is  described  as  6  1.  from  S.  Ga 
briel.  Id.,  43.  The  grant  to  Dominguez  in  1822  in  Cal.  Land  Com.,  No.  398, 
480. 

18  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  vi.  24-8,  54;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  27;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  113;  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  43. 
Jos6  Nieto.  Bernardo  Higuera,  and  Juan  Perez  are  named  in  connection  with 
Sta  Gertrudis. 


566  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

by  the  mission  San  Juan  Capistrano.19  San  Eafael, 
or  the  Verdugo  rancho,  is  merely  mentioned  as  being 
a  league  and  a  half  from  San  Gabriel  and  a  boundary 
of  San  Fernando.20  In  1821  Sola  seems  in  a  manner 
to  have  confirmed  the  grant  of  Simi  to  Patricio, 
Javier,  and  Miguel  Pico;  but  in  1829  other  persons 
desired  to  occupy  a  part  of  the  lands  which  it  was 
claimed  Rafael  Pico  could  not  make  use  of,  and 
Echeandia  ordered  Pico  to  appear  and  make  a  report. 
In  1828  the  rancho  had  250  cattle,  80  horses,  24 
goats,  a  house,  and  1,500  vines.21 

According  to  a  mission  report  of  1828  there  were 
two  ranchos  down  the  river  between  San  Gabriel  and 
San  Pedro ;  one  occupied  by  the  widow  Sotelo,.  and 
the  other  that  of  Antonio  Maria  Lugo  already  men 
tioned.  The  tract  called  Sauzal  Redondo  was  tem 
porarily  granted  by  the  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara 
in  1822  to  Antonio  Ignacio  Avila,  the  land  apparently 
belonging  to  the  pueblo.22  In  1821-2  Guerra  tried 
to  obtain  for  himself  the  ranchos  of  Piru  and  Sespe, 
but  unsuccessfully,  by  reason  of  protests  from  the 
padres  of  San  Fernando  and  San  Buenaventura.23 
Accordingly  the  captain  in  October  1822  asked  for 
and  obtained  that  part  of  the  Conejo  rancho,  now 
dignified  with  the  name  Nuestra  Senora  de  Altagra- 
cia,  which  had  been  granted  in  Arrillaga's  time  to 
Jose  Polanco,  but  which  had  been  abandoned.  The 
rest  of  the  rancho  belonged  to  the  heirs  of  Ignacio 
Rodriguez.24 

™  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  41-2,-  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.  Ti. 
54. 

20  Register  of  Brands,  29,  43.  San  Vicente  and  Malig<5  are  named  as 
bounds  of  S.  Fernando  mission  lands. 

zlDept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  159;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  1;  Reg 
ister  of  Brands,  MS.,  33. 

22  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  35. 

™Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  61-2;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  70-1.  He  also 
tried  to  get  Secpe. 

24  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  30-1;  Dept..  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii,  49,  with  a 
description  in  1827.  It  extended  from  Agtia  Amarga  on  the  east  to  the  Cuesta 
de  la  Mojonera  on  the  west;  and  from  Simi  Pass  on  the  south  to  Maligo  Hill 
on  the  north.  Sta  M6nica  is  mentioned'  as  a  rancho  adjoining  Conejo.  In 
Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  31-2,  is  a  description  of  Antonio  Maria  Ortega's 


SAN  GABRIEL.  667 

At  San  Gabriel  Padre  Jose  Maria  Zalvidea  served 
till  March  1826,  when,  very  much  against  his  wishes, 
he  was  transferred  to  Sari  Juan  Capistrano  and  Gero- 
nimo  Boscana  came  to  take  his  place.  Joaquin  Pas- 
cual  Nuez,  Zalvidea's  associate,  died  on  December  30, 
182 1,25  and  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Sanchez,  who  be 
came  president  of  the  California  missions  in  1827,  but 
who  -continued  to  reside  here.  The  mission  reached 
its  largest  population  since  1817  with  1,644  neo 
phytes  in  1824,  but  for  the  whole  decade  there  was  a 
falling-off  of  about  300,  and  a  change  to  fourth  rank 
in  the  list  of  missions.  In  large  live-stock  San  Ga 
briel  stood  second  in  the  list,  having  reached  the  max 
imum  of  over  28,000  in  1829;  in  sheep  it  stood  third, 
but  had  gained  largely  in  both  classes.  Its  average  of 
agricultural  products  was  exceeded  by  that  of  San 
Luis  Hey  and  was  considerably  less  than  for  the  pre 
ceding  decade;  but  its  crop  of  1821  was  the  largest 
ever  raised  by  any  mission.26 

rancho  of  Refugio.    It  extended  N.  and  s.  from  Canada  del  Cojo  6  1.  to  Cerro 
de  la  Vigia,  between  the  summit  of  the  sierra  and  the  sea. 

25  Joaquin  Pascual  Nuez  was  born  Feb.  20,  1785  at  Luco,  Vale  of  Daroca, 
Spain;  took  the  habit  of  St  Francis  in  the  convent  at  Calatayud,  Sept.  24, 
1800;  sailed  from  Cadiz  March  20,  1810;  arrived  at  the  college  of  San  Fer 
nando  June  20th;  and  was  ordered  to  California  July  1, 1811.    His  journey  was 
impeded  by  the  insurrection  and  he  was  detained  several  months  at  Acapulco 
by  a  pestilence;  but  arrived  in  Lower  California  in  April,  and  at  his  destina 
tion  in  July  1812.     He  served  at  San  Fernando  from  August  of  that  year 
until  March  1814,  and  at  San  Gabriel  during  the  rest  of  his  life.     In  person 
Nuez  was  tall,  slender,  and  fair-skinned.     He  was  a  good  man,  loved  by  all; 
and  .though  young  he  was  regarded  by  his  prelate  as  a  missionary  of  more 
than  ordinary  ability  and  promise.     His  activity  was  notable  in  his  frequent 
pastoral  visits  to  the  pueblo  and  ranchos.     In  his  last  years  his  piety  verged 
upon  asceticism,  and  he  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  pass  the  rest  of  his  days 
as  a  recluse.     His  illness  lasted  24  days;  he  received  all  the  sacraments;  and 
was  buried  in  the  mission  church  on  Dec.  31,  1821.     Certificate  of  Oliva, 
in  S.  Gabriel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ,  37-8;  Sarria,  Informe,  1817,  sobre  Frailes, 
MS..  44-5,  125;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  i;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  404, 
486}  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  x.  431;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  242-3; 
Perez,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  26;  autograph  in  S.  Antonio,  Papeles  Sueltos,  MS.,  58, 
62,  66-7.     Scnan  in  one  record  gives  the  date  of  his  death  as  Dec.  26th. 

26  Statistics  of  S.  Gabriel  1821-30:  Decrease  in  population,  1,636  to  1,352; 
highest  number,  1,644  in  1824.     Baptisms,  800;  largest  number,  162  in  1823; 
smallest,  38  in  1827.     Deaths,  1,027;  largest  number,  165  in  1827;  smallest, 
51  in  1830.     Increase  in  large  stock,  15,981  to  25,725;  horses  and  mules,  981 
to  2,225;  sheep,    12,448  to  14,650.     Largest  crop,   29,400  bushels  in  1821; 
smallest,  2,250  in  1829;  average,  8,125,  of  which  4,252  wheat,  yield  9  fold; 
barley,  39,  8  fold;  corn,  3,168,  200  fold;  and  beans,  567,  66  fold.     The  white 
population  has  been  set  down  in  my  general  estimate  as  140,  as  derived  from , 


568  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Respecting  the  mission  buildings  we  have  nothing 
definite  for  this  period  but  the  statement  of  a  French 
visitor  in  1827,  that  the  edifices  were  much  inferior 
to  those  of  San  Luis  Rey;  that ,"  the  church  had  been 
ruined  two  years  before  by  an  earthquake,  and  they 
were  at  work  building  another."  Very  strangely  there 
is  no  other  record  either  of  the  earthquake  of  1825, 
or  of  a  new  church  at  this  mission;  we  have  seen, 
however,  that  some  damage  had  been  done  to  the 
building  in  1812.27  Events  at  Sari  Gabriel,  recorded 
in  other  chapters,  are  the  arrival  and  arrest  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Indians  who  came  under  an  Opata 
chief  in  1822  and  were  sent  back  to  the  Colorado,  the 
arrival  of  Captain  Romero  from  Sonora  in  1823  and 

different  official  reports.  In  1822  there  were  64  white  persons  connected 
with  the  mission,  besides  the  troops  and  their  families,  or  111  in  all.  Misl- 
ones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS.,  236.  Bandini,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  77, 
talks  of  80,000  cattle;  Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  7,  of  120,000.  It  has  been 
the  custom  in  current  newspaper  articles  to  grossly  exaggerate  the  wealth 
and  prosperity  of  this  mission,  though  doubtless  under  the  care  of  Zalvidea  it 
was  most  prosperous  and  most  systematically  managed.  Claudio  Lopez  is 
named  as  majordomo,  and  Zalvidea's  most  effective  and  famous  assistant. 
Taylor,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Feb.  1,  1861.  In  1824  the  crop  of  grain  was  spoiled 
in  the  fields  after  harvest  by  rains.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  122. 

For  local  names  of  rancherias,  etc.,  see  Sanchez'  expedition  of  1821.  Some 
10  or  12  1.  east  of  S.  Bernardino  were  the  Capullas  Indians,  then  the  Topa- 
muna,  then  the  Artidanes  near  the  Colorado.  The  mission  lands  extend, 
1822,  south,  3  1.  to  Sta  Gertrudis;  south-west,  6  1.  to  S.  Pedro;  west,  1.5  1., 
including  Los  Coyotes  and  Canada  Verde  granted  in  1819;  north,  2  1.  to 
Sierra  de  San  Gabriel  de  Verdugo  separating  it  from  S.  Fernando;  eastward, 
7  to  9  1.  to  Guapa  or  indefinitely  into  the  mountains  and  toward  the  Colorado, 
including  the  pagan  settlement  of  S.  Bernardino,  15  1.  N.  E.  Misiones,  Cua 
derno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS.,  235,  267-70,  1823.  Complaints  that  Argiiello 
had  granted  mission  lands  to  individuals.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  36-8.  In  a 
report  of  1828  there  are  named  as  mission  ranches,  La  Puente,  Sta  Ana  (?), 
Jurupa,  S.  Bernardino,  S.  Timoteo,  S.  Gorgonio,  4  sitios  on  the  Rio  S.  Gabriel, 
and  also  lands  between  the  pueblo  and  S.  Rafael.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presid., 
MS.,  i.  97.  In  the  report  of  1828  in  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  42-3,  the  padre 
complains  that  Lugo's  rancho  had  been  granted  without  consulting  the  mis 
sion,  and  states  that  all  the  banks  of  the  Rio  S.  Gabriel,  Canada  Verde,  and 
Los  Coyotes  was  granted  to  the  mission  in  1815.  It  says  further  that  the 
mission  occupies  by  permission  of  the  owner  Los  Cerritos  and  Las  Bolsas  of 
the  Rancho  Sta  Gertrudis,  and  that  the  lands  extend  some  20  leagues  by  the 
cafion  towards  the  Colorado,  past  La  Puente  4  1.,  Sta  Ana,  10  1.,  Jorupet 
(Jurupa),  15  1.,  S.  Bernardino,  201.,  and  S.  Gorgonio,  27  1.  Locality  of  S. 
Gabriel  called  Guachana  by  the  Indians.  Hayes1  Miscellany,  MS.,  133. 

27  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  204.      Sept.  25,  1821,  governor  orders  that 

the  'pilot  prisoner'  (Jose  Chapman)  be  sent  to  build  a  mill  at  S.  Gabriel  like 

that  he  had  built  at  Sta  In£s.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  67.     The  same  year  there 

was  a  proposition  to  build  a  wall  round  the  mission  as  a  defence  against 

.Indians.  Id.,  xi.  61. 


SAN  FERNANDO.  569 

bis  efforts  during  several  years  to  return,  Jedediah 
Smith's  visit  with  his  trappers  in  1826-7,  an  accusa 
tion  of  smuggling  made  against  Father  Sanchez  in 
1828,  and  the  interesting  imprisonment  and  ecclesias 
tical  trial  of  Captain  Fitch  and  wife  in  1830.28 

At  San  Fernando,  companion  mission  of  San  Ga 
briel,  and  like  the  latter  belonging  in  a  sense  legally  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  Los  Angeles  during  this  decade, 
Francisco  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra  still  served  as  minister, 
and  alone  it  would  seem  from  1821,  in  which  year 
Father  Ulibarri  died.29  Ibarra  was  somewhat  inde 
pendent  in  his  ideas,  and  a  caustic  correspondence 
between  him  and  the  presidial  authorities  of  Santa 
Barbara  is  the  most  prominent  element  in  the  meagre 
annals  of  the  mission  for  the  period.  Captain  de  la 
Guerra  in  1821  applied  to  Sola  for  a  grant  of  the 
Piru  Rancho,  which  Padre  Ibarra  also  desired  and  in 
fact  was  already  using  to  some  extent  for  the  mission 
herds.  The  earnest  efforts  of  the  friar  and  of  Padre 
Senan  seem  to  have  kept  the  rancho  from  Guerra, 
but  did  not  secure  it  for  San  Fernando,  and  a  some- 
,what  bitter  feeling  survived  on  both  sides.  The  padre 
complained  that  the  soldiers  of  his  escolta  behaved 
badly,  selling  liquor  and  lending  horses  to  the  Indians. 
In  1825  he  declared  that  the  presidio  was  a  curse 
rather  than  a  help  to  the  mission,  sheltering  fugitive 
neophytes,  and  that  the  soldiers  should  go  to  work 

28 See  chap.  xxi.  xxii.  this  vol.,  and  iv.  v.  vi.  of  vol.  iii. 

a9  Francisco  Roman  Fernandez  de  Ulibarri  was  horn  Feb.  28,  1773,  at  Ali, 
near  Vitoria,  Spain.  He  became  a  Franciscan  in  1794  at  Vitoria,  sailed 
from  Cadiz  June  20,  1803,  and  arrived  at  the  college  of  San  Fernando  on  Sept. 
9th.  Here  he  worked  irregularly  on  account  of  broken  health  for  some  five 
years,  when  he  volunteered  for  the  California  service,  arriving  at  Monterey 
June  22,  1809.  His  health  was  better  in  his  new  field,  and  he  served  at  S. 
Juan  Bautista  till  1815,  at  Stalne"s  till  1819,  being,  however,  at  Purisima  tem 
porarily  in  1818-19,  and  at  S.  Fernando  till  1821.  His  disease  was  haemor 
rhage  of  the  lungs,  of  which  he  came  near  dying  in  Feb.  1821,  being  urged  to 
go  to  S.  Gabriel,  but  refusing.  He  changed  his  mind  later,  for  he  died  and 
was  buried  at  S.  Gabriel  on  June  16th.  He  had  been  held  of  only  ordinary 
merit.  S.  Gabriel.  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  36;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i. 
241-2;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  401-2,  485;  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  x.  444;  Sarria, 
Irtforme  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  52-3,  125;  Autobioy.  Aut6g.,  MS. 


570  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

and  raise  grain,  and  not  live  on  the  toil  of  the  Indians, 
whom  they  robbed  and  deceived  with  talk  of  liberty 
while  in  reality  treating  them  as  slaves.  This  brought 
out  a  sharp  reply  from  Guerra,  who  advised  the  padre 
to  modify  his  tone,  or  he  might  suffer  from  it.30  The 
mission  was  no  longer  prosperous  in  any  respect,  show 
ing  a  radical  decline  in  population,  live-stock,  and 
agriculture.31  There  is  some  descriptive  matter  extant 
respecting  the  mission  lands,  but  nothing  whatever 
about  the  buildings  at  this  time;  and  the  items  of 
events  are  very  few  and  slight.32  The  amount  of 
supplies  furnished  by  this  mission  to  the  presidio 
from  1822  to  April  1827  was  $21,203. 

Jose  Antonio  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega  continued  to 
be  captain  of  the  Santa  Barbara  company,  but  he 
acted  as  commandant  in  reality  only  until  the  end  of 
1827.  Early  in  1828  he  went  to  Mexico  as  a  member 
of  congress,  and  after  his  return  in  1829  was  sus 
pended  from  his  position  on  account  of  being  a  Span- 

30  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  89,  96;  vii.  62-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
70-1;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  61-2;  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  731-3. 
San  Buenaventura  also  claimed  the  rancho  of  Pirii. 

31  Guillermo  Cota  commanded  the  guard  in  1822,  and  Juan  Salazar  in  1823. 
Statistics:  decrease  in  population,  1,028  to  827.     Baptisms,  302;  largest  num 
ber,  42  in  1823;  smallest,  17  in  1830.     Deaths,  550;  largest  number,  91  in 
1827;  smallest,  21  in  1830.     Decrease  in  large  stock,  12,509  to  6,560;  horses 
and  mules,  509  to  560;  sheep,  7,650  to  3,160.     Crops:  largest,  6,600  bushels 
in  1821;  smallest,  1,305  in  1829;  average,  2,956,  of  which  2,227  wheat,  yield 
13  fold;  105  barley  (only  raised  in  1821);  480  corn,  44  fold.     I  have  in  my 
collection  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  neophytes  of  San  Fernando,  the  original 
record  of  the  mission,  and  the  only  one  of  the  mission  books  the  whereabouts 
of  which  is  at  present  known.  S.  Fernando,  Lista  Alfabe'tica  de  Nedjitos,  MS. 

82 Mission  lands  extend  101.  E.  tow.  from  Tajunga  Mts.  to  Ataguama 
Mts..;  and  N.  to  s.  5  leagues  from  ranches  S.  Francisco  de  la  Mision  and  Simi 
toward  S.  Gabriel  and  Sanja.  Good  soil,  but  no  irrigation.  Misiones,  Gun- 
derno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS. ,  237,  272-3.  Carnulos  rancho  occupied  by  the 
mission  sheep  in  1824.  chap,  xxiii.  1828,  from  s.  to  w.  (?),  10 1.  from  Cahuenga 
to  Triunfo,  including  Cahuenga,  las  Calabazas,  Las  Virgenes,  Agua  Amarga, 
and  Triunfo;  from  w.  to  N.  (?),  Camulos,  S.  Francisco  Javier,  5  1.  from  Encino 
to  the  Sierra.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  29-30.  In  1821.  a  neophyte  stabbed 
another  in  a  gambling  quarrel,  and  took  sanctuary  in  the  church.  He  was 
sent  to  Monterey  for  two  years.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  203-11. 
April  13,  1826,  Echeandia  declares  S.  Fernando  to  be  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
Los  Angeles.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  30.  Proposed  ex-neophyte  pueblo  at  S. 
Fernando  1826.  Hist.  Cal.,  chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  this  series.  Dec.  1,  1830,  mil 
itary  aid  sent  from  town  on  account  of  the  arrival  of  a  suspicious  party  of 
gentiles.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  95. 


SANTA  BARBARA.  671 

iard.  Meanwhile,  Lieutenant  Maitorena  was  acting 
comandante  in  1828,  and  Lieutenant  Romualdo  Pa- 
checo  in  1829-30.  The  lieutenancy  was  held  by 
Gabriel  Moraga  until  his  death  in  1823.33  It  was 
vacant  until  1827,  when  Alferez  Jose  Joaquin  Maito- 

33  Gabriel  Moraga  was  a  son  of  Lieut.  Jose"  Joaquin  Moraga,  the  first  co 
mandante  of  San  Francisco,  and  of  his  wife  Doiia  Maria  del  filar  de  Leon  y 
Barcelo,  born  some  years  before  his  parents  came  to  California.  He  enlisted 
in  1784,  and  July  16th  of  that  year  was  married  at  S.  Francisco  to  Ana 
Maria  Bernal.  Padre  Palou  officiated,  and  Capt.  Nicolas  Soler  was  present. 
S.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  57.  In  1788  he  became  corporal  in  the 
Monterey  company,  and  for  12  years  commanded  various  mission  escoltas. 
From  1800  to  1806  he  was  sergeant  of  the  same  company;  and  was  then 
transferred  to  S.  Francisco  as  alferez.  In  1811  he  was  made  brevet  lieutenant 
for  his  gallantry  in  a  battle  with  the  Indians  on  the  strait  of  Carquines,  and 
in  April  1818  he  received  his  commission  as  lieutenant  of  the  Sta  Barbara 
company  by  a  mistake  made  in  Mexico  or  Spain,  with  which  on  account  of 
his  health  he  was  well  pleased.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  li.  4;  Ixix. 
32;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  196;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  194;  Vallejo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xvi.  48.  In  1800  he  commanded  a  small  party  sent  against 
the  Indians  from  Monterey;,  and  he  became  one  of  the  most  famous  Indian 
fighters  in  California.  Before  1806  he  had  visited  and  named  the  San  Joaquin 
river,  where  his  father  had  been  long  before.  His  later  recorded  expeditions 
include  that  made  to  the  broad  region  beyond  the  Tulares  in  Sept.  and  Oct. 
1806;  to  the  S.  Joaquin  in  1807;  two  visits  to  the  S.  Joaquin  in  search  of 
mission  sites,  a  trip  to  Bodega,  the  famous  fight  at  Carquines  Strait  in  May, 
and  a  campaign  in  the  region  of  San  Gabriel — all  in  1810;  three  visits  to  Ross 
in  1812-13-14;  and  an  expedition  toward  the  Colorado  in  1819:  see  chap.  iii. 
xiv.  and  xv.  this,  volume.  According  to  his  hoja  de  sejrvicios  of  1820  he 
had  been  connected  with  46  expeditions  against  Indians  and  taken  part  in  10 
battles.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  li.  4. 

From  about  1818  Lieut.  Moraga  tried  frequently  to  obtain  retirement  on 
account  of  chronic  rheumatism  and  other  infirmities  resulting  from  old  age 
and  past  exposure.  With  this  object  of  retirement  in  view  he  obtained  cer 
tificates  from  Gov.  Sola,  Capt.  Jose1  D.  Argiiello,  Capt.  Francisco  Ruiz,  Sur 
geon  Quijano,  and  padres  Seuan  and  Pay  eras,  all  of  whom  spoke  in  terms  of 
the  highest  praise  respecting  his  character  and  the  value  of  his  past  services. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vi,  180-204.  No  attention  was  paid  to  his 
demands  so  far  as  the  records  show;  nor  to  his  appeal  of  Oct.  29,  1822,  to 
Iturbide,  in  which  he  pleaded  earnestly  at  some  length  for  retirement  and  full 
pay  as  the  only  means  to  protect  his  family  from  poverty  and  suffering.  Id. , 
vii.  117-22.  Of  the  remaining  8  months  of  his  life  we  know  nothing;  and  of 
his  death  only  that  he  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  Sta  Barbara  mission  on 
June  15,  1823.  Sta  Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  35.  Though  an  illiterate  man, 
Moraga  was  honest,  moral,  kind-hearted,  popular,  and  a  very  energetic  and 
successful  officer. 

Moraga's  wife  and  also  a  son  died  on  Feb.  11,  1802.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  197.  He  subsequently  married  Maria  Joaquina  Alvarado.  Two  of  his 
sons,  Jose"  Guadalupe  and  Domingo,  were  soldadox  distinguidos  in  the  San  Fran 
cisco  company  in  1818.  S.  Francisco,  Cuentas,  MS.,  i.  iii.  The  former  became 
a  cadet  in  the  San  Diego  company.  Another  son,  Vicente,  born  at  San 
Antonio  Jan.  23,  1790,  S.  Antonio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  7,  was  in  1833-5  a  school 
master  at  Angeles  and  also  secretary  and  smdico  of  the  ayuntamiento.  Los 
An<jele«,  Ayunt.  Rec.,  MS.,  1;  Botdlo,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  10,  176.  But  the 
fame  of  the  family  expired  with  Don  Gabriel,  whom  Inocente  Garcia  describes 
as  a  tall,  well  built  man  of  dark  complexion,  brave,  gentlemanly,  and  the  best 
Californian  soldier  of  his  time. 


572  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

rena  was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant,  and  Cadet  Do 
mingo  Carrillo  to  be  alferez,  though  the  latter  was 
serving  at  San  Diego  during  1828-9,  and  Alferez 
Rodrigo  del  Pliego  served  at  Santa  Barbara  in  his 
place  most  of  the  time.  The  alferez  was  usually 
habilitado,  though  Carlos  Carrillo  held  the  place  for 
a  time  in  1822-3,  and  Anastasio  Carrillo  in  1827  and 
1829.  Maitorena  was  sent  to  Mexico  as  a  member  of 
congress  for  1829-30,  and  died  probably  in  1830.  A 
notice  of  his  life  is  given  in  another  place.84  Pacheco 
though  acting  comandante  of  the  post  was  not  an 
officer  of  the  company.  Jose  Antonio  de  la  Guerra 
was  a  cadet  in  1821,  Francisco  Tapia  in  1825-6,  and 
Ignacio  del  Valle  in  1828-9.  Sergeant  Anastasio 
Carrillo  served  throughout  the  decade.  Cota  was 

Q 

replaced  by  Dd/maso  Rodriguez  in  1821;  Carlos  Car 
rillo  retired  in  1824  or  earlier,  and  his  place  was  filled 
in  1827  by  Juan  Salazar  who  in  1830  was  sent  to  San 
Diego  temporarily  as  habilitado.  Maitorena  was  post 
master  in  the  earlier  years,  and  Sergeant  Carrillo  in 
the  later,  ^ri  these  republican  times  there  was  also 
a  form  of  civil  government,  and  an  ayuntamiento 
elected  for  the  first  time  in  December  1826  by  order 
of  Echeandia,  though  the  list  of  officials  as  recorded 
is  very  imperfect.35 

The  presidial  company  of  Santa  Barbara  did  not 
vary  materially  from  sixty-six  men  and  twenty-six 
invalids  from  1821  to  182 9,  but  according  to  the  rolls 
for  1830  was  fifty  men  and  twenty-two  invalids. 
About  twenty  of  the  Mazatlan  company  under  Fabre- 

34  Hist.  Cal.,  chap.  ii.  vol.  iii.  this  series.     March  1,  1830,  there  was  an 
order  in  Mexico  for  Capt.  Jose"  Ramirez  to  proceed  to  California  and  take 
command  of  Sta  Barbara;  but  he  never  came.  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 
4-5. 

35  Dec.  15,  1826,  Echeandia's  order  for  an  election.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
i.  189-90.     Vicente  Valencia  sindico  in  1827.  Id.,  xiv.   1.     Jacinto  Gonzalez 
sindico  for  1828  and  arrested  by  the  alcalde  for  refusing  to  render  accounts. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  206.     Martin  Ortega,  alcalde;  Rafael  Gonzalez,  regidor; 
and  Jose"  Antonio  de  la  Guerra  (Jr.)  sindico  in  1829.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  67; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  1;  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  94.     Electores  de  par- 
tido;  Francisco  Ortega,  1822;  Carlos  Carrillo,  1827;  Francisco  Atanasio  Cota, 
1828;  Domingo  Carrillo,  1830. 


POPULATION.  573 

gat  and  Delgado  may  be  supposed  to  have  still  re 
mained  here  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the 
contrary,  though  most  of  the  number  got  no  pay  or 
rations  and  were  earning  their  living  as  best  they 
could;  and  in  the  last  years  of  the  decade  there  are 
mentioned  seven  or  eight  artillerymen  and  twelve  or 
thirteen  infantry.  Thus  in  1830,  if  we  deduct  twenty 
men  for  escolta  duty  and  half  the  invalids,  the  total 
force  at  the  presidio  may  be  considered  as  eighty  men. 
The  population  de  razon  at  the  presidio  proper  was 
about  500,  only  a  slight  gain  if  any  during  ten  years, 
or  630  including  the  missions  of  the  jurisdiction  except 
San  Fernando.36  There  were  at  least  ten  resident 
foreigners  in  the  district.  With  San  Fernando  and 
San  Gabriel  the  total  was  790  against  740  in  1820; 
or  for  the  whole  presidial  district,  including  Los 
Angeles  and  its  ranches,  1790,  a  gain  of  435  for  the 
decade.  The  neophyte  population  of  the  same  district 
had  decreased  in  the  same  period  from  6,400  to  4,400. 
If  we  take  the  two  districts  of  Santa  Barbara  and  San 
Diego  together  we  find  that  during  this  decade  South 
ern  California  had  gained  in  white  population  from 
1,800  to  2,310,  and  declined  in  neophyte  population 
from  11,600  to  9,600.37 

36 The  padrones  in  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  iv.  48;  v.  26,  33,  give  Sta  Barbara 
with  its  5  missions,  604  souls  in  1821,  606  in  1828,  and  645  in  1830.  The 
report  in  Wilkes'  Nar.,  U.  8.  Explor.  Exped.,  v.  555,  gives  613  for  1828, 
agreeing  practically  with  the  other.  That  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
6,  makes  the  number  782  in  1827,  doubtless  including  Indians.  That  in  Sta 
Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  57-8,  makes  the  population  582  in  1824.  The  foreign 
residents  were  James  W.  Burke,  Robert  J.  Elwell,  Daniel  A.  Hill,  Thomas 
M.  Robbins,  William  G.  Dana,  William  D.  Foxen,  James  Scott,  Michael 
White,  John  Wilson,  and  James  Breck. 

37  Items  of  finance  for  the  decade:  company  pay-roll,  from  $1,450  to 
$1,700  per  month.  Dept.  to  S.  Francisco  at  end  of  1822,  $1,198.  Supplies 
required  for  1823,  1.100  fan.  corn,  270  beans,  700  arrobas  lard,  $1,300  worth 
of  soap!  Paid  the  company  in  1825,  $3,324;  due  $5,199  more.  Sometime  in 
1826  the  company  is  said  to  have  received  $10,000  on  account  of  back  pay. 
Due  company  at  end  of  1826,  $9,911.  Supplies  to  Mazatlan  company  in 
1827,  $456.  Oct.  1829,  due  from  the  treasury,  $75,036.  In  April  1827  the 
habilitado  signed  drafts  on  Mexico  for  $85,578,  the  amount  of  supplies  fur 
nished  by  6  missions  since  1822.  Duties  from  vessels,  1820 to  Oct.  1822,  $19,- 
819,  of  which  sum  $13,377  for  1822.  For  1825,  $1,220;  1826,  $7,223;  1827, 
about  $6,000.  Postal  revenue,  1825,  $25.50;  1826,  $133.  No  tithes,  1823-6. 
Tithes  in  1826,  $2,640.  Municipal  revenue,  1827-8,  $468;  expenditures,  $86. 
Receipts  in  1829,  $563;  expenditures,  $465.  For  company  rolls,  accounts, 


574  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

As  a  port  Santa  Bdbara  was  visited  frequently  by 
foreign  traders,  as  narrated  in  another  chapter  devoted 
to  commercial  annals,  though  at  certain  times  this 
port,  like  San  Francisco,  was  legally  closed  and  could 
only  be  visited  with  a  special  license  from  the  gov 
ernor.  Statistics  are  altogether  insufficient  to  show 
the  comparative  extent  of  Santa  Barbara  trade.38  Of 
the  girls'  school  of  1817  nothing  appears  in  the  rec 
ords;  but  a  school  was  maintained  in  the  last  years 
of  the  decade,  when  Diego  Fernandez  received  fifteen 
dollars  per  month  for  teaching.  In  1828  Echeandia 
declared  this  a  useless  expense  since  not  a  single 
scholar  attended  the  school  with  all  the  alcalde's 
efforts.  The  comandante  was  ordered  to  compel 
parents  to  send  their  children.39  The  company's  rancho 
of  San  Julian  was  a  prosperons  institution  down  to 
1826  at  least.  It  not  only  kept  the  troops  supplied 
with  meat  and  paid  its  expenses,  but  furnished  $350 
to  buy  an  organ  for  the  chapel,  and  left  a  cash  balance 
of  $940,  besides  2,221  head  of  cattle.40  The  presidio 
buildings  were  somewhat  damaged  by  repeated  shocks 
of  earthquake  in  January;  but  we  hear  nothing  more 
of  extensive  repairs  or  of  removal.  In  the  spring 
of  1827,41  when  Duhaut-Cilly  was  here,  Guerra  was 

etc.,  see  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.-lxxvi.,  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  i.  9;  ii.  76;  Id.,  Ben.- Cust.  H.,  i.  27,  80;  Id.  Presid.,  i.  29;  Id.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  \.  65-7,  81;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  47,  160;  xi.  80-1;  Dept. 
Rec.,  v.  38-9;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  15;  xii.  4;  xiv.  31;  xiii.  11-18;  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  82,  93-4;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  4;  Vallejo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  xvii.  120. 

38 See  Hist.  Cal.,  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.  and  passim,  this  series,  Ord,  Ocitr- 
rencias,  MS.,  19,  describes  the  obtaining  of  water  for  vessels  at  Santa 
Barbara  as  a  very  tedious  process.  Guerra  in  1827  says  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  jurisdiction  maintain  themselves  as  a  rule  by  the  production  of  tallow 
and  hides,  raising  also  some  grain  and  vegetables.  A  few  engage  in  trade,  but 
they  will  probably  have  to  abandon  it  to  foreigners,  with  whom  it  is  impossi 
ble  to  compete.  At  the  missions  some  coarse  woollen  clothing  and  hats  are 
made.  The  production  of  wine  and  brandy  might  be  made  profitable  if 
foreign  liquors  could  be  excluded  or  heavily  taxed.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  i.  2-4. 

39  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  105;  Dept.  St.  Pap..  MS.,  xiv.  1-2. 

40  Habilitado's  report  on  the  rancho  from  1817  to  1826.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  52-3. 

41  Duhaut-Cilly,   Viaggio,  i.  271-2.     This  writer  says:   'The  presidio  of 
Sta  Barbara  is,  like  that  of  Monterey,  a  closed  square  surrounded  with  houses 
of  a  single  story.     Near  the  north-west  corner  rises  an  edifice  a  little  more 


CRIMINAL  RECORD.  575 

about  to  finish  a  house  for  himself  outside  the  presidio 
walls,  where  there  were  already  from  sixty  to  eighty 
houses,  each  v/ith  its  little  garden. 

In  a  note  I  append  a  few  items  from  the  criminal 
record  of  the  decade/2  though  that  record  was  by  no 
means  an  unusually  exciting  one.  In  another  note  I 
close  the  record  of  Santa  Barbara  presidio  with  a 
chronological  statement  of  local  events,  most  of  which 
are  presented  more  or  less  fully  in  other  chapters  of 
this  volume.43 

prominent  than  any  other  and  ornamented  with  a  balcony.  It  is  the  resi 
dence  of  the  comandante.  At  the  opposite  corner  protecting  the  way  to  the 
shore,  it  was  evidently  the  intention  of  the  Californiaii  engineers  to  build  a 
bastion;  but  to  believe  that  they  had  succeeded  would  be  great  good-nature.' 
Earthquakes  in  Jan.  1821.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  71.  April  1821, 
the  governor  is  on  the  lookout  for  a  man  to  build  a  mill  with  a  view  to  utilize 
the  water  of  the  reservoir  to  be  constructed.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  63.  Rob 
inson,  Life  in  CaL,  44-8,  briefly  describes  Sta  Barbara  and  vicinity  as  they 
appeared  in  1829.  He  says  that  there  were  three  or  four  large  buildings  at 
Ortega's  rancho,  but  this  establishment  had  never  regained  its  prosperity  since 
Bouchard's  visit  of  1818.  The  armament  at  Sta  Barbara  in  1830  was  seven 
guns,  five  iron  and  two  brass,  one  of  8-pound  calibre,  five  6-pounders,  and 
one  3-pounder.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixii.  24. 

42  In  1821,  a  soldier  having  publicly  asserted  that  he  had  been  criminally 
intimate  with  a  young  lady,  she  was  subjected  to  an  examination  by  order  of  the 
governor  and  declared  to  be  a  virgin.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  Iv.  7-8.     A  sol 
dier  condemned  to  two  years'  work  in  shackles  for  rape  of  a  child.  Id.,  Hi.  6. 
1822,  some  proceedings  against  soldiers  of  the  Mazatlan  company  for  desertion. 
Penalties  from  four  to  six  years  in  chain-gang.  Id.,  liv.  11,  20-4.    1825,  a  sol 
dier  sentenced  to  three  months  in  shackles  for  raising  his  bayonet  against 
Sergt.  Tobar;  and  Tobar  reprimanded  for  use  of  abusive  language  and  being 
drunk  when  on  duty.  St.   Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  21.     An  alcalde  complained 
that  a  private  and  innocent  game  of  monte  at  his  house  had  been  broken  up 
by  the  military.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  vi.  34-5.    1827,  soldier 
sentenced  to  seven  years'  of  hard  work  for  rape  and  desertion.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  v.  38.     Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  10-13,  tells  the  story  of  Valeric,  who* 
escaped  from  the  mission  and  lived  in  a  cave,  coming  at  night  for  food,  etc. 
According  to  this  author  Valerio  was  hunted  down  and  killed  some  months 
before  April  1827;  but  efforts  to  capture  the  *  famoso  ladron '  are  recorded  in 
Feb.  1828.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  186;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  100.     In  April 
1830  a  negro  soldier  wounded  an  English  sailor,  and  declared  at  his  examina 
tion  that  he  would  kill  a  Gachupin  foreigner  whenever  he  had  a  chance;  'and 
this  proof  of  patriotism  was  so  favorable  to  him  that  Sr  Pacheco  acquitted  and 
released  him — I  do  not  know  if  with  thanks!'  says  Guerra.   CarriUo  (J.),  Doc. 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  23.     In  May  a  neophyte  convicted  of  killing  another  in  a 
gambling  quarrel,  10  years  of  hard  labor  at  S.  Diego.  Id.,  23-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxii.  7.     Sixteen  prisoners  in  December.  Id.,  Ixxii.  1. 

43  In  1821  there  were  charges  of  connivance  in  smuggling  against  Lieut. 
Fabregat  of  the  Mazatecas,  who  sold  some  otter-skins  to  an  American  schooner 
called  the  Sigloe.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  294;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xlvi.  25; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  67.     An  epidemic  fever  killed  many  Indians  from  June 
to  August,  as  is  stated  by  Guerra  in  a  detailed  diary  of  changes  in  the  weather 
from  Feb.  8th  to  Dec.  18th.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  495-501. 

1822.    In  April  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  imperial  regency  was  taken  by 


676  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

Changes  in  missionaries  at  Santa  Barbara  Mission 
during  this  period  were  as  follows:  Antonio  Jaime 
came  in  1821;  Francisco  Suner  left  the  mission  in  1823; 
Juan  Moreno  came  in  1827;  Antonio  Bipoll  fled  at 
the  beginning  of  1828;  in  1829  Moreno  was  succeeded 
by  Antonio  Jimeno,  and  Jaime  died.44  Under  the 

the  authorities,  citizens,  padres,  and  neophytes,  chap.  xxi.  In  June  Alf. 
Maitorena  was  appointed  to  examine  witnesses,  and  in  conjunction  with  com 
missioners  named  by  the  padres,  to  lix  definite  bounds  between  the  presidio 
and  mission.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  509-71.  In  September  the  American 
schooner  Eagle  attempted  to  seize  the  Mexican  brig  San  Francisco  de  Paula, 
but  was  instead  seized  by  the  officers  of  the  brig,  run  on  a  sand-bank,  and  sold 
at  auction,  chap.  xxi. 

In  1823  the  leading  event  was  the  employment  by  Guerra  of  William  Bur 
roughs  to  furnish  medical  treatment  to  the  troops  for  4  years  at  a  salary  of 
$240.  Dr  B.  by  the  terms  of  his  contract  was  to  make  two  visits  daily  at  9 
A.  M.  and  5  P.  M.  to  the  sick  at  the  presidio;  but  might  also  visit  the  missions 
with  a  permit.  After  this  year  nothing  more  is  heard  of  Burroughs,  or  Boris 
as  he  is  called.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  197-8;  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iv.  651. 

In  1824  there  occurred  the  exciting  episode  of  the  great  Indian  revolt. 
chap,  xxiii.  In  May  1825  the  Spanish  ship  Aqidles  visited  this  port,  greatly 
to  the  scandal  of  Sta  Barbara  society.  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  i.  vol.  iii.,  this  series. 
For  the  next  two  years  there  is  nothing  to  be  noticed. 

1828.  Padre  Ripoll  ran  away  in  January;  and  Gov.  Echeandia  honored  Sta 
Barbara  with  his  presence  both  in  spring  and  autumn.  Hist.  CaL ,  chap.  ii. 
and  iv.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  series.    A  Mexican  newspaper  of  Nov.  1828  contained 
a  communication  from  Capt.  Miguel  Gonzalez,  in  which  it  was  narrated  that 
three  cadets,  Jose"  Antonio  de  la  Guerra  and  Raimundo  and  Joaquin  Carrillo, 
had  dressed  themselves  as  Spanish  officers  one  day  in  June,  pretended  to  have 
just  landed  from  a  Spanish  ship,  rung  the  bell,  and  had  been  saluted  by 
various  sentries — in  fact  had  been  very  near  capturing  the  whole  presidio  for 
Spain,  much  to  the  terror  of  a  few  true  Mexicans  in  the  garrison,  who  hast 
ened  to  load  the  cannon,  when  the  cadets  declared  it  all  a  joke.    This  matter 
was  investigated  next  year,  was  found  to  be  somewhat  exaggerated,  and  the 
three  culprits  by  reason  of  their  youth  were  pardoned — or  at  least  the  fiscal 
recommended  that  the  charge  be  dismissed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
Ixx.  3-6. 

1829.  Padre  Luis  Martinez  was  imprisoned  and  tried  here  in  February. 
Hist.  CaL,  chap. iv.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  series.    The  first  vessel  built  in  California, 
except  at  Ross,  was  built  here  this  year  and  probably  gave  a  name  to  La  Goleta. 
chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.     In  the  autumn  took  place  the  exciting  events  of  the 
Solis  revolt  with  its  bloodless  battle  near  this  presidio.  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  iii. 
of  vol.  iii. ,  this  series. 

1830.  In  January  the  diputacion  met  here  though  only  to  adjourn;  and  in 
March  a  colony  of  convicts  arrived,  to  be  sent  over  to  Sta  Cruz  Island.  Hist. 
CaL,  chap.  ii.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  series.     The  celebration  of  the  national  anni 
versary  on   Sept.    16th  is  said  to  have  been  rather  a  noisy  occasion,   the 
convicts  and  a  band  of  Acapulco  soldiers  guarding  them  shouting  in  the  ex 
uberance  of  their  patriotism,  'Long  live  Pacheco!  Death  to  the  Gachupines 
and  foreigners!'  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  29.    A  man  named  Gal- 
legos  was  drowned  in  the  creek  late  this  year.  Id.,  32. 

44  Antonio  Jaime,  or  Antonio  Mariano  Francisco  Miguel  Gaspar  Jayme  de 
Seguras,  was  born  at  Palma  in  the  island  of  Mallorca  in  1757.  In  a  letter 
written  by  him  in  1816  he  gives  many  details  of  his  school  days  and  especially 
of  his  association  with  Juan  B.  Bestard,  who,  induced  by  Jaime's  example, 


MISSION  SANTA  BARBARA. 


577 


superintendence  of  the  padres  named  the  mission  de 
clined  rapidly  in  nearly  every  element  of  prosperity, 
especially  after  the  Indian  troubles  of  1824.  The 
mission  buildings  were  in  excellent  condition,  and 
manufacturing  industries  under  Ripoll  had  been  more 


SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT,  1830. 

successful  here  than  in  most  other  establishments; 
but  in  population,  live-stock,  and  agricultural  products 
the  figures  were  far  from  encouraging.  Minor  local 

took  the  habit,  and  later  became  comisario  general  of  his  order  in  Spain. 
Jaime  took  the  habit  in  1774  at  the  convent  of  Jesus  extra  muros  at  Palma, 
where  he  was  for  some  time  a  teacher.  At  his  own  request  he  was  assigned  to 
Mexico,  but  at  Barcelona  on  his  way  was  detained  by  an  appointment  as  collector 
of  alms  for  San  Fernando  college.  He  finally  sailed  with  the  alms  collected 
in  June  1794,  arriving  at  the  college  in  August.  Appointed  to  California  in 
Feb.  1795,  he  landed  at  Monterey  August  25th.  He  served  at  San  Carlos  till 
February  1796,  and  at  Soledad  for  25  years  until  October  1821,  when  he  was 
transferred  as  invalid  to  Sta  Barbara.  He  was  a  kind-hearted,  indulgent  man, 
beloved  for  that  reason  by  the  neophytes;'  and  the  reader  will  remember  how 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  37 


578  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

events,  of  which  few  are  recorded,  have  naturally  not 
been  separated  from  the  presidio  annals.45 

At  San  Buenaventura  Jose  Senan,  president  of 
the  missions,  died  in  August  1823,  and  his  place  as 
minister  was  taken  by  Francisco  Suner.  Vitoria 

well  they  treated  him  at  the  revolt  of  1824  when  the  insurgents  had  possession 
of  Sta  Barbara  Mission.  He  was,  moreover,  a  very  earnest  missionary  in  the 
earlier  times,  though  regarded  by  his  superiors  as  one  of  somewhat  mediocre 
abilities.  His  name  is  inseparably  connected  with  the  mission  of  Soledad. 
In  later  years  he  was  confined  to  his  room  by  the  torments  of  rheumatism, 
seeking  alleviation  in  snuff  and  cigars,  and  in  dreams  of  revisiting  his  native 
island  and  meeting  again  his  old  friend  Bestard,  dreams  never  to  be  realized, 
for  he  died  Dec.  2,  1829,  and  his  remains  were  deposited  in  the  vault  of  the 
Sta  Barbara  church.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  61-2,  133;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  277-8;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,i.  399;  Sta  Bdrbara,  Lib.  J/mow,  MS.,  35-6; 
Soledad,  Lib.  Mislon,  MS. ;  Cantua,  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found.,  ii.  27. 

Padre  Antonio  Ripoll  was,  like  Jaime,  a  native  of  Palma  in  Mallorca, 
where  he  was  born  in  1785,  becoming  a  Franciscan  in  1799.  He  sailed  from 
Cadiz  in  March  1810,  and  arrived  at  the  college  of  San  Fernando  June  20th. 
A  year  later  he  was  assigned  to  California,  but  on  account  of  revolutionary 
troubles  did  not  reach  Lower  California  till  April  1812,  coming  up  to  San  Diego 
in  July.  He  was  minister  at  Purisima  until  May  1815,  and  at  Santa  Barbara 
till  Jan.  1828,  when  he  fled  secretly  in  an  American  vessel  under  circumstances 
that  are  fully  related  in  chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  of  this  history.  Padre  Ripoll 
was  noted  for  his  enthusiasm  in  any  cause  to  which  he  gave  his  attention, 
particularly  in  the  improvement  of  manufacturing  industries  and  of  mission 
buildings,  in  which  he  was  very  successful.  At  the  time  of  the  Bouchard 
attack  his  enthusiasm  took  a  military  form  and  he  organized  a  neophyte  force 
of  180  men,  a  'Compania  de  Urbanos  Realistas  de  Santa  Barbara,'  in  the 
patriotism  and  fighting  qualities  of  which  body  of  men  the  padre  had  unlimited 
faith.  In  the  revolt  of  1824  Ripoll  could  see  nothing  but  the  act  of  Indians 
in  respecting  church  property  and  the  padres.  All  dangers  sank  into  insignifi 
cance  before  that  act,  and  the  subsequent  killing  of  neophytes  was,  in  his  eyes, 
murder.  From  that  time  he  was  discontented  and  had  no  patience  to  endure  the 
later  troubles  to  which  the  padres  were  subjected  as  Spaniards  and  royalists. 
He  determined  to  leave  the  country,  and  to  go  secretly  that  he  might  escape 
detention  and  annoyance.  He  probably  took  with  him  such  money  as  was 
within  his  reach,  but  not  more  than  a  few  thousand  dollars,  the  taking  of 
which  under  the  circumstances  was  not  a  very  discreditable  act.  In  1832  he 
was  residing  in  good  health  at  his  native  town.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  402— 
3;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  x.  437;  Sarria,  Informe  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  51,  128-9; 
Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  xi.  35;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  17-18;  Ord,  Ocurrencias, 
MS.,  10-11.  Autograph,  in  8.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  97-100;  Duhaut- 
Cilly,  Viaggio,  i.  275;  ii.  143-4;  Autobiog.  Autog.,  MS. 

45  Statistics  of  Sta  Barbara  mission:  Decrease  in  population,  1,132  to  711. 
Baptisms,  321;  largest  number,  50  in  1826;  smallest,  22  in  1825.  Deaths, 
743;  largest  number,  103  in  1828;  smallest,  47  in  1826.  Decrease  in  large 
stock,  4,620  to  3,259;  horses  and  mules,  1,120  to  759;  sheep,  8,300  to  3,480. 
Largest  crop,  10,698  bushels  in  1821;  smallest,  948  in  1829;  average,  3,792,  of 
which  2,866  wheat,  yield  10  fold;  576  barley,  9  fold;  262  corn,  38  fold.  In 
1827  Ripoll  had  200  Indians  employed  in  his  woollen  factory.  Duhaut-Cilly, 
Viaggio,  i.  278-80.  April  19,  1827,  sight  draft  of  Habilitado  Maitorena  on 
the  habilitado  general  in  favor  of  padres  of  Sta  Barbara  for  provisions  fur 
nished;  amount, $8,725.  Arch.  Jf*mone«,M8Mii.  177-8;  ifef*.&e.,M3.,V.  38-9. 
Tithes  of  1826,  $724;  besides  $894  supplied  to  troops.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v. 
pt.  ii.  107.  In  1822  there  were  still  some  pagans  on  Sta  Catalina  Island,  and 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  579 

left  the  mission  in  1824  and  Jose  Altimira  came  in 
1826.  The  latter  ran  away  from  California  in  1828; 
but  Francisco  Javier  Uria  had  come  in  1827;  so  that 
Suner  and  Uria  were  left  as  associate  ministers  at  the 
end  of  the  decade.46  The  decline  of  San  Buenaven 
tura  was  even  more  marked  and  rapid  in  some  respects 
than  that  of  Santa  Barbara.  In  the  number  of  its 
cattle  it  dropped  from  the  head  of  the  mission  list  to 
the  fifteenth  place;  and  in  its  crops  there  was  a  great 
falling-off.  As  early  as  1822  the  padres  presented  a 
discouraging  report  respecting  the  mission  lands  and 
the  agricultural  and  stock-raising  prospects.  The 
Indians,  however,  had  a  number  of  gardens  along  the 

it  was  the  opinion  of  the  friars  that  the  islands  ought  to  be  settled  by  the 
remnants  of  their  original  people.  Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS. , 
270.  We  have  seen  that  the  new  church  was  dedicated  in  1820,  but  con 
siderable  improvements  were  made  in  different  mission  buildings  during  the 
first  half  of  this  decade,  especially  in  the  reservoir  and  fountain.  Duhaut- 
Cilly,  Viag(jio,i.  271-80,  gives  a  good  description  of  the  mission  as  it  appeared 
in  1827,  including  the  fountain  with  its  stone  bear  spouting  water,  and  a 
water-mill  to  which  PJpoll  was  at  the  time  giving  his  whole  attention,  though 
it  was  not  yet  in  running  order.  In  a  scrap  in  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  343,  it  is 
stated  that  about  1824  the  padres  laid  the  corner-stone  and  prepared  adobes 
for  a  church  at  San  Emilio,  but  the  work  was  abandoned  on  account  of  the 
revolt.  I  find  no  other  record  on  this  subject.  Description  of  church  in  Id., 
473,  with  mention  of  a  road  over  Mt  S.  Marcos  by  which  timber  was  brought. 
In  1822  the  mission  lands  are  described  as  extending  7-8  1.  E.  to  w.,  and  3-4 
1.  N.  to  S.  Pasturage  insufficient.  Soil  good,  but  no  irrigation.  Locusts 
troublesome.  Grain  sufficient  to  feed  the  neophytes  with  the  aid  of  meat, 
fish,  and  fruits.  Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados,  1822,  MS.,  240,  278-9;  ArcK. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  130-2.  In  1828  four  ranches  are  mentioned,  three  used  for 
sowing  and  one  for  stock.  They  were  San  Jose",  4  1.  away;  Canada  de  las 
Armas,  4  1.;  Los  Pueblos,  6  1.,  and  S.  Marcos,  8  1.  Pico,  Papeles  de  Mision, 
MS.,  1-2. 

46  For  biographical  sketch  of  Seflan  see  chap,  xxii.,  this  vol.  Padre  Josd 
Altimira  was  a  native  of  Barcelona,  where  he  also  entered  the  Franciscan 
order;  and  he  was  32  years  of  age  when  in  1819  he  came  to  the  Mexican  col 
lege.  He  arrived  at  Monterey  Aug.  18,  1820.  He  served  at  San  Francisco  in 
1820-4;  at  S.  Francisco  Solano  in  1824-6;  and  at  S.  Buenaventura  in  1826-7. 
This  padre  brought  from  Spain  and  Mexico  a  good  reputation  for  talent  and 
application,  a  reputation  which  he  sustained  during  his  short  stay  in  Califor 
nia;  but  he  showed  also  a  spirit  of  independence  which  led  to  much  chafing 
under  the  restraint  of  superior  orders,  and  he  made  enemies  even  among  the 
friars.  His  fame  in  California  rests  upon  his  foundation  of  S.  Francisco 
Solano  in  1823,  at  which  time  he  had  a  bitter  controversy  with  his  superiors 
and  associates;  and  on  his  flight  in  company  with  Ripoll  in  January  1828 — 
both  of  which  topics  are  fully  recorded  elsewhere.  See  chap.  xxii.  of  this 
vol.  and  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  On  account  of  his  brief  service  in  the  country,  his 
independence  of  character,  and  the  resulting  controversies,  his  flight  was  less 
to  be  wondered  at  than  that  of  Ripoll.  As  late  as  1860  he  is  said  to  have 
been  living  at  Teneriffe.  On  his  early  life  and  coming  to  California,  see  Pay- 
eras'  report  of  1820,  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  140;  Autobiog.  Autfaj.Y  MS*. 


580  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

banks  of  the  river,  where  they  successfully  raised 
vegetables  for  sale;  and  the  gardens  of  the  mission 
were  much  more  thriving  than  the  grain-fields.  Some 
local  happenings  in  chronologic  order  I  append  with 
statistics  in  a  note.47 

At  Purisima  Padre  Sanchez  was  succeeded  by 
Antonio  Rodriguez  in  1821 ;  and  the  latter,  dying,  by 
Marcos  Antonio  Vitoria  in  1824.  Vitoria  seems  to 
have  served  alone,  for  Prefect  Payeras,  as  we  have 
seen,  had  died  in  April  1823.48  The  great  event  of  the 

47  A  severe  shock  of  earthquake  Jan.   1,   1821.     Extreme  cold,  snow,  and 
frost,  in  February.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.   85.     May   16,    1822. 
Padres  and  neophytes  take  the  oath  to  the  imperial  regency,  chap.  xxi.  this 
vol.     Fabian,  a  neophyte,  honored  by  being  buried  in  Franciscan  robes  by 
Seilan,  March  16,  1822.  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  i.  65.    In  letters 
of  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  the  governor's  secretary,  the  quarrel  between  Guerra 
and  PP.  Senan  and  Ibarra,  Padre  Calma  and   Padre  Napoleon,  about   the 
ranchos  of  Pirii  and  Sespe.     Sola  is  said  to  have  been  very  angry  with  Senan, 
who  wrote  an  insulting  and  threatening  letter.   Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
vi.  102-5.     The  exact  result  of  this  quarrel  is  nowhere  recorded.     Oct.  5th, 
Senan  complains  of  outrages  of  the  escolta  on  tiie  neophytes.  Id.,  v.  90-2. 
In  June  1822,  apparently  the  eventful  year  of  the  decade  at  this  mission,  a 
neophyte  killed  his  wife  for  adultery.    As  he  had  been  a  Christian  'only  seven 
years, '  and  was  yet  ignorant  in  matters  of  domestic  discipline,  the  fiscal  only 
asked  on  the  trial  for  a  penalty  of  five  years  in  the  chain-gang  with  banish 
ment.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  liii.  64-7.     In  1827  George  Coleman 
was  llavero  of  the  mission,  chap.  vi.  vol.  iii.  this  history.     In  1827-8  the 
measles  carried  off  many  Indians.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  48.     Statistics:  De 
crease  in  population,  1,127  to  726;  baptisms,  258;  largest  number  38  in  1823; 
smallest,  16  in  1827.     Deaths,  662;  largest  number,  144  in  1822;  smallest,  35 
in  1827.     Decrease  in  large  stock,  18,741  to  4,860;  horses  and  mules,  3,451  to 
360;  sheep,  10,730  to  3,350.     Largest  crop,  8,472  bushels  in  1821;  smallest, 
1,230  in  1827;  average,  5,991,  of  which  2,376  wheat,  yield  10  fold;  985 barley, 
15  fold;  954  corn,  104  fold.     Report  on  mission  lands  in  1822.  Misiones,  Cua- 
derno  de Estados,  1822,  MS.,  274-6.     Lands  extend  5  1.  N.,  used  for  sheep,  but 
exposed  to  bears  and  lions ;  9-10  1.  E.     Little  rain,  strong  winds,  abundant 
grasshoppers,  sandy  soil.     Forty  head  of  cattle  per  week  killed  for  food. 
Robinson,  Life  in  Gal. ,  49-50,  mentions  a  small  chapel  near  the  beach  besides 
the  church;  also  a  fine  fountain  in  the  garden,  in  1829.     This  mission  sup 
plied  $26,155  to  the  presidio  in  1822-7.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  38-9. 

48  For  biographical  sketch  of  Payeras  see  chap.  xxii.  this  vol.    Antonio 
Catarino  Rodriguez  was  one  of  the  few  Mexican  friars  in  California  before 
1830,  having  been  born  at  San  Luis  Potosi  in  1777  on  Jan.  1st.     He  took  the 
habit  of  St  Francis  at  the  convent  in  his  native  city,  where  he  served  as  con 
vent  preacher,  vicar,  master  of  novices,  and  professor  of  moral  philosophy. 
He  became  a  member  of  the  college  of  San  Fernando  in  August  1808,  and 
arrived  at  Monterey  June  22,  1809.     His  missionary  service  was  at  Sta  Cruz 
till  1811,  at  S.  Luis  Obispo  till  1821,  and  at  Purisima  till  his  death  in  1824. 
He  died,  however,  at  San  Luis  Obispo  011  Nov.  24th  and  was  buried  in  the 
church  of  that  mission.    As  a  missionary  Rodriguez  was  rated  according  to 
the  Franciscan  standard,  not  always  identical  with  that  of  common  sense,  as 
of  but  moderate  talent;  but  he  excelled  greatly  as  a  preacher  to  gente  de 
.razon.     His  virtues  and  kindness  of  disposition  caused  him  to  be  well  liked 


SANTA  INES.  581 

decade  at  this  mission  was  the  Indian  revolt  of  1824 
and  the  battle  by  which  the  place  was  retaken  after 
having  been  for  some  time  in  possession  of  the  rebels ; 
but  this  affair  has  been  fully  described  in  another 
chapter.49  In  the  revolt  the  buildings  were  much 
damaged,  and  it  would  seem  that  the  church,  though 
a  new  structure,  had  to  be  rebuilt;  at  least  a  new 
church  was  dedicated  on  October  4,  1825. m  Purisima 
showed  a  gain  in  cattle  for  this  decade,  and  in  this 
respect  was  in  1830  excelled  by  only  San  Luis  and 
San  Gabriel;  but  in  other  respects  this  mission  was 
advancing  toward  ruin  as  rapidly  as  any  of  its  neigh 
bors.51 

At  Santa  Ines  Padre  Rodriguez  served  till  1821; 
Urfa  until  1824;  and  Bias  Ordaz  from  1823,  being 
therefore  alone  in  his  ministry  for  the  last  half  of  the 
decade.  In  the  revolt  of  1824,  which  first  broke  out 
at  this  mission,  a  large  part  of  the  buildings  are  said 
to  have  been  destroyed ;  but  I  find  no  record  of  re 
pairs  or  rebuilding.52  Like  its  neighbor  Santa  Ines 

by  the  Indians.  In  person  he  was  very  corpulent,  with  prominent  eyes  and 
heavy  face.  Early  in  the  year  of  his  death,  already  ill  and  infirm,  he  was 
taken  by  the  rebel  neophytes  and  kept  for  some  weeks  a  prisoner;  but  was 
treated  with  great  respect,  and  worked  faithfully  for  the  interests  of  his  flock 
at  the  time  of  their  surrender.  He  went  to  San  Luis  soon  after  his  release. 
8.  LmsObispo,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  400-1;  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  x.  437;  Sarria,  Infarme  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  56-7, 131;  Guerra, 
Doc.  Hi«t.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  246;  Valdts,  Memoriae,  MS.,  14;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  67,  where  the  death  is  dated  Nov.  25th. 

49  See  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol.  Some  trouble  with  Indians  also  in  1830.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxxviii.  4. 

™Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  29. 

51  Statistics :  Decrease  in  population,  840  to  413.  Baptisms,  167;  largest 
number,  28  in  1821;  smallest,  9  in  1826.  Deaths,  484;  largest  number,  85  in 
1824;  smallest,  13  in  1830.  Increase  in  large  stock,  11,061  to  13,430;  decrease 
in  horses  and  mules  1,543  to  430;  sheep,  12,716  to  6,070.  Largest  crop,  7,992 
bushels  in  1821 ;  smaMest,  1 ,353  in  1829;  average,  3, 135,  of  which  2,254  wheat, 
yield  12  fold;  93  barley;  540  corn,  75  fold.  Excessive  cold  in  1821.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  89.  In  1825  a  freshet  destroyed  much  wheat  already 
sprouted.  Robinson,  Life  in  CaL,  49,  says  that  in  1829  the  mission  had  been 
much  neglected  and  the  Indians  were  ill-clothed  and  apparently  in  a  most 
abject  condition.  Mission  lands  in  1822  extend  N.  and  s.  14  1.;  E.  and  w.  4- 
6  1.  Soil  good;  irrigation  necessary,  but  cannot  be  extended.  Frosts,  grass 
hoppers,  squirrels,  troublesome.  An  anchorage  1.51.  below  Pt  Concepcion. 
No  mines,  but  plenty  of  dbalon  and  other  shells.  Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Esta- 
dos,  1822,  MS.,  284-5;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  115-19.  Purisima  furnished 
to  the  presidio  $12,921  of  supplies  in  1822-7.  Dept.  Rec.,  v.  38-9. 

53  See  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol. 


582  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT. 

gained  in  its  herds  of  cattle.  It  very  nearly  also  held 
its  own  in  agriculture;  arid  its  percentage  of  loss  in 
population  was  less  than  at  Purisima.  There  is  noth 
ing  to  be  noticed  in  the  matter  of  local  events.63 

63  Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  635  to  408.  Baptisms,  176;  largest 
number,  28  in  1823;  smallest,  10  in  1828.  Deaths,  367;  largest  number,  53 
in  1824;  smallest,  20  in  1830.  Loss  in  large  stock,  7,720  to  7,590;  loss  in 
horses  and  mules,  720  to  390;  sheep,  5,100  to  2,160.  Largest  crop,  8,917 
bushels  in  1821;  smallest,  1,734  in  1829;  average,  3,562,  of  which  2,181  wheat, 
yield  18  fold;  195  barley,  36  fold;  951  corn,  130  fold.  Robinson,  L\fe.  in  CaL, 
48-9,  describes  the  buildings  in  1829  as  similar  to  those  at  Sta  Barbara.  In 
front  was  a  large  brick  enclosure  used  for  bathing  and  washing;  to  the  right, 
gardens  and  orchards;  to  the  left,  Indian  huts  and  tiled  houses.  Mission  lands, 
1822,  between  two  branch  ranges  of  the  sierra,  Buchon  6  1.  N.  and  Peder- 
nales  f  1.  s.  joining  12  1.  E.  Lands  extend  7-9  1.  N.  and  s.;  5-13  1.  E.  and  w. 
Good  pastures  in  south;  rocky  with  oak  timber  in  north.  Only  small  extent 
of  tillable  land  on  the  stream,  requiring  irrigation,  and  nearly  exhausted. 
Misiones,  Cuad.  de-Estados,  MS.,  241,  281-3.  Names  of  some  localities,  1824. 
chap,  xxiii.  this  vol.,  1827.  Padre  Ordaz  refuses  to  sell  saddles  except  for 
cash  to  S.  Francisco.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  78.  From 
1822  to  1827  Sta  Ines  furnished  $10,767  of  supplies  to  Sta  Barbara  presidio. 
Dept.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  v.  38-9.  Francisco  Gonzalez  in  command  of  the  escolta  in 
1824;  Manuel  Cota  in  1828.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ivii.  27;  Ixvi.  69. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS-SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 
1821-1830. 

SAN  FRANCISCO  PRESIDIO — OFFICERS — PEDRO  AMADOR  AND  HIS  SON  JOSE 
MARIA — MILITARY  FORCE  AND  POPULATION — BUILDINGS  AND  SUR 
ROUNDINGS — CHART  OF  THE  BAY — YERBA  BUENA  ANCHORAGE — FOREIGN 
VISITORS — CHRONOLOGIC  SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS — PRIVATE  RANCHOS  OF 
THE  DISTRICT — MISSION  SAN  FRANCISCO — MINISTERS — STATISTICS — 
LANDS — BUILDINGS — SAN  RAFAEL — ABORIGINAL  NAMES — PROPOSED 
SUPPRESSION — MARIN  AND  QUINTIN — THE  TAMALES — MISSION  SAN 
JOSE — STATISTICS  OF  PROGRESS — PETTY  EVENTS — SANTA  CLARA — 
MAGIN  CATALA — NEW  CHURCH — PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE— GAIN  IN  POPU 
LATION — DESCRIPTIONS  BY  VISITORS — SCHOOL — MUNICIPAL  GOVERN 
MENT  AND  CRIMINAL  RECORD — ATTACHED  TO  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

Luis  ANTONIO  ARGUELLO  was  captain  of  the  San 
Francisco  company  until  his  death,  which  occurred 
March  27, 1830.1  During  Argiiello's  absence  in  Mon 
terey  as  acting  governor  in  1822—5,  till  his  return  in 
1827,  and  after  his  suspension  in  February  1828, 
Lieutenant  Ignacio  Martinez  was  comandante.  San 
tiago  Argiiello,  though  absent  at  San  Diego,  was 
company  alferez  until  1827,  when  Mariano  Guada- 
lupe  Vallejo  was  promoted  from  cadet  in  the  Mon- 

1  For  biographical  sketch  of  Gov.  Arguello,  see  chap.  i.  of  vol.  iii.,  this 
history.  How  much  of  the  time  he  was  actually  in  command  at  San  Fran 
cisco  after  giving  up  the  governorship  I  am  unable  to  say  exactly.  He  could 
not  have  returned  from  the  south  much  before  the  end  of  1827,  and  early  in 
1828  he  was  suspended  from  the  command.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  was 
ever  reinstated,  and  of  him  in  1828-30  nothing  is  known  except  that  he  had 
some  business  quarrels  with  Capt.  Cooper.  He  probably  spent  much  of  the 
time  at  his  rancho  of  Las  Pulgas.  Lieut.  Martinez,  whose  later  conduct  at 
the  time  of  the  Solis  revolt  in  1829  was  not  very  creditable,  was  not  popular 
with  his  men,  who  in  1822  petitioned  for  his  removal.  An  investigation  was 
ordered,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of  Acting  Gov.  Arguello  of  Dec.  31st;  but  of 
the  result  nothing  appears.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat. ,  MS. ,  i.  52.  In  the  same 
year  there  was  an  order  of  Gov.  Sola  to  reprimand  Lieut.  Antonio  del  Valie 
for  disrespect  to  Martinez.  Id.,  i.  48. 

(583) 


584  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

terey  company  to  fill  the  place.  Vallejo,  however, 
did  not  come  to  San  Francisco  till  1830.  Jose  San 
chez  was  brevet  alferez  throughout  the  decade.  Luis 
Peralta  was  company  sergeant  until  1826,  when  he 
left  the  service  to  become  a  ranchero,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Francisco  Soto  in  1827.  Soto  was  brevet 
alferez  in  1829,  and  in  1830  Jose  Berreyesa  succeeded 
him  as  sergeant.  Jose  Joaquin  Estudillo  was  cadet 
in  this  company  till  1822,  and  Raimundo  Estrada 
from  1823.  The  accounts  were  kept  successively  by 
Argiiello,  Martinez,  Estrada,  and  Vallejo  as  habili- 
tados.2 

So  far  as  I  can  determine  from  numerous  but  con 
tradictory  rosters  and  accounts,  the  presidial  company 
of  San  Francisco  had  dwindled  to  fifty  men  or  perhaps 
less  in  1830.  There  were  also  seven  invalids,3  most 
if  not  all  of  whom  lived  at  San  Jose,  and  seven  artil- 

2  The  habilitado  was  also  postmaster  and  in  the  last  years  also  comisario 
subalterno  in  charge  of  the  revenues.     There  was  no  aymitamiento  at  San 
Francisco.    The  electores  de  partido  were  Francisco  Castro  in  1822,  Francisco 
de  Haro  in  1827,  and  Jos<§  Peiia  in  1830. 

3  Among  the  invalidos  in  the  early  years  of  the  decade  was  the  old  ex-al- 
fdrez  of  the  company,  Ramon  Lasso  de  la  Vega,  who  had  disappeared  from 
official  life  before  1790,  who  died  at  San  Jose"  in  1821,  and  whose  biography 
may  be  found  in  vol.  i.  chap.  xxii.  of  this  history. 

Another  was  the  venerable  Sergeant  Pedro  Amador,  brevetted  alferez  in 
retirement,  who  died  at  S.  Jose"  April  10,  1824.  Amador  was  a  native  of 
Cocula,  in  what  is  now  Jalisco,  and  was  not  a  Spaniard  as  has  sometimes 
been  stated.  He  enlisted  in  April  1764  (or  in  Aug.  1765  more  likely)  and 
rose  to  be  a  sergeant  in  the  Loreto  company.  Certificate  of  Lieut.  Sal,  1791, 
in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. .  x.  86.  He  was  in  the  first  expedition  to  Alta  Califor 
nia  in  1769,  receiving  on  May  27,  1771,  a  certificate  of  faithful  and  cheerful  ser 
vice  from  Capt.  Rivera  y  Moncada.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  52-3. 
His  name  appears  as  that  of  a  sergeant  of  the  garrison  at  San  Diego  in  1771, 
S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  9;  but  he  returned  to  Loreto,  where  in  December 
1 773,  having  to  visit  his  wife  at  Cocula  under  circumstances  not  very  clearly  ex 
plained,  but  reflecting  no  discredit  on  him,  he  was  dismissed  from  the  service, 
receiving  from  Gov.  Barri  a  certificate  of  good  conduct  with  a  pass  to  travel 
where  he  pleased,  but  forfeiting  his  rank  as  sergeant  and  his  eight  years  of  ser 
vice.  In  October  of  the  same  year  he  is  mentioned  as  having  been  in  command 
on  the  frontier.  Palou,  Notidas,  i.  180, 183.  In  1774  after  eight  months'  absence 
he  returned,  probably  with  his  wife,  and  re-enlisted  as  a  private  in  the  Loreto 
company.  Ten  years  later,  in  1784,  he  returned  to  California  by  changing  places 
with  a  soldier  of  the  Sta  Barbara  company,  in  which  he  was  soon  made  cor 
poral.  In  1787  he  was  transferred  to  S.  Francisco  as  sergeant,  and  in  1791  he 
petitioned  successfully  that  the  eight  years  and  four  months  of  his  first  term  of 
service  be  added  to  his  record.  Amador,  Espediente  de  Servidos,  1765-91,  MS. ; 
/(/.,  Ben.  Mil,  ix.  17;  xv.  4;  xxi.  5;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  4,  55;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  24.  At  various  times  between  1791  and  1800  Sergt.  Amador 
was  proposed  in  second  or  third  place  for  promotion,  and  once  is  said  to  have 


SERGEANT  AMADOK.  585 

lerymen.  The  infantry  detachment  of  the  San  Bias 
company  numbered  32  in  1821-2,  and  was  only  14  in 
1823;  but  there  are  no  later  records,  though  as  small 
sums  were  paid  to  account  of  the  detachment  down 
at  least  to  1828,  I  suppose  there  were  ten  or  twelve 
infantrymen  left  in  1830  under  the  command  of  Alfe- 
rez  Haro.  Thus  the  effective  military  force  was  not 

been  offered  the  place  of  alfdrez  at  Loreto.  In  all  reports  he  was  accredited 
with  courage,  application,  good  conduct,  and  average  capacity.  St.  Pap., 
fe.,MS.,  v.  70-7;  i.  56;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  113-14;  8.  Jose ,  Lib.  Mission, 
MS.,  i.;  Prov.  St.  Pa}).,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  5;  Amador,  Memoriae,  MS. 
The  nature  of  his  military  services  during  this  period  is  indicated  by  the  titles 
cf  documents  from  his  pen  in  my  list  of  original  authorities.  He  failed  to 
get  his  promotion  in  active  service,  but  in  1802  we  find  him  on  the  list  of 
invalidos  as  brevet  alfe"rez  with  $200  a  year.  For  the  last  10  or  12  years  of 
his  life  he  was  nearly  blind,  failed  to  get  his  pension,  and  was  supported  at 
S.  Jose"  by  his  son.  He  died  April  10,  1824,  at  the  age  of  82  years,  and  was 
buried  by  P.  Viader  next  day  in  the  cemetery  at  Sta  Clara.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  xxxi. ;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  xxiii.  28;  St.  Pap.  Sac. , 
MS.,  i.  55;  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.  The  old  sergeant  was  one  of  the  most 
worthy  of  California's  earliest  settlers,  and  it  is  well  that  one  of  her  counties 
bears  his  name,  or  rather  that  of  his  son.  Amador  was  twice  married,  first 
to  Maria  de  la  Luz,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  and  a  daughter,  the  former  of 
whom  once  in  later  years  came  to  Monterey  as  a  courier;  and  next  to  a  widow 
Maria  Ramona  Noriega,  a  woman  of  some  attainments  for  her  circumstances, 
who  could  teach  her  children — of  whom  four  were  born  in  Lower  California, 
and  seven  in  California — to  read  and  write.  She  died  in  1801.  None  of  the 
descendants  acquired  any  special  prominence,  and  but  little  is  known  beyond 
their  names.  One  of  the  daughters  was  the  mother  of  Rafael  Pinto.  S.  Fran 
cisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  24-5,  28,  32,  59-GO;  Sta  Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS., 
5;  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  1-6;  Pinto,  Apuntaciones,  MS.,  1;  Perez,  Recu- 
cnlos  de  Una  Vicja,  MS.,  7. 

One  of  Amador's  sons,  Jose"  Maria,  who,  like  two  of  his  brothers,  became 
a  soldier,  was  living  in  1883,  aged  89  years,  as  he  was  born  at  S.  Francisco 
on  Dec.  18,  1794.  8.  Francisco,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  28.  He  served  as  a  private 
soldier  in  the  S.  Francisco-  company  from  about  1810  to  1827,  S.  Francisco, 
Cuentas,  MS. ,  being  for  the  last  three  years  in  the  escolta  of  the  Sonoma  mis 
sion.  He  is  proud  of  his  experience  as  an  Indian  fighter,  boasts  of  many  acts 
cf  barbarous  cruelty,  shows  the  scars  of  many  wounds,  and  declares  he  re 
ceived  for  his  service  nothing  but  scanty  rations  and  an  occasional  garment. 
He  accompanied  Capt.  Argiiello  in  his  famous  campaign  'to  the  Columbia,' 
raid  went  to  Bodega  and  Ross  with  Gabriel  Moraga.  After  his  discharge  in 
1827,  he  became  majordomo  of  San  Jose"  Mission.  In  1834  he  obtained  the 
rancho  of  San  Ramon,  in  the  valley  that  bears  his  name,  in  what  is  now  Con 
tra  Costa  county,  where  he  lived  most  of  the  time  until  after  1850.  He  went 
to  the  mines  at  the  time  of  the  gold  excitement,  and  added  to  his  wealth, 
which  in  his  case,  as  in  that  of  so  many  others,  rapidly  disappeared  in  later  years. 
He  was  friendly  to  the  Americans  in  the  troubles  of  1846.  His  first  wife  was 
a  daughter  of  Francisco  Alviso;  and  his  second,  Josefa  Ortega,  of  Sta  Bar 
bara,  whom  he  married  in  1828.  I  know  nothing  of  the  reasons  why  his 
name  was  given  to  Amador  county  beyond  Hittell's  statement,  Resources  of 
Cal.,  425,  that  in  1848  he  went  with  a  number  of  Indians  to  mine  in  that 
region.  It  is  more  agreeable,  if  less  exact,  to  be  reminded  of  his  father  by 
the  name.  Josd  Maria  is  also  credited  by  the  newspapers  with  having  named 
Mt  Diablo  in  1814,  Oakland  Daily  News,  June  19,  1874,  but  this  is  very 


586  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

over  70  men,  of  whom  25  were  absent  from  the  pen 
insula  on  escolta  duty.  The  total  population  de  razon 
of  the  presidio  and  mission  in  1830  was  at  most  200, 
and  of  the  whole  jurisdiction,  including  five  missions, 
but  excluding  Santa  Cruz,  not  more  than  300,  a  decline 
from  430  during  the  decade.*  Adding  the  population 
of  San  Jose  we  have  for  the  presidial  district  of  San 
Francisco  a  total  of  840,  a  gain  from  670  ten  years 
before.  Very  many  soldiers  had  left  the  service  and 
gone  to  live  at  the  pueblo.  During  the  same  period 
the  neophyte  population  had  increased  slightly  from 
4,360  to  4,920.  There  were  no  foreigners  known  to 
have  been  residing  on  the  peninsula  at  the  end  of  the 
decade,  though  there  were  half  a  dozen  at  San  Jose.5 

doubtful.  The  current  newspaper  stories  to  the  effect  that  he  is  a  centenarian, 
a  Spanish  officer,  living  with  his  fifth  wife,  the  first  white  child  born  at  S. 
Francisco,  the  founder  of  Sonoma,  etc.,  are  without  foundation  in  fact.  In 
1877,  poor,  crippled  with  paralysis,  residing  with  his  youngest  daughter  at 
S.  Andre's — Whiskey  Hill,  or  Liberty — near  Watsonville,  he  dictated  to  Mr 
Savage,  for  my  use,  229  pages  of  his  recollections  of  early  times,  the  Amador, 
Memorias  sobre  la  Historia  de  California,  a  manuscript  often  cited  in  my 
work.  The  author's  memory  was  still  -unimpaired  and  he  has  contributed  a 
most  valuable  and  interesting  fund  of  anecdotes  about  events  and  men  of  the 
past,  though  as  might  naturally  be  expected  the  old  soldier  '  draws  the  long 
bow '  in  relating  adventures  of  Indian  warfare,  and  is  very  inaccurate  in  his 
dates. 

*  There  are  no  official  figures  except  for  1827-8,  which  vary  from  228  to 
280.  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  6;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  passim;  Val- 
lejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xiv.  209;  Wilkes1  Nar.,  U.  S.  Explor.  Exped.,  v. 
555,  and  one  for  1830  in  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  34,  which  makes  the  total 
229,  so  that  300  may  be  too  large  a  figure.  See  a  later  note  for  the  figures  of 
S.  Jose",  which  are  yet  less  satisfactory. 

5  For  the  official  list  and  statements  of  the  presidial  force  from  1821-30, 
the  best  authority  is  the  S.  Francisco,  Cuentas  del  Ildbilitado,  MS.,  torn  v.- 
xxiii. ,  containing  complete  lists  of  men  and  officers  each  year.  For  similar 
information  in  company  rosters,  etc. ,  as  for  various  financial  and  other  statis 
tics  for  the  period,  I  have  consulted  chiefly  the  original  records  of  the  com 
pany  in  my  possession,  Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  xvii-xx.,  xxix.-xxx.; 
but  also  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.-lxxii.  passim;  St.  Pap.  Sac., 
MS.,  iii.  15;  x.  6-7,  87;  xi.  15-18,  71;  xiv.  35,  41;  xviii.  23-4;  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  1;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.  H.,  MS.,  i.-iii.  pas 
sim;  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  88;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  68,  291;  vii.  187. 
The  habilitado's  accounts  of  revenues,  or  duties  collected  on  imports  on  for 
eign  goods,  with  names  of  vessels  and  amounts  paid  by  each  are  very  com 
plete  in  comparison  with  those  of  other  presidios,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  i.  xvii.  xx.  passim;  but  the  statistics  have  been  utilized  as  far  as  is  prac 
ticable  in  the  chapters  devoted  to  commercial  and  maritime  affairs.  A  few 
items  on  financial  affairs,  gathered  from  records  that  are  sufficiently  volumi 
nous  but  not  equally  satisfactory,  are  as  follows:  Pay-roll  of  the  company, 
$15,000  to  $18,000  per  year;  annual  debt  to  company,  from  $4,000  to  $10, 000; 
total  debt  increased  from  $19,000  in  1821  to  $50,000  in  1829.  An  invoice  of 


PRESIDIO.  587 

In  1821  Governor  Sola  called  upon  the  padres 
through  Prefect  Payeras  to  send  a  boat  with  timber 
and  laborers  to  execute  certain  repairs  of  which  the 
quarters  and  defences  at  San  Francisco  were  sadly  in 
need.  The  response  was  prompt  from  the  five  mis 
sions.6  Kotzebue  on  entering  the  port  in  1824  found 
"St  Joachim  on  his  rocky  throne,  truly  a  very  peace 
able  and  well-disposed  saint;  no  one  of  his  cannon 
in  condition  to  fire  a  single  shot."  According  to  his 
statement  he  had  to  lend  powder  with  which  to  fire  a 
salute  in  his  honor;  but  there  is  a  record  in  the  ar 
chives  that  40  kegs  of  powder  had  been  received  at 
the  fort  two  months  before.7  Kotzebue  found  the  pre 
sidio  "in  the  same  state  in  which  I  found  it  eight  years 
before ;  and,  except  the  republican  flag,  no  trace  of  the 
important  changes  which  had  taken  place  was  percep 
tible.  Everything  was  going  on  in  the  old,  easy,  care 
less  way."  The  Russian  voyager  predicted  a  brilliant 
future  for  San  Francisco;  and  in  connection  with  his 
trips  to  Santa  Clara,  San  Rafael,  and  up  the  Sacra 
mento,  he  gave  in  his  book  much  interesting  infor 
mation  on  the  whole  region  round  about  the  bay.8 


$3,011  received  in  1825.  Inventories  of  goods  on  hand  in  1827  and  1829,  8342 
and  $302.  Supplies  to  infantry  detachment  very  irregular,  from  $G9  to 
$1 ,200  per  year.  Supplies  to  artillery  detachment  in  1830,  $6,548.  Received 
from  Monterey  in  1824,  $3,G74.  Received  from  other  presidios,  1828-30, 
$6,823.  Average  net  postal  revenue  $16.  Net  proceeds  of  tobacco  sales, 
1827,  $690;  1828,  to  March,  $100;  April  1828  to  Nov.  1829,  $587;  350  Ibs. 
were  burned  as  rotten  this  year.  Liquor  tax  collected,  1821-4,  $174;  1829-30, 
$24.  Average  yearly  expense  of  the  presidial  barge,  or  lighter,  over  and 
above  its  earnings,  $130.  Stamped  paper  sent  to  S.  Francisco  in  1826,  $874; 
in  the  office  1830,  $109.  Mission  supplies  were  as  follows:  S.  Francisco, 
182 1-30  (except  1827),  $6,288;  Sta  Clara,  $14,068;  S.  Jose",  $15,125;  Sta  Cruz, 
$5,690;  Solano,  1828-30,  $593;  S.  Rafael,  1822-6,  1828-30,  $1,311. 

6 Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  59-60.  Two  carpenters,  12  axemen,  and 
2  boats  loaded  with  material  were  sent  in  May. 

^St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  12  (72?). 

8  Kotzebue 's  New  Voyage,  ii.  75-150.  See  also  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol. 
for  an  account  of  this  visitor's  observations  in  general.  Padre  Amor6s  in  a 
letter  of  1823,  speaking  of  a  Russian  visit  to  the  port,  says:  'Puede  qne  S. 
Francisco  cobre  fama  entre  muchas  naciones,  y  asi  visitas  no  faltaran.'  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  83.  Echeandia  on  his  first  visit  to  S.  Francisco  is  said 
to  have  exclaimed,  after  gazing  on  the  bay  from  the  summit  of  Telegraph 
Hill,  'Esto  es  muy  portentoso.  Mejico  no  sabe,  no,  lo  que  ticne!'  He  spent 
some  days  in  making  plans  for  fortifications — castles  in  the  air.  Vallejo,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  ii.  69. 


588  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

Captain  Morrell  was  here  in  1825.  He  describes  the 
presidio  as  "built  in  the  same  manner  as  Monterey;" 
that  is,  "surrounded  by  a  wall  of  ten  feet  in  height, 
built  of  freestone,  but  much  smaller,  comprising  only 
about  120  houses  and  a  church.  The  fort  mounts  10 
guns,  which  would  be  sufficient  to  command  the  pas 
sage  were  the  works  kept  in  any  kind  of  order."  This 
American  captain  was  very  enthusiastic  in  his  admira 
tion  of  the  bay  region.9 

In  1826  occurred  the  visit  of  the  English  navigator, 
Beechey.  Of  the  buildings  he  says:  "The  governor's 
abode  was  in  a  corner  of  the  presidio,  arid  formed  one 
end  of  a  row  of  which  the  other  was  occupied  by  a 
chapel;  the  opposite  side  was  broken  down  and  little 
better  than  a  heap  of  rubbish  and  bones,  on  which 
jackals,  dogs,  and  vultures  were  constantly  preying; 
the  other  two  sides  of  the  quadrangle  contained  store 
houses,  artificers'  shops,  and  the  gaol,  all  built  in  the 
humblest  style,  with  badly  burned  bricks,  and  roofed 
with  tiles.  The  chapel  and  the  governor's  house  were 
distinguished  by  being  whitewashed."  Beechey  made 
a  careful  survey  of  the  bay,  discovered  and  named 
Blossom  rock,  and  in  one  of  the  books  resulting  from 
his  visit  there  appeared  a  chart  which  I  reproduce.10 

9 'It  presents  abroad  sheet  of  water  of  sufficient  extent  to  float  all  the 
British  navy  without  crowding;  the  circling  grassy  shores,  indented  with  con 
venient  coves,  and  the  whole  surrounded  by  a  verdant,  blooming  country, 
pleasingly  diversified  with  cultured  fields  and  waving  forests;  meadows 
clothed  with  the  richest  verdure  in  the  gift  of  bounteous  May,  etc.  Man, 
enlightened,  civilized  man,  alone  is  wanting  to  complete  the  picture  and  give 
a  soul,  a  divinity  to  the  whole.  Were  these  beautiful  regions  which  have 
been  so  much  libelled,  and  are  so  little  known,  the  property  of  the  United 
States,  our  government  would  never  permit  them  to  remain  thus  neglected. 
The  eastern  and  middle  states  would  pour  out  their  thousands  of  emigrants 
until  magnificent  cities  would  rise  on  the  shores  of  every  inlet  along  the  coast 
of  New  California,  while  the  wilderness  of  the  interior  would  be  made  to 
blossom  like  the  rose.'  MorrelVs  Narrative,  210-12.  Morrell  had  evidently 
read  Beechey  before  his  book  was  published. 

10  Beechey' s  Voyage,  ii.  1-65.  See  also  chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  history,  for 
a  general  account  of  Beechey's  visit.  The  chart  intended  to  illustrate  chiefly 
the  geological  features  of  the  region  round  the  bay,  but  which  I  use  for 
geographical  purposes  only,  is  taken  from  Richardson's  Zoology  of  Beechey's 
Voyage,  p.  174.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  chart  contains  several  names  be 
sides  that  of  Blossom  rock,  which  now  appear  for  the  first  time  in  print. 
Such  are  Sauzalito,  R.  San  Antonio,  Pt  San  Quentin,  Molate  Isl.,  Needle 
Rock,  Pt  Diablo,  Tiburones,  and  Pt  Boneta.  There  is  a  view  of  Needle  Rock, 
not  copied. 


BEECHEY'S  CHART. 


589 


Finally  the   Frenchman,  Duhaut-Cilly,  anchored  in 
the  port  in  January  1827;   but  in  his  narrative  he 


SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY  IN  1826. 

added  nothing  of  a  descriptive  nature  to  "what  had 
preceded.11 

All  the  navigators  named  moored  off  Yerba  Buena 

*> 

11  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaygio,  i.  224-47.  On  March  11,  1828,  the  parlre  of  Sta 
Clara  is  asked  to  send  laborers  to  work  on  the  presidio  buildings.  Dept.  Rec. , 
MS.,  vi.  189-90.  In  December  1830  the  armament  of  San  Francisco  was  14 
guns;  6  of  brass  and  8  of  iron;  3  of  24  Ibs.  calibre,  2  of  12  Ibs.,  8  of  8  Ibs., 
and  1  of  4  Ibs.  The  esplanade  is  said  to  have  been  in  good  condition.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixii.  24. 


690  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

in  preference  to  the  presidio  anchorage.  It  is  not 
quite  certain  from  the  narrative  that  any  of  them 
anchored  within  what  is  now  North  Point;  yet  I 
suppose  that  the  Frenchman  at  least  did  so,  and  that 
the  name  Yerba  Buena  was  applied  after  1827  rather 
to  the  region  between  North  Point  and  Rincon  Point 
than  to  that  between  the  former  and  Point  San  Jose 
as  in  earlier  years.12  While  there  is  some  uncertainty 
about  the  date,  it  is  certain  that  the  change  in  com- 

*  O 

mon  usage  was  made  either  at  the  end  of  this  or  early 
in  the  following  decade.  It  would  seem  that  the 
eastern  anchorage  was  not  deemed  altogether  desira 
ble  from  a  revenue  collector's  point  of  view ;  but  in 
November  1827  the  governor  gave  orders  for  the 
construction  of  a  guard- house  on  the  beach,  to  be 
occupied  by  a  corporal  and  three  soldiers,  after  which 
precaution  the  comandante  might  allow  vessels  to 
anchor  at  Yerba  Buena.  This  guard-house,  if  it  was 
built,  was  probably  the  first  structure  on  the  site  of 
the  city  of  later  years,  though  Duhaut-Cilly  erected 
a  tent  and  built  some  boats  on  the  shore  of  Yerba 
Buena  earlier  in  the  year.  Nothing  is  recorded  in 
these  years  respecting  the  battery  of  1797. 13 

12  See  chap.  xxxi.  of  vol.  i.,  this  history,  for  the  earlier  location  of  Yerba 
Buena  and  the  battery  of  1797.     Kotzebue  says  he  sailed  '  some  miles  farther 
eastward  into  a  little  bay  surrounded  by  a  romantic  landscape,  where  Van 
couver  formerly  lay' — thus  he  did  not  go  beyond  North  Point,  or  else  was  in 
error  about   Vancouver's   anchorage — 'and   which   is  perfectly  safe  at  all 
seasons;  the  Spaniards  have  named  this   bay  Herba  Buena,  after  a  sweet- 
smelling  herb  which  grows  on  its  shores.'  New   Voyage,  ii.  136.     Morrcll 
writes:  '  The  best  anchorage  is  on  the  west  side  of  the  bay,  in  from  ten  to 
four  fathoms,  near  the  shore,  and  nearly  abreast  of  the  mission,  which  is  in 
full  view'  (impossible).  Narrative,  210.     Beechey  'anchored  off  a  small  bay 
named  Yerba  Buena,  from  the  luxuriance  of  its  vegetation,  about  a  league 
distant   from  both   the   presidio  and   the  mission.'   Voyage,  ii.  5.     Rather 
strangely  the  location  of  Yerba  Buena  is  not  indicated  on  Beechey's  chart. 
Duhaut-Cilly  was  piloted  by  Richardson  '  to  Hierba  Buena,  situated  in  a  bay 
farther  inland  behind  a  big  point,  which  was  seen  a  league  eastward. '    To 
reach  it  he  'advanced  first  two  miles  E.,  keeping  near  the  shore;  then  one 
mile  E.  15°  s.,  when  we  arrived  at  the  gomito  (elbow — point  or  cove?)  of  the 
Yerba  Buena,  where  we  cast  anchor  in  five  fathoms  of  water,  the  northern 
point  of  the  gomito  covering  entirely  the  entrance  of  the  port  (Golden  Gate). ' 
Duhaut-Cilly,    Viaggio,  i.   226,  228-9.     This  description  applies  nearly  as 
well  to  the  anchorage  west  as  south  of  Telegraph  hill. 

13  Nov.  14,  1827,  Echeand la's  order  to  comandante;  Nov.  15th,  call  on  Mis 
sion  S.  Jose"  for  building  material  and  men.  Dc.pt.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  107-8.  Alfred 
Robinson  and  Charles  Brown  state  that  when  they  came  to  California  in  1829 


AFFAIRS  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  501 

There  are  the  usual  vague  and  fragmentary  records 
that  a  school  of  some  kind  was  kept  up  during  this 
period,  as  at  the  other  presidios.14  The  company's 
stock-farm,  or  rancho  de  la  nacion  at  Buri-buri,  con 
tinued  to  furnish  meat  for  the  soldiers,  but  declined 
rapidly  in  usefulness;15  until  in  1827  it  seems  to  have 
been  granted  provisionally  to  Jose  Sanchez.  Events 
of  the  decade  at  San  Francisco,  of  minor  importance 
except  such  as  are  presented  elsewhere,  I  append  in 
fine  print  for  economy  of  space,  including  also  in 
chronologic  order  some  items  connected  with  the  ad 
ministration  of  justice  in  this  presidial  district,  one  of 
these  items,  that  of  the  Rubio  murder  case,  having 
some  historical  importance  in  connection  with  the 
annals  of  the  following  decade.16 

there  was  not  a  building  at  Yerba  Buena,  nothing  but  the  natural  chaparral; 
and  it  was  not  until  later  that  vessels  were  allowed  to  anchor  there,  fiobin- 
son's  Statement,  MS.,  14-15;  Brown's  Statement,  MS.,  3-4.  Beechey  in  1826 
saw  seven  whalers  anchor  at  Sauzalito.  Jose"  Ramon  Sanchez,  Notas,  MS., 
17-18,  thinks  the  anchorage  of  Yerba  Buena  was  first  mentioned  when  in 
1823  Gov.  Argiiello  allowed  the  ships  of  Hartnell  &  Co.  to  anchor  there. 

14  Jose"  Pefia,  an  artilleryman,  was  teacher  in  1822.  S.  Francisco,  Cuentas, 
MS.,  vi.  52,  55.  Sergt.  Jose"  Berreyesa  was  paid  in  1830  at  the  rate  of  $10 
per  month  for  services  as  teacher  in  1823.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xx. 
'221.  School-master's  salary  ordered  paid  by  Echeandia  in  1829.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  vii.  142. 

13  Cattle  at  end  of  1821,  749  head;  1822,  711  head;  proceeds  of  sales— that 
is  meat  furnished  to  soldiers— $1,039;  1823,  336  head;  proceeds,  $1,365;  1824, 
250  head;  proceeds,  $439;  1825,  158  head;  proceeds,  $634;  1826,  85  head;  pro 
ceeds,  $358;  1827,  proceeds,  $235.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Mist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xvii.  113, 
254;  xviii.  94,  184,  325;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixiv.  8.  I  shall 
speak  later  in  this  chapter  of  private  ranchos  round  the  bay. 

16  1821.  Excessive  cold  in  January,  water  freezing  in  the  ditches.  Two 
Russian  frigates  in  port  since  December,  the  officers  spending  their  money 
freely.  A  soldier  was  sentenced  to  public  works  at  S.  Bias  for  crim.  con., 
the  woman,  his  sister-in-law,  being  sentenced  to  exposure  with  shaven  head 
in  the  plaza.  In  the  course  of  the  proceedings  the  man  accused  one  or  two 
of  the  friars  of  illicit  relations  with  his  wife.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
lii.  5-6;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  33-4;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v. 
287-9.  In  October  Capt.  Argiiello  with  a  part  of  the  presidial  company 
started  on  his  famous  expedition  '  to  the  Columbia.'  chap,  xx.,  this  vol. 

1822.  The  oath  to  independence — the  imperial  regency — was  taken  in 
April;  Wm.  A.  Richardson,  who  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  foreign  resi 
dent  of  San  Francisco,  landed  from  a  whaler;  the  can6nigo  Fernandez  hon 
ored  the  presidio  with  a  visit  in  October,  going  011  to  visit  Ross  with  Capt. 
Argiiello  and  Prefect  Payeras;  and  in  November  the  comandante  left  his  post 
for  Monterey  to  become  governor.  In  January  4  Indian  boys  aged  from  9  to 
1 1  years,  employed  as  pajareros  to  scare  birds  away  from  the  mission  fields, 
deliberately  killed  a  young  companion  by  strangling,  striking  with  stones, 
jumping  on  his  stomach,  and  filling  his  mouth  with  earth.  They  buried  the 
body  but  it  was  dug  up  by  wild  beasts.  They  were  sorry  for  the  act,  and 


592  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

There  were  now  several  ranches  occupied  by  private 
individuals  in  the  San  Francisco  district.  On  the 
peninsula  was  that  of  Las  Pulgas,  or  San  Luis,  which 
had  been  granted  to  Don  Luis  Argiiello  before  1824. 
Also  perhaps  Buri-buri  granted  to  Jose  Sanchez  in 

the  penalty  is  not  recorded.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.  72-4.  In 
May  five  adult  neophytes  were  tried  for  the  murder  of  three  others ;  result  not 
given.  Id. ,  liii.  75-6.  In  December  two  soldiers  were  sentenced  to  two  years 
of  hard  work  at  Monterey  for  robbery.  Vallejo,  Doc.  hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  47. 
18-3.  The  empire  was  formally  proclaimed  and  the  oath  of  allegiance  taken 
on  March  27th.  chap,  xxii.,  this  vol.  The  Russians  hunted  otter  in  the  bay 
from  October  under  contract  with  Argiiello;  and  the  presence  of  two  Russian 
frigates  which  wintered  in  the  port  caused  some  fear  of  hostile  intentions. 
The  current  topic  of  interest  at  the  mission  was  the  proposed  transfer  of  the 
establishment  to  Sonoma.  The  change  was  not  entirely  carried  out,  but  over 
300  neophytes  were  lost  by  the  foundation  of  S.  Francisco Solano.  chap,  xxii., 
this  vol.  In  May  an  infantryman  sentenced  to  two  years'  labor  on  the  lighter 
for  theft.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  12.  In  June  an  infantryman 
killed  another  and  was  condemned  by  court-martial  to  6  years  in  the  chain- 
gang.  Id.,  liv.  18;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  19. 

1824.  Kotzebue's  visit  was  from  October  to  December,  chap,  xxiii.     Dur 
ing  his  stay  a  terrific  storm  on  Oct.  20th  uprooted  trees,  unroofed  buildings, 
and  injured  things  in  general.  Kotzebue's  New  Voyage,  ii.  134-5. 

1825.  The  federal  constitution  of  Mexico  was  ratified  on  April  24th.  chap. 
i.   of  vol.  iii.,  this  history.     Benjamin  Morrell  in  the   Tartar  was  here  in 
May.      Wm.   A.    Richardson  this  year  married  the   acting    comandante's 
daughter. 

1826.  April  30th  was  a  day  of  celebration,  on  which,  being  Sunday,  de 
spatches  were  read  announcing  the  surrender  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  the 
pope's  recognition  of  Mexican  independence.     Salutes  were  fired  and  vivas 
shouted;  but  the  festivities  were  much  marred  by  the  refusal  of  the  padre 
missionary  to  take  part  in  them,  and  by  the  failure  to  obtain  $400  from  the 
treasury  for  distribution  among  the  troops.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
Ivii.   10-11,  13-14.     Beechey's  visit  was  in  Nov.-Dec.  of  this  year.  chap.  v. 
of  vol.  iii. 

1827.  On  Jan.  1st,  a  popular  election  took  place  for  the  choice  of  12  muni 
cipal  electors.     The  following  citizens  were  chosen:  J.  J.  Estudillo,  Francisco 
Castro,  Francisco  Sanchez,  Pedro  del  Castillo,  Francisco  Higuera,  Ignacio 
Peralta,  Jos6  Aguila,  Ignacio  Alviso,  Francisco  Soto,  Francisco  Haro,  and 
Petronilo  Rios;    Jan.  4th,  the  12  met,  organized,  produced  credentials,  and 
adjourned;  Jan.  7th,  at  a  new  meeting  the  acts  of  the  preceding  were  ap 
proved;  and  finally  on  Jan.  8th,  at  the  2d  ballot  they  elected  Francisco  Haro 
as  elector  de  partido  to  vote  for  congressman.     Comandaiite  Martinez  pre 
sided  at  every  meeting.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  99-102.    In  March  or 
on  April  22d,  or  perhaps  on  both  dates,  there  was  an  earthquake,  throwing 
down  statues  at  the  mission,  and  damaging  the  presidio  somewhat.  Btechey's 
Voyage,  ii.  321;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  i.  24G;   neither  writer  being  present 
at  the  time.     The  French  voyager's  first  visit  was  in  January.     At  the  end 
of  the  year  Gov.  Echeandia  is  said  to  have  made  his  first  visit  to  S.  Francisco, 
chap.  ii.  of  vol.  iii.;  though  there  are  some  indications  that  it  was  in  1830. 
I1  itch,  Proceso,  MS.     In  September  a  neophyte  was  tried  for  sodomy.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixviii.  5-6. 

1828.  In  August  the  little  daughter  and  infant  of  a  soldier,  aged  5  and  1 
years  respectively,  were  found  by  their  parents  returning  from  a  fandango, 
dead  in  their  bed.     The  little  girl  had  been  outraged,  and  both  brutally  mur 
dered.     Francisco  Rubio,  a  soldier  in  the  same  company,  was  accused  of  the 
murder,  and  in  the  proceedings  at  the  time  the  circumstantial  evidence  of  hia 


MAP  OF  THE  BAY  DISTRICT. 


SAX  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT  IN  1830. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    38 


594  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

1827.17  Across  the  bay  Sergeant  Luis  Peralta  had  in 
1820  obtained  San  Antonio,  including  the  present 
sites  of  Oakland  and  Alameda,  and  had  had  a  quarrel 
the  same  year  with  the  padres  of  San  Francisco  who 
tried  to  encroach  on  his  northern  boundary;  but  he 
could  not  have  resided  on  his  rancho  until  1826  when 
he  left  active  military  service.  Francisco  Castro 
secured  the  San  Pablo  rancho,  adjoining  Peralta's 
grant  on  the  north,  in  1823  from  the  diputacion,  and 
was  living  there  as  early  as  1826.  El  Pinole,  still 
farther  north,  was  held  by  Don  Ignacio  Martinez  in 
1829,  and  perhaps  earlier.  In  the  region  of  San  Jose 
farther  south  the  only  private  ranches  clearly  men 
tioned  in  the  annals  of  this  decade  are  those  of  San 
Isidro,  owned  by  Ignacio  Ortega,  and  Las  Animas, 
or  the  old  La  Brea,  owned  by  Mariano  Castro.  A 
rancho  of  San  Ignacio,  three  leagues  north  of  San 
Jose,  is  also  mentioned  in  1828;  but  I  do  not  under 
stand  what  tract  is  meant.  Also  Los  Tularcitos  was 
granted  to  Jose  Higuera  in  182 1.18 

guilt  were  strong  if  not  conclusive,  though  he  protested  his  innocence.  The 
testimony  is  given  in  full  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvi.  2-61. 
Rubio  was  kept  in  prison  for  three  years  and  then  shot,  as  we  shall  see  in  a 
later  chapter,  this  case  having  become  somewhat  famous  in  connection  with 
the  opposition  to  Gov.  Victoria  in  1831.  Another  soldier  was  convicted  of 
rape  on  a  little  girl  in  1828,  and  was  by  some  suspected  of  having  been  the 
guilty  party  instead  of  Rubio.  Id. ,  Ixvi.  82-9. 

1829.  The  Solis  revolt,  and  the  surrender  of  the  presidio  to  the  rebels, 
was  the  leading  event  of  this  year.  chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iii. ,  this  history.     A 
neophyte  was  accused  of  having  killed  an  American  by  dragging  him  from 
his  saddle  with  the  reata.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  79. 

1830.  Capt.  Luis  Argiiello  died  in  March.  Late  in  the  year  a  whale-boat  was 
capsized  while  crossing  the  bay,  and  three  or  four  of  the  crew  were  drowned, 
as  was  one  Californian,  Francisco  Higuera.    Carrillo  (</.),  Doc.  Hint.  CaL, 
MS.,  32.     A  neophyte  of  Sta  Clara  was  arrested  in  September  for  the  murder 
of  another  Indian.     No  evidence  was  found  against  him;  but  the  proceedings 
dragged  along,   the   Indian  remaining  in  prison  until  1833,   when   he  was 
released  by  order  of  Gov.  Figueroa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxiv. 
1-4.     Only  one  soldier  and  one  Indian  in  prison  Sept.  15th.  Id.,  Ixxii.   1. 

17  Cat.  Land  Com.,  No.  774,  claimed  to  have  been  granted  provisionally 
Dec.  11,  1827,  and  in  1827-9  Sanchez  is  on  record  as  owning  a  rancho  not 
named.  See  following  note. 

lsCal.  Land  Com.,  Nos.  148-9.  It  was  also  claimed  that  the  Llano  del 
Abrevadero  was  granted  to  Higuera  iu  1822.  Las  Pulgas  paid  $103  in  tithes 
from  1824  to  1830;  and  in  182S  had  350  cattle  and  90  horses,  producing  also 
1GO  fanegasof  grain.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i,  167;  xiv.  209,  xx.  278. 
Martinez  paid  $132,  the  rancho  not  being  named,  but  in  1829  he  owned 
Pinole.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  78;  the  S.  Antonio  paid  §53,  had  60  horses  and 


MISSION  DOLORES.  595 

At  San  Francisco  Mission  Padre  Bias  Ordaz  was 
succeeded  in  October  1821  by  Tomds  Estenega,  who 
served  alone  after  Jose  Altimira  went  to  New  San 
Francisco  in  1823.  The  registered  population  fell 
from  1,252  to  219,  but  after  making  deductions  for 
San  Rafael  and  Solano,  the  real  decline  was  from  340 
to  219;  in  fact  there  was  a  slight  apparent  gain  from 
1823,  when  the  separation  was  effected,  though  caused 
by  the  return  of  old  neophytes  from  Solano.  Large 
live-stock  increased  slightly;  but  sheep  decreased 
eighty  per  cent,  and  crops  on  an  average  were  about 
one  third  of  those  raised  in  the  preceding  decade.19 
Of  the  buildings  nothing  new  is  learned.  Duhaut- 
Cilly  rioted  that  in  1827  the  quadrangle  had  been 

20  mules,  and  raised  280  fanegas  of  grain;  Jose"  Sanchez  had  a  rancho  (Buri- 
buri),  not  named,  paying  $22;  and  there  was  a  farm  of  S.  Bernardo,  whose 
owner  is  not  mentioned.  Valkjo,  Doc.,  ut  supra.  Francisco  Haro  seems  also 
to  have  got  a  grant  of  Salsipuedes,  and  wished  in  1829  to  give  it  up  in  ex 
change  for  the  Isla  de  Los  Angeles.  De.pt.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  78.  There  is  much 
in  the  newspapers  and  in  the  court  records  respecting  S.  Antonio,  S.  Pablo, 
and  Pulgas.  In  1828  S.  Francisquito  creek  is  named  as  the  boundary  be 
tween  Pulgas  and  Mission  Sta  Clara;  and  S.  Leandro  Creek  as  that  between  S. 
Antonio  and  Mission  S.  Jose".  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  5,  6.  Grant  to  Fran 
cisco  Castro  April  15,  1823.  Id.,  8,  9.  A  report  of  names  in  1828,  with  details 
of  population,  products,  etc.  S.  Pablo,  18  inhabitants,  16  1.  N.  of  San  Jose; 
S.  Antonio,  12  inhabitants,  12  1.  x. ;  S.  Ignacio  3  1.  N.  with  9  inhabitants, 
200  cattle,  etc.;  S.  Isidro,  26  inhabitants,  and  Las  Animas,  24  inhabitants, 
each  14  1.  s.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  72.  In  a  report  of  1830  S.  Pablo,  S. 
Luis,  and  S.  Antonio  are  mentioned  as  the  S.  Francisco  ranches.  St.  Pap., 
Miss. ,  MS. ,  v.  34.  Mention  of  Pulgas  and  Las  Animas,  in  Beechey's  Voyage, 
ii.  44-5,  48;  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  14.  References  to  S.  Isidro,  or  Ortega's 
rancho,  in  1822-28.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  55,  vi.  19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i. 
19-21.  This  rancho  had  over  600  head  of  stock  and  66  inhabitants  in  1823, 
but  only  26  in  1828.  In  1828  Wm.  Willis  tried  unsuccessfully  to  get  the 
Lagnna  de  los  Bolbones  near  S.  Jose".  Hall's  Hist.  S.  Jose,  117. 

19  Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  1,252  (590  at  S.  Rafael  and  322  went 
to  Solano  in  1823)  to  219.  Baptisms,  535  (85  after  1823);  largest  number,  364 
in  1821  (11  in  1828  the  largest  after  1823);  smallest,  7  in  1829.  Deaths,  439 
(134  after  1823);  largest  number,  148  in  1822  (22  in  1825,  largest  after  1823); 
smallest,  8  in  1830.  Gain  in  large  stock,  4,695  to  5,132;  horses  and  mules, 
806  to  932;  decline  in  sheep,  10,280  to  2,000.  Largest  crop,  6,190  bushels  in 
1822;  smallest,  358  in  1829;  average,  2,454,  of  which  1,605  wheat,  yield  9 
fold;  334  barley,  13  fold;  286  corn,  61  fold.  The  tax  on  products  paid  by  the 
missions  was  about  $300  per  year.  The  most  complete  collection  of  mission 
statistics  for  this  period  is  found  in  Val/ejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  xvii.- 
xix.  In  1821  the  mission  furnished  the  presidio  $1,200  in  soap.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  77.  According  to  one  set  of  accounts  the  total  of  mission  sup 
plies  to  the  presidio  in  1821-30,  except  1827,  was  $6,288;  but  other  accounts 
make  the  sum  over  $8,000  for  1821,  1824,  and  1829. 

In  1822  the  mission  lands  are  described  as  extending  61.  N.  to  s.  and  31. 
E.  to  W.,  hilly,  but  sufficient  with  hard  work  to  maintain  half  the  neophytes. 


596  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

completed  and  a  large  church  had  been  built  since 
Vancouver's  visit;  but  respecting  the  church  he  has 
misunderstood  the  English  voyager,  and  there  is  no 
evidence  that  any  new  church  had  been  built.  Many 
of  the  buildings  were  in  a  ruinous  condition;  but  the 
Indians'  houses  were  regularly  arranged  in  streets, 
and  a  fine  stream  of  water  flowed  through  the  plaza. 
According  to  the  Frenchman's  opinion  the  mission 
ruin  had  been  due  to  the  want  of  capacity  and  energy 
on  the  part  of  the  friars;  and  Estenega,  being  in  ill- 
health,  was  not  likely  to  restore  prosperity.  The 
most  important  event  in  mission  history  of  the  decade 
was  the  proposed  transfer  to  Sonoma,  which  was  begun 
in  1823,  but  was  partially  suspended;  so  that  San 
Francisco  Solano  became  a  separate  mission  and  took 
only  half  instead  of  all  the  neophytes  from  the  old 
establishment.20 

San  Rafael,  under  the  care  of  Padre  Juan  Amoros, 
was  in  every  respect,  save  in  the  item  of  sheep,  pros 
perous  throughout  the  decade,  though  on  not  a  very 
large  scale.,  Baptisms  outnumbered  deaths  more  than 
two  to  one;  and  population,  notwithstanding  the  92 
neophytes  sent  to  Solano,  was  nearly  doubled,  reach 
ing  its  highest  limit  of  1,140  souls  in  1828.  It  appears 
even  that  a  house  was  built  and  a  beginning  of  conver 
sion  made  in  the  far  north,  between  Petaluma  and 
Santa  Rosa  perhaps.21  In  1821  Captain  Argiiello 

No  irrigation.  Also  a  piece  of  land  3 1.  N.  to  s.  and  \  1.  E.  to  w.  across  the 
bay,  'en  la  costa  de  un  gran  canal.'  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Ettados,  MS.,  313-14. 
In  1829  the  mission  claimed  the  rancho  of  Buri-buri.  Dcpt. llec. ,  MS.,  vi.  53, 98. 
Description  of  the  mission  buildings  in  1827.  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  i. 
230-2.  MorrelTs  visit  in  1825.  Narrative,  212. 

20  On  the  foundation  of  San  Francisco  Solano  see  chap.  xxii.     Osio,  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  209-16,  narrates  that  there  was  a  great  lack  of  women  at  the  mis 
sion;  and  after  doing  his  best  to  keep  the  domestic  peace  and  restrain  the 
wrath  of  hoodwinked  husbands,  Estenega  was  obliged  to  let  the  single  take 
the  lancha  and  go  across  the  bay  on  a  hunt  for  wives,  furnishing  also  various 
gifts  with  which  to  win  the  pagan  girls.     The  party  succeeded  well  and 
started  back  with  a  boat-load  of  girls;  but  the  padre  of  S.  Rafael,  on  com 
plaint  of  a  pagan  who  had  been  robbed  of  his  sweetheart,  started  in  pursuit, 
overtook  the  San  Francisco  boat  near  Angel  Island,  rescued  the  girls,  and  gave 
the  kidnappers  50  lashes  each! 

21  Statistics:  Increase  in  population,  590  to  970;  1.140  in  1828.     Baptisms, 
1,182;  highest  number,  228  in  1824;  lowest,  17  in  1829.    Deaths,  504;  highest 


SAN  RAFAEL.  597 

arrived  at  this  mission  from  his  northern  expedition, 
in  which,  as  in  those  of  Padre  Payeras  and  the  cano- 
nigo  on  their -way  to  Ross  in  1822,  and  of  Altimira 
on  his  way  to  Solano  in  1823,  quite  extensive  explora 
tions  were  made  in  the  region  about  San  Rafael.  In 
December  1822  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  national 
congress,  the  only  instance  of  the  kind  recorded  in 
California,  was  taken  by  padre  and  neophytes. 

In  1823,  in  connection  with  the  foundation  of  San 
Francisco  Solano,  there  was  a  proposal  to  suppress 
this  mission,  which  in  the  end  had  to  contribute  nearly 
a  hundred  neophytes,  but  at  the  same  time  became  an 
independent  establishment  instead  of  a  mere  asistencia 
of  San  Francisco  as  before;  this  is  shown  by  the 
statistical  reports,  though  there  is  no  direct  record  of 
the  fact.22  In  1824  Kotzebue  visited  the  mission, 
misnaming  it  San  Gabriel,  "which  peeped  from  among 
the  foliage  of  its  ancient  oaks,"  and  was  most  enthu 
siastic  in  praise  of  its  location  and  natural  advantages, 
though  silent  respecting  artificial  improvements.23  It 
was  this  same  year  that  the  famous  Indian  bandit 
Pomponio  was  captured  at  the  Canada  de  Novato, 


2-4 


number,  70  in  1825;  lowest,  29  in  1830.  Increase  in  large  stock,  504  to  1,548; 
horses  and  mules,  104  to  448;  decrease  in  sheep,  2,000  to  1,852.  Largest  crop, 
4,713  bushels  in  1822;  smallest,  333  in  1829;  average,  2,454;  of  which  1,165 
wheat,  yield  7  fold;  837  barley,  8  fold;  219  corn,  37  fold.  Supplies  to  pre 
sidio,  1826-30,  $1,311.  Crop  of  1829  a  very  light  one,  and  spoiled  besides 
by  rats,  locusts,  etc.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  181.  Description  of  lands  in 
1822.  Misiones,  Cuad.,  Estados,  MS.,  316-19;  in  1828.  Register  of  Brands, 
MS.,  3-5.  I  give  the  substance  of  the  latter  for  the  sake  of  the  names.  In 
the  west  beyond  the  range  of  hills  is  an  estero  from  the  port  of  Bodega,  called 
Tamales.  The  range  extends  N.  9  leagues,  then  the  plains  of  Livantonome', 
where  the  gentiles  are  being  reduced,  a  house  having  been  built  and  lands 
marked  out  (Sta  Rosa  to  Petaluma  region).  Mission  lands  from  the  rancheria 
of  Annamus,  called  San  Pedro  Alcantara,  in  the  Corte  de  Madera,  and  the 
Rinconada  del  Tiburon.  The  grain  lands  de  temporal  begin  in  the  Canada  of 
Arangues  or  San  Pedro  Regalado.  Live-stock  feeds  northward  to  the  rancheria 
of  Olompali,  or  Santisimo  Rosario,  the  chief  being  a  Christian  and  farmer. 
Cattle  graze  in  the  canadas  of  Las  Gallinas,  Arroyo  de  San  Jose",  Novato, 
Colomache,  Echatamal,  and  Olompali;  the  horses  go  farther  to  Olemochoe,  or 
San  Antonio,  the  stream,  dry  in  summer,  rising  in  the  laguna  of  Ocolom,  or 
San  Antonio,  the  lands  of  which  join  those  of  Novato,  Colomache,  and  Echa- 
camal,  '  going  round  the  hill. '  Laguna  of  Ocolom  seems  to  belong  to  the  mis 
sion,  but  the  natives  are  warlike. 

a2  Chap.  xx.  xxi.  xxii.  this  vol.;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  361-2. 

23  Kotzebue's  New  Voyage,  ii.  111-14. 

24  Chap,  xxiii. 


598  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

and  taken  to  Monterey  to  be  tried  and  shot.  About 
the  same  time  occurred  certain  hostilities  with  Marin 
and  Quintin,  two  gentile  chieftains  who  were  destined 
to  give  their  names  to  the  county  and  one  of  its  best 
known  points.  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  con 
temporary  evidence  of  these  events,  or  of  the  existence 
of  any  such  chieftains.  There  is  no  special  reason  for 
doubt  respecting  the  names,  though  little  reliance  can 
be  placed  on  the  circumstances  under  which  the  chief 
tains  were  captured.25  San  Rafael  was  excepted  from 
the  operation  of  Echeandia's  secularizing  experiments 
of  1826-30.  Duhaut-Cilly  in  1827  did  not  deem  this 
poor  establishment  worth  stopping  at  for  purposes  of 
trade,  as  he  passed  in  sight  of  it  on  his  way  to  Sonoma. 
Finally  in  1827-8  orders  were  issued  in  Mexico  for 
the  founding  of  a  frontier  fort  in  this  region,  issued 
but  not  carried  out.26 

Padre  Buenaventura  Fortuni  left  Mission  San  Jose 

25  Vallejo,  Hist.  Caf.,  MS.,  i.  146-9,  says  that  in  1824  the  chief  Marin, 
hard  pressed  by  Martinez  and  Sanchez,  took  refuge  on  the  little  island  which 
took  his  name,  and  successfully  resisted  the  Spaniards,  who  then  went  to 
attack  Quintin,  a  sub-chief,  at  another  point.  Quintin  was  captured  at  this 
time  and  kept  a  prisoner  for  two  years,  afterward  becoming  a  boatman  in  the 
service  of  the  padres  and  of  Vallejo.  Marin  was  taken  later  and  liberated 
after  a  year,  dying  in  1834.  The  same  version  in  substance  is  given  on  the 
authority  of  Gov.  Alvarado  in  Gift's  Marin  Co.,  8 — a  work  which  is  full  of 
errors  in  all  that  is  said  of  the  'first  settlement  and  early  history' — where  an 
attack  on  S.  Rafael  is  mentioned,  and  the  bravery  of  Rafael  Garcia  the  cabode 
escolta,  who  sent  his  wife  and  children  to  S.  Francisco  on  a  balsa  with  Padre 
Amor6s.  Some  versions  have  it  that  the  island  of  Marin  was  his  habitual 
resort  for  years,  during  which  he  continued  his  depredations,  and  not  the  site 
of  any  particular  battle.  Some  say  that  Marin  was  several  times  captured. 
He  died  all  the  way  from  1834  to  1848,  and  he  was  chief  of  the  Lacatiut, 
Cainamero,  or  Tamaleiio  tribes.  Marin  Co.  Hist.,  passim.  Cronise's  Nat. 
Wealth  of  Cal,  163-4;  Taylor  in  Gal.  Farmer,  March  2  (or  20,)  1860;  Alta 
California,  March  30,  1865;  Hayes1  Scrap-book,  Gal.  Notes,  iii.  25;  S.  Hafael 
Tocsin,  Jan.  17,  1879. 

The  Californians  are  disposed  to  ridicule  the  Americans  for  '  sanctifying ' 
the  name  of  an  Indian  chief  by  adding  the  '  San '  to  the  name  of  the  point. 
The  error,  however,  was  a  very  natural  one,  and  not  be  classed  with  '  Santa 
Sonoma,' '  San  Branciforte,'  or  ;  San  Diablo,'  because  Quintin,  though  applied 
to  a  chief  by  the  Californians,  was  a  Spanish  name,  and  that  of  a  well  known 
saint,  whose  name  was  often  applied  to  localities — instance,  San  Quintin  Bay 
below  S.  Diego,  and  San  Quintin  Point  in  S.  Francisco  Bay  according  to 
Beechey's  chart  of  1826.  The  name,  however,  should  be  written  either  San 
Quintin  or  St  Quentin,  Quentin  being  the  English  form  of  the  word.  The 
Tamales  Indians  doubtless  furnished  the  origin  of  the  name  Tomales  Bay,  and 
of  the  mountain  Tamal-pais. 

26 Hist.  Gal.,  chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii,  this  series;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,il.  79. 


MISSION  SAN  JOSE.  599 

in  the  autumn  of  1825,  and  from  that  time  Narciso 
Duran  served  alone,  being  also  president  of  all  the 
missions  in  1825-7.  In  population  this  mission  still 
stood  second  in  the  list,  excelled  by  San  Luis  Hey 
alone,  declining  but  very  slightly  in  these  ten  years, 
and  showing  its  maximum  of  1806  souls  in  1824.  Its 
number  of  baptisms  and  deaths  greatly  exceeded  that 
of  any  other  mission,  a  result  due  perhaps  to  Duran's 
zeal  in  forcible  conversions.  There  was  a  large  gain 
in  cattle  and  sheep,  San  Josd  standing  fourth  on  the 
list  in  this  respect;  and  in  its  average  crop  of  grain 
this  mission  was  surpassed  by  four  only  of  the  south 
ern  establishments.27  In  1821  a  neophyte  attempted 
to  chastise  his  wife,  who,  with  the  aid  of  a  neighbor, 
succeeded  in  killing  him.  In  1823  a  woman  was  mur 
dered,  and  another  in  1824.  The  sentence  in  these 
cases  is  not  recorded.28 

In  1826  Beechey  visited  San  Jose,  but  he  gives  no 

"Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  1,754  to  1,745;  highest  number,  1,800 
in  1824  (or  1,886  (?)  in  1831).  Baptisms,  1,922;  largest  number,  332  in  1824; 
smallest,  65  in  1829.  Deaths,  1,864;  largest  number,  254  in  1828;  smallest, 
116  in  1830.  Gain  in  large  stock,  6,859  to  13,300;  horses,  859  to  1,300;  sheep, 
12.000  to  13,030;  15,000  from  1822-8.  Largest  crop,  11,206  bushels  in  1821; 
smallest,  777  in  1829;  average,  5,409;  of  which  4,069  wheat,  yield  13  fold;  411 
barley,  11  fold;  567  corn,  49  fold.  Complete  statistics  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  i.  xvii.-xix.  xxix.-xxx.  this  series.  Supplies  to  S.  Francisco  pre 
sidio  in  1821-30,  except  1827,  $15,125.  Tithes  and  taxes  in  1824,  $1,846;  in 
1828,  $1,167.  The  only  item  about  buildings  is  that  three  adobe  rooms  were 
erected  in  1827,  for  soap-making,  tanning,  and  storing  hides.  Id.,  i.  113.  In 
April  1829,  Virmond  ordered  a  bell  of  1,000  Ibs.  bearing  the  name  of  S. 
Jose  mission.  Fitch,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  11.  Robinson,  Life  in  CaL,  75-6, 
mentions  a  large  reservoir  in  the  rear,  pipes  carrying  the  water  to  buildings 
and  gardens,  fountain  with  conveniences  for  bathing  and  washing  in  front. 
Buildings  were  inferior  in  beauty  to  those  in  the  south,  but  durable  and  con 
venient.  In  1822  the  lands  extend  9  1.  with  a  width  of  1-3  1.  Toward  the 
N.  the  mission  claims  to  the  rivers  15  1.  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  311- 
12.  In  1828,  separated  from  Sta  Clara  and  S.  Jose1  pueblo  lands  by  the  punta, 
del  Este.ro  about  2  1.  from  the  mission;  N.  w.  boundary,  S.  Leandro  Creek. 
The  centre  of  the  9  1.  of  extent  is  the  rancho  and  stream  of  San  Lorenzo,  5  1. 
N.  w.  5  1.  N.  of  the  mission  is  the  Valle  de  S.  Jose",  with  the  Canada  del 
Ingenio  stretching  5  1.  N.  Here  is  the  stock  rancho  of  El  Valle;  and  in  winter 
the  cattle  and  sheep  go  to  the  Roblar  de  los  Chupcanes  4  1.  from  the  mission, 
and  adjoining  Monte  del  Diablo.  Register  of  Brands,  MS. ,  6-7.  This  is  the 
earliest  use  of  the  name,  in  writing,  of  Mt  Diablo  that  I  have  seen.  Salvio 
Pacheco  was  corporal  of  the  guard  in  1824;  Bernal  was  majordomo  in  1826, 
and  Jose"  Maria  Amador  later. 

™Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Hi.  4-5;  liv.  12;  Ivii.  39-42.  In  1825 
Duran  and  a  neophyte  performed  the  cesarean  operation.  The  child  was 
baptized  though  giving  no  signs  of  life.  San  Jose,  Lib.  Mislon,  MS.,  26-7. 


600  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

descriptive  matter  respecting  the  mission,  confining 
his  attention  to  an  expedition  against  the  Indians,  as 
elsewhere  related.29  It  was  in  May  1827  that  Jede- 
diah  Smith  appeared  in  the  vicinity  and  wrote  his 
famous  letter  to  Duran.  Four  hundred  Indians  ran 
away  about  the  same  time,  and  Duran  unjustly  sus 
pected  the  American  hunters  of  having  enticed  the 
fugitives.30  In  1829  eight  neophytes,  absent  with 
leave,  were  killed  by  the  Ochejamnes;  and  the  Indian 
alcalde  of  the  mission  was  condemned  to  a  year  of 
work  at  Monterey.  The  same  year  the  padre  refused 
to  furnish  supplies  for  Solis  and  his  rebels,  though 
everywhere  else  in  the  north  their  authority  was 
acknowledged.31  In  July  1830  Swing  Young,  the 
New  Mexican  trapper,  came  to  the  mission;  and  later 
in  the  year  a  grand  paseo  maritime*  on  the  San  Joa- 
quin  and  its  branches  was  planned  to  explore  the 
country  and  inspire  respect  among  the  Indians.32 

At  Santa  Clara  Padre  Jose  Viader  served  through 
out  the  decade;  but  Magin  Catala",  one  of  the  oldest 
of  the  California  friars,  died  in  November  1830  after 
a  ministry  of  thirty- seven  years  at  this  mission.33 

29  Chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  this  history.  June  29th,  Duran  sends  interpreters 
for  the  use  of  the  ayuntamiento,  hoping  they  will  be  kindly  treated.  8.  Jose, 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  22.  April  25,  1827,  Duran  to  Hartnell,  asking  him  to  thank 
Beechey  for  his  gift  of  fireworks.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxix.  130. 

30 Chap.  vi.  of  vol.  iii.  this  history.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  i.  27-9. 

31  Chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iii.  this  history.  8.  Jos6,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  27;  Dept. 
£ec.,  vii.  80. 

32 Chap.  vi.  of  vol.  iii.  this  history.  8.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  38-9. 

33  Magin  Catala  was  born  about  1761  at  Monthblanch,  Catalonia,  Spain, 
becoming  a  Franciscan  at  Barcelona  in  1777.  He  sailed  from  Cadiz  for  San 
Fernando  college  in  October  1786.  He  went  to  Nootka  in  one  of  the  king's 
vessels  and  served  there  as  chaplain  for  more  than  a  year,  subsequently  re 
turning  to  the  college.  Being  assigned  to  California  he  came  up  as  chaplain 
on  the  Aranzazu,  and  having  landed  at  Monterey  in  July  1794,  refused  to  go 
on  to  Nootka  as  was  desired.  He  was  sent  immediately  to  Santa  Clara,  where 
he  served  continuously  as  long  as  he  lived,  attending  also  to  the  spiritual  care 
of  San  Jose",  pueblo.  In  1800  and  1804  CataU  asked  and  obtained  license  to 
retire  on  account  of  ill-health.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  xi.  62-3;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  ii.  40.  At  different  times  his  zeal,  gentleness,  experience,  and  all  the 
desirable  qualities  of  a  missionary  save  that  of  robust  health,  were  attested 
by  his  superiors.  He  suffered  from  inflammatory  rheumatism,  and  for  years 
before  his  death  could  not  mount  his  horse.  Among  the  common  people  Padre 
Magin  was  believed  to  be  gifted  with  prophetic  powers;  and  there  are  cur- 


SANTA  CLARA.  601 

Under  the  care  of  these  missionaries  Santa  Clara 
showed  a  decline  for  the  decade  in  all  respects  save 
that  of  cattle.  The  crops,  notwithstanding  the  broad 
and  fertile  lands,  were  considerably  less  than  those  of 
1811—20.  In  population  the  maximum  of  1,464  souls 
was  reached  in  1827,  after  which  date  the  decline 
was  rapid,  deaths  exceeding  baptisms  for  the  whole 
period.34 

We  have  seen  that  a  new  mission  church  had  been 
contemplated  in  1818.  Hall,  who  knew  nothing  of 
that  fact,  tells  us  that  the  old  church  was  so  badly 
injured  by  an  earthquake  in  1822  that  it  was  thought 
best  to  take  it  down  rather  than  attempt  repairs ;  and 
a  new  church,  the  one  still  standing,  was  built  in 
1825—6.  As  Hall  gives  no  exact  date  for  the  earth 
quake,  and  therefore  apparently  obtained  his  infor 
mation  from  no  definite  document;  as  he  does  not 
imply  that  a  new  church  was  taken  down;  as  I  find 
no  contemporary  record  whatever  of  either  destruc 
tion  or  rebuilding;  and  as  visitors  of  the  period  would 

rent  traditions,  traceable  to  no  definite  source,  that  he  foretold  the  discovery 
of  gold  in  immense  quantities  in  California.  On  one  occasion  he  paused  iu 
his  sermon  and  called  upon  the  congregation  to  pray  for  the  soul  of  a  man 
who  had  died;  ere  the  prayer  was  ended  news  arrived  that  a  soldier  had  been 
thrown  from  his  horse  and  killed.  He  died  Nov.  22,  1830,  and  was  buried 
in  the  mission  church  by  Viader  and  Duran,  the  former  of  whom  testifies  to 
the  exemplary,  laborious,  and  edifying  life  which  had  made  his  associate 
beloved  of  all  and  his  loss  deeply  deplored  by  the  community.  Sta  Clara, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  397;  Sarria,  Informe 
sobre  frailes,  MS.,  67-8,  138;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  62-3,  221;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  160,  164-5;  Vallrjo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  257-9. 

3 'Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  1,357  to  1,256;  highest  number,  1464 
in  1827.  Baptisms,  1,107;  largest  number,  153  in  1822;  smallest,  30  in  1830. 
Deaths,  1,173;  largest  number,  189  in  1828;  smallest,  68  in  1830.  Increase  in 
cattle,  5,024  to  9,788;  horses  and  mules,  722  to  788;  sheep,  12,060  to  8,035. 
Largest  crop,  7,755  bushels  in  1,821;  smallest,  1,359,  in  1829;  average,  4,888; 
of  which  2,952  wheat,  yield  12  fold;  906  barley,  31  fold;  738  corn,  74  fold. 
Taxes  on  mission  products  in  1824,  $721;  in  1828;  $1,561.  Monthly  supplies 
to  escolta  in  1829-30,  from  $40  to  $125  per  month;  generally  about  $70. 
Sergt.  Berreyesa  commanded  the  escolta  in  1829-30.  At  times  the  pueblo 
had  to  furnish  citizens  to  fill  up  the  guard.  Many  statistics  in  Arch.  Miii- 
ones,  MS.,  i.  passim.  Voile  jo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xvii.-xx.  xxx.  Supplies 
to  presidio,  1821-30,  $14,068.  Description  of  the  mission  lands  in  1822, 1827-8, 
in  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  254,  308-9;  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  22;  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  4-5.  The  lands  extended  N.  to  s.  6  1., 
and  E.  to  w.  3 1.  in  the  widest  part.  Soil  good  but  pasturage  limited,  especially 
after  the  loss  of  Las  Pulgas.  Irrigation  sufficient  for  25  fan.  The  limits  were 
the  Rio  Guadalupe,  the  sierra,  and  S.  Francisquito  creek  in  the  N.  w. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 


be  very  likely  to  notice  such  events,  I  suppose  that 
nothing  of  the  kind  occurred.  As  a  mere  conjecture, 
however,  it  may  be  that  after  the  church  was  com 
pleted,  or  nearly  so,  in  1818,  it  was  damaged  by  an 
earthquake,  and  not  fully  repaired  until  1822.r 


35 


The  pueblo  of  San  Jose*,  connected  with  Santa  Clara 
by  the  alameda,  or  tree-shaded  promenade,  which  is 
noticed  by  nearly  all  the  visitors  of  this  period,  in 
creased  in  white  population  during  the  years  1821-30 
from  240  to  540,  including  five  or  six  foreigners.36 
Kotzebue  says  of  San  Jose  in  1824:  "  This  pueblo  lies 
in  a  beautiful  spot.  The  houses  are  pleasant,  built  of 
stone,  and  stand  in  the  midst  of  orchards  and  hedges 
of  vines  bearing  luxuriant  clusters  of  the  richest  grapes. 
The  inhabitants  came  out  to  meet  us,  and  with  much 
courteousness,  blended  with  the  ceremonious  polite 
ness  of  the  Spaniards,  invited  us  to  enter  their  simple 
but  cleanly  dwellings.  All  their  countenances  bespoke 
health  and  contentment,  and  they  have  good  cause  to 
rejoice  in  their  lot.  Unburdened  by  taxes  of  any 

35  HalVa  Hist.  S.  Jose,  114,  423-4.  A  scrap  in  Levett's  Scrap  Book  says 
the  church  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake  in  1818  (see  also  chapter  xviii. ) 
and  the  new  one  completed  in  1822,  being  dedicated  on  Aug.  llth.  Kotzebue 
in  1824  says  'the  buildings  of  Santa  Clara,  overshadowed  by  thick  groves  of 
oaks,  and  surrounded  by  gardens,  etc.,  are  in  the  same  style  as  at  all  the 
other  missions.  They  consist  of  a  large  stone  church,  a  spacious  dwelling- 
house  for  the  monks,  a  large  magazine  for  the  preservation  of  corn,  and  the 
rancherias,  or  barracks,  for  the  Indians,  divided  into  long  rows  of  houses, 
or  rather  stalls,  where  each  family  is  allowed  a  space  scarcely  large  enough 
to  enable  them  to  lie  down.'  New  Voyage,  ii.  94.  Beechey  in  1826  found  the 
buildings  to  'consist  of  a  church,  the  dwelling-house  of  the  priests,  and  five 
rows  of  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  1,400  Indians,  comparatively  com 
fortable  dwellings.'  Voyage,  ii.  46.  Duhaut-Cilly  says  in  1827:  'Gli  edifizj  di 
Santa  Clara  non  sono  splendidi  come  quei  di  San  Luis-Rey.'  Viaggio,  ii.  69. 
Le  Netrel,  Voyage,  158,  says:  'L'dglise  de  la  mission  est  assez  bien  tenue. .  . 
Rien  de  plus  miserable  que  la  demeure  des  Indiens  de  la  mission.'  Hepworth 
Dixon,  White  Conquest,  i.  112-16,  expatiates  on  the  past  glories  of  Sta  Clara. 

36 Population  in  1822,  about  300.  Misiones,  Ouad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  255. 
In  1823,  391,  and  66  at  S.  Isidro  rancho;  total,  457,  but  doubtless  including 
Indians.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  19-20.  In  1827,  577.  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  6.  In  1828,  524.  Willces'  Narrative,  v.  555.  According  to  reports 
in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  v.,  four  hundred  and  seventeen  in  1828;  545  in 
1830.  According  to  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  72,  506,  including  the  ranches,  in 
1828.  About  500  inhabitants  in  1826,  according  to  Beechey.  Voyage,  ii.  47-8. 
About  650  in  1827.  Duhaut-Cil'y,  Viaggio,  ii.  72.  Foreigners:  John  Burton, 
Thomas  Lester,  and  William  Willis. 


SAN  JOStf.  603 

kind,  and  in  possession  of  as  much  land  as  they  choose 
to  cultivate,  they  live  free  from  care  on  the  rich  prod 
uce  of  their  fields  and  herds."37  Beechey  found  it, 
though  "  the  largest  settlement  of  the  kind  in  Upper 
California,  to  consist  of  mud-houses  miserably  pro 
vided  in  every  respect."38  Duhaut-Cilly  describes 
it  as  a  town  of  eighty  houses,  and  not  prosperous; 
and  Robinson  speaks  of  a  church,  court-house,  jail, 
grist-mill,  and  about  one  hundred  houses  in  1830.39 
There  are  no  statistics  of  agriculture  or  of  commerce 
that  are  even  tolerably  reliable,  though  the  settlers 
like  the  missionaries  traded  to  some  extent  with  the 
vessels  and  the  presidios.  There  were  at  this  period 
about  3,000  cattle  and  1,200  horses.  Ignacio  Ortega's 
rancho  of  San  Isidro  and  Mariano  Castro's  Las  Anirnas 
were,  as  elsewhere  stated,  the  only  ones  in  the  re 
gion  definitely  recorded  to  have  been  in  private  pos 
session.40 

The  village  school  seems  to  have  been  taught  by 
Joaquin  Buelna  and  his  brother  Antonio  in  1821;  by 
a  one-legged  soldier  named  Labastida  in  1822;  and 
by  Jose  Antonio  Romero  in  1823,  and  probably  for 
several  years  later.  The  salary  was  fifteen  dollars  a 
month  from  1823  to  1830.41  The  successive  visits  of 
Kotzebue,  Beechey,  and  Duhaut-Cilly  have  been 

37  Kotzebue's  New  Voyage,  ii.  180-1.     This  author  erroneously  speaks  of 
another  pueblo  near  Mission  S.  Josd. 

38  Beechey's  Voyage,  ii.  47. 

39 Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  71-2;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  72-3.  Garcia, 
ffechos,  MS.,  22,  says  he  paid  for  a  lot  of  land,  15  by  300  feet,  $100  and  a  pot 
of  soap  in  1828.  Boundaries  of  pueblo  lands  not  very  clearly  expressed,  in 
Register  of  Brands,  19.  The  northern  limit  seems  to  have  been  La  Calera 
and  Punta  de  los  Esteros,  and  the  south-western  the  Puerta  de  los  Capitan- 
cillos.  Above  the  source  of  the  Guadalupe  were  six  suertes  of  land,  and  at 
Laguna  Seca,  4.5  1.  off,  10  suertes. 

40  In  1822  the  governor  granted  the  settlers'  petition  to  be  relieved  from 
paying  33  per  cent  of  tallow  on  account  of  a  failure  in  crops;  though  he  said 
the  people  had  squandered  in  vice  the  abundance  of  former  years.     He  had 
made  an  arrangement  with  Hartnell  &  Co.  to  take  their  tallow  at  $2,  thus 
affording  them  a  market.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  49.     Duties  on  produce  sold 
the  Sachem  in  1824,  $143  at  6  per  cent.  8.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  36.     In  1827 
the  farmers  offer  to  pay  grain-tithes  in  money  at  $2  per  fanega,  on  account  of 
scarcity.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  vi.  45. 

41  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  32,  48;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  134;  Id.,  S. 
Jose,  iv.  5-6;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  151. 


604  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

sufficiently  referred  to,  since  none  of  these  travellers 
met  with  any  noticeable  adventures  in  this  region,  or 
devoted  more  than  a  few  pages  to  the  pueblo  and  its 
surroundings.  On  May  10,  1825,  the  people  assem 
bled  in  the  plaza  to  take  an  oath  of  obedience  to  the 
federal  constitution  of  Mexico.  The  oath  was  admin 
istered  by  Alcalde  Higuera,  after  an  address  from 
Juan  Miranda;  the  national  code  was  formally  depos 
ited  in  the  casa  consistorial,  and  arrangements  were 
made  for  three  days  of  bull-fighting  and  other  festivi 
ties  to  celebrate  so  notable  an  event.42  San  Jose 
adopted  the  'plan'  of  Joaquin  Solis  in  November 
1829,  but  abandoned  his  cause  as  soon  as  it  seemed 
likely  to  fail.  The  pueblo  sent  a  force  to  Monterey 
in  January  1830  to  aid  in  retaking  the  capital  and 
restoring  the  legitimate  rulers.43 

Such  records  as  are  extant  of  local  affairs  at  San 
Josd,  as  at  Los  Angeles,  for  this  decade  are  largely 
connected  with  the  municipal  government  and  admin 
istration  of  justice,  and  I  economize  space  by  present 
ing  the  items  in  fine  print.44  The  list  of  town  officials 

*2  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  116-17;  S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  22. 

43  See  chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  history. 

44 1821.  Luis  Peralta,  comisionado ;  alcalde,  Agustin  Narvaez.  Ignacio 
Ortega  was  juez  at  his  rancho  of  S.  Isidro  continuously  to  1828  and  perhaps 
later.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  1,  19.  Pio  Pico  put  up  a  hut  of  hides  and 
opened  a  dram-shop,  drinks  being  two  bits.  The  quantity  taken  at  a  drink 
seeming  excessive,  he  introduced  the  use  of  ox-horns  with  false  wooden  bot 
toms,  which  contained  less  than  the  tumbler  but  were  thought  by  the  drink 
ers  to  contain  more.  These  'horns'  had  long  been  used  in  the  south,  but  were 
new  in  the  north.  Pico,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  179. 

1822.  Peralta  on  Oct.  22d  gave  up  to  the  alcalde  the  archives,  etc.,  of  his 
office,  and  S.  Jose"  had  no  longer  a  comisionado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,lv.  18.  Francisco  Castro  was  elected  alcalde;  and  the  regidores  were 
Juan  Hernandez  and  Leandro  Galindo.  Eleven  citizens,  however,  complained 
to  Can6nigo  Fernandez  of  Castro's  illegal  election  and  arbitrary  acts,  and  he 
consented  to  a  new  election.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  53.  The  diputacion  also 
decreed  the  establishment  of  an  ayuntamiento.  chap,  xxi.;  Arch.  Misiones, 
MS.,  i.  262.  Of  the  result,  we  only  know  that  Juan  Alvires  was  alcalde  from 
October.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iv.  18;  S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  31. 
In  May  Gov.  Sola  had  ordered  Comisionado  Peralta  to  prevent  the  scandalous 
disorders  said  to  be  prevalent  at  the  pueblo.  One  third  of  the  tallow  from 
cattle  and  deer  must  be  devoted  to  the  building  of  a  prison  and  casa  real.  St. 
Pap.  Sac. ,  MS. ,  vi.  46-7.  In  July  Sola  issued  a  kind  of  sermon  and  reproof 
to  the  alcalde,  on  the  evil  ways  of  the  vecinos,  their  neglect  of  their  lands, 
failure  to  clothe  their  wives  and  children,  their  gambling  and  other  vices.  All 
these  evils  must  be  rooted  out  and  delinquents  punished ;  and  especially  any 
citizen  causing  scandal  in  church  must  have  25  blows  in  public  and  a  month 


AFFAIRS  AT  THE  PUEBLO.  605 

is  not  complete,  though  more  nearly  so  than  that  of 
the  preceding  decade.  There  seems  to  have  been  in 
1822  a  conflict  respecting  the  fuero  militar  of  soldier 
citizens,  similar  in  its  nature  to  that  noticed  at  Los 
Angeles.  A  single  document  gives  us  no  idea  of  the 
result,  but  there  was  no  attempt  to  continue  a  comi- 

in  the  stocks.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  i.  102-5.  The  immediate  occa 
sion  of  Sola's  displeasure  and  also  of  the  petition  against  Castro  was  the  evil 
deeds  of  one  Bernardo  Mojica,  who  failed  to  attend  mass,  and  stabbed  the 
regidor  Hernandez  whom  the  alcalde  sent  to  put  him  in  the  guard-house. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.  69-71.  Dec.  6th,  the  ayuntamiento  com 
plained  to  the  diputacion  that  the  authorities  of  Monterey  had  claimed  juris 
diction  over  certain  persons  as  invalidos,  who  were  really  subject  to  the  civil 
authority  of  the  pueblo  officials.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  51. 

1823.  Juan  Alvires  was  still  alcalde.     On  July  19th,  Gov.  Argiiello  wrote 
to  the  alcalde  that 'Antonio  Sunol  had  introduced  into  the  pueblo  a  quantity 
of  rum  and  honey  to  sell  at  retail,  concocting  therefrom  a  drink  that  was 
causing  much  harm.     He  called  for  an  investigation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose, 
MS.,  iv.  8. 

1824.  Alcalde,    Ignacio  Pacheco;  regidor,  Bartolo  Bojorges;   secretary, 
Matias  Guerrero;  sindico,  Tiburcio  Vasquez.    Trial  of  a  citizen  for  crim.  con. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  18-19. 

1825.  Alcalde,  Joaquin  Higuera;  Juan  Miranda,  secretary;  Bojorges  and 
Jose"  Maria  Flores  apparently  connected  in  some  way  with  the  municipal  gov 
ernment.     Dec.  9th,  complaint  against  citizens  for  having  bought  blankets, 
etc.,  from  neophytes;  with  orders  from  commandant  of  Monterey  that  such 
abuses  be  corrected;  for  the  Indians,  though  citizens,  could  not  yet  sell  what 
had  been  given  them  from  the  mission  stores.  S.  Josct  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  24. 

1826.  No  record  of  members  of  the  ayuntamiento.     Antonio  Sunol,  post 
master.      Postal  revenue  $9.     Dept.  St.   Pap.,    Ben.   Mil.,   MS.,   Ivii.    8; 
Ixxxviii.  58.     Nov.  13th,  Echeandia  informs  the  commandant  of  Monterey 
that  San  Jos6  belongs  to  the  military  jurisdiction  of  San  Francisco.  Id.,  Ivii. 
20.     Dec.  15th,  the  governor  orders  an  election  of  ayuntamiento,  specifying 
the  method.  8.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  37. 

1827.  Alcalde,  Mariano  Castro;  regidores,  Agustin  Narvaez,  and  Hermene- 
gildo  Vasquez;  sindico,  Manuel  Duarte;  secretary,  Jos6  Antonio  Robles,  and 
later  Salvio  Pacheco.     Duarte's  accounts  showed  a  deficit  of  $46,  which  his 
bondsman  had  to  pay.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  78.     A  militia  artilleryman 
refused  admission  to  the  pueblo  on  account  of  immorality  in  former  years. 
S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  26.     Nov.  24th,  choice  by  the  ayuntamiento  of  nine 
municipal  electors,  who  on  Nov.  30th  elected  the  ayuntamiento  of  1828.  St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  22-3. 

1828.  Alcalde,  Salvio  Pacheco;  regidores,  Cornelio  Bernal  and  Jose"  An 
tonio  Alviso;  sindico,  Carlos  Castro;  secretary,  Francisco  Sanchez.     Miguel 
Gonzalez  de  Alava,  elector  de  partido  October.     July,  the  alcalde  sends  to 
the  governor  a  list  of  18  svjetos  vagos.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i. 
42.     Wm.  Willis  applied  to  the  governor  for  a  grant  of  land  at  Laguna  de  los 
Bolbones,  and  was  refused;  then  he  applied  to  the  commandant  of  S.  Fran 
cisco  who  granted  the  petition;  whereupon  the  governor  fined  Willis  $50  and 
declared  the  commandant  had  no  right  to  grant  lands.  Hall's  Hist.  S.  Jos6, 
117.     Municipal  finances:  receipts,  $297;  expenditures,  $213.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ii.  76.     Criminal  process  for  adultery.     Guilty  person  liberated  after  a 
year's  imprisonment.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvi.  61-2. 

1829.  Alcalde,  Florentine  Arclmleta;  sindico,  Domingo  Peralta;  secretary, 
Salvio  Pacheco;  postmaster,  Antonio  Sunol.     This  year  the  ayuntamiento 


606  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

sionado  in  office.  The  citizens,  if  we  may  credit  the 
general  tone  of  the  records,  were  distinguished  neither 
lor  their  good  order  nor  for  their  industrial  thrift. 
In  1826  San  Josd  was  declared  to  belong  to  the  mili 
tary  jurisdiction  of  San  Francisco,  as  indeed  I  have 
always  regarded  it  in  rny  classification  for  motives  of 
convenience. 

sent  a  petition  to  the  supreme  government  in  Mexico  in  behalf  of  the  Spanish 
missionaries,  chap.  iv.  vol.  iii.  this  history.  In  April  three  persons  were 
exiled  from  Monterey  to  San  Jose"  for  theft,  vagrancy,  and  failure  to  cumplir 
con  la  i(jle,sia.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  10.  Municipal  receipts  for  the  year, 
as  tax  on  brandy,  $213,  of  which  $17  was  paid  for  stationery  and  a  padlock, 
and  the  rest  to  the  secretaries  of  1827-8  for  salary.  Id.,  vi.  18. 

1830.   Alcalde,  Mariano  Castro;  sindico,  Pedro  Chaboya;  elector  de  partido 
for  October  election,  Luis  Peralta,  rejected  for  want  of  proper  credentials. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS-MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 
1821-1830. 

MONTEREY  PRESIDIO — MILITARY  OFFICERS — FORCE  OF  THE  GARRISON — 
POPULATION — STATISTICS  — BUILDINGS —MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS — OFFICIAL 
LIST — PETTY  EVENTS — PRIVATE  RANCHOS  OF  THE  DISTRICT— SAN  CARLOS 
MISSION — STATISTICAL  VIEW — MISSION  RANCHOS — SAN  Luis  OBISPO — 
PADRE  Luis  MARTINEZ — BAD  INVESTMENTS— CROPS  AND  LIVE-STOCK — 
LANDS — SAN  MIGUEL — DEATH  OF  FATHER  MARTIN — STATISTICS  OF 
DECLINE — SAN  ANTONIO  DE  PADUA — JUAN  BAUTISTA  SANCHO — POPU 
LATION  AND  INDUSTRIES — SOLEDAD  MISSION — CHANGES  IN  MINISTERS — 
A  NEOPHYTE  ELECTION — SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA — LIFE  OF  ESTEVAN 
TAPIS — SANTA  CRUZ — RETIREMENT  OF  OLBES — AGRICULTURAL  PROS 
PERITY — VILLA  DE  BRANCIFORTE. 

THE  record  of  officials  and  of  forces  at  Monterey 
for  this  decade,  and  especially  during  the  later  years, 
is  rather  complicated;  but  may  be  unravelled  with 
approximate  accuracy  as  follows:  Governor  Sola  until 
1822,  and  Argiiello  from  that  time  until  October  1825 
resided  at  the  capital  and  held  the  chief  military 
command.  Echeandia,  as  we  have  seen,  made  only 
occasional  visits  to  the  capital  in  1827-30.  Other 
officials  residing  here,  but  belonging  to  the  province 
and  territory  rather  than  the  presidial  district,  were 
Surgeon  Manuel  Quijano  in  1821-4;  Jose  Maria 
Herrera,  sub-comisario  de  hacienda,  in  1825-7;  Man 
uel  Jimeno  Casarin  and  Antonio  Maria  Osio  in  charge 
of  the  revenue  department  in  1828-30;  and  finally 
Josd  Maria  Padre's,  adjutant  inspector,  and  Rafael 
Gomez,  asesor  or  legal  adviser,  who  arrived  in  1830. 
Jose  Antonio  Navarrete,  captain  of  the  San  Bias 
infantry  company,  outranked  the  highest  officers  of 

(607) 


608  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

the  presidial  company,  and  was  thus  comandante  mil- 
itar  until  his  departure  with  Sola  in  1822;  again  Cap 
tain  Miguel  Gonzalez  of  the  artillery  company  was 
comandante  of  the  post  in  1826-8  until  his  suspension 
by  the  governor;  and  finally  lieutenants  Romualdo 
Pacheco  and  Agustin  V.  Zamorano,  coming  up  from 
Santa  Barbara  after  the  Solis  revolt,  were  in  com 
mand  for  short  periods  in  1830,1  though  not  belonging 
to  the  company. 

I  come  now  to  the  presidial  company.  Jose  Maria 
Estudillo,  though  absent  at  San  Diego  in  1820-1,  and 
perhaps  at  Santa  Bdxbara  in  1822-3,  was  its  lieuten 
ant  until  1825,  and  remained  from  that  time  to  Octo 
ber  1826  as  comandante  of  both  company  and  post. 
Jose  Mariano  Estrada,  alferez,  brevetted  lieutenant  for 
gallantry  at  the  time  of  the  Bouchard  affair  in  1818, 
and  made  full  lieutenant  in  1824  for  his  services  in  the 
Purisima  re  volt,  commanded  the  company  in  Estudilio's 
absence,  and  the  post  perhaps  for  a  time  after  the  sus 
pension  of  Gonzalez  in  1828-9,  in  which  latter  year 
his  name  was  dropped  from  the  rolls  and  I  suppose 
he  retired  from  the  service.  Rodrigo  del  Pliego  suc- 
ceded  Estrada  as  alferez  in  1825,  but  was  absent  at 
Santa  Barbara  from  August  1827  to  August  1830; 
and  in  his  absence  Mariano  G.  Vallejo,  promoted  from 
cadet  at  the  end  of  1827,  served  as  alferez  in  1828-9, 
though  belonging  to  the  San  Francisco  company. 
Vallejo  also  acted  as  comandante  in  1829.  The  com 
mand  in  1830  was  held  by  Pliego  after  his  return 
from  the  south.  Estrada  was  habilitado  and  post 
master  in  1821-9;  Vallejo  and  Pliego  in  1829-30. 

1  Of  Capt.  Navarrete  I  know  nothing  beyond  his  arrival  in  1819  in  com 
mand  of  the  San  Bias  company,  and  his  departure  in  November  1822  with 
Sola,  expecting  a  lieutenant-colonel's  commission  in  Mexico.  For  what  is 
known  of  Capt.  Gonzalez  see  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  ii.  vol.  iii.,  this  series.  On 
Argiiello's  departure,  in  November  1825,  the  officers  met  and  chose  Estudillo 
comandante  de  armas,  a  position  which  he  held  until  Oct.  17,  1826,  when  by 
the  governor's  order  he  gave  it  up  to  Gonzalez.  Lieut.  Estrada  was  soon  after 
put  under  arrest  by  Gonzalez.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  108-9;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  xiv.  15-16;  Vallejo,  Doc.  UisL  CaL,  MS.,  xxix.  82;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  v.  90.  Jose"  Fernandez  del  Campo,  lieutenant  of  artillery,  v/as 
also  acting  comandante  for  a  time  in  1829. 


COMPANY  AND  POPULATION.  609 

The  company  sergeants  were:  Ignacio  Vallejo  through 
out  the  decade,  though  unfit  for  active  duty  in  later 
years;  Jose  Dolores  Pico,  in  charge  of  the  rancho 
nacional  until  about  1827,  when  he  probably  died; 
and  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  in  1828-30.  Of  municipal 
officers  more  a  little  later.  I  may  add  that  Father 
Antonio  Menendez  came  up  from  San  Diego  in  1830 
to  serve  as  chaplain  at  thirty  dollars  a  month.2 

The  presidial  cavalry  company,  with  officers  and 
mechanics,  decreased  from  about  ninety  in  1821  to 
seventy-five  in  1826,  after  which,  in  consequence  of 
troubles  at  the  capital,  the  figures  are  very  contra 
dictory,  varying  radically  from  one  month  to  another. 
Many  men  were  discharged  temporarily,  to  get  their 
living  as  best  they  could,  and  to  be  recalled  when 
needed.  The  infantry  detachment,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Valle  after  Navarrete's  departure  in  1822,. 
also  declined  rapidly  in  numbers;  but  the  artillery 
force  was  considerably  increased  after  1826.  So  far 
as  I  can  determine  from  the  intricate  records  the 
force  of  the  Monterey  district  in  1830  was  60  cavalry 
with  20  invalids,  20  infantry,  and  20  artillery;  or  a 
total  force  of  120,  of  whom  40  or  more  were  scattered 
in  missions,  pueblos,  and  ranchos.3  The  white  popu 
lation  of  the  district,  including  Santa  Cruz,  I  put  at 
950,  a  gain  from  720  during  the  decade.  Nearly 
half  the  number  were  living  at  the  various  ranchos.4 
There  were  about  50  foreigners,  half  of  whom  may 
be  regarded  as  permanent  settlers.  If  we  add  the 
population  of  Branciforte,  we  have  a  total  of  1,100, 

'2Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  144-5;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  106.. 

3  In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  lix.  14;  Ixvii..  2;  Ixxxvii.  70,  the 
force  of  the  garrison  is  given  as  112,  122,  and  128  in  1826-7-9.     Some  reports 
put  the  cavalry  company  as  low  as  35  men  in  1829-30. 

4  Different  statements  are:  406  for  1824;  790  for  1826-7;  708  for  1828;  867 
for  1829;  and  978  for  1830.     In  1829  the  population  of  Monterey  is  given  as 
502,  and  of  the  ranchos,  365.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi.  6.     In  1826  there  are 
said  to  have  been  114  at  Monterey  presidio,  besides  the  military.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  131-2.     List  of  44  foreigners  in  the  jurisdiction  in  February 
1829.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  115.     Among  the  permanent  residents  of  the 
town  were  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell,  David  Spence,  J.  B.  R.  Cooper,  Geo.  Allen, 
Ed.  Mclntosh,  Wm.  Gray  back,  John  Martin,  James  Wilson,  John  Littleton, 
Tim.  Murphy,  and  Geo.  Kinlock. 

HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  II.    39 


G10  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

with  a  neophyte  population  that  had  decreased  from 
4,500  to  3,500.  For  the  two  districts  of  Monterey 
and  San  Francisco,  or  northern  California,  the  total 
is  1,940  white  persons  and  8,400  Indians,  against 
1,465  and  8,900  in  1820,  and  against  2,310  and  9,600 
in  the  south.5 

There  were  occasional  references  in  1826—8  to  the 
ruinous  condition  of  various  buildings,  and  even  one 
or  two  orders  for  laborers  and  adobes  for  repairs,  with 
unknown  results.  Morrell  in  1825  found  "the  village 
and  presidio  of  Monterey  situated  upon  a  plain  which 
is  terminated  by  a  range  of  wood-crowned  heights. 
The  town  is  about  one  mile  from  the  landing;  being 
as  is  usual  with  the  California!!  missions,  surrounded 
by  a  wall  of  ten  feet  in  height,  built  of  free-stone, 
and  enclosing  about  two  hundred  houses.  There  are 
also  one  church  and  a  nunnery.  The  residence  of  the 
governor,  his  excellency  Don  Miguel  Gonzalez,  is  a 
very  handsome  edifice"!  Beechey,  from  whom  Mor 
rell  took  such  part  of  his  own  matter  as  is  not  absurdly 
inaccurate,  says  "the  presidio  is  in  better  condition 
than  that  of  San  Francisco;  still  as  a  place  of  defence 
it  is  quite  useless."  ,Duhaut-Cilly,  coming  in  March 
1827,  says:  "Whoever  should  arrive  at  Monterey  ex- 

6  For  company  rolls  and  statistics  of  finance,  etc.,  see  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.-ixxiL;  Ixxxviii.;  .Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  103;  xix. 
43;  xx.  175,  187;  xvii.  53;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  10,  19;  vi.  42;  x.  5,  8; 
xii.  10;  xiii.  6-20;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  1-3;  xi.  2;  xx.  296;  Dept.  JKec., 
MS.,  i.  198-9;  vit.  77;  xi.  63,  66;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Corn.. and  Treas., 
MS.,  iii.  44,  83;  Id.,  Oust.  H.,  i.  28-31;  Monterey,  Cuentasde  laComp.,  MS., 
i.  Financial. items:  receipts  from  customs,  1820  to  1825,  $52,867.  See  also 
lists  of  vessels  and  commercial  items  for  each  year  in  other  chapters.  Pay- 
Toll  from.$23,000  to  $16,000  per  year.  Amounts  due  to  persons  discharged 
or. dead,  $2,800  to  $6,000.  Deducted  from  pay  for  funds  of  Montepio  and 
Invalidos,  $650  to  $450  per  year.  Amount  paid  to  the  revolted  troops  in 
1829,  $2,809.  Specimen  monthly  account — of  which  only  a  few  exist — for 
November  1827 :  'balance  from  Oct. ,  $777.  Anchorage  of  two  vessels,  $20;  ton 
nage  on  Andes,  $430;  duties  from  Franklin,  $299;  internacion  duty  on  butter, 
$19;  loans,  $954;  cattle  from  rancho  nacional,  $40;  stamped  paper,  mails, 
and  tobacco,  $25;  supplies  from  S.  Juan,  $412;  total,  $2,975.  Expenditures, 
$2,632;  balance,  $343.  Postal  revenue  about  $6  per  month.  Tobacco,  $12 
in  May,  and  $27  in  July  1827;  no  other  records.  Tithes,  1820-4,  $1,965. 
Stamped  paper,  1827,  $3  to  $8  per  month.  Proceeds  of  rancho  nacional,  $468 
in  1821,  $144  in  July  1827.  At  the  end  of  1827  the  presidio  according  to  one 
record  owed  the  seven  missions  only  $2,224  for  supplies  since  1820. 


PRESIDIO  AND  TOWN.  611 

pecting  to  see  a  considerable  town,  would  suppose  he 
had  made  a  mistake  about  the  anchorage.  The  first 
buildings  seen  on  rounding  Point  Pinos  are  those  of 
the  presidio  which  present  a  quadrangle  of  two  hun 
dred  yards,  and  which,  being  of  a  single  story, 
resemble  long  warehouses  covered  with  tiles.  On 
the  right  of  the  presidio,  on  a  little  verdant  plain  are 
seen  some  forty  scattered  houses  of  quite  a  pretty 
appearance,  also  covered  with  tiles  and  whitewashed. 
This,  with  a  few  straw  huts,  is  what  constitutes  the 
capital  city  of  Alta  California."  This  navigator  gives 
us  a  view  of  the  town  as  it  appeared  from  the  water, 
and  notes  that  the  houses  outside  of  the  walls  be 
longed  chiefly  to  foreigners.6 

Municipal  affairs,  for  Monterey  was  now  a  town, 
demand  some  attention  at  this  time.  In  1820  there 
seems  to  have  been  issued  an  order  on  the  formation 
of  an  ayuntamiento  for  purposes  largely  experimental ; 
but  save  that  Teodosio  Flores  is  mentioned  as  alcalde 
in  that  year,  Mariano  Soberanes  in  1823,  and  Juan 
Alvires  in  1826,  we  know  nothing  of  the  results.  In 
May  1826  fifteen  citizens  petitioned  the  governor  for 
the  appointment  of  a  judge  to  have  civil  jurisdiction 
over  the  one  hundred  and  fourteen  citizens  not  con 
nected  with  the  army.  The  governor's  action  is  not 
recorded;  but  in  December  an  election  was  held  and 
a  full  ayuntamiento,  the  names  of  whose  members  are 
known,  served  each  year  from  1827  to  1830.  In 
December  1828  this  body  issued  a  series  of  municipal 
regulations  for  the  preservation  of  good  order  in  the 

«Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixii.  24;  Iviii.  1;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
204;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  19;  MorrelVs  Narrative,  207-8;  Beeehetfa  Voy- 
a<je,  ii.  85-6;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaygio,  i.  252-64;  ii.  94-5.  The  cut  does  not 
show  so  large  a  number  of  buildings  as  the  author  mentions.  The  armament 
in  1830  was  7  brass  and  13  iron  guns  of  4  to  8  pounds  calibre.  Pattie  was 
here  in  1828-30,  Narrative,  206,  222,  etc.,  but  gives  no  descriptive  matter. 
In  the  inventory  of  naval  property  turned  over  by  Herrera  to  Estrada  in  Oct. 
1627,  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xix.  43-4,  there  are  mentioned  a  new 
house  near  the  landing  of  timber,  mud,  and  tiles,  with  two  rooms  used  for 
storehouse  and  for  the  guard,  a  wood  and  tule  hut  near  by  for  the  sailors,  a 
shed  to  protect  boats,  and  two  boats  with  oars,  etc.  The  documents  give  also 
a  list  of  miscellaneous  articles  belonging  to  the  postoffice  and  presidio. 


612  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

town;  and  in  July  1830  the  territorial  diputacion  took 
up  the  matter  and  proceeded  to  designate  the  extent 
and  boundaries  of  the  town  lands.7 

7  May  8,  1826,  petition  for  the  appointment  of  an  alcalde.  The  15  peti 
tioners  were  Jose"  Tiburcio  Castro,  Miguel  Gonzalez,  Mariano  -Soberanes,  Ino- 
cente  Garcia,  Nicolas  Alviso,  Feliciano  Soberanes,  Jose*  Antonio  Romero, 
Juan  Maria  Meligen  (Mulligan),  Jose"  Ignacio  Taforo,  Ramon  Antonio  Navar- 
rete,  Faustino  German  by  Juan  Buelna,  Raimundo  de  la  Torre,  Jose"  Joaquin 
de  la  Torre,  Juan  Alvires,  alcalde,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  131-2. 

1827.  Ayuntamiento  elected  Dec.  1826,  and  installed  by  Lieut.  Estrada 
April  19,  1827;  alcalde,  Jose"  (T.)  Castro;  regidores,  Jose"  Ignacio  Taforo  and 
Antonio  Fernandez;  sindico,  Mariano  Soberanes.    Ashley's  Documents,  MS., 
1-2;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  San  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  ii.     Account  of  the  sindico,  Mariano 
Soberanes,   of   dues   on    liquors,   timber,   and  wood,   collected   by  Santiago 
Moreno,  depositario,  from  July  to  November,  $737.  Dep.  St.  Pap.,   MS., 
ii.  46-8.     Tax  on  liquors  for  May,  $80.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixii 
12. 

1828.  Alcalde,  Juan  Jose"  de  Soria;   regidores,  Antonio  Fernandez  and 
Francisco  Cazares;  sindico,  Santiago  Moreno;  Secretario,  Jose"  Castro.     Dec. 
6th,  Monterey,  Ordenanzas  Municipales  espedidas  por  el  Ayuntamiento,  MS. 
Art.  1.  Church  duties  must  be  strictly  performed;  nor  must  any  one  leave 
church  when  the  sermon  begins,  as  is  customary.     Art.  2.  Liquor  not  to  be 
sold  on  diasfestivos  before  mass,  nor  after  the  drum-beat  at  night;  fine,  $4,  $6, 
$8,  and  confiscation  of  liquor.     Art.  3.  Every  kind  of  game  of  hazard  pro 
hibited;  penalty,  imprisonment  at  hard  work;  or  fine  of  $5,  $10,  etc.,  for  having 
a  game  in  one's  house.     Art.  4.  No  offensive  weapons  to  be  carried.     Art.  5. 
A  drunken  man  'scandalizing  the  pueblo'  will  have  15  days  of  obras publicas 
the  first  time;  30  days  the  second;  and  the  third,  'whatever  the  judge  may 
deem  proper. '    Art.  6.  No  person  to  be  out  of  his  house  after  the  hour  of  la 
queda,  except  for  urgent  necessity;  penalty,  eight  days  of  arrest.     Art.  7. 
Fine  of  $6  for  taking  a  horse  without  the  owner's  consent.     Art.  8.  No  person 
can  have  company  in  his  house  after  la  queda  without  previous  consent  of  the 
ayuntamiento.     Art.  9.   Debts  for  liquor  and  gambling  cannot  be  legally  col 
lected.     Art.  10.  Suit  for  money  can  be  instituted  from  8  to  11.30  A.  M.,  and 
from  3  to  7  P.  M.,  except  on  feast-days.     Art.  11.  Indian  servants  must  be 
called  home  at  la  queda,  and  employers  will  be  responsible  for  their  doings. 
Art.  12.  Entering  taverns  or  houses  on  horseback  strictly  prohibited;  fine  of 
$1,  $2,  $3.     Art.  13.  Discharge  of  firearms  from  evening  prayers  to  the  re 
veille',  or  within  the  town  at  any  hour,  prohibited;  fine,  $1,  $2,  $3.     Art.  14. 
Any  person  who  will  not  work  will  be  considered  as  a  vagrant,  and  employed 
on  the  public  works.     Art.  15.  No  person  shall  take  any  article  in  pawn, 
'  since  it  is  a  way  of  robbing  with  usury. '    These  regulations  apply  to  all 
persons  not  engaged  in  actual  military  service.     Municipal  finances  for  1828: 
Receipts,  $1,716;  expenditures,  $537.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  76;  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  vii.  47. 

1829.  Alcalde,  Jose"  Tiburcio  Castro;  regidores,  Francisco  Soria  and  Feli 
ciano  Soberanes;  sindico,  Santiago  Moreno;  secretary,  Jose  Antonio  Gajiola. 
Municipal  finances:  receipts  on  wood,  $17,  on  liquors,  $1,379;  expenses,  $687 
for  sindico's  3%,  and  salaries  of  teacher,  $15;  secretary  of  diputacion,  $25;  and 
secretary  of  ayuntamiento,  $20.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil.,  MS.,  v.  307-8. 
This  year  the  ayuntamiento  sent  a  petition  to  the  supreme  government  in 
behalf  of  the  Spanish  friars  in  California.  See  chap.  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  this  his 
tory. 

1830.  Alcalde,  Mariano  Soberanes;  regidores,  Jose"  Espinosa  and  Antonio 
Castro;  sindico,  Marcelino  Escobar;  secretary,  Jose"  Castro.     Feliciano  Sobe 
ranes  was  at  first  elected  1st  regidor,  but  claimed  to  be  unable  to  read  and 
write.    ValU'jo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxix.  512.     In  the  sessions  of  July  23d, 


SCHOOL  AT  THE  CAPITAL.  613 

A  school  was  maintained  at  Monterey,  but  here  as 
elsewhere  educational  records  are  exceedingly  meagre. 
We  know,  however,  that  the  teacher's  salary  was 
raised  in  1829  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dollars  a  month; 
that  the  alcalde  received  thanks  from  the  governor 
for  having  taught  awhile  in  the  absence  of  a  regular 
pedagogue;  and  that  the  school  effects  at  the  end  of 
the  decade  consisted  of  a  table,  one  arithmetic,  and 
four  copy-books.8  Events  at  the  capital  have  for  the 
most  part  been  recorded  elsewhere,  having  a  bearing 
upon  territorial  rather  than  purely  local  annals;  but 
I  append  as  for  the  other  presidios  a  chronological 
summary,  into  which  I  introduce  a  few  items  of 
the  criminal  record  and  other  matters  not  elsewhere 
noticed.9 

24th,  28th,  29th,  the  diputacion  fixed  the  bounds  of  the  ejidos  or  vacant 
suburbs,  commons,  and  of  the  pueblo  jurisdiction  as  follows,  the  distances  and 
courses  being  estimates  for  want  of  skilled  surveyors:  Ejidos,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  de  Monterey  (Salinas),  up  that  river  southward  to  Los  Pilar- 
citos,  6  leagues;  thence  westward  to  Laguna  Seca  on  the  main  road  to  the 
presidio,  2. 5  1. ;  thence  along  the  summit  of  the  sierra  to  Cypress  Point,  5  1. ; 
and  along  the  coast,  10  1.  (?)  to  the  starting-point.  Jurisdiction,  from  mouth 
of  the  Rio  del  Pajaro,  up  that  stream,  eastward,  5  1.  to  the  sierra;  thence 
southward  along  the  sierra,  8  1.,  to  a  point  between  Chualar  and  Encinal; 
thence  westward  to  the  house  of  Sanjones,  2.5  1.;  thence  north-eastward 
(N.  w.  ?)  2  1.  along  the  summit  to  a  point  half  a  league  south  of  Corral  do 
Tierra;  thence  in  same  direction,  3  1.,  to  Laguna  Seca;  and  to  Cypress  Point, 
51.;  and  thence  following  the  coast  to  the  Pajaro,  11  1.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
145-51.  Municipal  accounts  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  167-74.  Electores 
de  partido:  Jose"  Aruz,  May,  1822,  and  member  of  the  diputacion  in  Novem 
ber;  Estevan  Munrds  in  1827;  Jos6  T.  Castro  in  1828,  and  Juan  Malarin 
in  1830.  chap.  xxi.  and  ii.  of  vol.  iii. 

6 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  308;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  63.  Rafael 
Pinto,  Apuntaciones,  MS.,  names  Manuel  Crespo  and  Antonio  Buelna  as 
teachers  during  this  period. 

9 1821.  Heavy  snow-storm  on  Jan.  18th  followed  by  excessive  cold,  the 
like  of  which  the  oldest  inhabitant  had  never  seen.  Holy  water  frozen  at  the 
mission.  Estrada  to  Guerra,  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  185.  In  April  an 
imprisoned  artillery  sergeant  was  so  violent  as  to  demolish  three  houses  in  which 
it  was  attempted  to  confine  him.  He  was  finally  chained  in  the  battery.  St. 
Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  xi.  63-4.  In  July  Capt.  (of  the  ?)  Kutusof  vaccinated  54  persons. 
Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  188-9.  An  amusing  incident  illustrating  the 
Spanish  inability  to  distinguish  'b'  from  'v.'  Three  good-for-nothing  soldiers 
went  to  Tio  Armenta's  shop  and  sold  four  vaquetas,  or  sides  of  sole-leather, 
getting  some  money  and  drinking  large  quantities  of  brandy.  Armenta  went 
to  the  barracks  for  his  leather,  and  was  offered  by  one  of  the  men  his  baquetas, 
or  drum-sticks;  and  by  the  others  their  baquetas,  or  ramrods.  A  fight  ensued 
and  all  were  put  in  the  stocks;  in  fact  there  was  almost  a  revolution  until 
Gov.  Sola  stopped  the  trouble  by  paying  Armenta  the  money  out  of  which  he 
had  been  tricked.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  266-72. 

1822.  The  foreign  commercial  firm  of  McCulloch,  Hartnell,  and  Co.  was 


614  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

There  were  in  1830  twelve  or  fourteen  ranchos 
owned  by  private  individuals  in  the  Monterey  district, 
with  nearly  four  hundred  inhabitants.  Six  of  these 
ranchos  came  before  the  U.  S.  land  commissioners  in 
later  years  partially  on  the  strength  of  grants  made 

established  at  Monterey;  and  W.  A.  Gale  in  the  Sachem  began  a  direct  trade 
between  Boston  and  the  Californian  capital,  chap.  xxi.  April  9th,  junta  held 
to  acknowledge  the  imperial  regency;  oath  taken  on  April  llth.  May  21th, 
junta  of  electors  met  and  chose  Sola  as  diputado  to  congress.  July  14th,  first 
news  of  Iturbide's  empire.  Sept.  26th,  arrival  of  the  canonigo  Fernandez. 
End  of  September,  change  of  flag.  Oct.  8th,  informed  junta  on  the  govern 
ment.  Nov.  9th-llth  first  territorial  diputacion  met  and  elected  a  governor. 
Nov.  22d,  Gov.  Sola  departed  and  Gov.  Arguello  took  command,  chap.  xxi. 
passim.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  324-7,  describes  a  foot-race  between 
Josd  G6ngora  and  Gabriel  Espinosa  as  part  of  the  ceremonies  attending  the 
can6nigo's  reception.  G6ngora,  the  favorite,  finding  that  he  could  not  win, 
left  the  track  and  ran  into  a  corral,  insisting  afterward  with  his  friends  that 
the  rule  'a  bolting  horse  makes  a  dead  heat'  applied  to  a  foot-race  as  well. 
And  this  view  was  sustained  by  the  judges  because  a  majority  had  bet  on 
Gongora.  This  ruling  made  trouble;  but  the  canon  took  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  to  increase  his  popularity  by  paying  the  losses.  There  was  this 
year  a  trial  for  homicide,  one  soldier  having  killed  another  in  a  quarrel.  Dept. 
tit.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.  4-6;  and  also  a  very  complicated  case,  in  which 
a  man  was  accused  of  incest  with  his  daughters.  Id.,  liii.  7-64. 

1823.  In  April  the  diputacion  was  in  session,  and  on  April  2d  the  empire 
was  formally  proclaimed.     The  fall  of  Iturbide  was  announced  in  November. 
It  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year  that  Capt.  Cooper  arrived  from  China  and 
sold  the  schooner  Rover  to  Capt.  Arguello.  chap.  xxii.  passim. 

1824.  In  January  a  junta  general  deliberated  on  the  political  future  of  the 
province;  and  on  Jan.  8th  issued  a  plan  de  gobierno,  or  constitution.    McCul- 
loch,  Hartnell,  and  Co.  began  the  business  of  salting  beef  for  Peru.     Pompo- 
nio,  a  famous  outlaw,  was  shot  in  September,  chap,  xxiii.    Alvarado,  Hist. 
Cal. ,  MS. ,  ii.  40-6,  tells  us  that  the  young  men  of  the  capital  formed  a  kind 
of  historical  society,  the  aim  being  to  preserve  the  records  of  their  fathers' 
achievements.    Only  one  meeting  was  held,  at  which  unfortunately  politics 
forced  history  to  take  a  back  seat. 

1825.  The  federal  constitution  was  received  in  January;  the  diputacion 
met  to  ratify  it  March  26th,  held  its  last  session  April  7th,  and  was  suspended 
in  May.     The  Spanish  men-of-war,  Asia  and  Constants,  surrendered  in  April. 
In  July  came  Sub-Comisario  Herrera,  Capt.  Gonzales,  and  a  band  of  convicts, 
also  the  news  of  Echeandia's  appointment  as  governor,     Oct.   28th,  Gov. 
Arguello  started  south  to  deliver  the  office,  chap.  i.  vol  iii.     Capt.  Morrell 
was  at  Monterey  in  May. 

1826.  A  quiet  year  politically,  the  governor  remaining  in  the  south.    There 
was,  however,  some  trouble  between  Capt.  Gonzales  and  the  officers  of  the 
presidial  company.     The  most  exciting  item  in  the  criminal  record  was  the 
theft  of  a  barrel  of  brandy,  for  which  both  thief  and  Tia  Boronda,  the  receiver, 
had  to  pay  a  fine  of  $40.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv.  1.     Inventory 
of  prison  material.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  18.    In  November  a  party  from 
Beechey's  ship  at  San  Francisco  came  overland  to  Monterey. 

1827.  Gov.  Echeandia  came  to  the  capital  for  the  first  time  in  May.     His 
controversies  with  Capt.   Gonzalez  and  with  Lieut.  Col.  Herrera,  with  the 
sessions  of  the  new  diputacion  from  June  to  September,  are  the  leading  topics 
of  the  year.   Hixt.  Cal.,  chap,  i.-iv.  vol.  iii.  this  series.     The  town  was  illu 
minated  on  the  night  of  June  14th,  after  the  swearing-in  of  the  new  assembly. 
Duhaut-Cilly  anchored  at  Monterey  in  March;  and  Beechey  of  the  Blossom 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  615 

between  1820  and  1830.  Respecting  the  ownership 
of  some  of  the  others  at  this  early  period  I  know 
nothing.  The  fourteen  ranchos  were  Alisal,  Buena 
vista,  Llano  de  Buenavista,  Escarpin,  Moro  Cojo, 
Potrero,  Bolsa  Nueva,  Natividad,  Pajaro,  Pilarcitos, 
Salinas,  San  Cayetano,  Sauzal,  and  El  Tucho,  though 
Tucho  and  Salinas  were  probably  mission  ranchos.10 

in  December.  Joaquin  Soils,  of  later  fame,  was  charged  with  smuggling  two 
bales  of  Virginia  tobacco  found  on  a  cart  in  charge  of  an  Indian.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben,  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv.  10,  11. 

1828.  There  was  a  revolt  of  the  garrison;  but  the  malcontents  were  per 
suaded  to  return  to  their  duty.  chap.  iii.  vol.  iii.  this  history.     It  was  prob 
ably  in  connection  with  this  affair  that  two  soldiers,  Becerra  and  Felix,  and 
two  civilians,  Vazquez  and  Escamilla,  were  sentenced  to  8-12  years  of  work  in 
the  Vcra  Cruz  navy- yard.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvi.  78-81. 

1829.  Great  want  among  the  troops  in  May.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  80. 
In  June  a  plot  of  revolution  was  revealed,  but  there  was  no  outbreak,  and 
very  little  is  known  of  the  affair.     In  November  the  Solis  revolt  broke  out, 
and  Monterey  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  revolted  troops,  chap.  iii.  vol.  iii. 
this  history. 

1830.  The  capital  was  retaken  and  the  legal  authorities  were  restored  in 
January;  and  on  May  9th  the  prisoners  were  despatched  for  San  Bias.     May 
1st,  a  meeting  was  held  to  protest  against  the  sending  of  convicts  to  Cali 
fornia.     From  July  10th  to  Oct.  7th  the  diputacion  was  in  session.     Capt. 
Fitch  and  his  wife  were  under  arrest  from  August  to  October.     Sept.  16th, 
there  was  a  fight  between  Californians  and  Mexicans  at  the  national  fiesta. 
Aug.  15th,  nine  municipal  electors  were  chosen",  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
i.  6,  and  Oct.  3d  Carlos  Carrillowas  elected  to  congress.   See  chap.  ii.  vol.  iii. 
this  history.    Dec.  15th,  40  persons  in  prison,  including  12  Indians.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxii.  2. 

10  Reports  of  1830  in  Legislative  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  149;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vi. 
C-7.  The  latter  unites  Potrero  and  La  Nueva  with  Moro  Cojo;  both  unite 
the  two  Buenavistas  in  one;  and  the  former  mentions  also  the  Rancho  Nacional 
and  another  where  the  company  kept  its  horses  as  distinct.  Buenavista  and 
Llano  de  Buenavista,  two  sitios  each  of  2  sq.  1.  forming  one  rancho,  were 
granted  to  Santiago  and  Mariano  Estrada  on  May  28,  1822,  and  June  10, 
1823.  Cal.  Land  Com.,  Nos.  153,  518;  Hoffman's  Repts  Land  Cases;  Register 
of  Brands,  21.  The  Bolsa  del  Potrero,  2  sq.  1.  was  granted  on  June  22,  1822, 
to  Jose"  Joaquin  de  la  Torre;  and  the  Bolsa  del  Moro  Cojo,  2  sq.  1.,  adjoining 
the  Potrero,  on  Feb.  14,  1825,  probably  to  Simeon  Castro.  Cal.  Land  Com., 
Nos.  138,  GOG.  The  Potrero,  also  called  La  Familia  Sagrada,  was  sold  by 
Torre  to  Capt.  Cooper  in  Oct.  1829,  at  which  time  the  adjoining  ranchos  Moro 
Cojo  and  Bolsa  Nueva  were  owned  by  Simeon  Castro  and  Francisco  Soto 
respectively.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxix.  428.  The  rancho  de  la  Vega 
del  Pajaro  had  been  granted  to  A.  M.  Castro  in  1820.  Chap.  xvii.  Cal,  Land 
Com.,  No.  279.  The  Bolsa  de  San  Cayetano,  2  sq.  1.,  is  said  to  have  been 
granted  to  J.  J.  Vallejo  on  Oct.  25,  1824;  and  a  claim  founded  on  a  grant  to 
Ignacio  Vallejo  and  Dolores  Pico  was  rejected.  Cal.  Land  Com.,  Nos.  85,  689; 
Hoffman's  Repts  Land  Cases.  I  have  an  original  petition  of  J.  J.  Vallejo, 
dated  Oct.  27,  1826,  in  which  he  asks  for  two  sitios  at  S.  Cayetano,  stating 
that  his  father  had  put  cattle  there  11  years  before,  and  that  four  years  later 
Don  Ignacio  and  Dolores  Pico  had  asked  for  the  grant  and  obtained  it;  but 
Pico  by  failing  to  fulfil  the  conditions  imposed  had  forfeited  his  rights,  while 
the  petitioner  had  use  for  the  whole  tract.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
xxix.  1G1.  On  Sept.  30,  1830,  the  diputacion  confirmed  the  grant  to  Ignacio 


616  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

At  San  Carlos  Mission  Ramon  Abella  served  as 
minister  throughout  the  decade,  with  Prefect  Sarria 
as  an  associate  until  1829,  the  latter  being  under 
arrest  for  some  years  as  a  recalcitrant  Spaniard. 
Morrell,  Duhaut-Cilly,  Beechey,  and  Pattie  visited 
the  mission  successively;  but  none  of  their  narratives 
contain  information  of  value  or  interest  respecting  this 
establishment,  unless  it  may  be  Beechey's  mention  of 
crosses  standing  along  the  road  from  the  presidio,  each 
with  its  special  history,  not  related,  and  of  the  paint 
ing  of  La  Perouse's  landing,  which  the  English  navi 
gator  tried  in  vain  to  obtain  from  the  padre.  San 
Cdrlos,  though  declining  rapidly,  no  longer  stood  at 
the  foot  of  the  list  in  population,  as  it  had  ten  more 
neophytes  than  San  Francisco.  Its  decline  in  live 
stock  and  agriculture  was  less  marked  than  in  many 
other  missions.11 


Vallejo,  and,  for  a  small  tract,  to  Pico,  in  accordance  with  the  regulations  of 
1828.  Lecj.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  169.  In  1828  the  ranches  of  Alisal  and  Sauzal  in  the 
Canada  de  Natividad  are  mentioned  as  belonging  to  Butron  and  Alviso.  Reg 
ister  of  Brands,  MS.,  14;  but  in  Id.,  22,  the  Sauzal  is  said  to  have  been  granted 
in  1823  to  Soberanes;  and  it  appears  to  have  been  re-granted  in  1834  to  Jos6 
T.  Castro.  CaL  Land  Com.,  No.  557;  while  Natividad  was  granted  in  1837  to 
Butron  and  Alviso.  Id.,  No.  565;  and  Alisal  in  1834  to  Hartnell.  Id.,  No. 
264.  I  suppose  the  name  Alisal,  and  perhaps  Sauzal  also,  may  have  been  ap 
plied  to  two  different  tracts,  which  causes  this  confusion.  Espinosa's  rancho 
in  1828  is  called  San  Miguel.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  14.  This  may  have 
been  another  name  for  Escarpin  or  Salinas,  since  these  ranches  were  granted 
or  re-granted  to  an  Espinosa  in  1837  and  1836  respectively.  Cal.  Land  Com., 
Nos.  355,  370.  The  others  of  the  14,  Pilarcitos  and  Tucho,  were  granted,  the 
former  to  Miramontes  in  1841,  and  the  latter  in  1841-4  to  Castro,  Gomez, 
and  Coal.  Hoffman's  Repts  Land  Cases.  It  is  also  stated  that  Joaquin  Solis 
and  J.  A.  Botiller  got  possession  of  the  rancho  de  S.  Antonio  in  1829  from 
Echeandia,  having  before  Arguello's  permit;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi,  146-7.  And 
there  was  made  in  1827  an  agreement  between  Wm.  Welsh  and  Capt.  Cooper 
about  Los  Corralitos,  implying  that  this  rancho  also  had  been  granted.  Val- 
lejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxix.  110.  Moreover,  Corralitos  was  in  later  years 
granted  to  Jos6  Amesti.  CaL  Land  Com.,  No.  174;  and  in  1828  Amesti's  ran 
cho  was  mentioned  as  a  boundary  of  Branciforte.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  20. 
"Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  381  to  229;  baptisms,  217;  largest 
number,  50  in  1828;  smallest,  12  in  1822;  deaths,  301;  largest  number,  62  in 
1828;  smallest,  16  in  1829.  Loss  in  large  stock,  3,438  to  2,600;  horses  and 
mules,  438  to  450;  sheep,  4,032  to  3,800.  Largest  crop,  2,757  bushels  in 
1830;  smallest,  705  in  1829;  average,  1,905,  of  which  570  wheat,  yield  5  fold; 
603  barley,  13  fold;  31  corn,  28  fold;  246  beans,  22  fold.  A  statement  has 
been  current  that  S.  Carlos  had  in  1825,  87,600  cattle,  1,800  horses,  365  yoke 
of  oxen,  7,500  sheep,  etc. !  In  1823  the  padres  received  from  Sta  Barbara 
$1.802  which  had  been  due  since  1804.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  45. 
Members  of  the  Indian  ayuntamiento  of  1823  and  1826.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 


MAP  OF  CENTRAL  REGION. 


G17 


MONTEREY  DISTRICT,  1830. 


618  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

At  San  Luis  Obispo  Luis  Martinez  served  as  min 
ister,  generally  alone,  until  he  was  banished  in  the 
spring  of  1830,12  Padre  Rodriguez  having  left  the 
mission  in  1821.  Martinez  was  succeeded  by  Luis 
Gil  y  Taboada,  though  it  is  said  that  Padre  Jinieno 

iv.  pt.  ii.  (668);  v.  pt.  i.  (2).  In  1822  the  mission  lands  were  2.5  1.  wide  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Carmelo,  gradually  narrowing  as  they  extend  6  1.  up 
the  river.  As  the  only  good  land  was  in  the  valley  and  in  the  little  tracts  of 
Francisquito  and  Tularcitos,  the  governor  in  1801  had  given  the  mission  also 
a  cattle  rancho  2x2.25  1.  at  S.  Bernardino,  or  Sanjones,  or  Ensen,  between 
the  rancho  del  rey  and  Soledad.  At  Salinas,  south  of  the  river,  a  sheep 
rancho  1.5x.751.  had  been  established  in  1798.  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Extados, 
MS.,  296-301.  According  to  the  report  of  1828,  places  up  the  river  were 
Laureles,  Chu pines,  Tularcitos,  and  Corral  de  Padilla.  The  fields  were  in 
front  of  the  mission  extending  to  S.  Francisquito;  the  oxen  and  tame  cattle 
on  the  hills  toward  S.  Clemente.  The  rancho  of  S.  Bernardino  was  6  1.  east, 
between  the  Soledad  lands  and  Buenavista.  Sheep  rancho  at  Las  Salinas, 
called  by  the  natives  Tucho,  1.5x.75  1.  No  irrigation.  Springs  at  S.  Fran 
cisquito,  but  frost  prevents  cultivation.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  11-13. 

12  Luis  Antonio  Martinez  was  born  on  Jan.  17,  1771,  at  Briebes  in 
Asturias,  Spain,  became  a  Franciscan  at  Madrid  in  1785,  sailed  from  Cddiz 
for  America  in  May  1795,  and  was  assigned  at  S.  Fernando  to  the  California 
missions,  arriving  at  Sta  Barbara  May  9,  1798.  He  served  at  San  Luis  Obispo 
from  June  1798  until  the  time  of  his  arrest  in  February  1830.  On  his  arrest 
and  banishment  see  chap.  iv.  vol.  iii.  this  history.  In  July  1830  he  was  at 
Lima;  and  in  October  had  arrived  at  Madrid,  where  he  was  still  living  in 
1833.  Martinez  was  always  highly  spoken  of  by  his  superiors,  but  rather  for 
his  zeal  and  skill  as  a  business  manager  than  for  his  excellence  as  a  missionary 
proper.  He  was,  however,  familiar  with  the  language  of  the  San  Luis  Indians 
and  kept  them  in  order.  He  took  great  pride  in  the  prosperity  of  his  mission. 
It  was  his  ambition  that  the  cattle,  horses,  and  especially  the  mules  of  his 
'San  Luisito'  should  be  nowhere  excelled,  and  that  no  other  mission  should 
set  a  better  table  or  treat  visitors  with  greater  hospitality.  He  always  wore 
the  plain  habit  of  his  order,  but  in  all  other  respects  was  fond  of  display.  It 
is  related  that  he  took  great  pleasure  in  entering  Monterey  with  a  load  of 
mission  produce  drawn  by  sleek  mules,  with  gayly  decked  Indian  drivers, 
himself  in  a  cart  at  the  head  of  the  procession.  He  was  always  liberal  and 
sometimes  recklessly  so  in  furnishing  supplies  to  the  presidio.  At  the  time 
of  the  Bouchard  invasion  he  showed  great  courage  and  zeal  in  preparing  for 
defence  and  in  aiding  to  repair  damages;  for  which  services  he  was  thanked 
by  Gov.  Sola  and  also  by  the  viceroy  in  the  king's  name.  His  shrewdness  as 
a  man  of  business  was  known  throughout  the  province,  and  the  belief  was 
general  that  he  was  largely  engaged  in  smuggling;  but  though  Gov.  Sola 
shared  this  belief  and  a  strong  friendship  between  the  two  was  broken  up  by 
a  quarrel  on  the  subject,  it  must  be  admitted  that  Martinez  if  not  innocent 
was  very  careful,  since  there  is  no  record  that  his  contraband  operations  were 
detected  in  any  particular  instance.  Of  his  troubles  as  a  Spanish  friar  with 
Gov.  Echeandia  enough  is  said  elsewhere.  His  position  was  like  that  of  most 
of  his  associates,  but  he  was  somewhat  less  cautious  than  they  in  the  expres 
sion  of  his  views.  That  he  was  directly  interested  in  the  Solis  revolt,  or  had 
any  intention  of  a  revolution  in  the  interest  of  Spain,  the  offence  for  which 
he  was  exiled,  there  is  much  reason  to  doubt.  In  person  Martinez  was  of 
medium  height,  but  thick-set,  with  dark  complexion,  and  a  very  prominent 
nose  which  had  been  permanently  twisted  to  one  side  by  a  fall  from  a  carriage. 
He  was  hasty  in  temper,  and  addicted  to  the  use  of  very  plain  language  when 
offended.  A  few  of  the  Californiaus  speak  of  him  as  haughty  and  affected, 


SAN  LUIS  OBISPO.  619 

made  an  effort  to  get  the  place.  San  Luis,  like  the 
other  way  ports,  was  open  to  foreign  vessels  during 
a  part  of  this  decade,  and  many  traders  touched  there 
with  or  without  the  governor's  permit.  Notwith 
standing  the  proverbial  shrewdness  of  Father  Martinez 
in  matters  of  trade,  the  mission  seems  to  have  been 
badly  swindled  in  two  instances.  As  late  as  1841  an 
effort  was  being  made  to  ascertain  the  whereabouts 
of  one  Antonio  Arana  who  had  failed  to  account  for 
a  consignment  of  produce  worth  $12,000  sent  to  him 
twenty  years  before,  and  in  1836  no  settlement  had 
been  effected  for  another  cargo  worth  $9,400,  shipped 
to  Sanchez  of  Mazatlan  by  the  Santa  Apolonia  in 
1826.13  Events  at  the  mission  were  neither  numerous 
nor  exciting;  the  buildings  are  described  by  Alfred 
Robinson  as  having  been  already-  in  a  state  of  decay 
with  marks  of  neglect  in  every  direction  in  1830;  and 
the  statistics  show  a  marked  decline  in  every  branch 
of  mission  industry,  it  being  noticeable  that  the  num 
ber  of  baptisms  was  smaller  and  the  death-rate  larger 
here  than  at  any  other  establishment.14 

but  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that  he  was  kind  and  benevolent  to 
inferiors.  With  his  intimate  friends,  chief  among  whom  was  Capt.  Jose" 
Antonio  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  he  adopted  a  jocose  tone.  He  was  more 
richly  endowed  with  the  qualities  of  a  popular  man  and  jovial  companion 
than  with  those  of  a  Franciscan  friar;  yet  he  never  scandalized  his  order  by 
irregular  or  immoral  conduct.  In  his  letters  from  Spain  to  Capt.  de  la  Guerra 
he  showed  a  deep  interest  in  California,  and  no  bitterness  against  those  who 
had  driven  him  away.  Autobiog.  Autog.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  401;  Sarria,  In- 
forme  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  55-6;  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  iii.  130;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  i.  47;  iv.  pt.  i.  21-2;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iii.  5-17;  iv.  21; 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  562-3;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxxvi.  288; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  61;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xlix.  34;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  51;  113-14;  vii.  32;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  31-6;  Pico,  Acontecimientos, 
MS.,  16-17;  Torre,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  188-92. 

13  On  the  Arana  affair.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  1105.    Long  record  with 
much  correspondence  on  the  Sanchez  matter  in  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Arch.,  MS., 
i.  17.   Sanchez,  who  appears  to  have  been  a  scoundrel,  claimed  that  the  cargo, 
with  $6,000  in  money,  was  part  of  $50,000  sent  out  of  the  country  by  Mar 
tinez  on  his  own  account.     On  San  Luis  as  a  port  see  commercial  annals  in 
chap.  v.  of  vol.  iii.  this  history.     Sept.  1821,  a  foreign  ship  was  seen  ap 
proaching  S.  Luis,  but  seeing  a  Spanish  ship  in  the  harbor  was  frightened 
away.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  295.     On  the  danger  of  Indian  re  volt,  Sergt. 
Vallejo's  visit,  and  the  quarrel  of  the  padre  with  the  soldier  Avila,  in  1824, 
see  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol.     In  1830  a  mate  of  the  Maria  Ester  is  said  to  have 
been  drowned  in  the  harbor,  which  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Puerto 
Heal.  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  32. 

14  Statistics:  Decrease  of  population,  504  to  283.     Baptisms,  86;  largest 


620  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

At  San  Miguel  Juan  Martin  continued  in  his  long 
ministry  until  his  death  in  1824,  when  his  place  was 
taken  by  Juan  Cabot.  The  mission  had  but  one 
minister  save  in  1821-2,  when  Tomds  Estenega  and 
after  him  Bias  Ordaz  were  here,  as  was  Uria  1824.15 
San  Miguel  was  but  slightly  more  prosperous  than 
its  neighbor  San  Luis;  its  herds  and  flocks  dwindled 
rapidly,  death  largely  exceeded  baptisms,  soil  was 
reported  as  poor  and  pasture  limited,  though  vines 
flourished  and  timber  was  abundant.16 

number,  24  in  1823;  smallest,  4  in  several  years.  Deaths,  309;  largest  num 
ber,  43  in  1825;  smallest,  20  in  1828.  Decrease  in  large  stock,  8,971  to  3,7(50; 
increase  in  horses  and  mules,  1,279  to  1,560;  decrease  in  sheep,  6,800  to  1,022. 
Largest  crop,  5,220  bushels  in  1821;  smallest,  186  in  1829;  average,  2,152,  of 
which  1,992  wheat,  9  barley,  and  103  corn.  The  crop  of  1826,  except  wheat 
and  barley,  was  destroyed  by  r  atones.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  105.  In 
1821  80  horses,  80  saddles,  and  50  blankets  were  sent  to  the  troops  as  a  gift. 
Acknowledged  by  Gov.  Sola.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xxiii.  40;  noticed  in  the 
Gaceta  de  Hex.,  xliv.  591-2;  and  thanks  from  guardian  of  S.  Fernando.  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  343.  Condition  in  1830.  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  84-5. 
Padre  Gil  says  the  mission  has  become  very  poor  since  the  removal  of  Mar 
tinez.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  vii.  10.  In  1822  the  mission  lands  are 
described  as  lying  in  a  cafiada  1  1.  wide  and  14  1.  long,  bounded  by  ranges 
of  mts.  on  E.  and  w.  Two  ranches,  Sta  Margarita.  4  1.  away  on  the  Mon 
terey  road,  where  wheat  is  raised ;  and  the  other  for  corn  and  beans  3  1.  away. 
Horses  are  kept  beyond  the  Canada.  Locusts  and  squirrels  very  troublesome. 
Misiones,  Cucul.  de  Estados,  MS.,  244,  286-9. 

15  Juan  Martin  was  born  at  Villastar,  in  Aragon,  Spain,  Jan.  12,  1770, 
took  the  Franciscan  robes  at  Zaragoza  Jan.  16,  1787,  studied  theology  at 
Teruel,  sailed  from  Cadiz  June  11,  1793,  arriving  at  S.  Fernando  college  in 
September,  and  he  came  to  California  early  in  1794.    He  served  at  S.  Gabriel 
as  supernumerary  from  March  1794  to  July  1796,  at  Purisima  until  August 
1797,  and  at  S.  Miguel  until  his  death,  which  occurred  on  Aug.  29,  1824, 
after  a  painful  illness  resulting  from  a  dropsical  disease  of  the  chest.    He  was 
buried  in  the  church  on  Aug.  20th,  on  the  gospel  side  of  the  main  altar,  by  the 
side  of  Padre  Cipre"s.     Martin  may  be  regarded  as  the  ministro  fundador  of 
S.  Miguel  to  the  advancement  of  whose  interests  he  gave  all  his  energy.     He 
acquired  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  native  language,  and  was  regarded  by 
his  prelates  always  as  the  right  man  in  the  right  place.     He  has  left  a  diary 
of  his  vist  to  the  gentiles  Tularenos  in  1804;  and  in  1818  and  again  in  1821  he 
accompanied  the  prefect  as  secretary  on  a  tour  of  inspection  to  the  different 
missions.     Padre  Uria,  who  records   his  death,  certifies  to  his  exemplary 
devotion  and  conformity  to  the  divine  will  in  his  last  days  and  hours.  S. 
Mir/uel,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  12;  Autobiorj.  Autocj.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  400;  Sarria, 
Jnforme  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  57-8;  Areh.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  131. 

16  Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  975  to  684.     Baptisms,  313;  largest 
number,  43  in  1821;  smallest,  18  in  1828.     Deaths,  581;  largest  number,  104 
in  1828;  smallest,  45  in  1826.    Loss  in  large  stock,  9.449  to  4,960;  horses  and 
mules,  1,349  to  1,120;  sheep,  14,160  to  7,506.     Largest  crop,  4,627  bushels 
in  1821;  smallest,  309  in  1829;  average,  2,352;  of  which  1,970  wheat,  yield 
8  fold;  barley,  304,  7  fold;  corn,  109,  31  fold. 

Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  82,  describes  S.  Miguel  as  a  poor  establishment  in 
1830.  The  heat  was  so  great  as  to  be  almost  insufferable —so  that  it  was  said 
that  the  fleas  might  be  seen  in  the  heat  of  the  day  gasping  for  breath  on  the 


SAN  ANTONIO.  621 

At  San  Antonio  de  Padua  at  Los  Robles,  Pedro 
Cabot  and  Juan  Bautista  Sancho  served  together  as 
they  had  done  since  1804,  until  the  death  of  the  lat 
ter  in  February  1830.17  We  hear  nothing  of  the  new 
church,  which  had  very  likely  been  dedicated  before 
the  beginning  of  the  decade,  except  that  it  was  stand 
ing  in  1830,  built  of  brick  and  with  arched  corridors. 
Population  decreased  here  as  elsewhere,  as  there  were 
no  more  gentiles  to  be  converted  within  75  miles. 
Statistics  show  a  gain  in  horses  and  sheep,  and  only 
a  small  decline  in  cattle  and  crops;  while  we  learn 
from  Mr  Robinson  that  this  mission  in  1830  had  an  air 


brick  pavements!  In  1829-30  John  Bones,  an  Irishman,  was  living  here;  and 
Wm.  Trevethan  was  majordomo  at  the  mission.  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  vi.  vol. 
iii.,  this  series.  In  1822  the  mission  lands  were  reported  as  extending  141. 
N.  to  s. ,  and  34-6  1.  E.  to  w.  Sta  Isabel  and  Asumpcion  were  apparently 
mission  ranches.  Mesiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  1822,  MS.,  290-1.  In  1828  the 
boundaries  were  the  tulares  on  the  E.,  251.;  the  sea-shore  on  the  w.,  12- 
14  1.;  S.  Luis  Obispo  lands  on  the  south,  7  1.;  and  S.  Antonio  lands  on 
the  N.,  71.  On  the  northern  boundary  was  the  rancho  of  S.  Bartolom6,  or 
Pleito;  eastward  were  pastures  for  horses;  toward  the  shore  was  the  rancho 
of  S.  Simeon,  with  an  adobe  house,  where  grain  was  raised  and  800  head  of 
stock  were  kept;  southward  the  sheep  and  soldiers'  home  were  kept;  also  in 
this  direction  were  the  ranchos,  Sta  Isabel,  with  a  vineyard,  31.;  S.  Antonio, 
with  barley-fields,  3  1.;  Paso  de  Eobles,  5.5  1.;  and  Asuncion,  61.,  with 
wheat-fields.  North-west  2  1.  is  a  hot  spring  with  a  vineyard.  In  dry 
seasons  the  sheep  are  kept  at  Rio  de  Nacimiento,  2  1.  away.  Droughts  and 
frosts  troublesome.  Register  of  Brands,  17-18. 

17  Juan  Bautista  Sancho  y  Lliteras  was  a  native  of  Arta,  Island  of  Mallorca, 
where  he  was  born  on  Jan.  1 , 1 773.  He  took  the  habit  Feb.  9, 1791 ,  at  Palma,  and 
after  receiving  holy  orders  was  made  master  of  the  choir,  and  was  employed 
as  preacher.  Embarking  at  Cadiz  June  20,  1803,  he  reached  S.  Fernando  in 
September;  started  for  California  in  February  1804,  and  landed  at  Monterey 
on  Aug.  4,  1804.  His  only  ministry  was  at  San  Antonio,  where  he  served 
continuously  from  Oct.  1804  to  Feb.  1830,  the  date  of  his  death.  An  illness 
of  1829  left  his  blood  in  bad  condition,  and  the  immediate  cause  of  his  death 
was  blood-poisoning  from  a  tumor  in  the  thigh.  Outside  of  his  own  local  field 
of  labor  Padre  Sancho  was  not  much  heard  of,  though  he  was  one  of  the  most 
radical  loyalists  and  not  backward  in  expressing  his  opposition  to  republican 
ism;  but  for  his  management  at  San  Antonio  he  received  and  deserved  much 
praise.  Cabot,  his  veteran  associate,  who  buried  him  in  the  presbytery  of 
the  mission  church  near  the  remains  of  Puyol  and  Sitjar,  pays  an  eloquent 
tribute  to  his  memory  in  the  death-register  of  the  mission.  He  says  of  him 
that  he  had  a  constitution  of  iron,  and  was  constantly  busy  either  in  work 
afield  or  in  attending  to  the  bodily  and  spiritual  necessities  of  the  sick  and 
dying.  In  bad  weather  he  prepared  books  of  music  and  catechisms  for  the 
neophytes,  with  whose  language  he  was  perfectly  familiar.  Engrossed  in  such 
occupations  he  often  forgot  to  eat.  He  was  ever  a  foe  to  idleness,  alleging 
that  those  who  would  eat  must  work.  His  burial  was  on  the  anniversary  of 
his  becoming  a  Franciscan.  S.  Antonio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  S.  Antonio,  Doc. 
Si'.eltos,  MS.;  Aniobiog.  Autofj.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  3C9;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii. 
132;  x.  439;  Sarria,  Informe  sobre  Frailes,  1817,  MS.,  59. 


622  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

of  thrift  not  observable  at  many  of  the  others.  Every 
thing  was  kept  in  perfect  order;  the  buildings  were 
in  good  condition ;  the  Indians  clean  and  well  dressed.18 

There  were  several  changes  in  the  missionaries  of 
La  Soledad.  Padre  Jaime  left  the  mission  in  1821, 
and  Juan  Cabot  in  1824;  Francisco  Javier  de  Uria 
served  in  1824-8;  Pedro  Cabot  in  1828-9;  and  Pre 
fect  Sarria  came  here  to  live  in  the  middle  of  1829. 
On  May  5,  1822,  the  padres  and  neophytes  met  to 
take  the  oath  of  independence,  and  on  November  19, 
1826,  the  Indians  formally  elected  one  of  their  num 
ber  to  go  to  Monterey  and  represent  them  in  an  elec- 
cion  de  partido.  The  decline  of  Soledad  was  less 
rapid  than  that  of  other  northern  missions  in  several 
respects,  and  in  population  it  now  surpassed  four  of 
the  others.19 

18  Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  878  to  681.  Baptisms,  298;  largest 
number,  43  in  1825;  smallest,  22  in  1824.  Deaths,  538;  largest  number  83  in 
1826;  smallest,  31  in  1821.  Large  stock,  6,596  to  5,000;  gain  in  horses  and 
mules,  796  to  1,000;  sheep,  9,910  to  10,134.  Largest  crop,  5,437  bushels  in 
1821;  smallest,  547  in  1829;  average,  2,830;  of  which  2, 173  wheat,  yield  10 
fold;  barley,  246,  8  fold;  corn,  223,  106  fold.  Supplies  sent  to  Monterey  in 
Nov.  1829,  $1,162,  including  81  pairs  of  shoes.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
xxix.  469.  Mention  of  S.  Antonio,  in  Robinson's  Life  in  CaL,  80-1.  On  Nov. 
26,  1826,  the  mission  ayuntamiento  met  and  chose  the  neophyte  Eugenio 
Nactr6  as  elector  de  partido,  or  probably  to  go  to  Monterey  and  vote  for  an 
elector  de  partido.  Padre  Cabot  served  as  secretary  at  the  election  and  signed 
Nactrtj's  credentials,  the  alcalde  and  regidores  signing  with  a  cross.  Thus 
were  the  Indians  being  trained  for  the  duties  of  citizenship.  Hist.  CaL ,  chap.  ii. 
vol.  iii.;  Dept.  St.  Pop.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lix.  17-19.  No  school  in  1829, 
because  no  teacher  could  be  found,  says  the  padre  to  Echeandia  on  April  22d. 
S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS. ,  76.  This  collection  of  fragments,  dug  up  from 
the  earth  in  the  old  church,  contains  many  petty  items  of  mission  affairs. 

In  1822  the  mission  lands  were  said  to  extend  13  1.  N.  to  s.,  and  8-9  1.  E. 
to  w.  Soil,  rocky;  but  pretty  good  crops  were  obtained  by  irrigation.  Frosts, 
squirrels,  and  insects  troublesome.  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  292-3. 
In  1827  the  padres  reported  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  find  pasturage  for  the 
stock.  West  3  1.  was  the  rancho  of  S.  Miguelito;  another  at  Los  Ojitos  i'n 
the  south;  another  at  S.  Benito  6  1.  E.  on  the  river;  and  one  for  sheep  at  El 
Pleito,  or  S.  Bartolome",  7  1.  s.  Northward  to  the  Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia,  3  or 
4  1.,  were  pastured  horses;  southward  the  mares,  10.5 1. ;  westward,  across  the 
river,  5  1.,  broken  horses.  There  were  three  ditches  carrying  water  from  the 
Arroyo  de  S.  Antonio  to  a  distance  of  2  1.  s.  of  the  mission;  but  the  water 
lasted  only  until  June  or  July.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  15-17. 

19 Statistics:  Decrease  in  population,  435  to  342.  Baptisms,  302;  largest 
number,  134  in  1822;  smallest,  5  in  1827.  Deaths,  356;  largest  number,  55 
in  1826-8;  smallest,  18  in  1829.  Decline  in  large  stock,  6,030  to  5,007;  horses 
and  mules,  1,080  to  1,007;  sheep,  9,040  to  5,274.  Largest  crop,  5,407  bushels 
in  1825;  smallest,  528  in  1829;  average^.2.829;  of  which  1,429  wheat,  yield 


SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA.  623 

At  San  Juan  Bautista  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta 
continued  his  ministry;  but  Tapis,  his  associate,  died 
in  1825,  being  succeeded  by  Buenaventura  Fortuni 
in  1825-6,  while  Juan  Moreno  came  here  at  the  end 
of  1830.20  This  mission  reached  its  highest  figure  of 

10  fold;  433  barley,  12  fold;  399  corn,  100  fold.  The  mission  furnished 
$1,150  to  Monterey  in  1829.  Current  items  in  books  and  newspapers  credit 
Soledad  with  30,000  cattle,  70,000  sheep,  and  more  horses  than  any  other 
mission,  in  1826 !  Lands  in  1822,  extending  9-20  1.  E.  to  w.  and  3  1.  N.  to  s. 
Soil  poor,  and  yielding  tolerable  crops  only  in  wet  seasons.  Some  irrigation. 
No  opportunities  for  extending  agriculture.  Frosts  and  locusts  bad.  Misiones, 
Cuad.  Estados,  1822,  MS. ,  294-5.  In  1828,  situated  at  the  end  of  the  valley 
of  Monterey,  adjoining  the  S.  Carlos  lands  on  the  E.  Two  bands  of  mares 
between  Laguna  de  los  Palos  and  Cholar,  3  and  5  1. ;  and  another  2  1.  farther 
by  permission  of  S.  Carlos.  Brands  and  Marks,  MS.,  15.  Apr.  22,  1829, 
Padre  Cabot  informs  Echeandia  that  he  cannot  establish  a  school  for  want  of 
a  teacher,  of  funds,  and  of  scholars,  all  being  needed  for  work.  St.  Pop. ,  Sac. , 
MS.,  x.  99.  The  record  of  the  election  of  1826  is  perhaps  worth  literal  quo 
tation  as  a  curiosity  in  the  way  of  state  papers.  '  At  the  mission  of  Nra.  Sra. 
de  la  Soledad,  this  day,  Sunday  Nov.  19,  1826, 1,  the  Chief  Alcalde  Ger6nimo, 
last  night  summoned  the  people  for  them  all  to  come  to  the  church;  and  all 
being  assembled,  we  attended  our  mass  and  commended  ourselves  to  the  Vir 
gin  to  give  us  a  good  heart,  that  we  may  do  what  the  comandante  of  the  pre 
sidio  has  directed  us.  After  hearing  the  mass  we  went  out  of  the  church, 
and  being  together  with  all  the  people,  I  named  Sr  Simon  Cota,  who  can 
write,  as  my  secretary,  and  chose  two  scrutators,  Odilon  Quepness  and  Felipe 
de  Jesus;  and  out  of  all  the  people  eleven  were  set  aside  as  the  comandante 
prescribes,  and  then  all  the  people  retired  except  the  eleven,  whose  names 
are . .  .  and  they  talked  among  themselves  whom  of  all  the  men  of  the  mission 
they  would  send  to  Monterey.  Three  wanted  Fernando,  one  was  in  favor  of 
Isidro,  two  preferred  Valentin,  and  four  Juan  de  Dios;  and  all  the  ten  con 
cluded  that  Juan  de  Dios  was  the  one  that  God  desires  to  go  to  the  coman 
dante  of  Monterey,  and  hold  himself  subject  to  his  orders.  And  this  is  to  be 
known  by  all  the  people,  and  this  paper  we  all  that  are  here  present  will 
sign,  affixing  thereto  a  cross  because  we  cannot  write;  and  Juan  de  Dios  will 
carry  it  with  him.  (Here  are  the  crosses.)  Before  me,  Simon  Cota,  secre 
tary  of  the  junta.'  Original  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  105;  also  in 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  lix.  16-17. 

"Estevan  Tapis  was  born  Aug.  25,  1754,  at  Santa  Coloma  de  Fames  in 
Catalonia,  Spain,  taking  the  habit  at  Gerona  Jan.  27,  1778.  He  sailed  from 
Cadiz  June  4,  1786,  and  came  to  California  in  1790.  His  service  was  at  San 
Luis  Obispo  in  1790-3;  at  Sta  Barbara  in  1793-1806;  at  S.  Carlos  in  1807-11; 
at  Purisima  in  1811-13;  at  Sta  Lie's  in  1813-14;  and  at  S.  Juan  Bautista  from' 
January,  1815,  to  Nov.  3,  1825,  the  date  of  his  death.  At  the  death  of  Lasuen 
he  was  elected  president  of  the  missions  in  the  middle  of  1803,  and  held  the 
position  until  1812,  having  been  reflected  in  1809.  He  was  also  the  bishop's 
vicar.  During  his  presidency  he  resided  for  short  periods  at  many  different 
missions.  He  received  the  last  sacraments  from  Prefect  Sarria,  who  with 
Viader,  Fortuni,  and  Gil  were  present  at  his  death,  the  latter  burying  him  on 
Nov.  4th  in  the  presbetery  on  the  gospel  side. 

Father  Tapis  has  left  less  of  his  individuality  in  the  records  than  any 
other  of  the  friars  who  filled  the  presidency  and  was  so  prominent  among  his 
associates.  Notwithstanding  his  high  office  and  his  service  at  so  many  differ 
ent  missions,  it  is  not  easy  to  say  what  manner  of  man  he  was.  In  my  list 
of  original  authorities  will  be  seen  several  documents  from  his  pen;  but  his 
term  of  office  wasjnot  a  period  of  contention,  and  his  writings  show  but  little 


624  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

population  in  1823  with  1,248  souls;  and  it  was  the 
only  one  of  the  old  establishments,  except  San  Luis 
Key,  that  gained  in  population  during  this  decade. 
San  Juan  also  maintained  its  average  of  crops ;  but  in 
live-stock  it  was  distanced  by  both  San  Jose  and  Santa 
Clara.  During  the  earlier  part  of  the  decade  many 
gentiles  were  brought  in  from  the  eastern  valleys. 


21 


of  his  peculiar  weaknesses  if  he  had  them,  or  of  his  strength.  Clearly,  however, 
he  performed  his  duties  ably,  and  was  popular  with  both  missionaries  and 
military  officials.  He  is  awarded  the  highest  praise,  albeit  of  a  somewhat 
stereotyped  order,  in  all  reports  of  his  prelates.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he 
was  the  senior  missionary  in  the  Californian  service.  He  was  familiar  with 
several  Indian  languages,  was  noted  for  his  habit  of  studying  the  individual 
peculiarities  of  his  neophytes,  and  fond  of  teaching  boys  to  read  and  write. 
Gil  in  the  record  of  his  death  speaks  of  him  as  a  truly  evangelical  man,  re 
markably  wise  in  his  relations  with  his  fellow-men,  'particularly  with  the 
superior  officers  and  governors  who  lived  here  during  the  time  of  his  rule;  so 
that  all,  friars,  military,  civilians,  and  Indians,  loved  him. '  S.  Juan  Bautista, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  34-5;  AutoUog.  Autocj.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  396-7;  Sarria, 
Inform*  sobre  Frailes,  MS.,  63-4;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  136-7. 

21  Statistics:  Increase  in  population,  843  to  964;  largest  number,  1,248  in 
1823.  Baptisms,  1,174;  largest  number,  359  in  1821;  smallest,  42  in  1829. 
Deaths,  947;  largest  number,  226  in  1825;  smallest,  47  in  1830.  Decrease 
in  large  stock,  11,700  to  7,824;  horses  and  mules,  700  to  324;  sheep,  9,530  to 
7,050.  Largest  crop,  5,904  bushels  in  1821;  smallest,  963  in  1828;  average, 
3,441;  of  which  2,518  wheat,  yield  17  fold;  513  barley,  21  fold;  325  corn,  57 
fold.  Sheep  increased  until  1828  and  then  decreased  rapidly.  Jan.  22,  1821, 
the  padre  writes  to  the  governor  that  last  night  33  gentiles  came  in  to  ask  for 
baptism.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  41.  Feb.  24,  1821,  Tapis  says  he  has 
been  obliged  to  suspend  the  Indian  alcalde  for  having  '  entregado  las  solteras 
a  los  hombres'  during  the  padre's  illness.  He  has  appointed  another  man 
who  was  alcalde  once  before  and  'cuidobien  de  las  solteras/  Id.,iv.  pt.  i.  41. 
Corp.  Butron  reprimanded  by  the  governor  for  card-playing.  St.  Pap.  Sac. , 
MS.,  vi.  28.  April  21,  1822,  oath  to  the  imperial  regency,  chap.  xxi.  1828, 
killing  of  a  neophyte  by  another.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvi.  81-2. 
Inocente  Garcia,  Hechos.,  MS.,  24-36,  who  was  majordomo  of  the  mission, 
Jos<3  de  Jesus  Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  7-9,  and  Justo Larios,  Vida  y  Aven- 
turas,  MS.,  2-5,  tell  some  stories  about  life  at  San  Juan  at  this  period, 
including  bear-fights  and  practical  jokes  played  by  or  on  the  soldiers  of  the 
guard,  respecting  which  events  details  do  not  seem  desirable.  Garcia  once 
hid  the  arms  of  the  escolta  which  brought  an  officer  from  the  capital  and  was 
very  near  causing  serious  trouble.  At  another  time  he  was  severely  beaten 
by  order  of  Capt.  Gonzalez.  The  mission  blacksmith  was  arrested  for  having 
robbed  the  warehouse  of  $1,000. 

Mission  lands  in  1822  extend  6  1.  E.  to  w.  and  N.  to  s.  Mission  on  a  plain 
1  1.  by  .5  1.,  surrounded  by  mountains  4-6  1.  off  on  the  E.,  .5  1.  on  s.,  with 
low  hills  on  w.  extending  to  the  sea  6-7  1.  In  the  w.  N.  w.,  3-4  1.  is  Antonio 
Castro's  rancho  (Pajaro),  and  3  1.  N.  E.,  Mariano  Castro's  rancho  of  Las  Ani- 
mas;  4.25  1.  N.  E.  is  Ortega's  rancho  of  S.  Isidro.  Good  soil  but  scarce 
water.  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  250-1,  302-3.  According  to  a 
report  of  1828  the  mission  had  in  the  E.  a  sheep-rancho,  another  in  the  N.  E. 
and  2  in  the  N.  N.  E. ,  one  of  the  latter,  3  1.  on  the  way  to  S.  Francisco,  hav 
ing  a  sulphur  spring  and  deposits  of  brca;  w.  N.  w.,  3  1.  off  are  2  sheep- 
ranchos  adjoining  the  lands  of  the  Picos,  Castros,  and  Vallejos  on  the  Pajaro. 
s.  w  ,  6  1.  off,  is  Espinosa's  rancho  of  San  Miguel;  s.  s.  E.  the  mission  has  in 


SANTA  CRUZ.  625 

At  Santa  Cruz,  still  in  the  military  jurisdiction  of 
San  Francisco,  Luis  Gil  y  Taboada  was  the  minister 
until  1830.  The  three  new-comers,  Antonio  and  Jose 
Joaquin  Jimeno  arid  Juan  Moreno,  were  here  much 
of  the  time  in  1827-30,  Joaquin  Jimeno  being  the 
minister  in  charge  at  the  end  of  the  decade.  Padre 
Olbes  had  retired  to  his  college  in  1821.  He  was  the 
only  friar  who  retired  legitimately  during  this  period.22 
Population  declined  rapidly  here  as  elsewhere;  but  in 
live-stock  Santa  Cruz  nearly  held  its  own,  while  in 
agriculture  it  actually  showed  a  gain  over  the  past 
decade,  the  average  crops  being  larger  than  those  of 
any  other  northern  mission  except  San  Jose.  Not 
withstanding  the  comparative  prosperity  of  the  mis 
sion  its  suppression  was  proposed  in  1823,  and  there 
even  seems  to  have  been  a  vote  of  the  diputacion  in 
favor  of  it  for  reasons  which,  like  the  efforts  of  the 
padres  against  such  a  step,  are  not  very  clearly  re 
corded,  but  seem  to  have  grown  partially  out  of  the 

the  Canada  de  Natividad  3  1.  off,  a  rancho  adjoining  the  Alisal  of  Butron  and 
Sauzal  of  Alviso.  South  is  a  great  mountain  called  Gavilan  from  which 
water  is  brought  in  a  ditch  for  irrigation.  Register  of  Brands,  MS.,  13-14. 

22  Ramon  Gibe's  was  born  at  Ateca  in  Aragon,  Spain,  Feb.  8,  1786;  took 
the  habit  at  Zaragoza  Jan.  1,  1802,  and  arrived  at  San  Fernando  college  on 
June  10,  1810.  He  started  for  California  July  1,  1811,  but  on  account  of 
sickness  and  troubles  arising  from  the  insurrection  he  did  not  reach  his  des 
tination  until  a  year  later.  He  served  at  Sta  In^s  in  1812-13;  at  Sta  Barbara 
in  1813-16;  at  S.  Luis  Key  in  1816-18;  and  at  Sta  Cruz  from  June  1818  to 
November  1821.  Olb6s  was  regarded  by  his  superiors  as  having  much  ability 
and  energy;  but  his  usefulness  as  a  missionary  was  seriously  impaired  by  his 
fitful  and  eccentric  moods,  amounting  at  times  almost  to  insanity,  and  result 
ing  partially  perhaps  from  ill-health.  Much  of  his  time  was  spent  during  his 
ministry  at  Sta  Cruz  in  peevish  ravings  against  the  settlers  of  Branciforte  and 
against  the  provincial  authorities  who  would  not  take  his  part  in  the  quarrel. 
Even  his  sermons  were  not  entirely  free  from  his  pet  grievance.  His  eccen 
tric  conduct  at  the  time  of  the  Bouchard  affair  has  been  noticed  elsewhere, 
chap.  xi. ;  Olb6s,  Cartas  sobre  el  Tumulto  de  Sta  Cruz,  1818,  MS.  Investiga 
tion  of  charges  against  the  padre  of  having  preached  a  seditious  sermon  in 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  1.  17-19.  In  his  treatment  of  the  Indians 
he  varied  from  extravagant  generosity  and  indulgence  to  excessive  cruelty. 
Asisara,  an  ex-neophyte  of  Sta  Cruz,  in  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  says  the 
padre  would  on  a  feast-day  give  the  Indians  100  cheeses,  a  barrel  of  molasses, 
and  other  things  in  proportion;  but  for  the  slightest  offence  in  his  dark  moods, 
50  blows  on  the  belly  awaited  the  culprit.  Asisara  tells  many  stories  of  the 
friar's  peculiarities  which  hardly  merit  reproduction  here.  Respecting  the 
retirement  of  Gibe's  we  only  know  that  the  license  was  granted  for  ill-health. 
Antobiog.  Autog.  de  los  PP.,  MS.,  405;  Sarria,  Informe  sobre  Frailes,  MS., 
42-3;  Arch.  Sta  £.,  MS.,  iii.  137;  x.  432;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  485;  Prov. 
£ec.,  MS.,  xi.  35;  xii.  122,  157-8. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  40 


626  MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

mission  claim  for  the  rancho  of  Salsipuedes.  Many 
vessels  touched  at  this  landing,  where  as  at  the  other 
way-ports  visits  of  foreign  traders  were  at  different 
times  permitted  and  forbidden ;  and  among  others  the 
Hgros  in  1827;  but  Captain  Duhaut-Cilly  confines  his 
description  to  natural  features.' 


23 


The  Villa  de  Branciforte  doubled  its  population  in 
this  decade,  having  about  150  inhabitants  in  1830. 
There  is  a  complete  list  of  the  32  citizens,  four  of 
whom  were  foreigners,  with  the  names  of  every  mem 
ber  of  their  respective  families  in  1828 — 153  persons 
in  all.  The  villa,  not  having  a  sufficient  population 
for  an  ayuntamiento  of  its  own,  was  attached  in  1822 
to  the  civil  jurisdiction  of  San  Josd;  and  with  that 
pueblo  was  transferred  in!826  from  the  military  juris 
diction  of  Monterey  to  that  of  San  Francisco;  but  in 

23  Oath  of  padres  and  neophytes  to  the  independence,  April  21,  1822. 
chap.  xxi.  7.  Correspondence  respecting  the  proposed  suppression  of  the 
mission,  chap.  xxii. ;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  361-2;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv. 
pt.  ii.  5,  12.  Dec.  31,  1824,  Gil  writes  that  the  rainfall  has  been  greater  than 
ever  before,  for  24  years  at  least.  Much  damage  was  done  to  gardens  and  to 
buildings,  including  the  church  which  threatened  ruin  as  no  laborers  were 
obtainable  for  repairs.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  12-13.  In  1825  the  padre  was 
ordered  to  abstain  from  all  dealings  with  vessels  on  the  coast.  He  answered 
that  he  would  obey,  but  had  supposed  his  mission  included  in  the  port  of 
Monterey  and  therefore  open.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  149.  1827,  visit 
of  Duhaut-Cilly.  Viaggio,  i.  247-52;  ii.  93.  Statistics:  Decrease  in  popula 
tion,  461  to  320.  Baptisms,  274;  largest  number,  91  in  1821;  smallest,  10  in 
1829.  Deaths,  417;  largest  number,  62  in  1828;  smallest,  29  in  1830.  De 
crease  in  large  stock,  3,492  to  3,363;  horses  and  mules,  492  to  363;  sheep, 
5,700  to  4,827.  Largest  crop,  7,350  bushels  in  1821;  smallest,  1,674  in  1829; 
average,  3,708;  of  which  1,410  wheat,  yield  14  fold;  474  barley,  17  fold;  1,218 
corn,  193  fold;  441  beans,  108  fold.  I  have  the  original  statistical  reports  of 
Sta  Cruz  for  nearly  every  year  in  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.  The  number  of  fugi 
tives  in  1825  is  given  as  31.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  500-1..  Gil  writes  that 
the  Indians  were  all  impregnated  with  venereal  disease,  so  that  the  slightest 
change  in  the  temperature  prostrated  them  and  60  or  80  were  sick  at  the  same 
time.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  774.  Here  as  at  other  missions  an  Indian 
ayuntamiento  was  chosen  in  1823.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  (478).  Taxes 
on  mission  produce  in  the  later  years  were  about  $380  per  year.  Supplies  to 
the  escolta  averaged  about  $35  per  month.  Full  accounts  with  presidio  for 
most  months  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  xvii.-xx.  xxviii.-ix.  Amount  of  sup 
plies  1821-30,  except  1817,  $5,690. 

Mission  lands  extend  3  miles  N.  to  s.  and  7-9  1.  E.  to  w. ,  though  only  3 
miles  are  useful.  Crops  more  than  suffice  for  neophytes,  leaving  a  surplus  for 
the  presidio.  No  lands  for  the  further  extension  of  agriculture;  grasshoppers 
and  insects  very  bad.  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  1822l  MS.,  305-6.  The 
rancho  Matadero  and  the  rancho  Punta  are  mentioned  in  the  live-stock  re 
ports. 


BRANCIFORTE.  627 

1828  it  was  detached  from  San  Jose,  together  with 
the  ranchos  of  San  Isidro  and  Las  Aniinas,  becom 
ing  again  subject  to  the  civil  and  military  authorities 
of  Monterey.  I  find  no  evidence  that  the  office  of 
comisionado  was  continued  after  1819,  but  there  was 
always  an  alcalde  of  subordinate  rank.  During  the 
first  half  of  the  decade  we  have  the  name  of  the  alcalde 
for  1822  only — Serafin  Pinto;  but  the  office  was  held 
in  1826  by  Jose  Joaquin  Buelna;  in  1827,  by  Serafin 
Pinto;  in  1828,  by  Canuto  Boronda;  in  1830  by  Fran 
cisco  Rodriguez.  Beyond  the  figures  of  population 
there  are  no  statistics  extant,  except  to  the  effect  that 
the  villanos  owned  about  2,500  head  of  cattle  in  1830; 
and  as  for  events,  only  one  or  two  slight  items  of 
criminality  are  recorded,  the  most  interesting  case 
being  that  of  a  citizen  who  was  accused  of  slandering 
Father  Gil.24 

2*0n  population  see  Misiones,  Cuad.  de  Estados,  MS.,  253;  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
MS.,  vi.  7-8;  Voile  jo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  xviii.  201;  Wilkes'  Nar.,  v.  555; 
Bandini,  Doc,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  6;  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  57-8;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  19-20;  and  the  lists  in  Id.,  ii.  70,  74-5,  from  which  I  take  the 
following  names  of  citizens,  omitting  those  of  women  and  children: 
Jose"  C.  Boronda,  Joaquin  Buelna,  Juan  Jos6  Felix, 

Juan  Jose"  Castro,  Jose  Maria  Juarez,  Francisco  Rodriguez, 

Miguel  Villagrana,  Juan  Pinto,  Jose"  Antonio  Robles, 

Joaquin  Pinto,  Joaquin  Castro,  Roman  Rodriguez, 

Jose  Maria  Perez,  Martin  Vela,  Joaquin  Soto, 

Jos6  Maria  Solar,  Jose"  Ramirez,  Manuel  Montero, 

Luis  Garcia,  Marcos  Amador,  Manuel  Tego, 

Julian  Wilson,  Samuel  (Buckle),  Joaquin  Juarez, 

Francisco  Gonzalez,  William  (Buckle),  Juan  Gonzalez, 

Jose"  Bolcof ,  Francisco  Soria,  Macedonio  L^renzana. 

Francisco  Juarez,  Jaime  Mendoza. 

And  from  another  list,  apparently  additional :  Serafin  Pinto  and  Luz  Garcia, 
On  the  successive  changes  of  civil  and  military  jurisdiction,  see  chap.  xxi. 
34;  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  50;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  iv.  25;  vi.  189;  Bandini,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  35;  Id.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  Ivii.  22.  In  1828  Branciforte  is  described  as  bounded  by  the  bay  of 
Monterey  on  the  w.,  by  Amesti's  rancho  on  the  s.,  by  Sta  Cruz  and  the 
Sierra  on  the  N.,  and  on  the  E.  by  Sta  Clara  Creek.  Register  of  Brands,  MS., 
20.  In  the  slander  case,  in  1824,  Jos6  M.  Perez  was  accused  of  saying  to  the 
mother-in-law  of  Gervasio  Soto  that  Padre  Gil  had  accused  all  the  women  of 
the  villa  of  immoral  conduct.  The  evidence  is  more  complicated  and  amus 
ing  than  convincing.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ivii.  26-31.  In  1827 
Joaquin  Castro  had  to  pay  a  fine  of  $18  for  a  slap  or  two  and  some  blows  with 
a  stick  by  which  the  health  of  Macedonio  Lorenzana  was  impaired.  Dept. 
See.,  MS.,  v.  72. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

ROSS    AND    THE    RUSSIANS, 
1821-1830. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  Jjtoss — SITE  AND  BUILDINGS — POPULATION  AND  SYSTEM — 
ESTABLISHMENT  AT  THE  FARALLONES — OTTER-HUNTING — STATISTICS — 
TRADE  IN  CALIFORNIAN  PORTS— EXPORTS— AGRICULTURE — STOCK-RAIS 
ING — INDUSTRIES— SHIP-BUILDING — BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  Ross— CHRONO 
LOGIC  RECORD,  1821-30 — RUSSIAN  POLICY — FEARS  IN  MEXICO— SCHMIDT 
SUCCEEDS  KUSKOF — VESSELS — THE  CAN6NIGO  FERNANDEZ  AT  Ross,  AND 
RESULTS — ARGUELLO'S  OTTER  CONTRACT — KOTZEBUE'S  VISIT— SOLANO — 
ZAVALISHIN'S  NEGOTIATIONS — MEXICAN  POLICY — FEARS  OF  THE  JUNTA — 
ECHEANDIA  VS.  RUSSIANS — SHELIKHOF  SUCCEEDS  SCHMIDT— SALT  CON- 
TRACT — FEARS  IN  SONORA — VISIT  OF  DUHAUT-CILLY— PATTIE'S  VISIT— 
ECHEANDIA'S  QUESTION — KOSTROMITINOF  MANAGER. 

THE  annals  of  the  colony  at  Ross  from  1821  to  1830 
in  respect  of  local  and  colonial  events,  or  so  far  as 
Russian  relations  with  Spain,  Mexico,  and  California 
are  concerned,  require  but  a  comparatively  brief  treat 
ment.  But  there  may  appropriately  be  added  a  gen 
eral  description  of  the  Russian  establishment,  with  a 
statistical  view  of  its  condition  and  progress  in  respect 
of  its  different  industries  during  the  whole  period  of 
its  existence,  from  1812  to  1841,  such  a  sketch  as  I 
have  alluded  to  in  a  former  chapter,1  and  such  a  one  as 
obviously  belongs  to  no  one  year  or  decade  rather 
than  to  another.  I  begin  with  this  general  sketch, 
presenting  the  record  of  events  later  in  the  chapter. 

The  site  of  Ross,  on  the  seaboard  eight  or  ten  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Russian  River,  was  a  tolera 
bly  level  table  of  something  more  than  a  square  mile 

1  See  chapter  xiii.  of  this  volume,  on  Russian  annals  of  1810-20. 

(628) 


DESCRIPTION  OF  ROSS. 


620 


in  extent,  terminating  on  the  sea-shore  in  a  precipice 
of  seventy  feet,  and  so  protected  naturally  by  ravines 
on  the  other  sides  as  to  be  of  difficult  access  to  an 
enemy.  All  the  structures  of  the  establishment  were 
of  redwood,  except  a  few  earthen  huts  of  the  Indians. 
On  the  plateau  near  the  shore  was  a  quadrangular 
enclosure  of  about  250  by  300  feet,  its  angles  very 
nearly  facing  the  cardinal  points,  formed  of  thick 


BlachiPt. 


RUSSIAN  SETTLEMENTS. 

beams  set  upright  in  the  ground,  twelve  or  fifteen  feet 
high  and  surmounted  by  a  horizontal  beam  on  which 
was  a  kind  of  chevaux-de-frise  of  wooden  and  iron 
points.  The  stockade  was  conveniently  pierced  with 
loop-holes  especially  near  the  gateways,  on  three  at 
least  of  the  four  sides;  while  at  the  corners  diagonally 
opposite  and  facing  approximately  the  north  and  south 
there  were  hexagonal  towers,  or  block-houses,  simi 
larly  pierced,  commanding  the  whole  structure,  and 
terminating  in  a  high  sharp  roof.  In  these  towers^ 


630  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

as  at  the  entrances,  and  within  the  enclosure  on  car 
riages,  cannon  were  mounted.2  Thus  the  presence  of 
these  guns,  with  the  natural  strength  of  the  site  and 
the  strict  system  of  sentinels  and  drill  never  relaxed, 
gave  to  Ross  the  appearance  of  a  military  fortress 
rather  than  a  fur-hunting  and  trading  post.  The  for 
tress  was  impregnable  to  the  aborigines  and  even  to 
any  force  the  Spanish  Californians  could  have  brought 
against  it;  but  the  occasion  never  arose  of  testing  its 
strength  against  either  foe.  Within  the  quadrangle 
were  the  commandant's  house,  the  officers'  quarters, 
barracks  for  the  Russian  employes,  a  chapel,  and  vari 
ous  storehouses  and  domestic  offices.  Some  of  these 
buildings  were  of  two  stories;  the  commandant's  house 
had  glass  windows  and  was  comfortably  furnished ;  the 
chapel  was  decorated  with  paintings;  and  all  are  de 
scribed  as  having  presented  a  very  neat  appearance. 
A  well  supplied  water  for  cases  of  emergency,  though 
the  stream  in  the  ravine  furnished  a  supply  for  ordi 
nary  uses.  Outside  the  stockade  on  the  plateau  were 
the  huts  of  the  Aleuts  and  natives,  which  they  built 
for  themselves  mostly  of  redwood,  and  which  they 
even  made  more  or  less  effort  to  keep  clean  in  imita 
tion  of  the  Russians;  and  scattered  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  were  a  windmill,  farm  buildings,  granaries, 
cattle:yards,  a  tannery,  and  work-shops  for  the  various 
industries  carried  on.  Beyond  lay  the  vegetable  gar 
dens.  Down  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff  on  the  beach  at 
the  mouth  of  the  southern  barranca  was  a  small 
wharf  and  boat-landing,  a  shed  for  the  protection  of 
the  skin  boats,  another  for  storing  lumber  and  for 
work  connected  with  the  building  of  vessels,  a  black 
smith's  shop,  and  finally  a  bath-house  where  the  Rus 
sian  might  steam  himself  as  was  the  custom  in  his 
country.  At  Bodega — the  port  of  the  Russian  estab 
lishment,  for  there  was  no  safe  anchorage  at  Ross — 
there  were  some  warehouses;  and  at  the  half-way 

2  Kuskof  brought  eight  pieces  of  artillery  in  1812,  which  number  was  soon 
increased  ..to  .15  or  20,  and  even  to  40  of  various  calibre  by  1841  as  it  seems. 


POPULATION.  631 

point,  on  or  near  the  river,  there  was  a  station,  occu 
pied  like  that  on  the  bay  by  a  few  servants  of  the 
company.3 

So  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  complicated  and 
contradictory  statements  of  different  writers,  Russian 
and  foreign,  there  were  at  Ross  after  the  foundation 

O       7 

was  fairly  effected,  from   25  to  50  men  of  Russian 

3 1  make  no  attempt  to  notice  the  many  discrepancies  between  authorities 
respecting  the  dimensions  of  the  stockade,  height  of  the  cliff,  etc.  Duhaut- 
Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  174-9,  gives  a  view  of  the  fort  and  surroundings  as  they 
appeared  in  1828,  from  a  standpoint  east  of  the  fort;  and  I  have  before  me  a 
lithograph  of  late  date  from  about  the  same  point  of  view.  Ingersoll,  In  a 
lledwood  Logging  Camp,  in  Harper's  Mag.,  Ixvi.  194-5,  gives  a  general  view 
from  the  southern  ravine  of  the  fort  as  it  appeared  in  1882.  The  three  views 
agree  well  enough,  except  that  the  last  does  not  indicate  a  precipitous  descent 
to  the  sea.  Ingersoll  also  gives  views  of  the  old  chapel  and  the  old  block 
house,  in  the  east  and  stfuth  corners  respectively  of  the  stockade.  He  says 
the  chapel  was  in  the  s.  E.  corner,  serving  as  an  additional  tower  for  defence, 
and  this  is  also  shown  by  the  drawings  of  the  ruins.  Potechin,  Selenie  Ross, 

6,  who  gives  a  careful  description,  speaks  of  116  steps  leading  up  from  the 
barranca.     According  to  Tikhmdnef,  Istor.    Obosranie,  208-12,  the  Indians 
built  their  huts  where  they  pleased  and  not  in  regular  streets.     Golovnin, 
Voyage,  114,  speaks  of  the  well  inside  the  fort.     Khldbnikof,  Zapisld,  137-8, 
159,  169,  says  the  buildings  were  all  completed  in  1814.     Gabriel  Moraga 
after  his  visit  of  1814,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  366-7,  gave  an  accurate  de 
scription  of  Ross.     Gervasio  Argiiello,  Observadones,  MS. ,  26-8,  gave  a  still 
more  minute  one  in  1816.    He  found  seven  buildings  in  the  square.    There  were 
37  huts  for  Aleuts,  47  skin-boats  seen.     Site  two  miles  long  and  less  than  one 
mile  wide.     Only  one  place  of  access.     Choris,   Voyage  Pittoresque,  pt.  iii. 

7,  8,  unfortunately  had  no  opportunity  to  make  drawings  in  1816.     Roque- 
fcuil,  Voyage,  39,  briefly  describes  harbor  and  site  in  1817.     Payeras,  Noticias 
sobre  Itoss,  MS.,  419-25,  gave  a  minute  description  as  the  result  of  his  visit 
with  Fernandez  in  1822.     He  says  the  commandant's  house  had  three  floors 
and  eight  rooms,  describes  the  bath-house  in  which  he  tried  a  steam-bath, 
speaks  of  a  cemetery;  says  most  of  the  buildings  were  formed  by  placing 
square  timbers  one  upon  another,  and  furnished  with  steep  board  roofs. 
There  is  nothing  requiring  special  notice  in  Kotzebue's  description  of  1824, 
New  Voyage,  ii.  121-6.     Vallejo,  fnforme  reservado  sobre  el  establecimiento  de 
fioss,  MS.,  found  in  1833  two  warehouses  at  Bodega  in  care  of  a  band  of  gen 
tiles.     At  the  fort  he  noted  a  water-power  mill  and  23  cannon,  counting  59 
buildings  outside  the  enclosure  and  9  within,  or  perhaps  he  means  to  say  59 
in  all.     Belcher,  Voyage,  i.  313-16,  says  the  square  had  but  one  entrance, 
by  large   folding  gates   toward   the  sea.     He  counted  20  Aleut  huts,  and 
noticed  the  buildings  in  the  ravine.     Laplace,  in  1839,  Voyages,  vi.  69-86, 
found  Ross  to  bear  a  strong  resemblance,  save  in  the  absence  of  women,  to  a 
European  farm.     Sutter,  Autobiography,  MS.,  23-6,  describing  the  place  as 
he  found  it  in  1839,  mentions  a  glass  hot-house,  and  he  speaks  of  the  farm 
between  Ross  and  Bodega  with  one  of  the  two  houses  set  apart  for  the  use  of 
travellers.     Mofras,  Exploration,  ii.  13,  briefly  describes  Ross  in  1841;  and 
Hastings,  Emigrant  Guide,  104,  in  1842.     The  inventory  by  which  the  prop 
erty  was  offered  for  sale  in  1841  includes  the  following  items,  on  the  best  pos 
sible  authority:  Square  fort  of  logs,  1,088  feet  in  circumference,  12  feet  high, 
with  2  towers;  commandant's  house  of  logs  (old),  36x48  feet,  double  board 
roof,  6  rooms  with  corridor  and  kitchen;  ditto  (new)  of  logs,  24x48  feet,  6 
rooms  and  corridor;  house  for  revenue  officers,  22x60  feet,  10  rooms;  barracks,. 


632  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

blood,  and  from  50  to  120  Aleuts.  No  Russian  women 
came  to  California,  except  perhaps  the  wives  of  one 
or  two  officers  in  the  later  years;  but  both  Russians 
and  Aleuts  married  or  cohabited  with  native  women, 
so  that  at  the  last  the  three  races  were  inextricably 
mixed  in  the  population  of  Ross.  This  population, 
including  the  native  Californians  who  became  per-, 
manent  residents,  may  be  estimated  as  having  varied 
from  150  to  400.4  All  were  to  a  certain  extent  in  the 
service  of  the  company,  though  many  cultivated  small 
pieces  of  ground  and  traded  the  products  on  their  own 
account.  The  Russians  were  officers,  chiefs  of  hunt 
ing  parties,  and  mechanics;  the  Aleuts  were  hunters, 
fishermen,  and  laborers;  the  Californians  were  labor 
ers  and  servants;  all  were  to  a  certain  extent  farmers 
and  traders  and  soldiers.  The  Russians,  except  a  few 
officers,  were  originally  of  a  low  and  often  criminal 
class ;  but  discipline  was  strict,  temptations  were  few, 

24x66  feet,  8  rooms;  3  warehouses;  new  kitchen;  jail;  chapel,  24x36  feet, 
with  a  belfry;  and  a  well  15  feet  deep.  Outside  of  the  fort:  blacksmith-shop, 
tannery,  bath-house,  cooper's  shop,  bakery,  carpenter's  shop,  2  windmills  for 
grinding,  one  mill  moved  by  animals,  three  threshing  floors,  a  well,  stable, 
sheep-cot,  hog-pen,  dairy-nouse,  2  cow-stables,  corral,  10  sheds,  8  baths,  10 
kitchens,  and  24  houses,  nearly  every  one  having  an  orchard.  At  Kostro- 
mitinof  rancho,  house,  farm-buildings,  corral,  and  boat  for  crossing  the  river 
Slavianka.  At  Khldbnikof  Rancho,  adobe  house,  farm-buildings,  bath,  mill, 
corral.  At  Tschernich,  or  Don  Jorge's  rancho,  house,  stores,  fences,  etc. 
At  Bodega,  warehouse,  30x60  feet,  3  small  houses,  bath,  ovens,  corrals.  Boss, 
.Propuesta  de  Venta,  MS. 

In  the  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  363-78,  183,  is  a  long  description  of  the  estab 
lishment  written  apparently  from  a  personal  inspection  of  the  ruins,  and 
information  given  by  an  old  settler.  There  are  many  interesting  details  about 
the  buildings  and  methods  of  construction  for  which  I  have  no  space.  The 
size  of  the  quadrangle  is  given  as  288  by  312  feet.  North  of  this  was  the 
village  of  cabins;  also  wind-mill  and  stamp  for  grinding  bark.  One  of  the 
mill-stones  still  preserved.  South  of  the  building  in  the  gulch  was  another 
large  one  blown  down  in  the  storm  of  1878.  The  cemetery  was  across  the 
gulch  eastward,  and  tradition  says  there  was  near  it  a  church  for  the  common 
people.  Traces  of  a  dozen  graves  yet  remain,  surmounted  by  a  wooden  struc 
ture  but  no  inscriptions.  A  road  graded  through  solid  rock  down  to  the  shore, 
with  iron  bolts  in  the  rock  to  which  wharf  timbers  were  fastened.  Also  a  pit 
for  sawing  lumber.  An  enclosure  of  five  acres  about  a  mile  east  of  the  fort, 
containing  an  orchard  still  bearing.  Remains  of  a  building  and  of  a  lighter 
at  Russian  gulch.  Old  settlers  say  there  was  a  settlement  in  the  interior, 
just  north  of  Bodega  Corners;  no  traces  left.  The  public  road  now  passes 
through  the  old  fort;  the  buildings  are  used  for  saloon,  hotel,  and  storehouse, 
the  chapel  for  a  stable,  and  the  bastions  for  pig-sties. 

4  See  authorities  named  in  the  preceding  note..  Tuthill  and  Randolph  put 
the  total  at  800  in  1841. 


COLONY  ROUTINE  AND  STATISTICS.  633 

and  the  settlement  was  always  quiet  and  orderly.  All 
classes  as  a  rule  preferred  life  here  to  that  in  the  far 
north.  One  of  the  officers  was  authorized  by  the 
bishop  to  baptize,  marry,  and  read  the  funeral  service, 
but  I  find  no  information  respecting  a  chaplain  or 
regular  chapel  services.  The  food  of  the  masses  was 
largely  sea-lions  and  gulls  from  the  Farallones,  with 
fish  and  game;  grain,  vegetables,  and  beef  being  as  a 
rule  sold  for  the  northern  establishments.  The  general 
system  and  routine  observed  by  the  company  in  their 
trading  and  hunting  operations  as  in  their  relation  to 
employes,  uniform  in  all  the  Russian  American  colo 
nies,  is  fully  treated  in  my  History  of  Alaska. 

From  1812  to  1840  the  Russians  kept  up  an  estab 
lishment  at  the  Farallones  as  well  as  at  Ross.  The 
chief  object  at  first  was  to  secure  fur-seals,  1,200  or 
1,500  skins  being  taken  annually  for  five  or  six  years, 
though  Winship,  Gale,  Smith,  and  other  Americans 
had  taken  the  cream  of  this  natural  wealth  a  few  years 
earlier.  After  1818  the  seals  diminished  rapidly  until 
only  200  or  300  per  year  could  be  caught,  and  the 
business  was  no  longer  profitable;  but  still  a. Russian 
with  from  six  to  ten  Aleuts  was  kept  at  the  station 
to  kill  sea-lions  and  gulls,  collect  eggs,  and  prepare 
the  products  of  this  industry  for  use  at  Ross  and 
Sitka.  Annually  from  5,000  to  50,000  gulls  and 
about  200  sea-lions  were  killed.  Of  the  latter  the 
skins  and  sinews  were  used  in  making  boats ;  the  meat 
was  salted  or  dried  to  be  eaten  at  Ross;  the  bladders 
were  made  into  water-tight  sacks;  while  the  blubber 
was  tried  for  oil  used  both  as  food  and  for  lamps. 
The  meat  of  gulls  and  other  birds  was  dried  for  food, 
and  the  down  was  also  saved  for  exportation.  The 
party  lived  in  earthen  huts  on  the  storm-beaten  rocks. 
Five  or  six  times  a  year  bidarkas  were  sent  out  to 
the  station  to  carry  water  and  wood,  though  oil-soaked 
bones  largely  took  the  place  of  wood  for  cooking. 
The  same  boats  would  bring  back  meat,  oil,  and  skins. 
The  trip  in  these  frail  vessels  was  often  long,  difficult, 


634  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

and  even  dangerous  in  unfavorable  weather.  Two 
bidarkas  were  always  kept  at  the  islands.5 

The  two  leading  objects  of  the  company  in  found 
ing  the  Californian  establishment  had  been,  as  the 
reader  is  well  aware,  fur-hunting  and  the  opening  of 
an  advantageous  trade  with  the  Spanish  neighbors 
for  provisions.  Both  these  topics,  and  especially  that 
of  trade,  have  from  their  very  nature  been  prominent 
and  will  be  still  in  the  chronologic  narrative;  but 
such  general  and  statistical  statements  as  are  accessi 
ble  may  well  be  presented  here.  It  was  always 
believed  by  the  Spanish  Californians,  and  often  by 
others,  that  the  company  was  deriving  an  immense 
revenue  from  the  furs  taken  by  the  Ross  colony,  but 
this  was  an  exaggerated  view.  The  post  was  profit 
able  in  this  respect  during  but  a  very  small  part  of 
its  existence,  if  at  all,  and  a  part  of  the  fur  yield  could 
have  been  obtained  quite  as  well  without  the  settle 
ment.  The  catch  on  the  New  Albion  coast,  in  a 
sense  the  legitimate  hunting-ground  of  the  Russians, 
never  gave  a  large  margin  of  profit;  and,  even  wtkh 
the  poaching  and  contract  operations  in  and  south  of 
San  Francisco  Bay,  it  may  be  doubted  if  such  a 
margin  was  kept  up  much  later  than  1820.6 

The  total  number  of  sea-otter  skins  definitely  re 
corded  as  having  been  obtained  in  California  by  the 

5  Khle"bnikof ,  Zapislci,  157-8,  gives  the  best  account  of  this  station  at  the 
Farallones.     Tikhme'nef,  Istor.  Obos.,  208-12,  barely  mentions  the  subject. 
Duhaut-Cilly,  Viagyio,  ii.  177-9,  says  100  Kadiaks  were  usually  kept  at  the 
islands.     Captain  Morrell  found  a  Russian  family  with  23  Kadiaks  on  the 
North  Farallon  in  May  1825.  Morrell' 8  Nar.,  209. 

6  Khle"bnikof ,   Zapiski,   ii.   138-9,  gives  statistics  of  the   sea-otter  catch 
from  1812  to  1823,  and  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  211,  357-9,  from  1824  to 
1834,  as  follows:  1812-14,  877  skins;  1815,  153;  1816,  97;  1817,  55;  1818,  13; 
1819,  71;  1820,  22;  1821,  35;  1822-3,  43;  1824,  475;  1825,  500;  1826,  287; 
1827,  12;  1828,  1;  1829,  23;  1830,  34;  1831,   112;  1832,  1;  1833,  221;  1834, 
255.     Total,  3,287  skins.     Tikhme'nef  says  that  by  1817  the  otters  were  exter 
minated  from  Trinidad  Bay  down  to  San  Antonio  core  near  San  Francisco. 
Hunting  otter  on  shares  in  the  south  was  given  up  before  1830;  and  no  fur- 
seals  were  taken  at  the  Farallones  after  1834.     From  1825  to  1830  the  value 
of  fur  exports  from  Ross  was  4,138  roubles.     In  Baranof,  Shizneopissanie,  147, 
the  catch  from  1812  to  1817  is  given  as  1,000  skins.     The  recorded  product  of 
the  contract  hunting  before  1812,  described  in  other  chapters,  was  9, 181  skins; 
while  the  hunting  on  shares  in  1824-6  yielded  1,144  skins.     According  to 
Choris,  Voyage  Pitt.,  ii.  7-8,  the  yearly  catch- was  2,000  otter.     Alvarado, 


HUNTING  AND  TRADE.  635 

company  is  about  13,600.  There  is,  however,  no  rea 
son  to  regard  this  record  as  complete,  and  valuable  furs 
of  other  kinds  were  taken  in  considerable  quantities. 

The  trade  for  supplies  to  be  consumed  in  the  far 
north  was  a  more  urgent  motive  by  far  than  the  get 
ting  of  furs,  and  in  this  respect  success  was  also  greater. 
Notwithstanding  the  obstacles  thrown  in  their  way, 
with  which  the  reader  is  familiar,  the  Russians 
obtained  with  tolerable  regularity  for  years  cargo 
after  cargo  of  Californian  grain  and  other  provisions 
most  welcome  to  the  northern  posts,  and  purchased 
with  goods  on  which  a  very  large  percentage  of  profit 
was  realized.  Moreover  for  a  time  they  had  this  com 
mercial  field,  such  as  it  was,  largely  to  themselves; 
but  later,  when  under  Mexican  rule  the  ports  were 
thrown  open,  heavy  duties  had  to  be  paid,  and  compe 
tition  with  traders  of  other  nations  not  only  reduced 
the  price  of  Russian  goods  and  raised  that  of  Califor 
nian  products,  but  so  exhausted  the  market  that  there 
were  years  when  the  company's  vessels  could  get  no 
cargo  short  of  Chile.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  how 
ever,  that  the  advantages  of  this  trade  were  not  alto 
gether  dependent  on  the  existence  of  a  settlement 
nearer  than  Sitka.  I  append  some  statistical  and 
general  notes.7 

As  the  hunt  for  otter  became  less  and  less  profit 
able,  and  as  obstacles  interfered  with  perfect  success 
in  the  way  of  trade,  the  agents  of  the  company  turned 
their  attention  more  and  more  to  home  industries  at 
Ross.  Agriculture  was  naturally  one  of  the  most 
important  of  these  industries,  and  results  in  this  branch 

Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  11,  tells  us  there  were  months  when  2,500  skins,  worth 
$90  each,  were  exported;  and  Simpson,  Narrative,  269,  says  that  in  1814-42 
the  company  sent  to  market  80,000  sea-otter  skins.  Chamisso,  Reise,  i.  132, 
took  his  statement  from  Choristhat  2,000  skins  per  year  were  sold  at  an  aver 
age  price  of  $60. 

7  Liitke,  Narrative,  142-4,  gives  a  good  account  of  the  company's  trade  in 
California,  with  average  prices  paid  for  produce  down  to  1825.  He  says  the 
yearly  exports  averaged  $9,000  from  1817  to  1829.  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski, 
78-84,  146-7,  gives  a  much  more  complete  statement,  with  full  price-lists  of 
goods  sold  in  California  from  1818  to  1825.  On  the  cargo  of  the  Kutusof  in 
1817  254  per  cent  of  profit  was  cleared;  and  150  per  cent  was  made  on  other 
cargoes;  but  later  35  to  70  per  cent  was  deemed  a  fair  gain,  since  some  articles 


636  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

are  shown  more  or  less  completely  in  a  note.8    Except 

had  to  be  sold  nearly  down  to  cost.     This  author  gives  the  following  table  of 
provisions  obtained  in  California: 


• 

Wheat, 
fan. 

Bar 
ley, 
fan. 

Pease 
and 
Beans, 
fan. 

Flour, 
arr. 

Tallow 
and 
Lard, 
arr. 

Dried 
Meat. 

arr. 

1817 

1818 
1820 
1821 

1822 

1823 
1824 

1825 

At  San  Francisco,  per  Kuttisof.  
Monterey  and  Sta  Cruz,  per  Kutusof. 
Monterey  and  Sta,  Cruz,  per  Bulddkof. 
San  Francisco,  per  Golovnin  

358 
3,140 
1,376 
737 
1,160 
1,880 

256 

500 
250 

109 
904 
163 
24 

180 
114 
242 

203 
1,083 
390 
263 

540 
260 

Monterey  per  Kutusof 

300 

306 

"ii 

"1(33 

"ioi 

480 
258 
4 
318 
6 
188 
510 
140 
258 
22 

729 

San  Francisco,  per  Bulddkof.  

Monterey,  per  Volfja,  

129 
1,026 
520 
742 
1,317 
1,885 
1,510 
530 

280 
200 

"iis 

400 

"e 

25 
152 
120 
86 

"39 

"iso 
iio 

Monterey   per  Bulddkof      

Sta  Cruz,  Volga  

Monterey  and  Sta  Cruz,  per  Eurik  .  . 
Monterey,  per  Baikal  

S.  Pedro,  per  Bulddkof  
Monterey,  per  Kiakhta  
S.  Pedro  and  S.  Francisco,  per  Baikal. 

Total                                

16,310 

2,307 

1,928 

815 

4,123 

1,879 

Potechin,  Selenie  ,/?oss,  14,  adds  for  1823  cargoes  of  the  Volga  and  Bulddkof, 
amounting  to  1,268  fan.  wheat,  170  pease  and  beans,  200  barley,  and  250 
arrobas  of  tallow.  Tikhme'nef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  221,  342-4,  359,  gives  much 
larger  figures  for  1822,  viz.:  8,127  fan.  wheat,  1,458  pease  and  beans,  1,192 
barley,  1,135  arr.  flour,  3,200  tallow,  and  1,354  dried  meat.  Wheat  cost  the 
Russians  3  to  4.5  rubles  per  poud;  barley  nearly  4  rubles;  and  flour  about 
9  rubles.  The  shipments  for  1837  amounted  to  about  $7,300;  1838,  $16,000; 
1839,  $10,000;  1840,  $30,000;  1841,  $8,000.  I  attach,  however,  very  little 
value  to  these  statistical  fragments. 

8  Table  showing  yield  of  wheat  and  barley  from  1815  to  1829,  from  Khle- 
bnikof,  Zapiski,  150-9,  169. 


1815 
1816 
1817 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1821 
1822 

1823 
1824 

Sown. 

Harvest. 

1825 
1826 
1827 
1828 
1829 

Total. 

Sown. 

Harvest. 

Wheat. 

Barley. 

Wheat. 

Barley. 

Wheat. 

Barley. 

Wheat. 

Barley. 

Pouds. 
5 
14 

15 
29 
31 
41 
37 
54 
57 
70 
114 
103 
217 

Pouds. 
8 
48 
8 
106 
94 
173 
235 
420 
418 
733 
1,118 
927 
1,200 

Pouds. 
201 
240 
428 
350 
507 
259 
644 
220 
857 
286 

39 
64 
27 
80 
42 
143 
107 
107 

Pouds. 
1,815 
1,830 
2,060 
1,016 
2,333 
953 
4,421 
604 
3,450 
1,114 

198 
366 

86 
609 
141 

574 

508 
428 

9 
24 
1 
11 
12 
8 
18 
15 

"33" 

46 
64 
11 
26 
34 
97 
48 
88 

'356 

4,779 

740 

25,084 

3,674 

AGRICULTURE.  637 

as  a  source  of  home  supply  for  the  colony  it  was  not 
regarded  as  a  success.  The  land  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  fort  was  limited  in  extent  and  not  re 
markably  fertile,  while  the  prevalent  coast  fogs  caused 

The  poud  is  36  Ibs.  avoirdupois,  or  about  four  to  a  fanega.  After  1822  the 
double  figures  show  the  results  of  planting  both  by  the  company  and  by  pri 
vate  persons.  Under  Shelikof's  rule  every  fertile  spot  of  soil  near  the  fort 
was  cultivated,  and  there  were  fields  two  miles  away.  The  area  sown  in  1828 
in  scattered  fields  is  estimated  at  about  175  acres.  Plowing  and  planting 
was  done  in  November  and  December  after  the  first  rains.  No  manuring  ex 
cept  for  gardens,  etc.  Both  oxen  and  horses  were  used  for  plowing,  and  in 
some  rocky  spots  Indians  were  hired  to  dig  up  the  soil  with  spades.  Vege 
tables  were  raised  in  abundance  in  the  gardens,  including  pumpkins  and 
watermelons.  Pickled  beets  and  cabbages  were  sent  to  Sitka.  Potatoes  were 
planted  twice  in  a  year  but  the  yield  was  only  six  or  eight  to  a  hill.  Wild 
mustard-seed  was  gathered  for  exportation.  Fruit  trees  did  well.  The  first 
peach-tree  brought  from  S.  Francisco  in  1814  bore  in  1820.  Other  peach-trees 
were  brought  from  Monterey,  and  also  grape-vines  from  Lima  in  1817,  the 
latter  bearing  in  1823.  In  1820  100  trees,  apple,  pear,  cherry,  and  peach,  were 
set  out,  bearing  in  1828.  The  fogs  were  so  dense  that  sometimes  for  three 
months  the  sun  was  not  visible.  All  this  from  Khl^bnikof.  Tikhm^nef, 
Istor.  Obos.,  i.  211,  220-1,  353-6,  360-1,  gives  in  addition  the  following  items: 
The  sowing  in  1813  was  65  Ibs.,  harvest  165  Ibs.;  1814,  200  and  882  Ibs.  For 
the  first  10  years  the  company  derived  no  advantage  from  agriculture  at 
lloss,  save  some  little  aid  to  vessels.  Great  efforts  were  made  and  great  results 
expected  in  1826,  but  a  rust  destroyed  half  the  crop  of  wheat.  In  seven 
years,  1826-33,  about  6,000  pouds  of  grain,  or  800  pouds  per  year,  were  shipped 
to  Sitka.  In  1821  the  field  of  operations  was  partially  transferred  from  the 
foggy  coast  to  sheltered  vales  further  inland,  but  on  account  of  the  inaccessi 
bility  of  the  fertile  spots  and  other  reasons,  very  little  was  gained.  In  1833 
wild  oats  sprang  up,  and  the  old  fields  had  to  be  pastured  for  several  years. 
Mice  and  gophers  did  much  damage.  The  same  year  Baron  Wrangell  trans 
ferred  cultivation  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  with  much  success  for  two  years. 
In  1835  and  1836  there  was  a  failure  of  crops.  All  hope  of  profit  to  the  com 
pany  had  been  given  up  by  the  chief  administrator.  The  shipments  for  the  last 
four  years,  1837-40,  were  wheat,  9,918  pouds;  bread,  100  p.;  barley,  939  p.; 
rye,  20  p.;  pease,  243  p.;  buckwheat,  246  p.;  maize,  38  p.;  tobacco,  4.5  p., 
besides  seed  of  flax,  hemp,  mustard,  and  poppy.  Potechin,  Sclenie  Ross,  6-7, 
14-15,  says  the  yield  in  1823  was  6,104  pouds  of  wheat  and  942  p.  of  barley. 
Agricultural  products  in  1826  were  worth  29,904  rubles;  1828,  3,619  r.;  1829, 
16,233  r. ;  1830,  3,097  r.  Potatoes,  according  to  this  author,  sometimes  yielded 
250  fold.  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  21-5,  notes  an  effort  in  1817  to- 
bring  a  colony  of  25  peasant  farmers  from  Russia;  and  he  quotes  several  re 
ports  in  which  the  want  of  success  at  Ross  is  attributed  to  lack  of  skill  on  the 
part  of  the  farmers.  A  good  crop  in  1829  and  a  failure  in  1830  are  reported. 
Golovnin,  Voyage,  117-18,  reports  in  agriculture  no  success  down  to  1818, 
except  in  vegetables.  Potatoes  in  Kuskof 's  gardens  yielded  100  fold,  and  at 
Bodega  sometimes  200  fold.  Vallejo,  Informe  Rcservado,  MS.,  found  in  1833. 
that  wheat  was  yielding  only  eight  to  one.  A  piece  of  ground  had  been  cul 
tivated  on  Tamalanica  Creek,  three  leagues  from  Bodega,  and  5  1.  from  Ross,, 
but  had  been  abandoned  on  the  remonstrance  of  the  comandante  at  San 
Francisco.  The  inventory  of  1841,  Ross,  Propuesta  de  Vcnta,  MS.,  names, 
three  ranches:  the  Kostromitinof,  Khl^bnikof,  and  Gorgy's,  a  fruit-orchard 
330x144  feet,  with  260  trees,  of  which  207  were  apple;  another  small  one  with. 
20  trees;  a  few  trees  to  nearly  every  house;  and  a  few  vines.  There  was  land 
for  sowing  175  fanegas  at  the  fort  all  fenced;  100  acres  at  Kostromitinof 
rancho  on  the  river;  sowing  land  for  50  fanegas,  and  also  2,000  vines  at 


638  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

grain  to  rust.  Gophers,  squirrels,  and  mice  were 
troublesome  pests.  Tillable  soil  was  only  to  be  found 
in  small  spots  difficult  of  access.  Wild  oats  sprang  up 
in  the  old  fields,  which  were,  moreover,  exhausted  by 
constant  cropping.  True  there  were  broad  and  fertile 
grain-lands  in  the  interior,  the  occupation  of  which 
the  Spanish  California!)  s  could  not  have  prevented  as 
the  Russians  well  knew;  but  to  have  occupied  those 
lands  against  the  will  of  their  neighbors  would  have 
endangered  the  profits  of  the  Californian  trade,  espe 
cially  after  1823.  Besides,  there  was  another  reason 
for  agricultural  failure  in  the  stupidity  and  ignorance 
of  both  Russians  and  Aleuts,  who  were  perhaps  the 
worst  farmers  in  the  world.  Each  farmed  in  his  own 
way,  which  was,  if  possible,  a  little  worse  than  that  of 
another,  so  far  as  we  may  judge  from  results  and  from 
frequent  complaints.  They  accomplished  very  little, 
as  had  to  be  admitted,  even  in  comparison  with  the 
neophytes.  The  yield  of  wheat  on  an  average  was 
only  five  fold,  and  of  barley  the  same.  Ten  fold  was 
the  highest  result  in  any  one  year.  The  officers  were 
discouraged  before  1830,  but  efforts  were  kept  up  with 
irregular  results  until  the  end.  Vegetables  and  fruits 
did  better  than  grain,  but  only  small  quantities  of  the 
product  were  ever  utilized  for  exportation  to  Sitka. 

Stock-raising  proved  hardly  more  profitable,  in  pro 
portion  to  what  was  expected  of  it,  than  agriculture, 
owing  to  the  lack  of  pasturage  near  the  fort,  and  the 
impossibility  of  herding  the  cattle  effectually  on  the 
vast  ranges  over  which  they  strayed  during  half  the 
year.9  A  considerable  quantity,  however,  of  salt  beef, 

Gorgy's  rancho.  Belcher,  Voyage,  i.  313-16,  in  1837  mentioned  a  rancho 
between  Ross  and  Bodega,  claimed  by  a  ci-divant  Englishman  (D.  Gorgy?), 

S 'elding  3,000  bushels  in  good  years.     Bidwell,  Recollections,  94-6,  mentions 
.  George's  vineyard  in  1841,  and  also  100  apple  trees,  and  40  or  50  vines  at 
the  fort. 

9  Horned  cattle  were  about  60  in  1817,  180  in  1821,  520  in  1829,  720  in 
1833,  and  1,700  in  1841;  horses  increased  from  10  in  1817  to  250  in  1829,  415 
in  1833,  and  900  in  1841;  there  \vere  160  sheep  in  1817,  800  in  1822,  614  in 
1829,  605  in  1833,  and  900  in  1841;  and  swine  numbered  124  in  1821  and  106 
in  1829.  Between  1822  and  1823  there  seems  to  have  been  a  set-back  in  all 
kinds  of  live-stock.  The  flesh  of  swine  was  spoiled  by  their  feeding  on  mus- 


MANUFACTURES  AND  SHIP-BUILDING.  639 

butter,  and  leather  was  sent  every  year  to  Sitka  after 
domestic  wants  had  been  supplied;  and  at  the  last  the 
company  had  about  2,000  cattle,  1,000  horses  and 
mules,  and  1,000  sheep  to  sell  with  the  establishment. 
The  first  live-stock  was  obtained  from  Californians, 
not  without  some  difficulty  in  the  case  of  breeding- 
animals,  which,  as  there  is  some  reason  to  suppose, 
were  secured  through  the  aid  of  the  Indians. 

There  was  hardly  any  article  of  wood,  iron,  or 
leather  which  the  mechanics  of  Ross  in  the  early 
years  could  not  make  of  a  quality  sufficiently  good 
for  the  California  market,  and  to  the  very  last  they 
received  frequent  applications  from  the  Spaniards. 
But  in  the  later  years  many  minor  articles  were  more 
cheaply  obtained  from  American  and  English  traders. 
Several  boats  were  built  for  Spanish  officers  or  friars. 
Timber  and  tiles  were  not  only  sent  south,  but  north, 
and  even  in  some  instances  to  the  Sandwich  Islands. 
Pine  pitch  was  also  sent  to  Sitka  in  considerable 
quantities,  in  barrels  which,  like  those  for  meat  and 
other  exports,  were  made  by  the  Ross  coopers.  All 
these  industries  were  of  course  by  reason  of  the  lim 
ited  market  more  useful  than  profitable. 

Again,  ship-building,  an  industry  *  for  which  the 
abundance  of  timber  in  the  vicinity  seemed  to  promise 
great  results,  proved  in  the  end  only  an  expensive 
failure.  The  wood,  not  well  fitted  perhaps  for  the 
purpose  in  the  first  place,  was  not  properly  seasoned 
before  being  used,  and  the  workmen  had  not  suffi 
cient  skill  or  experience.  In  vain  redwood,  pine, 

sels  and  sea-lion  meat.  There  were  about  50  mules  in  1841.  A  few  horses, 
but  chiefly  oxen,  were  used  for  work.  Many  cattle  were  killed  by  bears  and 
Indians.  Bulls  used  to  come  in  to  the  fort  with  lacerated  flesh  and  bloody 
horns  after  encounters  with  bears.  In  the  last  15  years  216,000  Ibs.  of  salt 
beef  and  17,000  Ibs.  of  butter  were  sent  to  Sitka.  Very  little  tallow  was 
saved,  as  the  cattle  were  not  killed  when  fat.  Butter  brought  about  30  cents 
per  Ib.  in  Sitka.  Excellent  leather  was  tanned  and  exported.  Of  the  wool 
very  little  use  was  made,  since  weaving  was  not  successful.  The  total  prod 
uct  in  good  years  of  cattle  and  sheep  was  valued  at  8,000  rubles.  See  Khleb- 
nilcof,  Zapiski,  153-6;  Tikftmenef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  356-7;  Golovnin,  Voy.,  118; 
Potechin,  Sdenie  Jtoss,  14-15;  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Ko/.,  24-5;  Boss,  Propuesta 
de  Yenta,  MS.;  BidweWs  Recollections,  MS.,  82-5;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii. 
177-9. 


640  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

oak,  and  laurel  were  put  to  the  test;  the  vessels  built 
never  lasted  more  than  six  years,  and  were  in  a  bad 
condition  long  before  that  time  had  elapsed;  so  that 
in  the  end  it  was  found  cheaper  to  buy  ships  of  the 
Americans  than  to  build  them  at  Ross.  Yet  four 
vessels  of  respectable  dimensions  were  there  con 
structed  and  launched  before  1824,  and  three  of  them, 
the  Bulddkof,  Volga,  and  Kiakhta,  the  reader  meets 
more  than  once  in  the  southern  ports.10  I  have  thought 
it  best  to  present  here  a  list  of  the  Russian  authori 
ties  consulted  in  my  chapters  on  the  Ross  settlement, 
with  bibliographical  notes,  which  are  very  brief  be 
cause  most  of  the  works,  treating  in  general  of  the 
Russian  American  colonies  and  referring  only  inci 
dentally  to  Ross,  receive  more  extensive  description 
in  connection  with  the  History  of  Alaska,  and  also 
because  the  character  of  the  different  works  is  largelv 
indicated,  so  far  as  they  affect  California,  in  notes  and 
citations  scattered  through  the  four  chapters  devoted 
to  the  present  subject.11 

10  The  schooner  Boumiantzof,  160  tons,  was  begun  in  1816  and  launched  in 
1818.     It  cost  20,212  rubles,  besides  labor,  sailed  in  1819,  and  was  useless  in 
1823.     The  brig  Bulddkof,  200  tons,  was  begun  in  1819,  copper-bottomed  and 
launched  in  1820;  cost,  first  and  last,  80,000  rubles;  and  was  in  use  only  until 
1826,  except  to  be  anchored  as  a  store-ship.     These  two  vessels  were  built 
chiefly  of  oak;  but  the  later  ones  of  pine  and  cedar  (redwood?).     The  Volga, 
160  tons,  was  begun  in  1821,  launched  in  1822;  cost  36,189  rubles;  and  in 
1827  was  unsea worthy.     Finally  the  KiaJchia,  200  tons,  was  begun  in  1823, 
launched  in  1824;  cost  35,248  rubles;  and  was  in  use  after  1830.     Besides  the 
four  vessels  named  several  boats  were  built  both  for  home  use  and  for  sale  to 
the  Spaniards.  Khttbnikof,  Zapiski,  149-50;  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  209, 
350.     Khle'bnikof  says  the  only  advantage  derived  from  ship-building  was  a 
degree  of  respect  from  their  shiftless  neighbors,  who  wondered  at  such  incom 
prehensible  activity.    Argiiello  in  1816,  Observaciones,  MS.,  27,  reported  that 
a  brig  was  being  built  at  Bodega  of  24  varas  keel.    Payeras  in  1822,  Noticias, 
MS.,  420,  reported  that  three  brigs  had  been  built  and  timber  was  being  pre 
pared  for  others.     Vallejo  in  1833,  Informe  Reservado,  MS.,  105-7,  learned 
that  four  of  the  12  vessels  employed  in  the  company's  trade  had  been  built  at 
Eoss.  Khle'bnikof,  Zapiski,  148-9,  says  that  in  1823  an  old  boat  built  in  Kus- 
kof's  time,  was  sold  to  Comandante  Martinez  for  12  fan.  of  wheat;  in  1826  a 
boat  was  built  for  $1,200  for  S.  Francisco  Mission;  and  in  1827  a  barge  for 
Mission  S.  Jose"  at  $1,500. 

11  Tikhmenef,  Istoricheskoie  Obosranie,  etc. — Historical  review  of  the  origin 
of  the  Russian  American  Company,  and  its  doings  up  to  the  present  time — 
St  Petersburg,  1862-3,  2  vols.    The  work  is  official  and  exhaustive,  giving  in 
an  appendix  many  original  documents  relating  to  Boss  as  well  as  to  the  other 
establishments. 

Materialui  dhlla  Istorly  Russkikh  Tasselenig,  etc. — Material  for  the  history 
of  the  Russian  settlements  on  the  shores  of  the  eastern  ocean — St  Petersburg, 


CHRONOLOGIC  RECORD.  641 

Having  thus  presented  a  general  view  of  Ross  and 
its  industries  I  return  to  the  chronologic  record  of 
1821-30.  At  the  end  of  the  last  decade,  as  we  have 
seen,12  the  company  had  expressed  its  willingness  to 
abandon  not  only  its  claim  of  Russian  title  to  lands  in 
California,  a  claim  but  lately  and  rather  feebly  urged 
for  temporary  purposes,  but  even  the  settlement  at 
Ross,  in  return  for  unrestricted  trade  with  the  Span 
iards  in  Californian  ports.  In  ordinary  times  Spain 
would  probably  not  have  paid  much  attention  to  such  a 
proposition,  and  that  it  is  not  heard  of  again  in  the  tur 
moil  of  the  following  years  is  not  to  be  wondered  at. 
It  would  seem  that  in  the  troublous  times  of  the  revo 
lution,  Russia,  had  she  cared  to  do  so,  might  without 

1861.  A  collection  of  papers  originally  published  in  the  MorsTcsoi  SborniJc,  the 
organ  of  the  Russian  Naval  Department.  The  most  important  of  the  docu 
ments  are  Khl6bnikof's  letters  on  America,  Khlebnikof,  Zapiski,  which,  and 
especially  the  second  part,  contain  a  very  large  amount  of  minute  and  reliable 
information  respecting  Ross.  Other  papers  that  have  been  used  to  some  ex 
tent  are  Golovnin,  Voyage,  1818,  and  Lutke,  Narrative,  1826-9. 

Bardnof,  Shizneopissanie — Biography  of  Alex.  A.  Baranof,  chief  manager 
of  the  Russian  colonies  in  America — St  Petersburg,  1835.  This  work  forms 
a  very  complete  history  of  the  American  colonies  from  1790  to  1818,  including 
the  early  annals  of  Ross.  It  was  written  by  Kyril  Khlebnikof,  author  of  the 
letters  already  referred  to,  who  made  several  visits  in  person  to  California, 
and  held  a  prominent  position  in  the  company. 

Pinart,  Documents  on  Russian  America,.  This  is  a  collection  made  at  St 
Petersburg  by  M.  Alphonse  Pinart,  the  well  known  traveller  and  linguist,  who 
kindly  permitted  me  to  copy  them  and  thus  profit  by  his  labors.  The  follow 
ing  I  have  found  useful  in  connection  with  Ross  annals:  Etholin's  Letter  to  the 
Chief  Administration  of  the  Company  about  the  Ross  Colony,  dated  Sept.  9, 
1841,  on  the  preparations  for  abandoning  the  establishment;  Rotchef's  Deed 
of  Ross  to  Sutter,  Dec.  12,  1841,  contained  in  a  letter  by  Capt.  Etholin;  Russ, 
Am.  Fur  Co.,  Accounts  1847-50,  with  information  about  Sutter's  payments; 
and  particularly,  Potechin,  Selenie  Ross — Settlement  of  Ross — a  very  valuable 
paper  printed  in  the  Journal  of  the  Department  of  Manufactures  and  Trade, 
October  1859,  vol.  viii.  It  is  a  complete  and  interesting  account  of  the  history 
of  Ross  and  of  the  relations  between  Russia  and  Spain  concerning  that  colony. 

Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross — Affairs  of  the  Ross  Colony,  by  W.  Zava- 
lishin — Moscow,  1866.  This  work  is  a  dissertation  on  Russian  policy  and 
rights  at  Ross  rather  than  a  history  or  description  of  the  colony;  yet  many 
historical  events  are  narrated,  and  numerous  extracts  from  colonial  records 
are  given.  The  author  is  emphatic  in  defence  of  the  Russian  claim  to  Xew 
Albion  as  will  be  seen  elsewhere.  In  1824  he  was  engaged  in  some  negotia 
tions  with  the  Californian  authorities  for  the  cession  of  the  country  north  of 
San  Francisco  Bay.  He  has  an  exalted  idea  respecting  the  wisdom  of  his  own 
views,  and  is  fond  of  reminding  us  that  had  these  been  adopted  all  would  have 
gone  well.  As  it  is,  he  criticises  the  vacillating  policy  of  Russia,  ridicules 
the  presumptuous  claims  of  Spain  and  Mexico,  and  is  especially  bitter  against 
American  settlers  on  the  Pacific. 

12  See  chapter  xiv.  of  this  volume. 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  II.    41 


642  BOSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

much  difficulty  have  obtained  from  Spain  on  easy  terms 
some  concessions  in  this  far  north-west  which  would 
have  been  of  considerable  value ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  Russian  government  never  pretended  to  have,  and 
never  tried  seriously  to  obtain,  any  territorial  rights 
whatever  in  California.  Duflot  de  Mofras  notes  that 
in  the  imperial  oukaz  of  September  4,  1821,  forbid 
ding  foreigners  to  encroach  on  the  Russian  possessions 
in  America,  no  mention  is  made  of  Ross.13  Yet  the  feel 
ing  in  Mexico  is  indicated  by  the  report  of  a  high  official 
to  Iturbide  in  October  1821,  that  the  Russians  were  in 
California  "perhaps  under  some  secret  agreement  with 
the  government  of  Spain."14  Three  of  the  company's 
trading  vessels,  the  Golovnin,  Kutusof,  and  Bulddkof, 
were  sent  to  the  southern  ports  this  year,  one  of  them 
bringing  vaccine  matter,  probably  the  first  ever  used 
successfully  in  California,  to  Monterey  in  July.  Two 
Russian  frigates,  the  Minerva  and  Ceres,  had  wintered 
at  San  Francisco  and  sailed  in  February,  the  officers 
leaving  a  most  favorable  impression  as  a  result  of 
their  free  manner  of  spending  money.15  Between  Gov 
ernor  Sola  and  the  directors  of  the  company  there  was 
an  exchange  of  notes  mutually  polite  and  flattering  in 
the  autumn,  the  occasion  being  the  expected  arrival  of 
the  Borodino  and  Chevalier  Zacariah  Panafidin,  who, 
however,  failed  to  come.16  In  1821  also,  as  I  suppose, 
but  possibly  a  year  or  two  earlier,  Kuskof,  the  founder 
and  first  ruler  of  Ross,  was  succeeded  in  the  command 
by  Karl  Schmidt,  a  young  man  of  considerable  enter 
prise  and  ability,  and  retired  from  the  service  of  the 
company.  He  died  in  Russia  in  1823.17 

13  Mofras,  Exploration,  ii.  6. 

14  Ayala,  Resumen.     See  chap.  xx.  of  this  volume. 

15 See  chap.  xx.  of  this  volume;  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,MS.,  v.  251-3; 
.Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  228-9, 

10  Sept.  22,  1821,  Cramer  and  Severin  to  Gov.  Sola.  Dec.  1st,  Sola's  reply. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  298-300. 

17  Ivan  Alexandrovich  Kuskof,  a  merchant  of  Totemsk,  came  to  America 
as  clerk  with  Baranof ,  and  for  subsequent  services  was  decorated  with  a  gold 
medal  and  the  title  of  commercial  councillor.  Baranof,  Shizneopissanie,  35. 
In  1805  Rezanof  speaks  of  his  energy,  honesty,  and  other  good  qualities:  but 
also  of  his  hot-headedness  and  lack  of  political  knowledge.  He  says:  '  I  ask 


THE  CANtiNIGO'S  VISIT.  643 

The  JBulddkof&nd  Volga  were  the  vessels  sent  down 
to  San  Francisco  and  Monterey  in  1822  for  supplies,  a 
few  otter  being  taken  this  year  and  the  next  by  Aleuts, 
carried  with  their  bidarkas  on  the  vessels  to  engage 
in  surreptitious  hunting.18  The  man-of-war  Apollo, 
32  guns  and  120  men,  Captain  Stephen  Krusof,  also 
arrived  at  San  Francisco  from  St  Petersburg  in  No 
vember  seeking  fresh  provisions.  Argiiello  ordered 
that  the  ship  be  furnished  with  all  she  needed  and 
could  pay  for,  that  every  courtesy  be  shown  to  the 
officers,  but  that  no  opportunity  be  afforded  for  obser 
vation  respecting  the  condition  of  the  country  and  its 
defences.19 

The  most  important  event  of  the  year  at  Ross  was 
the  visit  of  the  Can6nigo  Fernandez,  Captain  Argiiello, 
and  Prefect  Pay  eras  in  October.  This  visit  has  al 
ready  been  fully  recorded.20  Respecting  that  part  of 
the  topic  which  it  would  be  desirable  to  notice  more 
fully  here,  the  negotiations  between  the  canon  and 
Manager  Schmidt,  there  is  very  little  information 
extant.  Payeras,  after  alluding  to  the  hospitable 
reception  of  his  party  by  the  Russians,  and  the  privi 
lege  of  inspecting  everything  at  Ross,  fully  utilized 
in  his  narrative,  says  merely,  "  the  political  and  other 
subjects  of  the  superior  commission  intrusted  to  my 
noble  companion  having  been  discussed,  we  prepared 
to  depart."  The  Russian  writers  tell  us  that  Fernan 
dez,  after  asking  the  old  threadbare  questions  respect 
ing  the  rights  and  papers  under  which  Ross  had  been 
occupied,  and  getting  no  satisfactory  replies,  declared 
as  a  representative  of  Mexico  that  the  place  must  be 

for  him  the  rank  of  collegiate  assessor  to  protect  him,  if  not  from  insult,  at 
least  from  beatings,  with  which  he  has  often  been  threatened.'  Tikhmenef, 
Istor.  Obos.,  app.,  219-20. 

18  See  chapter  xxi.  of  this  volume,  on  arrival  of  vessels.     Khletinikof, 
Zapiski,  141,  mentions  the  otter-hunting  in  1822-3.     Tikhmdnef,  Istor.  Obos., 
i.  221,  says  10,000  fanegas  of  grain  and  5,600  arrobas  of  flour,  meat,  and 
tallow  were  obtained  by  the  vessels  of  this  year. 

19  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  51;  Dept.  Kec.,  MS.,  i.  4,  59;  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  xii.  5. 

20  See  chapter  xxi.  of  this  volume.     Also  Payeras,  Notkias  sobre  Ross,  MS. 


644  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

abandoned  within  six  months  or  force  would  be  used.21 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  such  was  the  sub 
stance  of  the  interview.  The  canonigo's  main  object 
was  to  get  information  about  the  Russian  establish 
ment,  and  having  accomplished  this  he  could  hardly 
do  less  than  insist  on  the  abandonment,  neither  he 
nor  Schmidt  attaching  much  importance  to  the  accom 
panying  threats  of  forcible  ejectment.22  Fernandez, 
after  his  return  from  Ross,  caused  some  depositions 
to  be  taken  from  Russian  residents  respecting  the 
plans  of  their  nation,  and  even  carried  one  of  those 
residents  with  him  to  Mexico.23 

The  trip  of  the  canon  to  Bodega,  his  remarks  and 
acts  after  his  return,  and  his  letters  from  Mexico  a 
little  later,  fanned  into  a  flickering  flame  the  suspicious 
fears  of  Russia  entertained  in  Mexico  and  California.24 
The  national  authorities  had,  however,  other  and 
more  urgent  causes  of  anxiety  which  prevented  them 
from  devoting  more  than  brief  attention  to  dangers 
on  the  northern  frontier;  and  in  California,  though 
some  uneasiness  was  caused  by  the  presence  of  the 
Apollo,  which  had  wintered  at  San  Francisco,  and  of 
the  Creizer  and  Ladoga,  Russian  frigates  which 
arrived  later  in  1823;  and  though  Padre  Duran  took 
it  upon  himself  to  agitate  the  matter  by  calling  the 
governor's  attention  to  the  impending  danger,  the 
fuel  was  too  damp  and  the  flame  refused  to  spread. 
Relations  between  Ross  and  Monterey  continued  to 
be  as  friendly  as  ever. 

And  even 'more  friendly;  for  not  only  did  the 
Bulddkof,  Golovnin,  and  perhaps  the  Volga  trade  on 

21  TiJchm^nef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  361;  Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  16. 

22  Tikhmenfef  says  that  the  members  of  the  cliputacion  assured  the  com 
pany's  commissioner,  Khl^bnikof,  that  they  knew  nothing  of  the  can6nigo's 
plan  to  force  the  evacuation  of  Ross. 

**Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  83;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  55,  96;  Guerra, 
Doe.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  222.  Capt.  Hall,  of  the  Lady  Blackwood,  touched 
at  Bodega  this  year,  and  in  his  Remarks  describes  the  harbor  slightly. 

24  See  chapter  xxii.  2-4,  with  references  to  Iturbide's  fears  and  several 
letters  of  the  padres. 


INTERCOURSE  WITH  CALIFORNIANS.  645 

the  southern  coast  this  year;25  but  Governor  Argiie- 
llo,  always  a  friend,  socially  and  commercially,  to 
the  Russians,  even  went  so  far  as  to  grant  the  oft- 
urged  privilege  of  hunting  otters  on  shares.  A  con 
tract  was  signed  in  December,  which,  being  renewed 
the  following  year,  yielded  before  the  end  of  1824  a 
total  of  1,500  skins  for  division.26 

The  Russian  vessels  in  Californian  ports  in  1824 
were  the  traders  Bulddkof  and  Rurik;  the  frigates 
Creizer,  Ladoga,  and  Apollo;  and  the  Predpriate  under 
Otto  von  Kotzebue.27  Business  relations  continued 
altogether  friendly,  and  there  is  nothing  in  connection 
with  the  foreign  fleet  that  requires  notice  here  except 
Kotzebue's  visit  to  Ross.  This  visitor  gives  in  his 
printed  narrative  a  very  good  description  not  only  of 
the  Russian  establishment  but  of  "the  whole  of  the 
northern  part  of  the  bay,  which  does  not  properly 
belong  to  California,  but  is  assigned  by  geographers 
to  New  Albion."  Past  and  present  relations  between 
the  colonists  and  the  Californians  he  treats  in  a  most 
unfair  and  prejudiced  manner,28  representing  that  the 

25  See  chapter  xxii.  of  this  vol.  Khlebnikof,  ZapisH,  141. 

26  See  chapter  xxii.,  this  vol.     In  a  report  of  Oct.  16,  1823,  the  Americans 
are  charged  with  arming  the  Indians  and  inciting  them  against  the  Russians; 
but  this  charge  refers  chiefly  if  not  entirely  to  the  acts  of  the  Americans  at 
the  north.  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  7-8. 

27  See  chap,  xxiii.  of  this  vol. 

28  '  The  Spaniards  lived  at  first  on  the  best  terms  with  the  new  settlers, 
and  provided  them  with  oxen,  cows,  horses,  and  sheep;  but  when  in  process 
of  time  they  began  to  remark  that,  notwithstanding  the  inferiority  of  soil  and 
climate,  the  Russian  establishment  became  more  flourishing  than  theirs,  envy 
and  apprehension  of  future  danger  took  possession  of  their  minds;  they  then 
required  that  the  settlement  should  be  abandoned;  asserted  that  their  rights 
of  dominion  extended  northward  quite  to  the  Icy  Sea,  and  threatened  to  sup 
port  their  claims  by  force  of  arms.     The  founder,  and  then  commander  of 
Ross,  a  man  of  penetration  and  one  not  easily  frightened,  gave  a  very  decided 
answer '  (exactly  what  he  never  could  be  induced  to  do).     '  He  had,  he  said, 
at  the  command  of  his  superiors  settled  in  this  region  which  had  not  previ 
ously  been  in  the  possession  of  any  other  power,  and  over  which,  consequently, 
none  had  a  right  but  the  natives;  that  these  latter  had  freely  consented  to  his 
occupation  of  the  land,  and  therefore  that  he  would  yield  to  no  such  unfounded 
pretension  as  that  now  advanced  by  the  Spaniards,  but  should  always  be 
ready  to  resist  force  by  force.     Perceiving  that  the  Russians  would  not  com 
ply  with  their  absurd  requisitions,  and  considering  that  they  were  likely  to 
be  worsted  in  an  appeal  to  arms,  the  Spaniards  quietly  gave  up  all  further 
thought  of  hostilities,  and  entered  again  into  friendly  communications  with 


646  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

Russians  had  set  up,  insisted  on,  and  virtually  fright 
ened  the  Californians  into  admitting  the  justice  of  a 
claim  to  territorial  possessions  in  New  Albion.  The 
author  is  justified  in  praising  the  thrift  observable  at 
Ross  as  compared  with  the  prevalent  want  of  energy 
among  the  Spaniards;  but  he  is  extravagant  in  his 
praise  in  several  respects,  notably  in  that  of  agricult 
ure,  if  we  may  credit  the  Russian  writers;  over-enthu 
siastic,  perhaps,  in  his  admiration  of  the  company's 
Indian  policy;29  and  only  moderately  successful  as  a 
prophet  in  saying :  "  Should  the  blessing  of  civiliza 
tion  ever  be  extended  to  the  rude  inhabitants  of  these 
regions,  the  merit  will  be  due  to  the  Russian  settle 
ments,  certainly  not  to  the  Spanish  missions."  Kotze- 
bue  had  been  severely  blamed  by  certain  persons  for 
having  virtually  acknowledged  the  justice  of  the  Span 
ish  views  respecting  Ross  at  the  time  of  his  former 
visit  to  California;  and  now  he  seems  to  have  been 
disposed  as  far  as  possible  to  make  amends. 

Not  only  Kotzebue  but  other  Russian  writers  of 
later  date  take  the  ground  that  San  Rafael  in  1817 
and  San  Francisco  Solano  in  1824  were  founded  by 
the  Spaniards  in  order  to  prevent  the  Russians  from 
extending  their  dominion  to  the  bay  of  San  Fran 
cisco.  "It  is  a  great  pity  that  we  were  not  before 
hand  with  them.  The  advantages  of  possessing  this 
beautiful  bay  are  incalculable,"  writes  the  navigator. 
We  have  seen,  however,  that  such  was  not  in  any 
sense  the  origin  of  either  foundation;  but  the  settle 
ment  at  Ross  was  deemed  from  the  first  a  great  aid 

our  people;  since  which  the  greatest  unity  has  subsisted  between  the  two 
nations.'  Kotze.bue's  Neiv  Voyage,  ii.  121-3.  It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to 
point  out  to  the  reader  of  the  preceding  chapters  the  glaring  inaccuracies  of 
this  version. 

29  '  The  more  striking  the  contrast  between  the  two  nations  in  their  treat 
ment  of  the  savages,  the  more  ardently  must  every  friend  of  humanity  re 
joice  on  entering  the  Russian  territory.     The  Greek  Church  does  not  make 
converts  by  force.     Free  from  fanaticism  she  preaches  only  toleration  and 
love.     She  does  not  even  admit  of  persuasion,  but  trusts  wholly  to  conviction 
for  proselytes,  who,  when  once  they  enter  her  communion,  will  always  find 
her  a  loving  mother.     How  different  has  been  the  conduct  both  of  Catholic 
priests  and  Protestant  missionaries'!  New  Voyage,  ii.  124. 

30  Kotzebue '*  New  Voyage,  ii.  128;  Tikhmenef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  361-2. 


30 


DIPLOMACY.  647 

to  the  new  northern  missions.  At  the  foundation  of 
Solano  several  ornaments  for  the  church  were  sent  as 
gifts  from  the  Russians;  and  the  padres  had  frequent 
occasion  to  apply  at  Ross  for  the  manufacture  or  re 
pair  of  various  implements.31 

On  board  one  of  the  vessels  of  this  year  seems  to 
have  been  Mr  W.  Zavalishin,  who  in  a  capacity  not 
recorded  claims  to  have  engaged  in  certain  negotia 
tions  with  the  Californians.  He  says  the  latter  were 
willing  to  cede  to  the  Russians  all  the  country  north 
of  San  Francisco  Bay.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he 
found  some  of  the  Californian  officials  who  expressed 
such  sentiments;  but  that  the  governor  consented 
formally  to  such  a  cession  of  territory  and  sent  the 
proposition  to  Mexico,  may  be  doubted  in  the  absence 
of  documentary  evidence.  Zavalishin  speaks  of  a 
report  and  documents  presented  by  him  on  the  sub 
ject  in  1824,  but  burned  in  1835.  His  strong  argu 
ment  with  the  Californians  was  that  the  cession  to 
Russia  was  the  only  way  to  keep  the  country  from 
the  Americans.  Whether  or  not  Luis  Argiiello 
agreed  to  the  measure  is  not  a  very  important  ques 
tion,  since  he  had  no  authority  in  such  a  matter.  It 
is  not  pretended  that  it  was  ever  ratified  by  Mexico; 
and  Zavalishin  admits  his  failure  to  secure  the  ap 
proval  of  Russia.  In  fact  his  essay,  written  after  the 
discovery  of  gold  had  made  the  lands  of  great  value, 
is  in  substance:  "See  what  a  prize  you  might  have 
gained  had  you  adopted  niy  views/'  addressed  to  the 
imperial  government.32 

'6lArch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  127-8. 

^Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  5-6,  12-13,  19-23,  29-30.  The  author 
says  that  Count  Nordvinof  favored  his  plan  from  the  first,  and  Senator  Poleti- 
kin  at  last,  but  other  counsels  prevailed,  and  Russia  pursued  her  former  policy 
of  indecision,  acknowledging  the  imaginary  claims  of  the  Spaniards.  He  also 
speaks  of  a  proposition  by  himself  and  Nordvinof  to  bring  from  Russia  a  col 
ony  of  serfs  to  be  set  free  in  California.  Mofras,  Exploration,  ii.  6-7,  notes 
that  in  the  treaties  of  April  5,  1824,  and  Feb.  16,  1825,  between  Russia,  the 
United  States,  and  England,  by  which  the  former  agreed  to  found  no  estab 
lishments  south  of  54°  40',  no  mention  is  made  of  California.  Scala,  L'lnflu- 
cnce  de  VAncien  Comptoit  Iiusse,  383-4,  tells  us  that  the  Russians  maintained 
their  position  in  spite  of  the  treaties  of  1824-5 — the  Mexicans  being  powerless 
against  a  garrison  of  400  soldiers,  besides  a  multitude  of  Canadians,  Americans, 


648  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

In  1825  there  was  a  renewal  of  the  otter-hunting 
contract.  Klebnikof  tells  us  that  the  arrangement 
was  made  with  Herrera,  and  was  similar  in  its  condi 
tions  to  that  of  1823-4;  but  that  Echeandia  would 
not  permit  it  to  be  carried  out  except  after  vexatious 
delays  and  various  restrictions.  Captain  Beuseman  of 
the  Baikal  was  allowed  to  hunt  from  San  Luis  Key  to 
Todos  Santos  from  November  to  February,  securing 
468  skins;  but  in  the  division  he  took  his  pay  to  some 
extent  for  the  past  delays.33  The  vessels  of  1825—6, 
besides  the  Baikal,  of  which  Klebnikof  was  supercargo, 
were  the  Creizer,  which  sailed  from  San  Francisco  for 
St  Petersburg  in  February,  the  Helena,  with  Karl 
Schmidt  on  board,  the  Kiakhta,  and  the  Argosy.  Paul 
Shelikof  succeeded  Schmidt  as  manager.  In  Mexico 
the  junta  de  fornento  de  Californias  clearly  knew  very 
little  of  the  Ross  establishment,  since  in  its  report  of 
January  1825  it  speaks  of  "  the  Russians,  who,  having 
extended  their  power  to  the  most  northern  limits  of 
Asia  on  the  South  Sea,  might  advance  their  steps 
within  our  limits."34 

In  1827,  however,  the  junta  had  learned  more  on 
the  subject,  and  spoke  as  follows  in  its  voto  final: 
"Russia,  that  political  colonist  which,  having  mas 
tered  the  confines  of  Europe  and  a  part  of  Asia,  has 
now  taken  possession  down  to  the  port  of  Bodega, 
distant  less  than  one  degree  from  that  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  which  is  the  last  point  of  our  possessions;  and 
from  there  she  takes  large  quantities  of  articles  which, 
though  they  ought  to  belong  exclusively  to  Mexican 
commerce,  do  benefit  these  intruders  alone ;  and  more 
over  they  have  intercouse  with  the  nations  of  the 

and  Kanakas — and  began  to  intrigue  and  spend  gold  freely  with  a  view  to 
separate  California  from  Mexico! 

33  Klebnikof,  Zapiski,  144-5.     He  says  the  company  gave  the  Californians 
only  161  skins  on  account  of  the  delays;  but  an  unsigned  and  undated  con 
tract  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  13-14,  makes  the  share  of  the  company  two 
thirds  of  the  whole  number.     One  brig  and  25  canoes  only  were  to  be  employed, 
and  the  ground  was  from  Sta  Cruz  to  S.  Diego.     In  Id. ,  xix.  29,  Beuseman  is 
said  to  have  delivered  to  Echeandia  154  skins  worth  $2,399. 

34  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Col.,  Dictdmrn,  13-14.     In  1826  a  boat  was  built 
for  S.  Francisco  mission  at  81,200  with  sails  and  rigging.  Khlebnikof,  Zap.,  149. 


DEFENSIVE  MEASURES.  649 

interior,  teaching  them  the  art  of  war,  perhaps  with 
the  design  of  obtaining  later  advantages  from  their 
friendship  either  to  rob  the  nation  of  better  lands  or 
to  wage  a  desolating  war."35 

At  the  beginning  of  1827  Echeandia  wrote  to  the 
minister  of  war  for  instructions  respecting  the  Russian 
intruders.  The  agent  of  the  company  had  assured 
him  that  the  cabinets  of  Madrid  and  St  Petersburg 
had  never  discussed  the  right  by  which  Ross  and 
Bodega  had  been  occupied.36  In  March  he  wrote  again 
that  notwithstanding  courtesies  shown  them  the  Rus 
sians  were  acting  in  bad  faith,  enticing  neophytes 
away  from  San  Rafael,  taking  seals  at  the  Farallones, 
and  committing  other  irregularities.  An  armed  vessel 
was  greatly  needed  to  guard  the  coast  from  Cape  San 
Lucas  to  42.°  The  reply  in  June  promised  a  man-of- 
war  and  other  measures  to  check  the  advance  of  the 
foreigners,  one  of  these  measures  being  the  foundation 
of  a  fort  on  the  northern  frontier,  not  carried  into 
effect  as  is  recorded  elsewhere.37  The  vessels  of  the 
year  were  the  Okhotsk,  Golo^n^n,  and  Baikal.  The 
latter  was  under  the  command  of  Etholin,  who  suc 
ceeded  in  obtaining  Echeandia's  permission  to  load 
with  salt  from  the  southern  lagunas  or  salinas.28 

The  feeling  of  the  company  is  shown  by  the  following 
quotation  from  a  letter  written  by  the  general  admin 
istration  in  1827:  "All  efforts  to  formally  declare 

33 Junta  de  Fomento  de  CaL,  Iniciativa  de  Ley,  40.  The  junta  does  not  seem 
to  understand  even  yet  that  Russians  were  actually  in  possession  of  Califor- 
nian  territory.  In  the  Correo  de  la  Federation,  Jan.  20,  1827,  *F.  T.'  writes  a 
warning  against  the  Russians  at  Bodega,  and  an  argument  to  show  that  they 
have  no  right  to  Californian  territory,  notwithstanding  the  representations 
of  certain  London  maps.  There  are  slight  allusions  to  the  subject  in  records 
of  debates  in  congress  in  the  same  and  other  papers. 

36  Jan.  8,  1827.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  123. 

37  See  chapter  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  on  the  fort.     March  8,  1837,  Echeandia  to 
minister  of  war,  repeated  in  substance  June  18th.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  124-6; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  ii.  8.    June  6th,  Gomez  Pedraza  to  Echeandia,  St.  Pap.,  Miss, 
and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  309-10. 

38  Tikhmenef,  fstor.,  Obos.,  i.  353.    A  duty  of  50  cents  per  cental  had  to  be 
paid  besides  an  anchorage  due  of  $2.12  per  ton;  and  the  process  of  obtaining 
the  salt  was  a  laborious  one.     Nov.  10th,  the  Baikal  permitted  to  touch  at 
Sta  Cruz  for  produce.    From  a  letter  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  65-6,  it  would 
seem  that  the  salt  contract  was  in  1828  instead  of  1827. 


650  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

Russian  sovereignty  over  the  places  where  our  settle 
ment  is  situated  have  failed;  and  under  existing 
circumstances  there  appears  to  be  no  hope  of  final 
success.  As  far  as  the  extension  of  the  farm  is  con 
cerned  not  much  profit  can  be  expected  from  such  a 
measure  without  some  cooperation  on  the  part  of  the 
Mexicans,  since  there  is  no  more  land  available  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  establishment.  From  all 
that  has  been  done  at  Ross  so  far,  it  is  evident  that 
that  settlement  cannot  undertake  to  supply  the  colony 
with  provisions,  which  have  still  to  be  shipped  from 
California  as  in  former  years."39 

In  a  pamphlet,  for  the  most  part  descriptive  of 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  printed  at  Guadalajara  in  1828, 
I  find  a  warning  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
Russians;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the  idea  of  the 
authors  that  their  "vecinos  tan  emprendedores"  occu 
pied  not  only  Bodega  but  all  the  coast  northward  of 
that  port.40  * 

It  was  in  June  1828  that  the  French  trader  Duhaut- 
Cilly  spent  three  days  at  Ross,  while  his  vessel,  the 
HeroSj  was  at  anchor  in  Bodega  Bay.  He  was  most 
hospitably  entertained  by  Manager  Shelikof,  as  were 
all  foreigners  who  touched  on  the  New  Albion  coast; 
and  in  his  journal  he  has  given  us  not  only  a  good 
description  of  the  establishment  but  a  drawing  of  it, 
probably  the  only  one  of  early  times  extant.41 

The  vessels  of  the  year  were  the  Okhotsk,  Kiaklita, 
and  Baikal.  Captain  Etholin,  of  the  latter,  brought  a 
request  from  Governor  Ischislekof.  of  Sitka,  for  a 
renewal  of  the  otter-hunting  contract  of  1825-G. 
Echeandia  permitted  him  to  hunt  on  equal  shares 

™Tilchm6nef,  Istor.  O&os.,  i.  360. 

40  Riesyo  and  ValcUs,  Memoria  Estadistica  dd  Estado  de  Occident?,  39. 
'  Las  carries  nos  palpitan  cuando  advertimos  que  el  Imperio  Ruso,  despues  de 
ser  el  mas  anchuroso  de  la  tierra  se  venga  tambien  recostando  sobre  el  terri- 
torio  mejicano.'     The  Russians  are  in  possession  of  Bodega  and  all  that 
immense  coast;  have  built  forts  and  brigs;  the  very  lighters  used  at  San  Fran 
cisco  were  built  by  them;  they  are  extending  their  relations  by  means  of  trade. 

41  Duhaut-CiV.y,  Viayyio,  ii.  169-85. 


EVENTS  OF  1827-8.  651 

between  San  Diego  and  San  Quintin;  but  only  two 
bidarkas  could  be  obtained  at  Ross,  with  which,  while 
the  Baikal  was  loading  salt,  the  Aleuts  took  sixty- 
three  skins.  The  company's  '  half  amounted  to  forty- 
four.42 

In  acquainting  the  supreme  government  with  the 
concessions  he  had  made,  Echeandia  noted  the  fact 
that  while  the  Americans  were  accustomed  to  take 
salt  without  permission,  the  Russians  comported 
themselves  in  this  and  other  matters  with  the  great 
est  delicacy  and  honor;  but  a  few  months  later,  in 
June  1829,  he  suggested  to  the  minister  of  relations 
that  the  Russians  be  made,  in  a  polite  manner,  either 
to  quit  the  territory  or  acknowledge  the  sovereignty 
of  the  republic.43  Besides  the  Baikal,  the  Okhotsk 
visited  the  Californian  ports  this  year.  At  Ross 
Shelikof  seems  to  have  been  succeeded  in  the  com 
mand  by  Kostromitinof;  and  in  June  the  fort  was 
honored  by  a  visit  of  a  week  from  the  famous  Ameri 
can  trapper,  James  Ohio  Pattie,  who  claims  to  have 
received  one  hundred  dollars  from  the  commandant, 
whom  he  calls  Don  Sereldo,  for  vaccinating  the  in 
habitants.  Pattie  pronounced  the  situation  "one  of 
the  most  beautiful  that  I  ever  beheld,  or  that  the 
imagination  can  conceive."  "  Clear,  cold  streams 
pour  down  the  *mountain  unceasingly  from  different 
points,  imparting  moisture"!44 

In  1828  the  Russian  ships  are  said  not  to  have 
succeeded  in  obtaining  the  usual  cargo's  produce;  in 

"Oct.  13,  1828,  Peter  Ischislekof  to  Echeandia.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii. 
66-7.  Dec.  10th,  Echeandia  allows  the  Baikal  to  take  salt  and  otter.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  157-8.  Dec.  22d,  Don  Adulfo  (Etholin)  taking  otter  near  S. 
Diego.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxix.  299.  Division  of  skins.  Khlebni- 
kof,  Zapiski,  145.  April  14,  1829,  Echeandia  announces  the  concessions 
respecting  salt  and  otter-skins,  the  former  of  which  had  yielded  a  revenue  of 
$1,308  to  begin  with.  Feb.  12th,  the  governor  had  ordered  the  valuation  and 
sale  of  the  skins  taken  by  the  Baikal.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  10-11,  85.  In 
the  Waverly,  Log,  MS.,  4-7,  three  Russian  vessels  are  noted  as  arriving  at 
Monterey  from  the  north  Nov.  25th,  Dec.  2d-7th,  one  being  named  the 
Lapenin  (or  Lapwing),  and  another  being  the  brig  formerly  called  the  Arab. 
•*3Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  11,25. 

"Pattie's  Narrative,  217-19.  The  author  implies  very  absurdly  that  the 
remedy  for  small-pox  was  a  great  mystery  to  tlie  Russians,  and  that  Don 
Sereldo  had  entreated  him  at  San  Diego  to  introduce  its  benefits  at  Ross. 


652  ROSS  AND  THE  RUSSIANS. 

1829  it  was  the  same,  and  a  vessel  had  to  be  sent  to 
Chile;45  while  for  1830  I  find  no  definite  record  of 
what  was  accomplished  by  the  Baikal,  apparently  the 
only  vessel  of  the  year.  The  total  expenses  of  the 
company  of  maintaining  the  Ross  colony  are  given 
as  45,000  rubles  a  year  on  an  average  from  1825  to 
1830;  while  the  income  from  all  sources  was  less  than 
13,000  rubles  per  year.46  And  finally  we  find  Echean- 
dia  writing  on  September  18,  1830,  to  ask  from  the 
officer  in  charge  at  Bodega,  the  old,  old  question  so 
often  asked  by  his  predecessors,  and  so  often  eluded 
by  the  Russians:  "By  what  authority  have  you 
founded  that  establishment T47 

45  TiJchmgnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  344. 

^Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  15;  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.,  Obos.,  i.  359. 
4T  Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  viii.  100.    Echeandia  also  complains  of  tampering  with 
the  Indian  tribes. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

INSTITUTIONAL  AND  STATISTICAL. 
1821-1830. 

INCREASE  IN  POPULATION — LIST  OF  FOREIGNERS— GENTILES — MISSION  PROG 
RESS — PADRES — STATISTICS — BAPTISMS,  DEATHS,  HERDS,  AND  CROPS — 
PRESIDENT,  PREFECT,  AND  OTHER  OFFICIALS — ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS — 
SUCCESSION  OF  POPES — BISHOP — CHAPLAIN— POPULAR  RELIGION— THE 
WALTZ — CHURCH  ASYLUM — PUEBLOS  AND  R.ANCHOS — COLONIZATION  AND 
LAND-GRANTS—LIST  OF  GRANTS — MANUFACTURES — LABOR  AND  WAGES — 
MINES — AGRICULTURE  —  STOCK-RAISING  —  REGULATIONS  —  COMMERCE — 
PRICES — FINANCE — MILITARY — GOVERNMENT — ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUS 
TICE — EDUCATION. 

THE  population  of  California,  that  is  of  gente  do 
razon,  had  now  increased  from  3,270  in  1820  to  4, 250 
in  1830.  Such  is  the  result  obtained  by  combining 
the  figures  already  given  for  the  different  districts; 
and  it  agrees  tolerably  well  with  such  general  reports 
and  estimates  as  are  extant.1  Of  the  increase,  about 
1,000,  at  least  350  came  from  abroad;  that  is,  50  offi 
cers  arid  soldiers,  150  convicts,  and  150  foreigners. 
As  registered  in  the  mission  books  there  were  1,866 
baptisms,  717  deaths,  and  357  marriages  among  the 
gente  de  razon.  The  colony  of  foreign  residents  had 
increased  in  ten  years  from  a  dozen  to  about  150  men, 
many  of  whom  were  baptized,  naturalized,  and  married 
to  native  wives,  and  who  as  a  body  had  already  con- 
Such  general  statements  are  2,994  souls  in  1822.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  9; 


18.  In  1828,  2,734,  Morineau,  Notice,  xvi.  51-2;  4,342,  report  in  Wilkes' 
Narrative,  v.  555;  or  5,000,  Bandini's  statement  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  8.  General  orders  for  reports  on  population  were  issued  to  local  authori 
ties  in  1822  and  in  1827.  8.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  21;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
v.  42. 

(653) 


654  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

siderable  influence  in  the  country.  Hartnell,  Cooper, 
Gale,and  Spence  took  the  lead, especially  in  commercial 
matters,  and  were  allied  already  with  the  best  families. 
Most  of  the  strangers  were  known,  not  only  in  familiar 
communication  but  in  the  keeping  of  accounts,  by 
strange  distortions  of  their  true  names,  by  common 
Spanish  names  applied  at  baptism,  or  by  nicknames 
referring  to  some  peculiarity  of  person  or  character. 
I  have  elsewhere  given  some  information  about  indi 
viduals  from  year  to  year;  but  for  convenience  I  ap 
pend  an  alphabetical  list  of  all  foreigners  who  were  in 
California  before  1830.2  Neophyte  population  had 
now  fallen  from  20,500  in  1820  to  18,000,  being  less 
than  in  1810.  There  were  probably  about  2,000  Ind 
ians,  not  neophytes,  living  on  ranchos,  pueblos,  and 
presidios  in  1830.  There  are  no  data  on  which  to 
base  any  estimate  respecting  the  number  of  gentiles.3 

The  number  of  missions  had  been  increased  dur 
ing  the  decade,  by  the  promotion  of  San  Rafael  from 
the  rank  of  asistencia  and  by  the  foundation  of  San 
Francisco  Solano  at  Sonoma,  from  nineteen  to  twenty- 
one,  the  highest  number  ever  reached.  Of  the  thirty- 
seven  padres  at  work  in  1820,  ten  had  now  died;  four 
had  left  California,  and  only  three  had  come  to  take 
their  places.  Only  twenty-six  were  left  in  charge  of 
twenty-one  establishments.  The  death  of  Senan  had 
left  none  alive  of  those  who  came  before  1790;  and 

2  See  end  of  this  chapter.     Hall,  Hist.  S.  Jose,  120,  says  the  number  of 
foreigners  in  1830  was  estimated  at  about  70;  while  Cronise,  Nat.    Wealth  of 
CaL,  46-7,  says  they  were  nearly  500,  'a  large  proportion'  of  the  1,200  in 
habitants  of  Los  Angeles,  and  half  the  500  of  S.  Jos6  in  1831  being  foreign 
ers! 

3  Taylor  makes  the  attempt,  however,  for  1826  in  the  California  Farmer, 
March  2,  1860.     His  estimate  is:  Sonoma  and  other  valleys  north  of  S.  Fran 
cisco  Bay  to  Clear  Lake,  40,000  (or  70,000);  Sacramento,  from  Red  Bluff  to 
American  Fork,  according  to  Jedediah  Smith,  80,000;  S.  Joaquin,  from  the 
Cosumnes  to  the  Tejon,  Smith,  70,000;  on  the  Colorado,  Mojave  and  western 
coast  range  to  the  Gulf,  20,000;  northern  coast  counties,  30,000;  total,  240,000 
within  the  present  limits  of  California.     Alvarado,   Hist.   Cat.,  i.   230,  says 
there  were  in  1827,  37,000  gentiles  allied  by  treaty  with  the  Spaniards. 
Cronise,  Nat.  Wealth  of  CaL,  27,  tells  us  the  Indians  in  1823  were  estimated 
at  100,826,  a  very  close  estimate  indeed;  it  might  have  been  made  100,830  in 
even  numbers,  but  the  author  would  scorn  to  lie  for  four  Indians. 


PADRES  AND  MISSIONS.  655 

the  pioneers  of  earlier  date   than    1800    were   now 
reduced  to  five.4 

Mission  history  need  not  be  presented  here  even 
en  resume,  because  it  has  been  a  leading  element  in 
the  annals  of  each  year,  as  presented  in  other  chapters. 
The  leading  topics,  matters  involving  the  very  exist 
ence  of  the  missions,  had  left  nothing  of  time  and 
attention  for  the  petty  subjects  of  old,  respecting  which 
the  friars  had  been  wont  to  quarrel  with  the  secular 
authorities.  The  growth  of  commerce  had  rendered 
endurable  the  burden  of  furnishing  supplies  and  pay 
ing  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  troops;  though  the 
hopes  that  once  prompted  a  cheerful  giving  had  well 
nigh  disappeared.  The  success  of  republicanism,  the 
troubles  of  the  friars  as  loyal  subjects  of  the  king,  the 
reduction  of  the  missionary  force  by  death,  departure, 
and  infirmity,  the  ruin  of  San  Fernando  college,  the 
suspension  of  stipends  from  the  pious  fund,  and  above 
all  the  unmistakable  tendency  of  the  times  toward  a 
speedy  secularization,  all  these  things  have  been  re 
corded,  arid  assuredly  left  the  Franciscans  but  slight 
grounds  for  hope.5 

4  The  37  serving  in  1820,  those  who  died  before  1830  in  italics,  and  those 
who  retired  marked  with  a  *,  were  as  follows: 

Abella,  *Altimira,  1828,  Amor6s,  Arroyo,  Barona,  Boscana,  Cabot  (2), 
Catald,  1830,  Duran,  Escude",  Este"nega,  Fortuni,  Gil,  Jaime,  1829,  Martin, 
Martin,  1824,  *Martinez,  1830,  Nuez,  1821,  *01b6s,  1821,  Oliva,  Ordaz,  Pay- 
eras,  1823,  Peyri,  *Ripoll,  1828,  Rodriguez,  1824,  Saizar,  Sanchez,  Sancho, 
1830,  Sarria,  Senan,  1823,  Suner,  Tapis,  1825,  Ulibarri,  1821,  Uria,  Viader, 
and  Zalvidea. 

The  three  new-comers,  all  of  1827,  were  the  two  Jimenos  and  Moreno.  The 
five  who  had  come  before  1800  were:  Abella,  Barona,  Peyri,  Uria,  and  Vita- 
der. 

Of  the  29  padres  in  1825-6  nearly  one  half  said  to  be  unfit  for  duty  by 
reason  of  age  and  infirmities.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  306-10;  xii.  104.  Case 
of  Marquinez  in  1821,  who,  having  retired  to  his  college,  claimed  his  full 
stipends  as  belonging  to  him  personally,  it  belonging  to  a  mission  to  support 
its  padre;  $1,300  were  paid  him  to  prevent  trouble;  but  later  when  the 
claim  was  renewed,  the  viceroy  decided  that  nothing  was  due  the  friar,  since 
he  had  received  his  support,  and  Franciscans  could  not  Jhold  property.  Id. , 
xi.  345-7;  ix.  83-9.  The  circumstances  connected  with  the  departure  of  the 
four  padres,  one  of  whom  retired  regularly,  two  ran  away,  and  one  was  ban 
ished,  being  prominent  items  of  current  history,  are  fully  recorded  elsewhere; 
and  as  to  the  coming  of  three  new  padres  in  1827  nothing  is  known  beyond 
the  fact  of  their  coming. 

5  On  mission  annals  from  1821  to  1825,  see  chap,  xx.-x'xii.  of  this  vol.  and 
chap.  i.  iv.  of  vol.  iii.  on  the  period  of- 1826-30. 


656  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  STATISTICAL. 

Baptisms  had  been  5,000  less  than  in  the  last  decade, 
3,000  of  that  difference  being  in  the  number  of  adults. 
In  only  a  few  missions  were  there  any  more  gentiles 
accessible  for  conversion  except  at  very  great  distances. 
The  death-rate  was  slightly  less  than  before.  The  loss 
in  population,  2,500,  all  subsequent  to  1824,  was  less 
than  would  be  expected  from  the  general  course  of 
mission  history.  It  will  be  noticed  that  baptisms 
agreed  with  the  crops,  being  largest  in  1821  and 
smallest  in  1829.  In  ten  missions  1828  was  the  most 
deadly  year.  Four  missions  only,  San  Luis  Rev,  San 
Juan  Bautista,  San  Rafael,  and  San  Francisco  Solano, 
gained  in  population.  In  cattle  there  was  a  gain  of 
16,000,  all  in  nine  missions;  in  sheep  a  loss  of  40,000, 
only  three  missions  showing  a  gain.6  Agriculture 
showed  a  marked  decline  of  27,375  bushels  in  the 
average  yearly  crop ;  and  the  percentage  of  yield  from 
every  kind  of  seed  had  also  been  largely  diminished. 
The  condition  of  the  missions  as  a  whole  in  1830,  as 
shown  by  statistics,  was  much  less  unsatisfactory  than 
would  be  expected  from  the  many  unfavorable  circum 
stances  which  have  been  recorded.  It  does  not  clearly 
appear  that  more  than  one  new  church  had  been  dedi 
cated,  that  of  Purisima;  but  the  old  ones  were  gen- 

^  6  General  statistics  (for  purposes  of  comparison  with  figures  of  the  last 
decade,  see  chap.  xix.  6-10):  Baptisms,  in  round  numbers,  13,000,  of  which 
5,000  adults  and  8,000  children;  smallest  number,  750  in  1829;  largest,  2,038 
in  1821;  deaths,  14,500;  of  which  9,250  adults  and  5,250  children;  largest 
number,  1,853,  in  1828;  smallest,  869  in  1830;  death-rate,  40  per  cent;  loss  in 
population,  from  20,500  to  18,000,  2,500,  or  8.2  per  cent  as  against  39  per 
cent  of  gain  for  the  last  decade.  The  maximum  of  neophyte  population  was 
21,092  in  1821,  being  also  21,066  in  1824.  The  loss  in  population  exceeds  the 
difference  between  baptisms  and  deaths  by  1,000,  which  may  be  set  down 
loosely  as  the  number  of  runaways.  Marr4ages  ranged  from  "290  in  1830  to 
623  in  1821,  averaging  427.  Mission  cattle  increased  from  140,000  to  156,000 
head;  mules,  from  1,880  to  1,900;  horses  decreased  from  18,000  to  16,600;  and 
sheep  from  190,000  to  150,000.  Largest  crop  in  this  decade  and  in  all  the 
mission  existence,  180,000  bushels  in  1821,  which  was  the  best  year  for  all  but 
six  missions,  all  but  one  of  the  exceptions  being  in  the  north;  smallest  crop — 
between  1790  and  1834 — 36,000  bushels  in  1829,  which  was  the  worst  year  for 
all  but  six  missions,  all  but  two  of  the  exceptions  being  in  the  south;  average 
crop,  86,250  bushels;  of  which  47,595  wheat,  yield  10.7  fold;  19,230  corn, 
yield  110  fold;  13,290  barley,  yield  12.3  fold;  3,795  beans,  yield  28  fold;  and 
2, 340  of  miscellaneous  grains.  The  smallest  and  largest  crops  of  wheat,  corn, 
and  barley  separately  were  also  in  1829  and  1821. 


MISSION  FINANCE  AND  OFFICIALS.  657 

erally  in  good  repair  and  well  furnished;  while  at 
nearly  every  mission  there  had  been  more  or  less  im 
provement  in  miscellaneous  buildings,  and  in  only  one 
or  two  apparent  neglect.  Neither  was  there  any 
evidence  that  mission  discipline  had  been  relaxed; 
nor  did  the  friars  appear  unduly  discouraged  at  their 
prospects,  having  somewhat  exaggerated  hopes  of 
relief  at  the  hands  of  a  new  governor.  They  had  col 
lected  no  part  of  the  large  sums,  about  half  a  mill 
ion  dollars,  due  the  missions  from  the  government;  but 
their  representatives  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  some 
large  sums  on  account  of  stipends,  and  the  commer 
cial  revival  had  poured  into  the  Franciscan  treasuries 
an  amount  of  ready  money  hitherto  unknown.  I  have 
no  doubt  that  much  of  the  capital  thus  gained  was 
devoted  to  purposes  not  directly  concerning  California, 
and  put  where  it  would  do  most  good  for  the  order 
and  for  the  friars ;  but  of  course  it  can  never  be  known 
exactly  what  use  was  made  of  it. 

Jose  Seiian  was  president  of  the  missions,  vicar, 
and  vice  comisario  prefecto  until  his  death  in  August 
1823.  Vicente  Francisco  Sarria  held  the  presidency 
until  April  1825,  Narciso  Duran  until  September 
1827,  and  Jose  Sanchez  for  the  rest  of  the  decade. 
The  office  of  prefect  was  held  by  Mariano  Payeras 
until  his  death  in  April  1823;  by  Jose  Senan,  ad  in 
terim,  until  August  1823,  and  by  Sarria  during  the 
remaining  years.  Martiarena  continued  to  serve  as 
sindico  of  the  California  missions  at  least  until  1825, 
Estevan  Velez  de  Escalante  was  sindico  in  Mexico  in 
1825,  and  Padre  Juan  Cortds  was  procurador  at  the 
college  until  at  least  1828.  At  San  Fernando  Jose 
Gasol  was  guardian  in  1821-2,  Agustin  Garijo  in 
1823-6,  Juan  Calzada  in  1827-8,  and  Jose  Maria 
Guzman  in  1830;  but  the  establishment  was  now 
virtually  broken  up. 

Ecclesiastical  matters  have  not  like  those  pertain 
ing  to  the  missions  been  noticed  in  earlier  chapters; 

HIST.  CAL..  VOL.  II.    42 


658  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

but  neither  is  there  much  to  be  recorded  on  this  sub 
ject.  At  the  end  of  1823  were  issued  orders  through 
the  bishop  for  a  proper  observance  of  religious  cere 
monies  in  all  the  churches  in  memory  of  the  dead 
pope,  Pius  VII.,  the  rites  to  include  also  prayers  for 
the  wise  selection  of  a  successor;  and  in  July  1824, 
some  two  months  after  the  preceding  orders  had  been 
opened,  the  bishop  sent  others  for  mass  and  other 
demonstrations  of  joy,  including  three  days  of  illumi 
nation,  at  the  accession  of  Pope  Leo  VII.  These 
ceremonies  were  performed  early  in  1825.  The  death 
of  Leo  XII.  and  accession  of  Pius  VIII.  caused  a 
repetition  of  funeral  rites  and  of  the  rejoicings  in 
September  and  October  1829.  No  detailed  record  of 
either  celebration  at  any  particular  place  is  extant; 
but  it  seems  that  the  illumination,  ringing  of  bells, 
and  firing  of  guns  took  place  at  presidios  as  well  as 
at  missions.  In  the  spring  of  1826  also  was  an 
nounced  the  death  of  Bishop  Bernardo  del  Espiritu 
Santo  of  Sonora,  which  had  occurred  in  July  1825.7 

As  before  there  was  no  one  in  California  authorized 
to  administer  the  rite  of  confirmation,  and  the  Cali- 
fornians  seem  not  to  have  been  greatly  troubled  by 
the  want.8  Chaplain  service  at  the  pueblos  and  pre 
sidios  was  still  performed,  irregularly,  by  the  nearest 
missionaries;  except  that  Padre  Menendez,  a  Domin 
ican,  was  employed  as  a  chaplain  for  the  troops  at 
San  Diego  or  Monterey  after  1825.  Secular  priests 
who  happened  to  visit  the  coast  on  Spanish  vessels 
were  not  allowed  to  receive  confessions  by  the  Fran 
ciscan  authorities,  though  they  sometimes  wished  to 
do  so.9  Holy  oil,  blessed  in  Sonora  or  Puebla,  came 
at  rare  intervals  and  small  quantities.  It  had  to  be 
paid  for  in  masses  said  by  the  friars,  and  the  old  must 

''Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  132-4;  xi.  169;  xii.  323-4;  8.  Jos6,  Patentee,  MS., 
181-4;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i,  272,  277;  ii.  341;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  20; 
Dept.  See.,  MS.,  vii.  234;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  iv.  85;  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  55. 

8  In  the  mission  report  for  1825-6  Duran  suggests  the  necessity  of  a  curia 
episcopal  for  California.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  310. 

9  Sarria  and  Tapis  to  Duran,  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  322. 


CHURCH  MATTERS.  659 

be  burned  when  a  new  lot  came.  In  quantity  it 
might  be  eked  out  with  common  olive  oil.10  There 
was  no  longer  any  officer  of  the  holy  inquisition,  since 
that  institution  had  ceased  to  exist;  but  orders  con 
tinued  to  come  from  the  bishop  and  to  be  circulated 
by  his  vicar  that  all  immoral  and  irreligious,  that  is 
anti-Catholic,  books  or  pictures  must  be  collected  and 
destroyed.  Many  of  the  objectionable  publications 
were  named;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the 
number  was  ever  found  in  California,  where  few  books 
of  any  kind  were  read.  Prefect  Sarria,  however,  was 
once  greatly  alarmed  at  a  report  that  one  of  Voltaire's 
works  was  to  be  found  in  Hartnell's  house,  and  he 
called  upon  Governor  Argiiello  to  aid  in  carrying  out 
the  decree  of  the  church  before  any  one  should  read 
that  pernicious  book.11 

Several  copies  of  the  Bible  were  seen  in  California 
printed  "in  common  language,"  a  fact  which  caused 
Prefect  Sarria  to  make  zealous  efforts  in  1826  to  pre 
vent  the  reading  of  that  book.12  There  also  came  in 
1821  from  the  bishop  a  decree  prohibiting  that  "escan- 
dalosisimo  dance  called  the  waltz"  under  pain  of  ex- 
comunion  mayor  incurred  by  dancing  it;  but  we  are 
told  that  the  edict  was  disregarded,  and  that  the  waltz 
was  a  popular  feature  at  a  ball  given  by  the  governor 
eight  days  after  the  prohibition  arrived.13  Compliance 
with  church  duties  seem  to  have  been  as  strictly  en 
forced,  in  theory  at  least,  under  republican  as  under 
royal  rule;  and  no  series  of  regulations  for  pueblo  or 
presidio  was  complete  without  the  most  stringent  rules 

10  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  283-7,  299,  439-40;  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  277, 
279.  Arrival  of  holy  oil  is  noted  in  1822  and  1825  from  Sonora,  and  in  1826 
from  Puebla. 

"Feb.  11,  1824,  Sarrfa  to  Arguello,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  86. 
Oct.  23,  1826,  comisario  general  to  Herrera,  impious  articles  and  obscene 
pictures  attacking  the  church  must  not  be  allowed  to  pass  the  custom  house. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  61.  Orders  of  different  dates 
for  destruction  of  prohibited  books,  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  46;  S. 
Jose,  Patentes,  MS.,  171-2;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  127-9;  Arch.  Midonc.s, 
MS.,  i.  260,  266,  276. 

™Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xii.  363. 

"March  15,  1821,  Sarria  to  PP.  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  47;  Al- 
varado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  324. 


660  INSTITUTIOXARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

for  such  compliance.  One  Espinosa,  for  entering  a 
church  in  woman's  clothes  and  trying  on  another  occa 
sion  to  enter  on  horseback,  was  sentenced  to  ten  years 
of  presidio  work  for  sacrilege.14  Duhaut-Cilly  found 
the  Californians  under  the  friars'  teachings  disposed 
to  attend  somewhat  closely  to  outward  forms  of  re 
ligion,  but  neither  knowing  anything  about  nor  caring 
for  matters  of  faith.  He  notes  that  the  only  restric 
tions  imposed  in  respect  of  fasting,  lent,  etc.,  are  that 
on  certain  days  meat  and  fish,  lean  and  fat,  must  not 
be  mixed,  though  either  might  be  eaten  and  was  found 
on  the  padres'  tables.15  It  would  seem,  however,  from 
certain  not  very  intelligible  episcopal  orders  that  the 
Californians  were  authoritatively  freed  from  many  of 
the  usual  requirements  in  the  matter  of  food. 

For  criminals  of  every  class  to  take  advantage  of 
the  privileges  of  church  asylum  was  still  common. 
Many  cases  are  mentioned  in  the  archives 5  but  in 
most  the  details,  including  the  final  settlement,  are 
wanting.  Soldiers,  civilians,  and  Indians  on  the  com 
mission  of  any  crime  hastened  to  take  refuge  in  the 
church,  leaving  it  to  be  settled  later  whether  they 
were  entitled  to  the  asylum  or  whether  they  needed 
it.  As  a  rule  the  only  advantage  gained  was  exemp 
tion  from  floggings;  but  in  a  few  instances  the  asylum 
caused  imprisonment  to  be  substituted  as  a  penalty 
instead  of  death  as  required  by  military  law.  Mur 
derers,  homicides,  highway  robbers  who  caused  muti 
lation  of  limb,  and  those  who  assaulted  others,  in 
church  or  cemetery  were  not  entitled  to  the  immunity. 
In  1830  Ignacio  Herrera  took  church  asylum  after 
stabbing  the  sentinel,  Miguel  Castro,  and  was  taken 
out  of  church  by  the  arresting  officer  under  the  usual 
bond,  or  caucion  juratoria.  When  the  case  came  to 
Asesor  Gomez,  he  insisted  on  nullifying  the  bond, 
and  a  long  discussion  ensued  with  the  padres  respect- 

14  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  413;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  91. 

15  Duhaut-Cilly,   Viaggio,  ii.   126-7.     Various   orders  on   indulgences  in 
respect  to  eating  meat,  eggs,  milk,  etc.,  in  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  312-19, 
130-2;  S.  Jose,  Patentee,  MS.,  159-65,  172-8. 


PUEBLOS  AND  RANCHOS.  66J 

ing  the  prisoner's  right  to  the  immunity,  and  respect 
ing  the  president's  right  to  decide  in  the  matter  as 
the  bishop's  vicar.  The  question  was  referred  to 
the  bishop,  and  the  culprit  was  condemned  to  eight 
years  in  the  chain-gang.1" 


16 


The  California  pueblos  and  ranches  gained  in  popu 
lation  during  this  decade  from  930  to  1,690,  the  gain 
of  760  being  nearly  80  per  cent  of  the  whole  gain  in 
the  territory.  The  only  colonists  who  came  from 
abroad  were  the  150  convicts,  and  about  the  same 
number  of  foreigners;  but  probably  not  half  of  the 
300  are  to  be  included  in  the  760.  Of  pueblo  man 
agement  and  system  all  that  is  known  has  been  pre 
sented  in  connection  with  local  history.  There  were 
no  radical  changes  under  the  republican  regime;  but 
ayuntamientos,  or  town  councils,  were  somewhat  per 
fected  at  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose*,  military  author 
ity  was  withdrawn  to  some  extent  when  the  office  of 
comisionado  was  abolished,  and  the  non-military  resi 
dents  of  Monterey  and  Santa  Barbara  were  organized 
into  a  kind  of  presidial  .pueblos,  each  with  a  full  ayun- 
tamiento. 

Respecting  colonization  and  the  distribution  of  lands 
it  may  be  well  to  glance  briefly  at  various  official  acts 
in  chronological  order,  though  few  of  those  acts  had 
any  practical  effect  in  California  at  this  time.  The 
canonigo,  Fernandez,  as  representative  of  the  imperial 
regency,  in  November  1822  ordered  that  no  further 
distribution  of  lands  be  made  until  new  regulations 

O 

were  issued;17  and  it  seems  that  under  date  of  April 
11,  1823,  such  a  series  of  regulations  was  enacted  by 
the  imperial  government,  which  never  had  any  effect 

™Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxi.  35-58;  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xii.  144. 
Other  cases  in  Id.,  liv.  7;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  i.  93^;  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  57;  Dept.  JRec.,  MS.,  vi.  201;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii. 
116-17. 

17 S.  Jos4,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  49.  This  order  is  addressed  to  the  municipal 
authorities  and  I  have  not  found  it  elsewhere,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  apply 
exclusively  to  pueblo  lands  proper. 


6G2  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

in  California,  and  perhaps  not  anywhere.18  The  sub 
ject  of  secularizing  the  missions  was  deemed  a  most 
important  one  in  these  years  by  all  secular  authorities, 
and  it  derived  most  of  its  importance  from  the  extent 
and  value  of  the  mission  lands.  On  the  distribution 
and  occupation  of  territorial  lands  by  actual  settlers 
the  future  prosperity  of  the  country  was  understood 
to  depend;  and  while  the  rights  of  the  Indians  to 
their  native  soil  were  always  conceded,  in  theory  at 
least,  by  Mexico,  the  continued  retention  by  Francis 
can  communities  of  all  the  best  lands  under  the  shallow 
pretence  that  the  Indians  were  being  fitted  to  enjoy 
their  rights  at  some  period  in  the  distant  future,  was 
with  much  reason  regarded  as  an  absurd  proposition. 
Argliello  and  others  expressed  these  views  very 
clearly  in  1823;19  and  in  September  of  that  year  the 
matter  of  land  distribution  was  discussed  by  the  dipu- 
tacion,  before  which  body  Sarria  appeared  as  defender 
of  the  natives'  rights.  The  prevailing  opinion  of  the 
legislators  was  in  favor  of  reducing  the  ranches,  not 
only  of  individuals  but  of  missions,  to  an  extent  cor 
responding  with  the  real  needs  of  the  occupants.  Even 
in  these  early  times  the  prevalent  tendency  to  a 
monopoly  of  land  was  recognized  as  an  evil;  but  it 
was  decided  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  decision  of  the 
national  government.20 

On  August  18, 1824,  a  colonization  law  was  passed 
by  the  Mexican  congress.  It  was  most  liberal  in  its 
provisions,  favoring  the  entry  of  foreign  colonists, 
while  giving  the  preference  to  Mexican  citizens;  but 
was  very  general  in  its  terms,  leaving  regulations  in 
detail  for  subsequent  legislation.  The  required  com 
plementary  regulations  were  issued  November  21, 
1828,  and,  like  the  law  of  1824,  are  given  very  nearly 
in  full  elsewhere.21  Mission  lands  were  not  to  be  dis- 

^HallecTc's  Report,  120.     I  have  not  seen  the  law  referred  to. 
19 See  chap.  xxii.  this  vol.;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  36-8. 
20 See  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol.;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  31-2. 

21  See  chap,  xxiii.  this  vol.,  and  chap.  ii.  of  vol.  iii.  for  the  laws  of  1824, 
and  1828  in  substance.  It  seems  to  have  been  nearly  a  year  before  the  last 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  6C3 

tributed  to  either  settlers  or  colonists  at  present,  since 
the  difficulties  involved  were  understood  to  be  great, 
and  there  was  no  disposition  to  do  injustice  to  either 
friars  or  neophytes.22  The  method  of  granting  lands 
to  individuals — and  the  colonial  schemes  so  prominent 
in  the  regulations  never  had  any  practical  application 
in  California — prescribed  by  the  law  was  that  some 
what  carelessly  followed  down  to  1846;  it  included  a 
petition  with  descriptive  explanations  by  the  applicant, 
an  investigation  of  circumstances  and  consultation  of 
local  authorities,  an  approval  by  the  diputacion,  a  for 
mal  documentary  title  from  the  governor,  and  a  record 
of  the  whole  expediente  in  a  book  kept  for  the  pur 
pose.23 

There  were  in  1830  nearly  fifty  ranchos  which  had 
been  granted  to  private  individuals  by  the  successive 
governors  since  the  time  of  Fages;  and  more  than 
half  the  number  had  been  granted  during  this  decade, 
though  only  one  or  two  under  the  provisions  of  the 
regulations  of  1828,  and  only  one,  so  as  far  as  clearly 
appears,  with  the  direct  approval  of  the  diputacion.24 

regulations  were  published  in  California.  In  Jan.  1827  notice  was  given 
that  the  governor  would  not  in  the  future  grant  any  lands  to  foreigners  (not 
withstanding  the  laws  of  1824,  or  until  the  appearance  of  the  necessary  regu 
lations?).  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  12. 

22Tuthill's  remark,  Hist.  CaL,  127,  that  'congress  was  nibbling  at  the 
mission  property  but  was  not  quite  bold  enough  to  seize  it;'  that  the  coloniza 
tion  scheme  was  probably  a  plan  to  make  the  civil  outgrow  the  religious  set 
tlements  and  thus  render  the  work  of  plunder  easier,  is  evidently  founded . 
on  a  misconception  of  the  legal  title  to  mission  lands. 

23  April  6,  1830,  a  law  of  this  date  modified  those  of  1824-8  somewhat  by- 
authorizing  the  national  government  to  take  such  lands  as  were  required  for 
fortifications,  etc.,  and  by  prohibiting  frontier  colonization  by  foreign  citizens 
of  adjacent  nations.  Hallcck's  Report,  121-2. 

24  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  different  ranchos  granted  before  1830.    Re 
specting  several  marked  with  a  (?)  there  is  some  doubt,  but  such  details  as  are 
extant  have  been  given  in  previous  chapters,  especially  in  chap.  xxiv.-xxviL 
of  this  volume. 

San  Diego  District:— San  Antonio  Abad  (?),  to before  1828; .  Sta. 

Maria  de  Pefiasquitos,  to  Ruiz  and  Alvarado  1823;  Rosario,  or  Las  Barra- 

cas(?),  to before  1828;  San  Isidro,  to before  1828;  Otay,  to  Estudillo 

(re-grant  1846)  1829;  Otay,  to  Estudillo  1829;  Temascal,  to  Serrano  before 
1828. 

Santa  Barbara  District: — San  Rafael,  to  Verdugo  1784;  Los  Nietos  (Sta 
Gertrudis),  to  Meto  (re-grant  1834)  1784;  San  Pedro,  to  Dominguez  (re-grant 
1822)  before  1800;  Portezuelo,  to  Verdugo  about  1795;  Refugio,  to  Ortega 

about  1797;  Simi,  to  Pico  (re-grant  1821,  1842)  1795;  Felix,  to (re-grant 

to  Verdugo  1843)  about  1810;  Virgenes,  to  Ortega  (re-grant!837,  1834)  about 


664  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

Not  much  is  known  about  the  documentary  title 
to  any  of  these  early  grants;  but  the  governor's  right 
to  grant  unoccupied  lands  seems  to  have  been  as  well 
understood  before  as  after  the  colonization  laws  were 
issued.  There  was  always  a  petition,  more  or  less 
investigation,  and  a  written  permission  to  occupy;  and 
in  some  cases  a  formal  act  of  possession,  the  methods 
being  very  much  the  same  as  later.  Sixteen  of  these 
grants  were  subsequently  confirmed  by  the  land  com 
mission  on  the  strength  of  the  original  concession  and 
proof  of  occupation;  twenty-three  were  presented  to 
that  board  strengthened  by  new  and  more  formal 
titles  made  before  1846;  while  seven  or  eight  never 
re-appeared,  or  at  least  not  under  the  same  names  and 
original  titles.  Governor  Echeandia  refused  in  1829 
to  give  written  titles  for  lands  granted  by  his  pre 
decessors;  but  in  July  1830  all  owners  were  sum 
moned  to  appear  arid  give  information  respecting 
their  lands  and  titles,25  with  results  that  are  not 

1810;  Conejo,  or  Altagracia,  to  Polanco  and  Rodriguez  (Guerra  in  1822)  1803; 
Santiago  de  Sta  Ana,  to  Yorba  1809;  Cie"negas,  to  Avila  (?)  1823;  La  Brea,  to 
Rocha  1828;  San  Antonio,  to  Lugo  (re-grant  1838)  1810-23-27;  Sauzal  Redondo, 
to  Avila  (re-grant  1837)  1822. 

Monterey  District:— Alisal,  to  Butron  (?)  (re-grant  1834)  about  1828;  Bue- 
navista,  to  Estrada  (1795  to  Soberanes)  1822;  Llano  de  Buena vista,  to  Estrada 
1823;  Escarpin  (orS.  Miguel?),  to  Espinosa  (re-grant  1837)  before  1828;  Moro 
Cojo,  to  Castro  (re-grant  1844)  1825;  Potrero  (or  Familia  Sagrada),  to  Torre 
1822;  Bolsa  Nueva,  to  Soto  (re-grant  1836)  before  1829;  Natividad,  to  Butron 
and  Alviso  (re-grant  1837)  before  1830;  Pajaro,  to  Castro  1820;  Pilarcitos,  to 
Miramontes  (?)  (re-grant  1841)  before  1830;  Salinas  (before  1795  to  Aceves, 
re-grant  1836),  before  1830;  San  Cayetano,  to  Vallejo  (re-grant  1835)  1824; 

Sauzal,  to  Soberanes  (re-grant  1834)  1823;  Tticho,  to (re-grant  1841-4) 

before  1830;  San  Antonio,  to  Solis  (re-grant  1835?)  1829;  Corralitos,  to  Ame- 
sti  (?)  (re-grant  1844)  before  1827. 

San  Francisco  District: — Pulgas,  to  Argiiello  (re-grant  1835)  before  1824; 
San  Antonio,  to  Peralta  1820;  San  Pablo,  to  Castro  1823;  Pinole,  to  Martinez 
(re-grant  1842)  before  1829;  San  Isidro,  to  Ortega  before  1810;  Las  Animas, 

or  La  Brea,  to  Castro  (re-grant  1835)  1802;  San  Ignacio  (?),  to  before 

1828;  Tularcitos,  to  Higuera  1821;  Buri-buri,  to  Sanchez  (re-grant  1835)  1827; 
Llano  del  Abrevadero,  to  Higuera  (?)  1822. 

Abel  Stearns  obtained  a  grant  on  the  San  Joaquin  in  1830,  but  not  the 
necessary  confirmation  by  the  diputacion,  nor  did  he  occupy  the  lands.  Ley. 
/tec.,  MS.,  i.  323-7. 

™Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  121;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxi.  3.  In 
Oct.  1827  owners  of  lands  had  been  also  called  upon  for  similar  information. 
Olvera,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  The  right  of  a  presidial  commandant  to  grant 
lands  was  denied  in  the  case  of  Willis' application  for  Bolbones  in  1828.  chap, 
xxvi.  Duhaut-Cilly  in  1827,  Viaggio,  ii.  99,  120-1,  noted  the  evils  resulting 
from  the  .uncertain  titles  to  property.  While  two  men  were  engaged  in  liti- 


MANUFACTURES  AND  LABOR.  665 

known,  except  that  they  probably  caused  the  new 
petitions  and  re-granting  of  old  ranches  already  al 
luded  to.  Nothing  like  absolute  ownership  of  land 
by  individuals  was  yet  recognized  by  the  govern 
ment;  and  even  under  the  new  regulations  very  few 
persons  took  steps  in  later  years  to  acquire  perfect 
titles.  I  find  nothing  in  the  records  of  this  decade 
which  throws  any  light  on  the  granting  of  pueblo 
lands  or  house-lots,  except  some  indications  that  at 
San  Diego  lots  were  given  without  written  titles.26 

Manufacturing  industry  received  no  fresh  impulse 
but  rather  suffered  a  decline.  As  before,  coarse  woollen 
fabrics  were  woven  at  the  missions;  hides  were  tanned 
for  shoes,  sacks,  arid  rude  saddles;  soap  was  made  in 
considerable  quantities;  and  a  variety  of  necessary 
articles  of  wood,  iron,  or  leather  were  produced  by 
native  or  foreign  workmen.  San  Gabriel,  Santa  Ba"r- 
bara,  San  Luis  Rey,  and  in  the  earlier  years  of  the 
decade  San  Luis  Obispo  were  most  noted  for  their 
various  industries;  but  there  is  no  information  extant 
respecting  what  was  accomplished  at  any  of  the  estab 
lishments  ;  and  we  only  know  from  an  occasional  refer 
ence  in  an  official  report,  or  the  notes  of  a  traveller,  or 
in  accounts  of  supplies  furnished,  that  the  work  of 
earlier  periods  was  still  continued  in  the  mission  work 
shops.  Laborers  of  all  kinds  were  still  for  the  most 
part  Indians  hired  from  the  missions  or  from  the 

f  entile  rancherias.     Doubtless  in  some  instances  the 
ndians  were  compelled  to  work  for  nothing,  but  the 
authorities  made  some  efforts  to  prevent  such  abuses.27 

gation  about  a  piece  of  land  it  was  granted  by  the  governor  to  a  third  party. 
Beechey,  Voyage,  ii.  11,  says  that  retired  soldiers  were  no  longer  given  land 
in  the  pueblos  as  formerly,  but  only  allowed  the  use  of  it.  July  5,  1825,  the 
guardian  of  S.  Fernando  to  Minister  Alaman,  says  '  the  settlers  unfortunately 
are  so  indolent  and  slack  in  their  labors  that  generally  they  do  not  eat  unless 
the  Indians  do  the  work.'  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  146.  May  19,  1829, 
Echeandia  reports  that  there  is  no  apparent  hope  of  the  settlers  doing  more 
than  to  earn  a  bare  living.  Dept.  J?ec.,  MS.,  vii.  15. 

26  Applications  of  Bandini,  Estudillo,  and  Arguello  in  1849-50  for  titles  to 
lots  on  which  they  had  lived  since  the  'old  times'  before  1830,  when  'grants  of 
that  class  were  made  verbally.'  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  8. 

27  There  are  no  items  or  references  of  value  on  manufactures;  but  the  fol- 


666  INSTITUTIONAEY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

Missionary  reports  in  1822  were  to  the  effect  that 
no  mines  had  been  found  in  California,  except  the 
Ortega  silver  mine  on  the  rancho  San  Isidro,  which 
had  been  several  times  worked  with  unknown  results; 
though  there  were  rumors  and  'dreams'  of  metallic 
veins  in  a  rock  on  the  coast,  five  leagues  from  Puri- 
sima;  the  miner,  Pedro  Posadas,  had  been  prospect 
ing  about  San  Luis  Hey  without  success  so  far  as 
could  be  known;  and  travellers  had  declared  there 
must  be  metals  in  the  mountains  around  San  Luis 
Obispo.28  Padre  Amoros  in  1822,  like  the  rest,  said 
there  were  no  mines  near  his  mission  of  San  Rafael; 
but  the  next  year  he  expressed  to  Argtiello  his  opinion 
that  the  Russians  in  a  recent  expedition  from  Bodega 
inland  had  discovered  a  silver  mine,  urging  this  as  a 
reason  why  the  Spaniards  should  make  every  exertion 

lowing  on  labor  may  be  worth  preserving:  In  1828,  only  one  slave  in  the 
territory,  a  woman  who  came  with  her  mistress  in  1825.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
35.  Circular  sent  out  asking  the  number  of  slaves.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref. 
y  Juzg.,  MS.,  i.  41.  Oct.  23,  1829,  Echeandia  blames  the  comandante  of 
Monterey  because  Indians  captured  by  the  troops  have  been  distributed 
among  the  people  as  servants.  Such  Indians  must  be  sent  to  the  missions. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  179,  241.  White  men  do  no  work  but  to  care  for  cattle 
or  sheep;  for  tilling  the  ground  they  pay  the  padres  for  Indians  whom  they 
use  as  slaves.  Duhaut-Cilly.  Viagyio,  ii.  124.  In  1821,  neophytes  supplied 
by  missions  for  rebuilding  Monterey  were  charged  at  the  rate  of  from  1.5  to 
4  reals  per  day,  including  the  use  of  tools.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  i.  51. 
In  1826  Zalvidea  tells  the  governor  he  will  make  no  charge  for  four  Indians 
of  his  mission,  since  it  appears  they  are  expected  to  work  on  the  presidio  for 
patriotism;  but  he  complains  that  for  workmen  who  get  no  pay  they  are  very 
scantily  fed.  Id.,  v.  pt.  i.  25-6.  A  neophyte  carpenter  applies  to  the  governor 
for  permission  to  leave  S.  Diego  mission  and  go  elsewhere  to  ply  his  trade. 
The  padres  were  ordered  to  report  on  his  civil  and  religious  conduct.  Id.,  v.  pt. 
i.  3.  In  1823,  Tapis  tells  Mulligan  that  neophytes  are  much  opposed  to  work 
ing  away  from  their  missions.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxviii.  297.  In 
1826  David  Spence  says  to  Hartnell  'everybody  has  Indians  at  his  command,' 
and  he  wants  some.  Id.,  xxix.  30.  1828,  Mclntosh  says  to  Cooper  that  Indian 
wages  are  $4  per  month.  Id.,  242.  June  15,  1826,  Echeandia  permits  the 
settlers  of  San  Jose"  to  go  and  'induce'  the  gentiles  of  the  Tulares  to  come  in 
and  work;  but  their  morals  and  conduct  must  be  looked  after.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  i.  146. 

**Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  279,  317;  vi.  198;  ix.  116-17.  December  25, 
1820,  the  governor  writes  to  Garcia  Conde  that  mines  are  lying  unworked 
for  want  of  speculators,  referring  chiefly  to  Lower  California.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  vi.  26.  The  first  expedition  to  explore  the  Sonoma  region  in  July  1823 
found  what  they  deemed  lime  between  Sonoma  and  Napa.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
iv.  pt.  ii.  40.  Mexican  law  of  October  7,  1823,  allowing  foreigners  to  own 
mines.  Schmidt's  Civil  Laws  of  Spain  and  Mex.,  337-9.  Brief  mention  of 
gold  dust  washed  out  at  S.  Isidro,  S.  Diego  Co.,  in  1828.  Hayes'  Scraps 
Mining,  v.  3. 


MINING  AND  AGRICULTURE.  667 

to  explore  and  hold  that  country.  The  fact,  however, 
that  the  padre  wanted  some  men  at  the  time  for  an 
expedition  after  converts  and  runaways,  may  have 
had  much  influence  on  his  opinion.29  Near  Monterey 
an  event  occurred  which  at  the  least  seems  to  have 
served  as  the  foundation  of  a  mining  tradition  in  later 
years.  About  1825  one  Romero  and  his  wife  found 
rich  silver-bearing  rock  near  a  warm  spring  in  the 
mountains  back  of  Carmelo  Valley,  to  which  they  had 
been  directed  by  Indians  as  a  cure  for  the  woman's 
rheumatism.  The  man  died  while  on  his  way  south 
to  obtain  miners;  but  Maria  Romero,  with  the  aid 
of  her  children,  worked  the  mine  secretly  on  a  small 
scale,  and  occasionally  sold  small  bars  of  silver  mixed 
with  lead  to  Captain  Cooper  and  others.  David 
Spence  is  cited  as  authority  for  this  story,  which  was 
mentioned  as  early  as  1860,  and  was  published  in  the 
newspapers  of  1872  in  connection  with  the  alleged  re 
discovery  of  the  mine.30 

Agricultural  statistics  are  attainable  only  for  the 
missions,  and  with  general  deductions  have  been  given 
earlier  in  this  chapter.  The  average  crops  and  the 
average  percentage  of  yield  had  largely  decreased 
since  the  last  decade.  The  crop  of  1821  had  been 
the  largest,  and  that  of  1829  the  smallest  ever  har 
vested,  though  in  the  latter  year  there  are  no  special 
complaints  of  drought,  and  in  the  former  rains  were 
reported  as  scanty.  The  amount  of  agricultural  prod 
ucts  raised — chiefly  for  home  consumption — at  pueblos 
and  ranch  os  must  have  been  large  in  the  aggregate, 
but  we  have  no  statistics  on  the  subject.  In  the  way 
of  pests  not  much  is  heard  at  this  time  of  the  clia- 
huistli,  or  rust;  but  locusts  and  squirrels  were  trouble 
some  almost  everywhere,  and  mustard  in  many  places. 
There  are  no  indications  that  irrigating  works  had 

29 Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  84-5. 

30  S.  Francisco  Herald,  May  4,  1860;  Castroville  -Argus,  Aug.  17,  31,  1872; 
Monterey  Democrat;  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel. 


668  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

been  extended,  but  rather  the  contrary.  The  terri 
torial  government  did  nothing  for  agricultural  devel 
opment  beyond  issuing  now  and  then  a  law  against 
kindling  fires  in  the  fields.  For  crops  other  than  of 
grain  we  have  no  figures;  but  vines  and  olives  are 
constantly  referred  to  as  yielding  abundantly  from 
San  Diego  to  San  Buenaventura,  and  the  vines  also, 
only  a  little  less  abundantly,  up  to  San  Jose.  A 
small  quantity  of  oil  was  pressed  from  the  olives, 
while  the  grapes  yielded  large  quantities  of  wine  and 
brandy.31 

Stock-raising  was  by  far  the  most  prosperous  in 
dustry  of  the  country,  being  the  one  which  almost 
exclusively  supported  the  territorial  commerce.  As 
in  the  case  of  agriculture  figures  are  confined  to  the 
missions,  and  have  already  been  presented;  but  the 
rancheros  also  depended  chiefly  for  a  living  on  their 
sales  of  hides  and  tallow,  and  approximated  more 
nearly  in  this  than  any  other  branch  of  industry  to 
mission  enterprise  and  success.32  Sheep-raising  was 
not  prosperous  except  at  two  or  three  of  the  larger 
missions;  since  there  was  no  exportation  of  wool, 
mutton  was  but  rarely  used  for  food,  and  the  number 
of  neophytes  to  be  clothed  was  constantly  diminish 
ing.33  Horses  were  still  kept  limited  by  slaughter  to 
the  numbers  deemed  necessary  for  the  various  uses 
of  the  inhabitants,  because  when  allowed  to  become 
wild  they  interfered  seriously  with  the  more  profit 
able  raising  of  cattle.34  The  importance  of  the  trade 

31  Tithes  on  grapes  in  one  year  amounted  to  430,000  (?)lbs  of  brandy,  of 
which  half  went  to  A vila  for  manufacture  according  to  his  contract.  St.  Pap. , 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  27.     The  raising  of  hemp  had  long  been  abandoned,  though  in 
1825  there  were  inquiries  from  Mexico  for  that  article.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
264;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  v.  27-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  9. 

32  Duhaut-Cilly,    Viaggio,  ii.   145,  states  that  private  individuals  owned 
28,000  head  of  cattle  in  1827;  but  there  is  no  data  for  an  accurate  estimate, 
even  the  tithe  and  tax  accounts  being  exceedingly  fragmentary.     Beechey, 
Voyage,  ii.   15,  tells  us  that  a  Monterey  merchant  paid  $36,000  in  one  year  to 
a  mission  for  its  hides,  tallow,  and  Indian  labor. 

33  In  1821  the  missions  from  Purisima  northward  were  called  upon  to  con 
tribute  2,000  sheep  for  S.  Rafael,  giving  from  100  to  250  each.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  iv.  pt.  i.  63-4. 

34  On  this  slaughter  of  horses,  no  statistics  being  given,  see  Los  Angeles, 


HIDES  AND  TALLOW.  669 

in  hides  and  tallow  turned  the  attention  of  the  gov 
ernment  to  the  regulation  of  cattle-raising,  with  a 
view  especially  to  revenue  purposes  and  also  to  the 
preservation  of  order  and  the  protection  of  individual 
rights.  I"  give  a  resume  of  such  regulations  in  a 
note.35 

Commercial   and   maritime  affairs  have  formed  a 

Hist.,  9;  Bandini,Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  6;  StaClara,  Arch.  Parroquia,  MS., 
58-63;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Viaggio,  ii.  146,  201-2.  The  French  voyager  carried  a 
lot  of  horses  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

**Ref)lamento  sobre  Ganados,  1827,  MS.,  action  of  the  diputacion  in  sessions 
of  July  31st  to  Sept.  12th,  in  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  73-86.  (Art.  1-2.)  Before  the 
end  of  the  year  padres  must  report  on  the  mission  lands  and  boundaries  both 
to  the  governor  and  to  the  comandante  of  Monterey  and  revenue  officers. 
(3.)  Ayuntamientos  and  owners  of  sitios  must  also  report  on  their  lands  and 
titles.  (4.)  An  impression  of  the  brand  on  a  sheet  of  paper  with  a  statement 
of  the  number  of  cattle  must  also  be  presented.  (5.)  In  future  only  missions 
and  those  who  own  sitios  shall  brand  (also  those  who  have  at  least  150  cows?); 
others  will  use  the  marca  and  serial.  (6. )  At  Los  Angeles,  S.  Jose',  and  Bran- 
ciforte  those  who  have  150  cows  will  be  given  a  sitio  outside  the  town  where 
they  may  have  a  corral;  those  having  less  must  collect  them  in  the  community 
corral.  (7.)  Branding  is  permitted  in  the  south  only  from  March  to  May; 
and  in  the  north  from  July  to  September.  (8.)  No  one  shall  brand  or  mark 
without  giving  previous  notice  to  his  neighbors;  but  in  pueblos  only  the  juez 
de  campo  and  two  citizens  need  be  present.  (9.)  No  majordomo  or  other 
attache  of  missions  or  ranches  shall  mark  cattle  without  the  consent  of  the 
owner  and  knowledge  of  neighbors.  (10.)  No  one  can  use  clipped  or  pointed 
ears  as  a  mark.  (11.)  There  must  be  a  weekly  rodeo  of  all  cattle.  The  juez 
de  campo  to  be  present  and  the  interested  parties.  (12.)  No  one  shall  kill 
cattle  (for  food)  in  the  fields;  and  they  shall  be  tied  up  for  slaughter  (man- 
cornar?)  only  after  the  weekly  rodeo.  (13.)  In  no  rancho  shall  there  be  false 
corrals  or  hunting  of  stock  without  a  uniting  of  all  the  neighbors  and  a  shar 
ing  of  the  cattle  taken;  subsequently  wild  stock  may  be  hunted  and  branded 
for  a  year,  and  after  that  time  will  belong  to  the  municipal  funds.  In  pue 
blos  it  will  be  divided  among  the  different  owners.  (14.)  Yearly  stock  men 
will  proceed  to  make  false  corrals  for  the  slaughter  of  wild  horses.  In  the 
pueblos  all  the  citizens  will  do  it  in  presence  of  the  juez  de  campo.  (15.)  In 
Angeles,  S.  Jos4,  and  Branciforte  no  person  may  have  more  than  a  band  of  40 
mares,  which  number  the  ayuntamiento  may  reduce  still  lower.  (16.)  On  the 
ranches  hides  and  tallow  can  only  be  bought  of  the  owner,  who  will  give  the 
buyer  a  certificate  to  be  presented  to  the  justice.  In  pueblos  the  buyer  will 
notify  the  alcalde  who  will  give  him  a  papeleta.  (17.)  No  one  shall  use  a 
horse  without  the  owner's  permission.  (18.)  No  one  may  make  a  fire  in  the 
fields,  and  he  who  is  obliged  to  strike  a  light  must  carefully  extinguish  it  be 
fore  departing.  (19-20.)  No  one  may  leave  his  place  of  residence  without  a 
pass.  These  regulations  were  also  issued  by  the  governor  as  an  edict  on  Oct. 
7th.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Mont. ,  MS. ,  i.  15-17.  July  22, 1829,  the  governor  is  asked 
for  instructions  about  the  wild  cattle  belonging  to  the  propios  y  arbitrios  ac 
cording  to  Art.  13  of  the  reglamento.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas., 
MS.,  i.  49-55.  Aug.  17,  1830,  Zamorano  by  Echeandia's  order  notifies  ran- 
cheros  to  be  ready  for  a  visit  of  inspection  from  Raimundo  Estrada  as  the  gov 
ernor's  comisionado,  with  two  associates,  the  inspection  to  begin  at  S.  Caye- 
tanoon  Aug.  12th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxi.  4-5.  For  details 
on  the  brands  of  different  missions  and  individuals,  see  Register  of  Brands, 
MS.,  48-53;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  50;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  xxix. 
157. 


670  INSTITUTION ARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

prominent  historical  topic  in  this  as  they  will  also  in 
later  periods;  and  all  that  can  be  known  of  trading 
statistics  and  regulations  has  been  presented  already, 
or  will  be,  in  chronologic  order,  needing  no  repetition 
save  in  the  briefest  resume  here.36  Nine  or  ten  trad 
ing  craft  before  1826,  and  later  twice  as  many,  came 
to  the  coast  each  year  laden  with  goods  to  be  exchanged 
for  hides  and  tallow.  The  market  thus  formed  for 
Californian  products  was  the  basis  for  all  of  prosper 
ity  that  the  territory  enjoyed  during  the  decade. 
Revenue  from  duties  for  the  support  of  the  govern 
ment  and  army  amounted,  as  recorded,  to  from  $10,000 
to  $30,000  annually;  but  the  records  are  fragmentary, 
and  despite  contraband  entries  the  receipts  must  have 
been  I  think  three  times  as  large  as  the  amounts  men 
tioned.  At  first  in  spite  of  Spanish  laws  all  the  ports 
were  open  to  foreign  vessels;  and  even  later,  under 
imperial  and  republican  rule,  restrictions  were  largely 
disregarded  by  the  authorities;  but  gradually,  as  the 
excessive  duties  caused  smuggling  to  revive,  it  was 
necessary  for  self-protection  and  in  obedience  to  Mexi 
can  orders  to  partially  enforce  the  laws.  The  way- 
ports  and  embarcaderos  were  closed,  and  even  Santa 
Barbara  and  San  Francisco;  and  in  the  last  years 
obedience  to  restrictive  measures  was  sometimes  in 
sisted  on,  though  subordinate  officials  were  as  a  rule 
under  the  control  of  traders,  and  even  the  governor 
could  be  brought  to  terms  by  a  threat  to  leave  the 
coast  with  a  fine  cargo.  A  colony  of  foreign  traders, 
headed  by  such  men  as  Hartnell,  Cooper,  Gale,  and 
Spence,  now  controlled  the  commerce  of  the  coast; 
and  the  peculiar  system  of  hide  and  tallow  trade  did 
not  vary  materially  from  1823  to  1846.37 

Financial  administration  in  California  for  this  dec 
ade,  with  particular  reference  to  the  complications 

36  For  commercial  annals  of  1821-30,  see  chap,  xx.-xxiii.;  and  chap.  i.  v.  of 
vol.  iii. 

37 1  append  a  list  of  current  prices  for  this  period,  the  different  items  being 
taken  from  a  great  number  of  original  invoices  and  bills  on  file  in  my  col- 


FINANCES.  671 

growing  out  of  the  subject  in  1826-30,  is  fully  treated 
elsewhere;38  of  the  administration  in  Mexico  there  is 
nothing  to  be  said  beyond  noting  the  fact  that  Ger- 
vasio  Arguello  retained  the  office  of  habilitado  gen 
eral  at  Guadalajara,  drawing  his  salary,  or  enough  of 
it  to  keep  alive,  as  lieutenant  of  the  San  Diego  com 
pany,  but  performing  so  far  as  the  records  show  not 
a  single  act  in  connection  with  the  furnishing  of  sup 
plies  for  California;  and  the  usual  statistics  of  pre- 
sidial  finance,  or  such  fragments  thereof  as  are  extant, 
have  been  given  in  connection  with  local  annals.  Both 
in  Mexico  and  in  California  the  old  forms  of  yearly 
estimates,  adjustment  of  accounts,  retentions  and  dis 
counts  for  the  various  military  fondos,  and  others 
reminiscent  of  the  old  Spanish  system  were  still  kept 
up  to  a  certain  extent;  but  mainly  for  show  as  it 
would  seem,  since  of  the  fragmentary  accounts  extant 
many  are  wholly  unintelligible,  and  some  certainly 
deal  with  amounts  and  payments  that  were  purely 
imaginary.  There  are  no  data  for  general  conclusions, 
but  I  append  a  few  items  of  more  or  less  interest  and 
importance.39 

lection:  Cloths,  per  yard,  Amer.  cotton,  15-16  cts.;  striped  cotton,  62  cts.; 
ticking,  $1;  canvas,  $1;  Manta,  70  cts.-$2.30;  chintz,  75  cts.-$1.25;  red 
flannel,  £2.25;  paiio— woollen  stuffs  for  men's  clothing— $2. 25-$9. 00;  Cuzco 
cloth,  $1.50-$2.00.  Articles  of  clothing:  Hats,  $l-$6;  socks,  $3.75-$15  per 
doz.;  shoes,  $1.50;  mission  blankets,  $1.25-$1.50;  scrapes,  $4.50;  handker 
chiefs,  25-50  cts.;  muslin  dresses,  $5;  rebozos,  $32  doz. ;  shirts,  37  cts.  to 
$2.50.  Articles  of  food,  and  groceries:  Corn,  $1.50-$1.75  per  fan;  wheat,  $2- 
$3;  beans,  $1.50-$2.50;  barley,  $1.50-$2.00;  pulse,  $1.75;  pease,  $3-$7; 
onions,  10  cts.  per  Ib. ;  salt,  $2  per  fan.;  sugar,  24-32  cts.;  rice,  12-16  cts.; 
cocoa,  36-7  cts.;  coffee,  15  cts.;  cinnamon,  $6  Ib.;  lard,  $6-$16  per  cwt.; 
tallow,  $6-$12  cwt. ;  flour,  $6-$8  cwt. ;  dried  beef,  $4-$6  cwt.  Cattle:  75  cts. 
to  $8  each;  horses,  $4-$20,  $40-$50  for  pacers  and  racers;  sheep,  50  cts.  to 
$1.50.  Rum.  $1.75  gal.;  gin,  $1.75,  brandy,  $3;  wine,  60  cts.  to  $2.50. 
Timber,  $90  per  M.  Plow-points,  $2;  sickles,  $1.50;  axes,  $2;  picks,  $2; 
spades,  $2;  knives  and  forks,  $4  doz.;  combs,  8  cts.  Plates,  $2.25  doz.; 
cups  and  saucers,  $12;  iron  pots,  $2.50;  leather,  $2.50  per  hide;  hides,  90  cts. 
to  $2;  saddles,  $9;  aparejos,  $5;  wax  candles,  $1.50-$3.75  Ibs.;  tobacco,  75 
cts. -$1.40  Ib.;  gunpowder,  40  cts.  Ib.,  $8-$10  per  keg.  Rope  for  haliards, 
15-16  cts.  Ib.;  steel,  $9.50  per  arroba;  iron,  $12  cwt.;  sheet  iron,  $6;  shot, 
$24  cwt.;  nails,  15-36  cts.  Ib.  Writing  paper,  $4.25-$16  ream;  sealing-wax, 
$2  Ib. 

38  See  Hist.  CaL,  chap.  iii.  of  vol.  iii.,  this  series. 

39  Dec.   1822,  California  assessed  $11,139  for  1823  to  aid  in  covering  a 
deficit  of  $6,000,000  in  national  budget.  Sup.  Govt.,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  1.     Re 
mitted  to  California  in  1825:  $22,000  in  silver,  $22,379  in  goods,  and  $12,000 


672  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

The  military  force  in  California  at  the  end  of  the 
decade  was  less  than  400  men  in  active  service,  includ 
ing  some  20  commissioned  officers.  The  presidial 
cavalry  companies  numbered  about  220  men;  the 
Mazatecos,  50;  the  artillery,  40;  and  the  San  Bias 

through  the  comisaria  of  the  west.  Mexico,  Mem.  Relaciones,  1826,  32.  Nov. 
21,  1827,  decree  on  a  future  loan,  part  of  which  will  go  to  pay  the  troops  of 
California  and  other  states.  Sup.  Govt.,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  8.  May  1828, 
congress  decrees  for  Cal.  $140,940,  of  which  $12,860  for  the  plana  mayor,  and 
the  rest  to  be  divided  among  the  presidios  including  Loreto.  Id.,  iv.  3-4. 
1828,  one  eighth  of  customs  receipts  devoted  to  payment  of  foreign  debt. 
Arrillafja,  Recop.,  1828,  242-7.  1828-9,  'gastos  generates  de  relaciones'(?)  for 
Californias,  $18,145.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1830,  doc.  37;  and  many  other 
similar  entries  for  different  years,  but  especially  1829,  being  partial  accounts 
of  transactions  in  California,  some  of  them  intelligible  and  others  not,  in  the 
annual  reports  of  the  different  national  departments.  1829-30,  president 
exempts  California  soldiers  from  certain  discounts  on  their  pay.  Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  1831,  48.  The  discount  had  been  ordered  Aug.  17,  1829.  Id.,  24-36. 
1830-1,  secretary  of  treasury  asked  congress  to  authorize  estimated  expense 
of  $131,440  for  six  cavalry  companies,  and  $5,890  for  expense  of  two  mail 
schooners.  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1830,  annex  B.  C.  Revenue  tax  of  5  and 
10  per  cent  on  incomes,  in  all  Mexican  territory.  Sup.  Govt.,  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  10;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  ii.  6;  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS., 
xi.  112-13.  No  such  tax  was  ever  paid  in  Cal.  Tobacco  account:  California 
owed  federal  treasury  for  tobacco  received  in  first  eight  months  of  1825  $23,863. 
Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1826,  doc.,  9,  25.  Oct.  23,  1826,  $100,000  worth  to 
be  sent,  and  none  must  be  introduced  from  other  sources.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  47.  Two  hundred  and  ten  tercios  of  leaf -tobacco 
and  230  boxes  of  cigarettes  arrived  on  the  Gen.  Bravo.  Id.,  60-1.  Complaints 
in  1827-8  of  the  bad  quality  of  the  tobacco  thus  received.  Soldiers  took  it  at 
12  reals  and  were  glad  to  sell  it  for  four.  Id.,  71,  104-5.  Habilitado  accounts 
etc.:  1825,  due  artillery  company  since  1822,  $50,148.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil,  MS.,  Ivii.  7-8.  S.  Bias  company  paid  up  on  Dec.  31,1826,  $2,856.  Id., 
lix.  19.  Monthly  pay-roll  of  artillery,  1827-30,  about  $725;  of  S.  Bias  com 
pany,  about  $460;  of  Mazatlan  company,  about  $850;  and  of  four  presidial 
companies,  about  $1,500  each.  Id.,  passim.  Habilitado  Estrada's  accounts 
of  payments  to  troops  1820-7;  total,  $50,894.  Id.,  Ixviii.  3.  1828,  estimate 
of  cost  for  six  months:  Gefatura  and  comisaria,  $2,540;  engineers,  $500;  artil 
lery,  $4,693;  S.  Bias  company,  $3,653;  presidial  companies,  $36,611;  Mazatlan 
company,  $5,838;  total,  $53,835.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  2-6.  Statement  of 
Echeandia:  Total  receipts  in  1828,  $24,503;  payments,  $31,384.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixx.  16-22.  1829,  his  estimate  of  yearly  expense,  $123,000. 
Id.,  21.  The  habilitados  were  tax-collectors  and  revenue  officers  during  a 
large  part  of  the  decade.  They  received  5  per  cent  on  all  sums  collected 
after  the  beginning  of  1823.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  53;  and  many 
other  references.  The  missions  had  to  pay  10  per  cent  on  crops  and  increase 
of  cattle;  6  or  12  per  cent  on  exports;  and  12.5  cents  on  each  animal  slaugh 
tered.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  iv.  pt.  ii.  11-12;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  75,  323;  Vallejo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xvii.  89;  xviii.  79,  91,  97-8,  311,  318;  xix.  123,  137-8, 
147-8.  The  amount  of  mission  tax  at  S.  Francisco  in  1824  and  1828,  about 
$3,400.  There  are  numerous  orders  requiring  the  payment  of  tithes  through 
out  the  decade;  but  no  statistics.  1828,  account  of  J.  B.  Alvarado  of  receipts 
and  expenditures  of  municipal  funds  for  the  six  districts,  except  S.  Jose  and 
S.  Francisco.  Receipts,  $3.388;  expenditures,  $1,637;  balance  on  hand,  $1 ,751. 
This  revenue  was  from  liquor  duties,  fines,  and  tax  on  wood  and  timber; 
expenses  included  salaries  of  secretaries  of  diputacion  and  ayuntamientos,  and 
cost  of  schools.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  47;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  76. 


MILITARY.  673 

infantry,  40.  There  were  also  about  60  invalids.40 
The  decline  was  very  marked  in  the  last  two  years, 
and  was  perhaps  even  greater  in  the  San  Bias  and 
Mazatlan  companies  than  I  have  indicated  above,  as 
the  records  are  far  from  being  satisfactory.  The  fall- 
ing-off  of  the  force  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  soldiers 
were  unable  to  get  their  pay,  and  could  get  a  better 
living  more  easily  by  working  on  theranchos.  There 
were  occasional  calls  for  recruits,  and  some  were  doubt 
less  obtained;  but  I  find  no  statistical  record  of  re 
sults.41 

Complaints  from  the  comandante  general  and  other 
territorial  authorities  respecting  the  insufficiency  of 
force  and  armament  were  frequent,  as  were  suggestions 
and  demands  for  reform.42  The  national  government, 

40  The  sum  of  the  figures  I  have  given  for  the  different  presidios  is  417, 
including  invalids,  chapters  xxiv-vii.  In  an  estimate  of  expenses  for  1828, 
the  total  of  military  force  is  given  at  about  460.  Dept.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  vi.  2-6.  The 
force  of  the  presidial  companies  was  given  by  Echeandia  as  271  in  1826.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  42;  and  as  263  in  1827.  Sta  Clara,  Parroq.,  MS.,  56.  The  ar 
tillery  is  given  as  30  and  25  in  1835;  45  in  1827;  46,  43,  42,  in  1828;  59  in 
1829;  49,  44,  in  1830.  The  S.  Bias  company,  56  in  1823;  40  in  1825;  37,  40, 
in  1826;  41  in  1827-8;  39,  20,  23,  in  1829;  and  23  in  1830.  The  Mazatlan 
company,  90  in  1825;  68  in  1826;  67  in  1827;  50  in  1829;  and  37  in  1830. 
Dept.  St.  Pap..  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  passim;  Dept.  Rec.y  MS.,  i.  6-7;  vii.  7;  Dept. 
St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS. ,  i.  13;  Sta  Clara,  Parroq. ,  MS.,  56.  State 
ment  of  mission  escoltas;  one  corporal,  and  from  two  to  five  cavalry  men  in 
each,  besides  a  detachment  of  infantry  at  S.  Fernando  and  S.  Buenaventura. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  228-60.  1828,  Bandini  says  each  presidio  had  100 
cavalry  besides  infantry  and  artillery.  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  8.. 

1829,  general  statement  without  figures.  St.    Pap.  Sac.,   MS.,  xix.   43-5. 

1830,  total  force,  422,  cavalry  in  the  two  Calif ornias  costing  $13 1,000.  Mexico, 
Mem.  Guerra,  1830,  annex,  1-3.    List  of  commissioned  and  non-commissioned 
officers  of  the  presidial  companies  in  1824.  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  5. 
1830,  the  total  armament  was  54  cannon,  3  of  24  Ib.  calibre,  2  of  12  Ibs.,  18 
of  8  Ibs.,  19  of  6  Ibs.,  11  of  4  Ibs.,  and  1  of  3  Ibs.;  23  brass  and  31  iron;  all 
but  the  brass  four-pounder  out  of  order.  Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixii. 
24. 

11  Jan.  1824,  Gov.  Argiiello  calls  for  25  recruits  from  Los  Angeles  and  Sta 
Barbara;  volunteers  if  possible;  otherwise,  available  vagrants;  and  as  a  last 
resort  unmarried  men  to  be  drawn  by  lot.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  liv.  6. 

42 1821,  Gov.  Sola  has  taken  steps  to  improve  defences.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  iv.  69.  1822,  Argiiello  calls  for 400  carbines,  sabres,  and  cartridge- 
boxes.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  3.  In  Jan.  1824  a  junta  decided  to  make  the  pre 
sidial  companies  70  and  76  men  rank  and  file.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
xxviii.  61.  In  the  same  month  the  diputacion  resolved  that  a  person  be 
appointed  to  report  on  all  vagrants  and  evil-disposed  persons,  that  the  same 
might  be  set  to  work  at  18  cents  per  day  on  the  fortifications.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
S.  Jose,  MS.,  iv.  15-16;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  23-4.  If  vagrants  did  not  suffice, 
neophytes  were  to  be  hired.  Feb.  6,  1824,  Argiiello  tells  minister  of  war  that 
he  has  been  obliged  to  muster  out  the  two  auxiliary  companies  (S.  Bias  and 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  43 


674  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

however,  did  nothing  more  effective  than  to  pass  the 
law  of  May  8,  1828,  which  provided  that  each  com 
pany  should  have  four  officers  and  seventy-six  men  at 
an  annual  cost  of  §22,740;  granted  the  services  of  an 
adjutant  inspector,  and  made  some  other  slight  modi 
fications.  Save  the  coming  of  an  inspector,  nothing 
seems  to  have  been  done  before  1830  as  a  result  of 
this  law.43 

The  comandante  general  of  all  the  troops  was  Gov 
ernor  Sola  until  1822,  Argiiello  in  1822-5,  and 
Echeandia  in  1825-30;  while  Captain  Jose  Maria 
Padres  came  as  adjutant-inspector  in  1830.  Lieuten 
ant  Jose  Ramirez  commanded  the  artillery  detachment, 
known  as  Company  Five  of  its  regiment,  until  1825; 
Captain  Miguel  Gonzalez  in  1825—8,  and  Alferez  Jose 
Fernandez  del  Campo  in  1828-30.  There  are  many 
references  to  the  militia,  both  artillery  and  other 
branches ;  but  they  reveal  little  or  nothing  respecting 
the  organization  of  such  forces.  Probably  there  was 
in  reality  no  such  organization  beyond  the  general 
understanding  that  the  citizens  of  each  district  were 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  service  in  case  of 


Mazaltan),  and  to  retire  provisionally  some  soldiers  of  the  presidial  companies. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  214.  It  would  seem  that  there  must  be  some  mistake 
about  the  disbanding.  Feb.  1826,  Echeandia  has  asked  for  150  men  from 
Sonora  to  resist  the  Bourbons  who  secretly  attack  independence,  also  for  a 
chaplain.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  26-7.  Jan.  1827,  Echeandia  asks  that  the 
Mazaltan  and  S.  Bias  companies  be  recalled,  and  two  companies  of  regulars 
be  sent  in  their  place.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  123,  126.  Sept.  1829,  Echeandia 
complains  that  there  are  no  presidios  in  the  territory — only  squares  contain 
ing  adobe  huts  in  a  state  of  ruin.  Id.,  vii.  39.  Feb.  1830,  the  diputacion 
agreed  to  advise  the  government  that  the  troops  should  be  of  better  character 
and  better  discipline.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  iv.  88. 

43  May  8,  1828,  decree  forming  six  companies  for  the  Californias.  Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  1828, ^  118-21;  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  3-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S. 
Jose,  MS.,  iii.  49-51.  March  21,  1822,  decree  granting  an  allowance  of  extra 
time,  11  years  and  11  days,  from  Sept.  16,  1810,  to  Sept.  27.  1821,  to  all  offi 
cers  and  men  who  accepted  the  independence.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. , 
liii.  88.  This  addition  was  made  in  many  instances  in  California.  March  20, 
1826,  director  general  of  artillery  wants  a  topographical  plan  of  every  fortified 
place,  so  that  the  government  may  know  the  advantages  of  those  California!! 
'antemurales  de  la  defensa  de  la  Republica.'  Id.,  Ivii.  17.  April  1828,  in  a 
distribution  of  24,000  muskets,  California  with  one  deputy  and  80,000  inhabi 
tants  gets  320.  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  3.  Nov.  1828,  some  cavalry 
troops  captured  by  Gen.  Anaya  to  be  sent  to  California.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  i.  94. 


GOVERNMENT.  675 

an  emergency.44  The  San  Bias  infantry  company  was 
commanded  by  Captain  Bernardo  Navarrete  until 
late  in  1822;  and  by  Lieutenant  Antonio  del  Valle 
during  the  rest  of  the  decade.  Alferez  Haro  retired, 
I  think,  from  the  military  service  soon  after  1824. 
This  company  was  not  deemed  useful  to  the  country, 
its  mustering-out  was  recommended,  and  in  1830  an 
order  was  issued  in  Mexico  to  merge  the  organization 
in  that  of  the  permanent  companies.45  Captain  Pablo 
de  la  Portilla  continued  in  command  of  the  Mazafclan 
company,  Lieutenant  Juan  Maria  Ibarra  being  still 
second,  and  Alferez  Ignacio  Delgado  third,  though 
he  perhaps  retired  from  active  service  before  1830, 
while  Lieutenant  Narciso  Fabreo^at  had  been  retired 

O 

by  reason  of  his  Spanish  birth.  In  1828  the  Mazatecos 
were  ordered  to  be  considered  in  the  reviews  as 
infantry,  though  originally  cavalry.  In  1829  Eche 
andia  was  ordered  to  send  them  to  Sonora;  but  they 
were  detained  on  account  of  the  Solis  revolt,  and 
finally  there  came  from  Mexico  an  order  for  the 
company  to  remain  in  California.46 

In  respect  of  practical  government;  California  as  a 
territory  of  the  Mexican  republic  under  a  gefe  politico 
did  not  differ  very  much  from  California  as  a  province 
of  Spain  under  a  governor.  The  authority  of  the 
ruler  was  substantially  the  same  under  the  Spanish 
constitution  of  1812  before  1825  as  under  the  federal 
constitution  of  1824  later.  His  military  powers  were 
theoretically  somewhat  abridged ;  but  even  these  were 

44  In  April  1828  the  general  Spanish  regulations  of  artillery  militia  were 
circulated.    Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  xxix.  132.     May  22,  1829,  Echean 
dia  reported  that  the  militia  was  as  thoroughly  organized  as  was  possible,  in 
five  companies;  though  it  had  cost  great  labor  to  teach  the  rules  to  the  500 
available  men.  De.pt.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  18. 

45  Feb.  11,  1830,  Minister  Facio  to  governor.  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.   2.     June  19,  1826,  complaints  of  Comandante  Martinez.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ivii.  11. 

46  March  22,  1828,  Echeandia's  orders  for  review.  Dept.  fiec.,MS.,\i.  194. 
The  rest  of  the  squadron  still  in  Sinaloa  in  1828.  fiiesr/o  and  Valdcs,  Mem. 
Esfadistica,  26-7.     May  20th,  Aug.  31,   1829,  Echeandia  to  Com.  Gen.  of 
Sonora.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  40-1.     March  2,  1830,  Minister  Facio  to 
Echeandia.  Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  5. 


C76  INSTITUTIONARY  AND  STATISTICAL. 

very  slightly  affected  in  practice.  The  plan  de  gob- 
ierno  served  locally  as  a  temporary  constitution  in 
1824.  The  efforts  of  California  to  follow  Mexico 
through  all  the  successive  phases  of  revolution,  re 
gency,  empire,  executive  power,  and  federalism  from 
1821  to  1825  are  described  in  the  chronological  annals; 
but  so  far  as  the  rights  of  any  individual  or  the  pre 
rogatives  of  any  official  were  concerned  there  was  no 
change  to  be  noticed.  A  territorial  diputacion  of 
seven  members  was  formed  by  the  election  of  half 
the  members  each  year,  and  acted  at  rare  and  irregu 
lar  intervals  as  a  kind  of  governor's  council  rather 
than  as  a  law-making  body,  having  really  no  power 
save  in  regulating  minor  matters  of  territorial  eco 
nomics.  California  was  entitled  to  a  representative  in 
congress  with  a  voice  but  no  vote;  but  there  is  no 
evidence  that  either  of  the  diputados  sent  before  1830, 
Sola,  Guerra,  and  Maitorena,  obtained  his  seat.  There 
was  a  law  of  May  6,  1822,  that  in  case  of  the  death 
of  a  gefe  politico  the  senior  vocal  of  the  diputacion 
should  take  his  place  temporarily;  but  this  law  was 
perhaps  not  known  in  California  before  1830.  The 
position  of  governor's  secretary  was  held  successively 
by  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  Francisco  de  Haro,  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo,  and  Agustin  V.  Zamorano.  Under 
the  republican  regime  Baja  California  was  attached 
to  the  same  jurisdiction,  but  was  again  detached  in 
1829-30. 

In  municipal  as  in  territorial  government  there  were 
no  radical  changes.  The  ayuntamientos  of  Los  An 
geles  and  San  Jose  were  somewhat  more  completely 
organized  than  before,  but  no  new  powers  or  methods 
were  introduced.  The  comisionados  at  the  pueblos 
were  deprived  of  some  of  their  former  authority  and 
finally  removed  altogether.  Ayuntamientos  were  also 
established  at  Monterey  and  Santa  Barbara,  where 
the  number  of  resident  civilians  required  such  a  civil 
power.  Frequently  recurring  elections  occupied  largely 
the  attention  of  citizens  and  required  the  circulation 


JUDICIAL  MATTERS.  677 

of  detailed  instructions  for  such  events,  besides  giving 
rise  to  irregularities  and  contests  which  resulted  in 
bulky  correspondence  if  nothing  more.  Many  items 
of  interest  in  connection  with  this  topic  of  municipal 
government  andayuntamiento  records  have  been  given 
in  local  annals  of  the  decade. 

Many  cases  illustrating  the  administration  of  justice 
have  also  been  given  in  connection  with  events  at  the 
different  pueblos  and  presidios,  including  crimes  and 
penalties.  There  was  no  change  in  system  or  methods 
as  compared  with  earlier  periods;  but  in  the  last  half 
of  the  decade  there  is  no  doubt  that  crimes  were  less 
promptly  and  effectually  punished  than  before.  This 
laxity  resulted  in  part  from  the  political  changes  which 
practically  isolated  California  from  the  influence  of 
other  than  territorial  authority;  but  chiefly  from  in 
ability  to  pay  the  troops,  which  of  course  rendered  it 
impossible  to  maintain  military  discipline.  Argtiello 
made  an  effort  to  enforce  a  strict  administration  of 
justice  in  1824;  but  Echeandia  was  no  disciplinarian, 
and  met  with  slight  success  in  stemming  the  tide  of 
lawlessness,  though  his  intentions  were  of  the  best. 
Many  prosecutions  were  instituted,  but  few  so  far  as 
the  records  show  were  carried  as  far  as  the  infliction 
of  a  penalty.  The  coming  of  Licenciado  Rafael  Gomez 
in  1830  as  asesor,  or  legal  adviser  of  the  governor,  was 
the  only  measure  actually  carried  into  effect  in  the 
direction  of  judicial  reform;  though  some  action  was 
taken  in  Mexico  for  the  establishment  of  higher  courts 
under  competent  judges.47 

47  The  plan  de  gobierno  of  Jan.  1824  contained  brief  provisions  for  the  dis 
position  of  civil  and  criminal  cases — the  latter  by  military  methods.  Vallcjo, 
Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  61.  Nov.  1824,  cases  to  be  sent  to  tribunal  de 
guerra  instead  of  to  king  as  formerly.  Sup.  Govl.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  16. 
April  20,  1825,  a  monthly  account  of  cases  pending  must  be  sent  to  sec.  of 
war.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvi.  16.  May  20,  1826,  there  was  to  be  a  district 
judge  for  California,  but  none  came  yet.  The  territory  belonged  to  the  cir 
cuit  court  at  Rosario,  Sinaloa,  established  late  in  1827 ;  but  I  find  no  evidence 
that  any  Californian  cases  were  ever  decided  by  that  tribunal.  Id.,  xix.  47-8; 
Sup.  Govt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS., 
i.  89;  Dept.  Rec..  MS.,  vi.  1.  March  26,  1828,  Capt.  Cooper  declares  Cali 
fornia  to  be  a  country  'without  God,  law,  or  justice.'  Vallejo,  Doc.  Jli'st. 
Cal.,  MS.,  xxix.  200,  215.  March  1829,  requisition  from  Durango  for  arrest 


678  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  STATISTICAL. 

Only  one  general  topic,  that  of  education,  remains 
to  be  noticed,  and  that  briefly;  for  there  was  no  pro 
gress  in  this  direction,  notwithstanding  Governor 

O  '  O 

Sola's  efforts  in  the  last  decade  and  at  the  beginning 
of  this.  The  friars  were  not  interested  in  popular 
education,  and  there  was  never  money  in  the  territo- 

of  a  murderer  circulated  to  comandantes.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
liv.  23-4.  June  1829,  district  judge  at  Guaymas  has  jurisdiction  over  Cal. 
Id.,  Ixix.  10.  June  25,  Echeaiidia  gives  a  brief  but  very  clear  statement  of 
the  system  observed  in  the  country.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  22-3.  Feb.  1830, 
district  judge  to  reside  at  Monterey. 

Murder  and  homicide :  The  penalties  in  most  cases  were  those  demanded 
by  the  fiscal ;  in  but  few  is  there  any  record  of  infliction  or  even  sentence. 
1821,  homicide  by  2  neophytes;  hanging,  and  8  years  in  chain-gang.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  M3.,  Hi.  4-5.  1822,  neophyte  murderers;  death  for  3, 
10  years  for  one.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  liii.  75-6.  Homicide  at  S.  Jose". 
Id.,  69-71.  Homicide  at  Monterey;  10  years.  Id.,  4-6.  Boy  murderers  at 
S.  Francisco.  Id.,  72-4.  Neophyte  murder,  S.  Buenaventura.  Id.,  64-7.  1823, 
neophyte  murder,  Sta  Clara;  1  year.  Id.,  liv.  12.  A  soldier  kills  another, 
S.  Francisco;  6  years.  JcL,liv.  18.  1824,  murder  and  rape,  S.  Jose"  Mission.  Id., 
Ivii.  39-42.  1826,  Neophyte  murder;  1  year  as  a  'new  Christian.'  Id.,  Ixiii.  5. 
Soldier  acquitted  of  homicide,  S.  Diego.  Id.,  lix.  5-7.  1828,  Hubio  murder  at 
S.  Francisco.  Id.,  Ixvi.  2-61.  Murder  at  S.  Jwan  Bautista;  8  years  on  a  war 
vessel.  Id.,  Ixvi.  81-2.  1829,  neophyte  kills  his  wife;  2  years.  St.  Pap.  Ben., 
MS.,  i.  81.  'Neophyte  accused  of  killing  an  American  at  S.  Francisco.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  79.  Murder  case.  Id.,  vii.  6.  Neophyte  beat  his  wife  to 
death;  1  year.  Id.,  vii.  132.  1830,  neophytes  at  Sta  Clara  tried  for  murder 
of  an  Indian  and  released  after  3  years  for  lack  of  evidence.  Dept.  St.  Pap.t 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxiv.  1-4.  Neophyte  murder;  10  years.  Id.,  Ixxii.  7. 

Infractions  of  military  discipline:  1823,  soldier  selling  his  saddle;  2 
months'  work.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Hi.  11.  1822,  Lieut,  repri 
manded  for  disrespect  to  comandante.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  48. 
2  soldiers  for  robbery;  3  and  2  years  in  chain-gang.  Id.,  i.  47.  1823,  leaving 
cuartel  in  night,  3  years.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liv.  11.  Stealing; 
2  years  in  barge.  Id.,  liv.  12.  1825,  raising  bayonet  against  sergeant;  3 
months.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xi.  21.  1828,  soldiers  for  making  complaint 
against  lieutenant;  banished  to  other  presidios.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  Ixvi.  64-8.  1829,  losing  a  despatch;  25  blows,  and  1  month  sentry  duty. 
Id.,  Ixix.  4. 

Assault:  Citizens  for  cutting  a  soldier;  8  years  chain-gang.  Id.,  Ixxi. 
35-58.  Majordomo  for  whipping  Indians,  one  of  them  dying.  Id.,  Ixxii. 
11-15;  Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  viii.  59.  Soldier  for  laying  hands  on  a  padre;  re 
leased  and  made  corporal.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  138-43.  Attempting  to 
stab  a  vagabond;  $5  fine.  Dept.  Eec.,  MS.,  vi.  188.  A  slap  in  the  face;  $18 
fine.  Id.,  v.  72. 

Sexual  irregularities:  1821,  rape  case,  persons  18  and  12  years;  2  years 
chain-gang.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Hi.  6.  Adultery  cases,  S.  Diego. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  286.  A  slandered  girl  examined  by  a  matron  and 
declared  a  virgin.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  Iv.  7-8.  Four  cases  of  women 
being  exposed  on  church  steps,  or  in  plaza,  with  shaven  head,  for  scandalous 
conduct.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xlvii.  23;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xx.  293;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  33-4;  vi.  40-1.  Fornication  and  abortion, 
S.  Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Hi.  11.  Rape,  S.  Francisco;  6 
years  of  work,  and  $200  to  support  child.  Id.,  Hi.  5-6.  Soldiers  not  to  be 
forced  to  marry  unless  they  have  committed  rape.  Id.,  xlvi.  23.  1822,  incest 
case  at  Monterey.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  liii.  7-64.  Moral  life 


SCHOOLS  AND  CRIMES.  679 

rial  treasury  with  which  to  hire  teachers  of  an  order 
superior  to  that  of  retired  soldiers.  The  primary  and 
primitive  schools  at  pueblo  and  presidio  were  I  sup 
pose  kept  in  operation  during  a  greater  part  of  this 
decade;  but  the  number  of  scholars  in  attendance  was 
always  small,  and  the  advantages  offered  were  recog 
nized  by  all  as  slight.  The  subject  was  on  several 
occasions  brought  up  in  the  diputacion,  but  for  lack  of 

required  at  Los  Angeles.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  46-7.  1823,  accusation  of 
bestiality,  S.  Gabriel.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  174.  1824,  crim. 
con.  at  S.  Jose".  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  liv.  18-59.  Bestiality.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  i.  259.  1826,  habitual  rape  at  Los  Angeles.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  Iviii.  5-6.  1827,  sodomy  and  murder  at  Sta  Clara.  Id.,  Ixviii.  5-6. 
Crim.  con.  with  an  aunt  at  S.  Jose.  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  26.  Rape  at  Sta 
Barbara;  7  years.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  38.  1828,  crim.  con.  at  Angeles.  Id., 
vi.  55;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixvii.  1.  Rape  at  S.  Francisco.  Id., 
Ixvi.  82-9.  Adultery  at  S.  Jose".  Id.,  Ixvi.  61-2.  1829,  house  of  ill-fame,  S. 
Diego.  Dept,  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  134. 

Theft :  1822,  two  Indians  break  into  presidial  warehouse  at  Sta  Bdrbara. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  liii.  87.  Two  men  for  stealing  cattle;  3 
years  chain-gang.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  93.  1824,  six  years  for  robbery.  Id., 
i.  159.  Ten  years  at  Loreto  for  robbery  of  store.  Id.,  i.  162.  Stealing 
an  otter-skin  when  drunk;  2  years  in  shackles.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  Ivii.  38.  1826,  neophyte  for  stealing  clothing;  1  year's  service  for  the 
person  robbed.  Id.,  lix.  4-5.  Stealing  cattle  and  frequent  running  away;  1 
year  on  public  works.  Id.,  lix.  3-4.  1826,  $40  fine  for  stealing  a  barrel  of 
brandy;  same  fine  for  buyer.  Id.,  Ixiv.  1.  1827,  soldier,  1  year  of  imprison 
ment  with  cleaning  of  the  barracks,  for  assault  and  stealing  a  small  amount 
from  a  foreigner.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  66-7.  Three  Indians,  for  robberies  and 
running  away;  2  years  at  work  in  ball  and  chain.  Id.,  v.  35.  1828,  Valeric, 
a  famous  robber.  Id.,  vi.  186;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  100.  1829,  neophytes 
for  stealing  horses;  2  months  of  labor.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  95.  Soldiers 
for  stealing  cattle  from  rancho  nacional  at  S.  Diego;  21  months,  payment  for 
cattle,  and  dismissal  from  the  service.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixiv. 
13. 

Some  general  complaints  of  prevalent  drunkenness.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi. 
65;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  135;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  22.  Evil  effects  of  rum 
and  honey  at  S.  Jose\  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  S.  Jose,  MS. ,  iv.  8.  Stories  of  raffling 
and  gambling  at  Tio  Armenta's  shop  in  Monterey.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
i.  159-62,  215;  ii.  136.  Mention  of  prevalent  gambling  habits.  Duhaut- 
C'dly,  Viaggio,  ii.  125-6;  Morineau,  Notice,  56.  Alcalde  of  Sta  Barbara 
arrested  in  1825  for  having  a  moiite  game  at  his  house.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref. 
and  Juez,  MS.,  vi.  34-5.  Corporal  of  S.  Juan  reprimanded  for  gambling.  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  28.  A  government  lottery  in  existence  1825.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  i.  279. 

Slander,  forgery,  and  perjury  cases,  1824-6-9.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
15;  Id. ,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ivii.  26-31;  Ixx.  1.  Vagrants  impressed  into  military  ser 
vice.  Id.,  Ixvii.  4;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  188;  vii.  35.  Two  Indians  escaped 
from  Sta  Barbara  in  1823  and  came  to  Monterey,  still  wearing  their  grilletes, 
to  complain  that  after  a  confinement  of  five  years  they  had  received  no  benefit 
from  the  three  indultos  that  had  been  granted  in  that  period.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  126.  Prisoners'  support  cost  from  12  to  18  cents  per  day,  charged  to  the 
gratification  fund.  Id.,  i.  93,  240;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  88.  Prisoners  were  let 
out  for  private  service.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  xiv.  19. 


680  INSTITUTIONAL  AND  STATISTICAL. 

funds  and  lack  of  teachers  nothing  could  be  done.  In 
a  report  of  May  19,  1829,  Echeandia  stated  that  the 
pueblo  and  presidio  schools  had  been  'paralyzed3  until 
1826-7,  when  he  had  taken  effective  steps  to  establish 
them  on  a  permanent  basis.  At  this  date  there  were 
18  scholars  in  the  school  at  San  Diego,  67  at  Santa 
Barbara,  61  at  Los  Angeles,  and  30  at  San  Jose.  The 
Monterey  school  had  been  closed  for  want  of  a  teacher. 
In  the  late  years  efforts  had  been  made  by  the  polit 
ical  authorities  to  oblige  the  friars  to  establish  a  school 
at  each  mission,  without  success  as  it  would  appear 
from  all  other  records;  yet  in  the  report  cited  it  is  said 
that  seven  of  the  southern  missions  had  schools  with 
from  eight  to  forty-four  children  attending  each.48 

48  Jan.  7,  1822,  no  schools  exist  at  missions  says  the  governor  to  prefect; 
yet  for  a  small  sum  the  padres  might  hire  teachers  and  do  great  good.  St.  Pap. , 
Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  i.  Jan.  27,  1824,  the  establishment  of  a  hospicio  de  estudios 
proposed  in  the  diputacion.  Four  members  voted  for  it.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  24-6.  Vallejo,  hist.  Cal,  ii.  1-3,  says  that  in  1824,  while  Sola  was  in  con 
gress,  there  came  a  request  for  California  to  contribute  for  the  foundation  of 
a  literary  and  scientific  institute  in  Mexico.  Gov.  Argiiello  is  credited  by 
Calif ornians  with  having  felt  a  deep  interest  in  education.  June  23,  1827, 
Bandini  urges  that  the  supreme  government  be  induced  to  send  teachers  for  a 
small  'colegio  6  academia  de  gramatica,  filosofia,  etc.'  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  54. 
1827-8,  orders  of  Echeandia  on  establishment  of  mission  scoools.  The  prefect 
and  padres  circulate  the  orders,  but  complain  that  the  boys  have  little  time 
for  learning,  on  account  of  their  work.  Apparently  nothing  done.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  i.  35,  67;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  59,  119;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
79-80;  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  90-95.  May  19,  1829,  Echean- 
dia,  Estado  de  Escuelas  Primarias,  1829,  MS.,  on  same  date  urges  appointment 
of  a  'gramatico  filosofo'  at  $1,000  salary.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  vii.  14.  July 
14-20,  subject  of  mission  schools  again  agitated  in  the  diputacion.  A  bill 
was  reported  by  the  committee  providing  in  substance  that  masters  should  be 
employed  and  all  expenses  paid  by  the  missions;  but  that  the  schools  should 
be  under  control  of  the  ayuntamientos  or  other  authorities.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  131,  134,  170-2.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  163-6,  is  enthusiastic  in  hia 
admiration  for  Echeandia's  policy  and  efforts  in  behalf  of  popular  education. 

List  of  foreign  pioneers  who  came  to  California  before  the  end  of  1830  (as 

per  reference  on  p.  653-4).  For  additional  biographic  details,  including  prob 
ably  a  few  corrections  in  dates  and  even  in  names,  I  refer  the  reader  to  the 
Pioneer  Register  and  Index,  which  is  begun  in  this  volume,  and  which  in 
cludes  not  only  these  names  but  those  of  all  who  came  before  the  end  of 
1848.  Many  of  the  names  given  in  this  list  have  been  mentioned  before  in 
this  and  the  preceding  volumes.  I  omit  most  of  the  doubtful  names,  and 
also  those  of  visitors,  even  of  some  early  traders  who  may  almost  be  said  to 
have  had  their  homes  on  the  coast  for  several  years. 


LIST  OF  PIONEERS. 


681 


Allen,  Geo.,  1822. 
Anderson,  Mary,  1829-30. 
Anderson,  Stephen,  1828. 
Baldwin,  James  M.,  1814-15. 
Bee,  Henry  J.,  1830. 
Bob,  a  negro,  1816. 
Bolbeda,  Louis,  1826. 
Bolcof,  Jose",  1815. 
Bones,  John,  1821. 
Bonifacio,  J.  B.,  1822. 
Borris,  Wm  or  Jas,  1823. 
Bouchet,  Louis,  1828. 
Bowman,  Joaquin,  1826. 
Breck,  James,  1829. 
Buckle,  Sam.,  1822-3. 
Buckle,  Wm,  1822-3. 
Burke,  James  W.,  1824. 
Burns,  John,  1830. 
Burton,  John,  1825. 
Call,  Daniel,  1816. 
Chapman,  Joseph,  1818. 
Charles,  Michael,  1826. 
Coleman,  Geo.,  1827. 
Cook,  James,  1830. 
Cooper,  John  B.  R.,  1823. 
Dana,  Wm  G.,  1826. 
Davis,  John,  1828. 
Devoll,  Phil.  L.,  1830. 
Dillon,  Joseph,  1824. 
Doak,  Thos,  1816. 
Dodero,  Nicolas,  1827. 
Domingo,  Juan,  1830. 
Duckworth,  Walter,  1829. 
Elwell,  Robt  J.,  1827. 
Fellom,  Matthew,  1821-4. 
Ferguson,  Daniel,  1824. 
Ferguson,  Jesse,  1828. 
Fisher,  a  negro,  1818. 
Fitch,  Hen.  D.,  1826. 
Flemming,  James,  1829. 
Fling,  Guy  F.,  1826. 
Foxen,  Benj.,  1826. 
Fuller,  John  C.,  1823. 
Galbraith,  Isaac,  1826. 
Gale,  Wm  A.,  1810. 
Garner,  WmR.,  1824. 
Gilroy,  John,  1814. 
Glande,  Giov.,  1827. 
Goddard,  Nic.,  1824. 
Graham,  John,  1791. 
Gralbatch,  Wm,  1825. 
Grant,  James,  1825. 
Grover,  Sam.,.  18 16. 
Gyzelaar,  Hen.,  1816. 
Harris,  James,  1830. 
Hartnell,  Win  E.  P.,  1822. 
Higgins,  John,  1830. 
Hill,  Daniel  A.,  1823. 
Hinckley,  Wm  S.,  1829. 
Jackson,  Joseph,  1827. 


Johnson,  Corn.  A.,  1826. 
Jones,  John  C.,  1830. 
Jones,  Thos  J.,  1821. 
Kinlock,  Geo.,  1829. 
Laughlin,  Rich.,  1828. 
Lawrence,  Jos.  V.,  1821. 
Leandry,  John  B.,  1827. 
Lester,  Thos,  1817. 
Lewis,  Allen,  1830. 
Little  John,  David,  1824. 
Littleton,  John,  1826. 
Livermore,  Robert,  1822-4. 
Lodge,  Michael,  1822. 
Logan,  Wm,  1826. 
McAllister,  Mich.,  1822. 
McCarty,  James,  1824. 
McFerion,  James,  1824. 
Mclntosh,  Ed,  1823. 
McKinley,  James,  1824. 
Macondray,  Fred.  W.,  1822. 
Malcolm,  Julian,  1814. 
Martin,  John,  1822. 
Mason,  Anthony  A.,  18L6. 
Mayo,  Geo.,  1816. 
Moreno,  Santiago,  1824. 
Mulligan,  John,  1814-15. 
Murphy,  Tim.,  1828. 
Mutrel,  Jean  B.,  1827. 
Nye,  Gorham  H.,  1830. 
Olivera,  Manuel  D.,  1829. 
Pacheco,  Jordan,  1829. 
Park,  Thos  B.,  1826. 
Pascual,  Mateo  J.,  1818. 
Pasos,  Manuel  D.,  1822-4, 
Pattie,  Sylvester,  1828. 
Peirce,  Henry  A.,  1828. 
Pereira,  Joaquin,  1826. 
Pombert,  Louis,  1826. 
Pope,  Wm,  1828. 
Prentice,  Sam.,  1830. 
Pryor,  Nath.  M.,  1828. 
Rainsford,  John,  1829. 
Read,  John,  1826-8. 
Rice,  Geo.  J.,  1826. 
Richardson,  Wm  A.,  1822. 
Roach,  John,  1830. 
Robbins,  ThosM.,  1823. 
Robinson,  Alfred,  1829. 
Rocha,  Ant.  J.,  1815. 
Rose,  John,  1818. 
Roy,  Pierre,  1782. 
Satte,  J.  J.,  1827. 
Sawyer,  Jos.,  1828. 
Scott,  James,  1826. 
Shaw,  Thos,  1824. 
Slover,  Isaac,  1828. 
Smith,  Charles,  1828. 
Smith,  Thos  L.,  1829. 
Smith,  Wm,  1806. 
Smith,  Wm,  1827. 


682  LIST  OF  PIONEERS. 

*Snook,  Jos.  F.,  1830.  Warren,  Wm,  1828. 

Spence,  David,  1824.  Watson,  Dav.  or  Jas,  1823-4. 

Stearns,  Abel,  1829.  Watson,  Ed,  1828. 

Steel,  Jos.,  1826.  Welsh,  Wm,  1821. 

Stewart,  Thos,  1824.  White,  Michael,  1829. 

Taylor,  Wm,  1828.  Williams,  Geo.,  1829. 

Temple,  John,  1827.  Willis,  Wm,  1828. 

Thomas,  Ignacio,  1818.  Wilson,  James,  1824. 

Thompson,  A.  B.,  1825.  Wilson,  John,  1826. 

Thompson,  James,  1828.  Wilson,  John,  1826. 

Trevethen,  Wm,  1826.  Wilson,  John  H.,  1826. 

Turner,  John  S.,  1826.  Wilson,  Julian,  1828. 

Vincent,  Geo.  W.,  1826.  Wilson,  Wm,  1822, 


PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 
1542-1848. 

ALL  history,  as  a  record  of  the  acts  of  men,  is  biography.  In  these  pages 
it  is  proposed  by  means  of  an  alphabetic  index  to  make  available  as  biograph 
ical  matter  the  first  five  volumes  of  this  work,  covering  the  annals  of  Califor 
nia  from  its  discovery  to  1848.  Through  this  index  the  reader  may  have  access 
directly  to  all  that  is  told  in  the  work  about  any  man  of  the  thousands  whose 
acts  make  up  the  country's  early  history.  The  names  will  not  in  most  cases 
be  repeated  in  the  general  index  at  the  end  of  vol.  vii.;  but  to  that  index  the 
reader  is  referred  for  additional  matter  relating  to  such  of  these  persons  as 
were  prominent  after  1848,  and  also  for  information  about  men  who,  though 
mentioned  in  the  history,  did  not  come  to  California. 

But  I  propose  to  carry  this  record  far  beyond  the  limits  of  a  mere  index. 
To  the  thousands  of  names  mentioned  in  the  history  will  be  added  other 
thousands  which  it  has  not  been  necessary  to  mention  there.  Thus  will  be 
presented  a  complete  register  of  pioneers,  or  early  Californians.  Something 
more  is  done,  however,  than  merely  to  register  names  and  dates.  In  many  cases 
— indeed,  in  all  when  it  is  desirable  and  possible — information  is  given  respect 
ing  the  nationality,  occupation,  achievements,  death,  and  family  connections 
of  each  subject,  as  well  as  about  the  date  and  manner  of  his  coming  to  Califor 
nia  and  his  connection  in  public  capacities  with  the  country's  annals.  In  this 
way  the  index  and  register  is  expanded  into  a  kind  of  biographic  dictionary. 

Of  foreign  pioneers — that  is,  not  of  Spanish  and  Indian  blood — including 
both  residents  and  visitors,  my  register  contains  all  the  names  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain,  except  those  found  in  the  shipping  articles  and  crew-lists  of 
trading  vessels  and  muster-rolls  of  naval  craft.  Some  of  the  former  and  many 
of  the  latter  are  accessible,  but  they  would  multiply  my  lists  to  no  good  pur 
pose.  Yet  when  a  sailor  returned  to  California  in  later  years  I  have  regarded 
him  as  a  pioneer  under  the  date  of  his  earliest  visit.  Of  Spaniards,  Mexicans, 
and  native  Californians,  I  have  not  attempted  to  present  complete  lists; 
yet  the  aim  has  been  to  register  all  who  acquired  any  sort  of  prominence  in 
territorial  or  local  affairs,  all  the  well-known  traders  and  rancheros,  all  the 
friars,  all  the  military  and  civil  officials,  all  the  leading  families  in  each  sec 
tion.  The  reader  is  also  referred  to  the  list  published  at  the  end  of  vol.  i., 
many  of  the  same  names  being  repeated  here  with  additional  information. 

Obviously  the  most  rigid  condensation  has  been  necessary,  and  the  bio 
graphic  notes  must  be  very  brief ;  yet  the  natural  impression  at  first  glance 
that  they  are  too  short  will  in  most  cases  be  removed  on  closer  examination. 
Seven  eighths  of  the  names — even  if  we  could  obtain  additional  information 
and  had  space  for  its  presentment — would  in  their  connection  with  Califor- 
nian  history  call  for  nothing  beyond  what  is  here  given.  Of  the  rest,  a  large 
proportion  is  that  of  public  men  whose  acts  are  sufficiently  recorded  and  dis- 

(683) 


684  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

cussed  elsewhere,  requiring  only  the  index  reference.  I  would  call  particular 
attention  to  this  phase  of  the  matter  and  to  a  cognate  one.  Ask  a  pioneer 
for  his  reminiscences  or  a  sketch  of  his  life,  and  he  will  fill  his  narrative 
chiefly  with  the  journey  of  his  immigrant  party  across  the  plains,  the  organi 
zation  of  his  regiment  and  its  voyage  round  Cape  Horn,  his  service  in  the 
California  battalion,  his  experience  in  the  Bear  Flag  revolt,  or  at  the  fight 
of  San  Pascual,  or  with  other  well-known  historic  happenings  in  which  he 
took  part,  and  which  he  remembers  with  pride.  But  these  events  are  fully 
treated  elsewhere,  and  the  pages  devoted  to  an  immigrant  party  are  added  by 
the  index  to  the  biography  of  each  member  of  the  party;  the  chapter  on  the 
New  York  volunteers,  or  the  Mormon  colony,  to  the  life  of  each  volunteer 
and  colonist;  that  on  the  Graham  affair  to  the  record  of  each  exile.  Thus  a 
large  amount  of  matter  not  biographical  on  its  face  is  legitimately  added  to 
the  Pioneer  Register.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  lives  of  many  early 
friars  and  officers  have  been  given  in  connection  with  their  departure  or  death, 
requiring  only  a  reference  here.  True,  there  remains  after  all  a  class  of  pio 
neers,  a  hundred  or  two  in  number,  permanent  residents,  representative  citi 
zens,  founders  of  families,  but  not  directly  connected  with  public  affairs,  to 
each  of  whom  a  few  pages  instead  of  a  few  lines  might  be  devoted  with  inter 
est,  often  with  profit;  yet  these  are  the  men  who  are  given  in  this  register  the 
greatest  average  space,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  that  space  could  be  increased  con 
sistently  with  the  scope  of  such  a  work. 

There  will  be  noted  an  entire  absence  of  the  indiscriminate  eulogy  so  often 
deemed  an  essential  feature  of  pioneer  sketches.  I  have  neither  space  nor 
disposition  to  indulge  in  praise  or  blame,  either  for  the  purpose  of  pleasing  or 
displeasing  pioneers  or  their  descendants,  or  of  adding  the  interest  of  mild  scan 
dal  to  my  sketches.  Of  private  individuals,  as  a  rule,  no  attempt  is  made  to 
depict  the  character,  to  picture  them  as  'nature's  noblemen,'  or  to  point  out 
the  fact  that  they  were  not  members  of  temperance  societies.  It  is  taken  for 
granted  that  they  were  more  or  less  good,  bad,  and  indifferent  citizens  accord 
ing  to  circumstances;  but  their  weaknesses  and  virtues,  within  certain  limits, 
do  not  concern  me  or  my  readers.  Doubtless  I  have  recorded  many  items 
about  individuals  that  they  and  their  friends  would  prefer  to  have  suppressed, 
and  suppressed  many  items  that  to  enemies  would  be  most  agreeable  reading; 
but  in  each  case  I  have  acted  on  my  own  judgment  and  with  strict  impartial 
ity.  Where  a  man's  distinguishing  traits  are  so  clearly  marked  that  they  may 
be  fairly  presented  in  few  words,  especially  in  the  case  of  men  locally  famous, 
I  have  not  hesitated  to  write  the  few  words,  whether  complimentary  or  other 
wise.  Public  men  are  freely  criticised,  but  mainly  in  other  parts  of  the  work 
where  their  acts  are  recorded,  only  a  summary  or  moderate  reflection  of  gen 
eral  conclusions  being  introduced  here.  In  the  comparative  extent  and  gen 
eral  tone  of  the  notices,  no  distinction  is  made  by  reason  of  race  between 
Spaniards,  Mexicans,  Californians,  and  foreigners;  between  soldiers  and 
civilians,  friars  and  laymen,  sailors  and  immigrants,  traders  and  rancheros, 
rich  and  poor,  the  living  and  the  dead;  but,  other  things  being  equal,  more 
space  is  given  to  early  pioneers  than  to  those  of  later  years.  If  a  line  or  two 
of  extra  space  is  occasionally  devoted  to  a  man  who  has  furnished  documentary 
and  other  evidence  on  early  times,  and  the  record  of  another  man  who  has 


PREFACE.  C85 

shown  no  interest  is  briefer,  the  difference  does  not  necessarily  indicate  par 
tiality,  since  in  many  instances  certain  kinds  of  information  about  a  man  can 
be  obtained  only  from  himself  or  some  member  of  his  family. 

From  the  nature  of  the  case,  my  authorities,  except  in  special  instances, 
cannot  be  cited.  Such  citations  would  involve  endless  repetition,  and  would 
fill  much  space  that  can  be  utilized  to  better  advantage.  The  reader  is  re 
ferred  to  the  general  list  of  authorities  in  vol.  i. ;  but  it  is  proper  to  specify 
here  some  classes  that  have  been  particularly  prolific  in  items  for  this  regis 
ter.  First  in  importance  are  the  archives,  public,  private,  and  missionary; 
especially  in  their  records  of  naturalization  and  passports,  custom-house 
records,  military  rosters,  local  census  lists,  voting  and  official  lists,  mission 
registers  of  births  and  marriages  and  deaths,  and  the  correspondence  of 
officials,  friars,  and  citizens;  particularly  important  among  the  private  archives 
being  the  commercial  correspondence  and  account-books  of  such  men  as  Lar- 
kin,  Cooper,  Hartnell,  Spear,  and  many  others.  Next  should  be  mentioned 
the  several  hundred  volumes  of  personal  reminiscences  furnished  for  my  use 
by  early  Californians,  native  and  foreign,  each  containing  a  few — some  very 
many — personal  items  in  addition  to  those  relating  to  the  narrator  and  his 
family.  Third  may  be  noted  the  work  of  such  specialists  as  Clark  on  the 
N.  Y.  volunteers,  Tyler  on  the  Mormon  battalion,  McGlashan  on  the  Donner 
party,  Kooser  on  the  artillery  company,  Lancey  on  the  conquest  in  general, 
etc. ;  with  valuable  muster-rolls  kindly  furnished  me  by  the  military  depart 
ment  at  Washington.  Fourth,  and  amply  worthy  of  separate  mention,  we 
have  the  biographic  gleanings  of  Ben  Hayes  on  the  pioneers  of  southern 
California;  while  in  the  same  connection  may  be  mentioned  the  patient  re 
searches  of  Alex.  S.  Taylor.  Fifth,  the  archives  of  the  Society  of  Pioneers 
contain,  besides  lists  of  members,  partials  rolls  of  the  Cal.  battalion;  while 
the  government  lists -of  those  who  held  'Cal.  claims/  Wheeler's  list  of  San 
Francisco  lot-owners,  the  voluminous  testimony  in  famous  land  cases,  and 
especially  the  valuable  New  Helvetia  diary  of  '45-8,  furnished  me  by  Wm  F. 
Swasey,  should  not  be  forgotten.  Sixth  are  to  be  noted  the  newspapers  of 
'47-85,  with  their  thousands  of  obituary  and  biographic  items,  so  faulty  in 
individual  cases,  so  extremely  valuable  in  the  aggregate;  and,  similar  in 
many  respects,  the  county  and  local  histories  of  recent  years,  from  which  I 
have  drawn  much  material.  Finally,  I  must  allude  to  special  correspondence 
with  many  pioneers  from  time  to  time  as  particular  information  has  been 
needed;  hundreds  having  replied,  and  a  few — such  as  John  Bidwell,  Wm  H. 
Davis,  Win  Glover,  S.  H.  Willey,  John  A.  Swan,  and  others — meriting  fuller 
acknowledgment  than  my  space  permits. 

That  this  register  will  be  appreciated  in  any  degree  commensurate  with 
the  labor  it  has  cost  is  not  to  be  expected.  Within  my  knowledge  nothing 
of  the  kind  has  ever  been  attempted  in  any  new  country.  The  value  that  in 
any  of  the  older  communities  would  now  be  attached  to  such  a  record,  had  it 
been  made  at  the  beginning,  is  my  basis  for  estimating  the  prospective  useful 
ness  of  this. 

The  references  are  to  the  History  of  California,  vol.  i.-v.;  that  is,  'iii. 
475,'  in  connection  with  a  man's  name,  indicates  that  on  page  475,  vol.  iii.  of 
the  Hist.  Cal. ,  some  information  about  the  man,  or  at  least  a  mention,  will  be 


686  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX 

found;  when  the  reference  is  enclosed  in  parentheses,  as,  (v.  340,)  the  reader 
is  directed  to  some  event  or  party  with  which  the  man  was  connected,  with 
out  a  mention  of  his  name.  With  a  view  to  condensation,  abbreviations  are 
freely  used,  but  none,  I  think,  which  require  explanation.  The  register  will 
be  continued  alphabetically  at  the  end  of  vol.  iii.,  iv.,  and  v. 

Abbott  (Austin  R.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499),  living  at  Sacramento 
'82.  Abeck  (Francis),  1847,  a  Swiss  in  Sutter's  empoy  at  N.  Helv.  in  '47-8. 
One  of  the  earliest  gold-miners. 

Abell  (Alex.  G.),  1847,  native  of  N.Y.,  who  went  to  Honolulu  in  '45; 
arrived  at  S.  F.  in  Nov.  on  the  Currency  Lass.  Member  of  the  firm  J.  B.  Mc- 
Clurg  &  Co.  at  Los  Angeles  till  Feb.  '48.  From  '49-  well  known  as  a  business 
man  at  S.  F.,  member  of  the  state  senate  in  '63,  and  prominent  in  the  masonic 
order  in  later  years.  Living  at  S.F.  in  '85.  A  son,  John,  came  with  him  in 
'47;  another  son,  E.  A.,  died  in  '84. 

Abella  (Juan),  1842,  Mex.  captain,  of  Ind.  race,  who  came  with  Michel- 
torena  and  departed  with  him  in  '45.  Acting  comandante  of  the  batallon  fijo 
(iv.  287,  351,  et  seq.),  after  the  departure  of  Tellez,  and  com.  of  the  post  at 
Monterey  in  '45.  He  left  his  business  affairs  in  charge  of  Larkin,  at  whose 
house  he  had  lived,  and  wrote  to  L.  from  S.  Bias.  He  signed  his  name  'Abeya.' 
See  vol.  iv.  p.  289,  357,  405,  460,  487,  514-15,  652. 

Abella  (Ramon),  1798,  Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  F.,  S.  Carlos,, 
and  S.  Luis  Ob. ,  dying  in  1842;  for  many  years  the  only  survivor  of  those  who 
came  before  1800.  Biog.,  iv.  647;  mention  in  i.  list  of  auth.,  p.  432,  577,  712, 
732;  ii.  130-2,  159-60,  198,  288,  321-3,  329-30,  373,  375,  383,  394,  616,  655; 
iii.  92,  96,  191,  319,  356,  396,  446,  588,  622,  679,  681,  683;  iv.  46,  372,  657. 

Abernethy  (John  J. ),  1847,  asst  surgeon,  U.  S.  Lexington.  Aborn  (John), 
1846,  in  Sta  Clara  val.,  apparently  an  overland  immig.,  serving  perhaps  in 
Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358-60).  A*brego  (Emigdio),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the 
batallon  fijo,  '42-5.  See  iv.  289. 

A*brego  (Jose),  1834,  Mex.  hatter  and  trader,  who  came  with  the  H.  &  P. 
colony  (iii.  259  et  seq. ),  and  opened  a  store  at  Mont.  Young,  intelligent,  with 
some  capital,  and  of  good  repute,  he  soon  became  a  prominent  citizen,  holding 
office  continuously  from  '36,  as  comisario  de  policia,  administrator  of  S.  An 
tonio  mission,  customs  officer,  member  of  the  assembly,  substitute  member  of 
the  tribunal  superior,  and  treasurer.  As  sub-comisario  and  treasurer  he  was 
in  charge  of  the  territorial  finances  in  1839-46,  possessing  the  confidence  of 
all  classes.  In  '41-2  he  was  involved  in  controversies  with  Gen.  Vallejo  in 
the  matter  of  distributing  funds,  as  also  in  '45-6  with  Pico's  administration; 
but  these  quarrels  resulted  from  his  position  rather  than  his  character,  no  one 
questioning  his  integrity  or  ability.  He  revisited  Mex.  in  '43-4.  In  '44  he  was 
the  grantee  of  the  Pt  Pinos  rancho,  and  later  claimant  for  S.  Francisquito. 
After  the  U.  S.  occupation  he  deemed  it  his  duty  as  a  Mex.  to  decline  office  for 
a  time,  but  later  held  some  local  positions.  He  continued  his  career  as  hatter, 
soap-manufacturer,  and  merchant,  with  more  or  less  success  and  undiminished 
popularity,  till  his  death  in  '78,  at  the  age  of  65.  In  '36  he  married  Josefa  Es 
trada,  half-sister  of  Gov.  Alvarado,  who  survived  him  with  six  of  their  children. 
The  two  daughters  were  married  to  Judge  Webb  of  Salinas  and  J.  Bolado  of 
S.  F.  One  of  the  sons  married  a  daughter  of  Jacob  P.  Leese.  For  mention  of 
Abrego,  see  vol.  i.  list  of  auth.;  iii.  263,  592,  597,  601-2,  672,  675,  678,  687-8; 
iv.  97,  99,  198,  210,  282,  327-8,  341,  357,  377,  401-3,  432,  520,  522,  532, 
540,  557-8,  563;  v.  35,  38,  41,  289,  455,  570,  636. 

Acacio,  Indian  of  S.  Jos<§  involved  in  troubles  with  Sutter's  Ind.  in  1840. 
iv.  137-8.  Accolti  (M.),  1848,  Jesuit  prominent  in  educational  affairs  at 
Sta  Clara  college,  and  St  Ignatius,  S.  F.,  dying  in  '78;  perhaps  from  Or.  in 
'48.  Acebedo  (Francisco),  soldier  who  came  before  1780,  sergeant  of  the  S. 
Diego  Co.  from  1798,  and  a  settler  at  Los  Ang.  in  1808-19.  i.  647;  ii.  101,  350, 
354.  A.  (Jose"),  i.  569.  A.  (Julian),  i.  303.  See  also  list  i.  732.  Acedo 
(Ignacio),  resid.  of  Brancif.  1801-10;  com.  de  policia,  Mont.,  '33;  Mex.  con- 


ACEDO-AFANADOK  687 

vi.ct,  '34;  cavalry  sold,  at  Mont.,  and  employ 6  at  S-.  F.  Solano,  '30.  Doubtless 
several  distinct  persons,  ii.  167;  iii.  673,  720.  A.  (Tiburcio),  had  a  Cal.  claim 
in  '46  (v.  4G2-8)  for  83,670.  Acevcs  (Antonio),  settler  at  S.  Jos6  and  grantee 
of  Salinas  rancho  1790-5.  i.  478,  683;  ii.  664.  A.  (Jose"),  hero  of  the  1st 
marriage  at  Sta  Cruz  in  1794-5.  i.  495.  See  also  list  i.  732.  Ackerman  (J. 
Howard),  1847,  clerk  for  Wm  A.  Leidesdorff  at  S.  F.,  '47-8,  and  owner  of  a 
town  lot.  v.  685.  Ackley  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Acres 
(Hiram),  1845,  Amer.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  co.  (iv.  472- 

4,  587).  At  N.  Helv.,  Sonoma,  and  Napa  in  '46-8,  perhaps  later.       B.  Akers, 
probably  the  same  or  a  son,  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  ( v.  358-60).       Acuna,  1818, 
one  of  Bouchard's  men.  ii.  220-49,  232.       Adair  (Wesley),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469-98).  In  '82  an  Ariz,  farmer. 

Adams,  1847,  mr  of  the  Loo  Choo.  v.  511,  576.  Adams,  master  of  the 
Forrester,  on  the  coast  perhaps  in  '15.  ii.  274.  Adams,  Amer. ,  aged  30,  at 
Branciforte,  padron  of  '45.  A.  (Charles),  1840,  Scotch  sailor,  who  left  the 
Columbia  and  became  a  lumberman  in  '41. 

Adams  (David  L.),  1846,  Amer.  immig.  from  Indiana,  age  10  (v.  528).  His 
father  died  on  the  way,  and  he  lived  on  the  Yuba  a  while  with  his  mother 
— who  married  Abner  Bryan — and  sisters.  At  S.  Jose"  '47  and  from  '49;  Pla- 
cerville  mines  '48-9.  After  a  course  of  study  at  the  Univ.  of  the  Pac.  in  '59- 
61,  he  settled  on  a  farm  near  Sta  Cruz  in  '62,  marrying  Julia  Bennett  of  the 
'43  immig.  in  '63.  In  '81,  and  I  suppose  later,  he  lived  in  the  town  of  Sta 
Cruz  with  a  family  of  6  children,  being  in  the  lumber  trade.  Sta  Cruz  Co. 
Hist. ,  27-8.  In  March  '85  he  writes  me  from  S.  Bernardino. 

Adams  (Elisha),  1846,  said  by  Hall  to  have  come  to  the  Sta  Clara  val. 
A.  (Henry),  mr  of  the  Paradisein  '27.  iii.  148.  Another  Henry  A.  is  vaguely 
accredited  to  '44.  iv.  453;  and  another,  or  the  same,  is  named  by  Tinkham  as 
a  boy  on  Howard's  vessel  in  '46,  later  pres.  of  the  Stockton  Pion.  Soc.  L 

Adams  (James  Harmon),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.,  trans,  to  Co.  G  (v. 
499).  Born  in  N.  Y.  '19;  opened  a  shoe-shop  at  L.  Ang.  '47,  while  still  in  the 
service;  policeman  at  S.  F.  '49-54;  at  Vallejo  '55-60;  and  at  S.  F.  '61-85. 
His  wife  of  '39,  Matilda  Smith,  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  1st  Presb. 
church  of  S.  F.,  died  in  '79.  A  son,  James  Hardie  A.,  born  on  the  voy.  to 
Cal.,  died  in  '49;  a  daughter  died  at  L.  Ang.  in  '48.  Another  son,  John 
Quincy  A.,  3  years  old  on  arrival,  was  educated  in  the  1st  public  schools  at 

5.  F. ;  presented  with  a  gold  nugget  on  the  plaza  by  a  miner  as  the  1st  school 
boy  he  had  seen  in  Cal.;  played  juvenile  parts  in  the  Jenny  Lind  theatre; 
served  on  the  U.  S.  Warren  '55-6;  office-boy  for  Com.  Farragut  at  Mare  Isl. 
'57-8;  law  student  at  Benicia  '66-7;  lawyer  at  S.  F.  from  '73.    He  has  been 
orator  at  pioneer  celebrations,  sec.  of  surviving  N.  Y.  Vol.,  and  has  afforded 
me  some  aid  in  the  collection  of  historical  material. 

Adams  (John),  1846,  lieut  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  Dragoons  (v.  536).  A.  (John), 
1846,  midshipman  on  the  U.  S.  Dale.  Another  John  Adams  had  a  Cal. 
claim  (v.  462-8)  of  $200  in  '46;  voted  at  S.  Diego  in  '48;  and  settled  near 
Napa— perhaps  2  or  3  different  men.  A.  (Jos.  H.),  lieut  on  the  Savannah 
and  Levant  in  '44-5.  A.  (Orson  B.),  sergt  in  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  '47-8.  v.  477. 

Adams  (Walter  W.),  1840,  Boston  sailor  arrested  at  Mont,  but  not  exiled. 
iv.  17,  120.  Shipped  on  the  California  in  '42,  and  later  on  the  Laura.  In 
'44  disabled  at  Sta  B.  and  Mont.,  being  aided  by  the  U.  S.  consulate,  and  get 
ting  a  carta ;  but  in  Aug.  he  shipped  on  the  Chas  W.  Morgan.  A.  (Wash 
ington),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  A.  (Wm),  named  by  Hall  as  hav 
ing  come  to  Sta  Clara  val.  in  '46. 

Addison  (Isaac),  1846,  a  Mormon  of  the  Brooklyn  colony,  v.  546,  with  his 
wife  and  daughter.  He  was  excommunicated  from  the  church,  and  returned 
east  before  Jan.  '47.  S.  K.  Addison  bought  a  town  lot  at  S.  F.  in  '48. 

Adler  (Lewis),  1846,  German  cooper  who  came  from  Honolulu  on  the  Euphe- 
mia.  Clerk  for  Leidesdorff  and  Dickson  &  Hay,  at  S.  F.  in  '46-7,  also  owning 
a  town  lot.  A  trader  from  '48  at  Son. ,  where  he  still  lived  in  '85,  at  the  age  of  65. 

Adrian  (Geo. ),  1836,  named  in  a  S.  Jose  padron  as  a  foreign  resident.  Afa- 
nadon,  or  Afanador,  chaplain  who  came  in  '22  with  the  Canonigo  Fernandez. 


688  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

ii.  458.  Agate,  scientist  attach  6  of  the  U.  S.  ex.  exped.  in  '41.  iv.  243. 
Agazini{Flaminio),  '25,  mr  of  the  transport  Mordos.  iii.  148.  Agnew  (Hugh) 
1847,  Co.  H,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Agredo,  doubtful  name  of  a  .school-boy  at 
Mont.  '15-20.  ii.  429.  Agricia  (Jose1),  grantee  of  the  Laureles  rancho  in  '44. 
iv.  655.  Aguado  (Ignacio),  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo  in  '42-5.  iv.  289. 
Aguiar  (Francisco),  soldier  of  17G9  et  seq. ;  sergt  at  S.  Diego  in  1777.  i.  314,  732. 

A*guila(Jose"),  Mex.  settler  at  S.  F.  in  1791-1800.  i.  716;  mimic,  elector  at 
S.  F.  in  1827.  ii.  592.  From  '28  Jose  Aguila,  or  Jos6  M.  Aguiiar  (between 
which  names  there  is  evident  confusion),  was  a  somewhat  prominent  citizen 
of  Mont.  In  '31-34  he  was  sindico;  in  '32-3  regidor  and  com.  de  policia.  iii. 
672-3;  in  '33  vocal  of  the  diputacion.  iii.  246;  in  '36  admin,  at  Soledad.  iii. 
690-1;  in  '38-9  clerk  to  admin,  of  S.  Antonio,  iii.  687-8;  and  in  '44  grantee 
of  the  Canada  de  Nogales  rancho.  iv.  634.  In  a  Mont,  padron  of  '36  Jose' 
Aguila  is  described  as  a  painter,  50  years  of  age,  native  of  Cclaya,  married  to 
Maria  Fran.  Garcia,  a  native  of  Mont.,  aged  37.  Aguila  (Felipe),  land  near 
Mont,  in'  35.  iii.  678.  A.  (Joaquin),  claimant  for  land  at  Sta  Ine"s  in  '47. 
A.  (Lugardo),  resid.  of  S.  Gabriel  in '46.  A.  (Ramon),  soldier  of  S.  F.  in  '37- 
43.  iv.  667.  See  list  i.  732. 

Aguiiar  (Bias),  son  of  Rosario  A.,  born  at  S.  Diego  about  1808.  In  '31 
majordomo  of  S.  D.  mission,  and  in  '34  at  Temdcula.  Lived  in  '38-43  at  the 
Palomares  rancho,  Los  Ang.  Co.  In  '41  got  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  where  in 
'40  he  was  living  at  the  age  of  38  with  his  wife  Antonia  Gutierrez,  aged  29. 
Padron;  where  he  was  alcalde  in  '48,  and  where  he  still  lived  in  '76.  See 
mention  in  ii.  443,  550;  iii.  620;  iv.  626;  v.  624.  An  Aguiiar  is  ment.  as  one 
of  Bouchard's  men  in  '18.  ii.  232.  A.  (Antonio),  soldier  at  S.  F.  '19-23; 
resid.  of  Los  Ang.  in  '38,  murdered  in  '42.  iii.  564-5;  iv.  632.  A.  (Casildo), 
trader  at  Los  Ang.,  age  26,  in  '39;  juez  de  aguas  in  '46.  iv.  625;  claimant  for 
La  Cie"nega.  A.  (Crist6bal),  resid.  of  Los  Ang.,  age  24,  from  '38,  when  lie 
was  alcalde  suplente;  in  '44-5,  regidor.  iii.  636;  iv.  633. 

Aguiiar  (Francisco  Javier),  soldier  of  the  Loreto  co.,  who  served  in  the 
exped.  of  1769  et  seq.  to  S.  Diego  and  Mont.,  but  never  came  to  live  in  Cal. 
A  sergt  from  1795;  in  command  at  C.  S.  Lucas  of  a  militia  co.  1795-1800. 
A.  (Gabino).  at  San  Juan  Cap.  in  '46,  age  30,  with  his  wife  Maria  Ant.  Sesena 
and  6  children.  Padron.  A.  (Ignacio),  said  to  have  fired  the  gun  at  Mer- 
vine's  defeat  '46.  v.  319.  A.  (Jos6  M.),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  fr.  '14;  regidor 
'21,  '25-6;  in  trouble  with  Gov.  Victoria  in  '31.  In  the  padron  of  '39  he  is 
noted  as  a  bricklayer,  age  54.  ii.  349,  359,  559-60;  iii.  196.  (See  also  Aguila, 
Jose".)  A.  (Macedonio),  resid.  of  Los  Ang.  in  '39,  age  30;  juez  de  campo  in  '43- 
5.  iv.  632-4.  A.  (Martin),  Span.  com.  of  one  of  Vizcaino's  explor.  vessels  in 
1602-3.  i.  98,  104,  242.  A.  (Ramon),  killed  by  the  Ind.  in  '46.  v.  617. 

Aguiiar  (Rosario),  corporal  of  the  escolta  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Luis  Rey 
missions  from  shortly  after  1800.  Lived  at  S.  Diego  fr.  about  '30,  being 
majordomo  of  the  mission  in  '38,  and  getting  a  grant  of  the  Paguai  rancho — • 
which  he  is  said  to  have  refused — in  '39.  In  '41  he  was  juez  de  paz  at  S.  D., 
but  obtained  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  where  he  was  juez  in  '43-4,  and  where  he 
died  about  '45.  ii.  546;  iii.  612,  619,  620-3,  626-7.  His  daughter  married  Jos6 
Ant.  Serrano.  A.  (Santiago),  Mex.  sergt,  age  22,  at  Mont,  in  '36.  In  charge 
of  the  printing-office,  and  took  part  in  the  revolt  against  Alvarado,  '37.  iii. 
470,  523-5.  A.  (Simon),  executed  at  Mont.  '31.  iii.  190-1,  669,  673,  679. 

Aguirre  (Jose"  Antonio),  1834,  Span.  Basque,  born  about  1793;  a  wealthy 
trader  at  Guaymas,  when  in  '33-4  he  engaged  in  the  Cal.  trade,  owning  sev 
eral  vessels,  and  visiting  Cal.  frequently.  From  about  '38  he  made  Sta  B.  his 
home,  marrying  Maria  del  Rosario,  a  daughter  of  Jos6  Ant.  Estudillo,  in  '42. 
His  second  wife  was  a  sister  of  the  first.  Grantee  of  the  Tejon  rancho  in  '43, 
and  his  wife  of  S.  Jacinto  Viejo  y  Nuevo  in  '46.  On  account  of  his  great 
size  he  was  sometimes  nicknamed  Aguirron;  of  fine  presence,  affable  in  man 
ner,  and  well  liked  by  all.  An  excellent  type  of  the  old-time  Spanish  mer 
chant,  keeping  aloof  for  the  most  part  from  smuggling  and  politics,  though 
often  employed  by  the  government.  Still  a  resident  of  Sta  B.  after  1854. 
Ment.  in  iii.  620,  637,  659,  660,  727;  iv.  12,  61,  100,  104,  332,  621,  635;  v.  587f 


AGUIRRE— ALEXANDER.  689 

C19.  *  Aguirrc  (Juan  B.),  1775,  Span,  mate  and  master  of  different  transport 
ships  on  the  coast  in  1/75-90.  i.  240,  287,  328,  444.  A.  (Severe),  1842,  Mex. 
sergt  in  the  batallon  fijo  '43-5.  iv.  289. 

Ahumada,  1813,  Dominican  of  B.  Cal.,  preaching  at  S.  Diego,  ii.  345. 

Ainsworth  (John),  1828,  Engl.  sailor  ordered  to  be  shipped  to  Sand.  Isl. 
by  1st  vessel.  Perhaps  'Rainsford,'  q.v. 

Ajuria  (Gregorio),  1S45,  Span,  supercargo  of  the  Hannah,  fr.  Mazatlan, 
with  a  letter  of  introd.  from  Parrot  to  Larkin.  He  finally  settled  at  Los  Ang., 
married  the  daughter  of  John  Temple,  and  became  rich.  He  went  to  Mcx. 
about  '56  to  engage  in  heavy  and  unprofitable  financial  operations.  On  the  fall 
of  Comonfort  went  to  Paris,  where  he  died  in  '04,  aged  47,  leaving  a  widow 
and  several  children.  Akers  (B.),  1846,  in  Cal.  Bat.  Probably  same  as 
'Acres,'  q.v. 

Alanis  (Mariano),  1800,  Mex.  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1800-39.  ii.  349.  Padron. 
A.  (Maximo),  1819,  resid.  of  Los  Ang.;  arrested  for  smuggling  in  '21,  and  for 
political  misdeeds  in  '31.  Owner  ot  the  S.  Jose"  de  Buenos  Aires  rancho  in  '40- 
3.  ii.  354,  441;  iii.  196,  634;  iv.  035.  A.  (Nicolas),  a  settler  at  L.  Ang.  in 
1807.  ii.  350;  and  Marcos  A.  in  '46. 

Alarcon  (Gaspar),  1602,  Span.  com.  of  one  of  Vizcaino's  ships,  i.  98.  A. 
(Hernando),  1540,  com.  of  an  explor.  vessel  at  the  head  of  the  gulf;  may  have 
seen  Cal.  territory,  i.  68.  Alarico,  1840,  Ind.  chief  arrested  by  Sutter.  iv. 
137.  Alariza  (Juan  P.),  Cal.  claim  for  $11,565  in  '46  (v.  462-8). 

^.lava  (Jose"  Manuel),  1793-4,  Span,  brigadier  of  the  navy,  or  commodore, 
who  visited  Cal.  in  connection  with  the  Nootka  affair.  He  fell  at  the  battle  of 
Trafalgar  in  1803.  i.  509,  523-5,  533.  Alballo  (Fe>iciano),  1777,  one  of  the  1st 
settlers  at  S.  F.  i.  297.  Alberger  (John),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 

Alberni  (Pedro),  1796,  Span,  lieut-col,  and  capt.  of  Catalan  vol.,  who 
came  in  connection  with  the  project  of  founding  Branciforte.  By  his  rank  lie 
was  com.  of  the  S.  F.  post  in  1790-1800,  and  com.  de  armas  of  Cal.  at  Mont, 
in  1801-2,  dying  in.  1802.  Seebiog.,  ii.  5-6;  mention  in  i.  535.  539-41,  543, 
505-7,  615,  630,  639,  679,  693,  705,  729;  ii.  2,  140. 

Albert  (J.  C.),  1833,  mr  of  whaler  Isabel  iii.  382.  Albet  (Ibre),  1825-G, 
mr  of  whaler  Triton,  iii.  149.  Albin  (Charles),  1845,  Amer.  at  Mont.;  prob. 
same  as  Chas  Albien,  who  got  a  lot  at  S.  F.  in  '47.  iv.  587,  685.  Albright 
(James),  1845,  Amer.  sailor  fr.  the  Tasso  at  S.  F.,  aided  by  U.  S.  consul. 
Alcantara  (Pedro),  1792-5,  mason-instructor,  i.  615,  684. 

Alden  (Fernando),  1832,  at  Mont,  in  '47.  Amer.  who  testified  at  S.  F.  '53, 
in  U.  S.  vs  Castillero,  that  he  came  in  '32,  and  had  lived  25  years  in  Cal.  and 
Mex.  A.  (James),  1841,  lieut  in  U.  S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241.  Later  a  commo 
dore.  Alderman  (Isaac  W.),  1848,  Amer.  miner  from  Or.;  killed  by  C.  E. 
Pickett  at  Sacramento.  See  Hist.  Or.,  i.  459. 

Aldrich  (James),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  in  Va  '64.  A. 
(Prudence),  1846,  widow  in  the  Mormon  col,  v.  546,  with  son  and  daughter, 
her  husband,  Silas  Aldrich,  having  died  on  the  voyage.  She  was  owne:  of  a 
S.  F.  lot  in  '47;  but  returned  to  Utah,  where  she  still  lived  with  her  daughter 
in  '84.  Her  son  Jasper  died  in  Utah. 

Alegre  (Antonio),  1790-5,  settler  at  S.  Jose",  i.  478,  683.  Aleponzoni 
(Flavio),  1791,  alferez  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Alered  (Jesus),  1846, 
resid.  of  S.  Bernardino.  Alexander,  1334,  Engl.  sailor  in  a  Mont.  list. 

Alexander  (Cyrus),  1832,  Amer.  tanner  born  in  Penn.  1805,  but  moving 
with  his  parents  to  111.  in  1810.  In  '31,  or  perhaps  earlier,  after  an  unprofit 
able  experience  in  lead-mining  at  Galena,  he  started  for  the  far  west  as  a  trap 
per  for  the  Sublette  Co.,  and  came  to  Cal.  by  way  of  Sta  Fe.  The  date  has 
been  variously  given  from  '27  to  '35;  but  original  archive  evidence  of  '37-45 
leaves  no  doubt  that  he  came  in  '32  or  '33.  For  7  or  8  years  he  remained  in 
the  south,  engaged  in  hunting,  fishing,  trading,  soap-making,  and  stock-rais 
ing.  He  received  Mex.  naturalization  papers  on  March  18,  1837,  though  he 
applied  for  new  papers  in  '45.  About  '40  he  came  north  and  took  charge  on 
shares  of  Henry  D.  Fitch's  Sotoyome  rancho,  now  Healdsburg,  obtaining  for 
himself  2  leagues  of  the  rancho  in  '47.  In  Dec.  '44  he  was  married  by  Sutter 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  4J- 


G90  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

to  Rufina  Lucero,  a  sister  of  Win  Gordon's  wife,  from  N.  Mex.  There  was 
trouble  about  this  marriage,  which  had  to  be  repeated  by  a  priest  at  Sta  Clara. 
During  the  flush  times  Alexander,  though  unlucky  as  a  miner,  became  rich 
by  the  sale  of  rancho  products  and  increase  in  the  value  of  his  land.  His 
name  in  many  ways  is  prominently  and  honorably  connected  with  the  history 
of  Healdsburg.  Unlike  any  other  Cal.  ex-trapper  known  to  history  or  tradi 
tion,  he  was  converted,  joined  the  presbyterian  church,  and  finally  became  a 
methodist,  giving  liberally  to  church  and  educational  enterprises;  but  he  was 
also  charitable  in  other  respects,  acquiring  an  enviable  reputation  locally  as 
an  honest,  unassuming  citizen.  He  died  in  '7*2,  after  7  years  of  partial  paraly 
sis,  leaving  a  widow  and  4  of  his  12  children.  Mention  in  iii.  338,  408;  iv. 
117,  674.  His  portrait  is  given  in  the  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  91.  A  MS.  in  my 
collection — Life  and  Times  of  Cyrus  Alexander,  by  his  nephew  Charles  Alex 
ander — contains  many  details. 

Alexander  (David  W.),  1841,  Irish  trader  from  N.  Mex.  At  first  a  ran- 
chero  in  the  S.  Bernardino  region,  and  later  in  trade  at  L.  Ang.  with  Temple. 
He  strongly  favored  the  Amer.  in  the  troubles  of  '46;  was  one  of  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Chino  (v.  311-14);  and  after  the  war  was  made  collector  of  customs 
at  S.  Pedro  in  '47-8.  Successful  claimant  for  the  ranches  of  Tujunga  and 
Providencia.  In  '50  regidor  of  Los  Ang.,  and  county  sheriff  in  '55-6  and  '76-7. 
His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Manuel  Requena.  Still  living,  '85,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Los  Ang.  Mentioned  in  iv.  278-9;  v.  314,  441,  572,  575,  626,  634-5. 
Alexander  (G.),  1848,  pass,  from  Honolulu.  A.  (Horace  M.),  1847,  Co.  B, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469-98).  Alexy  (John),  1825,  mr  whaler  Factor,  iii.  147. 
Alfaro  (Joaquin),  1834,  accused  of  murder  at  Mont.  iii.  673.  Alfe  (Alfon), 
1827,  mr  whaler  Orion,  iii.  148. 

Alford  (Landy),  1846,  overland  immig.  who  worked  as  a  carpenter  at  Mont., 
and  at  Benicia  in  '47-8,  afterwards  settling  in  Suisun  valley.  His  daughter  was 
the  wife  of  Nathan  Barbour.  v.  672. 

Alipas  (Damaso),  1831,  engaged  in  the  S.  Diego  revolt,  iii.  201.  A.  (Ger- 
vasio),  in  same  revolt;  also  executed  by  the  vigilantes  at  L"OS  Ang.,  in  '36.  iii. 
417-19.  A.  (Jose"),  resid.  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  age  37,  in  '41-6;  com.  of  a  mil. 
force  at  S.  Luis  Rey  in  '46.  iv.  620-1,  626.  A.  (Martin),  1846,  resid.  at  Los 
Ang.  A.  (Santos),  1846,  killed  at  the  Pauma  massacre,  iv.  617.  Allamando 
(Victorino),  1841,  resid.  at  S.  Jose,  age  35. 

Allen,  1832,  trapper  with  Nidever  in  '30,  and  thought  by  N.  to  have  come  to 
Cal.  a  little  later,  iii.  408.  Allen,  1847,  in  Sutter's  employ.  Allen  ( Albern), 
1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469-98).  A.  (Andy),  1846,  said  by  Hall  to  have 
come  to  Sta  Clara  val.  with  his  brothers  Thos  and  Win,  and  his  sisters  Melissa 
and  Rebecca.  Perhaps  brothers,  etc.,  of  J.  M.  Allen,  q.v. 

Allen  (Daniel),  1848,  a  Mormon  killed  by  Ind.  in  exploring  for  a  new  road 
over  the  Sierra  on  the  return  to  Utah.  v.  496.  Tyler  calls  him  Daniel,  but  there 
is  no  such  name  on  the  rolls.  Bigler  calls  him  Ezrah  H.  Perhaps  it  was  Elijah  or 
George  Allen,  who  were  privates  in  Co.  B.  Another  George  A.  was  in  Co.  E. 

Allen  (David),  1847,  Amer.  imrnig.  in  Brown's  co.  of  '46,  but  left  sick  on 
the  way,  going  to  Or.  and  visiting  Cal.  in  '47.  His  wife  died  on  the  overland 
journey  (v.  520-30).  See  Jas  M.  Allen. 

/Allen  (George),  1822,  Irishman,  said  to  have  been  a  quaker,  also  called 
Scotch  and  English  in  some  records,  who  landed  at  Mont,  at  age  of  26.  He 
was  baptized  as  Josef  Jorge  Tomas  at  S.  Carlos  in  '24,  and  in  '26  married  Petra 
Boronda,  a  native  of  S.  Jose1,  age  14.  Naturalized  in  '29.  He  kept  a  little  shop 
or  inn  at  Mont.,  in  comp.  with  Wm  Gralbatch,  but  sold  out  to  Mclntosh  in  '3J 
for  $90.  In  one  way  or  another  his  name  appears  in  the  records  of  almost  every 
year,  as  he  was  a  favorite  witness  to  divers  contracts,  had  petty  transactions 
with  everybody,  and  served  on  occasion  as  surgeon  and  dentist.  He  was  several 
times  a  member  and  oftener  an  employ 6  of  the  ayuntamiento.  In  a  padron  of 
'36,  when  he  was  munic.  treasurer,  he  is  noted  as  a  trader,  40  years  old,  with 
wife  and  4  children.  In  '42  he  was  justice  of  the  peace,  and  seems  to  have  got  a 
lot  at  S.  F.,  though  he  never  lived  there.  In  '44-5  teacher  by  the  governor's 
appointment,  and  in  '45-6  clerk  in  the  U.  S.  consulate,  being  an  excellent  pen- 


ALLEN— ALLSOPP.  691 

man,  and  evidently  a  man  of  some  education.  He  sometimes  signed  Geo.  W.  Al 
len.  He  died  at  Mont,  in  '47,  and  his  widow  was  still  living  in  '83;  his  sons  were 
Miguel,  b.  in  '27 — in  '83  living  in  Inyo  Co. — Jos6  George,  b.  in  '33,  and  Alonzo, 
who  in  '83  kept  a  saloon  in  Mont. ;  one  daughter  married  Dr  Martin  of  S.  Jose1, 
and  the  other  lived  in  '83  with  her  mother,  ii.  478,  496,  525,  609,  674;  iii.  409, 
176;  iv.  117,  653,  669;  v.  681. 

Allen  (Geo.  Trail),  1848,  appointed  Nov.  '48  Hawaiian  consul  in  Cal.  v. 
615.  Perhaps  did  not  arrive  till  '49.  A.  (Henry),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot. 
A.  (James),  capt.  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  who  organized  and  commanded  the 
Morm.  Bat.  in  '46,  but  died  before  reaching  Cal.  v.  473-8. 

Allen  (James  M.),  1846,  Amer.  immig.  from  Mo.  (v.  526-30),  son  of  David 
Allen,  q.  v.  With  his  brothers  and  sisters  he  went  to  Sta  Clara,  where  he  lived — 
also  serving  in  Weber's  company,  and  getting  a  lot  at  S.  F. — in  '46-8.  He  was 
a  gold-miner  in  '48,  also  visiting  Oregon.  From  '49,  trader  in  live-stock,  founder 
of  the  town  of  Fremont  in  '49,  and  sheriff  of  Yolo  Co.  in  '50.  From  '53  in  Contra 
Costa;  from  '61  at  S.  F.,  though  interested  in  Nevada  mines;  and  in  '65-8  adj.- 
gen.  of  Cal.  militia,  subsequently  engaging  in  real  estate  business  at  Livermore, 
\vhere  he  still  lived  at  the  age  of  56  in  '84.  His  wife  was  Sidesia  Mendenhall, 
his  children  Eugene  and  Delora  (Mrs  Biddle).  A.  (Jesse  H. ),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358-60),  under  Capt.  Grisby  '46-7. 

Allen  (John),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  489-90.  A  hard  case,  who  was 
drummed  out  of  the  battalion  and  ex-corn,  from  the  church  at  Los  Ang.  Owner 
of  a  S.  F.  lot  in  '47.  v.  685.  Later  a  *  terror'  in  the  Placer  Co.  mines,  being 
killed  in  a  quarrel  at  Grass  Valley  in  '51.  A.  (Otis),  1841.  named  as  a  Maine 
man,  resid.  in  Sonoma  Co.  '50-77.  A.  (Rufus  C.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);  a  Utah  farmer  in  '81.  A.  (Theodore  Henry),  1847,  Pion.  Soc.  record. 
A.  (Thomas),  1841,  succeeded  Ridley  in  charge  of  Sutter's  launch. 

Allgeier  (Nicolaus),  1840,  German  trapper,  some  time  in  H.  B.  Co.'s  em 
ploy,  who  came  by  land  fr.  Or.  and  worked  for  Sutter  at  N.  Helv.  His  name 
was  generally,  and  perhaps  correctly,  written  Altgeier.  He  often  quarrelled 
with  the  capt.,  who  once  accused  Le  Grand  Nicolas  of  having  tried  to  kill  him; 
but  A.  was  not  discharged  as  threatened.  In  '42  he  got  from  Sutter  a  tract 
of  land  on  the  Sac.  just  below  Bear  River,  where  he  managed  a  ferry  at  the 
crossing  between  N.  Helv.  and  Hock,  building  a  hut  of  poles,  and  later  an 
adobe  house;  and  here  the  little  town  of  Nicolaus  bears  his  name.  In  '44  he 
was  naturalized,  and  is  often  named  in  the  N.  Hdv.  Diary  of  '46-8.  He  still 
lived  on  his  rancho  in  '49,  and  is  remembered  in  '52-5  by  Bid  well;  still  living 
in '60.  He  left  children.  Mention  in  iv.  117,  120,  139,  229;  v.  108. 

Allig,  see  Elick.  Allison  (Francis),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men,  though 
there  is  some  doubt  about  the  date.  v.  583,  587.  WTounded  in  '50  in  a  fight 
with  Ind.  in  El  Dorado  Co.  In  '84  a  gardener  at  Oakland.  Alhnand  (Albert), 
1846-7,  act.  lieut  U.  S.  N. ;  lieut  Co.  D,  Stockton's  Bat.  v.  386. 

Allred  (Reddick  R.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  Also  Q.  M.  sergt,  and 
capt.  of  50  on  the  return,  v.  477,  493.  In  '81  a  bishop  and  col  of  militia  in 
Utah.  J.  R.  Allred  is  also  named  by  Tyler  in  connection  with  the  march  to 
Utah  in  '48.  Allshouse  (Joseph),  1841,  marine  on  the  Vincennes,  killed  acci 
dentally  in  crossing  S.  F.  bar.  iv.  279. 

Allsopp  (James  P.  C.),  1848,  native  of  La,  his  father  being  of  an  old  well- 
known  Engl.  - Atner.  family  and  his  mother  of  the  Span,  family  of  Alfaro  de 
Villahermosa.  Educated  in  England.  A  volunteer  in  the  Mex.  war,  being 
wounded  at  Cerro  Gordo.  In  '48  came  overland  with  an  immig.  party  from 
N.  Orleans,  v.  556;  and  kept  a  boarding-house  in  '48-51  at  S.  F.,  subsequently 
making  several  voyages  as  master  of  a  vessel,  in  which  he  went  east  in  '54. 
In  '57  he  made  a  2d  overland  trip  from  V.  Cruz  to  Tepic,  and  came  to  S.  F., 
making  several  later  voyages,  and  adding  a  shipwreck  to  his  catalogue  of  adven 
tures.  In  'GO  a  miner  in  Tuolumne,  writing  besides  for  the  newspapers,  as  he 
did  occasionally  at  all  stages  of  his  career.  In  '61  married  Angelina,  daughter 
of  II.  R.  Hunter  of  N.  J.  In  '61 -'7  9,  with  a  few  intervals  of  mining  and  trade, 
he  was  a  teacher  in  many  public  and  private  institutions  of  Cal.  and  Or.  In 
'80-4,  he  did  good  service  as  a  gleaner  of  historic  data  in  my  library;  and  ia 


692  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

'85  is  teaching  in  a  Berkeley  institution.  His  Leares  from  my  Log  Book  is  an 
interesting  addition  to  my  store  of  pioneer  reminiscences;  and  few  of  the  thou 
sands  named  in  this  list  have  liad  so  varied  an  experience.  Allyn,  1848,  mr 
of  the  Isaac  Walton,  v.  578. 

Almenares  (Fruto),  resid.  of  S.  Bern,  and  Los  Ang.  '46-8.  A.  (Ign.)>  Los 
Ang.  1813.  ii.  359.  A.  (Jose"  M.),  Los  Ang.  '46.  A.  (Pedro),  soldier  at  S. 
F.  and  Sonoma,  '39-42. 

Alpen  (James),  1828-9,  Engl.  sailor  at  Mont.  Perhaps  'Halpin.' 
Altamirano  (Abelino),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.       A.  (Domingo),  S.  F.  soldier  '37- 
43.  iii.  638,  667.       A.  (Francisco),  S.  Jos6  '41,  married  to  Encarnacion  Bernal. 

A.  (Gonzalo),  soldier  at  S.  F.  '23-9;  sent  to  Mex.  '30.  iii.  85.       A.  (Jos<§  C.), 
Los  Ang.  '46.       A.  (Juan  C.),  regidor  at  S.  Joss  1809.  ii.  134.       A.  (Justo), 
settler  S.  F.  1791-1800;  iiival.  '19-23.  i.  716.       A.  (Lucas),  soldier  at  S.  Juan 
1800.  i.  588.       A.  (Luis),  alfe"rez  at  Los  Ang.  '45-8.  iv.  505.       A.  (Marcos), 
soldier  S.  F.  '19-24.       A.  (Rafael),  at  N.  Helv.  '47.       A.  (Salvador),  soldier 
of  S.  F.  comp.  '32-42.       A.  (Victoriano),  soldier  at  S.  F.  '23-9;  sent  to  Mex. 
'30.  ii.  85.   See  also  list  in  i.  732. 

Altimira  (Jose"),  1820,  Span,  friar  at  S.  F.  and  Solano,  of  which  latter  he 
was  the  founder.  He  left  Cal.  in  '28.  A  padre  who  had  a  will  of  his  own.  See 
biog.  in  ii.  579;  list  of  auth.  in  vol.  i. ;  mention  in  ii.  375,  394,  496-505,  595, 
597,  655;  iii.  24,  93-4. 

Alurel  (J.  B.),  1836,  French  saddler  at  Mont.  Perhaps  'Mutrel,'  q.v. 

Alva  (Manuel),  1833,  Mex.  surgeon  of  the  Cal.  forces  \vho  came  to  Mont, 
with  Gov.  Figueroa,  and  before  '36  married  Nicolasa  Gajiola.  In  '37,  with 
other  Mex.,  he  took  part  in  the  revolt  against  Alvarado,  for  which  he  was 
arrested  and  confined  at  S.  Miguel;  but  escaping,  joined  the  Carrillo  faction  in 
the  south,  only  to  be  rearrested  in  '38  by  Castro  at  S.  Buen.  and  released  on 
promise  of  non-interference  in  politics.  At  first  he  was  noted  as  a  free 
thinker,  but  with  illness  became  devout.  In  '40,  being  disabled  at  the  age 
of  53,  he  got  a  passport  for  Mex.,  and  his  successor  was  appointed.  No  defi 
nite  record  of  his  departure  or  death,  iii.  236,  240,  296,  463,  523-4,  555. 
Alva  (Valentin).  Resid.  of  S.  Bernardino  in  '46. 

Alvarado  (Francisco  Javier),  soldier  of  S.  Diego  from  1780,  and  of  Sta 

B.  comp.  from  1789.  In  1795-6  corporal,  and  comisionado  at  Los  Ang.;  in 
1S05  sergt;  and  in  1809-10  again  comisionado,  dying  before  1818.  He  mar 
ried  Maria  Ignacia,  daughter  of  Pedro  Amador,  about  1788.  i.  661;  ii.  110- 
1 1,  349,  356-7.       A.  (Francisco  Javier),  probably  a  son  of  the  preceding,  born 
in  1807,  and  a  resid.  of  Los  Ang.,  where  he  was  suplente  member  of  the  dip. 
in  '33,  alcalde  in  '35r  and  again  suplente  in  '37.   In  a  padron  of  '39  he  figures 
as  a  trader,  age  32,  and  still  lived. at  Los  Ang.  in  '48.  iii.  246,  282,  506,  565, 
C29.       A.  (Francisco  Maria),  perhaps  a  brother  of  the  preceding,  though  there 
may  be  confusion  between,  two  or  more  of  the  same  name.  Grantee  of  Penas- 
quitos  rancho  in  '23,  '34,.  '36,  on.  which  he  lived;  regidor  of  S.  Diego  '37; 
grantee  of  Soledad  rancho  in  '38;  aux.  alcalde  and  regidor  at  Los  Ang.   (?) 
'38-9;  treasurer  at  S.  Diego  '40-1  ;•  and  juez  in  '45.  ii.  547,  612,  618,  663;  iv. 
53-4,  495,  612,  616,  619,  620-1,  636.  See  also  list  i.  732.       A.  (Fran.  M.),  at 
Los  Ang.  '39,  age  25. 

Alvarado  (Ignacio  Maria),  witness  in  the  Herrera  trial  '27;  regidor  at  Los 
Ang.  '32-3;  juezdecampo  '35;  sindico  '37;  prisoner  in '38;  resid.  of  Los  Ang., 
•age  27,  in  '39;  juez  de  paz  '41;  still  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  Very  likely  more  than 
one  of  the  name.  iii.  62,  517,  554-5,  635-6;  iv.  632.  A.  (Ignacio  Rafael), 
1 774,  soldier  and  later  sergt  of  S.  D.  and  Sta  B.  comp. ;  may  have  been  the 
father  of  some  of  the  preceding  and  following.  Biog.  i.  647,  452.  A.  (Isidro 
M.),  aux.  alcalde  in  Angeles  dist.  '38;  age  26  in  '39;  grantee  of  Monserrate 
rancho  '46.  iii.  636;  v.  619.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  man  who  died  at  S. 
Luis  Rey  '62,  and  at  whose  grave  the  mourners  were  attacked  by  the  sheriff 
find  one  killed.  A.  .(Joaquin),,  regidor  at  Mont.  '31-2.  Born  at  S.  D.  in 
1300;  married  to  Juana  de  Dios  Higuera;  5  children  in  '36,  Juan  Jose",  Fe 
lipe,  Jos6  A.,  Maria  Ana,  and  Francisco,  iii.  114,  672-3;  iv.  653.  A.  (Joa- 
quiua),  grantee  of  the  Canada  Larga  rancho  '41.  iv.  642. 


ALVARADO.  693 

Alvarado  (Jose  Francisco),  1805,  sergt  Mont.  co.  Son  of  Juan  B. ,  and  father 
of  Juan  B.  (the  governor).  Died  in  1809.  Biog.  ii.  141.  A.  (Jose"  M.),  grantee 
of  Vallecitos  rancho  '40;  juez  at  S.  D.  '41-2;  killed  at  Pauma  '40.  iii.  612;  iv. 
619;  v.  617.  A.  (Josefa),  owner  of  house  at  Los  Ang.  '31.  iii.  539;  also  '48; 
as  was  Juana  Alv.  A.  (Juan),  regidor  of  Los  Ang.  '31.  iii.  196.  A.  (Juan 
A.),  memb.  of  dip.  '37.  iii.  506.  A.  (Juan  Bautista),  father  of  Jose"  Fran, 
as  above,  a  soldier  who  came  in  the  1st  exped.  of  1769,  but  did  not  remain. 
iii.  141. 

Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  son  of  Sergt  Jose*  F.  Alvarado  and  Maria  Josefa 
Vallejo,  born  at  Mont.  Feb.  14,  1809.'  To  a  man  like  this,  \vho  for  years  was 
a  central  figure  in  California  history,  and  to  whom  many  pages  are  devoted  iii 
other  parts  of  this  work,  but  scanty  justice  can  be  done  in  this  register.  I 
attempt  no  more  here  than  to  present  a  brief  chronologic  outline  of  salient 
points,  to  index  the  pages  devoted  to  the  subject  in  other  volumes,  and  to  add 
some  general  remarks  on  the  man,  his  character,  and  his  career.  Alvarado's 
official  life  began  in  '27,  from  which  date  to  '34  he  was  secretary  of  the  dip- 
utacion,  being  named  in  '31  as  comisionado  for  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  meanwhile 
employed  as  clerk  by  different  Monterey  merchants.  From  '34  to  '36  he  was 
a  vista,  or  appraiser,  in  the  Mont,  custom-house.  In  '34  he  was  elected  mem 
ber  of  the  dip.  for  the  term  of  '35-6,  and  in  '36  was  president  of  that  body. 
For  a  biog.  sketch  down  to  '36,  see  iii.  450-3;  mention  for  the  same  period, 
in  ii.  429;  iii.  36-43,  49-50,  69,  82,  186,  216,  245,  249-50,  291,  295-6,  307, 
374,  378,  422,  426,  429,  441,  443,  679,  682.  Leading  a  revolution  against  Gov. 
Gutierrez,  Alvarado  was  revolutionary  gov.  of  Cal.  from  Dec.  7,  '36,  to  July 
9,  '37;  from  that  date,  by  submitting  to  Mex.,  he  became  regular  gov.  ad  int. 
as  pres.  of  the  dip.  till  Nov.  24,  '39,  when  he  became  constitutional  gov.  by 
Mex.  appointment  of  Aug.  On  his  revolution,  struggle  with  the  south,  cam 
paigns,  political  schemings,  controversy  with  Carrillo,  and  his  rule  in  general 
in  '36-8 — no  satisfactory  resume  being  practicable  here — see  iii.  545-578,  or 
chap,  xvi.-ix.;  also  mention  in  ii.  78;  iii.  614,  652,  670-1;  iv.  47  et  seq.,  86, 
87,  et  seq.,  101,  149-50.  On  Alvarado's  rule  in  '39-42,  including  his  marriage, 
see  iii.  579-94,639;  controversy  with  Vallejo,  iii.  595-607;  iv.  190-205,281-4; 
acts  in  the  Graham  affair,  iv.  1-41;  policy  in  mission  and  Ind.  affairs,  iv.  47- 
73,  194-8,  330-41;  commerce  and  finance,  iv.  91-100,  206-25,  341-2;  treatment 
of  foreigners,  Sutter,  Russians,  etc.,  iv.  107-89,  228-52;  Com.  Jones' affair, 
iv.  307-19;  succession  of  Micheltorena,  iv.  291-7.  Alvarado's  governorship 
ended  on  Dec.  31,  '42;  but  from  '43  he  held  a  commission  of  colonel  in  the  Mex. 
army  with  pay;  and  from  '47  that  of  colonel  of  the  defensores  de  la  patria.  He 
was  a  leading  spirit  in  the  revolution  of  '44-5  that  made  Pico  gov.,  and  by  the 
latter  was  made  admin,  of  the  Mont,  custom-house.  He  was  elected  to  con 
gress  in  '45,  but  did  not  go  to  Mex. ,  being  also  the  grantee  of  several  ranches, 
including  the  famous  Mariposas.  Though  serving  as  colonel  under  Castro,  he 
took  but  slight  part  in  the  affairs  of  '46,  being  arrested  and  paroled  in  Sept., 
and  residing  as  a  citizen  in  '47-8  at  his  rancho  near  Monterey,  though  the 
Mex.  govt  had  appointed  him  ayud.  inspector  of  the  Cal.  presidial  companies. 
For  mention  of  A.  in  this  part  of  his  career,  '43-8,  see  iv.  357,  366-7,  403-4, 
407-9,  453,  485,  488-508,  518-20,  524,  536-7,  539-40,  544,  556-82,  601-2,  621, 
672-3;  v.  5,  28,  31-2,  41,  69,  137,  231,  261,  267,  282,  289,  363,  433,  455,  561, 
565-6;  iii.  712.  In  the  flush  times  and  period  of  land  litigation  Alvarado  saved 
no  land  or  money;  but  subsequently  moved  to  the  San  Pablo  estate  inherited 
by  his  wife — Martina,  daughter  of  Francisco  Castro,  whom  he  married  in  '39 — 
where,  though  the  property  was  always  in  litigation,  he  was  enabled  to  live 
comfortably  until  his  death  on  July  13,  1882.  His  wife  had  died  in  '75,  but  he 
left  several  children,  including  two  sons  and  a  married  daughter.  He  had  also 
several  natural  daughters  before  his  marriage.  In  physique  Don  Juan  Bautista 
was  of  medium  stature,  stout  build,  fair  complexion,  and  light  hair;  of  genial 
temperament,  courteous  manners,  and  rare  powers  of  winning  friends.  Re 
specting  his  character  I  must  refer  the  reader  to  the  discussion  elsewhere  of  his 
various  acts.  Much  will  be  found  in  him  to  praise,  much  to  condemn.  Most 
that  is  bad  in  his  conduct  may  be  traced  to  his  environment,  to  his  position  as  a 


694  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

politician  forced  by  circumstances  to  support  himself  by  intrigue,  and  to  his 
unfortunate  indulgence  in  intoxicating  drink.  From  '39  he  was  reckless,  dissi 
pated,  and  in  some  degree  disposed  to  permit  rascalities  on  the  part  of  associates 
and  subordinates;  though,  indeed,  all  he  could  have  done  to  prevent  such  con 
duct  was  to  resign  and  leave  the  responsibility  to  another.  Nor  can  it  be  said 
that  he  passed  through  the  ordeal  of  later  land  litigation  without  discredit. 
In  his  favor  it  may  be  said  that  he  had  more  brains,  energy,  and  executive 
ability  than  any  three  of  his  contemporaries  combined;  that  in  most  of  his  many 
controversies  he  was  right  as  well  as  successful;  that  he  was  patriotic,  and  at 
ilio  first  full  of  good  intentions  for  his  country;  that  the  politicians  who  forced 
him  to  expend  his  energies  and  the  country's  substance  in  sectional  quarrels 
arc  largely  responsible  for  his  failure;  that  none  of  his  countrymen  could  have 
done  so  well  in  his  place;  that  he  was  honorable  in  his  private  dealings,  true 
t3  his  political  friends,  and  ne^er  used  his  position  to  enrich  himself.  He  has 
boon  accused,  and  for  the  most  part  unjustly,  through  church  influence,  of  hav 
ing  plundered  the  missions;  but  for  their  inevitable  ruin  he  was  responsible 
only  in  being  gov.  while  it  was  accomplished.  Still  more  grossly  exaggerated, 
and  even  false,  have  been  the  accusations  of  such  men  as  Farnham  and  Hastings, 
founded  on  Alvarado's  policy  toward  foreigners.  In  my  list  of  authorities  will 
be  found  many  of  Alvarado's  writings.  His  original  letters  of  '30-42  merit 
only  praise  as  the  best  authority  extant  on  the  history  of  that  period.  His 
Illstoria  de  California,  dictated  for  my  use  in  76,  is  valuable  in  many  parts 
and  worthless  in  many  others. 

Alvarado  (Juan  B. ),  son  of  Fran.  J.  Alvarado,  born  in  1790,  regidor  of  Los 
Ang.  in  '30-1;  at  S.  D.  as  regidor  and  com.  de  policiain  '35-6;  at  Los  Ang.  in 
'37;  memb.  of  the  dip.  in  '39.  ii.  561;  iii.  509,  584,  634,  615-16.  Grantee  of 
Rincon  del  Diablo  in  '43.  He  died  in  '47,  leaving  a  family.  A.  (Juan  Jose"), 
soldier  and  corp.  at  S.Diego  fr.  1793,  and  settler  at  Los  Ang.  in  '15.  ii.  350. 
Another  of  the  same  name  was  a  son  of  Joaquin  A.,  born  at  Mont,  in  '26. 
A.  (Juan  N.),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '12;  regidor  in  '32,  '35-6.  age  46  in  '39.  A. 
(Juana),  land-owner  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  A.  (Maria  Joaq. ),  wife  of  Gab.  Moraga. 
ii.  571.  A.  (Mariano),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  A.  (Miguel),  soldier  of  Sta  13.  and 
S.  F.  '26-37;  in  '44  at  Sonoma,  age  44,  and  grantee  of  Yulupa  rancho.  iv. 
074.  A.  (N.),  soldier  at  Mont.  '45.  iv.  487.  A.  (Tomasa),  house  arid  lot  at 
S.  Diego,  1830.  ii.  546;  iii.  G12. 

Alvarez,  murdered  at  Sta  B.  1794.  i.  669.  A.  (Felipe),  settler  at  Mont. 
1791.  i.  606.  A.  (Jose),  artilleryman  teacher  at  S.  F.  1797-1800.  i.  044. 

A.  (Jos6  F.),  sec.  of  ayunt.  S.  Diego  '38;  clerk  in  Mont,  custom-house  '43-4. 
iii.  610;  iv.  377,  431.       A.  (Juan),  ind.  on  the  8.  Antonio,  1709.  i.  131;  guard 
at  S.  D.  1775.  i.  250;  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i.  400.       A.  (Miguel),  at  Sta 

B.  '37,  wife  Paula  Lara.  At  Los  Ang.  in  '46.       A.  (Pedro),  at  Los  Ang.  1799. 
ii.  349.       A.  (Pedro  M.),  maj.  at  S.  D.,  murdered  '14.  ii.  346.       A.  (Tibur- 
cio),  plotting  with  Ind.  'iJ9.  iii.  587. 

Alvires  (Claudio),  settler  at  S.  Jose"  fr.  1780;  land  in  1783;  regidor  in  17S5, 
1805.  i.  477-8,  350;  ii.  134.  A.  (Francisco),  settler  ab  S.  F.  1701-1800.  i. 
716;  Id.,  resid.  S.  Gab.  '46.  A.  (Juan),  soldier  who  came  before  1790.  i. 
733.  A.  (Juan),  perhaps  son  of  the  preceding;  alcalde  of  S.  Jos6  1812-13.  ii. 
604-5;  ale.  of  Mont.  '26.  ii.  611-12;  grantee  of  Laguna  Seca  rancho  '34;  ale. 
of  S.  Jos<§  '37.  iii.  430,  712,  729-30;  mention  in  '44-6.  iv.  400,  470;  v.  6,  61. 

Alviso  (Agustin),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  at  S.  F.  1809;  soon  going  to  Sta  Clara; 
married  Maria  Ant.  Pacheco  in  '30;  maj.  of  S.  Jos<§  mission  '40-1;  grantee  of 
Potrero  de  los  Cerritos  rancho  '44.  iv.  672,  and  later  owner  of  Sta  Rita  in 
Livermore  Val.  He  was  a  prosperous  ranchero,  locally  well  known.  Arrested 
by  Sutter  in  '44  in  the  Micheltorena  affair.  His  wife  died  in  '70;  his  children 
were  Margarita  b.  in  '31,  mar.  in  '59  to  Andronico  Soto,  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '85 
with  5  children;  Joso  b.  in  '34,  Salvio  b.  in  '37,  Valentin  b.  in  '41;  Jesus  M. 
b.  in  '44,  mar.  Ignacio  Pacheco  in  '05,  at  Pleasanton  in  '85;  Josd  B.  b.  in  '50, 
Alam.  Co.  '85;  Gnadalupo  b.  in  '52,  Alam.  Co.  '85.  Don  Agustin  died  in  '80. 

Alviso  (Anastasio),  son  of  Francisco  Jav. ,  said  not  to  have  married.  Id., 
son  of  Ignacio,  rcsid.  of  S.  Jose  in  '41,  r.^3  40;  v;ifo  i.Ian'.i  Ant.  Altamiraiio; 


ALVISO.  695 

child.,  Bias  b.  in  '28,  Isabel  '32,  Antonia  '37,  Ignacio  '39.  Bias  Alviso  is 
known  from  his  connection  with  the  affair  of  Arce's  horses  in  '46,  and  his  con 
sequent  claim  on  the  govt.  v.  106,  460. 

Alviso  (Domingo),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  at  S.  F.  about  1817;  in  '41  a  resid. 
of  S.  Jose";  wife  Maria  S.  Pachcco:  child.,  Rafael  and  Lie's.  In  '45  he  was 
elected  2d  alcalde,  iv.  685.  See  also  list  i.  733.  There  was  also  a  corporal  Al 
viso  at  Sta  B.  in  '24.  ii.  531. 

Alviso  (Fran.  Javier),  bro.  of  Ignacio,  who  came  as  a  S.  F.  settler  with  Anza 
in  75-6.  i.  297,  716;  said  to  have  mar.  Maria  A.nt.  Beltran,  by  whom  he  had 
Nicolas,  Francisco,  and  Anastasio;  but  in  '17  at  S.  Carlos  was  married  Fran 
cisco — son  of  Francisco  and  Maria  de  los  Reyes  Duarte — to  Gertrudis  Villa- 
vicencio.  Francisco  (the  son?)  was  a  sold,  in  S.  F.  comp.  to  '22;  it  was  his 
daughter,  perhaps,  that  married  Jose"  M.  Amador.  ii.  585.  Fran.  ment.  at  Los 
Aug.  in  '31.  iii.  208.  In  the  S.  Jose"  padron  of  '41  is  Francisco  (1st),  Calif., 
age  51;  wife  Maria  B.  Linares;  child.,  Maria  S.  b.  in  '29,  Maria  L.  '32,  Felipe 
'35,  Maria  H.  '36,  Maria  R.  '37.  Also  Francisco  (2d),  age  25;  wife  Maria  I. 
Miranda;  child,  Maria  B.  Francisco  was  grantee  of  Canada  de  los  Vsiqueros 
rancho  in  '44.  iv.  671.  Another  Francisco,  grantee  of  Agua  Puerca  in  '43.  iv. 
6.35;  alcalde  of  Branciforte  '44,  iv.  664;  was  in  '45  living  at  Brancif.,  age  51, 
native  of  S.  Jose";  wife  Bernabela  Garcia;  child.,  Josefa  b.  in  '29,  Maria  T. 
'32,  Guillermo  '35,  Sabas  '39,  Manuelita  '42. 

Alviso  (Gabriel),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  in  1802;  soldier  at  S.  F.  '19-30,  also 
at  S.  F.  in  '37;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose";  wife  Francisca  Higuera,  child.,  Juan 
Ljn.  b.  '24,  Maria  '27,  Nicolas  '29,  Maria  A.  '31,  Jose"  R.  and  Jose"  S.  '34, 
Margarita  '35,  Tomas  '39,  Joso  E.  '40.  Also  at  S.  J.  in  '47.  v.  665. 

Alviso  (Ignacio),  native  of  Sonora,  b.  in  1772;  son  of  Domingo  A.  and  An 
gela  TVejo,  Spaniards;  came  with  his  mother,  brother,  and  sister  as  member  of 
Anza's  S.  F.  colonists  in  '75-6.  i.  257.  In  '90  enlisted  in  S.  F.  comp.,  serving 
as  a  private  till  1805,  and  as  corp.  to  1819,  when  he  became  an  invalido,  or 
pensioner,  with  the  rank  of  sergt  and  half  pay  by  order  of  the  king.  He  re 
mained  for  some  years  at  S.  F.,  being  an  elector  in  '27,  and  militiaman  in  '37. 
ii.  592.  Then  he  went  to  Sta  Clara;  was  grantee  of  Rincon  de  los  Esteros  rancho 
in  '38.  iii.  712;  and  was  admin,  of  Sta  Clara  mission  in  '40-3;  juez  in  '47.  v. 
662.  He  died  in  '48,  leaving  a  large  estate.  He  may  be  regarded  as  the  original 
Alviso  of  Cal. ,  and  a  town  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  bears  his  name.  His  wife  was  Marga 
rita  Bernal,  mar.  in  '94  at  S.  F. ;  his  children,  Agustin,  Jose  Ant.,  Gabriel, 
Anastasio,  Jose"  M.,  Domingo,  Concepcion,  and  Dolores.  Another  Ignacio 
A.  was  a  native  of  Cal.,  age  65,  at  S.  Jose"  in  '41;  wife  Luisa  Peralta. 

Alviso  (Jose  Ant.),  son  of  Ignacio.  Soldier  in  S.  F.  co.  down  to  '24;  regidor 
at  S.  Jose"  '28.  ii.  605;  elector  and  militiaman  S.  F.  '37.  iii.  705;  jucz  at  S. 
Francisquito  and  S.  Jose"  '39,  '43.  iii.  705;  iv.  685.  Ment.  down  to  '55,  when 
he  was  claimant  for  Arr.  de  Purisima  rancho.  v.  371,  637,  677.  He  died  be 
fore  '85,  leaving  a  large  estate.  A.  (Jose  Ant.),  probably  another  man  and 
son  of  Nicolas,  at  Salinas  in  '77  gave  me  his  interesting  Campana  de  Nativi- 
dad,  MS.  A.  (Jose"  Maria),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  about  1798;  sold,  at  S.  F. 
'19-27;  grantee  of  Milpitas  in  '35.  iii.  712;  alcalde  at  S.  Jose"  '36.  iii.  729- 
30;  in  '41  resid.  of  S.  Jose",  with  wife  Juana  Galindo;  child.,  Josefa  b.  '22,  Car 
men  '30,  Agustina  '32,  Florencina  '34,  Antonio  '30,  Gabriel  '38.  A.  ( Jose"  M. ), 
sold,  at  S.  F.  '27-32  and  later;  militia  officer  at  S.  Jose"  '37.  iii.  732;  grantee 
of  Canada  Verde  '38,  and  later  claimant  for  Quito  (perhaps  dif.  men),  iii.  677; 
iv.  672;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose*,  age  29;  wife  Manucla  Cantua;  child.,  Francisco  and 
Ignacia;  with  Arce  in  com.  of  troops  '46.  v.  106-9,  662.  A.  (Juan),  resid.  of 
S.  Jose"  '41,  age  52,  wife  Lugarda  Briones,  child  Juan.  A.  (Loreto),  sister  of 
Ignacio,  who  came  in  1776,  and  married  Luis  Peralta.  A.  (Manuel),  soldier 
at  S.  F.  from  '27;  died  in  '64. 

Alviso  (Nicolas),  son  of  Fran.  J.,  at  Mont.  '26.  ii.  612;  grantee  of  Alisal, 
Sauzal,  and  Natividad.  ii.  616,  664,  677;  suplente  of  dip.  :27-8.  iii.  36,  41; 
maj.  and  ale.  at  Soledad.  iii.  354,  674,  690-1;  took  part  in  arrest  of  Graham 
'40.  iv.  21-2.  Hh  wife  was  Barbara  Butron.  Another  Nic.  Alviso  lived  at 
Branciforte  in  '45,  age  28;  wife  Juana  Lorenzana;  child  Rosa.  A.  (Severo), 
soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '23-32. 


690  PIOXEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Alviso  (Valentin),  son  of  Agustin,  b.  at  S.  Jose"  in  '4-1;  educated  in  Mass.; 
married  '08  Josefa  Livermore,  by  whom  he  had  4  child.,  Cristina,  Antonia, 
Rosa,  and  Ernesto.  His  home  has  been  at  Livermore,  where  he  has  been 
farmer  and  real  estate  agent,  serving  also  as  supervisor  and  assemblyman.  In 
'85  he  is  an  employe"  of  the  U.  S.  mint  at  S.  F.  Deeply  interested  in  the 
history  of  his  country,  he  has  furnished  me  the  valuable  Documentos  para  la, 
Hi*t.  CaL,  forming  the  Alviso  family  archives;  and  has  rendered  aid  in  other 
matters,  besides  contributing  the  Livermore  Papers, 

Alvitrc  (Sebastian),  settler  and  incorrigible  scamp  at  S.  Jose"  1783  and  Los 
Ang.  fr.  1790.  i.  350,  460-1,  477,  484,  640.  In  '40-6  a  dozen  Alvitres  lived  in 
the  L.  Ang.  region,  one  being  mentioned  in  iv.  637. 

Amador  (Jose"  Maria),  son  of  Pedro,  b.  in  1794  at  S.  F.  Died  at  Gilroy  in 
'83.  See  biog.  sketch  ii.  585-6;  also  mention  ii.  232,  319,  335,  339,  372,  425, 
443,  599;  iii.  713,  725;  iv.  75,  681;  i.  list  of  auth.  A.  (Marcos),  sold,  at  S.  F. 
'19-23;  resid.  of  Branciforte  '28-30.  ii.  627.  A.  (Pedro),  Mex.  sergt  of  the 
1st  exped.  in  1769,  who  died  in  1824.  See  biog.  sketch  in  ii.  384-5;  also  men 
tion  in  i.  141,  472,  477,  495,  510-11,  548,  551,  555-6,  566,  574,  680,  693,  710; 
ii.  126.  A.  (Rafael),  famous  courier  of  '34.  ii.  271.  A.  (Valentin),  militia 
man  at  S.  F.  '37;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  23,  wife  Ciriaca  Pacheco;  in  '43  juez  de 
campo.  iv.  685. 

Amao  (Domingo),  sec.  of  S.  D.  ayunt.  in  '36-7.  iii.  508,  615-16.  Amari- 
llas  (Juan  A.),  sold,  killed  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  362.  Amaya  (Antonio),  native  of 
CaL,  age  40,  at  the  Trinidad  raucho  '36;  wife  Maria  Ant.  Larios;  children, 
Benito,  Esperanza,  Casimiro,  Ezequiel,  Refugio,  Dario.  Amejar  (Antonio), 
at  S.  Mateo  '35. 

Ambris  (Doroteo),  1841,  Ind.  novice  who  came  with  the  bishop,  iv.  195. 
Sub-deacon  at  Sta  laic's  college  in  '44.  iv.  426.  He  soon  became  a  priest; 
officiating  as  curate  at  Mont,  occasionally  from  '46  to  '51,  v.  638-40,  but  liv 
ing  at  S.  Antonio  until  his  death,  which  occurred  about  1880.  He  was  an 
ignorant  man,  and  reputed  more  or  less  vicious.  However,  he  gave  me  some 
old  papers,  which  covers  a  multitude  of  sins,  in  my  eyes.  Ambrosio,  Moque- 
lumne  chief  shot  in  '38.  iv.  75. 

Ames,  1846,  Amer.  immig.  from  Mo.,  who  enlisted  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  under 
Capt.  Burroughs,  and  like  his  leader  was  killed  at  Natividad  in  Nov.  v.  371. 
He  was"  buried  at  Gomez'  rancho,  and  his  effects  were  sold  at  N.  Helv.  in 
Sept.  '47  by  Peter  Wimmer.  A.  (Edward  T.),  1847.  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499).  Ames  (Josiah  P.),  1847,  Engl.,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  settling  at 
Sac.,  and  about  '55  at  Half  Moon  Bay;  farmer,  supervisor,  assemblyman  of 
'77-8,  and  warden  of  state  prison  in  '82.  Clark. 

Ames  (Thaddeus  M.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499-518);  later  a  doc 
tor  in  Mendocino  Co.,  memb.  of  the  assembly  in  '62-3,  and  died  at  Green 
Valley,  Sonoma  Co.,  in  '76.  A  native  of  N.  Y. 

Amesti  (Josd),  1822,  Span.  Basque,  who  came  on  the  Panther,  at  the  age 
of  30,  swore  allegiance  to  Mex.,  and  became  a  prominent  citizen  and  merchant 
of  the  Monterey  district,  ii.  475;  iii.  51-2.  In  '24  he  married  Prudenciana, 
daughter  of  Ignacio  Vallejo,  by  whom  he  had  three  daughters,  Carmen  b.  iu 
'25,  Epitacia  in  '26,  Celedonia  in  '29.  Grantee  of  Corralitos  rancho  in  '27 
and  '44.  ii.  616,  664;  iv.  655.  In  '32  joined  the  comp.  extranjera.  iii.  221; 
took  slight  part  in  the  politics  of  '36.  iii.  469;  was  juez  in  '41,  and  alcalde  in 
'44  at  Mont.  iv.  653,  656.  In  '46  being  plundered  by  the  Amer.,  he  had  a 
Cal.  claim  (v.  462-8)  of  $7,000.  v.  358-9.  Though  sometimes  involved  in 
quarrels  by  reason  of  a  fiery  temper,  Amesti  was  a  man  of  good  character, 
being  not  only  wealthy  but  respected.  Larkin,  in  his  Notes  of  '45,  described 
him  as  a  man  disgusted  with  the  Mex.  govt  and  favoring  a  change.  He  died 
about  '56,  and  his  widow  after  '77.  A.  (Felipe),  alcalde  at  S.  Juan  B.  in  '35. 
iii.  692.  Amestoy  (Marcos),  1804,  Span,  friar,  who  served  at  Sta  B.,  and 
left  Cal.  in  1814.  See  ii.  364;  also  ii.  121,  159-60,  394. 

Amezquita.  Several  of  the  name  among  the  early  sold,  and  settlers  of 
S.  F.  and  S.  Jose"  fr.  1775.  See  list  i.  733;  also  mention  of  Jose",  i.  679;  Juan 
Antonio,  i.  478,  617;  Manuel,  i.  297,  312,  350.  Juan  Ame"zquita  in  '36  was  a 


AMEZQUITA— ANDERSON.  697 

native  Calif.,  age  40,  living  at  Buenavista  rancho  near  Mont,  with  his  wife 
Gregoria  Arceo  and  6  child.,  Barbara  b.  in  '25,  Tiburcio  '27,  Concepcion  T29, 
Guadalupe  '30,  Casildo  '33,  Anita  '34.  Manuel  was  regidor  at  S.  Jose"  in 
1806.  ii.  134.  Ramon,  juez  de  campo  at  Pajaro  in  '35.  iii.  674;  in  '36  lived 
at  S.  Miguel  rancho,  age  36,  with  his  wife  Ana  M.  Villa  and  6  child.,  Juan 
b.  in  '25,  Vicente  '28,  Maria  C.  '30,  Pablo  '31,  Refugio  '32,  Casimira  '34. 
Salvador  in  '36  lived  at  the  Salinas  rancho,  age  48,  wife  Garcia  Martinez; 
child.,  Salome"  b.  in  '25,  Rosa  '27,  Salvador  '29,  Ramon  '32,  Jose"  '35. 

Amist  (L.),  1834,  mr  of  an  Engl.  brig.  iii.  384. 

Amor6s  (Juan),  1804,  Span,  friar  of  Cataluna,  who  served  at  S.  Carlos 
and  S.  Rafael,  where  he  died  in  '32.  Prominent  in  early  annals  of  the  north 
ern  frontier.  Biog.,  iii.  715-16;  mention  in  ii.  88,  147,  159-60,  218,  284,  330, 
383,  394,  418,  483,  500,  587,  596,  655,  666;  iii.  96,  256,  319,  351;  iv.  159-60. 

Amos,  1816,  carpenter  of  the  Lydia  at  Sta  B.  ii.  275.  Amurrio  (Gre- 
gorio),  1773,  Span,  friar;  founder  of  S.  Juan  Cap.;  left  Cal.  in  1779.  See  biog. 
in  i.  458;  mention  in  i.  194-5,  224,  248-9,  266-7,  300,  303-4.  Anangua,  1813, 
capt.  of  the  Tayle.  ii.  268.  Anastasio,  1831,  executed  at  Mont,  for  robbery, 
iii.  669,  673.  Anaya,  1834,  lieut  on  the  Morelos.  iii.  269. 

Anderson,  1845,  doubtful  name  of  Grigsby-Ide  co.  of  immig.  iv.  578-9. 
Anderson,  1848,  of  firm  Edmondson  &  A.  at  S.  F.  v.  682.  A.  (Cameron), 
1848,  lot  in  S.  F.  A.  (Chas),  1826-8,  mr  of  the  Solitude,  iii.  148.  A.  (Chas), 
1831,  acting  as  doctor  at  S.  Gab.,  prob.  from  a  vessel,  iii.  209.  A.  (Chas), 
1846,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  trans,  to  Co.  B,  artill.  Enlisted  at  S.  Jose". 

Anderson  (Chas  C.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.;  com.  garrison  at  N. 
Helv.  v.  504,  514,  675.  He  died  at  S.  F.  in  Sept.  '47,  and  his  bodv  was  the 
1st  buried  in  the  North  Beach  cemetery.  A.  (Frank  P.),  1847,  Co."  D,  N.  Y. 
Vol. ;  printer  on  the  Californian.  After  an  adventurous  career  fr.  '55  with 
Walker  in  Nicaragua,  and  as  colonel  in  the  confederate  army,  he  returned 
to  S.  F. ,  where  he  became  a  special  policeman,  dying  in  Oct.  '81.  A.  (Geo.), 
1844,  Amer.  sailor  and  cook  on  the  Hibernia,  aided,  by  the  consul,  and  dis 
charged  in  '46.  iv.  453.  A.  (Jacob),  1842,  Amer.  steward  on  the  California. 
A.  (J.),  1848,  came  fr.  Honolulu.  A.  (J.  D.),  1846,  master's  mate  on  the 
Savannah.  A.  (James),  1832,  trapper  of  Young's  co.,  murdered  near  Los 
Ang.  iii.  388.  A.  (Lewis),  1843,  Amer.  immig.  of  Chiles:  Walker  co.,  iv.  392, 
who  in  '44  applied  for  a  pass  to  return  home  via  Los  Aug.  Anderson  (Mary), 
1829-30,  Scotch  wife  of  Geo.  Kinlock,  and  the  1st  foreign  woman  to  settle  in 
Cal.  A.  (Robert),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232-47). 

Anderson  (Stephen),  1828,  Scotch  trader  and  sometimes  physician,  partner 
of  Jas  Goldie  of  Lima,  who  spent  much  of  his  time  in  Cal.  from  '28  to  '32  as 
supercargo  of  the  Fanchal,  Thos  Nowla?i,  and  Ayacucho.  He  was  often  ac 
companied  by  his  family,  and  was  known  to  everybody.  I  have  much  of  his 
commercial  corresp.  He  went  to  Europe  from  Lima  in  '33,  and  perhaps  did 
not  return  to  the  Pacific  coast,  as  he  was  at  Edinburgh  in  '36.  See  mention 
in  iii.  71,  73,  81,  99-100,  147,  178,  381.  Anderson  (Walter),  1848,  Amer. 
immig.  said  to  have  come  with  his  wife  to  Lake  Co.  in  '48  (?),  being  the  3d 
settler.  In  '51  went  to  Mendocino  Co.,  to  a  place  named  for  him  Anderson 
Valley,  where  he  became  rich,  but  died  in  poverty.  Lake  Co.  Hist.,  63. 

Anderson  (Win),  1837,  Engl.  sailor  who  left  a  whaler,  or  perhaps  the 
Kent,  at  Mont.  Known  as  'Mountain  Bill,'  or  'Red  Bill.'  A  fluent  narrator 
in  cockney  dialect  of  his  own  exploits,  not  afraid  of  aguardiente.  He  was  one 
of  Graham's  'riflemen,'  and  in  '40  one  of  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias.  iv.  18,  23,  33, 
37,  US,  393;  but  came  back  with  a  pass  and  claim  for  damages  which  yielded 
him  a  little  money.  In  '42  he  got  a  carta,  and  soon  married  a  native.  In 
'38-48  his  name  constantly  appears  in  Larkin's  books  and  other  records.  In 
'46-7 — besides  having  a  'Cal.  claim,'  as  who  did  not? — he  made  soap  for  Lar- 
kiu,  and  had  a  flouring-mill  on  the  Salinas  plain,  sold  to  Panaud  in  Sept.  '47. 
A  little  later  he  was  nearly  killed  by  one  Callaghan,  but  recovered,  served  as 
alcalde  (though  this  may  have  been  another  Win)  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '48-9,  v. 
641-2,  and  in  '84  was,  I  think,  still  in  the  land  of  the  living,  perhaps  the  latest 
survivor  of  the  famous  exiles.  A.  (Win),  1846,  an  old  man  with  a  fam.  desir- 


698  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

ing  land  on  the  Sac.  Lark.  Doc.,  v.  74;  perhaps  the  old  bear-hunter  ment. 
in  Colusa  Co.  Hist.,  38.  A.  (Wm),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  (v.  336.) 
A.  (Wm),  1846,  painter  on  the  Dale,  who  was  a  shipbuilder  at  8.  F.  in  '49-54, 
according  to  Lancey.  A.  (Wm),  1848,  sailor-carpenter  at  Mont.,  aided  by 
the  consul,  perhaps  same  as  preceding. 

Andrade  (Jose  M..),  1836,  admin,  at  S.  Antonio,  iii.  687-8;  arrested  at 
Sta  B.  in  '39.  iii.  654-5;  grantee  of  land  at  S.  F.  in  '46.  A.,  or  Andrado 
(Juan),  1846.  Mex.  said  to  have  lost  a  leg  at  S.  Pascual  (v.  340-55);  mur 
dered  in  '63.  Andreef,  1806,  pilot  with  Rezdnof.  ii.  70.  Andres,  Ind. 
alcalde  at  Sta  B.  '24.  ii.  528-30;  robber  at  S.  Carlos  '31.  iii.  191;  grantee  of 
Guajome  '45.  Andrew  (Hiram),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336). 
Andrews,  1848,  mr  of  a  Lima  ship  at  S.  F.  Andrews,  1848,  left  Honolulu 
for  S.  F.  on  the  Sagaddhoc.  A.  (Allen),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499- 
518);  died  at  Los  Aug.  Dec.  '47. 

Andrews  (Augustus  A.),  1840,  Amer.  carpenter  of  Mass.,  who  at  the  age 
of  22  came  on  the  California  fr.  Honolulu  to  Mont. ,  obtaining  naturalization 
and  settling  at  S.  F.,  where  he  married  Rosalia  de  Haro,  got  a  lot,  and  built  a 
house.  His  name  often  appears  in  records  of  '44-6.  I  think  he  died  in  '47  or 
a  little  later.  His  \vidow  married  Chas  Brown,  and  still  lives  at  S.  F.  in  '85. 
Mention  in  iv.  102,  120,  669;  v.  683.  A.  (Thomas),  1848,  mr  of  the 
Charles,  v.  576-7.  Anduian?  (Alex.),  1845,  French  resid.  at  Branciforte. 
Angel,  1848,  at  Sutter's  in  Feb. ;  in  July  one  of  Weber's  prospectors,  for 
whom  Angel's  creek  and  camp  were  named.  Carson.  Angel  (Anson),  1847, 
resid.  of  Sta  Clara  '47-8.  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  544.  Angel  (Woodson),  1847, 
builder  of  a  mill  for  Magnent  at  S.  Jos£;  still  living  in  that  region  '66.  Alta. 
Angelino  (Bias),  resid.  of  S.  F.  dist.  from  '35  or  earlier;  sindico  in  '37;  at 
Sonoma  '44-6,  being  perhaps  concerned  in  troubles  with  the  Bears,  iii.  705; 
v.  162.  Angelo  (Chas  A. ),  1848,  named  in  the  Annals  of  8.  F.  as  living  in  '54. 
Angle  (Miles  B.),  1847,  on  the  Pion.  Soc.  records  as  a  deceased  member,  from 
N.  Y.  Angulo  (Pedro),  1825,  com.  of  the  Span.  Acjuila.  iii.  27,  146. 

Anselin  (Alfred),  1843,  French  surgeon  of  the  batallou  fijo  '43-5.  iv.  399; 
at  S.  F.  in  '44.  iv.  483;  had  a  'Cal.  claim'  (v.  642-8)  in  '46.  He  remained  in 
Cal.,  and  died  at  S.  Benito  rancho  in  '53.  8.  F.  Herald.  Anson  (Geo. ),  1794, 
com.  of  Vancouver's  storeship.  i.  511.  Anthony  (Alex.  H.),  1847,  a  mason 
at  Mont.  A.  (Bascom  F.),  sou  of  Elihu;  b.  at  S.  Jos6  in  Oct.  '47;  a  miner  in. 
Calaveras  '84. 

Anthony  (Elihu),  1847,  native  of  N.  Y. ;  overland  immig.  and  methodist 
preacher  of  Ind.,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  Sarah  A.  Van  An  da,  and  infant 
daughter.  After  a  short  stay  at  S.  Josd  he  settled  at  Sta  Cruz,  where  he  still 
resides  in  '85.  Engaged  in  trade  and  prominent  in  religious  affairs — having 
preached  at  the  S.  F.  school-house  in  Sept.  '48 — he  also  takes  pride  in  having 
built  the  1st  wharf  and  foundery  at  Sta  Cruz.  His  children  are  Mrs  Huntingdon 
of  Sta  Cruz,  b.  in  '46,  Bascom  '47,  Almon  '49,  Gilbert  '51,  Frank  '55.  Men 
tion  in  v.  641.  A.  (James),  1847,  employed  by  Larkin  at  Mont,  and  S.  F. 
A.  (James  G.),  1846,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358-60),  enlisting  at  S.  Jose".  A. 
(Louis),  1847,  at  N.  Helv.  fr.  Sonoma.  A.  (L.  C.),  1847,  sheriff  at  S.  Jose", 
v.  662.  Antolino,  1846,  neoph.  of  S.  Jos6  mission,  v.  23. 

Antonio,  1838,  grantee  of  Saca  rancho.  iii.  655.  Antonio,  1846,  N.  Mex. 
of  the  Donner  party,  who  perished,  v.  531,  534,  537.  A.  (Juan),  1847, 
Cahuilla  chief,  v.  617.  A.  (Manuel),  1776,  at  Sta  Clara,  i.  306.  A.  (Ma 
nuel),  grantee  of  Potrero  Grande  '45.  iv.  635.  A.,  mate  of  Elizabeth  in  '48. 
Anza  (Juan  Bautista),  1774,  Mex.  lieut-col,  son  of  a  famous  officer  of 
Sonora,  who  in  '74  led  the  1st  exploring  exped.  from  Son.  to  Cal.  by  land.  i. 
221-4.  In  '75-6  he  brought  a  large  comp.  of  colonists  over  the  same  route, 
intended  for  the  foundation  of  S.  F.,  keeping  a  diary  of  the  trip  which  is  still 
extant,  i.  257-78,  and  making  an  exploration  of  the  S.  F.  peninsula,  i.  279- 
86.  For  other  mention,  see  i.  124,  215,  218,  244,  248,  354-5,  288,  290,  294,  355, 
551;  ii.  43-4.  Anza  was  an  officer  of  marked  ability  and  good  character,  mak 
ing  an  excellent  record  in  Cal. ,  in  Sonora,  and  in  New  Mexico,  where  he  served 
as  governor  in  1778-87 


ANZAR— ARCE.  699 

Anzar  (Jose"  Ant.),  1832,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Guadalupe  college,  who  seems 
to  have  come  at  least  a  year  before  the  other  Zacatecanos  under  circumstances 
of  which  I  find  no  record.  He  was  in  charge  of  a  Sonora  mission  in  1824, 
and  was  possibly  a  member  of  the  Querdtaro  col.  transferred  after  his  arrival. 
His  missionary  service  was  at  S.  Luis  Key  in  '32,  and  at  S.  Juan  B.  from  '33, 
though  in  '44-6  he  also  had  charge  of  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Carlos.  He  was  also 
president  of  the  Zacatecanos  from  '43.  His  name  appears  as  curate  on  the 
8.  Juan  books  till  1855,  when  I  suppose  he  left  Cal.  Though  involved  in 
occasional  troubles,  P.  Anzar  seems  to  have  been  a  priest  of  fair  character  and 
abilities.  See  mention  in  iii.  250,  317,  622,  691;  iv.  372,  453,  460,  553,  565, 
638,, 640,  657,  661-2. 

Anzar  (Juan  Maria),  brother  of  the  padre;  grantee  of  Aromitas,  etc.,  in 
'35,  and  of  Sta  Ana,  etc.,  in  '39.  iii.  676,  679,  713;  juez,  acting  at  times  as 
prefect,  in  '39-41  at  S.  Juan.  iii.  661,  675,  693;  suplente  of  the  junta  in  '42- 
3.  iii.  296;  iv.  361.  He  was  described  in  Larkin's  Notes  of  '45  as  a  man  of 
wealth  and  character,  favoring  the  U.  S.  cause.  I  find  no  trace  of  him  after 
'52,  when  he  was  claimant  for  certain  ranchos;  but  in  '53  Maria  Ant.  de 
Anzar  appears  as  cl.  for  others — apparently  his  widow,  and  daughter  of  A. 
M.  Castro;  though  A.  is  said  by  Larkin  to  have  been  married  in  Mex. 

Apalategui  (Antonio),  1834,  Span,  clerk,  age  33,  who  came  from  Mex. 
with  the  H.  &  P.  colony  (iii.  259,  etc.);  leader  in  the  Los  Ang*.  revolt  against 
Gov.  Figueroa  in  '35,  for  which  he  was  exiled  to  Mex.  iii.  284-90.  Apis 
(Pablo),  S.  Luis  Rey  neoph.  and  chief;  grantee  of  Teme'cula  in  '45.  iii.  617, 
621,  624.  Apoliiiario  (Mariano),  Dom.  friar  of  B.  Cal.  at  S.  Diego  1791- 
1800.  i.  655.  Aquino  (Tomas),  Span,  friar  who  acted  as  chaplain  in  Viz 
caino's  exped.  1602-3.  i.  98,  102. 

Araiza  (Francisco),  1840,  Mex.  shop-keeper  at  Mont.,  who  in  '42-5  made 
some  money  under  the  patronage  of  Col  Tellez;  militia  officer  and  juez  in 
'44-5.  iv.  652-6.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Capt.  Segura;  but  soon  after 
'40  lie  left  his  fam.  and  went  to  Mex.  Aralde  (Eno),  doubtful  name  in  a 
Los  Ang.  list  of  '46.  Aralon  (Wm),  1829,  mr  of  a  schr.  at  S.  Pedro,  iii.  135. 

Aram  (Joseph),  1846,  native  of  N.  Y.,  and  overl.  immig.  from  111.  (v.  256- 
30),  with  his  family.  He  organized  and  commanded  a  comp.  of  volunteers  to 
garrison  Sta  Clara  and  protect  the  families  of  immigrants  serving  in  the 
batallion  '46-7,  and  took  part  in  the  'battle '  of  Sta  Clara,  v.  378-81.  A  firm 
of  Aram  &  Belcher  at  Mont,  is  ment.  in  '47.  A  miner  in  '48;  a  member  of  the 
constitutional  convention  in  '49,  and  later  of  the  1st  legislature.  Then  he  be 
came  a  farmer  near  S.  Jose",  where  he  still  lived  in  '85.  His  wife  died  in  '73. 

Arana  (Antonio),  1823,  mr  of  the  Sta  Apolonia,  who  down  to  '41  had  not  ac 
counted  for  a  consignment  of  mission  products,  ii.  492, 619.  Arana  (Gregorio), 
Span,  at  Mont,  in  '36.  A.  (Jose"),  at  Mont.  '35.  iii.  674;  grantee  of  Rincon  de 
S.  Pedro,  Sta  Cruz,  '42.  iv.  656;  in  trouble  '45.  iv.  653.  Aranda  (Maria  P.), 
1798.  i.  606. 

Araujo  (Buenaventura),  1834,  Mex.  naval  capt.  who  came  with  the  H.  & 
P.  colony  (iii.  259,  et  seq. )  to  take  com.  of  the  Cal.  fleet — of  the  future.  In 
volved  in  the  troubles  of  '35,  he  was  sent  to  Mex.  by  Figueroa.  iii.  266-7,  271 , 
281,  288-9,  378.  In  '38  com.  of  a  battery  at  S.  Juan  de  Ulua;  and  in  '47 
distinguished  himself  during  the  bombardment  of  V.  Cruz  by  Scott. 

Araujo  (Francisco),  1833,  Mex.  cadet  with  Figueroa,  and  ayud.  de  plaza  at 
Mont.  iii.  672.  In  '36  he  was  com.  of  the  vigilante  force  at  Los  Ang.,  incurring 
the  displeasure  of  Gov.  Chico,  and  perhaps  sent  out  of  the  country,  iii.  418, 
432.  Arce  (Bernardo),  Span,  who  died  at  S.  Jos<§  in  '57,  said  to  have  favored 
the  Amer.  in  '46-7.  S.  F.  Bulletin.  Arce  (Eugenio),  settler  at  S.  Juan  Cap. 
'41.  iv.  626. 

Arce  (Francisco  C.),  1833,  Mex.  of  L.  Cal.,  who  came-a-t  the  age  of  11  and 
was  educated  at  Mont,  by  P.  Real  and  at  Romero's  school.  From  '39  to  '45 
employed  as  clerk,  often  acting  as  sec.  in  the  offices  of  gov.  and  prefect,  iii. 
675;  iv.  294,  354.  In  '44  grantee  of  Sta  Isabel  rancho,  and  also  employed  to 
collect  debts  due  the  missions,  iv.  423,  656.  He  declined  to  take  part  against 
Micheltorena.  iv.  460;  and  after  that  officer's  departure  in  '45  became  sec.  ad. 


700  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

int.  of  Gen.  Castro,  being  also  alfe"rez  of  auxiliaries,  iv.  520;  v.  41.  He  is 
best  known  for  his  part  in  the  affair  of  the  captured  horses  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  Bear  revolt  in  '46,  though  not  in  command  as  is  generally  stated.  He  had 
a  'Cal  claim  '  of  $5,000;  and  also  claimed  to  have  a  grant  of  S.  Jose"  mission 
land.  v.  106-9,  127.  He  went  to  Mex.  with  Castro,  v.  277,  and  served 
throughout  the  war  with  the  U.  S.  as  lieut  (nominally  of  the  S.  Diego  comp. ) 
and  finally  brevet  capt.  At  one  time,  as  a  member  of  the  S.  Patricio  legion 
of  Irish  deserters,  being  taken  prisoner,  he  narrowly  escaped  death  on  account 
of  his  Irish  physique.  In  '48  he  served  in  L.  Cal.,  and  in  '49  came  to  Mont, 
without  leave,  serving  again  as  sec.  of  the  prefecture.  In  '52  he  was  back  in 
L.  Cal.  asking  for  antedated  leave  of  absence,  Mex.  naturalization,  and  land, 
also  mai-rying  in  '53.  Subsequently  he  came  north  again;  and  in  '77  was  liv 
ing  on  the  Alisal  rancho  near  Salinas.  He  gave  me  a  collection  of  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.;  and  also  dictated  for  my  use  his  Memorias  Histdricas,  which,  notwith 
standing  Don  Francisco's  tendency  to  magnify  his  own  exploits  and  those  of 
his  friends,  have  value  as  well  as  interest.  He  died  early  in  '78,  leaving  a  family 
in  straitened  circumstances.  Arce  (Joaquin),  sergt  in  the  S.  Diego  comp. 
1803-17.  ii.  12-14,  101,  341,  345.  A  sergt  Arce  is  also  mentioned  in  1783. 
i.  453.  See  list  in  i.  733.  Arce  (Jose"  Ign.),  juez  on  the  L.  Cal.  frontier  in  '46. 

Arceo,  settler  of  Branciforte  in  1798.  i.  571.  Arceo  (Felipe),  native  of 
Brancif. ;  at  Mont.  '28-36,  when  he  was  28  years  old;  wife  Carmen  Arroyo; 
child.,  Lauriano,  Juan  Francisco,  Maria  F.,  Rafaela.  iii.  67,  673.  A.  (Jos£ 
Maria),  Mex.  settler  at  Brancif.  in  1797.  i.  569;  in  '36  juez  de  campo,  iii.  675, 
and  living  at  Pilarcitos  rancho,  age  58;  wife  Cecilia  Serrano;  adopted  son  Juan 
Jose.  A.  (Juan  Ant.),  at  Pilarcitos  '36,  age  32,  native  of  Cal.;  wife  Juana 
Vasquez;  child,  Guillermo.  A.  (Leonardo),  sent  to  Mex.  in  '30.  iii.  85. 

Archambeau  (Auguste),  1845,  Canadian,  one  of  Fremont's  mountain  men. 
iv.  583.  He  served  in  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358-68)  '46-7,  but  did  not  remain 
much  longer  in  Cal.  His  death  was  in  '81. 

Archuleta  (Florentine),  alcalde  at  S.  Jose"  in  '29.  ii.  605;  iv.  74-5.  Still  a 
resid.  in  '41,  age  41;  native  of  Cal.;  wife  Antonia  Higuera.  I  have  doc.  signed 
by  him  in  '46.  A.  (Ignacio),  employe  at  S.  F.  mission,  who  in  1777  married 
Gertrudis  Pacheco,  and  went  to  S.  Jos6,  where  he  was  alcalde  in  1783,  1803, 
1806.  No  record  of  him  after  1807.  i.  297,  312,  350,  478,  480;  ii.  134-5.  A. 
(Jose"),  nat.  of  Cal.,  age  52,  at  S.  Jos6  in  '41;  wife  Juana  Montero;  child., 
Josef  a  b.  '24,  Miguel  A.  '27,  Jose"  Ant.  '30,  Maria  D.  '32,  Maria  L.  '35,  Con- 
cepcion  '39.  A.  (Jose  Noberto),  son  of  Ign.,  b.  at  S.  Jose  in  1778;  probably 
same  as  preceding,  though  age  does  not  agree.  A.  (Miguel  Geronimo),  son 
of  Ign.,  b.  at  S.  F.  in  1779.  Became  a  soldier  at  S.  F.,  promoted  to  corp. ; 
transferred  to  Mont,  to  become  a  school-master  about  1811.  Many  Calif,  cf 
later  prominence  attended  his  school  in  '11-20.  ii.  381,  427-9.  His  wife  was 
Maria  Ant.  Garcia.  Arci  (Jose"),  1811,  mr  of  the  Mexicana.  ii.  267. 

Ardisson  (Este"van),  1840-1,  French  trader  who  settled  at  Sta  B.  He  was 
perhaps  the  Ed,  Ardison  who  in  July  '40  had  a  claim  against  the  govt.  Ment. 
by  Mofras  in  '41-2.  His  name  frequently  occurs  in  '42-7;  he  had  a  'Cal. 
claim'  in  '46;  and  in  '48  was  alcalde,  iv.  279,  587,  611,  631.  Still  living  at 
El  Rincon  in  '50.  Arellanes,  maj.  at  Purisima  '24.  ii.  429.  A.  (Francisco), 
Sta  B.  ranchero  '37-45,  with  wife  Petra  Ruiz  and  2  child.  A.  (Jose"),  ditto; 
wife  Josefa  Sanchez  and  5  child.  A.  (Jose"  Ant.),  at  Sta  B.  '37;  wife  Manuela 
Ortega.  A.  (Luis),  grantee  cf  Punta  de  la  Laguna,  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '44.  iv. 
655;  still  in  Sta  B.  district  in  '50.  A.  (Teodoro),  grantee  of  Rincon  in  '35, 
and  Guadalupe  in  '40.  iii.  655,  677.  His  wife  was  Josefa  Rodriguez  and  they 
had  3  child,  before  '37.  Still  at  Sta  B.  in  '50.  Don  Teodoro  was  a  very  large, 
fine-looking  man,  of  genial  temper  and  gentlemanly  manners,  locally  a  kind 
of  ranchero  prince. 

Arellano  (Ignacio  R.),  a  priest  visiting  and  officiating  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  in  '44. 
v.  523.  A.  (Juan  R.  or  Manuel),  settler  and  alcalde  at  Los  Ang.  1790-8.  i. 
461,  598,  661.  A.  (Luis),  Mex.  sold,  of  the  Hidalgo  piquete  '36  at  Mont. 

Arenas  (Cayetano),  Mex.  who  came  to  Cal.  as  a  boy.  In  '46  employed  as 
clerk  in  the  secretaria;  grantee  of  S.  Mateo  rancho.  v.  661.  In  '54-5  a  resid. 


ARENAS— ARGUELLO.  701 

of  Los  Aug.  and  witness  in  the  Limantour  case.  A.  (Jose"  M.),  sent  as  a 
prisoner  to  Mex.  in  '30.  iii.  85.  A.  (Jose"),  Mex.  at  Brancif.  in  '45,  age  52; 
•wife  Feliciana;  child.,  Felipe  b.  in  '23,  Maria  '29,  Florencio  '31,  Jose"  Ant.  '33, 
Omebon  (?)  '36,  Juan  '38,  Carmen  '41,  Zenona  '44.  A.  (Luis),  1834,  Mex. 
trader  who  perhaps  came  with  the  colony  (iii.  259  et  seq.),  settled  at  Los 
Ang. ,  where  he  was  alcalde  in  '38,  and  was  prominent  in  the  opposition  to  Alva- 
rado.  iii.  491,  504,  555,  577,  636.  In  '37  one  of  the  grantees  of  S.  Jose"  rancho, 
and  in  '40-1  grantee  of  Azuza.  iii.  633.  In '44  regidor.  iv.  633.  In '44-5  grantee 
of  Pauba,  Los  Huecos,  Cahuenga,  and  Sta  Clara  orchard,  iv.  621;  v.  561,  665, 
627.  Also  capt.  of  the  defensores.  v.  140.  Still  trading  on  the  coast  in  '47;  but 
I  have  no  later  record  of  him. 

Arenaza  (Pascual  M.),  1786,  Span,  friar  at  S.  Carlos,  who  left  Cal.  in  1797 
and  died  in  '99.  See  i.  685;  also  i.  388-423,  469,  575-7.  579.  Argiielles 
(Luis),  Mex.  shoemaker  at  Mont,  in  '36. 

Argiiello  (Concepcion),  daughter  of  Jose"  D.,  b.  at  S.  F.  in  1790;  d.  at  Beni- 
cia  in  1857.  Famous  for  her  romance  with  Rezanof  in  1806,  for  account  of 
which,  with  sketch  of  her  life,  see  ii.  72-4,  77-8.  Her  full  name  was  Maria  de 
la  Concepcion  Marcela.  See  also  mention  in  ii.  287;  iii.  568,  660;  iv.  219. 

Arguello  (Gervasio),  son  of  Jose"  D.,  b.  at  Sta  B.  1786.  In  1804  he  entered 
the  military  service  as  soldado  distinguido  of  the  S.  F.  comp. ,  in  which  he  was 
cadet  1807-17,  serving  also  as  habilitado  in  1808-16.  ii.  117,  125,  303,  370. 
Sent  in  '16  to  Ross,  writing  a  report  of  his  visit,  ii.  309,  631;  i.  list  of  auth. 
In  '14  he  married  Encarnacion  Bernal;  and  in  '16  was  sent  to  Mex.  as  habili 
tado  general,  never  returning  to  Cal.,  and  holding  this  office  till  '32,  besides 
being  a  suplente  in  congress  in  '27-8.  Meanwhile,  fr.  '17  he  was  on  the  pay 
roll  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  as  alfe"rez  till  '31,  when  he  was  promoted  to  lieut  of 
the  Mont,  comp.,  and  in  '34  commissioned  capt.,  but  immediately  retired  as 
lieut  on  full  pay,  with  permission  to  reside  in  Jalisco,  ii.  213-14.  217,  261, 
421-2,  514-15,  543,  671;  iii.  33-4,  45,  378,  671.  In  Cal.  Don  Gervasio  was  re 
puted  to  be  a  youth  of  good  conduct  and  fair  abilities,  though  disposed  to 
'put  on  airs.'  In  Mex.  he  accomplished  nothing,  either  as  habilitado  gen.  or 
congressman,  having  no  special  fitness  for  the  positions;  yet  a  man  of  ten 
times  his  ability  would  very  likely  have  failed  equally  in  getting  money  for 
Cal.  from  the  Mex.  govt.  I  have  private  letters  written  by  him  from  Guada 
lajara  in  '49  and  '52,  filled  with  pious  complaints  of  poverty,  which  would  be 
intolerable  but  for  aid  received  from  Cal. 

Arguello  (Jose"  Dario),  1781,  founder  of  the  Arguello  family;  Mex.  alfdrez, 
later  lieut  and  capt.;  comandante  at  S.  F.,  Mont.,  and  StaB. ;  acting  gov.  of 
Cal.  in  '14-15;  gov.  of  L.  Cal.  in  '15-22.  Died  at  Guadalajara  '28;  his  wife  was 
Ignacia  Moraga,  who  died  at  Guad.  in  '29.  For  many  years  Don  Jose"  was 
the  most  prominent,  influential,  and  respected  man  in  Cal.  See  biog.  sketch 
in  this  vol.,  358-61,  includ.  4  of  the  children  who  did  not  remain  in  Cal.; 
also  mention  of  Don  Jos6  in  i.  340-2,  347,  372,  396,  445,  463,  468,  470-2,  478, 
484,  498,  501-2,  511-13,  525,  531-2,  588-94,  678-80,  692-4,  708,  717,  721,  and 
list  of  auth.;  ii.  30,  44,  68-74,  86,  99,  117,  125,  127,  133,  135,  187,  190,  207-8, 
210-11,  246,  305-7,  450,  565,  571;  iii.  11.  Arguello  (Jose"  Ign.  Max.),  oldest 
son  of  Jose"  D.;  b.  at  S.  Gabriel  in  1782;  educ.  in  Mex.  as  a  priest;  visited  Cal. 
in  1809.  ii.  359-60,  122.  A.  (Jose"  Ramon),  son  of  Santiago,  at  San  Juan 
Cup.  in  '40-1.  iii.  626-7.  Sec.  to  prefect  at  Los  Ang.  in  '42.  iv.  632.  Suplente 
juezat  S.  Diego  in  '45.  iv.  620.  Sub-prefect  in  '46.  v.  618.  A.  (Jose"  Ramon), 
son  of  Luis  Ant.,  b.  at  S.  F.  in  '28;  living  at  Sta  Clara  and  Mont,  till  '44; 
on  the  coast  of  Mex. '44-6;  lived  with  his  mother  from  '46  at  Las  Pulgas  and 
Sta  Clara,  where  he  died  in  '76.  A.  (Julian),  a  Sonoran  with  Zamorano  at 
Mont,  in  '36,  age  16. 

Arguello  (Luis  Antonio),  son  of  Jose"  D.,  b.  at  S.  F.  in  1784;  cadet  at 
S.  F.  1799;  alf.  1800;  lieut  and  com.  1806;  capt.  from  '18.  Gov.  ad  int.  of 
Cal.  from  Nov.  22d,  '22,  to  Nov.  '25.  Died  at  S.  F.  '30.  First  wife,  Rafaela 
Sal,  1807-14;  2d  wife,  Soledad  Ortega,  '19,  who  died  at  Sta  Clara  in  '74.  His 
children  were  Francisco,  by  1st  wife,  who  died  soon  after  '30;  by  2d  wife, 
Concepcion,  b.  in  '24;  Josefa,  '26;  Jose"  Ramon,  as  above;  and  Luis,  who,  I 


702  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

think,  still  lives  at  Sta  Clara  in  '85.  Don  Luis,  as  military  officer  and  gov., 
left  an  excellent  record  in  respect  of  honesty  and  ability  and  popularity.  Un 
like  his  father,  he  had  enemies,  and  was  involved  in  controversies;  but  these 
were  due  largely  to  his  position  and  the  times.  He  often  disregarded  the  let 
ter  of  the  Span,  and  Mex.  laws,  but  it  was  always  for  what  he  believed  the 
welfare  of  his  country,  and  never  for  his  own  interests.  His  private  record 
was  that  of  a  dissipated  spendthrift,  yet  never  accused  of  dishonorable  con 
duct.  See  biog.  sketch  in  iii.  9-13;  list  of  auth.  in  i. ;  mention  in  ii.  35,  46,  48, 
68  et  seq.,  125-G,  129-30,  137,  203-4,  210,  230-2,  243-4,  268-9,  272,  279,  284-5, 
288,  300-1,  305,  307,  309,  312,  328,  330-1,  370,  372,  390,  425-6,  443-9,  451, 
455,  461,  464,  466-8,  479-80,  482  et  seq.,  493,  510-38,  549,  551,  559,  565,  583, 
591-2,  594,  596-7,  605,  607,  614,  643,  645,  647,  659,  664;  iii.  2,  7,  9-10,  18- 
19,  24-7,  40,  75,  89,  119,  148,  712.  Argiiello  (Luis),  lieut  in  the  Cal.  Bat. 
'46-7.  v.  360,  386.  I  cannot  say  who  he  was.  A.  (Romano),  sec.  in  prefect's 
office  in  '45.  Larkin. 

Argiiello  (Santiago),  son  of  Jose  D. ;  b.  at  Mont,  in  1791.  He  entered  the 
military  service  as  cadet  in  the  S.  F.  comp.  1805,  but  was  trans,  in  1806  to  Sta 
B.  ii.  46,  117,  275,  361,  425.  In  '17-27  he  was  alf.  of  the  S.  F.  comp.,  though 
serving  from  '18  as  habilitado  at  S.  Diego,  where  he  was  involved  in  several 
controversies,  also  visiting  the  north  and  making  a  trip  to  Ross  and  Sonoma. 
ii.  240-2,  258,  341,  370,  424,  442,  457,  470,  507,  510,  537,  542-3,  583;  iii.  12, 
291.  In  '27-31  he  was  lieut  of  the  S.  D.  comp.,  being  comandante  from  '28, 
in  which  year  he  was  elected  suplente  member  of  congress;  in  '30  suplente  of 
the  diputacion.  ii.  541-3;  iii.  45-6,  50,  64,  135,  196.  In  '31-5  he  was  capt.  of 
the  co.,  taking  part  somewhat  unwillingly  in  the  revolt  against  Victoria,  serv 
ing  as  diputado  and  comisionado  for  S.  Diego  mission  in  '33-4,  and  being  finally 
retired  with  full  pay— in  theory,  iii.  201,  204,  216-19,  327,  331-2,  372,  608, 
G12,  620;  iv.  408.  In  '36  he  was  alcalde  of  S.  Diego,  using  his  influence  against 
the  Alvarado  govt,  but  acting  as  comisionado  and  admin,  of  S.  Juan  Cap.  in 
'38-40,  and  as  vocal  of  the  junta  in  '40.  iii.  422,  482,  520,  590,  604,  606,  615, 
626-7.  In  '40-3  he  held  the  position  of  prefect  at  Los  Ang.,  and  in  '41  his 
name  was  given  to  the  pueblo  of  S.  Juan;  in  '45  holding  the  offices  of  suplente 
»f  the  tribunal,  vocal  of  the  junta,  and  sub-prefect  of  S.  Diego,  iii.  640;  iv. 
193,  195,  295,  319,  532,  540,  620-2,  626-7,  632-3.  In  '46  he  was  friendly  to 
the  Amer.,  held  an  honorary  com.  as  capt.  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (?),  was  appointed 
member  of  the  legis.  council  in  '47,  and  was  made  collector  of  the  port  of  S. 
Diego  (?).  v.  37,  282,  329,  360,  433,  446,  467,  572,  618-19.  Meanwhile  in  '29 
he  had  obtained  the  Tia  Juana  rancho,  in  '41  the  Trabuco,  and  in  '46  the  S. 
Diego  mission  estate,  iii.  612;  iv.  635;  v.  561,  619-20,  627.  Argiiello  when  very 
young  married  Pilar,  daughter  of  Francisco  Ortega  of  Sta  B.,  by  whom  he  had 
22  children,  among  them  the  following,  who  lived  and  had  issue:  Francisco, 
Ignacio,  Jose"  Antonio,  Jose"  Ramon,  Santiago  E. ;  Refugio,  who  married  Juan 
Bandini;  Teresa,  who  married  Jos6  M.  Bandini;  Luisa,  wife  of  A.  V.  Zamo- 
rano;  and  Concepcion,  wife  of  Agustin  Olvera.  Don  Santiago  was  tall,  stout, 
and  of  fine  presence,  with  fair  complexion  and  black  hair;  reserved  in  manner, 
yet  of  kindly  disposition.  His  record,  public  and  private,  was  an  honorable 
if  not  a  brilliant  one.  He  was  often  in  trouble  with  his  brother  officers  and 
with  men  of  other  classes,  and  especially  in  the  earlier  years  was  by  no  means 
a  popular  man.  This  was  chiefly  due  to  a  peculiar  reserve  or  haughtiness  of 
manner,  attributed  to  family  pride  and  regarded  as  an  assumption  of  superi 
ority.  He  died  at  Tia  Juana,  on  the  frontier,  in  '62,  and  his  widow  soon  after 
'78.  The  rancho  is  still  owned  by  the  family. 

Argiiello  (Santiago  E. ).  son  of  Santiago,  b.  about  1813.  Receptor  at  S.  Diego 
'33-4.  iii.  277,  609.  Grantee  of  Melyo  (Maligo  ?)  '33.  iii.  612.  Took  part  with 
the  south  against  Alrarado  in  '36-7,  being  then  in  charge  of  the  ranchos  Otay 
and  S.  Antonio  Abaci,  iii.  482-3,  517,  612.  Majordomo  and  land-owner  at  S. 
Juan  Cap.  '41.  iv.  626-7.  Suplente  in  assemb.,  and  juez  at  S.  Diego  '45-6.  iv. 
540;  v.  161.  In  '46  he  aided  the  Amer.,  served  as  captain  in  Stockton's  bat 
talion,  and  had  a  'Cal.  claim'  for  $11,548  for  damages  to  his  property,  v.  378, 
386.  I  think  he  may  have  been  the  capt.  in  Cal.  Bat.  and  collector  of  the  port, 


ARGUELLO— ARROYO.  703 

instead  of  his  father,  as  above.  He  died  at  Maligo  in  '57.  His  wife  was  Guada- 
lupe  Kstudillo,  who  survived  him  with  2  sons  and  2  (or  4)  daughters;  one  of 
the  latter  married  A.  H.  Wilcox  and  another  Win  B.  Coutts. 

Arias  (Francisco),  S.  F.  settler  of  1/91-1800.  i.  716.  A.  (Francisco), 
grantee  of  ranchos  in  Mont,  district  '39,  '44.  iii.  676;  iv.  655;  suplente  prefect 
in  '41,  being  juez  at  S.  Juan  '41-3,  and  regidor  at  Mont,  in  '46.  iv.  652-3,  661; 
v.  636.  A.  (Rafael  R.),  1791,  contador  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490. 

Armas  (Baltasar),  1602,  piloto  in  Vizcaino's  exped.  i.  98.  F.,  P.,  and  J. 
Armas,  named  as  at  Honolulu  from  Cal.  in  '48. 

Armenta  (Cristobal),  sirviente  at  Sta  Clara  1776.  i.  306.  A.  (Joaq.), 
sold,  at  S.  Diego  1775-6;  later  at  Los  Ang.  i.  250,  303,  461.  A.  (Jose"  M.), 
grantee  of  Punta  de  Pinos  rancho  '33,  '44.  iii.  678.  A.  ('  Tio '),  retired  soldier 
who  kept  a  shop  and  sometimes  a  school  at  Mont,  in  '11-20.  ii.  381-3,  420. 

Armijo  (Antonio),  native  of  N.  Mex. ,  at  S.  Jose  in  '41,  age  37;  wife  Maria  D. 
Duarte;  child. ,  Antonio,  Jesus,  Fe"lix,  Matias.  Probably  same  as  the  Francisco 
Armijo  who  was  a  S.  F.  militiaman  in  '37;  and  perhaps  same  as  Antonio  M. 
Armijo  who  settled  in  the  Suisun  region  in  '43,  was  in  trouble  '47  for  outrages 
on  Ind.  v.  569,  610;  and  died  in  '50.  A.  (Francisco),  at  S.  Mateo  in  '35;  al 
calde  in  the  contra  costa  '37.  iii.  705;  at  S.  F.  '47.  Spear,  Pap.  A.  (Jose" 
F.),  grantee  of  Tolenas  rancho  '40.  iv.  674.  A.  (Jesus  M.),  at  Sonoma  '44, 
age  18.  A.  (Juan  P.),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  42.  A.  (Salvador),  at  Los  Ang. 
'39-46.  I  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  much  definite  information  about  any 
branch  of  the  Armijo  family. 

Armon  (Chas),  1836,  at  Mont.,  named  in  Larkin's  books. 

Armstrong  (James),  1842,  com.  of  the  United  States;  and  of  the  Savannah 
in  later  visits  of  '44-6.  iv.  307-8,  301,  313,  459,  509.  A.  (John),  1840,  Amer. 
ranchero  in  the  Mont,  district;  exiled  to  S.  Bias  with  the  Graham  party,  iv. 
18,  120.  In  '46  he  wrote  a  letter  against  Larkin,  which  appeared  in  a  St  Louis 
paper,  causing  L.  to  get  statements  in  his  own  defence  from  several  prominent 
men.  A.  (John),  in  '46  at  Monterey,  and  in  '47  employed  on  Larkin's  Sac. 
rancho.  Possibly  same  as  preceding.  Arnand,  1848,  mrof  the  Con  de  Valpa 
raiso  from  Honolulu  for  S.  F. 

Arnaz  (Jose"),  1841,  Span,  supercargo  of  theC^ara  inVirmond's  employ,  iv. 
102;  and  later  in  Aguirre's  J6ven  Guipuzcoana.  In  '44  he  opened  a  store  at  Los 
Ang.,  suffering  much  from  depredations  of  the  cholos.  iv.  364;  and  in  '45 
leased  the  mission  estate  of  S.  Buen.,  which  in '46  he  purchased,  as  he  claimed, 
but  was  not  permitted  to  retain  possession,  iv.  553,  558,  561,  645;  v.  400,  632, 
643,  665.  He  still  retained  considerable  property,  however;  and  I  found  him 
in  '74  living  at  his  Sta  Ana  rancho  near  S.  Buen.,  a  genial  gentleman  of  54 
years,  who  then  and  later  gave  me  100  pages  of  his  interesting  Recuerdos  on 
the  life  and  customs  of  the  traders  and  rancheros  in  early  times.  Probably 
living  in  '85.  In  '47  he  married  Mercedes  A  vila,  who  died  in  '67,  leaving  several 
children.  His  2d  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Juan  Camarrillo.  Arnold  (Robert), 
1828,  Scotch  turner,  age  20,  at  Mont.  '28-9. 

Arrieta  (Sebastian),  1820,  Span,  intendente,  com.  of  the  royal  order  of  Isabel 
the  catholic,  who  came  from  Peru  with  the  king's  license  to  live  in  Cal. with  a 
pension  of  $3,000;  but  died  at  S.  Juan  B.  in  '21,  age  54. 

Arrillaga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  1793,  Span.  capt.  and  lieut-gov.  of  the  Cals  at 
Loreto  '83-92;  gov.  ad  int.  '93-4  at  Mont.;  lieut-col  and  lieut-gov.  at  L. 
'94-9;  gov.  ad  int.  1800-4;  gov.  of  Alta  Cal.  from  1804— coming  to  Mont,  in 
1806— to  1814,  when  he  died  at  Soledad  at  the  age  of  64.  Arrillaga  was  an 
efficient  and  honest  officer,  of  most  excellent  private  character,  and  a  model 
governor  so  far  as  the  performance  of  routine  duties  was  concerned.  See  biog. 
in  ii.  204-7;  i.  list  of  auth. ;  also  mention  in  i.  471,  482,  484,  488,  501-29,  531- 
6,  574,  602,  611,  631,  637-8,  658,  661,  663,  671,  729;  ii.  2-204  passim,  269, 
301-5,  386-7,  416-17,  566.  Arriola  (Jos<§  F. ),  blacksmith  instructor  in  1792- 
5.  i.  615.  A.  (Maria),  wife  of  J.  V.  Lawrence,  ii.  496.  A.  (Rafael),  settler 
at  Los  Ang.  from  1797.  i.  606;  ii.  350. 

Arroita  (Francisco  Jose"),  1786,  Span,  friar  at  Purisima, who  left  Cal.  in  '96. 
See  biog.  notice,  i.  675;  ment.  i.  388,  423,  425,  459,  575-7.  Arroyo,  1795.  i. 


704  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

253.  A.  (Ign.),  exile  of  1842.  iv.  653.  A.  (Joaquin),  grantee  of  Tucho  '46. 
v.  637.  A.  (Jose"),  1792-5.  i.  615.  A.  (Jos<§  Man.),  i.  250-3.  A.  (Jose 
Isidro);  at  Mont.  '36,  age  53,  nat.  of  S.F.;  wife  Isabel;  child.  Ignacio,  Cata- 
rina,  Joaquina,  Concepcion,  Maria  P.  A.  (Victor),  1820-39.  ii.  382;  iii.  587 

Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  (Felipe),  1808,  Span,  friar,  serving  chiefly  at  San  Juan 
B. ;  d.  at  Sta  Ines  in  '40.  Noted  for  learning  as  well  as  piety;  author  of  several 
works  on  Ind.  lang.  See  biog.  in  iii.  662;  list  of  auth.  i. ;  inent.  inii.  140,  154, 
159-60,  284,  316,  338,  394,  492,  526,  655;  iv.  63.  See  also  'Cuesta.'  Arteaga 
(Ignacio),  1777-80,  Span.  com.  of  explor^and  transport  ships,  i.  296,  323,  329. 

Arther  (James  P.),  1829,  German  mate  of  the  Brooklyn  in  '29-30.  iii.  138- 
9,  146,  179.  Master  of  Bryant  &  Sturgis'  Boston  ship  California  on  4  or  5  voy 
ages  to  Cal.  in  '34-46.  iii.  381;  iv.  101,  564.  Mr  of  Thos  Perkins  in  '47.  v. 
511,  580.  Often  called  James  D.  Arthur,  but  I  have  many  of  his  autograph 
letters.  A  skilful  mariner,  though  close-fisted  and  not  very  popular  on  the 
coast.  Said  by  Thomes  to  be  still  living  in  Mass.  '84. 

Aruz  (Domingo),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790-1810;  not  allowed  to  devote  all 
his  prop,  to  masses  for  his  soul.  i.  460;  ii.  167.  A.  (Jose'),  elector  and  menib. 
of  the  dip.  at  Mont.  '22-4.  ii.  454,  462,  513,  536,  616.  Arzaga( Manuel),  sec. 
of  ayunt.  at  Los  Ang.  '34-5;  sec.  of  vigilantes  '36.  iii.  418,  631,  635,  638. 

Ascension  (Antonio),  1602,  friar  with  Vizcaino,  i.  98.  I  have  his  autograph. 
Ashley  (Geo.  H.),  1848,  native  of  Mass.;  memb.  of  S.  Joaquin  Co.  pioneers 
'84  (?).  Ashmead  (Geo. ),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons;  killed  at  S.  Pascual. 
v.  346.  Ashton  (A.  B.),  1846,  clerk  on  the  Dale.  A.  (Geo.  H.),  1847,  Co. 
D,  N.Y.Vol.;  killed  by  Ind.  in  S.  Joaq.  Val.  in  '47.  Asken  (Win),  1840, 
Engl.  pilot  of  the  Ninfa;  at  Mont.  '41.  Aspiroz  (Salvador),  1814,  teacher 
with  Gov.  Sola.  ii.  426.  Quarrel  with  Guerra '17.  ii.  382.  Asuncion  (Fr.  An 
dres),  1602,  with  Vizcaino,  i.  98.  Atanasio,  Ind.  executed  at  Mont.  '31.  iii. 
190.  Atensio  (Gregorio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  v.  308;  also  Ign.  Atensio. 

Atherton  (Faxon  Dean),  1836,  native  of  Mass., who  as  a  boy  went  to  Valpa 
raiso;  memb.  of  a  firm  engaged  in  the  hide  and  tallow  trade.  Visited  Cal.  in 
'36-7,  and  later  kept  up  a  corresp.  with  Larkin  and  others.  I  have  many  of  his 
letters  on  personal,  political,  and  business  affairs,  sometimes  signed  Feliz  D. 
Atherton.  Went  to  Honolulu  and  Boston  in  '38-9,  but  returned  in  '41.  iv.  91, 
103,  117-18,  141.  Said  to  have  sent  descriptions  of  the  coast  to  Wash.,  and 
to  have  had  a  corresp.  with  Webster  about  Cal.  Visited  Cal.  again  in  '49-50 
to  make  investments,  and  became  a  resident  in  '59.  Besides  being  the  owner 


daughters  married  respectively  Wm  Macondray,  Maj.  Rathbone,  U.  S.  A., 
and  Edmunds  of  Valparaiso. 

Atherton  (Geo.  D.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499-518).  A.  (Robert), 
1847,  brother  of  Faxon  D.,  who  came  with  a  letter  of  introd.  to  Vallejo,  'para 
probar  su  fortuna  en  Cal. ; '  and  was  employed  as  a  clerk  by  Larkin.  A.  ( Wm ), 
1845,  mr  of  Parrott's  Star  of  the  West.  iv.  568.  A.  (Wm),  1846,  Mormon  of 
the  Brooklyn  colony,  with  wife.  v.  546.  Lot  at  S.  F.  '47;  also  at  N.  Helv. ;  in 
the  mines  '48.  In  later  times  a  pressman  on  the  Oakland  Transcript. 

Atillan  (Pierre),  1841,  French  sailor  married  to  a  native  at  Mont.  Cox 
swain  of  the  custom-house  boat,  and  tax  collector.  Attacked  and  mutilated 
by  the  cholos  in  '44;  got  a  pension  from  the  Mex.  govt  till  '47,  when  Gov. 
Mason  was  not  able  to  continue  it;  and  Pierre  was  supported  till  his  death  by 
charity,  iv.  279,  339,  364,  414,  615,  653. 

Atkins,  1846,  mr  of  the  JeaneUe.  Atkinson,  1848,  a  physician  at  Sac. 
according  to  Burnett.  Atkinson  (Chas  A.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499  - 
518).  Called  a  'judge'  at  S.  Jose"  '77;  d.  at  Mariposa  in  '82.  A.  (James  or 
John),  184.3,  Amer.,  who  after  an  adventurous  career  in  Texas  and  Mex.  came 
to  Cal.  accord,  to  newspaper  sketches  at  a  date  varying  '40  to  '46,  but  appar 
ently  with  the  Chiles-Walker  party  of  '43.  iv.  392,  399.  Known  as  Old  Wheat 
for  his  reputed  reliability;  at  Mont,  in  '45;  served  with  Stockton  in  '46-7;  long 
a  resident  of  Los  Ang.;  in  '71  pensioned  as  a  veteran  of  1812;  died  in  the  (S. 


ATKINSON— AVILA.  705 

Joaq.?)  county  hospital  in  '74  at  the  age  of  about  80.  Atnay,  1810,  kanaka 
sailor  arrested  at  Sta  B.  ii.  275.  Atterville  (James),  1840,  doubtful  name 
in  Farnham's  list.  iv.  17.  Aubens  (N.),  1848,  pass,  from  Honolulu. 

Aulick  (J.  H.),  1841,  com.  of  the  U.  S.  YorMown,  at  Mont,  and  S.  F. 
iv.  38,  570.  Later  a  commodore.  Auntroy  (John),  1840,  arrested  at  Loa 
Ang.  in  the  Graham  affair,  iv.  14.  Aurelio,  1797,  neoph.  \vho  killed  his 
wife.  i.  659.  Anrweller  (John),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  F. 
'82;  called  also  Auwaerter. 

Austin,  1822,  mr  of  the  Panther,  ii.  474.  Austin,  1847,  mid.  on  U.  S. 
Independence.  A.  (David),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232-47).  A. 
(Henry),  1838,  Canadian  carpenter,  naturalized  in  '41,  when  he  was  at  S.  Jose", 
iv.  119.  A.  (Horace  G.),  1846,  on  roll  of  Pion.  Soc.;  error  in  iv.  587.  A. 
(Joseph  C.),  1848,  on  roll  of  Pion.  Soc.  A.  (Julius  C. ),  1846,  Mormon  on  the 
Brooklyn,  with  wife  and  3  children,  v.  546.  Ment.  as  a  lawyer  at  S.  Bernardino 
in  '81;  also  as  in  Utah,  '84.  A.  (J.  Wemys),  1848,  of  Findley,  Johnson  &  Co. 
at  S.  F.  Still  at  S.  F.  '54.  A.  (\Vm),  1826,  mr  of  the  Mercury,  iii.  148. 

Avalos  (Joaquin),  tanner-instructor  1792-5.  i.  615.  Averett  (Elisha), 
1847,  in  com.  of  a  party  of  Morm.  Bat.  on  the  return,  v.  493.  A  very,  1842, 
lieut  with  Com.  Jones,  iv.  308.  A.  (Elihu),  1844,  boy  on  a  whaler  at  S.  F. ; 
mr  of  Leyal  Tender,  '82,  accord,  to  a  newsp.  sketch.  Avieta  (Jose  Ant.), 
1834,  with  a  party  from  N.  Mex.  iii.  396. 

Avila  (Anastasio),  son  of  Cornelio;  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1799.  iii.  349;  re 
gidor  in  1810,  '19,  alcalde  in  '20-1.  ii.  110,  337,  350-1,  354,  559;  grantee  of  Ta- 
janta  in  '43.  ir.  635.-  A.  (Antonio),  1825,  Mex.  convict  sent  to  Cal.  for 
robberies  and  murder  in  Puebla.  In  the  Solis  revolt  of  '29,  and  in  the  Zamo- 
rano  regime  of  '32  he  aided  the  govt,  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  release;  but 
had  to  remain  and  serve  out  his  time  till  about  '38.  iii.  16,  76,  83-4,  230,  669. 
Another  Ant.  A.  in  '37-9  apparently,  iii.  504,  639. 

Avila  (Antonio  Ignacio),  1783,  son  of  Cornelio;  native  of  Sonora,  who 
settled  at  Los  Ang.;  in  1804  married  Rosa  Ruiz  at  Sta  B.;  in  '20-1  regidor; 
grantee  of  Sauzal  Redondo  in  '22  and  '37;  juez  de  campo  most  of  the  time  in 
'35-48;  and  always  prominent  in  the  pursuit  of  Ind.  horse-thieves,  ii.  349-51, 
353,  559,  566,  604;  iii.  396,  565,  626,  632-7.  He  died  in  '58,  aged  74.  A. 
(Cornelio),  1783.  settler  Los  Ang.  from  Sonora,  with  his  wife  Isabel  Urqui- 
des  and  8  children,  i.  663  A.  (Bruno),  son  of  Cornelio;  settler  at  Los  Ang. 
'15;  later  claimant  of  Aguage  del  Centinela.  ii.  349-50;  iv.  634.  A.  (En 
rique),  prob.  son  of  Anastasio;  2d  alcalde  at  Los  Ang.  '47;  claimant  for  Ta- 
janta  rancho.  iv.  635;  v.  626.  A.  (Francisco),  a  'hard  case'  at  S.  F.  and 
S.  Jos6  1783-1800.  i.  350,  484,  640,  716.  A.  (Francisco),  drowned  in  the 
Tularea  1796.  i.  661.  A.  (Francisco),  son  of  Cornelio;  in  Los  Ang.  region 
1G04;  alcalde  in  '10;  applicant  for  dif.  rancbos,  and  grantee  of  Ci&iegas  in  '23, 
'34.  He  had  probably  been  a  sold,  at  Sta  B.  ii.  110,  116,  172,  349-50,  354, 
565,  664;  iii.  633.  A.  (Francisco),  resid.  of  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  44;  wife,  Maria 
Ant.  Alviso;  child.,  Francisco,  Encarnacion,  Gerdnima,  and  Viviana.  A. 
(Fran.),  resid'.  of  Brancif.  '45,  age  40.  A.  (Guadalupe).  i.  175.  A.  (Ja- 
nuario),  prob.  son  of  Francisco;  regidor  of  Los  Ang.  '34-9;  claimant  for  Ciene- 
gas.  iii.  633-6.  A.  (Jose),  at  Los  Ang.  '39-46.  A.  (Jose"),  settler  at  S.  F. 
1791-1800.  i.  606,  716.  A.  (Joaquin),  1842,  sub-lieut  of  the  batallon.  iv.  289. 
A.  (Jose  Joaquin),  surgeon  of  the  Cal.  forces  1774-83.  His  wife  died  at  S.  F. 
in  '79.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  v.  57-8. 

Avila  (Jos6  Maria),  son  of  Cornelio.  Alcalde  of  Los  Ang.  in  '25.  In  the 
battle  of  '31  he  killed  Capt.  Pacheco,  and  was  himself  killed.  See  biog.  iii. 
206-9;  ment.  ii.  559;  iii.  196,  200.  A.  (Jostf  de  Sta  Ana),  son  of  Corne 
lio;  maj.  at  Sta  B.  1801-6.  ii.  120;  mar.  Maria  Josefa  Osuna.  A.  (Jose" 
de  los  .Santos),  sec.  of  ayuut.  at  Brancif.  '34.  iii.  696.  A.  (J.  S.),  colegial  at 
Sta  Ines  '44.  iv.  426. 

Avila  (Juan),  son  of  Ant.  Ign:  eye-witness  of  the  fight  near  Los  Ang.  in 

'31 .  iii.  208;  grantee  of  Miguel  rancho  '42.  iv.  635;  juez  de  campo  at  Los  Ang. 

'44;  juez  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46.  iv.  633;  v.  623;  in  '47  carried  a  flag  of  truce  for 

Stockton  to  the  people  of  Los  Ang.  v.  396.   He  married  Soledad  Yorba;  one 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    45 


706  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

daughter  married  M.  A.  Forster,  and  another  Paul  Pry  or.  Don  Juan  was  a 
man  of  excellent  repute,  who  avoided  political  complications,  but  had  good 
powers  of  observation  and  memory.  At  S.  Juan  Cap.  in  77  he  gave  me  his 
recollections — Notas  Calif ornianas — of  early  times,  including  valuable  testi 
mony  on  several  matters. 

Avila  (Miguel),  son  of  Jos<§  Sta  Ana;  b.  at  Sta  B.  in  1796;  educ.  at  S.  F.; 
served  as  copyist  at  Mont.  In  '16  he  enlisted  in  the  Mont.  comp. ;  and  in  '24 
was  corporal  of  the  escolta  at  S.  Luis  Ob.,  having  a  quarrel  with  the  padre, 
ii.  516-17,  619;  sindico  at  Mont,  and  alf.  of  militia  '35-6.  iii.  447,  474,  673-4. 
In  '26  he  had  married  Maria  Inocenta,  daughter  of  Dolores  Pico;  and  in  '36 
lived  at  Mont,  with  5  child.,  Rafaela,  Jesus  Domingo,  Francisco  de  Paula, 
Jose1  Ant.  R.,  Josefa  de  los  Ang.  Ment.  in  '37,  '41.  iii,  501;  iv.  653;  grantee 
of  S.  Miguelito  in  '42,  '46,  and  Lagmia  in  '45.  iv.  637,  642,  656.  Also  ment. 
in  '45-8.  iv.  491;  v.  321,  639.  Alcalde  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '49.  He  had  a  fond 
ness  for  preserving  documents,  but  most  of  his  collection  was  burned  with 
his  house.  Died  in  '74,  leaving  his  S.  Miguelito  rancho  to  his  widow  and 
children.  Dona  Maria  Inocenta  gave  me  not  only  her  own  recollections  on 
•old-time  Cosas  de  Cal.,  ii.  242,  427,  but  also  the  remnant  of  Don  Miguel's  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  containing  several  important  papers.  A.  (Pedro),  juez  de  campo 
at  Los  Ang.  '44.  iv.  633. 

Avis  (Wm  P.),  1842,  Boston  man  from  Honolulu,  with  letters  from  Peirce 
&  Brewer,  to  go  into  business  as  a  commission  merchant. 

Ayala  (Carmen),  at  Sta  B.  '45.  iv.  642.  A.  (Cris6gono),  ranchero  at 
Sta  B.  '37-50;  grantee  of  Sta  Ana;  maj.  of  S.  Buen.  in  '42-4.  iii.  656;  iv. 
644-5.  His  wife  was  Barbara  Vanegas,  and  they  had  5  children.  A.  (Ger- 
vasio),  juez  de  policia  at  Sta  B.  '48.  v.  631.  His  wife  was  Rafaela  Moraga, 
1  child  before  '37.  A.  (Joaquin),  owner  of  land  near  Sta  Lie's,  v.  632. 
A.  (Jose"),  invalido  at  Sta  B.  '32;  wife  Juana  Felix;  child.,  Maria,  Rafael, 
Juan,  Prudencio,  Antonio.  A.  (Jose"  M.),  soldier  at  StaB.  '32;  wife  Emedia 
Valencia.  A.  (Juan  B.),  1775,  lieut  and  com.  of  S.  Carlos;  explorer  of  S. 
F.  bay.  i.  241,  245-7.  A.  (Juan  Man.),  1778,  com.  of  Santiago,  i.  328.  A. 
(Juan  Nepomuceno),  1834,  Mex.  clerk,  age  20,  who  came  with  the  H.  &  P. 


capt. 

586!  A.  (Pablo),  admin.  S.  F."  Solano  '37-8.  iii.  720-1."  A.  (Wm),  1832-3, 
mr  of  the  Roxana.  iii.  384.  Ayals  (Manuel  M.),  1837,  Span,  physician  in 
Alameda  Co.  '76,  said  to  have  come  in  '37  (?).  A  lam.  Hist.  Atlas. 

Ayer  (Franklin  H.),  1848,  Amer.  carpenter  who  arr.  on  the  Sabine  in 
May  from  Boston  at  S.  F.,  and  went  to  the  Mormon  Isl.  mines.  Ment.  by  Gov. 
Mason  as  having  furnished  gold  specimens  for  Wash.  In  '52  an  advertisement 
for  him  from  his  bro.  in  China  and  parents  in  Somerville,  Mass.,  appears  in 
the  Alia.  In  '72  he  wrote  me  a  letter  on  his  Personal  Adventures,  from  Gray- 
son,  Stanislaus  Co.  A  letter  to  that  address  in  '82  brought  no  reply.  Ayot 
(Alexis),  1844,  perhaps  came  to  Cal.  with  Fremont,  iv.  437. 

Ayres  (Geo.  Wash.),  1812-13,  mr  of  the  Mercury,  captured  at  Sta  B.  ii. 
268-70,  295,  304,  362.  In  '20  he  was  interested  with  Abel  Stearns  in  obtain 
ing  lands  in  the  Sac.  Val.  for  a  settlement,  but  prob.  did  not  revisit  Cal. 
Dept.  Eec.,  MS.,  viii.  38.  A.  (R.  B.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artillery 
(v.  518).  Azcona,  lieut  on  the  Morelos  '34.  iii.  269. 

Babcock  (Benj.  E.),  1848,  on  the  roll  of  Pion.  Soc.,  died  before  '81.  B. 
.(J.),  1848,  sup.  of  the  Mary.  Bacey  (James),  1831,  one  of  Young's  trappers; 
perhaps  did  not  come  to  Cal.  iii.  388.  Bachelor  (Fred.),  1841,  Amer.  cooper 
.of  the  Workman- Rowland  party  from  N.  Mex.;  went  east  in  '42,  iv.  278,  but 
•;ret.  to  Cal.  in  later  years,  living  at  Noon's  rancho,  where  he  died  in  '76. 

B.aehelot  (Alexis),  1832,  French  missionary  prefect  of  the  Sand.  Isl.  in  ex 
ile;  served  at  S.  Gabriel  in  '32-7;  ret.  to  the  Isl.  in  '37;  died  '38  on  a  voy.  to 
-the  South  Sea  IsL  iii.  317-18,  364,  384,  408,  643;  iv.  102.  Bacon  (J.),  1846, 


BACON— BALDWIN.  707 

Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.,  artillery  (v.  358).       Bacleau  (Francois),  1844,  one  of  Fre 
mont's  Canadians,  iv.  437. 

Baden  (James  Collins),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v.  518);  clerk  and  copyist 
for  the  comp.,  commandant,  and  dept.  to  '51,  not  deserting  like  most  of  his 
comrades;  later  a  teacher;  d.  at  Watsonville  '68,  aged  50.  He  was  a  son  of  a 
colonel  in  U.  S.  service,  and  b.  at  Baltimore.  Ment.  by  Gen.  Sherman,  Mem., 
as  his  clerk;  obituary  in  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  Sept.  '68.  Bader  (Christopher), 

1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  a  miner  at  Coloma  and  elsewhere  '48-52;  set 
tled  later  in  Butte  Co.,  and  lived  for  many  years  at  Cherokee,  where  he  was  in 
'82,  but  died  before  '85,  leaving  a  widow  and  9  children,  most  of  them  grown. 
One  of  the  sons,  H.  F.  Bader,  writes  me  from  Cherokee  April  '85.       Badger  ( Wm 
G.  B. ),  1848,  pass,  on  the  Sabine  from  Boston;  at  the  Mormon  Isl.  mines.       Ba- 
dillo  (Francisco),  1825,  Mex.  convict  who  continued  his  lawless  career  in  CaL; 
wife  Ilafaela  Garcia,  4  child. :  lynched  in  '60  with  one  of  his  sons.  iii.  16,  549, 
652.       Baewdsxig  (?),  mr  of  the  Nikolai  in  '40.  iv.  105.       Bagley  (Alden  S.), 

1848,  part  owner  of  the  Coloma  mill  in  Dec. 

Bailey  (Addison),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469),  reenlist.  at  L.  Aug.. 
B.  (James),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.;  made  bricks  at  S.F.  B.  (Jefferson), 
1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.,  perhaps  same  as  the  Jeff.  B.  who  had  a  farm  in 
Sta  Clara  Co.  '50-74.  B.  (Theodorus),  1847,  lieut,  com.  of  the  U.  S.  Lex 
ington;  rear-admiral  in  the  war  of  '61-5.  v.  578.  Portrait  in  the  Century, 
April  '85.  B.  (Wm  J.),  1834,  Engl.  sailor  at  Mont.,  age  25;  drove  cattle 
to  Or.  '37;  perhaps  the  Wm  Bailey  exiled  in  '40.  iv.  18,  85,  412.  Baillie 
(Thomas),  1844,  com.  of  the  Engl.  Modeste.  iv.  567.  Bailon  (Pascual),  1782, 
corporal  killed  on  the  Colorado,  i.  364.  Bails  (Jonas),  1836,  Amer.  tailor  at 
Los  Ang.  from  N.  Mex.,  age  29. 

Baker,  1845-6,  mr  of  the  Montezuma.  B.,  1848,  of  the  firm  S.  H.Williams 
&  Co.  at  S.  F.  B.  (Andy),  1846,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  at  Stockton 
with  Weber  '47-8;  also  employed  as  a  builder  in  '47,  at  Mont,  in  '47;  called 
also  Antonio  B.;  ment.  at  N.  Helv.  '48;  very  likely  the  'Antonio'  employed 
by  Larkin  at  S.  F.  B.  (Isaac  Munroe),  1846,  nat.  of  Md,  b.  in  '20;  marine 
on  the  U.  S.  Dale  '46-9;  one  of  Marston's  men  in  the  Sanchez  campaign  (v. 
379).  Being  disch.  in  N.Y.  he  came  to  S.  F.  in  '50-65;  in  the  east  '65-8;  owner 
of  a  place  at  La  Honda,  Sta  Cruz  mts,  from  '64,  but  in  the  grocery  business  at 
S.  F.,  '75-85.  Married  Mary  A.  Smith  '75,  has  3  children  '85.  In,  an  interview 
he  gave  many  items  about  S.  F.  in  '46-7.  B.  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S. 
dragoons  (v.  336).  B.  (John F.),  1848.  Passport  from  Honolulu.  B.-(Wm), 
1845;  Amer.  sailor  at  Mont.  Balderrama  (Jose),  1798.  i.  606,  733.  Should 
be  written  Valderratna.  Baldomero,  grantee  of  Corral  de  Padilla  '36.  iii.  677. 

Baldridge  (Wm),  1843,  Tenn.  mill-wright,  b.  in  '11,  resid.  of  Mo.  from 
'20;  overl.  immig.  in  the  Walker-Chiles  party,  iv.  392,  399.  After  working  at 
his  trade  in  different  places,  in  '45  he  settled  on  a  Napa  rancho  as  a  partner 
of  Chiles;  in  '46  a  member  of  the  Bear  organization,  v.  iii.  179,  189,  and  later 
served  as  lieut  of  Co.  C,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  361,  434.  Then  he  resumed  his  trade  for 
a  time,  and  I  have  a  contract  signed  by  him  in  '47  to  build  a  saw-mill  for  Sal  v. 
Vallejo.  From  '52  Baldridge  lived  on  his  rancho  at  Oakville,  always  command 
ing  the  respect  of  his  neighbors.  His  Days  of  46,  written  in  '77,  is  an  interest 
ing  part  of  my  collection;  and  in  the  testimony  given  by  him  at  various  times 
for  newspapers  and  books  there  is  to  be  noted  exceptional  accuracy.  Never 
married.  Still  living  in  '81,  and  I  think  in  '85.  A  good  sketch  of  his  life,  and 
portrait,  in  Napa  Co.  Hist.,  387,  20. 

Baldwin  (Alfred),  1846,  native  of  N.Y. ;  overl.  immig.  to  Or.  in  '45  and  in 
'46  to  Cal.  v.  546.  Served  at  S.  Jose  under  Watmough,  and  went  south  with  the 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Resid.  of  Sta  Cruz  '47-85.  His  wife  was  Fannie  Willard, 
whom  he  married  in  '66.  B.  (Charles  H.),  1846,  passed  mid.  on  the  U.S. 
Congress,  left  by  Stockton  in  com.  of  a  guard  at  Mont.  '46-7,  until  the  coming 
of  the  artill.  comp.  v.  290,  519;  lieut  in  war  of  '61-5,  and  com.  of  a  gunboat  in 
the  Pacific;  later  an  admiral  in  com.  of  North  Pac.  station  at  Mare  Isl. ;  in  Cal. 
'83,  as  was  also  a  son.  B.  (James  M.),  1814,  Engl.  sailor  left  at  Mont,  by 
the  Isaac  Todd.  ii.  272.  B.  (James  H.),  1847;  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 


708  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

B.  (John),  1841,  at  Los  Ang.  from  the  Juan  Jose,  but  required  to  depart.  B. 
(Josiah  L.).  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  S.  Jose"  '50.  B.  (Timothy); 
1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol. 

Bale  (Edward  Turner),  1837,  Engl.  surgeon,  who  landed  from  a  vessel  at 
Mont.,  age  29.  ii.  117-18.  For  5  or  6  years  he  practised  medicine  at  Mont., 
being  in  '40-3  surg.  of  the  Cal.  forces  by  Gen.  Vallejo's  appointment,  and  hav 
ing  married  Maria  Ignacia  Soberanes.  Bale  was  a  man  of  good  education,  but 
always  more  or  less  in  trouble  on  account  of  his  debts  and  personal  quarrels. 
In  '40  he  opened  a  liquor-shop  in  a  room  hired  cf  Larkin  for  a  drug-store,  and 
was  arrested  in  the  resulting  complications  with  the  authorities.  I  have  many 
original  documents  written  by  and  about  him;  but  have  no  intention  of  cata 
loguing  his  troubles.  In  '41  he  was  naturalized  and  got  a  grant  of  the  Carne 
Humana  rancho  in  Napa  valley,  where  he  went  in  '43,  though  his  family 
lived  for  a  time  at  S.  F.  with  John  Fuller,  iv.  GG9,  671;  v.  678-9.  In  '44,  hav 
ing  been  whipped  by  Salv.  Vallejo,  he  attempted  to  shoot  the  latter,  was  put 
in  jail,  and  narrowly  saved  his  life.  iv.  444-5,  678;  the  rumored  intention  of 
the  Kelseys  and  other  foreigners  to  rescue  the  doctor  also  caused  much  excite 
ment.  In  '46  he  built  a  saw-mill,  and  in  '47-8  did  a  large  business  in  lumber, 
the  increased  value  of  his  land  making  him  a  rich  man;  but  he  died  '49  or  '50, 
leaving  a  widow — still  living  in  '85 — 2  sons  and  4  daughters.  His  son  Edward 
was  commissioned  in  '64  capt.  of  Co.  D,  1st  Bat.  Nat.  Cal.  cavalry;  and  in  !71 
was  in  business  at  Napa.  Bale  (Wm),  1831,  Engl.  carpenter  at  Los  Aug.  in 
'36,  age  29.  iii.  405.  Possibly  Wm  'Bailey;'  q.v. 

Ball  (Franklin),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  blacksmith  at  Sta  Cruz  in 
Nov.  Ballard  (John),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  Ballenback  (Wm),  1840, 
marine  on  the  Dale,  acting  as  baker  at  S.  F.  in  '47;  in  the  mines  later. 

Ballesteros  (Carlos),  killed  at  Chino  rancho  '46.  v.  313.  B.  (Felipe)  and 
B.  (Francisco),  at  L.  Ang.  '46.  B.  (Juan),  regidor  at  L.  Ang.  '23,  '32,  '38; 
grantee  of  Rosa  del  Castillo  rancho  '31.  ii.  559;  iii.  633-6.  He  was  prob.  Juan 
Ant.,  son  of  J.  de  Dios.  B.  (Juan  do  Dios),  corp.  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  1787; 
com.  of  escolta  at  S.  Ant.,  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  S.  Juan  B.  1791-7.  Also  named  at 
L.  Ang.  1796,  1819.  His  wife  was  Teresa  Sepiilveda,  and  his  sons  Juan  An 
tonio,  b.  '87,  and  Fran.  Javier  Ant.,  b.  '97.  Before  '86  he  had  been  a  sergt,  but 
was  reduced  to  the  ranks  for  desertion,  i.  557,  718;  ii.  349,  354. 

Ballhaus  (Fred.),  1846,  German  immig.  (v.  526),  with  Hoppe  and  Harlan; 
in  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  at  the  Natividad  fight,  and  in  Co.  B  artitl.  in  the  south; 
worked  at  S.  F.  and  N.  Helv.  '47-8;  in  the  mines  much  of  the  time  '48-GO; 
married  Katrina  Franck  '53;  to  Frazer  River  '58;  from  '61  at  S.  F.,  brewer, 
vegetable  gardener,  and  man  of  property;  still  living  in  '85,  age  09,  with  wife 
and  3  children.  He  has  kept  a  diary,  and  tells  no  end  of  interesting  details  of 
his  Cal.  experiences.  Baltasar,  1824,  Ind.  executed  at  Purisima.  Balteco 
(John),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232).  Balygin,  1808,  mr  of  the  Niko 
lai,  ii.  80. 

Bancroft  (Jerry),  1811,  sailor  at  Drake's  Bay.  ii.  95.  B.  (John),  1836, 
mr  of  the  Convoy,  iv.  103,  118.  In  '37-8,  mr  of  the  Loriot  and  Llama;  killed 
by  Ind.  at  the  Sta  B.  islands,  iv.  90,  105;  iii.  652-3.  His  wife,  fatally  wounded 
at  the  same  time,  was  a  half-breed  Hawaiian,  Miss  Holmes,  a  sister  of  Nathan 
Spear's  wife. 

Bandini  (Josd),  1819,  Span.  b.  in  Andalucia  1771;  came  to  Amer.  '93;  a 
mariner  whose  home  was  at  Lima,  where  he  married  twice  and  had  7  children 
living  in  '28,  only  one  of  them  ever  known  in  Cal.  In  '19  as  mr  of  the  Span. 
Rclna  de  Los  Angeles  he  brought  to  Cal.  fr.  S.  Bias  a  cargo  of  war  supplies, 
making  another  trip  in  '21,  and  doing  a  little  in  contraband  trade,  ii.  253,  261, 
439-40.  On  returning  to  S.  Bias  he  raised  the  Mex.  flag  on  the  Ifeina,  which, 
as  he  claimed,  was  the  1st  vessel  to  fly  independent  colors  in  all  the  republic. 
For  this  and  other  services  Don  Jose"  was  made  by  Iturbide  capt.  of  militia, 
and  in  '22  was  retired  with  that  rank,  the  fnero  militar,  and  right  to  wear 
the  uniform.  A  few  years  later,  being  a  widower,  and  sufTering  from  gout, 
he  came  with  his  son  to  S.  Diego,  where  he  built  a  house  and  spent  the  rest 
of  his  life,  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  rcqiiired  by  the  law  of  '27.  iii.  51,  176. 


BANDINI.  709 

In  '27  he  wrote  a  loug  Carta  Ilisldrica  y  Descriptiva  de  Cat  to  Eustace  Barren, 
iv.  151.  Erroneously  attributed  to  his  son  in  the  1st  ed.  of  vol.  i.,  list  of  auth. 
He  died  at  the  Sta  Ana  raucho  in  '41. 

Bandini  (Juan),  1824,  son  of  Josd,  b.  at  Lima  in  1800,  and  educ.  there. 
The  exact  date  of  arrival  is  not  known ;  but  in  Dec.  '28  his  father  stated  that  he 
had  4  child,  by  his  Ca-1.  wife.  It  is  possible  that  he  came  with  his  father  in  '19 
or  '21.  His  public  life  began  in  '27-8  as  member  of  the  diputacion;  '28-32  sub- 
comisario  of  revenues  at  S.  D. ;  suplente  congressman '31-2.  Mention  in  this 
part  of  his  career,  ii.  543,  546-7,  549,  563-4;  iii.  36-42,  50,  61-5,  86,  126,  136, 
217,  367,  375-6.  In  '31  he  took  a  leading  part  in  fomenting  the  revolution 
against  Gov.  Victoria,  and  in  opposing  Zamorano's  counter-revolt  of  '32.  iii. 
188-9,  197,  200-1,  203-4,  206,  210,  225.  In  '33  he  went  to  Mexico  as  member 
of  congress,  but  came  back  in  '34  as  vice-president  of  Hijar  and  Padre's'  grand 
colonization  and  commercial  co.,  supercargo  of  the  co.'s  vessel,  the  Natalia, 
and  inspector  of  customs  for  Cal.  The  disastrous  failure  of  the  colony  scheme, 
and  the  refusal  of  Cal.  to  recognize  his  authority  as  inspector,  were  regarded 
by  Don  Juan  as  the  most  serious  misfortunes  of  his  whole  life  and  of  his 
adopted  country's  history,  his  failure  being  rendered  the  more  humiliating  by 
the  detection  of  certain  smuggling  operations  in  which  he  had  engaged,  iii. 
242,  246,  260-7,  297,  365,  370-3,  383,  613,  670.  In  '36-8  Bandini  was  in  sev 
eral  respects  the  leading  spirit  of  the  southern  opposition  to  Alvarado's  govt; 
at  each  triumph  of  the  arribenos  he  was  lucky  enough  to  escape  arrest,  and 
lost  no  time  in  fomenting  new  revolts.  His  position  was  a  most  unwise  one, 
productive  of  great  harm  to  Cal.;  his  motive  was  chiefly  personal  feeling 
against  Angel  Ramirez,  whom  he  regarded  as  influential  in  the  new  adminis 
tration,  for  he  had  been  a  personal  friend  of  the  northern  leaders  and  a  sup 
porter  of  their  general  views;  and  his  record  as  a  politician  throughout  the 
sectional  troubles  was  neither  dignified,  patriotic,  nor  in  any  way  creditable. 
Under  Carrillo  he  was  nominally  still  in  charge  of  the  S.D.  custom-house,  iii. 
415,  419-20,  423-4,  480,  482-3,  488-90,  515-21,  539,  548,  556,  558,  564-6,  578, 
609,  614;  iv.  98.  He  was  the  owner  of  the  Tecate  rancho  on  the  frontier,  which 
was  sacked  by  the  Ind.  in  '37-8,  B.  and  his  family  being  reduced  to  poverty 
and  serious  want;  but  Gov.  Alvarado  made  him  admin,  of  S.  Gabriel  mission 
'38-40,  granting  him  also  in  '38  Jurupa,  in  '39  Rincon  and  Cajon  de  Muscu- 
piabe,  and  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iii.  612,  633,  644-5;  iv.  68,  92,  297,  626. 
Ho  was  appointed  fiscal  of  the  tribunal  superior  '40-2,  was  comisionado  at  the 
new  pueblo  of  S.  Juan  de  Arguello  in  '41,  and  sindico  at  L.  Ang.  '44,  taking 
but  slight  part  in  the  troubles  with  Gov.  Micheltorena.  iii.  605;  iv.  196,  296, 
365,  411,  624,  626-7,  633.  In  '45-6  Don  Juan  was  Gov.  Pico's  sec.,  and  a  zeal 
ous  supporter  of  his  admin.,  particularly  in  mission  affairs  and  opposition  to 
Castro,  being  also  a  member  of  the  assembly  and  originator  of  the  projected 
consejo  general,  iv.  511,  519,  530-2,  540,  549;  v.  35,  37,  39-40,  44-5,  48,  51, 
66,  264,  278,  559.  Later,  however,  he  espoused  the  U.S.  cause,  furnished  sup 
plies  for  Stockton's  battalion,  was  offered  the  collectorship,  and  named  as  mem 
ber  of  the  legislative  council  in  '47,  and  alcalde  of  S.Diego  in  '48.  v.  282,  328- 
30,  356,  433,  618-19.  In  '49  he  declined  a  judgeship;  is  said  to  have  impaired 
his  fortune  by  erecting  a  costly  building  in  '50  at  S.D.,  where  he  kept  a  store; 
and  subsequently  appears  to  have  gone  across  the  frontier,  where  the  estate 
of  Guadalupe  had  been  granted  him  in  '46,  resuming  his  Mex.  citizenship  an  :1 
serving  as  juez  in  '52.  He  still  dabbled  to  some  extent  in  revolutionary  poli 
tics,  and  as  a  supporter  of  Melendres  had  to  quit  the  country  with  all  his  live 
stock  in  '55.  He  died  at  Los  Angeles  in  '59.  It  is  evident  from  the  preceding 
resume"  of  what  is  for  the  most  part  more  fully  told  elsewhere  that  Juan  Ban 
dini  must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  of  his  time  in  Cal. 
He  was  a  man  of  fair  abilities  and  education,  of  generous  impulses,  of  jovial 
temperament,  a  most  interesting  man  socially,  famous  for  his  gentlemanly 
manners,  of  good  courage  in  the  midst  of  personal  misfortunes,  and  always 
well  liked  and  respected;  indeed,  his  record  as  a  citizen  was  an  excellent  one. 
He  also  performed  honestly  and  efficiently  the  duties  of  his  various  official 
positions.  In  his  grander  attempts  as  a  would-be  statesman,  Don  Juan  was 


710  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

less  fortunate.  His  ideas  were  good  enough,  never  absurd  if  never  brilliant? 
but  when  once  an  idea  became  fixed  in  his  brain,  he  never  could  understand 
the  failure  of  Calif ornian  affairs  to  revolve  around  that  idea  as  a  centre; 
and  in  his  struggles  against  fate  and  the  stupidity  of  his  compatriots  he  became 
absurdly  diplomatic  and  tricky  as  a  politician.  He  was  an  eloquent  speaker 
and  fluent  writer,  though  always  disposed  to  use  a  good  many  long  words 
when  a  few  short  ones  would  better  serve  the  purpose.  I  have  hundreds  of  his 
original  communications,  official  and  private,  in  various  private  archives,  be 
sides  the  valuable  collection  of  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  left  by  Bandini  and  given  me 
by  his  widow.  By  the  kindness  of  the  same  lady  I  also  obtained  an  original 
MS.  Historia  de  California  left  by  Don  Juan  at  his  death,  which  though  brief 
is  important,  especially  when  supplemented  and  explained  by  the  author's 
private  correspondence.  Bandini 's  1st  wife  was  Dolores,  daughter  of  Capt. 
Jose"  M.  Estudillo,  whose  children  were  Arcadia— Mrs  Abel  Stearns  and  later 
Mrs  Robt  S.  Baker;  Isidora,  who  married  Col  Cave  J.  Coutts;  Josefa,  the  wife 
of  Pedro  C.  Carrillo;  Jose"  Maria,  whose  wife  was  Teresa  Argiiello;  and  Juanito. 
His  2d  wife  was  Refugio,  daughter  of  Santiago  Argiiello,  whose  children  were 
Juan  de  la  Cruz,  Alfredo,  Arturo,  and  two  daughters,  who  married  Chas  R. 
Johnson  and  Dr  James  B.  Winston.  Bandini's  daughters  were  famous  for  their 
beauty ;  all  or  most  of  his  children  still  live  in  southern  Cal.  in  '85,  some  wealthy, 
all  in  comfortable  circumstances  and  of  respectable  family  connections. 

Bane  (C.fc  1835,  mr  of  the  Primavera.  iii.  383.  Banks  (Archibald),  1833, 
Scotch  carpenter  at  Mont.  '33-6;  d.  at  S.  F.  '38.  409.  B.  (J.  H.),  1848, 
passp.  fr.  Honolulu.  Bannard  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
Bantam  (Geo.),  1846,  Amer.  sailor  on  the  Cyane;  in  Stockton's  bat.,  wounded 
at  the  S.  Gabriel  Jan.  '47.  v.  395.  Baptiste  (Jean),  1846,  French  fr.  N. 
Mex.,  survivor  of  the  Donner  party  perhaps,  v.  531-41;  at  N.  Helv.  '47-8, 
and  one  of  the  earliest  miners.  There  are  several  of  this  name  not  to  be  iden 
tified.  See  also  'Bautista.'  Barajas,  sirviente  at  Sta  Cruz,  1795.  i.  496. 

Barber  (A.  H.),  1848,  of  N.  Y.;  vet.  of  the  Mex.  war;  settled  at  Sutter- 
ville;  lived  at  Chico  from  '51  to  his  death  in  '66,  age  51.  B.  and  sons  at 
Mont.  '47-8.  Consul.  Arch. ;  perhaps  the  following.  B.  (John  and  John,  Jr), 
1847,  at  Mont,  and  in  the  redwoods  '47-8.  B.  (John),  1848,  nat.  of  Conn., 
farmer  in  Napa  Val.  to  '53.  Napa  Co.  Reporter.  B.  (Matthew),  1847,  farmer 
near  Martinez  in  '60,  when  he  testified  in  S.  F.  that  he  was  public  admin,  in 
'47-9.  Barbosa  (Jose"),  settler  at  Brancif.  1797.  i.  569.  13.  (Mariano),  1818, 
sailor  who  taught  Cal.  boys  to  make  hats.  Barbot  (M.),  1848,  at  S.  Jos6  '81. 

Barbour  (John),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.  F.  Perhaps  'Barber,'  q.v.  B. 
(Nathan),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  migrating  to  Ky,  La,  Mo.,  and  finally  overland 
to  Cal.  (v.  526),  with  his  wife  Nancy,  daughter  of  Landy  Alforcl.  He  served 
in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  had  a  'Cal.  claim'  of  $250;  and  in  '47  settled 
at  Benicia,  where  he  built  several  houses,  being  in  the  lumber  business  with 
Alford.  v.  467,  672.  His  daughter  Amelia  was  the  1st  child  born  at  Benicia, 
and  he  had  6  others.  In  '50  the  family  moved  to  a  farm  in  Suisun  Valley, 
where  the  wife  died  in  '68  and  the  husband  in  '82,  age  69.  B.  (Roswell), 
1046,  brother  of  Nathan,  whom  he  seems  to  have  accompanied  in  all  his  Cal. 
experiences  until  his  death  in  '71. 

Barcelo  (Juain),  1826,  mr  of  the  Mc.ro,  doubtful  record,  iii.  148.  Bar- 
cena  (Jose"),  1798.  i.  606.  Barcenar  (Guadalupe),  drummer  at  S.  F.  '23-31. 

Barcenilla  (Isidore).  1797,  Span,  friar;  founder  of  the  S.  Jose"  mission, 
who  left  Cal.  in  1804.  See  biog.  ii.  114;  mention  i.  555-6,  577;  ii.  131,  137, 
159-60.  Bargeman  (Augustus),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Barger  (Wm  W.),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  At  Sutler's  mill  when 
gold  was  discovered;  said  to  have  been  the  first  man  to  whom  the  discoverer 
showed  the  metal.  Went  to  Utah  later.  Often  called  James  B. 

Baric  (Charles),  1834,  French  from  Mex.  in  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  iii.  263, 
412.  For  10  years  or  more  a  trader  at  Los  Aug.,  being  27  years  old  at  ar 
rival,  and  marrying  in  Cal.  In  '37  aided  Bandini  to  capture  the  town.  iii.  518; 
in  '40  had  charge  of  Aguirre's  business;  interested  in  the  S.  Francisquito 
mines  '42;  iv.  297,  631;  in  '44  owner  or  mr  of  the  Primavera.  iv.  468. 


BARKER— BARTHROP.  711 

Barker,  1838,  mr  of  the  fiasselas.  iv.  105.  Barker  (perhaps  Vaca),  184G-7, 
mr  of  the  J6ven  Guipuzcoana.  v.  578.  Barker,  1848,  on  the  Sar/adahoc  fr. 
Honolulu.  B.  (John  S.),  1847,  mr  of  the  Edward,  v.  577.  *B.  (Peter), 
1834,  Engl.  carpenter  working  for  Kinlock  at  Mont.  B.  (Robert  S.),  1802, 
Amer.  who  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.,  iii.  221,  408,  and  whose 
name  appears  on  Larkin's  books  to  '36,  getting  a  lot  in  '35. 

Barmore,  1848,  mr  of  the  Sar/adahoc.  v.  580.  Barnard,  1846,  mr  of  the  A  bi- 
gall.  v.  576.  B.  ('Major'),  1846,  doubtful  mention,  v.  111.  Barnes  (John), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518),  who  deserted;  also  named  as  a  laborer  at 
Mont.,  and  ment.  by  Sherman.  Mem.  i.  31.  Barnes,  1822,  mrof  Orion,  ii.  474. 

Barnett  (Elias),  1841,  Amer.  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275, 
279.  Lived  with  Yount  till  '43,  then  settled  in  Pope  Valley,  marrying  the 
widow  of  Win  Pope.  Napa  Co.  Hist.,  55-6.  Had  a  house  in  the  Sac.  Valley 
'46,  ace.  to  Bryant  and  Lancey;  also  seems  to  have  signed  a  doc.  at  L.  Ang. 
in  June  '46.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  vii.  65.  Served  in  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  and 
had  a  'Cal.  claim'  (v.  462)  of  $135.  Returning  to  his  Napa  rancho,  he  spent 
the  rest  of  his  life  there,  dying  shortly  before  '50.  B.  (E.  P.),  1848,  from 
Or.  in  May  on  the  Mary  Ann,  and  after  good  luck  in  the  mines  went  back  for 
his  family.  Barney  (Walter),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 

Barnum,  1843,  in  the  Hastings  party  from  Or.  iv.  390.  Prob.  went  back 
soon.  B.  (Edgar  M.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  Mont.  '47. 
B.  (Geo.),  1845,  mr  of  a  vessel  at  Mont,  and  S.  F.  1 

Barona  (Jose),  1798,  Span,  friar  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Juan  Cap.,  where  he 
died  in  1831.  See  biog.  iii.  625;  mention  i.  577,  654-5;  ii.  107,  110,  159,  345, 
348,  394,  553,  555,  655;  iii.  96,  310,  351.  Barque  (Oscar  de  Grande),  1845- 
53,  doubtful  record,  iv.  587. 

Barragan  (Barbaro),  Mex.  soldier  age  28,  murdered  at  Mont.  '36.  iii.  675. 

B.  (Manuel),  settler  at  the  Colorado  pueblo,  killed  by  Ind.  1780-1.  i.  359-62. 
Barrena  (Jose),  juez  de  campo  S.  Dieguito  '41.  iv.  628.       B.  (Tadeo),  ditto. 
Barreneche  (Juan  Ant.),  1779-80,  Franciscan  missionary  of  the  Quere'taro  col 
lege,  killed  at  the  Colorado  River  missions,  i.  357-63.       Barreras  (Jose"  M.), 
killed  at  Los  Ang.  '45.  iv.  492.       B.  (Juan),  resid.  of  Los  Ang.  '46. 

Barrett,  1845,  immig.  fr.  Or.  in  McMahon-Clyman  party,  who  prob.  went 
back  in  '46.  iv.  572,  587,  526.  Perhaps  James  B.  B.  (Francis  H.),  1847,  Co. 

C,  N.Y.Vol.,  at  S.  F.  '48.       B.  (James),  1846,  claimant  for  supplies  to  Fr6- 
mont,  and  owner  of  S.  F.  lot  '47.  v.  676.       B.  (Wm  J.),  1847,  accidentally 
killed  at  Sac.  '80;  said  to  have  come  with  Stevenson's  reg.  Sac.  Bee.       Bar- 
reto  (Fabian),  1827,  grantee  of  Pescadero  '36;  a  Mex.  resid.  of  Mont.,  age  26, 
wife  Carmen  Garcia,  child.  Manuel  Fructuoso  and  Maria  Juliana.     The  widow 
had  a  'Cal.  claim'  of  $2,582  in  '46-7.  v.  462. 

Barron  (A.),  1845,  contractor  at  Mont.;  in  '58  pass.  fr.  Honolulu.  B. 
(Charles),  1840,  Co.  H,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Barroso  (Leonardo  Diez),  1830, 
Mex.  lieut  sent  to  Cal.  and  promoted  to  capt.  iii.  54;  employed  in  an  investi 
gation  at  Los  Ang.  '31.  iii.  196;  in  corn,  at  Paso  de  Bartolo  and  Los  Ang.  '32. 
iii.  227;  departed  for  Mex.  '33.  iii.  365. 

Barrowman  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  tried  by  court-mar 
tial  for  sleeping  on  guard  at  S.  Diego;  a  Utah  farmer  in  '81.  Barrus  (Ruel), 
1847,  lieut  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.,  also  of  the  reenlisted  co. ;  in  com.  at  S.  Luis 
Rey;  sentenced  by  court-martial  to  5  years  (red.  by  gov.  to  1  year)  of  hard 
labor  for  passing  counterfeit  coin.  v.  477,  495,  610,  625.  A  Utah  farmer  in  '81. 

Barry  (Beuj.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  B.  (F.  E.),  1841,  acting 
mr  of  the  U.  S.  St  Louis.  B.  (Richard),  1828-9,  mr  of  the  Vulture,  iii.  141- 
2,  149.  B.  (W.  D.),  1845  (?),  immig.  from  Mo.  at  Sutter's  fort.  iv.  578,  587; 
at  Sta  Clara  '50-76. 

Bartel  (Wm),  1845,  Amer.  immig.  fr.  Or.  in  McMahon-Clyman  party,  iv. 
572,  587;  served  '46-7  in  the  Cal.  Bat.;  still  in  Cal.  '49.  Bartels  (Lewjp), 
1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Batthelow  (J.  M.),  1848,  doubtful  record. 
Barthote,  1846,  at  L.  Ang.,  doubtful  record.  Barthrop  (Edward),  1847,  Co. 
A,  N.Y.Vol.;  resid.  of  S.  F.  '74-85;  asst  sup.  of  the  Industrial  school;  nat.  of 
London;  miner  in  Tuolumne  to. '61;  soldier  in2d  Cal.  cavalry  during  the  war 
of  '61-5;  4  children  in  '85. 


712  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Bartleson  (John),  1841,  capt.  of  the  1st  regular  immig.  party  that  crossed 

the  Sierra  to  Cal.  He  returned  to  Mo.,  where  he  died.  iv.  267-70,  342,  G84. 

Bartlett  (A.),  1848,  arr.  at  Honolulu  on  the  Julian  fr.  S.  F.      B.  (Chas  H.), 

1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.(v.  499),  died  at  S.  F.  '81;  a  Boston  man.       B.  (J.), 

1848,  passp.  fr.  Honolulu.       B.  (John  A.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.;  riat.  of 
Mass.,  b.  in  '28;  at  Sonoma  and  S.F.  after  his  disch. ;  went  to  Nic.  with  Walker; 
in  Boston  '58-61;  a  vol.  in  the  war  of  '61-5;  at  Cambridgeport,  Mass.,  in  '85. 

Bartlett  (Washington  Allen),  1845,  lieut  on  the  U.  S.  Portsmouth  '45-8; 
alcalde  of  S.  F.  in  '46-7;  captured  by  the  Calif ornians  while  out  on  a  raid 
for  cattle.  He  performed  the  routine  duties  of  his  position  in  a  satisfactory 
manner,  having  the  advantage  of  a  knowledge  of  Spanish.  See  mention  iv. 
587;  v.  126,  128-9,  137,  295,  379-80,  383,  539,  644-5,  648,  654.  659,  686.  Later 
he  commanded  a  vessel  in  coast  survey  service  in  the  Pacific;  was  sent  to 
Europe  on  a  mission  connected  with  lighthouses;  and  while  serving  on  the 
African  coast  in  '55  had  his  name  stricken  from  the  rolls  of  the  navy  by  the 
retiring  board.  In  Carroll's  Star  of  the  West,  278-344,  is  an  elaborate  defence 
and  eulogy  with  favorable  testimony  from  many  naval  officers,  also  a  portrait. 
His  daughter  was  the  heroine  of  the  famous  '  diamond  wedding '  of  the 
Cuban  Oviedo.  Bartlett  died  I  think  between  '70  and  '80. 

Barton  (James  R.  or  H.),  1845,  at  L.  Ang.,  serving  in  the  Micheltorena 
campaign,  iv.  495.  Lieut  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7,  serving  under  Stockton,  v. 
265,  360,  435.  Later  a  resid.  of  L.  Ang. ;  killed  in  '57  by  the  '  Manilas '  while 
acting  as  sheriff  in  their  pursuit.  B.  (Wm),  1839,  Amer.  sailor  on  the  Cali 
fornia;  one  of  the  exiles  of  '40  to  S.  Bias,  but  returned  with  a  claim  for  dam 
ages;  at  Sta  Cruz  '43.  iv.  18,  21,  33,  119,  356.  Bartow,  1842,  chaplain  with 
Com.  Jones,  iv.  310.  Bartram  (Wm),  1843,  Scotchman  who  worked  at  the 
N.  Almaden  mine  in  '46;  a  witness  in  later  litigation;  testifying  that  he  was  at 
S.  F.  in  '43,  and  at  Sonoma  in  '36-7.  I  met  him  near  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '74.  iv. 
399.  Bartusee  (Zama),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v.  518). 

Basadre  y  Vega  (Vicente),  1786,  Span,  commissioner  for  estab.  a  fur-trade 
between  Cal.  and  China,  i.  438-42.  Basilic,  1824,  mr  of  the  Rurik.  ii.  519. 
Basilio,  1847,  in  Suiter's  employ.  Bassett  (Nathaniel  S.),  1831,  mr  of  the 
Marcus,  iii.  383. 

Bassham  (Wm  R.),  1845,  Kentuckian  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party, 
age  23.  iv.  5^3,  587.  He  was  a  clerk  at  L.  Ang.  for  Dalton  in  '46;  and  for 
Leidesdorff  and  later  Howard  &  Mellus  at  S.  F.  in  '47-9,  being  also  the  owner 
of  several  town  lots;  a  member  of  the  Cal.  senate  in  '49-50;  later  a  resid.  of 
S.  Jos£  and  in  business  with  Belden.  In  '55-6  he  was  a  witness  in  the  Santi- 
llan  case,  but  I  find  no  later  record  of  him.  Bastian  (James),  1848,  English 
man  fr.  Honolulu  who  died  at  S.  F.  in  Oct.  Basualdo  (Francisco),  1828,  Mex. 
artilleryman,  later  sergt  at  Sta  B.  and  S.  Diego;  killed  by  the  Ind.  at  Pauma 
'46.  iii.  78,  615,  617.  Batan  (Ddsire),  1845,  mr  of  the  E*padon.  iv.  565. 
Batchelor  (Geo.),  1847,  drum-major  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503;  died  before  '82. 

Bateman  (E.  B.),  1847,  Amer.  immig.  fr.  Mo.;  member  of  the  1st  legisla 
ture  '49-50;  a  physician  at  Stockton  '75,  and  perhaps  later.  B.  (Lorenzo), 
1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  at  Mont.  (v.  232-47).  Baten  (Wm),  doubtful 
name  in  a  Brancif.  list  of  '45;  Amer.,  age  37.  Bates,  1840,  purser  of  the  St 
Louis.  Bates  (Dr),  1846,  had  an  acct  with  Larkin;  in  '47-8  often  ment.  at 
N.  Helv.,  sometimes  as  a  physician,  oftener  on  the  sick-list,  and  finally  pros 
pecting  for  gold  and  quicksilver.  Possibly  same  as  E.  B.  'Bateman,'  q.v. 
B.  (Asher  B),  1848,  New  Yorker  who  came  round  the  Horn;  d.  at  S.  F.  '73, 
age  63.  B.  (Frank),  1848;  alcalde  at  Sac.;  vice-pres.  of  a  public  meeting  in 
Jan.  '49;  ment.  by  Colton  as  owner  of  Vernon.  Perhaps  same  as  the  'doctor.' 
B.  (Manuel),  1826;  mr  of  the  Sta  Apolonia.  iii.  148.  Bathgate  (Geo.), 
1848,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  before  '82. 

^  Baugh  (Theodore  E. ),  1845,  of  firm  Sweeny  &  B.,  who  built  an  observatory 
on  Telegraph  Hill  in  '45  (?),  and  in  '52  opened  the  1st  telegraph.  A  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  who  died  at  S.F.  in  '81,  age  58.  S.  JostPion. ;  iv.  587.  Baum  (John), 
1848,  overl.  immig.  fr.  Ohio  to  Or.  '47;  and  to  the  Cal.  mines  '48;  returning  to 
Or.  in  '50.  Bausford  (John),  1829,  Irish  sawyer  at  S.  F.  '40,  age  36;  came 


BAUSFORD— BECKWOURTH.  713 

by  sea  in  '29;  alias  'Solis.'  Dwindle.  Bautista  (Juan),  IS46,  Mexican  sur 
vivor  of  the  Donner  part}7,  said  to  be  still  living  in  'SO.  v.  531,  535,  541. 
Perhaps  he  was  of  French  blood,  and  named  '  Baptiste,'  q.  v.  Bauzd  (Felipe), 
1791,  scientist  of  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490. 

Bawden  (J.),  1848,  commission  merchant  at  S.  F.;  advert,  in  Star.  Bax 
ter  (J.  G.),  1845  (?),  Mass,  farmer  in  Sta  Clara  74-6.  iv.  587.  Baxter  (Win 
Owen),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.(v.  499);  of  Engl.  birth;  30  years  in  the  mines; 
living  a't  Sta  M6nica  '85,  age  58,  with  wife  and  4  children.  Bay,  1848,  named 
in  the  Californian  as  a  member  of  the  Sonoma  council.  Bayley,  1848,  (?),  at 
Coloma.  EL  Dorado  Co.  Hist.,  177.  Bazard,  1847-8,  at  Sta  Clara. 

Beale  (Edward  F.),  184G,  passed  mid.  and  acting  master  of  the  U.S.  Con 
gress,  serving  in  Stockton's  battalion.  With  Gillespie's  party  sent  in  Dec.  to 
meet  Kearny,  and  sent  back  to  S.  D.  with  despatches  after  the  fight  of  S.  Pas- 
cual.  v.  340,  350,  402.  In  Feb.  '47  he  was  sent  east  with  despatches,  v.  430, 
436;  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  was  a  witness  in  the  Fremont  court-martial. 
v.  456.  Returned  to  Cal.  in  time  to  start  east  again  in  July  '48  with  despatches 
respecting  the  gold  discovery.  Soon  left  the  navy,  and  in  '52-4  was  supt  of  Ind. 
affairs  in  Cal.,  and  subsequently  surveyor-general  of  the  state.  Becoming  the 
owner  of  large  Californian  estates,  in  later  years  Gen.  Beale  became  a  resident 
of  Washington,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85.  He  was  at  one  time  U.S.  minister  to 
Austria.  B.  (Thos  W.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  (v.  534.)  B. 
( VVm),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Swasey-Todd  party,  iv.  576.  At  N.  Helv.'46. 

Bean  (Archi),  1816,  sail- maker  on  the  Lydia  at  Sta  B.  ii.  275.  B.  (Rob 
ert  or  Wm),  trapper  with  Dye  and  Nidever  in  '30;  not  clear  that  he  came  to 
Cal.  Beard  (E.  L.),  1846-7  (?),  settler  in  S.  Jose"  valley.  Beardsley  (Amos 
F.),  1848,  New  Yorker  who  came  by  sea;  died  at  S.F.  '69,  age  49.  B.  (F.), 
1848,  came  from  Honolulu  on  the  SS  in  Jan.,  and  ret.  on  the  Julian  in  Nov.; 
possibly  same  as  preceding. 

Beasley  (Jesse),  1843.  perhaps  an  immig.  of  the  Chiles-Walker  party,  iv. 
393;  member  of  the  Sonoma  town  council  '47.  v.  668.  In  comp.  with  Cooper 
'48;  had  a  Sonoma  rancho  '49;  living  '71  at  Stony  Creek,  Colusa  Co.  Beattie 
(Belden),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  S.F.  '49.  Beaulieu  (Olivier), 
1844,  Canad.  of  Fremont's  1st  exped.,  left  in  Cal.  iv.  437,  439,  453.  He  lived 
at  Sonoma  '45-7,  being  occasionally  rnent.  at  N.  Helv. ;  apparently  claimant 
in  '53  for  the  Cabeza  de  Sta  Rosa  rancho;  still  living  near  S.  Jose"  in  '81  ace. 
to  8.  J.  Pion.,  March  19,  '81.  Beccrra,  soldier  at  Mont.  '28.  ii.  615.  B. 
(Pilar),  1824,  Mex.  convict  liberated  in  '35. 

Becher  (Fred.  G. ),  1835,  German  assoc.  in  business  with  Virmond  of  Mex., 
supercargo  of  the  Catalina  and  Leonor,  who  spent  most  of  his  time  in  Cal.  fr. 
'35  to  '37.  A  young  man  of  many  accomplishments,  linguistic,  commercial, 
diplomatic,  and  equestrian.  Very  popular,  but  in  trouble  with  Alvarado's 
govt  on  account  of  his  Mex.  interests  and  sympathies.  His  name  appears  in 
mission  accounts  of  '39-40.  Vischer  tells  us  that  B.  became  head  of  a  firm  at 
Mazatlan,  and  died  there  at  the  age  of  37.  Ment.  in  iii.  288,  381,  383,  413, 
429,  459,  512;  iv.  102.  Becker  (John),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at 
N.  Helv.  fr.  S.  Joaquin '48.  Beckstead  (Gordon  S.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  reenlisted;  living  in  Utah  '81.  B.  (Oriii  M.),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm.  Bat. ;  reenlisted.  Beckwith  (Seth  Lee),  1848,  nat.  of  Conn. ,  who  came 
from  Honolulu  on  the  Kamehameha  and  went  to  the  Ainador  and  Calaveras 
mines;  from  '50,  as  before  '48,  a  traveller  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  but  re 
garding  S.F.  as  his  home,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85,  at  the  age  of  64,  with  a 
son  and  daughter. 

Beckwourth  (James  P.),  1844,  mulatto  of  Va,  who  became  in  the  great 
west  a  famous  hunter,  guide,  Indian-fighter,  chief  of  the  Crows,  and  horse- 
thief.  No  re'sume'  can  do  justice  to  his  adventures,  nor  can  the  slightest 
faith  be  put  in  his  statements.  See  Bonner't  Life  of  Beckwourth.  He  came  to 
Cal.  from  N.  Mex.  '44.  iv.  453,  495;  and  was  one  of  the  mountaineers  serving 
against  Micheltorena,  at  the  'battle  of  Cahuenga'  in  '45  (v.  494,  503),  of 
which  he  gives  an  absurdly  false  account.  Before  the  troubles  of  '46  lie  left 
Cal.  with  a  large  drove  of  stolen  horses  to  continue  his  career  in  N.  Mex. 


714  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

and  on  the  plains.  Returning  after  '48  to  take  part  in  no  end  of  stirring  events 
in  the  flush  times,  he  discovered  the  pass  that  bears  his  name,  opening  in  '52 
a  hotel  and  trading-post  in  Beckwourth  Valley.  Therein  he  dictated  to  Bon- 
ner  the  events  of  his  life  as  published  in  '58.  But  Jim  was  accused  of  divers 
unlawful  acts,  and  besides  was  unable  to  content  himself  long  in  one  place; 
so  he  returned  to  his  old  life  of  trapper  and  trader  on  the  plains,  and  died  in 
the  North  Platte  country  in  '67,  age  about  70.  Bedibey  (Frank),  1841,  of 
the  Workman- Rowland  party  from  N.  Mex*. ;  did  not  remain  in  Cal.  iv.  278. 

Bedwell  (Franklin),  1840  (?),  Tennesseean  who  went  to  Mo.  with  his 
parents  in  '19;  for  many  years  a  trapper  in  the  Rocky  Mts  and  great  basin, 
from  the  Yellowstone  to  Sta  F6,  with  the  usual  adventures  of  his  class,  iv. 
1 17,  120.  Ace.  to  the  Sonoma  Co.  History,  with  portraits,  he  came  to  Cal.  in 
'40-1;  continued  his  trapper  life  for  several  years,  occasionally  visiting  the 
settlements,  and  working  a  while  in  the  Sta  Clara  redwoods;  but  about  '43 
settled  on  a  Russ.  River  rancho  bought  of  Cyrus  Alexander  (?);  joined  the 
Bears  in  '46,  being  apparently  with  Ford  at  Olompali;  went  south  with  Fre"- 
mont,  being  with  Gillespie's  garrison  at  L.  Ang.,  and  later  one  of  Stockton's 
army;  returned  to  his  rancho  after  the  peace;  went  to  the  mines  in  '48-9; 
and  finally  settled  permanently  in  his  Russ.  River  home.  All  this  may  be 
accurate,  though  it  seems  strange  that  of  so  early  a  man,  taking  part  in  so 
many  events,  I  find  no  original  or  contemporary  mention  before  '48.  In  '48 
or  '49  he  seems  to  have  met  in  Cal.  his  mother  and  brother,  from  whom  he 
had  been  separated  many  years.  In  '58  he  married  Selina  McMinn  of  Tenn. , 
but  had  no  children.  Bedwell  was  still  living  in  '83,  and  probably  in  '85,  hale 
and  hearty,  though  over  70  years  of  age. 

Bee  (Henry  Jubilee),  1830,  Engl.  sailor  and  blacksmith  who  left  the  Dryad 
at  Mont.  iii.  180;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '31.  iii.  221;  and  perhaps 
went  to  S.  Jose"  as  early  as  '33,  though  his  home  for  some  years  seems  to  have 
been  near  Mont.,  and  his  occupation  that  of  guiding  strangers  about  the  coun 
try;  baptized  as  Enrique  Ascension,  and  married  in  '38  to  Clara  Moreno. 
His  name  appears  on  Larkin's  books  and  various  other  records  nearly  every 
year.  In  '36-7  Bee  was  one  of  Graham's  'riflemen.'  iii.  461,  525;  and  in  Al- 
varado's  service  performed  more  than  one  feat  of  valor,  if  we  credit  his  own 
version.  In  '40  he  was  arrested  but  not  exiled,  iv.  9,  17,  23;  moving  soon  to 
Sta  Cruz;  and  living  in  '43  at  Yerba  Buena,  where  he  got  a  lot,  iv.  669,  and 
another  later.  In  '46  he  carried  despatches  from  Sloat  to  Frdmont,  v.  247,  as 
appears  from  his  receipt  of  July  12th,  for  $160,  including  the  value  of  two 
horses  killed  in  the  service,  in  Mont.  Consul.  Arch.,  though  there  has  been 
some  newspaper  controversy  on  the  subject.  He  subsequently  served  under 
"VVatmough  at  S.  Jose";  was  constable  at  the  pueblo  in  '47;  went  to  the  mines 
in  '48;  served  as  clerk  in  a  store  till  '50;  raised  potatoes  for  a  few  years;  and 
worked  as  carpenter  till  '60.  He  lost  his  wife  in  '53,  his  son  in  '60,  and  at 
the  same  time  a  leg  in  an  encounter  with  the  desperado  Felipe  Hernandez. 
In  '77  he  dictated  his  Recollections  for  my  use;  and  has  furnished  many  rem 
iniscences  for  the  Pioneer  and  other  papers.  Harry  is  inclined  to  draw  some 
what  heavily  on  his  imagination  for  historical  details;  but  there  is  generally 
a  substratum  of  fact  underlying  his  yarns.  Living  in  '83,  and  I  think  in  '85. 

Beebe  (J.  W.),  1847,  named  as  the  1st  Amer.  magistrate  at  S.  Buenaven 
tura.  Signal.  Perhaps  same  as  the  following.  B.  (Win  L.),  1847,  nat.  of  N. 
Y. ;  one  of  the  1st  supervisors  at  S.  Luis  Ob.;  later  county  judge;  still  living 
in  '83.  S.  Luis  Ob.  Co.  Hist.  Beechay,  1840,  doubtful  name  in  Farnham's 
list  of  arrested  foreigners.  Beechey  (Fred.  Win),  1826,  com.  of  the  Brit,  ex 
ploring  vessel  Blossom,  and  author  of  a  Narrative  of  the  exploration,  iii.  120 
-5,  110,  146;  i.  432;  ii.  588,  590,  592,  599-600,  603,  610,  614-16.  B.  (Rich 
ard  B.),  1826,  mid.  on  the  Blossom,  iii.  121.  Beener  (John  S.),  1847,  adver 
tises  loss  of  a  pocket-book  between  S.  Joaq.  and  S.F.  in  Star;  still  at  S.F.  in 
'54.  Beere  (Wm),  1848,  cabinet-maker  at  S.F.  v.  682.  Beers  (Win),  1847, 
Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Beeson  (Henry),  1846,  claimant  for  supplies  to 
Fremont  (v.  462).  Perhaps  this  was  '  Bee,'  q.v. 

Beggs  (Peter),  1847,  negro  servant  of  Capt.§  A.  J.  Smith,  accused  of  rob- 


BEGGS— BELLOW.  715 

bery  at  Los  Aug.  Behn  (John),  1841  (?),  native  of  Baden,  accredited  by  Wil 
son  to  the  Workman  party  fr.  N.  Mcx. ;  but  not  in  Rowland's  list,  and  not 
remembered  by  Given,  iv.  278-0.  Appears  in  the  records  fr.  '44  as  otter-hunter 
and  trader  at  Los  Ang.  He  quit  business  in  '53,  and  died  '68,  leaving  several 
children.  Bdjar,  see  <Ve"jar.' 

Belcher,  1848,  mr  of  the  Mary  at  S.F.  fr.  Columbia  Riv.  B.  (Edward), 
1820,  lieut  on  the  Blossom  in  Beechey's  exped.  iii.  121;  in  '37-9,  com.  of  the 
Sulphur,  and  author  of  a  Narrative  of  the  expedition,  iii.  C14,  670,  099;  iv. 
93,  106,  142-6.  B.  (Lewis  F.),  1847,  at  Mont,  in  company  with  Aram;  in 
the  gold  mines  '48;  about  '50  a  large  dealer  in  cattle.  An  eccentric  character, 
native  of  N.Y.,  who  acquired  a  large  property.  Murdered  at  Mont,  in  !56. 

Belden  (Josiah),  1841,  nat.  of  Conn.,  b.  in  '15,  who  after  a  varied  commer 
cial  experience  in  N.Y.,  La,  and  Miss.,  came  to  Cal.  in  the  1st  immig.  party 
under  Capt.  Bartleson.  iv.  267,  270,  275,  279.  Going  to  Mont.,  he  took  charge 
for  Larkin  of  a  branch  store  and  lumber  business  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '42-4,  taking 
part  in  the  raising  of  the  U.S.  flag  at  the  time  of  the  Com.  Jones  affair,  iv.  312, 
340,  651,  662-4.  I  have  many  of  his  original  letters  of  these  and  later  years. 
In  '-14  he  obtained  naturalization  papers,  and  a  grant  of  the  Barranca  Colorada 
rrmcho  in  the  Sac.  Valley,  iv.  670.  The  firm  of  B.  &  Chard  appears  at  Mont, 
in  '44-5;  B.  took  some  part  in  preserving  order  during  Gov.  Micheltorena's 
absence;  and  in  Dec.  '45  went  up  to  his  rancho,  returning  in  March  '46.  N. 
Ildv.  Diary,  22,  37.  For  some  months  in  '46  B.  took  charge  of  a  store  for 
Capt.  Paty  at  S.F.,  v.  682,  and  later  in  '46-7  worked  as  clerk  and  collector 
for  Wm  H.  Davis,  obtaining  lots  at  S.F.  and  Benicia.  v.  672,  676;  also  inter 
ested  in  a  quicksilver  mine.  Larkin'sDoc.,  v.  361.  In  '48  he  opened  atS.  Josd 
a  branch  store  of  Mellus  &  Howard,  but  soon  followed  his  customers  to  the 
mines  for  a  few  weeks,  leaving  the  store  in  charge  of  Branham.  In  '49  he  closed 
up  the  business,  and  married  Miss  Sarah  M.  Jones,  a  pioneer  of  '46.  In  '50  he 
was  the  1st  mayor  of  S.  Jos6,  being  later  member  of  the  council,  and  in  '76  a 
delegate  to  the  republican  national  convention.  Fortunate  purchases  and  judi 
cious  management  of  S.F.  real  estate  made  Belden  a  capitalist.  He  continued 
to  reside  at  S.  Jose  with  his  wife,  two  sons,  and  three  daughters  until  about 
'81,  when  he  changed  his  residence  to  New  York,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85. 
A  good  sketch  of  his  life,  with  portrait,  is  found  in  the  Contemp.  Biog.,  i.  246; 
and  in  '78  he  dictated  for  my  use  his  Historical  Statement,  a  MS.  of  70  pp.,  just 
such  a  narrative  as  might  be  expected  from  a  clear-headed  man  of  business. 

Bell  (Alex.),  1842,  nat.  of  Pa,  who  since  '23  had  lived  in  Mex.  provinces, 
becoming  a  citizen.  He  came  from  Sonora  on  the  Esme.ralda,  iv.  341,  settling 
at  Los  Ang. ,  where  he  married  Nieves  Guirado  in  '44,  and  engaged  in  trade 
for  many  years.  He  was  prominent  in  '45  among  the  foreigners  who  opposed 
Micheltorena  and  Sutter.  iv.  495;  in  '46-7,  being  sindico  at  L.  Ang.,  v.  625, 
served  as  capt.  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  v.  360,  apparently  quitting  the  town  with  Gil- 
Icspie  and  returning  with  Stockton;  and  he  had  'Cal.  claims'  of  about  $3,500 
(v.  462).  In  '49  Bell  built  a  warehouse  at  S.  Pedro;  and  in  later  years  was 
prominent  among  the  vigilantes.  He  seems  to  have  retired  from  trade  about 
'^4,  but  continued  to  reside  at  Los  Ang.  till  his  death  in  '71,  age  70.  B. 
(Geo.  W.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  overl.  immig.;  perhaps  went  to  Or. 
iv.  578.  B.  (John  H.),  1831,  mr  of  the  Whalehoup.d,  said  to  have  discov. 
oysters  in  S.F.  bay.  iii.  699.  B.  (Richard  H.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
v.  519.  B.  (Wm),  1843,  named  at  Los  Ang.,  perhaps  by  error. 

Bellomy  (Geo.W.),  1843, Virginian  fr.  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party,  wounded 
by  Ind.  on  the  way.  iv.  390-1,  399.  In  '44  he  got  a  carta  de  seguridad,  and 
next  year  had  a  shop  at  S.  Jose",  where  he  complained  of  being  robbed,  and 
signed  the  call  to  foreigners  in  March,  iv.  599.  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  '46,  but  had  a  claim  of  $42,  which  was  paid;  in  '47 
was  imprisoned  for  disobedience  to  decrees  of  Judge  Burton's  court;  in  '48 
owner  of  the  Sta  Clara  House,  still  in  legal  troubles.  His  wife  from  '45  was 
Maria  de  Jesus  Bernal,  later  wife  of  J.  T.  Perez.  Bellomy — or  Bellamy — 
died  in  '62.  Bellow  (J.  Mitch.),  1846,  said  to  have  come  in  the  navy;  nat. 
of  La,  who  was  long  a  policeman  at  S.  Jose,  and  died  in  '79.  S.  J.  Pion. 


716  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Belt  (Geo.  Gordon),  1847,  Q.  M.  sergt  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503;  alcalde  at  Stock 
ton  '40;  became  a  rich  trader,  and  was  murdered  at  Stockton  by  "Win  Dennis 
in  '09.  Beltran  (Nicolas),  corporal  1776-81,  killed  on  the  Colorado,  i.  304, 
3G3.  Belty  (Wm),  1841,  German  immig.  from  Mo.  in  the  Bartleson  party, 
iv.  270,  275,  279.  Some  say  he  went  back  and  died  in  the  east;  but  a  man  of 
tho  same  name  served  in  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  is  named  on  Larkm's 
books  at  Mont,  in  '47-8;  and  ace.  to  Dally,  who  helped  to  bury  him,  was 
killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  in  the  mines  in  '48. 

Ben,  1846,  negro  servant  with  Gillespie.  v.  24.  Benavides  (Elias),  1847, 
at  N.  Helv.  B.  (Jose"),  soldier  at  §.  F.  '44;  grantee  of  a  lot  '46.  v.  630. 
B.  (Jose  M.)i  settler  at  S.  F.  .1791-1800,  prob.  father  of  the  preceding,  i.  716. 
B.  (Maria),  1847,  had  bonnets  for  sale  at  S.  F.  Star.  B.  (Miguel),  soldier 
at  S.  F.  '27-31;  in  '41  living  at  S.  Jose,  age  29;  wife  Josefa  Garcia;  child., 
Patrick),  Jose"  Ant.,  Concepcion,  Autonia,  Nanita,  Trinidad.  Benedict  (C. 
L.),  1847,  owner  of  a  house  at  Benicia.  v.  672.  Bongachea  (Jose"  Ign.),  set 
tler  at  the  Colorado  Riv.  pueblos  1780-1.  i.  359,  362.  Benitez  (Jose"  M.), 
1803-7,  surgeon  of  the  forces  at  Mont.  ii.  140.  Benito,  neoph.  rebel  at  Sta 
B.  '24-6.  ii.  532,  537. 

Benitz  (Wm),  1841-2,  German  in  Slitter's  employ.  Arrived  Oct.  '42  ace. 
to  rolls  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion. ;  but  in  applying  for  naturalization  in  '44  he 
claimed  to  have  come  in  '41.  iv.  341.  After  being  for  a  time  in  charge  of 
Hock  farm,  in  '43  he  took  charge  of  the  Ross  estate  for  Sutter,  succeeding 
Bidwell.  iv.  186,  679.  In  '44  grantee  of  the  Briesgau  rancho  in  Shasta  co.  iv. 
670;  in  '45  he  rented  the  Ross  rancho  from  Sutter,  and  Later  bought  a  part  of 
it;  bondsman  for  some  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  immig.  iv.  679,  544,  581.  Benitz 
is  said  to  have  been  the  man  who  was  swindled  to  the  extent  of  $3,000  by  the 
Sutter-Muldrow  claim.  He  lived  at  Ross  till  '67;  then  moved  to  Oakland;  and 
in  '74  went  to  the  Argentine  Republic,  where  ho  had  a  brother.  He  died  there 
in  '76,  at  the  age  of  62,  leaving  a  family.  Benjamin  (Fordyce  J.),  1846,  Co. 
H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  alcalde  at  N.  Helv.  '48;  at  Sonoma  '74. 

Bennett  (A.  B.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  Oct.  (v.  35S). 
B.  (Charles),  1847,  at  Slitter's  Fort  fr.  Or.;  at  tho  Coloma  mill  in  '48  when 
gold  was  found;  said  to  have  been  killed  by  Ind.  in  Or.  about  '55.  B. 
(Dennis),  1843,  prob.  son  of  Vardamon,  fr.  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv. 
390,  399.  Named  in  a  S.  F.  padron  of  '44  as  an  Amer.  carpenter,  ago  19. 
B.  (Jackson),  1843,  brother  of  Dennis,  age  17  in  '44,  said  to  have  been  slightly 
wounded  at  the  '  battle  '  of  Sta  Clara  in  '47.  iv.  390,  400;  v.  381.  B.  (Nar- 
ciso),  grantee  of  land  at  Sta  Clara  in  '45;  perhaps  another  son  of  Varda 
mon,  who  came  in  '43.  iv.  587,  673.  B.  (Thomas),  1816,  sailor  on  the  Lydla. 
ii.  275.  B.  (Titus),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Bennett  (Vardamon),  1843,  nat.  of  Ga,  who  went  to  Ark.  '30,  crossed  the 
plains  to  Or.  '42,  and  came  to  Cal.  in  the  Hastings  party  with  a  large  family, 
iv.  300,  399.  After  a  brief  stay  in  the  Sac.  Valley  B.  went  to  S.  F. ,  where  he 
appears  in  the  padron  of  '44  as  an  Amer.  carpenter,  age  40;  where  he  appears 
in  other  records  of  '45-7,  including  a  petition  for  naturalization  in  '46;  and 
where  he  kept  a  grog-shop,  bowling  alley,  etc.  v.  685;  being  also  owner  of  a 
Benicia  lot.  v.  672.  He  died  at  S.  F.  in  '49.  His  wife,  Mary,  was  a  good 
woman,  but  one  of  masculine  attributes,  who  had  a  'mind  of  her  own,' 
and  body  also,  in  many  respects  head  of  the  family.  In  '45  she  asked  for  a 
separation,  complaining  to  the  authorities  of  her  husband's  failure  to  provide 
for  herself  and  8  children.  In  '46  she  and  some  of  the  children  were  living 
at  S.  Jose",  having  a  'Cal.  claim'  (v.  462).  She  married  Harry  Love,  and  died 
near  Watsonville  in  '68,  age  66.  B.  (Wm),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  ovcrl. 
immig.  iv.  578.  B.  (Wm),  1844,  immig.  fr.  Or.  in  the  Kclsey  party,  iv. 
444,  453.  Seems  to  have  settled  near  S.  Jose",  where  ace.  to  Hittell  he  was  a 
wealthy  man  in  '60;  perhaps  same  as  Wm  H.  on  the  rolls  of  the  Soc.  Cal. 
Pion. ,  as  having  arr.  March  '44. 

Bennett  (Winston),  1843,  son  of  Vardamon,  whom  he  accomp.  to  Cal.  in 
the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390,  400.  He  is  name;l  in  tho  S.F.  padron  of  '44  as  25 
years  of  age;  but  he  did  not  remain  long  at  S.F.  or  in  any  other  place;  roam- 


BENNETT— BEENAL.  717 

ing  from  the  Sac.  Valley  to  Marin  Co.,  Yerba  Buena,  Sta  Clara,  and  Sta-Cruz, 
and  taking  some  slight  part  in  the  troubles  with  Micheltorena  in  '45.  iv.  486 
-7.  In  '46  he  enlisted  in  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  took  part  in  the  fight  at  Nati- 
vidad,  and  went  to  L.  Ang.  with  Frdmont.  In  '48-9  he  had  an  adventurous 
career  in  many  places  as  miner  and  trader;  lived  at  Sta  Clara  and  Sta  Cruz  in 
'50-3,  being  constable  and  deputy  sheriff  part  of  the  time;  on  a  rancho  at  Pes- 
cadcro  '53-G5;  at  Sta  Clara  with  his  mother  '65-72;  and  again  on  his  rancho 
fr.  '72,  having  married  Mar  fa  J.  Perez  in  '71.  His  Pioneer  of  '43,  a  narrative 
ot  his  overland  trip  and  experiences  in  Cal.,  was  printed  in  the  S.  Jcse  Pio 
neer  of  '77,  containing  many  interesting  details.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  very 
unlucky  man  in  respect  of  accidents,  the  breaking  of  a  leg  or  arm  being  by  no 
means  a  rare  occurrence;  and  it  appears  that  this  luck  with  his  old  propensity  to 
roam  is  still  retained;  for  as  I  write,  in  '85,  the  papers  announce  the  accidental 
breaking  of  his  leg  at  Silver  City,  N.  Mex. 

Benschoten  (John  W.),  1848,  New  Yorker  who  served  in  the  Mex.  war, 
coming  to  Cal.  prob.  with  Graham's  dragoons  (v.  522);  worked  in  the  mines, 
and  finally  settled  in  S.  Joaquiu,  where  he  married  Jessie  McKay  in  'GG. 
Benson  (Christian),  1847,  perhaps  one  of  the  N.Y.  Vol.  under  another  name. 
B.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  B.  (John),  1840,  Amer.  sailor 
of  the  Morse  at  S.F.,  to  be  shipped  on  the  Don  Quixote.  Bent  (Silas),  1848, 
mr  of  the  Prelle.  Bentley  (John),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  544).  Ben- 
ton,  1848,  firm  of  Ross,  B.  &  Co.  at  S.  F. 

Bercier  (Francis),  1847,  Engl.  at  N.  Helv.  Berdle  (John),  1836,  arms  in 
his  possess,  seized  at  L.  Ang.  Berenback  (Antoine),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill. 
(v.  518).  Berier,  1847,  at  N.  Helv.;  prob.  same  as  'Bercier.'  Beristain, 
1847-8,  mr  of  the  Conception,  v.  577.  B.  (Maximo),  1829,  at  S.  Diego,  iii. 
111.  Beritzhoff  (Alex.),  1847,  named  in  a  newspaper  as  mate  of  the  J6ven 
Guipuzcoana.  iv.  587;  went  from  N.Y.  to  Valparaiso  on  ship  Zenobia.  From 
Val.  to  Mont,  on  brig  Thos  If.  Denton  in  '47.  Owner  of  Stockton  Independent 
'05-75.  Later  U.S.  storekeeper  int.  rev.  at  S.F. 

Bermudcz  (Antonio,  Atansio,  Dolores),  at  L.  Aug.  '46.  B.  (Domingo), 
1832,  at  Sta  B.  B.  (Francisco),  1832,  soldier  at  Sta  B.,  wife  Concepcion 
Pico,  2  child.  B.  (Jose"),  at  L.  Ang.  '15-28.  ii.  349,  354,  560;  two  or  three 
of  the  name  at  S.  Bernardino  and  S.  Gabriel  '46.  B.  (Jose"),  at  rancho  na- 
cional,  Mont.,  '36,  age  28,  wife  Ana  M.  Martinez,  child.  Jos<5  and  Martiana. 
Bernabe,  1824,  rebel  neoph.  at  Sta  B.  ii.  532,  537.  Bernaci  (Juan),  1791, 
lieut  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490. 

Bernal,  1826,  majordomo  of  S.  Jose",  ii.  599.  I  am  unable  to  trace  defi 
nitely  the  dif.  branches  of  the  Bernal  family  in  Cal.,  but  name  many  individ 
uals.  See  list  of  those  in  Cal.  before  1800  in  i.  734.  B.  (Agustin),  soldier 
at  S.  F.  '19-27;  in  '37  lieut  of  militia  at  S.  Jose",  iii.  732;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose, 
age  39;  wife  Maria  Juana  Higuera;  child.  Jose  b.  '25,  Guadalupe  '29,  Presen- 
tacion  '32,  Abelino  '34,  Nicolas  '37,  Juana  '39;  in  '46  juez  de  campo.  v.  662; 
M3  claimant  of  Sta  Teresa  rancho.  iii.  713;  prob.  son  of  Joaquin.  B.  (Agus- 
tin,  Jr),  son  of  the  preceding,  b.  '48;  mar.  Francisca  Soto  in  Alaineda  Co.  '78. 
B.  (Ana  Maria),  mar.  1784  to  Gabriel  Moraga.  ii.  571.  B.  (Antonio),  sol- 
c'ier  at  S.  F.  '41-3.  iv.  667;  still  at  S.  Jose"~'50.  B.  (Apolinario),  born  in 
Cal.  1780-90;  regidor  at  S.  Jose"  1802;  killed  by  Ind.  '13.  ii.  134,  339.  B. 
(Dasilio),  grantee  of  Sta  Clara  embarcadero  '45-8;  also  claimant  in  '53.  iv. 
373;  v.  665.  B.  (Bruno),  in  '41  at  S.  Jostf,  age  39  (prob.  older);  wife  Anto- 
nia  Ortega;  children,  Antonio  b.  in  '25,  Dolores  '27,  Francisco  '31,  Pedro  '33, 
Jose"  and  Gertrudis  '35,  Guadalupe  '36,  Rufina  '37,  Luis  '39;  Cal.  claim  of 
$10,000  in  '40;  claimant  for  Alisal,  Mont.  Co.  iii.  676.  B.  (Jesus),  jucz  cle 
campo  at  S.  Josd  '41.  iv.  684.  B.  (Joaquin),  soldier  of  S.  F.  at  Sta  Cruz 
1795.  i.  496;  inval.  '19-32;  grantee  of  Sta  Teresa  rancho  '34,  being  then  94 
years  old.  iii.  713.  B.  (Jose"),  soldier  at  S.  F.  '19-30.  B.  (Jose"  2d),  sol 
dier  at  S.  F.  '19-24.  B.  (Jose),  born  at  S.  Jose"  in  '23;  married  Alta  Gracia 
Higuera  in  '55;  10  children;  living  in  Alameda  Co.  in  '80.  B.  (Jos6  Ant.), 
soldier  at  S.  F.  '29-'42.  B.  (Jose  Ant.),  farmer  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  25;  wife 
Guadalupe  Butron;  children,  Juan  and  Trinidad.  B.  (Jose"  Cornelio),  regidor 


718  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

of  S.  Jose"  '28.  ii.  605;  grantee  of  land  at  Mission  Dolores  '34;  elector  and  mili 
tiaman  at  S.  F.  '37.  iii.  705;  grantee  of  Rincon  de  Salinas,  etc.,  and  Rincon 
de  Ballena  '39.  iii.  6/8,  712;  in  '42  at  S.  F.,  age  46,  wife  Carmen  Cibrian, 
son  Joso  de  Jesus  b.  '29;  still  living  '53-4.  His  widow  lived  at  the  mission 
until  after  '67.  i.  293.  B.  (Jose"  Dionisio),  soldier  of  the  Soledad  escolta 
1791-1SCO.  i.  499.  B.  (Jose"  Jesus),  grantee  in  '39  of  the  Canada  de  Pala 
rancho.  iii.  711;  in '41  farmer  at  S.  Jose",  age  31;  wife  Maria  Ant.  Higucra; 
children,  Jose1  Gabriel  b.  '34,  Jesus  M.  '35,  Jos<5  Jesus  '37,  Dionisio  '37.  B. 
(Juan),  cattle-owners  in  S.  F.  district  1793.  i.  707.  B.  (Juan),  soldier  at  S.  F. 
'20-30;  elector  and  militiaman  at  S.F.  '37.  iii.  705;  grantee  of  Laguna  de  Palos 
Col.  in  the  contra  costa  '35-41.  iii.  712;  iv.  671;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  38;  wife 
Encarnacion  Soto  (who  as  a  widow  was  owner  of  S.  F.  lots  fr.  '44.  iv.  6G9; 
v.  685);  children,  Guadalupe  b.'31,  Nicolas  '35,  Apolinario  '37,  Juan  '40.  B. 
(Juan),  farmer  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  31;  wife  Rafaela  Felix;  child.,  Francisco 
b.  '35, 'Juan  '38,  Guadalupe  '39,  Refugio  '40;  juez  de  campo  '44.  iv.  685.  B. 
(Juan),  son  of  Joaquin,  at  S.  Jose"  in  '77,  age  67,  who  gave  me  his  Memoria  of 
several  old-time  occurrences;  perhaps  same  as  preceding.  B.  (Juan),  de 
scribed  by  Larkin  in  '45  as  a  man  of  some  wealth  and  local  influence  at  Sta 
Cruz.  B.  (Maria  D.  Castro  de),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  52;  children,  Juan  b.  '20, 
Gregorio  and  Francisco  '27,  Ramon  '30. 

Bernier  (Baptiste),  1844,  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  437. 

Berreyesa  (Antonio),  son  of  Nicolas,  who  in  '77  at  S.  Jose"  gave  me  his 
Relation  of  the  murder  of  his  uncle  by  Fremont's  men  in  '46  (v.  171),  and  of 
the  troubles  of  his  father's  family  with  the  squatters  and  land  lawyers.  B. 
(Felix),  soldier  at  S.  F.  and  musician  '34-42.  B.  (Francisco),  soldier  at 
S.  F.  '37;  sergt  '39;  grantee  in  '46  of  Canada  de  Capay  and  Rincon  de 
Musulacon.  v.  669,  675;  claimant  for  Rincon  de  Esteros  '53.  iii.  712.  B. 
(Jos6  Ign.),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  34;  children,  Jesus  Maria,  Jose  Jesus,  Adelaida, 
Maria  Los  Angeles,  and  Gabriela;  grantee  of  Chiniles  rancho  '46.  v.  669. 
B.  (Jose"  Jesus),  soldier  at  S.  F.  '32-3;  sentenced  for  stealing  horses  at 
Mont.  '35.  iii.  674;  at  Sonoma,  age  28,  in  '44;  grantee  of  Las  Putas  '43,  and 
Yacuy  '46.  iv.  672;  v.  669.  B.  (Jose"  de  los  Reyes),  nat.  of  Cal.,  son  of 
Nicolas,  b.  about  1787;  sold,  at  S.  F.  '19-29,  sergt  from  '30;  also  employed 
as  a  teacher  at  S.  F.  in  '23.  ii.  591,  584;  iii.  Ill,  701;  in  '31-5  sec.  of  ayunt. 
at  S.  Jose,  iii.  729-30;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose";  wife  Maria  S.  Bernal;  children, 
Domingo  b.  '22,  Francisco  '26,  Fernando  '28,  Encarnacion  '30,  Demesio  '33, 
Madelina  '34,  but  there  were  several  others  older;  in  '42  grantee  of  S.Vicente 
rancho.  iv.  673.  In  June  '46  while  on  his  way  to  visit  his  son  at  Sonoma  the 
old  man  was  murdered  at  S.  Rafael  by  Frdmont's  men.  v.  171-4.  B.  (Jose 
de  los  Santos),  son  of  Jose"  Reyes;  sergt  S.  F.  comp.  at  Sonoma  '40-2.  iii. 
702;  iv.  678;  grantee  of  Malacomes  rancho  '43.  iv.  671-3;  in  '46  alcalde  at 
Sonoma,  v.  124,  154,  159,  668;  in  '55  a  witness  in  the  Santillan  case.  B. 
(Maria  de  la  Luz),  mar.  to  Joaq.  Soto  1803,  the  1st  marriage  at  S.  Jose",  ii. 
138.  B.  (Martin),  sold,  at  Sonoma  '42.  B.  (Nasario),  corporal  at  S.  F.  '19- 
24.  B.  (Nicolas),  settler  at  S.  F.  1777-1800.  i.  297,  716;  wife  Gertrudis 
Peralta,  children  Gabriela,  Maria  de  la  Luz,  Josd  de  los  Reyes,  Nasario, 
Nicolas,  Juan  Jose,  ace.  to  S.  Jose"  padron  of  1793.  B.  (Nicolas),  son  of  pre 
ceding;  sold,  at  S.  F.  '19-30;  grantee  of  Milpitas  '34.  iii.  712;  regidor  at 
S.  Jos<5  '36-7,  iii.  730;  at  S.  Jose"  '41.  age  51,  wife  Gracia  Padilla,  children, 
Jose"  b.  '18,  Nicolas  '22,  Francisco  '26,  Jose"  '28,  Antonio  '31,  Mariano  '34, 
Agustin  '36.  The  murder  of  his  brother  Reyes  and  the  plundering  of  his 
cattle  by  the  battalion  in  '46,  the  later  lynching  of  his  brother  Demesio,  the 
continued  struggle  with  squatters  and  land  lawyers,  in  which  all  his  property 
was  stripped  from  him,  drove  the  old  man  to  madness;  and  several  of  his  sons 
also  became  insane.  He  died  in  '63.  B.  (Rudesindo),  ment.  in  '42.  iv.  240. 
B.  (Santiago),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  37;  wife  Maria  Rosario  Valencia,  child 
Maria  Josefa.  B.  (Sixto),  soldier  in  S.F.  comp.  '38-42;  grantee  of  Las  Putas 
'43.  iv.  672. 

Berry,  1848,  from  Or.,  one  of  the  1st  miners  at  Grass  Valley.  Nev.  Co. 
Hist.,  52,  64.  B.  (Daniel  K.).  1846,  overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  with  his  family. 


BERRY— BIDWELL.  719 

v.  529;  served  in  Co.  C,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  fr.  '48  one  of  the  1st  settlers  of 
Suisuii  Valley,  where  he  still  lived  in  ;60.  B.  (James  Richard),  1836,  Irish 
man  who  had  lived  long  in  .Span,  provinces,  a  great  traveller  and  a  man  of 
many  accomplishments;  grantee  of  Punta  de  Reyes  in  '36.  iii.  712;  iv.  118; 
owner  cf  lots  at  S.F.  '41-4.  iv.  GG9;  v.  G79;  at  Sonoma  in  '44,  aged  52.  I  find 
no  later  record  of  him.  Bertodano  (Cosine),  1794-6,  Span.  com.  of  the  V aides, 
Activa,  Aranzazu.  i.  523-4,  540.  Bertran  (Luis),  Mex.  at  Mont.  '36,  age  40, 
wife  Tomasa  Carrillo.  Bertrand  (Emile),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 

Bcston  (Thos),  1847,  at  N.  Helv.,  with  family;  apparently  an  immig.  v. 
556.  Bestor  (Norman  S.),  1846,  assistant  to  Lieut  Emory  with  Kearny's 
force,  v.  337;  at  Mont.  Feb.  '48;  had  a  store  at  Coloma  '48-9.  Sherman. 
Beuseman  (Chris.  M. ),  1817,  Prussian  in  the  Russ.  service,  noble  of  the  4th 
class;  mr  of  the  Chirikof,  and  Baikal,  '11-12,  '25-8.  ii.  298,  312,  648;  iii.  146. 
Bcverley  (McKenzie),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  murderer  of  Dbrnte;  later  a 
desperado  at  large,  v.  586,  646,  663,  676,  684. 

Bianchi  (Nicholas),  1834-5,  mr  of  the  fiosa.  iii.  384.  Bicholl  (John), 
1843,  Amer.  in  charge  of  Sutter's  cattle  at  Hock;  naturalized  '44.  iv.  400; 
name  written  'Bignol'  and  also  'Rignoll.'  Bickmore  (Gilbert),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Biddle  (James),  1847-8,  corn,  of  the  Pac.  squadron  U. 

5.  N.   on  the  Columbus,  v.  437-8,  450,  577.       Bideler  (Thos),  1836,  Amer., 
doubtful  name  at  Los.  Ang.       Bidilton  (John),  1828-9,  Engl.  catholic  at  Mont. 

Bidwell  (John),  1841,  nat.  of  N.  Y.,  born  in  1819,  who  went  with  his 
parents  to  Penn.  and  Ohio;  a  school-teacher  in  Ohio  and  Iowa;  an  immig.  from 
Mo.  to  Cal.  in  the  Bartleson  party.  For  an  account  of  this  party,  including 
much  about  Bidwell  personally,  and  about  his  diary  sent  east  and  published 
as  A  Journey  to  California,  now  of  great  rarity,  see  iv.  266-76,  279,  346-7.  I 
have  the  original  bond  signed  by  Thos  G.  Bowen  in  B.'s  favor  on  Nov.  18,  '41. 
He  entered  Sutter's  employ,  and  in  '42-3  was  in  charge  of  the  Ross  estate  at 
Bodega,  iv.  186,  233,  665,  679;  in  '43-4  at  Hock  farm.  I  have  much  of  his 
original  corresp.  of  these  and  later  years.  In  '44,  visiting  Mont,  with  a  recom 
mend,  from  Sutter  to  the  gov.,  he  obtained  naturalization  papers  and  a  grant 
of  the  Ulpinos  rancho.  iv.  674.  In  return  Bidwell  was  active  in  support  of 
Micheltorena,  going  south  with  Sutter's  army,  being  taken  prisoner  at  the 
'battle'  of  Cahuenga,  and  even  having  something  to  say  40  years  later  in  de 
fence  of  that  most  unwise  movement  of  the  foreigners,  iv.  366,  479-83,  485- 

6,  508.   Returning  to  N.  Helvetia,  he  continued  in  Sutter's  service  as  agent  and 
clerk,  being  the  writer  of  portions  of  the  N.  Helv.  Diary,  and  his  movements 
from  day  to  day  being  recorded  in  other  portions;  also  grantee  of  the  Colus 
rancho  in  '45.  iv.  516,  671.  His  travels  in  the  valley  and  foothills  were  exten 
sive,  and  he  had  many  narrow  escapes  from  making  the  grand  discovery  of 
gold.  Early  in  '46  he  made  arrangements  to  open  a  school  at  Mont.,  Larkin's 
Doc.,  iv.  54;  but  circumstances  occurred  to  prevent  this.  He  did  not  at  first 
take  an  active  part  in  the  settlers'  revolt,  being  a  Mex.  citizen  and  apparently 
not  warmly  in  sympathy  with  this  most  senseless  filibusterism;  but  he  was  at 
one  time  in  charge  of  the  prisoners  at  the  fort,  and  in  July  was  sec.  at  the  for 
mal  organization  at  Sonoma,  v.  100,  125,  128,  179.  He  went  south  with  Fre 
mont;  was  put  in  com.  of  S.  Luis  Rey  in  Aug.,  and  made  a  perilous  trip  by 
sea  from  S.  Diego  to  S.  Pedro  for  supplies  during  the  Flores  revolt;  ranking 
as  capt.  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  and  serving  as  quartermaster  with  rank  of  major 
under  Stockton  in '46-7.  v.  286,  317-18,324-5,  361,  385,  420,  620-2.  Return 
ing  to  the  Sacramento,  Bidwell  continued  his  labors  as  Sutter's  agent  and 
surveyor  in  different  parts  of  the  valley  until  the  discovery  of  gold,  when  he 
became  the  pioneer  miner  on  Feather  River,  where  Bidwell's  Bar  was  named 
for  him.  Of  his  mining  experience,  as  of  his  official  career  in  later  years,  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  say  something  in  vol.  vi.-vii.  of  this  work.  Becoming  owner 
of  the  Arroyo  Chico  ranches  granted  to  Dickey  and  Farwell,  he  made  here  his 
permanent  home,  site  of  the  town  of  Chico  from  '60,  becoming  a  man  of  great 
wealth,  and  one  of  the  most  prominent  agriculturists  of  the  state.  He  was 
chosen  as  a  member  of  the  constit.  convention  of  '49,  though  not  serving;  a 
senator  in  the  1st  legislature  of  '49-50;  a  delegate  to  the  national  democratic 


720  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

convention  of  '60  at  Charleston;  appointed  brigadier-gen,  of  militia  in  '63  by 
Gov.  Stanford;  delegate  to  the  national  union  convention  in  'G4;  and  a  mem 
ber  of  congress  'G4-7,  being  in  '75  a  defeated,  non-partisan,  anti-monopoly 
candidate  for  gov.  of  Cal.  But  it  is  to  the  agricultural  and  industrial  develop 
ment  of  his  county  and  state  that  he  has  given  his  chief  attention,  and  it  is 
his  success  in  this  direction  that  has  evidently  given  him  most  satisfaction. 
His  record  is  in  all  respects  that  of  an  honorable  as  well  as  successful  man,  one 
of  the  chief  testimonials  in  his  favor  being  the  flimsy  nature  of  the  inevitable 
charges  made  against  him  as  a  candidate  for  office.  His  position  as  the  lead 
ing  representative  of  his  class,  that  of  immigrant  farmers,  will  be  questioned, 
as  his  success  will  be  begrudged,  by  none.  His  California  in  '-^-6',  a  MS.  of 
2C3  pr.ges,  was  dictated  for  my  use  in  '77,  and  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
valuable  volumes  in  my  collection  of  pioneer  reminiscences.  He  has  also  in 
later  correspondence  furnished  many  useful  items  for  this  register.  In  'GS  he 
married  Miss  Annie  Kennedy  of  Washington,  D.C. ;  has  no  children;  still  re 
siding  at  Chico  in  '85. 

Biggerton  (Susan),  1845,  illegally  married  at  Sac.,  so  wrote  Leidesdorff.  iv. 
587.  'Big  Jim,'  1830,  Irish  trapper  of  Young's  party,  killed  by  Higgins. 
iii.  174.  Biggs  (Matthew  H. ),  1848,  mining  man  from  Valparaiso  with  let 
ters  from  Atherton;  named  also  by  Brooks  at  Mormon  diggings. 

Bigler  (Henry  W.),  1847,  Virginian  of  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  478,  493,  495. 
His  father  was  formerly  a  Methodist  preacher,  moving  to  Mo.  in  '38.  After 
the  mustering-out  of  the  bat.,  B.  entered  Sutter's  employ,  and  was  one  of  the 
men  working  at  the  Coloma  mill  when  gold  was  found.  His  Diary  of  a  Mor 
mon,  copied  by  himself  in  '72,  is  not  only  an  excellent  narrative  of  the  march 
of  the  battalion — one  of  Tyler's  chief  authorities — but  is  one  of  the  best 
authorities  extant  on  details  of  the  gold  discovery.  Soon  after  the  mining  ex 
citement  began  Bigler  returned  to  Utah,  where  he  still  lived  at  St  George  in 
'81.  Bigley  (John),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot;  witness  in  a  lawsuit  of  '(35. 

Bihler  (Wm),  1848,  German  butcher  from  Baltimore  round  the  Horn;  fol 
lowing  his  trade  at  S.  F.  '48-50;  on  a  Sonoma  rancho  '51-9;  on  a  Lakcville 
raneho  '59-80,  being  a  large  land-owner,  giving  particular  attention  to  the 
breeding  of  blood  stock.  Sonoma  Co.  Hist. 

Bill,  several  men  known  only  by  this  name,  most  of  whom  cannot  be  iden 
tified,  and  none  of  the  others  requiring  notice.  Billings  (Orson),  1847,  Co. 
B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  'Billy  the  Cooper,'  1845,  Engl.  sailor  from  a  whaler 
at  Mont.;  killed  at  the  Natividad  light  in  Nov.  '46.  iv.  587;  v.  371.  Ace.  to 
Swan,  his  full  name  was  never  known  in  Cal. 

Bmes  (Robert),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons,  (v.  232-47.)  Biiigham  (Eras- 
tus),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  B.  (George),  1842,  somewhat  doubt 
fully  recorded  as  a  boy  on  one  of  Com.  Jones'  vessels  at  Mont.;  returning  to 
Cal.  in  '49;  policeman,  miner,  saloon-keeper,  and  soldier  to  '79,  when  he  lived 
at  Vallejo.  Solano  Co.  Hist.,  332-3;  iv.  341.  B.  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  Binlcy  (John),  1847,  Mormon  of  Kearny's  return  escort,  v.  453,  492. 

Bird  (David  T.),  1844,  ovcrl.  imniig.  of  the  Kelscy  party  from  Or.  iv.  444- 
5,  453.  Also  called  David  S.  and  David  F.  In  '45  one  of  Sutter's  men  in  the 
Micheltorena  campaign,  iv.  486;  perhaps  the  Burt  arrested  by  Castro  at  S.  Josa 
in  July  '46.  v.  136;  later  lieut  of  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Sonoma  in  Oct. 
v.  SGI.  He  settled  in  Yolo  Co.,  and  was  still  at  Woodland  in  '79.  B.  (Win), 
1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  '81  at  Paris,  Id.  Birnie  (James),  1SS7, 
Scotch  officer  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  at  Vancouver,  who  came  on  the  Llama  to  buy 
cattle,  iv.  S.~-6,  90.  In  '47  his  name  appears  in  a  S.  F.  list  of  uncalled-for  let 
ters.  B.  (Robert),  1832,  Amer.  who  got  a  passport  in  Aug. 

Birnie  (Robert),  1841,  son  of  James,  born  in  Or.  '24;  came  on  the  CowJifz 
as  clerk  for  Rae.  iv.  217,  279;  left  the  vessel  and  H.  B.  Co.  at  Honolulu  in 
'42,  but  returned  and  worked  as  clerk  at  Sta  B.  and  S.  F.,  and  supercargo  of 
tho  Jvan  Jos6  till  '45;  his  part  in  the  capture  of  Sutter's  gun  '44.  iv.  483;  in 
Or.  '45-7,  returning  to  Cal.  '48;  clerk  for  Forbes  at  N.  Almaden  '49-50.  After 
engaging  in  mining,  farming,  and  various  other  occupations,  Birnie  became  a 
real  estate  agent  at  Oakland,  where  he  still  lived  in  '72  with  his  wife  and  three 


BIRNIE-BLASDELL.  721 

daughters.  He  gave  me  a  narrative  of  his  Personal  Adventures.  Bishop  (Ste 
phen  A.),  184G,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  (v.  330).  Bissie,  1848,  named  as 
a  Frenchman  hanged  at  Hangtown  in  Jan.  '49  for  robbery  on  the  Stanislaus 
in  '48.  Black,  1827,  named  as  one  of  the  Jed.  Smith  party,  iii.  160.  B. 
(David),  1847,  with  the  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  a  step-son  of  Capt.  Brown. 
B.  (James),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  lots  at  S.F.,  or  this  may 
have  been  the  following. 

Black  (James),  1832,  Scotch  sailor  left  sick  at  Mont,  in  Jan.,  age  about 
25.  v.  408.  Other  accounts  represent  him  as  having  deserted  at  S.F.  In  apply 
ing  for  naturalization  in  Sept.  '43  he  claimed  10  years'  residence.  For  a  year 
or  two  he  hunted  otter  with  Mclntosh,  being  named  in  Larkin's  books  from 
'34.  A  witness  at  Sonoma  in  '36;  met  by  Edwards  near  S.  Rafael  in  '37.  iv.  86. 
About  '40  he  perhaps  settled  on  the  Jonive'  raricho,  which  after  his  naturaliz-a- 
tion  and  marriage  in  '43  was  formally  granted  him  in  '45.  iv.  117,  671;  named 
in  a  Sonoma  list  of  '44  as  34  years  old;  2d  alcalde  of  S.  Rafael  in  '45.  iv.  677. 
B.  seems  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  political  troubles  of  '45-6.  About  '48  he 
exchanged  his  Jonive  estate  for  that  of  Nicasio,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his 
life.  He  was  a  judge  in  '50,  and  assessor  in  '52-3;  evidently  a  man  of  indus 
trious  habits  and  good  character  for  one  of  his  class,  though  a  hard  drinker  in 
the  later  years.  Died  in  '70,  leaving  a  large  estate  about  which  there  was 
much  litigation  resulting  from  an  attempt  to  break  his  will.  His  first  wife 
was  Agustina  Sais,  who  died  in  '64,  leaving  a  daughter,  Mrs  Burdell,  who 
was  living  in  '80.  In  '65  he  married  the  widow  Pacheco,  who  survived  him. 
Black  (Joseph),  1845,  hatter  at  N.  Helv.  '45-7;  often  named  in  the  Diary,  iv. 
5S7;  lot  owner  at  S.  F. ;  on  the  1st  jury  at  S.  Jose"  '48;  perhaps  his  name  was 
'Block;'  or  there  may  have  been  another  Block.  B.  (Win),  1814,  com.  of  the 
Raccoon,  ii.  272,  304,  373. 

Blackburn  (Wm),  1845,  Virginian  cabinet-maker  born  in  1814;  overl. 
immig.  in  the  Swasey-Todd  party,  iv.  576,  587.  He  went  to  work  at  Sta 
Cruz  as  a  lumberman,  being  a  witness  at  the  trial  of  Williams  for  killing 
Naile  in  April  '46.  v.  671;  but  after  serving  a  while  in  Fauntleroy's  dragoons, 
he  joined  the  Cal.  Bat.  and  was  made  2d  lieut  of  Co.  A,  artillery,  v.  361,  433. 
Returning  to  Sta  Cruz,  but  also  obtaining  a  lot  at  S.  F.,  B.  opened  a  store; 
and  served  '47-9  as  alcalde  by  the  governor's  appointment,  v.  641-2;  being 
also  county  judge  in  '50  after  a  brief  experience  in  the  mines.  The  decisions 
of  his  court  are  famous  for  their  originality;  but  if  technically  somewhat 
irregular,  they  were  always  in  accord  with  common  sense  and  justice.  He  is 
•said  to  have  built  a  schooner  at  Sta  Cruz  in '48.  v.  581;  and  was  chosen  a 
member  of  the  convention  of  '49,  though  not  serving;  claimant  of  the  Aras- 
tradero  rancho.  iv.  655.  Blackburn  was  an  intelligent,  shrewd  fellow;  honest 
and  straightforward  in  his  dealings;  always  jovial  and  popular  whether  drunk 
or  sober;  in  a  small  way  a  leader  among  his  companions.  After  '51  he  gave 
up  politics  and  gave  his  attention  to  agriculture,  first  to  raising  potatoes,  for 
which  he  got  a  premium  at  the  N.  Y.  fair,  and  later  to  fruit  culture,  his 
orchard  being  for  many  years  one  of  the  chief  attractions  of  Sta  Cruz.  He 
died  in  '67,  leaving  a  widow.  Several  of  his  brothers  came  to  Cal.  after  '48. 

Blair  (ChasD.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  B.  (Nicholas),  1847, 
ditto;  d.  at  Los  Ang.  '55.  B.  (Wm),  1836,  doubtful  name  in  Taylor's  list, 
from  N.  Mex.  Blaisdle,  1837,  doubtful  name  at  Pt  Reyes. 

Blake  (B.),  1828,  agent  of  a  Manila  firm  at  Mont.  B.  (Geo.  C,),  1846, 
com.  of  H.  B.  M.  S.  Juno.  v.  579.  B.  (Homer  C.),  1847,  officer  on  the  U. 
S.  Prcble;  commodore  '79;  died  '80.  B.  (Wm),  1832,  doubtful  record  of  a 
carpenter  in  Solano  Co.  '69-77.  iii.  408. 

Blanca  (J.),  1841,  mr  of  the  Ayacucho.  iv.  563.  Blanchard.  1848,  at  S. 
F.  from  Honolulu  in  Nov.  on  the  Currency  Lass.  B.  (Ira),  1848,  in  the 
mines;  furnished  gold  specimens  to  Gov.  Mason;  corporal  of  S.  F.  guards. 
B.  (Wm),  1811,  mr  of  the  Catherine,  ii.  96,  267.  Blanco,  at  S.  D.  and  Los 
Ang.  '36-46.  B.  (Juan),  1798.  i.  606.  B.  (Miguel),  at  S.  Gabriel  '46.  B. 
(Thos),  grantee  of  land,  Mont.  '44.  iv.  656.  Blanks,  see  'Banks.' 

Blasdell  (Lewis),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  B.  (Wm),  1842,  German 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  4G 


722  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

at  Mont,  on  the  California  from  Honolulu;  permitted  to  land;  a  blacksmith 
age  39.       Blast  (Thomas),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  a  trader. 

Blea  (Rafael),  184G,  at  Los  Ang.  and  S.  Bernardino.  Bleeksmith,  (Leo 
pold),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Blevins  (Alex.),  1843,  doubtful 
newspaper  mention. 

'  Blind  Tom,'  1833,  Engl.  sailor  at  S.  Jose".  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.  Blind- 
enberg  (L.  B.),  1832-3,  mr  of  the  Friend,  iii.  382.  Blinu  (John),  1836,  mr 
of  the  Loriot  '3G-7.  iv.  105;  mr  of  the  Clementina  '39  and  pass,  on  the  Alciope. 
iv.  100,  102;  mr  of  the  Maryland  '41,  in  which  year  he  died.  iv.  207,  507. 
Blirkin  (Wm),  1840,  doubtful  name  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners. 
Bliss  (Robert  S.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9).  Block,  see  'Black.' 

Bloomfield  (Wm),  1840,  one  of  the  exiled  foreigners,  iv.  18.  Blossom 
(J.  W.),  1848,  at  S.  F.  from  Honolulu  on  the  Sagadahoc.  'Blue>  Jacket,' 
1846,  nickname  of  one  of  the  guard  at  Sutter's  Fort.  v.  125. 

Blume  (Fred.  Gustavus),  1842,  German  surgeon  of  the  whaleship  Alex. 
Barclay  at  Sauzalito  Dec.  '42-March  '43.  iv.  341.  Late  in  '46  he  came  back 
to  Cal.  on  the  Currency  Lass  from  Honolulu  with  a  stock  of  goods  sold  at  S. 
F. ;  and  again  in  April  '47  on  the  Gen.  Kearny,  this  time  to  stay,  opening  a 
store  at  Sonoma  with  M.  J.  Haan.  In  '48  he  moved  to  a  rancho  in  the  Bodega 
region,  near  Freestone  and  Bloomfield — the  latter  named  for  him — where  in 
'49  he  married  the  widow  Maria  Ant.  Caceres  de  Dawson.  Both  were  living 
in  '80  without  children.  Dr  B.  held  several  local  offices,  and  is  postmaster  at 
Freestone  in  '85.  His  portrait  is  found  in  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  280.  Blury 
(Arthur  de),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232-47). 

Boardman  (John),  1843,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Chiles-Walker  party,  iv. 
392,  400;  witness  to  a  doc.  at  Sonoma  '47.  'Bob.'  or  Juan  Cristobal,  1810, 
the  pioneer  negro,  left  by  Capt.  Smith  of  the  Albatross,  ii.  248,  277,  393. 
'Bob, 'Irish  servant  of  Colton  at  Mont.  '48,  who  made  his  fortune  in  the 
mines.  '  Bob, '  a  tattooed  Marquesan  in  the  mines,  ment.  by  Buftum.  Bobo, 
(Zarah),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  (v.  336).  Bocalon  (Agustin),  1808, 
com.  of  the  Concepdon.  ii.  87.  Bochon  (Procopi),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499).  Bode  (Nicholas  F.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518). 

Bodega  y  Cuadra  (Juan  Francisco),  1775,  Span,  lieut  in  com.  of  the  explor 
ing  vessel  Sonora,  discovering  and  naming  Bodega  bay.  i.  241-3,  518;  ii.  81; 
in  1779  com.  of  the  Favorita.  i.  329;  in  1792-3,  com.  of  the  S.  Bias  naval  es 
tablishment,  and  commissioner  to  settle  the  Nootka  troubles  with  England, 
visiting  Cal.,  and  dying  in  '93.  i.  506,  509-12,  519-20,  522-4,  539,  682.  See 
also  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  Bodie  (Waterman  S. ),  vaguely  alluded  to  as  having 
come  in  '48.  Bogart  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499). 

Boggs  (Albert  G.),  1846,  son  of  Lilburn  W.,  and  overl.  immig.  with  his 
father  and  brothers  (v.  526);  later  a  prominent  citizen  of  Napa,  and  county 
treasurer;  still  living  in  '81.  B.  (Guadalupe  Vallejo),  son  of  Wm  M.,  born 
at  Petaluma  Jan.  4,  '47,  often  named  incorrectly  as  the  1st  child  of  Amer. 
parents  born  in  Cal.  B.  (Lilburn  W.),  1846,  Kentuckian,  b.  in  1798;  overl. 
immig.  with  wife  and  8  children,  v.  528.  He  lived  many  years  in  Mo.,  where 
he  was  a  very  prominent  man,  as  pioneer,  trader,  and  public  officer,  being 
elected  gov.  of  the  state  in  '36.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  expulsion  of 
the  Mormons,  to  whose  vengeance  is  attributed  a  later  attempt  to  murder 
him  which  was  very  nearly  successful.  Spending  the  winter  at  Petaluma  and 
settling  at  Sonoma  he  engaged  in  trade  with  Scott,  and  was  appointed  alcalde 
to  succeed  Nash  from  '47.  v.  433,  609-10,  668-9,  681;  holding  the  office  till 
'49,  and  being  elected  a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention,  though  nob 
serving.  In  '52  he  moved  to  Napa,  where  he  died  in  '61.  His  first  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  Silas  Bent,  and  the  second,  who  accompanied  him  to  Cal.,  a  grand 
daughter  of  Daniel  Boone,  dying  in  Napa  in  '80  at  the  age  of  '97.  A  good  sketch 
of  Ex-gov.  Boggs'life  is  found  in  the  Napa  Co.  Hist. ,  373 ;  and  a  portrait  in  Menc- 
fte's  Sketchbook,  264.  Many  of  his  descendants  still  live  in  Cal.,  but  respect 
ing  most  of  them  I  have  no  definite  information. 

Boggs  (Wm  M.),  1846,  son  of  Lilburn  W.,  b.  in  Mo.  '26;  member  of  the 
same  immigrant  party,  of  which  he  was  captain  during  part  of  the  journey — 


BOGGS— BONIFACIO.  723 

his  bridal  tour,  he  having  married  Sonora  Hicklin  just  before  the  start.  He 
took  some  slight  part  in  the  final  campaign  of  the  war  against  Sanchez  in  '46- 
7.  v.  383;  and  after  an  adventurous  career  in  the  mines  settled  at  Napa,  where 
in  '72  he  wrote  for  me  his  Reminiscences  of  early  life  in  Mo.,  his  father's  life, 
the  trip  to  Cal.,  and  his  experiences  in  '4G-8.  His  Trip  across  the  Plains,  in  the 
newspapers,  covers  nearly  the  same  ground.  He  has  occupied  several  official 
positions,  and  has  raised  a  family  of  five  sons — Guadalupe  V.,  Lilburn  W.,  Jr., 
Angus,  Jefferson,  and  Win,  and  a  daughter,  to  whose  education  special  care 
has  been  devoted,  several  of  them  being  teachers.  Bohorques,  see  '  Bojorges. ' 

Boinger  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Bois  (Juan),  1828, 
mr  of  the  Wilmantic.  iii.  149.  Boisse"  (Gabriel),  1798,  Boston  sailor  at  8. 
Diego,  i.  C45,  654.  Bojorges — more  properly  written  Bohorques — (Angel), 
at  S.F.  '37-9;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  33.  B.  (Bartolo),  soldier  at  S.F.  '19;  iiiva- 
lido  '22-41;  regidor  at  S.  Jos6  '24-5;  elector  at  S.F.  '35.  ii.  605;  iii.  7C4; 
grantee  of  Laguna  de  S.  Antonio  '45,  and  claimant  '54.  iv.  673.  B.  (Gerardo), 
at  S.F.  '37.  B.  (Hermenegildo),  soldier  of  the  S.  Jose"  escolta  1797-1800.  i. 
556.  B.  (Ignacio),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '35-42;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  26. 
B.  (Jos6  Ramon),  corporal  of  the  Sta  Clara  escolta  1776-7;  inval.  at  S.  Jose\ 
1790-1821.  i.  296-7,  306,  478;  his  wife  was  Francisca  Romero;  died '22.  B. 
(Juan),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '23-31;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  35.  iv.  363.  In  '77  at 
Sta  Clara  he  gave  me  his  Recuerdos  of  Ind.  campaigns.  B.  (Pedro),  settler 
at  S.F.  1791-1800;  regidor  at  S.  Jose"  1810.  i.  716;  ii.  134.  B.  (Pedro),  at 
S.  F.  '37;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  24. 

Bolan  (A.  J.),  1845,  at  Suiter's  '45-6,  ace.  to  the  N.  Helv.  Diary;  iv.  578. 
Bolauos  (Francisco),  1595,  one  of  Cennenon's  men  at  Pt  Reyes;  also  with  Viz 
caino  in  1602.  i.  96,  98.  Bolbeda  (Louis),  1826,  French  trapper  of  Jed. 
Smith's  party,  who  rem.  in  Cal.  iii.  160,  176. 

Bolcof  (Josd  Antonio),  1315,  the  earliest  Russian  settler;  native  of  Kam 
chatka,  who  left  his  vessel  at  Mont.,  age  about  20.  ii.  274,  393.  In  '17  he  was 
baptized  at  Soledad.  or  at  least  had  his  Greek  church  baptism  'ratified;'  in  '22 
married  to  Candida  Castro,  and  perhaps  made  a  trip  to  Mex.  ii.  479;  in  '24 
arrested  for  smuggling,  and  from  that  time  often  named  in  local  records  of 
Branciforte  and  Sta  Cruz.  ii.  519.  522,  627;  iv.  117,  544;  in  '29  named  as  a 
shoemaker  of  good  conduct;  in  '31  obtained  lands;  naturalized  in  '33;  alcalde  at 
Brancif.  '34,  also  '39-42,  '45-6.  iii.  695-7;  iv.  662-4;  v.  57,  641-2;  being  also  in 
charge  of  the  ex-mission  from  '39;  grantee  of  the  Refugio  rancho  '41.  iv.  655. 
In  the  Brancif.  padron  of  '45  B.  is  named  with  his  wife  and  11  children  as  fol 
lows:  Amadeo  b.  '25,  Francisco  '27,  Juan  '29,  Encarnacion  '32,  Guadalupe 
'36,  Josefa  '39,  Carmen  '37,  Jose"  Ramon  '40;  Jos6  Dolores  '41,  Maria  Ant.  '42, 
and  Maria  de  los  Angeles  '44.  He  took  no  part  in  the  political  troubles  of 
'45-7,  but  in  '48  engaged  in  mining  with  his  sons,  being  very  successful;  but  not 
content  to  let  well  enough  alone,  and  imbibing  somewhat  too  freely  the  new 
spirit  of  progress,  the  old  man  fell  a  victim  to  sharpers,  gradually  lost  his  lands 
and  money,  and  died  in  poverty  in  '66.  I  have  no  record  of  his  sons  after  '45. 

Boles,  see  'Bowles.'  Bollon  (Jos6  Maria),  1834,  Portuguese  at  Mont. 
Bolton  ( James  R.),  1847,  trader  at  Mazatlan,  having  some  commercial  relations 
with  Cal.,  which  country  he  visited  for  the  first  time  in  June  '47  on  the  Lady 
Shaw  Stewart.  In  later  years  he  became  known  as  the  principal  claimant  for 
the  Mission  Dolores  estate  in  the  famous  Saiitillan  case;  in  '85  a  capitalist  re 
siding  at  S.  F. 

Bon  (John),  1829,  mr  of  the  Wilmington,  iii.  149.  'Bonaparte,'  1836, 
Frenchman  with  Yount  in  Napa  Val.  Bond  (Thos),  1833,  named  as  one  of 
Walker's  party,  iii.  391.  B.  (Win),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499.) 
Bonechu  (Louis),  1824,  French  vineyarclist  at  L.  Aug.  '40,  age  57,  claiming 
to  have  been  16  years  in  Cal.  Bones  (John),  1821,  Irish  carpenter  at  S. 
Miguel  '29-30,  31  years  old,  and  9  years  in  Cal.  ii.  444;  possibly  'Burns.' 

Bonifacio  (Juan  B.),  1822,  Italian  or  Austrian  who  landed  from  the  John 
Ber/c/  with  the  governor's  permission  and  was  employed  by  Hartnell  as  steve 
dore,  ii.  478;  an  illiterate,  honest  fellow  about  24  years  old,  who  married  Car 
men  Pinto  in  '27;  naturalized  in  '29;  2d  in  com.  of  the  comp.  extranjera  '32. 
iii.  221,  223,  225;  died  about  '34,  leaving  a  widow  and  3  children. 


724  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Bonilla  (Jose"  Mariano),  1834,  Mex.  lawyer  and  teacher,  who  came  with  the 
H.  &  P.  colony;  implicated  in  the  Apaliitegui  revolt,  but  not  sent  away.  iii. 
203,  2S6.  A  man  of  the  same  name  was  member  of  the  Cal.  junta  in  Mex.  '25- 
7.  iii.  3.  A  young  man  of  27  on  his  arrival,  well  educated  at  the  Colegio 
Nacional;  teacher  at  Sta  B.  '35.  iii.  657;  clerk  and  sec.  in  dif.  public  offices 
'30-40.  iii.  463,  605,  685;  admin,  of  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  auxiliary  juez  '42.  iv. 
331,  657-8;  grantee  of  Huerhuero,  or  Huerfano,  rancho  in  '42-4.  iv.  655-6; 
partisan  of  Micheltorena  in  '45;  sec.  and  appointed  fiscal  of  the  tribunal  supe 
rior,  iv.  532;  juez  and  alcalde  at  S.  Luis  '46-8,  being  at  one  time  arrested  by 
Fremont,  v.  638-9,  375;  sub-prefect  '49;  later  county  judge,  district  attorney, 
and  supervisor.  Bonilla  was  a  man  who  always  commanded  respect,  though 
not  always  in  sympathy  with  the  Californians,  and  one  whose  advice,  by  rea 
son  of  his  superior  education,  was  always  in  demand.  In  '37  he  married 
Dolores,  daughter  of  Inocente  Garcia,  who  in  '78  gave  me  the  Bonilla  collec 
tion  of  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  He  died  in  '78.  B.  (Patricio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 

Bonnet,  1844,  mr  of  the  Lion  '44-5.  iv.  567;  iii.  382-3;  also  in  '46;  possibly 
in  '35.  Bonney  (Jarvis),  1845,  Amer.  immig.  of  Grigsby-Ide  party,  with  his 
family,  iv.  578,  580;  v.  526.  He  buried  two  children  at  N.  Helv.  March  '46, 
and  in  April  went  to  Or.,  where  he  was  in  June.  B.  (Truman),  1845,  prob. 
n  brother  of  Jarvis,  whom  he  accomp.  to  Cal.  and  to  Or.  with  his  family,  v. 
578.  He  also  lost  a  son  at  N.  Helv.;  and  his  daughter  was  married  in  Feb.  '46 
to  A.  Sanders.  Next  year  a  man  named  Bonny,  very  likely  one  of  this  family, 
was  met  on  his  way  alone  from  Or.  to  the  states.  Bryant,  137.  Bonny- 
castle  (John  C.),  1847;  lieut  and  adj.  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  503;  later  lieut  of  4th  U. 
S.  infantry  '48-61;  at  Louisville,  Ky,  '82.  Bons  (Wm),  1840,  arrested  at 
Branciforte,  having  no  carta.  Bonsall — or  Bonsell — (Jacob),  1848,  owner  of 
a  ferry  on  the  S.  Joaquin  with  Doak. 

Booker  (Henry),  1844,  Amer.  named  in  Larkin's  accounts  '44-5  at  Mont.; 
living  on  the  Sac.  '46.  Tustin..  Joining  the  Bears,  he  was  the  messenger  who 
carried  Ide's  proclamation  to  Mont.  Later  in  the  year  he  went  south  with 
Fremont;  was  probably  one  of  Gillespie's  garrison  at  L.  Ang. ;  with  Mer- 
viue's  force  defeated  at  S.  Pedro;  one  of  Stockton's  men  at  S.  Diego;  one  of 
the  party  sent  to  reenforce  Kearny;  and  finally  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  iv.  453; 
v.  110,  159,  346.  Perhaps  no  other  man  in  Cal.  had  so  varied  an  experience 
in  this  most  eventful  year. 

Booth  (J. ),  1847,  at  S.  F.  on  the  Currency  Lass  from  Honolulu.  B.  (Wm), 
1847,  said  to  have  settled  at  Sta  Clara  with  his  family.  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist. 
Borbosa,  settler  at  Mont.  1800.  i.  679.  Borden.  1847,  mr  of  the  Bowditch. 
v.  576.  Borel,  1817,  at  N.  Helvetia.  Borenback  (Antoine),  1847,  Co.  F, 
3d  artill.  (v.  518),  ace.  to  Lancey;  not  on  the  rolls.  Borgas  (Jose  M.),  grantee 
of  Pajaro  in  '43  (Vargas  ?). 

Borica  (Diego),  1794,  Span,  colonel,,  gov.  of  Cal.  fr6m  Oct.  '94  to  Jan.  16, 
1800;  dying  at  Durango  in  July  1800.  See  i.  530-3  and  726-30,  with  inter 
vening  pages,  passim,  for  the  events  of  Borica 's  rule;  also  list  of  auth.  in  vol. 
i.  He  was  one  of  the  ablest  and  best  rulers  the  country  ever  had,  always 
striving  for  progress  in  different  directions,  avoiding  controversy,  and  person 
ally  interesting  himself  in  the  welfare  of.  all  classes;  a  jovial  bon-vivant, 
knight  of  Santiago,  and  man  of  wealth.  His  wife,  who  accompanied  him  to 
Cal.,  was  Dona  Magdalena  de  Urquides.  Bork  (Louis),  1845,  Engl.  who  got 
a  pass  for  Sonora  at  Los  Ang.  B.  (Manuel),  1845,  ditto. 

Boronda  (Jose"  Canute),  son  of  Corp.  Manuel  B.  and  his  wife  Gertrudis 
Higuera,  b.  at  S.  F.  1792;  soldier  of  Mont.  comp.  from  1812  in  the  escolta  of 
S.  Antonio,  S.  Miguel,  and  S.  Juan.  ii.  232;  in  the  S.  F.  comp.  '26-7;  in  '28 
alcalde  of  Branciforte.  ii.  627;  wife  Francisca  Castro,  children  Maria,  Con- 
cepcion,  Antouia,  Juan  Jose",  and  Francisco;  grantee  of  land  in  Mont,  district 
'43.  iv.  656;  juez  at  S.  Juan  B.  '44.  iv.  661.  In  '78  he  was  living  with  his 
daughter  Conccpcion — grantee  of  the  Potrero.  iv..  655 — near  S.  Luis  Obispo, 
and  dictated  for  me  his  Notas  of  old-time  adventures,  ii.  339,  446.  B.  ( Jose" 
Euscbio),  perhaps  a  brother  of  Canute,  in  '36  majordomo  of  the  Verjeles 
rancho.  iii.  679;  age  26,  wife  Josei'a  Buelna,  children  Jose"  de  los  Santos  and 


BORONDA— BOTTS.  725 

Maria  del  Carmen;  in  '40  grantee  of  Hinconada  del  Zanjon.  iii.  678,  and  juez 
aux.  '41.  iv.  653;  still  living  at  Salinas  in  '77,  but  \\isApuntes  Hitstdrico*  was 
very  brief  and  unimportant.  B.  (Jose"  Manuel),  prob.  son  of  Manuel,  at 
Salinas  rancho  '35-0,  being  juez  de  campo,  iii.  674,  678;  age  33,  wife  Juana 
Cota,  children  Juan  de  Mata  b.  '21,  Carlota  '22,  Josefa  '25,  Isabel  '28,  Ascension 
'30,  Franciso  '31,  Juan  '33,  Jose  Manuel  '36,  grantee  of  Los  Laurelesin  '39.  iii. 
667 ;  and  perhaps  of  Tucho  in  '35.  iii.  679;  still  living  in  '50.  B.  (Juan  de  Mata), 
juez  at  S.  Carlos  '46;  named  as  the  man  who  killed  Capt.  Burroughs  at  Nativi- 
dad.  v.  370,  637;  son  of  Jose"  Manuel.  B.  (Manuel),  corporal  and  carpenter, 
teacher  at  S.  F.  and  Mont.  1790-1818.  i.  643;  ii.  78,383,427.  B.  ('Tia'), 
woman  who  kept  a  little  shop  at  Mont.  1811-36,  perhaps  a  sister  of  Manuel, 
ii.  420,  614;  iii.  454-5. 

Borrego,  1822,  Mex.  priest  who  came  as  a  companion  of  Can6nigo  Fernan 
dez;  not  of  the  best  reputation;  perhaps  a  nickname,  ii.  458.  Borris  (James 
Wm),  1823,  New  Yorker  whose  father  was  Engl.  and  mother  Dutch;  baptized 
in  '24  and  employed  by  Capt.  de  la  Guerra  as  a  physician  for  the  troops  at 
Sta  B.  ii.  495,  526.  Very  likely  his  name  was  Burroughs. 

Boscana  (Geronimo),  1806,  Span,  friar  who  served  in  the  south  until  his 
death  at  S.  Gabriel  in  '31;  a  man  of  learning,  whose  treatise  on  the  Ind. — 
Chinigchinick — was  published  later,  but  whose  conduct  was  not  in  all  respects 
exemplary.  Biog.  iii.  641-2;  ment.  i.  list  of  auth.;  ii.  123,  159-60,  345-8, 
555-6,  366,  394.  488,  517,  567,  655;  iii.  96,  102,  310,  351;  iv.  344-5.  Bosco 
(John),  1847,  with  the  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469),  in  the  fam.  of  Capt.  Hunt.  Bose 
(Geo.  A.),  1848,  German  farmer  in  Sta  Clara  Val.  '76.  Bosque  (Thomas), 
1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  L.  Ang.'47.  Bostwick  (James  C. ),  1847, 
Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  Botaires  (Pascual),  1846,  Cal.  claim  of  $36  (v.  462). 
Botello  (Joaquin),  tailor  instructor  at  Mont.  1792-1801.  i.  615;  ii.  174. 

Botello  (Narciso),  1833,  Mex.,  native  of  Alamos,  Sonora,  who  came  with 
John  Forster  by  land,  and  again  with  James  Johnson  in  '34,  age  24.  Erro 
neously  named  as  sec.  at  Los  Ang.  in  '26.  ii.  560.  At  first  B.  tended  liice's 
billiard-saloon,  and  soon  opened  a  grocery  at  L.  Ang.  Sfndico  of  the  ayunt. 
'35;  sec.  of  the  ayunt.  from  '36,  taking  a  prominent  part  in  many  public  mat 
ters,  especially  in  the  southern  opposition  to  Alvarado  in  '36-8.  iii.  419,  518- 
19,  550,  555,  558,  565-6,  635-6;  sec.  of  prefecture  '39-43,  of  the  tribunal  su 
perior  '42,  and  grantee  of  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iii.  605,  640;  iv.  626,  632 
-3;  vocal  of  the  assembly  '43-6,  taking  a  leading  part  in  all  deliberations  of 
that  body,  also  one  of  the  lessees  of  S.  Buen.  mission  '45.  iv.  361,  410-11,  425, 
495,  521,  540,  553,  558,  645;  active  against  the  Amer.  invasion  June- Aug.  '46, 
and  also  as  assemblyman  and  sec.  of  Gov.  Flores  in  '46-7,  but  did  not  go  witli 
F.  to  Mex.  as  he  wished  to  do.  v.  37-8,  50,  264,  321-2,  408,  625;  grantee  of 
La  Ci6nega  '46.  In  '48-50  B.  made  several  not  very  successful  attempts  at 
gold-mining,  also  engaging  in  trade  at  L.  Ang.  and  S.  Juan  B. ;  in  later  yearg 
justice  of  the  peace  and  notary  public.  He  was  a  man  of  good  abilities  and  fair 
education;  always  a  partisan  of  his  country,  Mexico,  against  Cal.  and  the  U. 
S.,  as  also  of  the  south  against  the  north.  In  '78,  living  at  the  Sta  Maria 
rancho  near  S.  Diego  in  great  poverty  at  the  age  of  63,  Botello  dictated  forme 
his  A  nates  del  Sur,  a  very  valuable  narrative  of  the  political  and  other  com 
plications  of  his  Cal.  experience.  He  had  no  family. 

Botero  (Pablo),  1801 ,  prospective  settler  at  Branciforte.  ii.  171.  Botiller 
(Anastasio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  B.  (Francisco  and  Vicente),  ditto.  B.  (Joa 
quin),  teacher  at  Los  Ang.  '30.  ii.  564.  B.  (Jose"  Ant.),  at  Los  Ang.  '19,  and 
S.  Antonio  rancho  '29.  ii.  354,  616;  in  '36  at  Mont.,  age  50,  wife  Maria  de  la 
Luz  Morales,  child.  Jos6  de  Jesus  b.  '14,  Peregrino  '24 — employed  by  Larkin. 
as  a  courier  '46— Jose"  Joaq.  '26.  B.  (Jose  del  Carmen),  1842.  iv.  653.  B. 
(Narciso),  courier  '46.  v.  72.  Botta  (Paolo  Emilio),  1827,  Ital.  scientist  on 
the  JJeros  '27-8;  author  of  Osservazioni.  i.  list  of  auth.;  ii.  551;  iii.  128-30. 
Bottene,  1846,  mr  of  the  Cabinet  at  S.F. 

Botts  (Charles  T. ),  1848,  Virginian,  who  came  on  the  Matilda  with  an  ap 
pointment  as  U.S.  naval  storekeeper  at  Mont.  I  have  the  letter  of  introd.  to 
Larkin  which  he  brought  from  Com.  Sloat,  as  well  as  many  naval  accounts 


726  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

signed  by  B.  He  went  to  the  mines  with  Colton;  was  a  member  of  the  consti 
tutional  convention  in  '49;  member  of  a  leading  law  firm  in  S.F.  from  '50;  from 
'08  a  Sacramento  journalist,  publishing  the  Standard;  state  printer  in '61;  also 
district  judge  of  Sac.  district.  After  the  war  he  spent  some  years  in  the  south, 
but  returned  to  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Cal.,  residing  chiefly  at  Oak- 
laud,  A\  here  he  died  in  '84  at  the  age  of  75.  His  wife,  who  outlived  their  chil 
dren,  died  a  few  years  before  her  husband;  but  B.  left  two  granddaughters, 
daughters  of  Dr  Aylette  of  Stockton.  Judge  Botts  was  a  brother  of  John  M. 
Botts,  the  famous  Virginian  politician,  and  was  himself  a  politician  of  the  better 
sort,  a  successful  lawyer  of  marked  ability,  and  a  citizen  of  wide  influence. 

Bouchaltz  (Theodore),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.499);  d.  at  Mariposa 'S3. 
'1  ouchard  (Hypolite),  1818,  French  com.  of  the  Buenos  Aires  insurgents  on 
the  Cal.  coast.  See  ii.  220-49,  252,  348,  383,  389.  Nothing  is  known  of  his 
earlier  or  later  career.  Bouchet  (Louis),  1828,  French  cooper  with  Mex. 
passp.  at  Mont.  28-9.  ii.  558;  iii.  178;  owner  of  a  vineyard  with  W.  L.  Hill 
at  Los  Aug.;  naturalized  in  '31,  and  soon  married;  one  of  the  vigilantes  '36 
(iii.  430);  met  by  Mofras  in  '41,  who  calls  him  Win,  also  called  Bauchet  and 
Banchot  in  some  records.  He  signed  a  proclamation  against  Castro  in  '46;  and 
ace.  to  Los  Ang.  Co.  Hist.,  33,  died  Oct.  '47;  but  I  find  his  name  in  an  origi 
nal  list  of  '48.  Boudinet  (W.  E. ),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  Bouet  (Jean), 
1848,  French  trader  at  Los  Ang.  age  30.  Doubtful  record.  Boulanger  (Fran 
cis),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Bousol,  1846,  came  to  S.  Jose  Valley. 
Hall.  Bouzet  (E.  de),  1846,  com.  of  the  French  corvette  Brillante.  v.  576. 

Bowden  (John  H.),  1848,  from  Honolulu;  kept  a  bakery  and  owned  a  lot  at 
S.F.  Bowen  (Asa  M. ),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336),  who  took  part 
in  the  battle  of  S.  Pascual,  on  which  he  furnished  me  in  '76  a  Statement.  Still 
at  S.F.  '84-5,  and  in  serious  trouble  with  the  officers  of  justice.  Bowen  (Thos 
G.),  1834,  Amer.  trapper  from  N.  Mex.;  settled  at  S.  Jose"  from  '36.  iii.  117; 
iv.  412.  He  kept  a  distillery,  and  his  name,  variously  written,  appears  in  Lar- 
kin's  books  and  other  records  from  year  to  year;  one  of  Graham's  riflemen  '36 
(iii.  457);  grantee  of  Canada  de  S.  Felipe  in  '39,  having  been  naturalized  and 
married,  iii.  677,  711;  arrested  but  not  exiled  '40.  iv.  17;  in  '41,  being  a  S. 
Jose"  trader  age  '33,  with  one  child,  he  became  security  for  some  of  the  Bartle- 
toii  immig.  iv.  275,  684,  686;  failed  in  business  '44;  signed  the  call  to  foreign 
ers  '45.  iv.  599.  I  find  no  record  of  him  after  '46.  B.  (Thos),  1846,  prob.  a 
son  of  the  preceding,  named  by  Fremont  as  a  wild  young  fellow  of  S.  Jose", 
whose  mother  owned  land  at  the  mission.  B.  (Wm),  1844-5,  sailor  from  the 
Sterling  at  Mont.  iv.  587.  B.  (Wm  J.),  1847,  came  from  Honolulu  on  the 
Currency  Lass;  later  miner,  and  lumberman  at  Bodega;  part  owner  of  the  Sa- 
b'ine,  making  several  voyages,  married  at  Sidney.  In  '82  he  had  for  many  years 
been  a  resident  of  Berkeley.  Very  likely  same  as  preceding. 

Bowers  (James  H.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  later  hotel-keeper  at 
Stockton;  died  at  S.  F.  '70.  Bowing  (Henry),  1847,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469); 
reenlisted  at  Los  Ang.  Bowles  or  Boles  (Joseph),  1838,  Amer.  on  Larkin's 
books  at  Mont. ;  somewhat  prominent  in  the  Graham  affair  of  '40,  and  exiled 
to  S.  Bias,  but  came  back  in  '41  after  a  visit  to  N.Y.  to  urge  his  claim  for 
damages,  iv.  18,  31,  33,  119.  On  the  Alert  at  Sta  B.  '42;  perhaps  at  N.  Helv. 
'47.  B.  (Samuel),  1848,  overl.  immig.  with  Allsopp,  whose  partner  he  was 
in  a  S.  F.  boarding-house  till  '50;  when  he  went  to  the  mines.  Bowman 
(Joaquin,  Joseph,  or  Gilbert),  1826,  Kentuckian  trapper  of  Jed.  Smith's  party, 
ii.  558;  iii.  155,  160,  176;  settled  at  S.  Gabriel  as  a  miller,  and  still  lived 
there  in  '44  at  the  age  of  63. 

Boy  (John),  1847,  owner  of  lots  at  S.  F.  Boyce  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  Co.  D, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Salt  Lake  City  '82.  Boyd  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm. 
Bat.  B.  (Geo. ),  1848,  perhaps  at  S.  F.  B.  (R. ),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 
Boyer,  1848,  mr  of  the  Perseverance,  v.  579.  Boyers  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  E,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  F.  '82.  Boyle  (Dr),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  immig. 
iv.  578.  B.  (Henry  G.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  481,  496;  in  Utah  '82, 
chaplain  of  the  legislature.  B.  (James),  1846,  Amer.  carpenter  at  Mont.  '46-8. 

Brackenberry  (Benj.  B.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).       Brackenridge 


BRACKENRIDGE— BRANNAN.  727 

(J.  D.),  1841,  botanist  of  U.  S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241-2,  245.  Brackett  (John 
Ely),  1847,  lieut  2d  U.  S.  artillery;  capt.  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  y.  504;  com.  of  the 
Sonoma  garrison  '47-8.  v.  609-10, 007,  039;  later  a  lawyer,  being  a  member  of  the 
legislature  of  '49-50,  and  major-gen,  of  Cal.  militia.  He  died  at  Rock  Island, 
111.,  Jan.  '55.  His  son  or  brother — for  I  have  lost  the  reference — Col  Albert 
G.  Brackett,  com.  of  the  mil.  district  of  Nevada  'GO,  furnished  me  in  '76  a 
Sketch  of  the  1st  Reg.  N.  Y.  Vol.,  and  several  other  MSS.  containing  useful  in 
formation.  See  i.  list  of  auth.  Bradford  (Wm),  1S40,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Warren. 

Bradley  (Thomas  Westly),  1843,  Tennesseean  imrnig.  from  Mo.  in  the  Chiles 
party,  iv.  392,  400;  employed  a  while  by  Sutter,  but  in  '44-9  lived  in  Napa 
Valley,  joining  the  Bears,  v.  Ill;  but  not  apparently  going  south  with  the 
battalion,  and  marrying  Rebecca  Allen  of  Mo.  in  Dec.  '46.  From  '49  he  lived 
in  Contra  Costa  county,  and  in  '85  was  still  on  his  farm  near  Lafayette  with 
a  large  family.  Of  his  six  sons,  James  Warren  was  b.  in  '47  and  John  Willard 
in  '48;  there  were  4  daughters,  3  of  them  married  before  '85.  Portrait  in  Con 
tra  Costa  Co.  Hist.,  296.  Bradley,  1841  (?),  a  man  who  accompanied  Brooks 
—Four  Months,  etc. — in  his  gold-hunting  tour  of  '48,  being  named  on  nearly 
every  page;  claimed  to  have  been  in  Cal.  eight  years,  to  have  been  an  officer 
of  volunteers  in  the  war,  and  to  be  a  friend  of  Capt.  Folsom.  iv.  279. 

Bradshaw  (John),  1827,  one  of  the  best  known  Boston  traders  on  the 
coast;  master  of  the  Franklin  in  '27-8,  of  the  Pocahontas  '30-2,  and  of  the 
Lagoda  '34-5.  Often  in  trouble  with  the  authorities  on  account  of  his  smug 
gling  exploits,  as  elsewhere  narrated,  ii.  551;  iii.  132-4,  147-8,  165-7,  176-7, 
210,  382-3.  Capt.  B.  never  returned  to  Cal.  after  '35.  but  I  have  his  letter  to 
Capt.  Cooper  in  '36;  and  a  letter  of  Jan.  '84  from  his  daughter,  Mrs  H.  E. 
Roundy,  informs  me  that  he  died  at  his  home  in  Beverley,  Mass.,  May  '80,  at 
the  age  of  94.  B.  (Julian),  1845,  overl.  immig.  in  the  Grigsby-Ide  party; 
bonds  given  by  Yount;  prob.  went  to  Or.  in  '46.  iv.  526,  578.  B.  (Samuel), 
1848,  in  the  mines  with  Brooks;  formerly  carpenter  on  a  whaler.  B.  (Wm 
D.),  1846,  lieut  Co.  D,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  361;  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $132  (v.  462). 
Brady,  1848,  with  Newell  &  Gilbert.  B.  (James),  1846,  at  N.  Helv.  in  Jan.; 
perhaps  same  as  preceding.  B.  (James),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 
B.  (John  R.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.;  died  at  Stockton  after  '50. 

Braham  (A. ),  1845,  at  N.  Helv. ;  prob.  '  Bruheim,'  q.  v.  Bralee  (Thomas), 
1846,  Engl.  sailor  disch.  from  the  Savannah;  a  resid.  of  Mont,  and  Carmelo 
Val.,  except  2  years  at  the  mines,  to  :<v7  and  later,  being  a  dairyman,  with 
two  sons  and  a  daughter.  Braley  (Albert),  1845,  mate  on  the  Morea. 

Branch  (Francis  Ziba),  1831,  trapper  of  the  Wolfskill  party  from  N.  Mex. 
iii.  387,  405;  a  nat.  of  N.  Y.  After  a  few  years  of  hunting  he  opened  a  store 
and  boarding-house  at  Sta  B. ,  though  often  engaging  in  a  hunt,  to  keep  up 
memories  of  old  times.  He  married  Manuela  Carlon  in  '35.  iv.  117;  and  the 
padron  of  '36  shows  that  he  had  then  one  son.  Selling  his  store  in  '37,  he  ap 
plied  for  naturalization — obtained  in  '39 — and  got  a  grant  of  the  Sta  Manuela 
rancho  near  S.  Luis  Obispo.  iii.  679;  iv.  655;  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his 
life,  a  rich  man  of  good  repute.  He  died  in  '74  at  the  age  of  72,  leaving  many 
children  and  grandchildren.  His  portrait  is  given  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  Co.  Hist., 
216.  Branda  (Juan),  at  Sonoma  '44. 

Brander  (Wm),  1833,  Scotch  carpenter,  29  years  old,  at  Mont.,  his  name 
appearing  often  on  Larkin's  books  and  other  records  in  '33-45.  iii.  409;  ar 
rested  but  not  exiled  in  '40.  iv.  17;  got  a  carta,  and  in  '41-2  was  a  lumber- 
man  near  Sta  Cruz.  In  Oct.  '45  he  was  found  dead  on  Amesti's  rancho,  be 
lieved  to  have  been  killed  by  Ind.  iv.  543. 

Branham  (Benj.  F.),  1846,  son  of  Isaac  and  overl.  immig.  at  the  age  of 
one  year;  sheriff  of  Sta  Clara  Co.  '85.  B.  (Isaac),  1846,  Kentuckian  immig. 
(v.  526),  with  his  wife  Amanda  A.  Bailey  and  son  Benj.  F.,  settling  at  S. 
Jose",  where  he  was  a  member  of  the  town  council  '46-7.  v.  664;  and  where 
he  still  lived  in  '81.  Portrait  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist. ,  304.  He  had  a  son  Charles 
b.  '54,  and  a  daughter  Mary  b.  '60;  besides  4  children  born  before  he  came  to 
Cal.  Branisan  (Floria),  1 846.  pass,  on  the  Guipitzcoana  from  Cailao.  Banks 
(Robert),  1848,  visited  S.  F.  from  Honolulu  on  the  Julian.  Braunan  (Peter), 


728  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

1S4G,  Irish  bricklayer  who  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  at  the  Natividad  fight? 
later  worked  at  his  trade;  in  the  mines  '48;  soon  after  drowned  at  S.  F.  Swan. 
Perhaps  his  name  was  Brennan. 

Bramian  (Samuel),  1846,  Mormon  elder  and  chief  of  the  colony  sent  from 
N.Y.  on  the  Brooklyn.  See  full  account  of  the  colony,  v.  544  et  seq.;  mention 
v.  471,  644-5.  B.  was  born  at  Saco,  Me,  in  '19;  learned  the  printer's  trade  in 
Ohio  from  '33;  travelled  as  a  printer  through  many  parts  of  the  country;  and 
from  '42  published  the  N.  Y.  Messenger  and  later  the  Prophet,  as  organs  of  the 
Mormon  church.  Of  his  conversion  and  early  experience  as  a  latter-day  saint 
not  much  is  known,  the  subject  being  avoided  both  by  himself  and  his  old 
associates;  but  he  was  clearly  a  leading  spirit  in  the  church,  and  was  just  the 
man  to  take  charge  of  the  Californian  scheme.    There  is  no  good  reason  to 
doubt  his  devotion  to  the  cause,  but  it  was  his  firm  intention  to  build  up  his 
own  fortunes  with  those  of  his  sect;  he  was  greatly  displeased  with  President 
Young's  change  of  plans  respecting  Cal. ;  and  having  failed  during  a  visit  to 
Salt  Lake  to  modify  the  president's  views,  it  required  but  few  years  to  divest 
himself  entirely  his  of  old-time  religious  fervor  and  become  an  apostate.  Mean 
while,  at  S.  F.  he  was  a  leading  spirit  from  the  first,  preaching  eloquently  on 
Sundays,  publishing  the  Star,  buying  town  lots,  taking  part  in  political  con 
troversies,  working  zealously  for  the  advancement  of  the  town's  educational 
and  other  interests,  always  aggressive  but  liberal  in  his  views,  showing  no 
signs  of  sectarianism.    For  mention  in  this  part  of  his  career  '46-7,  see  v. 
494,  649-51,  666-8,  681-2.  In  '47  he  established  the  firm  of  C.  C.  Smith  & 
Co.  at  Sac.,  later  Brannan  &  Co.,  in  which  Mellus  &  Howard  and  Wm  Stout 
were  partners.  The  immense  profits  of  his  store  after  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
'48-9,  with  his  mining  operations  at  Mormon  Island,  and  the  increase  of  S.F. 
real  estate,  made  him  a  little  later  the  richest  man  in  Cal.   Of  his  career  after 
'48  something  will  be  found  in  vol.  vi.  of  this  work ;  also  in  my  Popular  Tri 
bunals.  B.  having  been  prominent  in  connection  with  the  vigilance  committees. 
I  do  not  attempt  even  to  outline  his  most  remarkable  career  as  capitalist  and 
speculator.  In  many  parts  of  the  state  and  even  beyond  its  limits  he  acquired 
immense  interests,  showing  in  their  management  the  ability  and  energy  so 
characteristic  of  the  man.  He  probably  did  more  for  S.F.  and  for  other  places 
than  was  effected  by  the  combined  efforts  of  scores  of  better  men;  and  indeed, 
in  many  respects  he  was  not  a  bad  man,  being  as  a  rule  straightforward  as  well 
as  shrewd  in  his  dealings,  as  famous  for  his  acts  of  charity  and  open-handed 
liberality  as  for  his  enterprise,  giving  also  frequent  proofs  of  personal  bravery. 
In  '59  he  purchased  the  Calistoga  estate,  in  connection  with  the  improvement 
of  which  his  name  is  perhaps  most  widely  known.  Here  he  established  a  dis 
tillery  on  a  grand  scale,  and  here  in  '68  he  received  eight  bullets  and  nearly 
lost  his  life  in  a  quarrel  for  possession  of  a  mill.  Meanwhile  he  had  given  him 
self  up  to  strong  drink;  for  20  years  or  more  he  was  rarely  sober  after  110011; 
and  he  became  as  well  known  for  his  dissolute  habits  and  drunken  freaks  as 
he  had  been  for  his  wealth  and  ability.  Domestic  troubles  led  to  divorce  from 
the  wife  married  in  '44,  who  with  their  child  had  come  with  him  in  '46  and 
borne  him  other  children  in  Cal. ;  division  of  the  estate  was  followed  by  un 
lucky  speculations,  and  Brannan's  vast  wealth  melted  gradually  away.  In  the 
days  of  his  prosperity  he  had  liberally  supported  the  cause  of  Mexico  against 
the  French  invasion  and  its  tool  Maximilian,  and  just  before  1880  he  obtained 
in  return  a  grant  of  lands  in  Sonora,  embarking  with  somewhat  of  his  old  en 
ergy  in  a  grand  scheme  of  colonization,  which  has  thus  far  proved  a  total  fail 
ure.   For  the  last  year  or  two  down  to  '85  Brannan  has  lived  at  Guaymas  or  on 
the  frontier,  remarried  to  a  Mexican  woman,  a  sorry  wreck  physically  and 
financially,  yet  clear-headed  as  ever  and  full  of  courage  for  the  future.  Thou 
sands  of  pioneers  in  Cal.  remember  this  erratic  genius  with  the  kindliest  of 
feelings,  and  hope  that  he  may  yet  add  a  brilliant  closing  chapter  to  the  record 
of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  in  Californian  annals. 

Brant  (Henry),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583.  Brasher  (S.  M.), 
1841,  mid.  on  the  St  Louis.  Brass  (Benj.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469); 
reenlisted  at  Los  Aug.  Brasseau  (Chas),  1847,  at  N.  Helv.  Braun  (Jean 


BRAUN— BREWER.  729 

Louis),  1831,  FrencHman,  26  years  old,  from  N.  Mex.  perhaps  with  Wolfskill 
or  Jackson,  iii.  387.  Braun  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
Braunc  (Chas  J.  W.),  1845,  perhaps  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583,  587;  ac 
cidentally  burned  to  death  in  El  Dorado  Co.  '79. 

Bravo  (David),  soldier  at  Mont.  '30,  age  43.  B.  (Juan  de  Dios),  1832, 
in  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  221;  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '35.  iii.  635 
B.  (JuanN.),  1842-5,  sub-lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo.  iv.  289.  B.  (Manuel), 
1842,  ditto,  iv.  289.  B.  (Marcelino),  inval.  at  Brancif.  1799.  i.  571. 

Bray  (Edmund),  1844,  Irish  immig.  in  the  Stevens  party,  age  37.  iv.  445, 
453.  He  was  employed  by  Sutter  from  '45,  serving  in  the  Micheltorena  cam 
paign,  iv.  486;  went  to  the  mines  in  '48.  He  was  disabled  by  a  fall  in  '56,  and 
in  72  had  been  for  6  years  in  the  Sac.  county  hospital,  where  he  wrote  for  me 
his  Memoir,  an  excellent  narrative  of  the  journey  overland.  B.  (Edward), 
1847,  mr  of  the  Henry,  v.  578;  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  Brazier  (Richard),  1847, 
sergt  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  prob.  did  not  come  to  Cal.  Breager,  with 
a  party  of  trappers  between  '32  and  '40.  iii.  392. 

Breck  (James  Win),  1829-30,  Boston  man  who  perhaps  visited  Cal.  on  a 
whaler,  and  possibly  remained  at  that  time,  ii.  573,  iii.  179,  though  some  say 
he  came  back  from  Honolulu  in  '37  to  become  a  permanent  resid.  of  Sta  B., 
where  he  married  and  had  many  children;  still  living  in  76  at  the  age  of  76. 
Also  named  as  owner  of  a  rancho  near  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  as  an  otter-hunter  in 
'41-5.  Information  about  him  is  very  unsatisfactory.  Breckenridge  (Thomas 
E.),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men,  serving  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  and  as  one  of  the 
Sta  B.  garrison  '46.  v.  306.  453,  583;  had  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462)  of  $20,  and  was 
at  Washington  May  '48  to  testify  at  the  court-martial. 

Breen  (Patrick),  1846,  Irishman  who  came  to  Amer.  in  '28,  and  from  Iowa 
overland  in  the  Donner  party  (v.  530-44,  where  all  the  members  of  this  fam 
ily  are  named),  with  his  wife  Margaret  and  7  children,  the  whole  family  sur 
viving  the  perils  of  that  terrible  journey.  Breen 's  original  Diary  of  the  Donner 
Party  is  one  of  the  most  highly  prized  treasures  of  my  Library.  The  Breens 
lived  at  Murphy's  on  the  Cosumnes  till  Sept.  '47,  then  at  S.  Josd  till  Feb.  '48, 
when  they  settled  at  S.  Juan  B.  Here  Patrick  died  in  '68  and  his  widow  in 
74.  Portraits  and  biog.  sketches  of  the  family  in  McGlashan's  Donner  Party. 
The  Breens  have  always  been  regarded  as  honest,  hard-working  people.  B. 
(Edward  J.),  1846,  son  of  Patrick.  His  sufferings  on  the  overland  trip  were 
aggravated  by  a  broken  leg;  living  at  S.  Juan  in  '85  with  2d  wife  and  5  chil 
dren.  B.  (Isabella),  1846,  infant  daughter  of  Patrick;  married  Thos  McMa- 
hon  '69;  at  Hollister  '85.  B.  (James  F.),  1846,  son  of  Patrick,  b.  in  Iowa 
'41;  educated  at  Sta  Clara  college;  lawyer  at  S.  Juan  B.  He  has  been  district 
attorney,  assemblyman,  county  judge,  and  from  79  superior  judge  of  S.  Be- 
nito.  Married  in  70,  and  living  in  '85  with  wife  and  two  children.  B.  (John), 
1846,  oldest  son  of  Patrick,  14  years  old,  and  strongest  of  the  family  except 
the  mother,  yet  barely  escaping  death.  In  the  mines  at  Mormon  Isl.  '48,  and 
in  the  winter  built  a  house  where  Placerville  stood  later.  Returning  to  S. 
Juan  and  buying  the  old  residence  of  Gen.  Castro,  he  married  a  daughter  of 
Ed.  Smith  in  '52,  and  in  '85  still  lived  there  with  wife  and  9  children.  In  his 
Pioneer  Memoirs,  Breen  has  contributed  an  interesting  narrative  of  80  p.  to 
my  collection.  B.  (Patrick,  Jr),  1846,  son  of  Patrick,  9  years  old  on  arrival; 
a  farmer  at  S.  Juan,  married  in  '65,  and  living  in  '85  with  wife  and  4  chil 
dren.  B.  (Peter),  1846,  son  of  Patrick,  a  child  in  '46;  died  unmarried  in  70. 
B.  (Simon  P.),  1846,  son  of  Patrick;  living  '85  at  S.  Juan  with  wife  and  2 
children.  B.  (Wm  M.),  1848,  son  of  Patrick,  b.  at  S.  Juan;  died  74,  leaving 
a  widow  and  child. 

Brenard  (Sam.),  1848,  named  as  one  of  the  murderers  of  the  Reed  family. 
v.  640.  Brenerd  (T.),  1848.  at  Mont.  Brennan,  see  'Brannan.'  Bressak, 
1845,  at  Mont.  Brestone  (Robert),  1838,  named  in  Larkin's  Accts.  Bret- 
ely  (Jose),  1841,  at  Sta  B. 

Brewer  (Charles),  1832,  mr  of  the  Victoria,  iii.  384.  A  Boston  man  of  the 
well-known  firm  of  Peirce  &  B.  at  Honolulu.  Revisited  Cal.  in  79  with  his 
daughter;  living  at  Jamaica  Plains,  Mass.,  at  the  age  of  80  in  '84,  when  he 


730  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

also  printed  for  his  family  a  small  vol.  of  Reminiscence's,  of  which  he  presented 
a  copy  for  my  collection.  B.  (C,  2d,  G.  W.,  and  H.  B.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  Brewerton  (Geo.  D.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  C,  N.Y.  Vol.,  trans,  to  Co. 
K.  v.  504;  went  east  in  '48  with  Carson's  party  to  N.  Mex.  (see  Brewerton's 
Hide,  in  i.  list  of  auth.);  later  lieut  1st  U.S.  infantry;  colonel  in  '78;  living 
in  N.Y.  '79.  Brewster,  1829,  said  to  have  been  master  of  the  whaler  Al- 
vins  (?).  B.  (F.  M.),  1848,  on  the  Julian. 

Brian  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Briant  (John  S.), 
1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  reenlisted  at  Los  Ang.  Bridger  (James), 
1835  (?),  noted  trapper  of  the  plains  and  mountains.  It  is  not  clear  that  he 
visited  Cal.  before  '49,  but  he  is  likely  to  have  done  so.  iii.  413.  Bridges 
(J.  C.),  1843,  Kentuckian  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party;  employed 
by  Sutter  and  perhaps  by  Smith  at  Bodega,  but  died  in  the  winter  of  '43-4. 
iv.  390,  39G,  400,  Brien  (D.  L.),  1847,  asst  surg.  U.S.  Columbus. 

Briggs  (1846),  in  Sutter's  employ.  B.,  1832,  mr  of  the  Phoebe,  reported 
as  dead  the  same  year.  B.  (C.  P.),  1844,  sailor  at  S.F.  from  the  Morea.  iv. 
453;  later  in  Leidesdorff's  employ;  and  perhaps  one  of  the  Bears  in  '46  (v. 
101);  but  all  seems  to  rest  on  his  own  statement  in  '72.  He  was  perhaps  the 
P.  A.  Briggs  who  joined  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  at  S.  Jose  in  Nov;  and  the 
C.  P.  A.  Briggs  married  at  S.F.  '47  to  Catherine  Coombs.  (See  i.  list  of  auth.) 
B.  (Calvin  T.),  1837  (?),  overl.  immig.,  nat.  of  Vt,  died  '68,  aged  60.  Soc. 
Pion.,  records;  also  reported  to  have  come  in. '32  on  a  whaler,  to  have  been  a 
trapper  on  the  coast,  and  later  resid.  of  S.  Joaquin.  S.  F.  Examiner,  iii.  408. 
B.  (Castor,  or  Caspar),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499");  at  S.  F.  '74-82.  B. 
(Charles),  1847,  settler  at  Benicia;  B.  &  Russell,  lumber  dealers,  v.  672.  B. 
(Francis),  1845,  perhaps  one  of  Frdmont's  men;  in  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  one  of 
Talbot's  garrison  at  Sta  B.  iv.  583;  v.  316.  B.  (Geo.),  1847,  mr  of  the  Isa 
bella,  v.  511.  Briggs,  1848,  of  sloop  Stockton  running  from  S.  F.  to  Sonoma. 
v.  646.  Brigham  (E.  R.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Brincken  (Wil- 
helm),  1840,  cne  of  the  Graham  exiles  who  did  not  return,  iv.  18.  Bringas 
(Luis  M.),  ment.  in  connection  with  J.  M.  Herrera's  trial  '27.  iii.  61-2. 
Brinsmade  (A.  A.),  1848,  at  S.  F.  August-Sept.,  treasurer  S.  F.  guards. 

Briones  (Antonio),  corporal  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  killed  by  Ind.  i.  315.  B. 
(Antonio),  soldier  and  Ind.  fighter  1810;  smuggler  '20-1.  ii.  91,  411,  440-1, 
564.  B.  (Canute),  S.  F.  militia  '37.  B.  (Desiderio),  ditto;  at  S.  F.  '41; 
wounded  by  Ind.  '39;  juez  de  campo  S.  Jose"  '43.  iv.  76,  685.  B.  (Felipe), 
regidor  at  S.  Jose"  '20.  ii.  378;  on  S.  Mateo  rancho,  elector  S.  F.  '35.  iii.  704; 
killed  by  Ind.  '40.  .iv.  76.  B.  (Gregorio),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '16-27.  ii. 
371;  militiaman  S.  F.  '37;  alcalde  contra  costa  '35.  iii.  704;  regidor  S.  F.  '36. 
iii.  705;  alcalde  S.  Mateo  '38.  iii.  705;  owner  of  lots  at  S.  F.  '41-5.  iv.  669;  v. 
083;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  47;  juez  at  S.  Rafael,  and  grantee  of  Baulines  '46.  iv. 
677;  v.  669-70.  B.  (Juana).  mentioned  as  a  widow  at  S.  F.,  and  also  as  the 
wife  of  Apolinario  Miranda,  noted  for  her  kindness  to  sick  and  deserting  sail 
ors;  had  an  adobe  house  in  the  North  Beach  region  in  '36;  owner  of  lot  '41-5. 
iii.  709;  iv.  669;  later  claimant  for  Purisima  rancho,  Sta  Clara  Co.  iii.  712; 
still  living  at  Mayfield  "78  at  a  very  advanced  age.  B.  (Manuel),  soldier  at 
S.  Juan  B.  before  1800.  i.  558.  B.  (Manuela  Valencia  de),  widow  at  S.  Jos<5 
'41,  age  47;  children,  Ramon  b.  '13,  Desiderio  '16,  Isidora  '20,  Casimiro  '24, 
Felipa  '18,  Maria  Ant.  '27,  Angela  '30,  Encarnacion  '32,  Marcelino  '34,  Vicente 
'30,  Carmen  '38.  B.  (Marcos),  soldier  at  Soledad,  inval.  at  Brancif.  1791- 
1800.  i.  499,  571;  comisionado  at  Brancif.  1812.  ii.  390;  still  living  at  S.  Jose" 
'41,  a  native  of  Sinaloa,  age  87.  B.  (Pablo),  in  Marin  Co.  and  Sonoma  from 
'37,  prob.  son  of  Gregorio.  B.  (Ramon),  soldier  at  S.F.  '37,  '44. 

Bristler  (John),  1846,  bugler  in  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Bris- 
tow  (Elijah),  1845,  an  old  Kentuckian  at  N.  Helv.  iv.  578;  an  overl.  immig. 
and  called  by  some  a  Mormon.  J.  H.  Brown  says  that  B.  came  with  himself 
and  in  the  Grigsby-Ide  party.  Wintering  at  the  fort,  where  he  was  badly 
hurt  by  being  thrown  from  a  horse,  he  went  to  Or.  in  '46.  v.  526;  where  he 
died  in  '72.  Hist.  Or.,  i.  568-9.  Britton,  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  Dec.,  perhaps 
an  error.  B.  (W.  F.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Brizzee  (Henry  W.), 
1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  ree'nl.  at  L.  Ang.;  in  Arizona  '82. 


BROADHURST— BROWN.  731 

Broadhurst  (Stephen),  1848,  overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  with  his  wife;  in  Mer 
ced  Co.  73.  Brock  (Elisha  E.),  1848,  Virginian,  overl.  immig.,  accomp.  by 
his  family;  a  miner  on  the  Yuba;  farmer  at  Sta  Clara,  and  from  '62  near  Gil- 
roy,  where  he  died  in  'G9.  His  widow,  Eliza  S.  Day,  survived  him:  there  were 
9  children,  3  of  them  born  in  Cal.  B.  (Hiram),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7  (v.  358); 
in  S.  Joaq.  Valley  '48.  Brockee  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
drowned  in  Stanislaus  Riv.  '47.  Broder  (Andrew  H.),  1847,  Soc.  Cal.  Pion. 
rolls.  Brohan  (John),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol. ;  died  at  Stockton  '50. 

Brolaski  (Henry  Lyons),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv. 
267,  270,  275,  342;  at  Mont.  Feb.  '42,  but  soon  sailed  for  Callao,  from  which 
place  he  writes  in  '44  to  Larkin  and  T.  H.  Green.  He  succeeded  his  brother 
in  business  at  Callao  for  three  years  from  '44;  at  St  Louis  Sept.  '48,  anxious  to 
come  to  Cal.  and  establish  a  saw-mill;  but  said  to  have  been  living  in  Mo.  as 
late  as  '70.  He  sometimes  signed  Brolaskey.  Brooks  (S.  S.),  1848  (?),  store 
keeper  at  Colima,  El  Dorado  Co.  Hist.  Brooker  (Alex.  V. ),  1846,  at  S.  Jose" ; 
in  '47  digging  a  cellar  for  Larkin  at  S.F.  Brookey,  overl.  immig.  with  Bry 
ant,  v.  528;  ment.  by  Sherman  as  a  worthless  fellow  at  S.F.  '47;  prob.  same  as 
preceding.  Brookman  (Israel),  1846,  doubtful  mention  as  a  Bear  Flag  man. 
living  in  '62.  Brooks  (Chas  W.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  B.  (Eel- 
ward  J. ),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  B.  (Geo. ),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  B. 
(H.  L.),  1848,  ditto.  B.  (J.  Tyrwhitt),  1848,  Engl.  physician,  who  came  by 
sea  from  Or.,  and  made  a  tour  in  the  mines;  author  of  Four  Months  among  the 
Gold-Finders.  B.  (Wm  S.),  1847,  011  the  U.S.  Preble;  later  in  govt  employ 
at  S.F.  and  Mare  Isl.,  where  he  was  in  '79;  twice  married  with  8  children. 
Sola  no  Co.  Hixt.,  334. 

Brotchie  (Wm),  1837,  Engl.  master  of  the  Cadboro,  Llama,  Nereid,  and 
Coiditz,  on  th«  coast  '37-42,  in  service  of  H.  B.  Co.  from  Vancouver,  iv.  101, 
105,  564.  Brothers  (P.),  to  Honolulu  from  S.  F.  on  the  Francisca.  Brough- 
ton  (Wm  Robert),  1792,  com.  of  the  H.  B.  M.  S.  Chatham;  and  of  the  Prov 
idence  1796.  i.  510-13,  538-9,  685;  author  of  Voy.  of  Discov.  to  the,  North  Pac. 
Ocean,  Lond.  1804.  B.  (Sam.  Q. ),  1846-7,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Brower 
(Geo.),  1845,  at  Mont,  from  N.  Y.  Browett  (Daniel),  1847,  sergt  Co.  E, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  477);  in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8  as  carpenter  and  boat-builder; 
killed  by  Ind.  on  his  way  to  Utah  July  '48.  v.  496. 

Brown,  1793,  mr  of  an  Engl.  vessel,  i.  514,  705.  B.,  1803,  mr  of  the 
Alexander,  ii.  12,  15-17,  94,  103,  108,  130,  144.  B.,  1831,  deserter  from  the 
Fanny.  B.,  1845,  cook  for  Sutter  from  Oct.  B.,  '46-8,  often  named  at  N. 
Helv. ;  may  be  the  preceding  or  one  or  more  of  the  following.  B.,  1848, 
came  with  Peter  J.  Davis;  family.  B.,  1848,  mining  at  Coloma.  B.,  1847, 
from  Honolulu  to  S.  F.  on  the  Guipuzcoana.  Brown  (Albert),  1844,  Arner. 
28  years  old  at  S.F.  B.  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  '82  at 
Lynne,  Utah.  B.  (Benj.j,  1832,  named  in  a  board  bill  at  Mont. 

Brown  (Charles).  1833,  nat.  of  N.  Y.,  b.  in  '14,  who  deserted  from  the 
whaler  Helvetius  at  S.  F.  iii.  409,  382;  ii.  590-1.  In  later  years  Brown  always 
claimed  to  have  come  in  '29;  but  the  archive  evidence  is  conclusive  against 
the  statement,  both  himself  and  his  comrade  deserters  testifying  in  early 
years  and  in  different  doc.  that  they  came  in  '33,  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact 
that  the  Ilelvefius  does  not  appear  in  the  lists  of  '29.  He  lived  for  a  time  at 
Pinole  with  Felipe  Briones;  served  P.  Quijas  at  S.  Rafael;  went  to  Sonoma 
with  the  H.  &  P.  colony;  got  a  land  grant  in  '34  in  Napa  Valley,  which  he 
sold  to  Capt.  Stokes,  iii.  712;  was  severely  wounded  in  an  Ind.  exped.  to  the 
north,  iii.  360;  and  worked  at  shingle-making  for  Geo.  Yourit — all  this  by 
his  own  account  before  the  end  of  '35,  but  most  of  these  events  are  prob. 
antedated.  The  1st  original  evidence  of  his  presence  is  a  permission  to  cut 
timber  given  by  Vallejo  in  May  '37;  in  '38  he  was  baptized  by  P.  Quijas 
as  Carlos  de  Jesus,  and  about  the  same  time  married  a  daughter  of  Antonio 
Garcia  of  S.  Jose;  arrested  in  '40  but  not  exiled,  being  at  that  time  at  work 
in  the  redwoods  of  Sta  Clara  Co.  iv.  9,  17,  23;  naturalized  in  '41,  claiming  9 
years'  residence;  in  '44  named  in  a  S.  F.  list,  owning  a  lot  at  the  mission,  iv. 
676,  673;  in  '45  took  part  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign  by  exchanging  him- 


732  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

self  as  a  prisoner  for  Manuel  Castro,  iv.  487.  To  about  '49  lie  lived  on  a 
rancho  near  Searsville,  and  later  at  the  Mission  Dolores,  where  in  '78  he  gave 
me  his  narrative  of  Early  Events,  and  where  he  died  in  '83  at  the  age  of  09. 
His  second  wife  was  Rosalia  de  Haro,  widow  of  A.  A.  Andrews,  who  survived 
him  with  several  grown  children,  and  who  I  think  still  lives  in  '85.  Brown 
(Uhas),  1845.  iv.  587;  real  name  'Dittmann,' q.v.  B.  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  E, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  B.  (Chas),  1848,  at  Sta  Cruz  '81.  S.  J.  Pioneer. 

Brown  (Ebenezer),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9);  at  Mont.  '48. 
B.  (Edmund  Lee),  1847,  sergt  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  495;  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.; 
a  Virginian  who  remained  in  Cal. ;  alcalde  at  S.  Diego  and  in  charge  of  the 
mission  '47-8.  v.  618-20;  claimant  for  Laguna  de  Santos  Calle  rancho.  iv.  071; 
died  at  Davisville  '72  age  08. 

Brown  (Elam),  1840,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  b.  in  1797,  moving  to  Mass.,  Ohio,  111., 
Mo.,  and  finally  overland  to  Cal.  with  his  children  in  a  party  of  which  he 
was  captain,  v.  528.  He  went  to  Sta  Clara;  served  in  Aram's  comp.  (v.  378); 
was  named  for  the  proposed  legis.  council  in '47.  v.  433;  bought  the  Acalanes 
rancho.  iii.  711;  and  was  juez  of  the  contra  coyta  in  '48.  v.  002.  In  '49  he  was 
a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention,  and  also  of  the  first  two  legisla 
tures.  From  '48  to  '85,  being  now  88  years  old,  Brown  has  lived  on  his  Contra 
Costa  farm,  a  rich  man  and  respected  citizen.  His  second  wife,  married  in  '47, 
was  Mrs  Margaret  Allen,  who  died  in  '84  at  the  age  of  89.  His  daughter  Mar- 
geline  became  the  wife  of  Napoleon  B.  Smith,  and  was  still  living  in  Contra 
Costa  Co.  '85.  His  sons  were  Thomas  A.,  Warren  J.,  and  Lawrence  M.  The 
Contra  Costa  Co.  Hist.,  515,  contains  Brown's  reminiscences  of  his  overland 
trip  and  Californian  experience,  in  which  as  is  common  with  '40  immig.,  an 
exaggerated  importance  is  attached  to  the  Sanchez  campaign  of  Sta  Clara.  See 
also  list  of  auth.  vol.  i.  Brown  (E. ),  1S48,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Brown  (Francis),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  B.  (Geo.),  1844, 
Amer.  sailor  on  the  Admittance,  discharged  sick  in  '45.  B.  (James),  1847, 
capt.  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.;  left  behind  in  N.  Mex.,  but  came  to  Cal.  by  the 
Truckee  route  before  the  end  of  '47.  v.  477,  482,  494;  delivered  an  oration  at 
a  battalion  reunion  at  Salt  Lake  City  '55.  B.  (James),  1847,  returned  with 
Stockton  or  Fremont;  a  witness  at  Washington  Jan  '48.  v.  454;  possibly  same 
as  preceding.  B.  (James),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  B.  (James 
S.),  1847,  Co.  D,' Monn.  Bat.;  in  Sutter's  employ;  at  the  Coloma  mill  when 
gold  was  discov. ;  at  Salt  Lake  City  '82.  B.  (James),  1837,  named  in  Lar- 
kin's  books;  cook  on  the  California  in  '40.  B.  (Jcffery),  1830,  on  Larkin's 
books  '30-40;  arrested  at  Los  Ang.  in  '40.  iv.  14,  118. 

Brown  (John),  1828  (?),  Swede  known  as  Juan  Flaco  or  -'lean  John,'  and 
famous  for  his  ride  from  Los  Ang.  to  Mont,  with  despatches  in  '40.  iii.  173; 
v.  303-4.  He  claimed  to  have  come  on  a  Mex.  vessel  in  '28  after  an  adventu 
rous  career  in  the  Engl.  navy  and  the  service  of  Bolivar  in  S.  Amer. ;  also  to 
have  been  one  of  Graham's  men  in  '30-7  (iii.  457),  and  one  of  Sutter's  men  in 
the  campaign  of  '44-5  (iv.  470);  he  died  at  Stockton  in  '59.  I  find  no  original 
evidence  of  his  presence  before  '40;  but  there  was  a  John  Brown  on  Larkin's 
books  '37-9;  a  Jean  Louis  Braun  at  Los  Ang.  '30;  and  a  John  '  Moreno, '  Dutch 
sawyer  at  S.F.  '42.  B.  (John),  1804,  negro  deserter  from  O'Cain's  ship  at 
S.D.;  sent  to  S.  Bias.  ii.  26.  B.  (John),  1825-7,  mr  of  the  Jdven  Tartar  (?). 
iii.  149.  B.  (John),  1846,  Co.C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  330).  B.  (John),  1847, 
Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  Utah  farmer  '81.  B.  (John  G.),  1841,  in  U.S. 
ex.  exped.  iv.  241. 

Brown  (John  Henry),  1843-5,  Engl.  sailor  who  came  to  Amer.  about  '30, 
wandered  westward,  and  about  '40  went  to  live  with  the  Cherokee  Ind.  In 
'43,  with  a  party  of  Cherokee  fur-traders  under  Dan  Coodey  the  half-breed,  he 
crossed  the  country  by  the  Humboldt  and  Truckee  route,  spending  the  winter 
at  what  was  later  Johnson's  rancho — not  visiting  Sutter's  fort,  though  some 
of  the  Ind.  did  so — returning  in  the  spring  of  '44  eastward,  and  meeting  the 
Stevens  party  (iv.  445)  on  the  way.  After  many  adventures  in  the  great  basin 
and  Texas,  Brown  came  back  to  Cal.  in  '45  with  the  Grigsby-Ide  party  (iv.  578). 
All  this  rests  solely  on  his  own  statement;  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  he 


BROWN— BRUNER.  733 

came  overland  in  '45,  in  a  party  that  was  with  the  Grigsby-Ide  part  of  the  way, 
pud  about  which  there  is  much  confusion  that  I  am  unable  to  clear  up  (iv. 
578,  587).  He  may  have  been  the  B.  employed  by  Sutter  as  cook  in  Oct.  '45; 
but  the  1st  definite  record  is  that  of  his  departure  from  N.  Helv.  forS.F.  Jan. 
14,  '46.  At  S.F.  he  was  a  well-known  character  as  bar-tender  and  hotel-keeper 
'46-50.  At  1st  with  Ridley;  kept  the  Portsmouth  House  from  Oct.  '46;  the 
City  Hotel,  cor.  Kearny  and  Clay  streets,  sometimes  known  as  Brown's  Hotel, 
at  different  times  in  '47-50;  nominal  owner  of  a  dozen  city  lots  or  more  in  '48. 
v.  672,  680.  In  Dec.  '46  he  married  Hetty  C.,  daughter  of  E.  Ward  Pell,  and 
in  April  '47  advertised  her  as  having  left  him;  but  he  soon  married  again 
and  had  children  by  his  2d  wife.  In  '50-81  he  lived  at  Sta  Cruz,  and  then  re 
turned  to  S.F.,  where  in  '85  he  keeps  a  grocery,  being  75  years  old.  John 
Henry  is  one  of  those  who  claim  '  to  know  more  than  any  other  live  man '  about 
early  times  in  S.F.,  and  one  of  these  days  he  is  going  to  publish  what  he  knows, 
thus  gaining  no  end  of  fame  and  money.  He  gave  me,  however,  some  useful 
items.  B.  (J.  H.),  1847-8,  made  a  trip  to  Honolulu  on  the  Mary  Ann,  re 
turning  in  Dec.  '48;  perhaps  same  as  the  preceding. 

Brown  (Lawrence  M.),  1846,  son  of  Elam;  died  in  Contra  Costa  Co.  '77, 
leaving  a  widow  and  2  children  still  living  in  '85.  B.  (Martin),  1845,  immig. 
from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party;  probably  returned  to  Or.  '46.  v. 
572,  526.  B.  (Philip),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.F.  v.  676.  B.  (R.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Honolulu.  B.  (Richard),  1845-7,  a  Delaware  Ind.  of  Fremont's  comp. 
B.  (Robert),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  B.  (Robt),  1828,  'Roberto 
cl  Bnleado,'  a  horse-thief  operating  in  Cal.;  the  reference  may  be  to  Peg-leg 
Smith  or  to  Juan  Flaco.  B.  (Sam.),  1946,  overl.  immig.  of  German  descent 
who  in  '47  built  houses  for  Lark  in  at  Benicia.  v.  671 ;  in  Napa  Valley  '48;  went 
to  Or.  about  '50,  becoming  a  farmer  at  French  Prairie,  and  a  candidate  for 
the  state  senate  in  '66.  B.  (Talbot),  1844,  Amer.  at  Mont.,  who  got  a  pass 
port  for  one  year.  B.  (Thomas),  1839,  named  in  Larkin's  books  '39-40;  said 
to  have  come  in  '34.  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.  Atlas. 

Brown  (Thomas  A.),  1847,  son  of  Elam,  b.  in  111.  '23,  overl.  immig.  to  Or. 
'43,  who  visited  Cal.  '47.  In  '48  he  came  to  Cal.  to  stay,  settling  at  Martinez 
in  '49.  In  Or.  a  surveyor;  in  Cal.  at  1st  miner  and  trader;  holding  several 
town  and  county  offices,  and  becoming  a  lawyer;  married  in  '51  to  Caroline 
Camron.  County  judge  '56-64,  and  '74-80;  assemblyman  '65-8;  candidate 
for  U.  S.  senate;  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  Contra  Costa  from  '80;  still 
living  '85,  with  wife  and  3  sons.  Portrait  in  Contra  Costa  Co.  Hist. ,  56.  B. 
(Warren  J.),  1847,  son  of  Elam,  b.  in  111.  '26;  started  with  his  father  in  '46, 
but  was  left  sick  at  Ft  Bridger  and  went  to  Or.,  coming  to  Cal.  in  Sept.  '47. 
Lumberman  and  miner  '47-8;  storekeeper  '49-50  at  Martinez,  where  he  lived 
till  '71,  having  married  Laura  A.  Hastings  in  '54.  He  held  the  offices  of 
county  surveyor,  assemblyman,  and  sheriff.  From  '75  he  lived  on  a  farm  at 
Lafayette,  where  he  was  still  in  '85;  110  children.  B.  (Wm),  1844,  sail-maker 
on  the  Vandalia,  implicated  in  a  robbery.  B.  (Wm),  1847,  witness  at  Wash, 
in  Fremont  court-martial  Jan.  '48;  perhaps  went  east  with  F.  or  Stockton,  v. 
454.  B.  (W.  B.),  1847,  in  list  of  letters  S.  F.  B.  (WmH.),  1847,  N.Y.Vol., 
under  another  name;  at  Oakland  '74.  B.  (W.  H.),  1841,  acting  lieut  on  U.S. 
fit  Louis.  B.  (Wm  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenlisted. 

Brownell  (Russell  G. ),  1847,  musician  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Brown 
ing  (John  W.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Brownlea  (J.  J.),  1841,  assist 
surg.  on  U.  S.  St  Louis. 

Bruce  (David),  1845-7,  sail-maker  on  the  U.S.  Portsmouth.  Brncon  (John), 
1840,  Amer.  deserter  from  the  Morse,  age  19,  at  S.  F.  Bruen  (John  H  ),  1847, 
perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name;  died  at  S.  Isidro  '78.  Bruheim 
(Adolf),  1842,  German,  age  21,  who  came  on  the  California  from  Honolulu  as 
servant  to  a  passenger,  being  permitted  to  remain,  iv.  341;  went  to  N.  Helv.; 
employed  by  Cordua  on  Feather  River  '45-6;  and  named  as  one  of  the  1st 
Donner  relief  party,  v.  539;  no  record  of  him  after  '47,  but  I  think  he  lived 
at  S.  F.  in  later  years  under  another  name.  Bruner  (Christian),  1846,  overl. 
immig.  with  his  wife  and  brother;  employed  by  Sutter  '47,  also  owning  a  lot 


734  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

at  S.  F. ;  in  '57  at  S.  F.  he  was  sentenced  to  state  prison  for  11  years  for 
murder  committed  when  in  liquor.  S.  F.  Herald.  B.  (Jacob),  1846,  brother 
of  the  preceding;  settled  at  Sonoma.  Branson  (Clinton  D.),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Utah  '81.  Brusle  (Jackson),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  Contra  Costa  Co.  '54.  B.  (Wash.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol. 

Bryan  (Abner),  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  '45-6;  iv.  578,  587;  testified  before  the 
land  com.  after  '50.  I  am  informed  by  D.  L.  Adams,  whose  mother  B.  mar 
ried,  that  he  is  still  living  '85  in  Sta  B.  Co.  B.  (J.  W.),  1847,  farmer  in  Sta 
Clara  Co.  '47-76;  a  native  of  Mo.  B.  (Wm),  1848,  at  Monterey;  perhaps 
'Bryant.'  Bryant  (A.),  1847,  acting  mr  of  the  U.  S.  Dale. 

Bryant  (Edwin),  1846,  nat.  of  Mass.,  and  a  journalist  of  Ky,  who  came 
overland  at  the  head  of  a  party,  v.  527-36.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  en 
listing  men  for  the  Cal.  Bat.,  in  which  he  served  as  lieut  of  Co.  H.  v.  350. 
361;  alcalde  of  S.  F.  Feb.-May  '47,  also  lot-owner,  v.  648,  676;  returned 
east  with  Gen.  Kearny,  and  testified  at  the  Fremont  court-martial,  v.  452, 
456,  543.  He  came  back  across  the  plains  in  '49,  and  was  for  4  or  5  years  a 
prominent  citizen,  property  owner,  and  politician;  also  visited  Cal.  several 
times  after  he  went  east  to  live;  died  at  Louisville,  Ky,  in  '69  at  the  age  of 
64.  His  What  I  Saw  in  Cal.,  published  just  after  his  1st  visit,  is  a  standard 
authority  on  events  of  '46-7.  B.  (Nathaniel  C.),  1846,  mid.,  acting  master 
of  the  U.  S.  Dale.  B.  (Stephen),  1842,  Amer.  cook  on  the  schr  California. 
B.  (Win),  1846,  overl.  immig.  accompanied  by  his  wife  Lucy  Ann.  v.  528;  at 
Benicia  '47-8,  where  he  built  houses  for  Larkin.  v.  672;  in  the  mines  from  end 
of  '48,  and  died  of  cholera  in  '50.  According  to  testimony  in  later  litigation, 
he  was  the  owner  of  Mare  Island,  living  on  it  in  '47-8.  His  widow  married  a 
man  named  Grissom,  and  in  '77  was  living  in  Sonoma  Co.  Bryen  (Geo.),  1846, 
Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  v.  336. 

Buchalas,  1846,  doubtful  name  of  an  immig.  v.  529.  Buchanan,  1845, 
Amer.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  iv.  572,  587;  per 
haps  at  N.  Helv.  '47-8.  B.  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.;  at  Manti, 
Utah,  '82.  B.  (John  C.),  1846,  Kentuckian  immig.  with  Bryant's  party,  v. 
528;  of  the  firm  McDonald  &  B.  at  S.F.,  auctioneers,  Jan.-May  '48;  owner 
of  many  city  lots;  alcalde's  clerk  '47.  v.  648,  651,  676,  682-3.  Perhaps  a 
resid  of  S.  F.  in  later  years.  B.  (Mc'Kean),  1846,  nat.  of  Penn.,  purser  of 
the  U.  S.  Dale  '46-7;  died  in  Mass.  '71;  father  of  the  actor  of  the  same  name. 
Buck  (Nicholas),  1847,  sail-maker  on  the  U.  S.  Independence.  Buckbee 
(Flavius),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Buckelew  (Benj.  R.),  1846,  New  Yorker  and  overl.  immig.  with  Hoppe 
and  Harlan.  (v.  526);  kept  a  jewelry  and  watch-maker's  shop  at  Clark's  Point 
S.  F.  '47-8,  being  also  publisher  of  the  Californian,  owner  of  many  lots,  and 
member  of  the  town  council,  v.  648-9,  658,  672,  684.  He  was  interested  in 
several  newspapers  and  was  engaged  in  trade  after  '49.  Claimant  of  the  Pt 
Quintin  ranclio.  iii.  712;  and  owner  of  part  of  the  Nicasio  rancho.  Died  in 
Marin  Co.  '59  at  the  age  of  37,  leaving  a  family.  Buckland  ( Alondus  D.  L. ), 
1846,  of  the  Mormon  colony  with  family,  v.  546;  one  of  the  founders  of  New 
Hope  on  the  Stanislaus,  which  he  was  the  last  to  leave,  settling  at  Stockton 
in  '47-8,  and  later  builder  of  the  Buckland  House  in  S.  F.  B.  (Hannah  D.), 
1846,  mother  of  Alondus.  v.  546;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot;  in  Utah  '84.  Buckle 
(Robert),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  a  lot  at  S.  F. 

Buckle  (Samuel),  1821-3,  Engl.  sailor  and  laborer  at  Mont.  '29,  claiming 
6  years'  residence,  age  28;  in  '33  a  contractor  to  furnish  lumber;  in  '40-1  de 
scribed  as  an  Engl.  sawyer,  age  45,  and  residence  19  years;  naturalized  in  '41, 
when  he  lived  at  Braiiciforte,  having  been  baptized  as  Jose"  Samuel,  often 
called  Manuel,  and  his  name  being  written  also  Boc,  Bocle,  Bockel,  Bokle, 
Bugle,  and  Buchel.  ii.  445,  495;  iii.  180.  In  '45  named  in  the  Brancif.  padron 
as  a  bachelor  aged  50.  No  more  is  heard  of  him  by  the  name  of  Buckle;  but 
he  seems  to  have  been  the  Samuel  Thompson  who  appears  often  in  Larkin's 
books  and  corresp.  as  a  lumberman  at  Sta  Cruz  from  '33  to  '48.  The  news 
papers  tell  us  how  Samuel  sailed  for  many  years  in  search  of  his  brother  Wm,  but 
gave  up  the  search  and  settled  at  Mont. ,  soon  meeting  his  brother  accidentally 


BUCKLE-BUFFUM.  735 

at  Sta  Cruz;  but  about  dates  and  details  of  this  strange  meeting  there  is  much 
confusion.  Nor  have  I  any  clew  to  the  motive  of  the  two  for  using  two  names, 
Buckle  and  Thompson.  Samuel  died  at  the  house  of  Chas  Martin  in  the  Sta 
Cruz  Mts  in  '72. 

Buckle  (Win),  1823,  baptized  as  Jose"  Guillermo,  brother  of  Samuel,  at 
Mont.  '29,  age  25,  and  married;  also  claiming  16  years'  residence  in  :39,  when 
he  was  naturalized,  having  moved  with  his  brother  to  Branciforte  and  obtained 
the  grant  of  La  Cabonera  in  '38.  ii.  495;  iii.  677;  in  '43  he  signed  a  doc. 
against  Graham,  iv.  356,  and  obtained  a  license  to  build  a  vessel  of  35  tons. 
In  '45  he  is  named  in  the  Brancif.  padron  as  42  years  of  age;  wife  Antonia 
Castro,  children  Guillermo  b.  '33,  Jose"  Ant.  '35,  Maria  Teresa  31,  Maria 
Sebola  (?)  '36,  Francisco  '38,  Guillerma  '39,  Josefa  '40,  and  Maria  Jesus  '44 — 
all  b.  at  Branciforte.  It  was  at  his  house  that  Henry  Naile  was  killed  in  '46. 
v.  641.  There  is  no  later  record  of  Buckle,  but  Win  Thompson  appears  in 
Larkin's  accounts  and  other  records  from  '33  to  '47;  was  one  of  the  foreigners 
arrested  in  '40;  and  was  2d  juez  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '46.  He  died  about  '59.  ii.  479; 
iii.  409;  iv.  17;  v.  641.  Buckler,  1845,  a  settler  in  the  Sac.  Val.  Buckley 
(Newman),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  a  book  agent  hi  Springville, 
Utah,  '82.  Buckner  (Thos  M.),  1848,  Kentuckian  miner  from  Or.;  at  Span 
ish  Dry  Diggings,  El  Lorado  Co.,  '82.  Budington,  1843-4,  mr  of  the  Win 
C.  Nye.  iv.  570;  in  Conn.  '82.  Budd  (Chas  K.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  in  Sonoma  '68.  Buel  (Frederic),  1841,  said  to  have  visited  Mont,  by 
sea  before  '46.  Oakland  Home  Jour.,  Nov.  1,  '73;  said  also  to  have  served  after 
graduation  at  Yale  on  the  whaler  Brayanza.  Wood's  HccolL,  39;  and  this  ves 
sel  was  on  the  coast  in  '41.  v.  279.  B.  was  a  presbyterian  clergyman,  agent 
for  the  Amer.  Bible  Soc.  on  the  Pac.  coast  for  20  years;  d.  at  Oakland  73. 

Buelna  (Antonio),  Mex.  soldier  before  1780;  in  the  Soledad  escolta,  settler 
at  S.  F.,  holder  of  a  rancho  near  Mont,  before  1801.  i.  499,  683,  716,  734;  ii. 
171;  teacher  at  Mont,  and  S.  Jose"  1818-21,  '29.  ii.  378-9,  427,  603,  613.  B. 
(Antonio),  perhaps  son  of  the  preceding,  also  a  soldier  at  one  time,  possibly 
confounded  with  his  father  or  another  Antonio  in  some  records;  member  of 
the  diputacion  from  '28.  iii.  36,  41-3,  50,  63;  alcalde  of  Mont.  '31.  iii.  187, 
194,  212,  672;  dip.  again  in  '35-9;  com.  of  S.  Jose  troops  in  Alvarado's  revolt, 
sent  to  the  south  as  comisionado  '37.  iii.  291,  454-5,  457,  460,  469,  481,  491, 
506,  585,  692;  grantee  of  S.  Gregorio  and  S.  Francisquito  in  '39.  iii.  678,  713; 
in  com.  of  exped.  against  Ind.  and  foreigners  '39-40.  iv.  22,  256.  In  '41  at 
S.  Jose",  age  50,  wife  Concepcion  Valencia,  children  Juan  b.  '16,  Concepcion 
'38;  juez  de  paz  at  Sta  Clara  '41-2.  iv.  683-6;  but  died  in  '42.  Though  some 
what  prominent  as  shown  above,  B.  was  a  very  ignorant  and  commonplace 
man.  B.  (E. ),  prob.  son  of  Ant.,  and  claimant  of  S.  Gregorio  in  '52.  iii.  678. 
B.  (Felix),  resid.  of  S.  Jose"  from  '37;  2d  alcalde  '39,  '44,  '45.  iii.  731;  iv.  685; 
in  '41,  age  27,  wife  Bernarda  Sepiilveda,  child.  Juliana  and  Maria;  '46  2d  juez. 
v.  664;  sub-prefect  '49;  moved  to  Mont.  '54.  He  furnished  a  Narracion  for  my 
use  in  '76.  B.  (Joaquin),  brother  of  Antonio,  writer  of  various  verses;  comi 
sionado  at  Brancif.  1818.  ii.  244-5,  390;  teacher  at  S.  Jose  '21.  ii.  603;  alcalde 
or  juez  auxiliar  at  Brancif.  '26,  '32,  '38-9.  ii.  627,  696-7;  grantee  of  Sayante 
rancho  '33.  iii.  679;  sec.  ayunt.  '36.  iii.  697;  juez  aux.  at  Pilarcitos,  Refugio, 
etc.  '40-2,  '46.  iii.  676;  iv.  653;  v.  637.  B.  (Jose"  F.),  elector  at  S.  Jose"  '43. 
iv.  361,  685.  B.  (Jose"  Bamon),  grantee  of  Potrero  y  Rincon  de  S.  Pedro 
'38.  iii.  678;  alcalde  at  Brancif.  '45.  v.  664;  age  30,  wife  Rafaela  Perez,  child. 
Guadalupe,  Matilde,  and  Jiian.  B.  (Juan),  at  S.  F.  and  Mont,  from  '26.  ii. 
612;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  49,  wife  Ascension  Bernal,  child.  Trinidad,  Antonia 
M.,  Francisco,  and  Alta  Gracia.  B.  (Maria  Antonia),  teacher  at  Mont.  '18- 
24.  B.  (Ramon),  soldier  before  1780;  settler  at  Los  Ang.  from  '93-1819;  regi- 
dor  in  1802.  ii.  110,  349-50,  354.  Buenaventura  (Jose"),  1829,  Irishman,  fam 
ily  name  not  known;  at  Los  Ang.  with  certif.  of  good  character,  age  47. 

Buffin,  1845,  possibly  in  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  but  prob.  went  to  Or.  iv. 
578-9.  Buffum  (Edward  Gould),  1847.  lieut  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  having 
been  previously  connected  with  the  N,  Y.  Herald.  After  his  discharge  went 
to  the  mines  in  '48,  and  in  '49-50  was  a  reporter  on  the  Alta,  serving  also  as 


736  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

sec.  of  various  public  meetings.  Then  he  went  east  and  published  his  Six 
Months  in  the  Gold  Mines,  Phila,  1850.  Returning  to  Cal.  '53,  he  rejoined  the 
Alta  corps,  acting  at  times  as  editor,  notably  during  the  time  of  the  vigilance 
com.  of  '56;  member  of  the  legislature  '55;  went  in  '57  to  Paris,  where  he  wrote 
letters  for  the  Alia  and  N.  Y.  Herald,  and  where  he  committed  suicide  in  '07, 
at  the  age  of  about  45.  He  was  a  man  of  good  character  and  abilities.  Buhne 
(H.  H. ),  1847,  Danish  mate  of  the  Clementine,  who  came  back  in  '49,  and  from 
'50  was  a  pioneer  of  Humboldt  Co.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '82  with  wife  and 
5  children,  a  prominent  man  of  business.  Portrait  in  Ilumb.  Co.  Hist.,  164. 
Bujan  (Antonio),  1844,  a  militiaman  at  S.  F.,  called  Buyano,  aged  25,  and 
Mex.,  but  he  was  a  foreigner  who  came  earlier,  perhaps  in  '42,  witness  in  the 
Santillan  case;  in  later  times  he  kept  a  wayside  inn  and  saloon  in  Visitacion 
Valley,  S.F.,  where  he  still  is  perhaps  in  '85. 

Bull  (James  H.)5  1844,  at  S.  F.  Bull,  1848,  mr  of  the  Olrja.  Bullard, 
1846,  owner  of  a  Los  Ang.  rancho  (?).  Bullen  (Newell),  1846,  of  the  Morm. 
col.  with  wife  and  3  children,  v.  546;  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot  '47.  v.  680;  died 
in  Utah,  where  his  family  resided  '84.  Bullock  (Ezekial),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  F.  '74-82.  B.  (James  D.),  1848,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  War 
ren.  Bultice  (Vincent),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  died  before  '82. 

Bund  (John),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Hawkeye,  Calaveras  Co. 
'71-4.  Bunker  (Benj.),  1841,  gunner  on  the  U.  S.  St  Louis,  and  in  ?47  on 
the  Independence.  B.  (Alex.),  1822,  mr  of  the  Ontario,  ii.  474.  B.  (Ed 
ward),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  a  bishop  in  Utah  '82. 

Burch  (ChasH.),  1846,  claimant  for  supplies  to  Fremont  (v.  462)  to  the 
extent  of  $39;  at  N.  Helv.  '47-8;  went  to  Or.  and  ret.  in  '48.  Burger 
(Chas),  German  of  the  Donner  party  who  died  in  the  mts.  v.  531,  534. 
Bargeman  (Emil),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Burgess,  1846,  immig. 
with  Bryant;  perhaps  did  not  come  to  Cal.  B.  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  B,  N. 
Y.Vol.,  transf.  to  Co.  G  (v.  499);  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot.  v.  676;  went  to  Hon 
olulu  on  the  Julia  '47,  ret.  in  '48;  at  Honolulu  71.  B.  (Thos  H.),  1845, 
Kentuckian  immig.  in  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  578,  587;  joined  the  Bears, 
with  Ford  at  Olompali  in  '46.  v.  167;  Cal.  claim  of  $35  (v.  462);  went  south 
with  Frdmont;  with  Gillespie  at  Los  Ang.,  and  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  347,  350;  at 
N.  Helv.  '47-8.  Burhell  (Richard),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting 
at  S.  Jose".  Burke  (Jas),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.;  died  on  the  Stanislaus  '51. 

Burke  (James  W. ),  1824,  Irish  trader  from  S.  Amer.  on  iheJtfven  Tartar, 
who  settled  at  Sta  B.  in  '28,  ii.  526,  573,  being  then  30  years  old.  His  name 
— often  Santiago  and  Walter — appears  often  in  commercial  and  other  records 
from  '30;  married  Josefa  Boronda,  and  in  '36  had  6  children,  being  then  regi- 
dor  and  an  applicant  for  lands,  iii.  426,  654.  Still  living  at  Sta  B.  76,  but 
seems  to  have  died  a  year  or  two  later.  Burkins  (James),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d 
U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Burling  (Joseph),  1795,  Irish  sailor  at  Sta  B.  desir 
ing  to  remain,  but  sent  to  Spain  '96.  i.  538-40. 

Burnett  (Horace),  1848,  nephew  of  Peter  H.,  with  whom  he  came  from 
Or.  and  engaged  in  mining.  B.  (Peter  H.),  1848,  nat.  of  Tenn.,  b.  in  1807; 
a  trader  and  lawyer  in  Tenn.  and  Mo.;  overl.  immig.  to  Or.  in  '43;  farmer, 
member  of  legislature,  and  judge  of  supreme  court  in  Or.;  came  to  Cal.  by 
land  after  the  discov.  of  gold,  and  worked  in  the  mines  for  a  month  or  more 
in  '48.  In  Dec.  he  came  to  N.  Helv.,  and  became  agent  for  young  Sutter  in 
settling  the  captain's  complicated  business  and  the  sale  of  town  lots,  thus 

Eaying  off  old  debts  and  laying  the  foundation  of  a  handsome  fortune.  Hia 
imily  came  from  Or.  in  May  '49,  and  his  management  of  Slitter's  business 
ceased  in  July.  He  took  a  prominent  part  in  public  meetings  to  secure  a  state 

§ovt;  went  to  S.  F. ;  was  made  judge  of  the  supreme  court;  sold  half  his 
acramento  property  for  $50,000;  moved  to  S.  Josd;  and  was  finally  elected 
governor  of  Cal. — all  before  the  end  of  '49.  He  was  one  of  the  luckiest  men 
of  the  time.  Resigning  his  office  in  Jan.  '51,.  he  devoted  himself  mainly  to 
the  management  of  his  private  business,  practising  law  to  a  limited  extent, 
residing  at  S.  Jose  except  in  '52-3  at  Sac.  and  several  long  visits  to  the  east. 
He  was  judge  of  the  supreme  court  in  '57-8;  in  '60  published  The  Path 


BURNETT-BURTON.  737 

Led  a  Protestant  Lawyer  to  the  Catholic  Church;  and  from  '63  was  president  of 
the  Pacific  Bank  at  S.F.  His  Recollections,  in  MS.,  were  copied  for  my  Library 
in  78  and  published  in  '80.  Still  living  in  '85,  possessing  great  wealth  and  a 
good  reputation.  Burnett  has  never  been  credited  with  any  brilliant  abilities, 
nor  charged  with  any  great  weakness;  lacking  force  and  decision  in  official 
positions;  an  honest,  industrious,  kind-hearted,  diplomatic,  lucky  man;  of 
many  but  harmless  whims  in  private  life.  His  wife  died  in  '58;  but  he  has 
several  sons  and  a  married  daughter. 

Burnie,  1829,  mr  of  the  Ann.  iii.  146.  Burns  (Daniel  M.),  1840  (?),  sec. 
of  state  in  '80;  native  of  Tenn.,  age  49  in  '79;  said  in  newspaper  sketches  to 
have  come  to  Cal.  at  the  age  of  10.  iv.  120;  his  name  is  in  a  list  of  letters 
at  S.  F.  in  '48.  B.  (James),  1840,  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners. 
B.  (John),  1830,  Amer.  atS.  Miguel,  iii.  180;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in 
'32.  iii.  221 ;  was  perhaps  the  John  Byrnes  on  Larkin's  books  '34.  B.  (P.  T.), 
1847,  in  Slitter's  employ  at  N.  Hclv.  B.  (Win),  1839,  Engl.  who  came  with 
Sutter.  iv.  119,  138;  in  '40  he  asked  for  a  pass  to  quit  N.  Helv.  and  settle  at 
Sta  Cruz;  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners,  iv.  17.  Burques  (Pedro), 
soldier  at  the  Colorado  Riv.  pueblos  1780-1, 'killed  by  Ind.  i.  359,  362. 

Burr  (Chas  C. ),  1846,  of  the  Morm.  colony  with  wife  and  child,  one  child 
having  died  at  sea.  v.  546;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot  '47.  v.  678;  in  Utah  '84.  B. 
(Nathan),  1846,  of  the  Morm.  col.  with  wife,  father  of  Chas.  C.;  died  in 
Utah  before  '84.  v.  546.  Burrell  (Chas),  1846,  sailor  on  the  U.  S.  Dale,  long 
a  resident  of  S.  F.  in  later  years.  B.  (Cuthbert),  1846,  at  Gilroy  '78. 

Burroughs  (Chas),  1846,  apparently  an  immig.  of  this  year;  prominent  in 
raising  men  for  the  Cal.  Bat.,  in  which  he  seems  to  have  ranked  as  captain — 
or  perliaps  was  to  have  been  made  captain.  Chief  in  com.  at  the  fight  of  Nati- 
vidad,  where  he  was  killed  in  Nov.  v.  300,  363-71.  Beyond  the  part  that  he 
took  in  this  affair,  and  his  general  reputation  as  a  brave  and  popular  man, 
though  a  gambler,  nothing  seems  to  be  known  of  him.  His  name  is  of  ten  writ 
ten  Burus  and  Burrows,  and  it  is  not  sure  that  his  name  was  Charles  or  that 
he  came  in  '46.  B. — or  Borris — (Wm),  Amer.  doctor  at  Sta  B.  1823-4.  ii. 
495,  576.  Burrows,  1841,  from  Or.  with  wife  and  child  in  Emmon's  party 
of  the  U.S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  278. 

Burt,  1846,  doubtful  name  of  a  man  captured  with  Weber  by  Castro,  v. 
136;  probably  'Bird,' q.v.  B.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Bur 
ton  (E.  F. ),  1848,  memb.  of  N.Y.  territorial  pioneers  '78.  Uphani's  Notes. 

Burton  (Henry  S.),  1847,  lieut-colN.  Y.  Vol.,  and  for  a  time  in  com.  at  Sta  B. 
v.  503,  511,  513,  630-1 ;  in  com.  of  the  exped.  to  La  Paz  '47-8.  v.  583.  He  was 
a  graduate  of  West  Point  and  lieut  of  Co.  F,  3d  artill.,  of  which  he  took  com. 
as  capt.  on  the  mustering-out  of  the  regt.  v.  515,  520.  He  remained  several 
years  in  Cal.,  and  was  collector  of  customs  at  Mont.  '48-9.  He  was  promoted 
to  major  in  '61,  and  in  '65  to  brevet  brigadier-gen.,  dying  in  R.I.  '69.  His  wife, 
who  survived  him  with  two  children,  was  Doiia  Amparo  Ruiz  of  Lower  Cal., 
whose  father  and  grandfather  were  prominent  in  the  early  annals  of  the  penin 
sula,  and  who  has  gained  some  literary  as  well  as  social  distinction.  Bur 
ton  (B.),  1847,  lieut  who  raised  and  commanded  a  volunteer  cavalry  comp. 
at  Mont,  in  April,  v.  449,  521,  636.  I  am  unable  to  say  who  he  was.  B. 
(James),  J.  B.  &  Co.  ment.  at  Mont,  in  connection  with  naval  stores.  B. 
(James  C.),  1S47,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 

Burton  (John),  1825  (?),  Amer.,  who  at  S.  Jose"  in  '29  claimed  to  have  come 
as  master  of  the  Juan  Battey,  lost  at  S.  Diego,  and  to  have  been  3  years  and 
5  months  in  Cal. ;  a  native  of  Provincetown,  who  left  home  in  '22;  then  40  years 
old.  iii.  29,  147.  In  '30  a  farmer,  also  engaged  in  trade,  ii.  602;  generally  said 
to  have  arrived  in  '30;  married  in  '31  Juana  Galindo;  often  named  in  various 
records  from  this  time;  regidor  of  S.  Jos6  ;37.  iii.  730;  arrested  in  '40  as  a 
formality,  but  not  exiled.  In  '41,  age  48,  children  Jose"  Miguel,  Juan,  and  Sil- 
veria;  witness  of  Naile's  murder,  iv.  686;  signer  of  the  call  to  foreigners  in  '45. 
iv.  599;  alcalde  in  '46-7.  v.  662.  I  have  no  later  record  of  him;  perhaps  died 
in  '48.  B.  (John  B.),  1840,  Amer.  mechanic  who  came  on  the  Cervantes  to 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  47 


73S  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Mont.  B.  (Joseph),  1848,  Boston  man  age  30,  who  came  from  Honolulu 
in  Aug.  and  died  at  S.F.  in  Oct. 

Burton  (Lewis  T.),  1831,  Tcnnesseean  from  N.  Mex.  with  the  Wolfskill 
party,  v.  386,  405;  settling  at  Sta  B.,  and  engaging  in  otter-hunting,  trade,  and 
finally  fanning,  iv.  117.  In  '36  he  described  himself  as  a  catholic  bachelor, 
24  years  old,  in  business  with  Branch;  in  '39  he  married  Maria  Antonia,  daugh 
ter  of  Cdrlos  Carrillo;  naturalized  in  '42.  Larkin  gave  him  a  high  character  in 
his  Notes  of  '45;  and  he  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $400  in  '46  (v.  462),  304.  He  be 
came  a  wealthy  merchant  and  ranchero;  claimant  for  the  Jesus  Mar  fa.  and 
Chamizal  ranches,  v.  655,  677;  and  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '79.  A  second  wife  was  the 
daughter  of  Jose"  Ant.  Carrillo. 

Bush  (Puchard),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).       Bushane  (Leandro), 

1847,  died  at  N.  Helv.,  .formerly  a  corporal  at  the  fort,  and  apparently  an 
Ind.;  Otith  B.  also  died.       Bustamante  y  Guerra  (Jose1),  1791,  corn,  of  the 
Atrevida  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.       Bnten  (Wm),  1845,  doubtful  name 
of  an  Amer.  in  a  Branciforte  padron,  age  37.       Butler,  1846,  bugler  in  Cal. 
Bat.  v.  374.       Butler  (Amos),  1847,  at  S.  F.  from  Astoria  on  the  Henry;  in 
list  of  letters  '48.       B.  (Nathaniel),  1847,  at  Mont.  July. 

Butron  (Felipe),  named  in  '40  in  connection  with  the  Graham  affair,  iv.  6; 
leader  in  a  proposed  attack  on  Mont.  '45.  iv.  515,  being  then  a  capt.  of  aux. 
cavalry;  in  '46  a  lieut  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  v.  360;  in  '47  lieut  in  an  exped.  against 
Ind.  v.  662.  B.  (Juan  de  Dios),  soldier  in  Mont.  comp.  '36,  age  31.  B. 
(Manuel),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp.  1775,  married  to  a  neophyte,  and  the  1st 
grantee  of  land.  i.  311,  608,  610,  683;  a  settler  at  S.  Jose"  1786.  i.  477.  B. 
(Manuel),  prob.  son  of  preceding,  grantee  of  Alisal  '28,  and  of  Natividad  '30, 
'37.  ii.  616,  604,  677;  in  '36  living  at  Natividad,  age  58,  wife  Maria  Ignacia 
Higuera,  children  Josefa  b.  1806,  Nicolas  '21,  Ramona  '21,  Manuel  '24.  B. 
(Ramon),  son  of  Manuel,  claimant  for  Natividad.  iii.  677.  B.  (Sebastian), 
settler  before  1800;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  61. 

Butteriield  (Jacob  K.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Taylorville, 
Utah,  '81.  Butters  (Thomas),  1841,  Engl.  sailor  disch.  from  the  Leonor; 
Bidwell  mentions  a  Thos  Battus  at  Bodega  about  the  same  time.  Button 
(Montgomery),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat. 

Buzzell  (Joseph  Willard),  1841  (?),  deserter  from  the  \vhaler  Orizaba  at 
Halfmoon  Bay,  spending  some  time  with  Graham  at  Sta  Cruz,  later  a  trapper 
at  N.  Helv. ,  till  he  went  to  Or.  in  '43,  where  he  married — apparently  one  of  the 
Kelsey  family.  This  is  his  own  statement  in  newspaper  sketches,  iv.  279.  In 
'44  he  came  from  Or.  in  the  Kelsey  party,  v.  444;  served  Sutter  in  the  Mich- 
eltorena  campaign;  signed  the  call  to  foreigners  at  S.  Jose"  '45.  iv.  599;  and 
worked  for  Leidesdorff  at  S.  F.  His  name  often  appears  in  the  N.  Hdv. 
Diary,  and  occasionally  in  records  of  Mont,  and  S.  Jose".  A  daughter  Ellen  is 
said  to  have  been  born  at  N.  Helv.  '45.  In  '46-7  B.  served  in  the  Cal.-  Bat. 
(v.  358),  under  Fremont,  Gillespie,  Mervine,  and  Stockton  in  the  south.  Re 
turning  he  went  to  Stockton  with  Weber,  acquiring  land  on  which  the  town 
stood  later,  and  building  a  cabin.  Tinkham,  Carson,  etc.  A  son  was  born  '4-7. 
S.  J.  Pton.  His  name  appears  at  Sutters  fort  '47-8;  daughter  Lizzie  Agnes 
born  at  Stockton,  Sept.  '48.  Still  living  in  '60;  ace.  to  Yolo  Co.  Hist,  drowned 
at  Halfmoon  Bay  a  few  years  before  '79. 

Bybee  (Henry  G.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  B.  (John),  1847, 
ditto.  Byers,  1847,  at  Honolulu  from  Mont,  on  the  Maria  Helena.  15. 
(Josiah  Stoddart),  1846,  applicant  for  land  at  S.  Jose";  a  mid.  on  the  U.  S. 
Congress.  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  331.  Byrens  (Allen  T.),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U. 
S.  Date,  at  S.  Jose\  Dec.  Byrnes  (Ed. ),  1834,  Irish,  in  Mont.  list.  B.  ( Wm), 

1848,  at  Honolulu  from  S.  F. ;  declined  to  serve  as  alcalde  at  S.  Jose.  v.  662. 

Caamano  (Jacinto),  1792,  Span.  com.  of  the  Aranzazu,  engaged  in  northern 
•coast  explor.  i.  509-11;  Hist.  N.  W.C.,  i.  267  et  seq.;  com.  of  the  Prwcesa  in 
1797  and  of  the  Conception  1798.  i.  540,  543-4.  Caatrell  (John),  1846,  doubt 
ful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.  Caballer,  see  'Cavalier.' 

-Caballero  (Andre's  A.),   1781,  lieut  of   the  escort  to  Cal.  and  return  to 


CABALLERO— CALLAGHAN.  739 

Sonora.  i.  342.  C.  (Felix),  1833,  Dominican  friar  of  L.  Cal.;  a  famous  mis 
sionary  of  the  frontier,  who  crossed  the  line  to  Cal.  '23,  '29,  '33,  and  doubtless 
on  other  occasions,  ii.  486,  507;  iii.  96,  557.  C.  (Francisco),  Sta  B.  ranchero 
'45.  C.  (Maria  Antonia),  grantee  of  Sisquoc  in  '33.  iii.  656.  Cabello  (Mar 
tin  S.),  1834,  Mex.  revenue  officer  with  the  H.  &  P.  colony;  receptor  in  charge 
of  S.  Diego  custom-house  '34-8;  prob.  left  Cal.  about  '38.  iii.  267,  377,  499- 
501,  609,  613;  iv.  98;  Cabiner,  1846,  mr  of  the  Isaac  Howland. 

Cabot  (Juan),  1805,  Span,  friar  who  served  for  30  years  in  Cal.,  chiefly  at 
S.  Miguel,  retiring  to  his  college  in  1835.  Biog.  in  iii.  683-4;  ment.  i.  list 
auth.;  ii.  123,  149,  159-60,  325,  327,  331,  375,  384-6,  393,  536,  620,  622,  655; 
iii.  92,  96,  169,  309.  C.  (Miguel),  1836,  nephew  of  the  two  friars,  who  came 
to  Cal.  to  receive  the  stipend  due  Fr.  Pedro  after  his  death.  C.  (Pedro), 
1804,  Span,  friar,  brother  of  Juan,  who  served  32  years  in  Cal.,  chiefly  at  S. 
Antonio,  dying  at  S.  Fernando  '36.  Biog.  iii.  645-6;  ment.  ii.  152,  159-60,  385, 
394,  621-3,  655;  iii.  92,  96,  418,  686.  Cabott  (F.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hono 
lulu.  Cabrera  (Agapito),  at  Sta  Ine"s  college  '44.  iv.  426.  C.  (Pedro), 
Peruvian,  juez  de  policia  at  Los  Aug.  '47.  v.  626. 

Cabrillo  (Juan  Rodriguez),  1542,  Portuguese  discoverer  of  Cal.,  who  died 
at  the  Sta  B.  islands  in  Jan.  1543.  See  full  account  of  the  voy.  of  exploration, 
i.  69-81;  also  Hist.  N.  Mcx.  States,  i.  133. 

Cace  (Henry  P.),  1845,  nat.  of  R.  I.  at  Mont;  perhaps  'Case.'  Caceres 
(Francisco),  Span,  ex-sergt  of  dragoons,  who  was  regidor  at  Mont,  in  '28-29. 
ii.  612;  iii.  51,  53;  and  in  '31  the  only  Span,  in  S.  F.  district,  iii.  399,  699. 
He  is  named  as  a  resid.  and  house-owner  of  S.F.  from  '38,  being  sindico  in  '39. 
iii.  705;  v.  684.  He  died  at  Freestone  in  '48  at  the  age  of  76.  His  wife  was 
Anastasia  Boronda  who  died  in  '49.  The  children  were  Antonia,  Francisco, 
Carmen,  Guadalupe  Antonio,  Julian,  Rafaela,  Giro,  Helena,  and  Teresa;  all 
dead  before  '85  except  Giro  and  Francisco.  The  latter  is  named  in  a  Sonoma 
list  of  '44  as  18  years  old.  The  daughter  Antonia  married  James  Dawson  '40, 
and  Dr  Fred.  Blume  in  '49,  dying  in  '80  without  children.  She  was  the  grantee 
and  claimant  of  Pogolomi  rancho.  iv.  672.  Cacho  (Rafael),  grantee  of  S. 
Ger6nimo  rancho  '44.  iv.  673. 

Cade  (Jonathan),  1846,  of  the  Mormon  col.  with  wife.  v.  546;  perhaps  his 
name  wTas  Kincaid;  sergt-at-arms  in  S.  F.  council  '49;  but  died  in  Utah. 
Cadel — or  Kadel — (Peter),  1846,  said  to  have  arrived  in  July;  at  N.  Helv. 
from  S.  Rafael  and  Sonoma  '47-8;  lot-owner  S.F.  '47;  died  at  Oakland  '75,  age 
61.  C.  (Tobias),  1847,  lot  at  S.  F.;  at  N.  Helv.  '48.  Cadena  (Antonio), 
1836,  Mex.  corporal  in  Hidalgo  bat.  at  Mont,  age  30;  tried  for  murder,  iii. 
675.  Cady  (Chas  L.),  1845  (?),  said  to  have  been  in  Lake  Co.  as  a  hunter, 
being  also  there  in  '75.  Lakeport  Bee;  iv.  587;  in  '46-7  member  of  the  2d  Don- 
ner  relief,  v.  539;  estab.  a  mail  service  July  '47  bet.  S.  F.  and  Sac.  via  Sauza  - 
lito  and  Sonoma.  Californian,  July  24th;  kept  a  store  at  Coloma  with  Shan 
non  '48-9.  El  Dorado  Co.  Hisf.,  177.  Cahill  (Martin),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Stockton  '71-82. 

Calder  (Lawson  M.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Caldwell  (Arthur 
S.  C.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  in  Young's  party  with  family,  v.  529;  wife  Mar 
garet,  son,  and  three  daughters;  in  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Mont.  Nov.  (v.  358); 
bought  a  house  at  S.  Jose"  '48.  Pico,  Doc.,  i.  140;  named  as  a  wealthy  citizen 
in  '60.  C.  (Colohill),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Juan;  Cal.  claim  of  $G 
(v.  462);  prob.  son  of  preceding,  or  possibly  the  same.  C.  (Matthew),  1847, 
Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  Utah  farmer ''82.  Calheart  (Seth),  1827,  rnr  of 
the  Massachusetts,  iii.  148.  Calkin  (Milo),  1846,  house  lately  occupied  by 
him  rented  to  another  Jan.  '47.  Calkins  (Ed  R.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.  C.  (Sylvanus),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat. 

Call  (Daniel),  1816,  Amer.  carpenter,  age  17,  who  landed  from  the  Atala 
at  Sta  B.,  where  in  '36  he  had  a  wife  and  two  children,  ii.  248,  282,  393. 
Callaghan,  1846,  three  brothers  in  the  Los  Ang.  region,  iv.  495;  their  names 
as  signed  to  a  doc.  of  June  '46  seem  to  be  'Ein,'  'Epli,'  and  'Geral,'  but  it  ap 
pears  that  2  of  them  were  Evan  and  Isaac.  They  served  under  Gillespie,  and 
were  among  the  chino  prisoners,  v.  314;  in  '47  one  was  in  charge  of  S.  Buen. 


740  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

mission,  being  juez  dc  paz  in  '48.  v.  634:  and  another  had  some  petty  position 
at  S.  Pedro.  Ace.  to  11.  D.  Wilson,  Evan  0.  came  to  Cal.  in  '44.  C.  (James), 
1847,  drowned  at  S.  F.'51;  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  N.Y.Vol.,  but  not  on 
the  rolls.  C.  (John),  1847,  lot-owner  at  8.  F.;  still  there  '50.  Callahan 
(Carolus  B.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  330).  C.  (Thos  W.),  1847, 
Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  400);  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.  Callegan,  1709,  com.  of  the 
8.  Jose,  lost  on  the  voy.  to  Cal.  i.  124.  Callender  (Mills  L.),  1847,  Co.  K, 
N.Y.Vol.;  lots  at  S.  F.  '47-8.  v.  079;  sec.  of  town  council  '48;  still  there 
'52-4;  el.  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  '71  (?).  Callis  (Eulalia),  1783,  wife  of  Gov.  Pedro 
Fages.  i.  389-93,  487. 

Calvin  (Vincent),  1844,  overl.  immig.  of  Stevens  party,  iv.  445;  at  N. 
Ilelv.  and  S.  Jose"  '45-8.  Calzada  (Jose7" Ant.),  1787,  Span,  friar  who  served 
27  years  in  Cal.,  being  founder  of  Sta  Lie's,  where  he  died  1814.  Biog.  ii.  308; 
meut.  i.  388,  459,  575,  577,  004-5;  ii.  28-9,  123,  159,  394.  Calzado  (Dioni- 
sio),  at  Branciforte  1803.  ii.  150.  Calzado  (Jose"),  1798.  i.  006. 

Cam  (Isidro),  1830,  New  Yorker,  age  20,  whose  only  known  exploit  was 
to  fight  with  Leandry  about  a  dog,  for  which  he  served  a  month  in  the  chain- 
gang  at  Mont.  Camacho,  com.  of  transport  vessel  1783-90.  i.  444.  C., 
killed  at  Jamul  '37.  iii.  014.  C.  (Anastasio),  soldier  at  S.  Diego  1775.  i.  255. 
C.  (Tomas  M.),  soldier  killed  on  the  Colorado  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  303.  Cama- 
reno  (Nicolas),  settler  at  S.  F.  1791-1800.  i.  710.  Camarrillo  (Juan),  1834, 
Mex.  who  came  prob.  with  the  H.  &  P.  col.  (iii.  259);  trader  at  Sta  B.,  where 
he  was  slndico  and  juez  at  different  times  '40-0.  iii.  055;  iv.  490,  031,  042; 
moved  to  S.  Buen.  '59,  where  he  became  owner  of  the  Calleguas  rancho.  He 
died  'SO,  at  the  age  of  08;  his  wife  was  Martina  Hernandez,  married  in  '40;  and 
he  left  7  children,  one  of  his  daughters  being  the  wife  of  Jose  Arnaz.  Portrait 
in  Sta  B.  Co.  Hist.,  392. 

Cambon  (Pedro  Benito),  1779,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  F.,  but 
was  founder  of  S.  Gabriel  and  S.  Buen.,  retiring  to  his  college  '91.  Biog. 
i.  712;  ment.  i.  173,  170,  179-81,  187-9,  193-4,  285-0,  240,255,271,  287,281)- 
90.  292,  297,  329-30,  352,  373,  370,  378,  382,  388,  399,  409,  473,  575-0.  Cam- 
buston  (Henri),  1841,  Frenchman  from  Mex.,  who  became  a  teacher  at  Mont, 
iv.  279;  married  Gabriela  Soberaues;  fined  for  smuggling  '44.  iv.  566;  quarrel 
at  Mont,  with  Prefect  Castro  '40.  v.  34;  at  the  military  junta,  v.  01;  grantee 
of  land  in  Butte  Co.  v.  075.  A  man  of  some  ability,  but  often  in  trouble  on 
acct  of  intemperate  habits;  witness  in  the  Limantour  case;  sent  to  the  Stock 
ton  insane  asylum  about  '50,  where  he  died  4  or  5  years  later.  Camero 
(Manuel),  1781,  mulatto  settler  at  Los  Aug.;  regidor  in '89.  i.  348-9,401. 
Cameron,  1848,  at  Slitter's  Fort.  C.  (James),  1845,  doubtful  record  of  an 
overl.  imrnig.  iv.  578.  C.  (John),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (John), 
real  name  of  John  'Gilroy,'  q.v. 

Camp,  1837,  of  the  Willamette  cattle  comp.  iv.  85.       C.  (J.  G.),  1847,  Co. 

B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).       Campa  y  Cos  (Miguel),  1775,  Span  friar  of  L.  Cal. 
1709-73,  who  was  chaplain  of  Heceta's  exped.  at  Mont,  and  on  the  north 
coast  '75.  i.  122-3,  194,  235,  240-2,  247. 

Campbell,  1800,  otter-hunter,  ii.  40-1.  C.  (Anthony),  1840,  Engl.  sailor 
disch.  from  the  Fly  at  S.  F.,  and  killed  by  Ind.  near  Sta  Clara  on  his  way  to 
Mont.  April  '41.  iv,  120,  280,  084,  080.  C.  (Bcnj.),  1840,  Kentuckian  set 
tler  at  Sta  Clara,  building  a  saw -mill  on  Campbell's  Creek  in  '47-8;  still  liv 
ing  in  76.  C.  (Colin),  1840,  Scotch  sailor  at  Mont.  iv.  120;  presbyterian 
sawyer  at  Aptos  '41-2.  C.  (James),  1840,  sailor  of  the  Congress  in  Stock 
ton's  bat.,  wounded  at  the  Mesa  Jan.  '47.  v.  395.  C.  (James  T.),  1847,  Co. 
E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  F.  '53.  C.  (JohnG.),  1844,  one  of  Frdmont'smeu; 
also  in  '45;  Cal.  Bat.  Co.  A.  iv.  437,  583.  C.  (Jonathan),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  409).  C.  (Patrick),  1840,  sailor  on  the  Cyane,  in  Stockton's  bat., 
wounded  at  S.  Gabriel  Jan.  '47.  v.  395.  C.  (Joseph  T.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U. 
S.  dragoons,  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  C.  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol. 

C.  (Richard),  1827,  said  to  have  come  from  N.  Orleans  to  S.  Diego,  iii.  102. 
C.    (Reuben  P.),   1848,  lieut  of  Graham's  dragoons,  v.  522.       C.  (Samuel), 
1833  (?),  accredited  to  this  year  by  the  newspapers,  and  said  to  have  been  a 


CAMPBELL— CAPLES.  741 

rich  merchant  of  S.  F.;  d.  Red  Bluff  70.  iii.  409.  C.  (Samuel),  1847,  Co.  E, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  C.  (Thomas),  1840,  Kentuckian  overl.  immig.  from 
Mo.  with  his  wife  and  her  parents  and  brothers  named  West.  v.  528.  Known 
as  Major  C.  on  the  trip;  one  of  Burroughs'  men  at  Natividad  (v.  303);  and 
went  south  with  the  Cal.  Bat. ;  surveyor  at  S.  Jose",  and  member  of  the  council 
'47.  v.  604;  in  the  mines  '48-9;  later  resid.  of  S.  Jose"  to  77  and  later.  C. 
(Wm),  1842,  said  to  have  been  killed,  iv.  680.  C.  (Wm),  1846,  apparently 
overl.  immig.  and  perhaps  a  brother  of  Thomas;  came  to  S.  Jos6  with  his 
family;  surveyor  '47.  v.  004.  In  Tulare  '83,  age  90,  veteran  of  1812  and  battle 
of  N.  Orleans;  2  sons.  C.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  deserted, 
and  was  hanged  in  Dec.  '48  at  S.  Jos6  for  robbery  and  attempted  murder,  v. 
G63-4.  C.  (Wm),  1848,  overl.  with  Lawton  and  Johnson;  editor  of  Sierra 
Democrat  and  clerk  of  legislature  '56;  county  judge  of  Sierra  to  '03;  district 
attorney  at  Virginia  City,  dying 76.  Nevada  Transcript,  Jan.  28, 76.  Campo, 
see  '  Fernandez '  del  C.  and  '  Perez '  del  C. 

Cane"  (Vicente),  1825,  Span,  sailor  landing  from  the  Asia  at  Mont.  iii.  51, 
92-3;  permitted  to  remain  and  marry  in  '28;  grantee  of  S.  Bernardo  rancho 
'40;  admin,  and  juez  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '40-1.  v.  657,  683.  Canedo  (Dolores), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C.  (Geronimo),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1812.  ii.  350.  C. 
(Jose"),  soldier  and  corp.  '23-4.  ii.  555-6.  C.  (Jose"),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32, 
wife  Luisa  Valenzuela.  C.  (Jose"),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  age  58,  wife  Maria, 
children  Antonia  b.  '26,  Felipe  '28,  Juliana  '31,  Juan  '37,  Leonardo  '43.  C. 
(Jose"  Maria),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41-6.  iv.  626;  age  36,  wife  Feliciana.  C. 
(Juan),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C.  (Juan  N.),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iv.  626.  C. 
(Manuel),  soldier  killed  on  the  Colorado,  i.  363.  C.  (Rafael),  at  Los  Ang. 
'40.  C.  (Silvestre),  ditto.  Canete  (Joaquin),  sent  to  escort  Gov.  Fagcs' 
wife  to  Cal.  1783.  i.  390. 

Canfield  (Cyrus  C.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  also  lieut  of  the 
reenl.  men.  v.  495;  collector  of  the  port  of  S.  D.  '48.  v.  619;  acquitted  on  trial 
for  passing  counterfeit  money,  v.  010-11.  C.  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Phil.  '82.  C.  (0.  F.),  1847,  in  Sonoma  Co.  '50-77.  Sonoma 
Co.  Hist. ,  102.  Canian  (Wm),  1832,  doubtful  name  of  a  mr  of  the  California. 
Caiiizares  (Jose"),  1709,  pilotin  who  kept  a  diary  of  Rivera's  exped.  to  Cal.; 
com.  of  S.  Antonio  74,  of  S.  Carlos  76,  being  an  explorer  of  S.F.  bay  and 
planner  of  the  presidio;  again  at  Mont.  '84;  com.  of  Aranzazu  '89.  i.  132,  130, 
208,  225,  240,  287,  289,  329,  410-11,  438,  441,  444.  Cann  (Dan.  M.),  1847, 
Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v.  518).  Lancey,  not  on  roll.  Cannell  (John),  1847,  lot  at 
S.F.  Cannifax  (Abstrum  R.),  1S47,  contractor  at  mission  S.  Jose"  to  make 
shingles  for  Larkin.  Cannon  (Manena),  1S4G,  one  of  the  Mormons,  who  prob. 
did  not  come  to  Cal.  v.  517.  Cano  (Gil.),  com.  de  policia  at  Mont.  '30.  iii. 
675;  Mex.,  age  23,  wife  Josefa  Soto,  children  Rafael,  Maria,  Luisa,  Nicolas. 

Cantan  (Gustavus  A. ),  1847,  lot  at  S.F.  Cantua  (Dolores),  soldier  of  S.F. 
comp.  '19-27;  nient.  in  '18.  ii.  232.  C.  (Guadalupe),  in  '30  at  the  Guadalupe 
rancho,  Mont,  district,  age  51,  wife  Carmen  Castro,  children  Josefa  b.  '18, 
Gracia  '29,  Ramon  '31,  Ramona  '3:>;  mujordomo  and  juez  de  campo  '35-0;  in 
'41  grantee  of  S.  Luisito  near  S.  Luis  Ob.  iii.  074-7;  iv.  056.  C.  (Ignacio), 
settler  at  S.F.  1791-1800.  i.  710.  C.  (Juan  Igri.),  son  of  Vicente,  wounded 
at  the  Natividad  fight  '40.  v.  307.  C.  (Julian),  at  S.  Isidro  rancho  '30,  age 
40,  wife  Isabel  Ortega,  child.  Manuel  b.  '10,  Manuela  '20,  Faustina  '22.  C. 
(Manuel),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '32-9;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  25;  in  Sutter's  ser 
vice '45;  militia  alferez  killed  at  Olompali '40.  v.  100.  C.  (Manuel),  son  of 
Julian,  at  S.  Jose"  '50.  C.  (Manuel),  at  Los  Ang.  '40;  connected  with  the 
Flores  revolt,  a  good  judge  of  aguardiente,  nicknamed  'governor'  for  a  time. 
v.  308,  331.  C.  (Pablo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  at  Sonoma  '42.  C.  (Vicente), 
majordomo  at  Patrocinio  (Alisal),  '30,  age  45,  wife  Juana  Soto,  child.  Juan 
Ign.  b.  '28,  Juan  Maria  '31,  Maria  Ant.  '33,  Carmen  '30;  juez  de  campo  and 
auxiliar  '35,  '39,  '41.  iii.  074-5;  iv.  053;  grantee  of  rancho  nacional  '39.  iii. 
677;  admin.  Soledad  '39-40.  iii.  691;  Cal.  claim  (v.  402)  of  $3,661  in  '40;  still 
in  Mont,  clist.  '50.  Cantwell  (Thos),  1847,  in  S.  Diego  district.  Caples 
(James),  1847,  roll  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion. 


742  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 


Carabajal  (Rafael),  at  Los  Aug.  '48.       Carabanas  (Nicolas),  corp.  of  the  S. 
an  Cap.  escolta  1776.  i.  303.       Car 
1807.  ii.  350.       C.  (Salvador),  at  Sta 


Juan  Cap.  escolta  1776.  i.  303.       Carabantes  (Agustin),  settler  at  Los  Aug. 

Sta  B.  1797.       Carbajal,  surg.  of  the  Prin- 


. 

1736.  i.  397.  C.  (Josefa),  wife  of  Surgeon  Davila,  d.  S.F.  1780.  i.  468. 
Carbit  (Thos),  1847,  said  to  have  come  with  the  N.Y.  Vol.,  but  not  on  the 
roll;  d.  Oregon  City,  Cal.  '61,  age  35.  S.  F.  Herald. 

Card  (Geo.  H.),  1840,  nat.  of  R.  I.,  mate  of  a  trader—  probably  the  Alert- 
on  the  coast  '40-2;  returned  in  '48;  wrote  newspaper  articles  on  his  Cal.  ex 
periences;  d.  at  Stockton  after  '68,  age  74.  iv.  120,  136.  Cardenas  (Jose"), 
1325,  officer  of  the  Asia;  mr  of  the  Rover  '26.  iii.  25-6,  120.  C.  (Mclchor), 
sii-viente  at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297.  Cardwell  (Henry),  1848,  sheriff  at  Los  Ang. 
v;  626;  perhaps  same  as  following.  C.  (Herman  C.),  1844.  nat.  of  Vt  (or 
Va),  who  came  to  Cal.  on  a  whaler,  settling  at  Los  Ang.  perhaps  in  '46;  in 
Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  having  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462)  under  name  of  H.  H.  C.;  in 
the  mines  '48-9;  memb.  of  1st  legisl.  '49-50;  seriously  injured  in  '50  by  a  fall 
from  his  horse;  d.  at  Los  Ang.  '59.  I  find  little  about  him  except  in  newspaper 
sketches.  Cariaga  (Saturnino),  grantee  of  Real  de  las  Agttiias  '44.  iv.  655. 
Carl  (John),  1847,  at  S.  Buen.  Carlon,  soldier  killed  in  1790.  i.  465.  C. 
(Jose"),  invalido  at  Sta  B.  '32.  C.  (Seferino),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  ;  grantee 
of  Arroyo  Grande  rancho  '41.  iv.  655;  one  of  this  family  was  the  wife  of  F. 
Z.  Branch.  Carlos,  neophyte  leader  of  -rebels  at  S.  Diego  1775-6.  i.  253, 
266.  Carlton,  1848  (?),  later  a  judge  in  Tuolumne  Co.;  d.  '55.  Carl  ton 
(W.  H.),  1848,  clerk  for  A.  J.  Grayson,  S.F.  Carmen  (Jose  del),  Ind.  chief 
killed  '44.  iv.  409. 

Carmichael  (Lawrence),  1833,  Scotch  trapper  from  N.  Mex.,  who  went  to 
Or.  '34  with  Young  and  Kelley.  iii.  388,  409;  returned  to  drive  a  band  of  cat 
tle  to  the  Willamette  '37.  iv.  85;  and  again  came  back  on  the  Nereid  via  Hon 
olulu  '38.  iv.  105;  and  settled  at  S.  Jose".  He  was  one  of  the  exiles  of  '40, 
but  returned  in  '41  with  a  pass  and  a  claim  for  $7,000  damages  for  interrupted 
business,  iv.  18,  32-3,  116.  His  name  often  appears  ih  the  records  from  '41; 
in  '45  one  of  the  party  capturing  Prefect  Castro,  iv.  487;  in  July  '46  had 
trouble  with  Henry  Naile  about  a  house;  in  Aug.  sec.  of  the  juez  at  Sta  Cruz. 
v.  641  ;  and  later  in  '46  shot  by  a  party  of  Mex.  for  the  alleged  reason  that  he 
Avas  bearer  of  despatches  for  the  Amer.,  but  very  little  is  known  of  this  affair, 
of  which  I  find  no  contemporary  record. 

Carnes  (Henry  S.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  F,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  collector  of  the 
port  of  Sta  B.  '48.  v.  575;  later  a  member  of  the  legisl.,  district  judge,  and 
postmaster  at  Sta  B.,  where  he  lived  in  '79;  at  S.  Buen.  '82.  C.  (Thos), 
1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  drowned  at  Stockton  '51.  Carnicer  (Balta- 
sar),  1797,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  Carlos  and  retired  in  1808. 
Biog.  ii.  147;  ment.  i.  500,  561,  577,  686;  ii.  7,  149,  159-60. 

Carpenter  (Benj.),  1845,  Amer.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman 
party;  prob.  went  back  to  Or.  '46.  iv.  572,  576.  C.  (Chas  R.),  1817,  Co.  F, 
N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  died  in  Cuba  '60.  C.  (Isaac),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  C.  (John),  1845,  named  as  a  captive  exchanged  for  Manuel  Castro. 
iv.  487,  doubtful.  C.  (Lemuel  or  Samuel),  1832,  Amer.  from  N.  Mex.  iii. 
388,  408;  accredited  to  '31  and  '33  in  two  lists  of  '36;  prob.  came  in  winter  of 
'32-3;  22  years  old  in  '36,  28  in  '40;  had  a  soap-factory  on  the  S.  Gabriel  River 
and  a  vineyard  in  co.  with  Chard;  one  of  the  vigilantes  '36,  and  not  arrested 
'40;  served  '45  against  Micheltorena.  iv.  495;  in  '48  had  an  orchard  near  S. 
Buen.  Claimant  for  Sta  Gertrudis  '53.  iii.  634;  where  on  account  of  financial 
troubles  he  committed  suicide  in  '59.  C.  (Roman),  1840,  named  on  Larkin's 
books;  perhaps  the  'Roman  carpenter'  or  'Roman  the  carpenter.'  C.  (Wm), 
1841,  doubtful  record  at  Los  Ang.  C.  (Wm  M.),  1848,  physician  at  N. 
Hclv.,  room-mate  of  P.  H.  Burnett.  Carpentier,  memb.  of  legisl.  '55,  ac 
credited  to  '48  in  the  Chart. 

Carr  (Overton),  1841,  lieut  U.  S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241,  567.  C.  (Griffith), 
1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Sonoma.  C.  (Stephen),  1847,  Co. 
A,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499)  ;  d.  Stanislaus  Co.  '49.  Carranza  (Domingo),  1798,  Span. 
friar,  who  served  at  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Luis  Rey,  retiring  in  1810.  Biog.  ii.  108; 


CARRANZA-CARRILLO.  743 

ment.  i.  408,  577;  ii.  154-5,  159-60,  107.  Carrasco  (Jos6  M.),  Sonoran  at 
Mont.  '36,  age  39,  single;  at  Mont,  and  other  places  to  '47.  C.  (Juan),  1791, 
com.  schr  Horcasilas.  i.  493.  C.  (Juan),  nat.  of  Buenos  Aires,  insane,  found 
dead  at  Arroyo  Mocho  '38.  iii.  732.  Carreaga  (Saturnino),  1845,  juez  at  S. 
Juan  B.  iv.  662;  see  'Cariaga,'  prob.  the  same  man. 

Carrigan  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Carriger  (Daniel  S.), 
1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Sonoma.  C.  (Nicholas),  1846,  Tennes- 
seean  immig.  from  Mo.  with  family,  v.  528;  his  father  died  and  a  daughter 
was  born  on  the  journey.  He  served  in  the  Sonoma  garrison  and  as  mail-car 
rier  from  Sonora  to  S.  R-afael  during  the  war;  a  miner  in  '48-9;  farmer  at 
Sonoma  from  '50,  where  he  still  lived  in  'SO,  aged  64,  with  9  Diving  children. 
I  obtained  from  him  a  brief  Autobiography;  portrait  in  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  312; 
a  son,  Dav.  W.,  was  born  in  '47.  Carrillo,  sirviente  at  Sta  Cruz  1795.  i.  496. 

Carrillo  (Anastasio),  son  of  Jose"  Raim.,  b.  at  Sta  B.  1788;  sergt  distin- 
guido  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.,  named  in  connection  with  many  Ind.  exped.,  etc. 
1818-30.  ii.  235,  334,  361,  528-9,  561,  572;  iii.  78,  103;  comisionado  in  charge 
of  Los  Aug.  '18-25.  ii.  350,  559;  member  of  the  dip.  '27-8;  habilitado  '27, 
'29-34.  ii.  572;  iii.  36-42,  63;  '31-6  alferez  of  the  comp.  iii.  650-1,  281;  in 
'32  his  family  consisted  of  his  wife  Concepcion  Garcia  and  child.  Micaela, 
Manuela,  Soledad,  Francisco,  and  Luis;  his  other  sons  being  Guillermo  and 
Raimundo;  commisionado  to  secularize  Sta  B.  '34.  iii.  346,  657;  in  '36  retired 
from  the  army  on  full  pay;  in  '37  com.  to  treat  with  Alvarado,  majordomo 
at  S.  Fernando,  grantee  of  Pt  Concepcion.  iii.  519,  647,  655;  '38  comisario 
siib.  at  Sta  B.  549,  651;  memb.  of  dip.  '39-40.  iii.  590;  grantee  of  Cieneguita 
'45.  iv.  642;  sub-prefect  '45-6.  iv.  631,  641.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Don 
Anastasio  was  a  prominent  man  of  Sta  B.,  where  he  still  lived  after  '50. 

Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio  de  Jesus),  son  of  Jos6  Raimundo,  b.  at  Sta  B. 
1783;  soldier  in  the  Mont.  comp.  from  1797,  and  soldado  distinguido  from. 
'99;  named  as  clerk  in  a  murder  trial  1806.  ii.  191;  sergt  of  the  Sta  B.  comp. 
from  '11  to  about  '25,  taking  an  active  part  in  defensive  operations  against 
Bouchard  in  '18  and  the  rebel  Ind.  in  '24.  ii.  236-7,  275-6,  361,  363,  492,  534, 
537,  572.  Quitting  the  military  service,  Don  Carlos  was  partido  elector  in  '27, 
and  memb.  of  the  dip.  '28.  iii.  33,  41,  140,  572;  being  in  '30  elected  member 
of  congress  for  '31-2,  and  working  earnestly  in  Mex.,  if  we  may  judge  by 
his  own  corresp.,  for  the  interests  of  his  country,  iii.  50,  214,  232-5,  260,  311- 
13,  319,  398.  He  worked  particularly  in  favor  of  the  missions,  drawing  his 
inspiration  from  Capt.  de  la  Guerra;  and  also  in  the  interest  of  Californian  as 
against  Mex.  officers.  One  of  his  speeches,  the  Exposition  sobre  el  Fondo  Pia- 
doso,  was  the  first  production  of  a  native  Californian  printed  in  book  form. 
Back  in  Cal.,  he  was  grantee  of  the  Sespe  rancho  '33,  was  memb.  of  the 
dip.  '34-5,  and  was  made  comisionado  for  the  secularization  of  S.  Buen.  in 
'36.  iii.  246,  249-50,  258,  342,  353,  421,  488,  549,  656,  660-1;  iv.  46.  He  was 
a  warm  supporter  of  Alvarado's  revolutionary  govt  in  '36,  and  not  as  has  been 
often  said  a  leader  of  the  southern  opposition,  iii.  490-2.  In  '37,  however,  his 
brother  obtained  for  him  in  Mex.  an  appointment  as  gov.;  and  Don  Carlos, 
making  Los  Ang.  his  capital,  strove  ineffectually  in  '37-8  to  assume  the  gov 
ernorship,  which  Alvarado  very  properly  refused  to  surrender.  This  interest 
ing  but  somewhat  ridiculous  episode  of  Cal.  history,  with  its  attendant  mili 
tary  campaigns,  is  fully  recorded  in  iii.  534-81,  594,  612,  614,  631,  699;  iv.  47, 
81,  89.  In  '43-5  he  was  member  of  the  junta,  and  in  '45  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa 
Island,  iv.  157,  361,  495-6,  521,  547,  643;  Cal.  claim  of  $14,000  '46-7.  v.  467; 
memb.  of  the  Sta  B.  ayunt.  '49.  Carrillo  died  in  '52  at  the  age  of  69.  In  person 
Don  Ciirlos  Antonio,  like  most  of  his  brothers  and  cousins,  was  large  and  of 
magnificent  presence;  distinguished  for  his  courteous  and  gentlemanly  man 
ners.  In  all  Cal.  there  was  no  more  kind-hearted,  generous,  popular,  and  in 
offensive  citizen  than  he.  For  public  life  he  was  much  too  timid  and  irresolute; 
as  congressman  he  was  but  the  mouth-piece  of  his  brother-in-law  Capt.  de  la 
Guerra;  as  politician  and  aspirant  for  the  governorship  he  was  the  softest  of 
wax  in  the  hands  of,  his  astute  brother  Jos<§  Antonio;  as  military  leader  in 
the  burlesque  child's-play  warfare  of  '38  he  cut  but  a  sorry  figure;  yet  every- 


744  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

body  understood  his  character  and  he  had  no  enemies.  His  wife  was  Josefa 
Castro,  who  died  in  '53;  his  sons  Jose",  Pedro  C.,  and  Jos6  Jesus;  his  daughters 
Josefa  wife  of  Wm  G.  Dana,  Encarnacion  wife  of  Thos  Robbins,  Francisca 
wife  of  A.  B.  Thompson,  Manuela  wife  of  John  C.  Jones,  and  Antonia  wife 
of  Lewis  Burton.  Carrillo  (Dolores),  at  Sonoma,  age  20,  in  '44. 

Carrillo  (Domingo  Antonio  Ignacio),  son  of  Josd  Raimundo,  b.  at  S.  Diego 
1791;  soldado  distinguido  in  S.  Diego  comp.  from  1807;  cadet  from  1809; 
prosecutor  in  a  case  of  '11.  ii.  341,  345.  In  '18  he  had  left  the  service,  and 
Capt.  de  la  Guerra  wished  to  send  him  to  Mex.  for  a  few  years;  but  failing  in 
this  had  him  restored  as  sold,  disting.  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.,  and  in  '21  he  was 
transf.  as  cadet  to  S.  Diego.  Ment.  in  '24-9  at  S.  D.,  sometimes  as  revenue 
col.  and  habilitado,  promoted  to  alf<§rez  in  '27.  ii.  536,  54.1,  547,  572;  iii.  41, 
134,  141.  In  '30  he  was  transf.  to  Sta  B.,  where  he  was  elector,  acting  com., 
and  a  supporter  of  Victoria,  ii.  572;  iii.  50,  99,  223:  in  '34  prom,  to  lieut,  ad 
min,  of  Purisima,  and  grantee  of  Las  Vfrgenes.  iii.  346,  349,  634-5,  650-1, 
665-6.  In  '36  com.  at  Sta  B.,  and  though  having  trouble  with  Gov.  Chico, 
opposed  Alvarado  unlike  other  Barbarefios,  and  was  removed  from  the  com. ; 
but  in  '38  he  opposed  Carrillo.  iii.  422,  436,  485,  503,  565.  I  find  no  record  of 
Don  Domingo  after  '37,  and  cannot  give  the  date  of  his  death.  His  wife,  mar 
ried  in  1810,  was  Concepcion,  sister  of  Pio  Pico;  his  sons  Joaquin,  Jos6  An 
tonio,  Francisco,  Alejandro,  and  Felipe;  daughters  Maria  wife  of  Jos<§  M. 
Covarrubias,  Angela  wife  of  Ignacio  del  Valle,  and  Antonia.  His  widow  in 
'78  gave  me  a  small  col.  of  Doc.  Ilist.  Cat.,  remnant  of  the  family  archives, 
including  no  less  a  paper  than  the  original  treaty  of  Cahuenga.  C.  (Fran 
cisco),  son  of  Anastasio,  who  died  young.  C.  (Francisco),  son  of  Domingo; 
married  Dorotea  Lugo.  C.  (Guillermo),  1769,  corporal  of  the  S.  D.  comp., 
and  later  sergt;  died  in  1782.  i.  301-2,  314,  452.  I  do  not  know  that  he  left 
any  descendants.  C.  (Guillermo),  son  of  Anastasio;  married  Manuela  Ortega; 
still  living  in  '79. 

Carrillo  (Joaquin),  nat.  of  Lower  Cal. ,  for  22  years  a  soldier,  part  of  the 
time  at  S.  Diego,  where,  having  retired  from  the  service,  he  lived  with  his 
family  in  '27.  He  was  probably  a  cousin  of  Jos6  Raimundo,  but  I  find  no  in 
formation  about  his  parentage.  It  is  related  that  he  played  well  on  the  violin, 
and  was  once  put  in  the  stocks  by  Com.  Ruiz  because  he  was  too  long  tuning 
his  instrument  for  a  favorite  air.  The  romantic  marriage  of  his  daughter  to 
Capt.  Fitch  in  '27  is  recorded  in  iii.  140-4;  marriage  of  another  daughter  to 
M.  G.  Vallejo  '32.  iii.  472.  In  '35  he  tried  to  get  a  grant  of  the  S.  D.  mission 
estate;  and  the  same  year  his  wife  called  upon  the  gov.  to  prevent  his  sale  of 
the  garden  given  to  their  children  by  Com.  Ruiz,  their  godfather,  iii.  617.  I 
suppose  he  died  before  '40.  His  widow  W7as  Maria  Ignacia  Lopez,  who  in  ?41 
was  grantee  of  the  Cabeza  de  Sta  Rosa  rancho  in  Sonoma  Co.  iii.  673;  and 
for  whom  was  built  about  this  time  the  1st  house  in  the  Sta  Rosa  region. 
Among  the  sons  were  Joaquin,  Julio,  and  Jos6  Rarnon;  daughters,  Josefa  wife 
of  Hen.  D.  Fitch,  Francisca  Benicia  wife  of  M.  G.  Vallejo,  Maria  de  la  Luz 
wife  of  Salvador  Vallejo,  Ramona  wife  of  Romualdo  Pacheco  and  later  of  John 
Wilson,  Juana,  and  Felicidad  who  was  claimant  of  part  of  the  Sta  Rosa  es 
tate  and  wife  of  Victor  Castro.  C.  (Joaquin),  son  of  Joaquin,  at  Sonoma 
'44,  age  24;  grantee  of  Llano  de  Sta  Rosa  the  same  year,  for  which  he  was 
later  claimant,  iv.  673;  first  settler  in  Analy  township.  In  '46  2d  alcalde  of 
Sonoma,  imprisoned  by  the  Bears,  v.  129,  157,  162. 

Carrillo  (Joaquin),  son  of  Domingo,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  cadet  in  the 
Sta  B.  comp.  '28.  ii.  576;  in  '35  or  a  little  later  he  married  his  cousin  Manuela, 
daughter  of  Anastasio;  maj.  and  later  admin,  of  Purisima.  iii.  353-4,  612, 
666;  grantee  of  Lompoc  '37.  iii.  655;  jtiez  at  Sta  B.  '40-2,  being  proposed  for 
sub-prefect,  iii.  655;  iv.  641-2;  in  '45  lessee  of  Sta  Lie's,  suplente  in  assembly, 
grantee  of  Mision  Vieja  de  Purisima.  and  S.  Carlos  de  Jonata.  iv.  540,  553, 
558,  643,  647;  in  '46  juez  and  assemblyman,  and  purchaser  of  Staln<§s.  v.  38, 
321,  561,  635.  He  was  appointed  prefect  in  '49,  was  subsequently  county 
judge,  and  was  district  judge  for  a  dozen  years  from  '52,  .being  a  man  of  broad 
views  and  good  sense,  and  though  not  speaking  English  and  knowing  but  little 


CARRILLO.  745 

of  legal  technicalities,  he  had  good  advisers  and  left  a  good  reputation.  He 
died  in  'G8.  C.  (Jose"),  son  of  Carlos  Antonio,  ment.  in  ''29  as  prospective  mr 
of  a  Cal.  schr.  iii.  140;  also  ment.  in  '31.  iii.  555;  grantee  of  Las  Pozas  '34. 
iii.  655;  took  some  part  in  the  political  troubles  of  '37-9.  iii.  556,  580;  capt. 
of  auxiliary  cavalry  and  acting  com.  at  Sta  B.  '45-6.  iv.  538-9,  641;  v.  35. 
Still  living  in  '50  and  later.  His  wife  was  Catarina  Ortega,  by  whom  he  had 
4  children  before  '37;  his  2d  wife,  and  widow,  was  Dolores  Dominguez,  who 
in  78  gave  me  what  were  left  of  Don  Jose"s  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  including  sev 
eral  valuable  papers. 

Carrillo  (Jose"  Antonio  Ezequiel),  son  of  Josd  Raimundo,  b.  1796  at  S.F.; 
said  to  have  been  a  teacher  at  S.  Diego  111  1813  and  later,  ii.  344;  house-lot 
at  Los  Ang.  '21.  ii.  562;  member  of  clip.  '22-4;  governor's  sec.  '26;  alcalde  of 
Los  Ang.  '27-8;  elector  in  '29-30,  but  defeated  for  congress,  ii.  462,  513,  536, 
560-1,  563-4;  iii.  7,  13,  50,  63,  95.  In   '31,  having  a  quarrel  with  Alcalde 
Sanchez,  and  being  arrested  and  exiled,  he  became  a  leading  instigator  of  the 
movement  against  Gov.  Victoria,  iii.    196-7,  203-4,  206-8,  630,  652;  in  '32 
favored   Pico   against   Echeanclia.  iii.  218;  in   '33-4  suplente  congressman, 
member  of  the  dip.,  and  alcalde  of  Los  Aug.  iii.  242,  246-50,  258,  275,  327, 
342,  366,  373,  635,  637,  644.  In  '35-6  C.  was  in  Mex.  as  member  of  congress; 
otherwise  as  1st  vocal  of  the  dip.  he  would  have  been  gov.  ad.  int.  instead  of 
Castro  in  '35;  and  might  in  '36-7  have  given  a  more  formidable  aspect  to  the 
southern  opposition  to  Alvarado.  iii.  258,  291-2,  299.  He  came  back  at  the 
end  of  '37,  and  from  that  time  to  the  beginning  of  '39  engaged  in  fruitless 
efforts  to  rule  Cal.  by  making  his  brother  Don  Carlos  gov.,  being  more  than 
once  a  prisoner,  and  on  one  occasion  spending  some  months  in  captivity  at 
Sonoma,  where  by  his  diplomatic  skill  he  wellnigh  won  over  Gen.  Vallejo  to 
his  cause,  iii.  534-45,  547-9,  551,  555,  558-9,  564,  566,  570-1,  573,  578,  580; 
memb.  of  the  dip.,  ministro  of  the  tribunal  superior,  believed  to  be  engaged 
in  various  plots  '40-3.  iii.  602,  604-7,  632;  iv.  193,  282,  284,  296,  319;  in  '43- 
4,  grantee  with  his  brother  of  Sta  Rosa  Isl.,  capt.  of  Los  Ang.  defensores,  and 
not  very  active  openly  in  opposition  to  Micheltorena.  iv.  351,  407,  462,  475, 
643;  but  finally  induced  in  '45  to  join  the  revolutionists,  iv.  491-3,  509,  522. 
Under  the  new  administration  in  '45,  after  declining  the  appointment  of  1st 
justice  of  the  tribunal,  C.  become  lieut-col  of  militia,  comandante  de  escua- 
dron,  and  com.  principal  of  the  southern  line.  In  this  capacity  as  representa 
tive  of  Gen.  Castro  in  the  south  he  became  a  northern  partisan  in  the  sectional 
quarrels,  and  was  banished  to  the  frontier  by  Gov.  Pico.  iv.  520,  523,  531-2, 
538-41.  Returning  in  '46  he  joined  Castro  at  Sta  Clara,  as  mayor-gen,  of  the 
Cal.  forces,  and  retreated  to  the  south  in  July.  v.  39,  41,  53,  105,  134-5.  In 
Flores'  revolt  C.  was  2d  in  com. ,  defeating  Mervine,  and  frightening  Stockton 
away  from  S.  Pedro;  then  engaging  in  a  plot  against  Flores,  but  resuming  his 
allegiance  for  the  final  struggle  against  the  invaders,  and  finally  signing  the 
treaty  of  Cahuenga  as  Mex.  commissioner  in  Jan.  '47.  v.  309,  318-20^324, 
331-3,  391,  404-5.  In  '49  he  was  a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention, 
and  this  would  seem  to  have  been  the  end  of  his  public  life.  He  died  at  Sta 
B.  in  '62.  His  1st  wife  was  Estefana  Pico,  and  his  second  Jacinto  Pico,  both 
sisters  of  Don  Pio.  A  daughter  married  Lewis  T.  Burton,  but  I  know  nothing 
of  any  other  children.  Thus  Don  Jose"  Antonio's  name  was  constantly  bafore 
the  Cal.  public  for  over  25  years.   He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  natural  abili 
ties  for  the  most  part  unimproved  and  wasted.  Slight  modifications  in  the 
conditions  and  his  character  might  have  made  him  the  foremost  of  Califor- 
nians— either  the  best  or  worst.  None  excelled  him  in  intrigue,  and  he  was 
never  without  a  plot  on  hand.  A  gambler,  of  loose  habits,  and  utterly  careless 
in  his  associations,  he  yet  never  lost  the  privilege  of  associating  with  the  best 
or  the  power  of  winning  their  friendship.  There  was  nothing  he  would  not  do 
to  oblige  a  friend  or  get  the  better  of  a  foe;  and  there  were  few  of  any  note 
who  were  not  at  one  time  or  another  both  his  foes  and  friends.  No  Califor- 
nian  could  drink  so  much  brandy  as  he  with  so  little  effect.  A  man  of  fine 
appearance  and  iron  constitution;  of  generous  impulses,  without  much  princi 
ple;  one  of  the  few  original  and  prominent  characters  in  early  California^ 


746  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

annals.  C.  (Jos6  Antonio),  son  of  Domingo,  at  school  in  Lima  '29;  grantee 
of  Lompoc  '37  and  Purisima — mision  vieja — '45;  also  in  charge  of  S.  Miguel,  iii. 
Coo;  iv.  043,  GGO;  his  wife  was  Felicidad  Gutierrez. 

Carrillo  (Jos6  Raimundo),  1709,  nut.  of  Loreto,  who  came  as  a  soldier  and 
rose  to  be  capt.,  dying  in  1809.  He  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  Car 
rillo  family,  which  must  be  considered  in  several  respects  the  leading  one  in 
Cal.,  by  reason  of  the  number  and  prominence  of  its  members  and  of  their 
connection  by  marriage  with  so  many  of  the  best  families,  both  native  and 
pioneer.  The  captain's  wife  was  Tomasa  Ignacia  Lugo;  his  sons  and  some  of 
his  grandsons  are  named  in  these  pages;  his  only  daughter,  Maria  Antonia, 
married  Capt.  Jos6  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega.  See  biog.  ii.  99-101;  ment.  i. 
4G3,  400,  551-2,  005,  079-82,  092-3,  701;  ii.  28,  30,  110-19,  140,  143-4,  174. 
He  signed  his  name  Raymundo,  dropping  the  Jose.  C.  (Josd  Ramon),  son 
of  Joaquin  (of  S.  Diego),  who  in  '44  was  at  Sonoma,  age  21,  having  come  north 
wich  his  mother  a  few  years  before.  In  '40  he  was  an  officer  in  Padilla's  band 
of  Californians  who  captured  and  killed  Cowie  and  Fowler  during  the  Bear 
revolt,  v.  100-4.  It  was  claimed  by  himself  and  friends,  then  and  later,  that 
the  murder  was  committed  against  his  protest  or  without  his  knowledge,  and 
I  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  in  any  way  responsible  for  that  un 
fortunate  occurrence.  He  joined  Castro's  force  as  lieut.,  and  with  him  went 
south,  taking  part  with  his  countrymen  in  the  last  campaigns  of  the  war  '40-7. 
v.  308,  312,  325,  329,  331,  351,  388,  017;  and  remained  in  the  south.  He  was 
a  rough  and  reckless  fellow,  often  in  bad  company,  but  not  regarded  as  a  bad 
man  by  those  who  knew  him  best.  He  was  tried  by  the  courts  and  by  the 
vigilantes  for  murder,  and  acquitted;  but  soon,  in  May  '04,  he  was  shot  from 
behind  the  trees  at  Cucamonga.  Whether  this  murder  was  committed  by  a 
vigilante  not  pleased  with  the  verdict,  by  some  avenger  of  the  Sonoma  vic 
tims,  or  by  a  private  foe,  was  never  known.  C.  (Josd  Ramon),  at  Sta  B. 
'44;  grantee  of  Matzultaquea  rancho  '45.  iv.  490,  035.  Perhaps  same  as  pre 
ceding;  if  not,  I  have  no  idea  who  he  was.  C.  (Juan),  soldier  of  the  S.F. 
comp.  at  Sonoma  '41. 

Carrillo  (Julio),  son  of  Joaquin,  brother  of  Ramon,  who  came  north  with 
his  mother  about  '40,  and  in  '44  is  ment.  in  a  Sonoma  list  as  19  years  of  age. 
In  '40,  going  to  visit  his  brother-in-law,  Gen.  Vallejo,  a  prisoner  at  Slitter's 
Fort,  Don  Julio  was  himself  thrown  into  prison  for  several  months,  v.  124, 
128,  298-9;  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $17,500,  most  of  which  was  disallowed,  v. 
407.  From  '49  he  was  a  resident  of  Sta  Rosa,  where  he  was  the  owner  of  a 
large  tract  of  his  mother's  rancho.  iv.  073;  but  like  most  of  his  countrymen 
lost  his  land.  Still  living  at  Sta  Rosa,  '85,  in  poverty,  but  a  man  of  good  re 
pute.  C.  (Luis),  son  of  Anastasio;  married  Refugio  Ortega;  2d  alcalde  of 
Sta  B.  '47.  v.  031;  died  in  early  times.  C.  (Maria  del  Espiritu  Santo), 
grantee  of  Loma  del  Esp.  Sto  rancho,  Mont.  dist.  '39.  iii.  077.  I  am  unable 
to  say  who  she  was. 

Carrillo  (Mariano),  1709,  brother  of  Guillermo,  uncle  of  Josd  Raim.,  had 
a  brother  Raimundo  who  never  came  to  Cal.;  their  parents  were  Juan  Car 
rillo  and  Eugenia  Millar.  Came  as  a  corp.  and  d.  as  alferez  in  1782;  had  no 
family.  Biog.  i.  385-G;  ment.  252-3,  304,  315-16,  335-40,  426-7.  C. 
(Pedro  C.),  son  of  Carlos  Antonio,  educated  at  Honolulu  and  Boston;  arrested 
at  Sta  B.  by  Castro  '38.  iii.  555,  569;  grantee  of  Alamos  y  A^ua  Caliente,  and 
Camulos  '43,  and  S.  Diego  Isl.  '46.  iv.  034,  G42;  v.  619;  elector  at  Los.  Ang. 
'45.  iv.  540;  receptor  at  S.D.  '46.  v.  618-19.  In  the  troubles  of  '46-7  Don 
Pedro  favored  the  Americans  from  the  first,  and  was  made  collector  at  S. 
Pedro,  S.  Diego,  and  finally  at  Sta  B.  v.  267,  287,  402,  440,  572,  626,  631; 
alcalde  of  Sta  B.  '48.  v.  58G-7,  631,  611.  He  was  town  surveyor  of  Sta  B.; 
and  later  justice  of  the  peace  at  Los.  Ang.,  where  he  still  resides  in  '85.  In 
'77  he  allowed  me  to  copy  his  col.  of  Doc.  Hint.  Cal.,  including  his  father's 
original  commission  as  gov.  His  wife  was  Josefa  Bandini,  and  there  are  sev 
eral  sons  and  daughters. 

Carrillo  (Raimundo),  son  of  Anastasio;  clerk  at  Sta  B.  mission  '35,  and 
admin.  '36-8.  iii.  057-8;  sub-prefect '39-40.  iii.  634-5;  iv.  15,641;  secretary 


CARRILLO— CARTER.  747 

of  juez,  '41.  iv.  632,  G41;  in  '41  grantee  of  S.  Miguel  rancho.  iv.  640;  in  '43 
juez  at  Sta  B.  and  grantee  of  Nojoqui.  iv.  642-3;  capt.  of  defensores  '49.  iv. 
407:  suplente  of  sup.  court,  and  elector  of  Sta  B.  '45.  iv.  532,  540;  in  '46  com. 
at  Sta  B.  v.  330,  400,  630.  He  was  alcalde  of  Sta  B.  in  '49,  and  still  lived 
there  in  '50  and  later.  His  wife  was  Dolores  Ortega,  and  there  were  several 
children.  Carrillo  (Ramona),  daughter  of  Joaquin;  grantee  of  rancho  at  S. 
Luis  Ob.  '41.  iv.  655;  later  Mrs  Wilson;  still  living  in  '85.  C.  (Tomas  M.), 
1848,  named  by  Brooks  as  a  robber  shot  by  Bradley.  C.  (Vicente),  soldier  of 
S.F.  comp.  at  Sonoma  '41-2.  C.  (W.),  1841,  nat.  of  L.  Cal.;  in  Sonoma 
Co.  '51-77.  Carrion  (Manuel),  1837,  Frenchman  at  Sta  Cruz  desiring  to 
rnarry.  iv.  118.  C.,  several  of  the  name  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 

Carson  (Christopher),  1830(?),Kentuckian  trapper,  guide,  and  Ind. -fighter, 
born  in  1809,  who  claimed  to  have  come  to  Cal.  with  Ewing  Young,  and 
very  likely  did  so.  iii.  175,  180.  At  any  rate,  he  came  in  '44  as  guide  and 
hunter  with  Fremont;  and  again  with  the  same  officer  in  '45.  iv.  437,  583. 
His  acts  in  '46,  in  connection  with  F.'s  operations  at  Gavilan  in  the  Sac.  Val 
ley,  on  the  Or.  frontier,  in  the  S.  Rafael  campaign  of  the  Bear  revolt,  are 
mentioned  in  v.  3,  6,  24-5,  94,  121,  127,  171-2,  175.  Going  south,  he  was  sent 
east  with  despatches  in  Aug.,  but  met  Kearny  in  N.  Mex.  and  returned  with 
him,  taking  part  in  the  S.  Pascual  fight,  and  subsequently  serving  in  the  Los 
Ang.  campaign,  v.  216,  236-7,  350,  417.  In  March  '47  he  was  again  sent  to 
Washington  with  despatches,  accompanying  Lieut  Beale.  At  Wash,  he  was 
appointed  lieut — though  the  appointment  was  not  confirmed — and  sent  back 
to  Cal.,  arriving  in  Dec.,  returning  in  '48,  and  then  settling  in  N.  Mex.  Again 
in  '53  he  came  to  Cal.  with  a  flock  of  sheep.  In  N.  Mex.  he  was  farmer, 
hunter,  and  guide;  an  Ind.  agent  from  '54;  colonel  and  brevet  brigadier-gen,  of 
volunteers  at  the  end  of  the  war  of  '61-5.  He  died  at  Ft  Lyon,  Colorado,  in 
'68,  at  tha  age  of  59.  His  first  wife  was  an  Indian  woman,  by  whom  he  had 
a  daughter;  the  2d  wife  was  Josefa  Jaramillo,  who  bore  him  3  children. 
Peters'  Life  and  Adven.  of  Kit  Carson  was  published  in  '59;  Abbott's  Christo 
pher  Carson  in  '76.  Kit  Carson  was  a  small,  wiry  man,  of  undoubted  bravery 
and  skill  in  all  that  pertained  to  his  profession,  comparatively  quiet  in  man 
ner,  and  somewhat  less  garrulous  and  boastful  than  many  of  the  frontiersmen; 
yet  the  difference  between  him  and  others  of  his  class  in  character  and  skill 
was  by  no  means  so  marked  as  has  been  represented  in  eulogistic  biog.  sketches. 
No  one,  however,  begrudges  Kit  the  fame  his  biographers  have  given  him. 
It  is  their  custom,  ignoring  faults,  to  concentrate  in  one  trapper  all  the  virtues 
of  his  class  for  dramatic  effect.  Carson's  statements  on  his  Cal.  experience  were 
not  noticeable  for  their  accuracy ;  his  connection  with  the  Haro-Berreyesa  mur 
der — though  he  doubtless  obeyed  orders — is  not  creditable;  and  I  suppose  his 
influence  to  have  had  much  to  do  with  Fremont's  stupid  folly  of  the  Gavilan, 
and  Kearny's  disaster  at  S.  Pascual. 

Carson  (James  IL),  1847,  nat.  of  Va;  sergt  in  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  v.  519-20; 
in  the  mines  '48;  an  active  prospector,  who  gave  his  name  to  several  'dig 
gings,'  and  whose  little  b<jok — Early  Recoil,  of  the  Mines — was  pub.  at  Stock 
ton  in  '52.  He  died  in  '53,  his  wife  and  child  arriving  a  little  later,  but  return 
ing  to  the  east.  C.  (John),  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '46;  went  to  U.S.  C.  (Jose 
Mauucl,)  1840,  at  S.  Gabriel  with  a  Sonora  pass  to  visit  Cal.  C.  (Lindsay), 
1847,  settler  in  Russ.  Riv.  Valley;  still  there  after  '56.  Son.  Co.  Hist.,  358. 
Carson  (Moses),  1832,  brother  of  Kit,  from  N.  Mex.  with  Ewing  Young,  iii. 
388,  408.  He  remained  for  some  time  in  the  Los  Ang.  region,  and  in  '36  ob 
tained  a  certif.  of  10  years'  resid.  in  Mex.  Territory  and  4  in  Cal.,  being  then 
31  years  old.  In  '45  he  went  north  to  take  charge  of  Capt.  Fitch's  Russ.  Riv. 
rancho;  joined  the  Bears  in  '46,  and  was  the  messenger  who  announced  the 
capture  of  Sonoma  at  N.  Helv. ;  also  in  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  and  had  a  Cal. 
claim  of  $653,  not  allowed  (v.  462).  After  his  discharge  he  returned  to  Healds- 
burg,  but  soon  after  '50  recrossed  the  continent  and  soon  died.  C.  (Richard), 
1847,  sup.  of  the  Confederation,  v.  577.  Carstens  (H.),  1848,  German  said 
to  have  come  this  year;  in  S.  Mateo  Co.  '59-78. 

Carter,  1825,  mr  of  the  Jura.  iii.  147.       C.,  1845,  a  physician  at  N.  Helv. 


748  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

'45-6.  iv.  580;  perhaps  Geo.  C.,  1848,  mr  of  the  Kamekameha  III. ;  of  C. 
&  Davis  at  S.F.;  perhaps  Joseph  0.  C.  (David),  1848,  at  Mont,  from  Bos 
ton  \vith  letters  from  J.  C.  Jones.  C.  (Geo.),  1845,  immig.  apparently  of 
the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  578,  587;  perhaps  the  G.  S.  Carter  who  served  in 
the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  C.  (Geo.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  33G). 
C.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Henry),  1831,  mr  of  the  Wm 
Little,  iii.  384.  C.  (J.  B.),  1846,  lieut  on  the  Savannah.  C.  (John),  1844, 
Amer.  sailor  from  the  Tasso;  landed  sick  at  S. D.  iv.  453;  sent  to  Mont,  on 
the  Admittance;  aided  by  the  consul,  and  shipped  in  '46.  C.  (John),  1847, 
Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Joseph  0.),  1831,  Amer.  mr  of  the  Volunteer 
and  Harriet  Blanchard  '31-3,  and  of  the  Rasselas  '36-8.  iii.  382,  384,  405; 
iv.  105,  141.  His  wife  and  child  often  accomp.  him  on  his  voy.  bet.  Cal.  and 
the  islands.  Went  to  Boston  on  the  Alciope  in  '40.  iv.  100;  d.  at  Honolulu 
about  '51.  His  son  Henry  A.  Carter  was  Hawaiian  min.  at  Wash.  '84.  Also 
called  J.  D.  and  John  O. ;  possibly  more  than  one  man.  C.  (Philo  J.),  1847, 
Co.  B,  Monn.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.  C.  (R.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  C.  (R.R.),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Savannah. 

Cartney  (Barthol.),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.F.  Cartwright,  1841,  mr  of  the 
Sapphire,  iv.  568.  C.  (H.  B.),  1848,  at  Benicia.  Tuba  Co.  Hist.,  86.  Carver 
(M.M.),  1848,  Kentuckian  from  Or.,  and  member  of  the  const,  convention 
'49.  Gary  (Lewis),  1848  (?),  in  Colusa  '80;  said  to  have  come  by  the  isthmus 
in '48.  Col.  Co.  Hist.,  81.  Casares,  see  'Caceres.'  Casarin,  see  'Jimeno  C.' 

Case  (A.  L.),  1841,  lieut  U.S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241.  C.  (B.  A.),  1847,  nat. 
of  Conn.;  settler  at  Sta  Cruz;  died  in  Mendocino  '71.  His  wife,  Mary  Amney 
of  Vt,  taught  at  Sta  Cruz  '48,  and  still  lived  there  in  '80.  Casement  (Wm), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Casey  (Michael),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Neil),  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  Cash  (A.),  1837,  mr  of  the  Har 
vest,  iv.  104.  C.  (James  H.),  1844,  Amer.  sailor  from  a  whaler  at  Mont.  iv. 
453;  enlisted  Nov.  '46  in  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.,  and  was  wounded  at  Natividad. 
v.  371;  mentioned  also  in  '48.  C.  (John  C.),  1847,  lieut  of  marines  on  the 
Columbus.  Casper  (Win  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  Utah 
farmer  and  col  oT  militia  '81.  Cassel  (John),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.,  not 
on  roll.  Cassidy  (Hugh),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v.  518).  Cassin  (John 
W.),  1846,  sergtCo.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  338*);  went  east '49,  but  returned 
from  Washington  Ter.  '52,  settling  in  Tuolumne;  a  farmer  in  Tehama  '62-77, 
the  time  of  his  death.  Castaiiares  (Gregorio),  regidor  at  Mont.  '44.  iv.  653. 
C.  (Jose1),  juez  de  campo  at  Mont.  '35.  iii.  674. 

Castanares  (Jos6  Maria),  1833,  Mex.  from  Puebla;  clerk  for  the  admin. 
of  customs  Rafael  Gonzalez,  whose  daughter,  Ana  Maria,  was  his  wife;  29 
years  old  in  '36,  when  his  amours  with  Ildefonsa  Herrera  were  the  basis  of  a 
causa  celebre  at  Mont.  iii.  436-9.  He  was  a  handsome  fellow,  but  arrogant  in 
manner.  He  went  to  Mex.  a  little  later,  but  in  '40  came  back  on  the  Catalina. 
iv.  31;  in  '42  fiscal  and  ministro  suplente  of  the  tribunal,  iii.  605;  iv.  299, 
296;  in  '43  grantee  of  the  Arroyo  de  los  Calzoncillos  rancho.  iv.  671;  in  '44 
lieut-col  of  the  defensores  and  a  supporter  of  Micheltorena.  iv.  405,  407,  509, 
654;  in  '45  sent  to  Mex.  by  Gen.  Castro  on  a  mission  of  which  little  is  known, 
and  never  returned,  iv.  530,  601 ;  v.  32.  In  '47  he  appears  as  a  colonel  in  the 
Mex.  army.  C.  (Manuel),  1840,  brother  of  Jos£  Maria,  who  came  from 
Mex.  to  take  charge  of  the  Mont,  custom-house,  but  became,  instead,  sec.  of 
the  prefecture  '40-2.  iii.  675;  iv.  31,  626,  652;  in  '42  sent  to  Mex.  by  Alva- 
rado  as  a  commissioner,  returning  with  appointment  as  admin,  of  customs; 
also  fiscal  of  the  tribunal,  iv.  283-5,  296,  312,  339,  341,  352,  563;  in  '43  still 
admin,  of  customs,  elector  for  Mont.,  grantee  of  Mariposas,  and  finally 
elected  member  of  congress,  iv.  355,  357,  361,  377,  386,  672.  His  labors  in 
congress  '44-5,  as  shown  by  his  C  election  de  Documentos  published  in  '45,  are 
recorded  in  iv.  412-18,  431,  449-50,  457,  524-5;  v.  32.  He  never  returned  to 
Cal.,  but  in  later  years  gave  testimony  in  the  Limantoiir  case,  which  was 
pronounced  false  by  Judge  Hoffman.  He  was  a  man  of  some  ability,  and  more 
popular  than  his  brother.  I  think  his  family  came  and  went  with  him. 

Castafieda  (Juan),  1837,  Mex.  capt.,  nat.  of  Texas,  and  com.  of  the  L.  Cal. 


CASTANEDA-CASTRO,  749 

frontier,  who  caine  to  Cal.  with  Jose*  Ant.  Carrillo,  and  took  a  prominent 
part  in  the  mil.  operations  to  support  Carlos  Carrillo  in  '38,  until  captured, 
iii.  540,  549-50,  553-5,  509,  001.  In  '39  he  was  made  sec.  of  the  com.  gen., 
and  sent  on  a  mission  to  Mex.  by  Vallejo.  iii.  599;  iv.  285;  returned  in  '42 
with  Micheltorena,  or  at  least  about  the  same  time;  in  '43-0  not  much  is 
heard  of  him,  but  he  was  the  grantee,  as  was  claimed,  of  several  pieces  of  land, 
having  a  lot  at  S.F.  iv.  352,  009,  071;  v.  41,  501,  005,  080.  After  '50  a  wit 
ness  in  land  cases.  A  man  of  good  manners,  fair  education,  and  little  force. 
Castillero  (Andre's),  1830,  Mex.  capt.  of  the  L.  Cal.  frontier  comp.,  who 
came  to  Mont,  apparently  with  Gov.  Chieo;  at  the  downfall  of  Gutierrez  he 
was  not  exiled,  but  chose  to  go  away,  perhaps  to  Mex.  iii.  400-3;  in  '37  he 
came  back  as  a  comisionado  of  the  Mex.  govt  and  induced  Alvarado  to  sub 
mit  to  centralism,  being  at  once  sent  back  to  Mex.  to  work  for  Alvarado's 
interests,  iii.  521,  520-31,  572,  024.  Successful  again,  he  returned  to  Cal.  in 
S38.  iii.  574-6;  iv.  101;  in  '39  was  grantee  of  Sta  Cruz  Isl.,  and  went  to  Mex. 
as  congressman  and  habilitado-gen.  of  the  Cal.  companies,  iii.  5S2,  590, 
050;  iv.  60,  100,  102,  143.  In  '45  he  came  back  once  more  as  a  comisionado 
of  the  govt  to  prepare  for  the  reception  of  Mex.  troops  and  defence  against 
Amer.  invaders,  iv.  528,  535,  537,  002-3,  606,  614;  v.  17.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  Castillero  found  and  denounced  the  famous  New  Almaden  quicksilver 
mine,  for  which  he  figured  as  claimant  in  the  litigation  of  later  years,  v.  665. 
He  was  sent  to  Mex.  again  on  govt  business  early  in  '46  and  did  not  return 
till  after  the  war.  v.  32-3,  577.  I  have  no  record  of  him  after  the  litigation 
of  '49-61,  during  which  he  resided  chiefly  in  Mex. 

Castillo  (Ambrosio,  Enrique,  Gabriel,  Jos6  M.,  Loreto,  and  Manuel),  at  Los 
Ang.  '46.  C.  (Felipe),  Sonoran  cigar-maker  and  trader,  age  25,  who  took  part 
in  the  Apalategui  revolt  at  Los  Ang.  '35.  iii.  282—5;  went  to  Son.  but  returned 
in  '45.  iv.  572;  grantee  of  Valle  de  S.  Felipe,  and  sent  overland  with  de 
spatches  to  Son.  '40.  v.  332,  619.  C.  (Jose"),  juez  aux.  Mont.  '44.  iv.  653. 
C.  (Jose  Maria),  soldier  at  S.  Jose'  mission  1797-1800.  i.  556.  C.  (Jos6 
Maria),  regidor  at  Mont.  '31-2.  iii.  672-3.  C.  (Francisco),  sec.  to  sub-prefect 
at  Sta  B.  and  to  prefect  at  Los  Ang.  '39-40.  iii.  640,  654-5.  C.  (Pedro  del), 
Mex.  infantry  sergt  from  S.  Bias  about  '25;  elector  at  S.F.  '27.  ii.  592;  regidor 
Mont.  '33.  iii.  673;  receptor  of  customs  at  S.F.  '33-6;  iii.  377,  700.  C. 
(Xicanor  de  Jesus  Garnica  del),  1842,  came  from  N.  Mex.  in  a  colony,  and 
after  a  short  stay  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  came  to  Mont.,  living  later  at  S.  Jose",  and 
finally  near  Salinas,  where  in  '77  he  gave  me  some  Recuerdos  of  events  in  '44-0. 

Castillo  Bueno  (Juan),  1002,  sergt  in  Vizcaino's  exped.  i.  98.  Castillo 
Negrete  (Francisco  Javier),  1834,  came  from  Mex.  with  the  H.  &P.  col.;  sin- 
dico  and  sec.  of  ayunt.  at  Mont.  '35;  sec.  of  Gov.  Chico;  grantee  of  Quien 
Sabe  and  Sta  Ana  ranches  '30;  either  exiled  with  Gutierrez  or  sent  by  Chico 
as  an  agent  to  Mex.  a  little  earlier  in  '30.  See  iii.  400;  also  263, 426,  674,  678. 
C.  N.  (Luis),  1834,  Span,  lawyer,  brother  of  Fran.  J.,  who  also  came  with  the 
colony  as  district  judge  of  Cal. ;  a  bitter  opponent  of  Alvarado's  govt,  who 
went  away  voluntarily  with  Gutierrez  in  '36;  a  poet  as  well  as  lawyer;  later 
gov.  of  L.  Cal.;  died  in  '43.  Biog.  iii.  463-6;  ment.  iii.  263,  267,  277,  372, 
415,  480,  484,  486-7,  534,  586.  Castle  (John),  1845,  deserter  from  the  Hope- 
well,  at  S.  Diego.  Casto  (James),  1847,  Co.  D.,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  Cas- 
ton  (Geo.  R.),  1847,  Co.  D.,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 

Castro.  Except  in  the  case  of  a  few  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  name,  no 
attempt  is  made  here  to  follow  the  complicated  connections  of  this  family  or 
group  of  families,  doubtless  the  most  numerous  in  Cal.  ^Castro,  in  a  S.F. 
padron  '44,  age  25.  C.  ( Agustin),  son  of  Mariano,  at  Las  Animas  '36,  age  24. 
C.  (Albino),  son  of  Francisco  M.,  age  16,  in  '41;  d.  wilhout  issue  before  '52. 
C.  (Angel),  sub-maj.  of  S.  Juan  B.  '35.  iii.  692;  at  S.F.  del  Rosario  rancho 
'36.  iii.  678;  nat.  of  Cal.,  age  45,  wife  Isabel  Butron,  child.  Ramon  b.  '16, 
Guadalupe  '20,  Jose*  '23,  Josefa  '30,  Concepcion  '32,  Juana  M.  '31,  Jos6  Joaq. 
'33,  Josefa  '34;  ment.  '40.  iv.  6;  in  '42  grantee  of  Los  Paicines,  and  com.  of  a 
militia  comp.  at  S.  Jose'  and  Brancif.  iv.  655,  663,  686;  juez  at  S.  Juan  B.  '44, 
'46;  family  insulted  by  Fremont's  men.  iv.  561;  v.  9,  640;  tax-payer  in  Mont. 


750  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Co.  '50.  C.  (Antonio  Maria),  soldier  of  1780,  retired  in  1809;  grantee  of  Vega 
del  Pajaro  rancho  "20.  ii.  383,  664;  iii.  679;  suplente  of  dip.  '22.  and  vocal 
'25.  ii.  462;  iii.  18.  C.  (Antonio),  son  of  Francisco  M.  iv.  71,  544,  679. 
C.  (Antonio),  perhaps  son  of  Ant.  Maria,  or  in  some  items  there  may  be  con 
fusion  bet.  him  and  his  father  and  others;  regidor  of  Mont.  '30-1.  ii.  612;  iii. 
212,  672;  comis.  of  S.  Antonio  mis.  '31.  iii.  307,  687;  ale.  at  Pajaro  '35.  iii. 
674;  supl.  juez  at  S.  Juan  B.  '39,  '46.  iii.  693;  v.  640.  C.  (Antonio),  pos 
sibly  the  same,  or  the  son  of  Fran.  M.,  at  S.  Jose  '41,  age  41,  wife  Bdrbara 
Soto,  child.  Francisca  b.  '24,  Concepcion  '28,  Josd  de  Jesus  '29,  Maria  S.  '30, 
Gabriela  '12,  Jos6  '36,  Jos<§  Ant.  '39.  C.  (Antonio  Maria),  son  of  Joaquin, 
at  S.  Josd  '41,  age  16.  C.  (Bias),  son  of  Jos<§  Ant.,  at  S.  Antonio  rancho  '36, 
age  20.  C.  (Candida),  wife  of  Jos6  Bolcof.  ii.  479;  grantee  in  '39,  with  her 
sisters,  of  Refugio  rancho. 

Castro  (Curios),  bro.  of  Francisco,  Ignacio,  and  Mariano;  maj.  at  Sta  Cruz 
'12.  ii.  388;  supl.  of  the  dip.  '22-4.  ii.  462,  543-4;  sindico  at  S.  Jose"  '28,  also 
supl.  vocal  '28-9.  ii.  605;  iii.  42-3;  in  '34  grantee  of  Las  Llagas  rancho,  Sta 
Clara  Co.  iii.  674,  677,  712;  where  he  lived  in  '36,  age  60,  nat.  of  Cal.,  wife 
Maria  del  Rosario  Garcia;  supl.  vocal  of  junta  '39.  iii.  590.  Don  Carlos  is 
described  as  an  eccentric  old  fellow,  who  tempered  his  hospitality  by  an  affec 
tation  of  abusing  his  guests.  By  a  padron  of  '41  he  was  a  Sonoran,  age  '62, 
while  his  wife  was  a  year  younger  than  in  '36!  C.  (Carlos),  ment.  at  S.  Luis 
Rey  '39.  iii.  625.  C.  ('Chanate'),  see  'C.  (Manuel).'  C.  (Crisanto),  son  of 
Mariano,  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  11.  C.  (Cruz),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  28.  C. 
(Evaristo),  son  of  Jose',  at  Las  A"nimas  '38,  age  22.  C.  (Felipe),  prob.  son  of 
Mariano,  soldier  at  Mont.  '36,  age  26.  C.  (Francisco),  piloto  and  master  of 
transport  vessels  1776-8.  i.  287,  266,  328. 

Castro  (Francisco  Maria),  nat.  of  Siualoa,  b,  1775;  prob.  bro.  of  Carlos, 
Ign.,and  Mariano;  for  13  years  artill.  soldierand  corp. ;  settler  at  S.F.  before 
1800,  in  which  year  he  was  alcalde,  i.  716,  718.  In  '22  elector,  member  of  dip., 
ale.  at  S.  Jos6  (?).  ii.  454,  462,  584,  604;  in  '23  explor.  exped.  north  of  bay, 
and  grant  of  the  S.  Pablo  rancho,  renewed  in  '34,  where  Don  Francisco  spent 
the  rest  of  his  life.  ii.  497-9,  594-5,  664;  iii.  713;  vocal  and  elector  '25,  '27. 
ii.  592;  iii.  17-18.  Duhant-Cilly,  Viaggio  ii.  88-9,  says  that  Don  Francisco 
\vas  of  French  descent;  I  find  no  other  evidence  of  this  fact,  or  of  any  direct 
relationship  to  the  other  Castros.  He  died  in  '31,  leaving  a  widow,  Gabriela 
Berreyesa,  who  died  in  '51;  7  sons — Alvino,  Antonio,  Gabriel  Vicente,  Jesus 
Maria,  Joaquin  Isidro,  Juan  Jose",  and  Victor;  4  daughters — Maria  de  Jesus 
who  d.  before  '52  without  issue,  Maria  Gregoria  who  married  Jos6  Ramon 
Estrada  and  died  without  issue  before  '52,  Francisca  who  married  Joaq. 
Moraga  and  died  before  '52  leaving  5  children,  and  Martina  the  wife  of  Gov. 
Alvarado.  iii.  593,  679.  The  San  Pablo  estate  was  left  half  to  the  widow  and 
half  to  the  11  children,  and  by  deaths  and  the  mother's  will  Dona  Martina  C. 
de  Alvarado  became  owner  of  15-22.  But  the  lawyers  got  in  their  work  in  the 
distribution,  and  the  whole  family  has  been  kept  in  a  state  of  landed  poverty 
by  litigation,  which  in  '85  is  not  entirely  at  an  end.  C.  (Francisco),  son  of 
Guillermo,  at  Mont.,  '36-41,  age  4-7.  C.  (Fran.),  son  of  Juan  Jos6,  at  S.  Jos6 
'41,  age  8.  C.  (Fran.),  son  of  Rafael,  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  20.  C.  (Fran.), 
son  of  Simeon,  at  Mont.  '36,  age  4.  C.  (Fran.),  Cal.  claim  of  $3,045  in  '46. 

Castro  (Gabriel  Vicente),  son  of  Francisco  M.,  resid.  at  S.  Pablo;  elector 
at  S.F.  '35.  iii.  704;  sergt  in  militia  comp.  '37;  juez  de  campo  '43.  iv.  685; 
ment.  in  '44.  iv.  463;  lawsuit  '47.  v.  663.  C.  (Guadalupe),  bro.  of  Pvafael 
and  Juan  Josd  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  30,  single;  juez  de  paz  '43.  iv.  663.  C. 
(Guad.),  son  of  Angel,  age  16  in  '36.  C.  (Guad.),  son  of  Joaquin,  at  Brancif. 
'28;  claimant  of  S.  Andres  rancho  '52.  iii.  678.  C.  (Guad.),  son  of  Juan  Jose", 
at  Brancif.  '45,  age  19.  C.  (Guillermo),  prob.  son  of  Carlos,  at  Las  Llagas 
'36.  iii.  677;  lieut  of  S.  Jos6  militia '37.  iii.  732;  grantee  of  S.  Lorenzo  rancho 
'38-41.  iii.  711,  713;  iv.  673;  in  '38  surveyor  at  S.  Jos<§.  iii.  730;  in  '41  at  his 
rancho,  age  31,  wife  Luisa  Peralta,  child.  Juan  b.  '31,  Francisco  '34,  Jose" 
Ramon  Simon  '34,  Concepcion  '35,  Encarnacion  '46,  Loreto  '37,  Luisa  '38;  in 
'41-4  juez  of  the  contra  costa.  iv.  684-5;  in  '45  suplente  min.  of  the  sup.  tri 
bunal,  iv.  532. 


CASTRO.  751 

Castro  (Ignacio),  bro.  of  Carlos,  Fran.,  and  Mariano;  soldier  of  S.F.  1780; 
settler  at  S.  Jose"  1786;  alcalde  1799,  1804,  '9,  '10.  i.  477-8,  716;  ii.  134; 
perhaps  the  same  man  who  was  drowned  near  Mission  S.  Jos6  in  '17.  ii.  382. 
C.  (Ign.),  son  of  Joaquin,  at  Brancif.  '28.  C.  (Ign.),  son  of  Mariano,  at  S. 
Jose"  '41,  age  20.  C.  (Isidoro),  his  daughter  married  Surg.  Davila.  i.  469. 
C.  (Jesus  Maria),  son  of  Francisco  M. ;  resid.  of  S.  Pablo;  age  18  in  '41;  inS. 
F.  militia  '37.  C.  (Jesus  M.),  sou  of  Juan  Jose",  at  Brancif.  '28,  age  13. 
C.  (Joaquin).  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  1777;  wife  Martina  Botiller;  settler  at  S. 
Jos<§  1790,  etc.  i.  478,  617;  perhaps  the  same  who  owned  the  Buenavista 
rancho  near  Mont.  '95,  and  obtained  La  Brea  1801-2.  i.  683;  ii.  171,  664. 
C.  (Joaquin),  invalido  soldier  and  settler  at  Brancif.  from  1799.  i.  571;  mar 
ried  Maria  Ant.  Amador;  maj.  of  Sta  Cruz  '18.  ii.  244-5;  fined  '27.  ii.  627; 
in  '28  at  Brancif.,  a  widower,  child.  Guadalupe,  Ignacio,  Joaquin,  Vicenta, 
Daria;  Rafael,  and  Juan  Jose"  were  apparently  his  sons;  there  had  also 
been  a  daughter  Placida  de  Jesus,  b.  1803;  ment.  in  '30.  ii.  627;  alcalde 
'31.  iii.  696-7;  grantee  of  S.  Andre's  rancho  '33.  iii.  678.  C.  (Joaquin),  son 
of  preceding;  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  25,  wife  Eusebia  Valencia,  child.  Jose"  and 
Marcelina.  C.  (Joaquin),  prob.  son  of  Joaq.  of  '95;  at  La  Brea  '36,  age  41 ; 
at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  47;  wife  Maria  Lie's  Sepiilveda,  child.  Mariano  b.  '21, 
Antonio  M.  '23,  Lugarda  '28.  C.  (Joaquin  Isidro),  son  of  Francisco  M.;  re- 
gidor  at  S.F.  '35.  iii.  704;  lieut  of  the  civic  comp.  '37.  iii.  701;  grantee  of  El 
Sobrarite  '41.  iv.  673-4;  ment.  '41-3.  iv.  199,  684,  686;  Cal.  claim  of  $8,516  (v. 
462)  in  '46;  claimant  for  S.  Pablo,  and  executor  of  his  father's  estate,  iii.  713. 

Castro  (Josd),  son  of  Jose"  Tiburcio,  b.  about  1810;  at  school  in  Mont.  '15- 
20.  ii.  429;  his  1st  public  service  seems  to  have  been  as  sec.  of  the  Mont. 

rnt.  in  '28.  ii.  612;  though  in  these  years  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  in 
records  between  him  and  his  father,  both  called  generally  Jose.  Arrested 
by  the  rebels  of  '29.  iii.  69,  89;  sec.  in  '30,  also  arrested  again  for  expressing 
contempt  for  the  Mex.  iii.  49-50;  ii.  612.  Besides  being  engaged  to  some  ex 
tent  in  otter-hunting  '31-4,  Castro  was  still  sec.  of  the  ayunt.  '31,  also  named 
as  comisionado  to  secularize  S.  Miguel,  and  a  member  of  the  dip.  which  Vic 
toria  refused  to  convene,  iii.  186  et  seq.,  307,  374,  394,  684-5;  7th  vocal  of 
the  dip.  '33.  iii.  246,  249-50,  291;  3d  vocal  in  '35,  but  acting  as  1st  in  the 
absence  of  the  1st  and  2d,  and  thus  acting  gov.  8ept.  '35  to  Jan.  '36.  iii.  298- 
300,  414-16,  426;  also  comisionado  at  S.  Juan  B.  in  '35.  iii.  692.  He  took 
part  in  the  troubles  with  Gov.  Chico.  iii.  424,  440;  and  in  Oct.-Nov.  '36  was 
Alvarado's  chief  supporter  as  mil.  com.  in  the  overthrow  of  Gutierrez,  iii. 
453-75.  From  Nov.  5th,  the  downfall  of  G.,  he  was  com.  gen.  of  Cal.  to  Nov. 
29th,  and  gov. — as  presid.  of  the  dip. — to  Dec.  7th;  then,  as  lieut- col  of  civic 
militia — under  Vallejo,  who  remained  at  the  north  as  com.  gen. — he  went 
south  to  take  charge  of  Alvarado's  cause  in  the  complicated  campaigns  of 
'37-8.  iii.  493,  501,  503,  505,  509-10,  520-1,  522-3,  526,  546,  551-6,  558-62, 
577-8,  580,  582;  claiming  also  a  grant  of  Yerba  Buena  1st.  in  '38.  iii.  713.  In 
'39  he  was  commissioned  by  the  Mex.  govt  as  capt.  of  the  Mont.  comp.  iii. 
584,  671;  was  vocal  of  the  junta,  one  of  the  terna  for  gov.,  and  grantee  of  S. 
Justo  rancho;  and  prefect  of  the  Mont,  district  '39-40.  iii.  584-6,  588,  590, 
603-4,  675,  678;  iv.  75.  In  '40  Castro  arrested  the  foreigners  and  went  with 
them  to  S.  Bias,  being  tried  by  court-martial  and  acquitted  in  Mex.,  and  re 
turning  to  Cal.  in  '41.  iv.  6,  11-35,  37,  193,  202-4;  mention  in  '41-3  as  capt., 
promoted  to  lieut-col  in  '42,  member  of  the  junta,  etc.  iv.  282,  292,  295,  313, 
339,  357,  360-2,  364,  652;  in  '44  lieut-col  of  the  defensores,  and  sent  to  estab 
lish  a,  frontier  garrison  in  the  S.  Joaq.  Val.  iv.  407-9;  a  leader  in  the  revolt 
against  Micheltorena  '44-5,  and  after  M.'s  overthrow  became  com.  gen.  of 
Cal.  iv.  458,  460,  463,  483,  485,  488-510;  his  official  acts  in  '45,  controversy 
with  Gov.  Pico,  precautions  against  foreign  invasion,  tour  in  the  north,  treat 
ment  of  immigrants,  etc.  iv.  518-45,  556;  558-60,  589-90,  601,  603,  606-7, 
652;  continuation  of  the  controversy  in  '46,  troubles  with  Fremont  and  the 
Bears,  negotiations  with  Larkin,  operations  at  Sta  Clara,  and  retreat  to  the 
south  in  July.  v.  5-53,  60-1,  72,  78-100,  105-9,  132-3,  185,  230-3,  245,  637, 
661,  675;  final  operations  in  the  south,  negotiations  with  Stockton,  and  flight 


752  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

to  Mex.  Aug.  '46.  v.  2G1-78,  407-9.  Don  Jose"  came  back  to  Cal.  from  Sina- 
loa  in  '48,  v.  585-6,  640,  6/8,  and  lived  as  a  private  citizen  at  Mont,  and  S. 
Juan  till  '53,  when  he  went  again  to  Mex.,  being  made  sub-jefe  politico  and 
mil.  com.  of  the  L.  Cal.  frontier  from  about  '56.  In  '60,  while  holding  this  office, 
he  was  killed  in  a  drunken  brawl — or,  as  some  say,  assassinated — by  one 
Manuel  Marquez.  His  widow,  Modesta  Castro,  was  still  living  in  Cal.  as  late 
as  '77.  Thus,  Jos6  Castro  was  the  most  prominent  of  his  name  as  a  public  man. 
No  Californian  has  been  so  thoroughly  abused  as  he  in  what  has  passed  for 
history.  It  should  be  stated  at  the  outset  that  nine  tenths  of  all  that  has  been 
said  against  him  by  American  writers  has  no  foundation  in  truth.  Of  his  con 
duct  in  the  sectional  quarrels  of  '45-6,  there  is  not  much  to  be  said  in  his 
favor,  except  that  it  was  somewhat  less  discreditable  than  that  of  his  oppo 
nent,  Pico;  but  with  his  acts  in  the  contest  with  the  settlers  and  the  U.S.  little 
fault  can  be  justly  found.  He  did  not  maltreat  the  exiles  of  '40,  as  charged 
by  Farnham  and  others.  He  did  not  break  his  pledge  to  Fremont  in  the  spring 
of  '46,  nor  did  he  do  any  of  the  absurd  things  attributed  to  him  in  connection 
with  the  Gavilan  affair;  but  his  conduct  was  far  more  honorable,  dignified, 
and  consistent  than  that  of  Fremont.  He  did  not  threaten  to  drive  the  immi 
grants  back  into  the  snows  of  the  Sierra,  but  treated  them  with  uniform 
kindness;  nor  did  he  incite  the  Ind.  to  burn  Sutter's  grain -fields.  In  the 
southern  negotiations  of  August  he  bore  a  much  more  honorable  part  than  did 
Com.  Stockton.  He  was  not  a  very  able  man,  but  with  ten  times  his  ability 
and  resources  no  resistance  could  have  been  offered  to  the  U.S. ;  he  was  not  a 
very  brave  man,  but  he  showed  no  cowardice  in  the  operations  of  '46.  Indeed, 
his  record  as  a  public  man  in  Upper  Cal.  was,  on  the  whole,  not  a  bad  one. 
He  had  much  energy,  was  popular  with  most  classes,  was  true  to  his  friends, 
and  as  a  public  officer  fairly  honest.  About  his  private  character  ohere  is  great 
difference  of  opinion  among  competent  witnesses,  native  and  foreign,  who 
knew  him  well.  He  must  have  had  some  good  qualities,  yet  it  is  clear  that  he 
had  some  very  bad  ones.  He  was  addicted  to  many  vices,  and  when  drunk, 
especially  in  the  later  years,  was  rough  to  the  verge  of  brutality;  yet  a  kind- 
hearted  man  when  sober.  Of  commonplace  abilities  and  education,  in  most  re 
spects  inferior  to  such  men  as  Vallejo,  Bandini,  Alvarado,  and  Carrillo,  he 
was  yet  by  no  means  the  cowardly,  incompetent  braggart  that  he  has  been 
generally  painted.  Castro  (Jose"),  sirviente  at  S.F.  mis.  1777.  i.  297.  C. 
(Jose),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  in  '36  at  Las  Animas,  age  39,  wife  Lie's 
Robles,  child.  Evaristo  b.  '14,  Juana  '21,  Estefana  '23,  Salvador  '26;  prob.  a 
son  of  Mariano.  C.  (Josd  Antonio),  nat.  of  Sinaloa;  at  S.  Antonio  rancho 
'36,  age  50,  wife  Merced  Ortega,  child.  Bias  b.  '16,  Mariano  '18,  Rudesindo 
'20,  Estefana  '21,  Bautista  '23,  Emiliana  '24,  Blanca  '25,  Manuel  '28,  Francisco 
'29,  Perseverancia  '30,  Tomas  '31,  Juan  '32,  Ventura  '34.  iii.  678;  grantee  of 
Loinas  Muertas  and  Estanislao  '42-3.  iv.  655,  672;  in  S.  Jose"  dist.  '50.  C. 
(Jose"  Ant.),  son  of  Mariano,  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  14.  C.  (Jose"  Ant.),  son  of 
Rafael,  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  18.  C.  (Jose  Ant.),  son  of  Simeon,  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  6.  C.  (Jose"  Ignacio),  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  '28,  wife  Ricarda  Rodriguez, 
child.  Jose"  Ramon  b.  '37,  Jose"  Simon  '39,  Maria  '44.  C.  (Jose"  J.),  at  S.  Jos<§ 
'39.  iii.  731.  C.  (Jose"  Jesus),  son  of  Antonio,  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  12.  C. 
(Jose"  Joaquin),  son  of  Angel,  age  3,  '36.  C.  (Jose"  Manuel),  son  of  Juan  Jose, 
at  Brancif.  '45,  age  21.  C.  (Jose"  Maria),  son  of  Rafael,  at  Brancif.,  age  22, 
in  '45;  witness  in  the  Santillan  case.  C.  (Jose"  Ramon  Simon),  son  of  Gui- 
llermo,  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  7.  C.  (Jose"  Saturnine),  soldier  at  S.F.  '19-22. 

Castro  (Jose"  Tiburcio),  son  of  Macario,  nat.  of  Sinaloa,  who  came  to  Cal. 
prob.  before  1800;  perhaps  the  man  ment.  1801,  '16.  ii,  152,  371.  He  was  a 
soldier,  and  finally  a  corporal.  In  '19  alcalde  of  S.  Jose",  having  a  rancho  in 
that  vicinity,  ii.  378;  suplente  or  vocal  of  the  dip.  '22,  '24,  '27.  ii.  4(52,  510- 
11,  612;  iii.  36;  alcalde  of  Mont.  '27.  ii.  612;  in  '28-9,  memb.  of  dip.  and 
partido  elector,  ii.  613;  iii.  '41-4;  ale.  '29.  ii.  612;  iii.  69,  73;  vocal  '31,  tak 
ing  part  against  Victoria,  iii.  187,  189;  comisionado  for  Soledad  '31.  iii.  307, 
690;  grantee  of  Sauzal  rancho  '34,  '45.  iii.  679;  maj.  and  admin,  at  S.  Juan 
B.  '35-6.  iii.  354,  692;  memb.  of  the  junta  dip.  '39.  iii.  590;  prefect  of  the 


CASTRO.  7C3 

1st  dist.  in  '40,  succeeding  his  son.  iii.  652,  6-36,  675-6.  His  wife  seems  to 
have  been  an  Alvarez;  but  I  have  no  record  of  any  children  except  Jose  and 
the  wife  of  Santiago  Moreno,  nor  of  the  date  of  his  death.  Don  Tiburcio  was 
a  man  of  little  ability  and  still  less  education,  but  of  excellent  character.  C. 
(Juan),  had  a  son  in  the  Mont,  school  '46.  C.  (Juan),  son  of  Guillermo,  S. 
Jose"  dist.  '41,  age  10.  C.  (Juan  Bautista),  son  of  Jos6  Ant.,  at  S.  Antonio 
rancho  '36,  age  13;  perhaps  the  alfe"rez  of  aux.  cavalry  at  Mont.  '45-6  of  same 
name.  v.  41.  C.  (Juan  B.),  son  of  Simeon,  b.  '35;  in  later  years  a  prosper 
ous  ranchero  at  Castroville,  where  he  still  resides  in  '85.  C.  (Juan  Jose"), 
son  of  Francisco  M. ;  militiaman  S.F.  '37;  grantee  of  Y.  B.  Isl.  '38;  in  '41  in 
S.  Jose"  dist  (at  S.  Pablo),  age  38,  wife  Petra  Bernal,  child.  Maiseta  (?)  b.  '28, 
Magin  '30,  Francisco  '33,  Jose  Maria  and  Narcisa  '38;  grantee  of  El  Sobrante 
and  other  lands  in  the  contra  costa  '41,  '44.  iv.  671;  living  in  '52;  d.  before 
'82,  the  date  of  his  widow's  death.  C.  (Juan  Jose"),  bro.  of  Rafael  and  Gua- 
dalupe,  at  Brancif.  '28,  wife  Manuela  Juarez,  son  Manuel;  regidor  '33.  ii.  627, 
696;  in  '45  at  Brancif.,  age  38,  wife  (2d)  Rita  Josefa,  child.  Jose"  Manuel  b. 
'24,  Guadalupe  '26,  Trinidad  '28,  Jesus  Maria  '32,  Jose"  Domingo  '33,  Carmen 
'34,  Amoina  (?)  '36,  Angustias  '42.  C.  (Juan  Maria),  at  Mont.  '36,  age  14; 
Mrs  M.  Castro  de  Estrada  was  apparently  his  sister.  C.  (Leandro),  son  of 
Simeon,  b.  '34;  in  later  years  ranchero  near  Castroville;  still  living  '85.  C. 
(Luis),  Span,  soldier  who  left  the  Aquilea  at  Sta  B.  iii.  27,  51-2;  at  S.  Gabriel 
'28-9,  60  years  old,  single,  of  good  conduct.  C.  (Luis),  at  Los  Ang.  '46,  pos 
sibly  the  preceding. 

Castro  (Macario),  native  of  Sinaloa,  soldier  from  1778,  who  came  to -Gal. 
in  1784;  was  corp.  of  the  S.  D.  comp.  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '85-7;  and  at  S.  Jose" 
and  Soledad  '90-4,  being  comisionado  of  S.  Jose"  '92-4.  i.  479,  499,  716; 
sergt  from  '94.  i.  680;  frequent  mention  '95-1800,  in  con.  with  Ind.  affairs 
and  explor.  exped.  i.  548-9.  552,  558-9,  683,  list  auth.;  inval.  and  comis 
ionado  at  S.  Jose"  1788-1807,  and  a  prominent  citizen  in  many  respects,  ii. 
16,  132,  134-5,  140-1.  I  find  no  record  of  him  after  1807.  His  wife,  who 
came  with  him  to  Cal.,  was  Maria  Potenciana  Ramirez;  their  children  were 
Jose"  Tiburcio,  Agapito,  Simeon,  Mariano,  Maria  de  Jesus,  Maria  Dolores, 
and  Carmen,  all  born  before  1793.  Don  Macario,  as  the  grandfather  of 
Jose"  and  Manuel,  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  prominent  among  the  Castro 
founders.  C.  (Magin),  son  of  Juan  Jose\  S.  Jose"  dist.  '41,  age  11.  C. 
(Manuel  de  Jesus),  son  of  Simeon,  b.  '21 ;  sec.  and  collector  at  Mont.  39.  iii. 
675;  sec.  of  the  prefecture  '42-3.  iv.  652.  He  was  prime  mover  in  the  revolt 
against  Micheltorena,  taking  an  active  part  throughout  in  '44-5,  being  once 
captured  arid  exchanged,  and  finally  comisionado  to  make  a  treaty,  iv.  458—9, 
462-8,  486-7,  500-509.  Under  the  new  admin,  he  was  made  prefect  of  the 
Monterey  district  in  '45,  being  also  made  lieut  of  the  Mont.  comp.,.  and 
taking  a  most  prominent  part  in  public  affairs,  as  representative  of  the  civil 
authority  and  supporter  of  Gov.  Pico  against  Gen.  Castro  in  the  north,  iv. 
533,  536-7,  606,  652.  In  '46,  besides  being  promoted  to  capt.  of  the  Sta  B. 
comp.,  getting  a  land  grant,  having  a  Cal.  claim  of  $10,000,  and  continuing 
his  services  as  prefect,  v.  636-7,  he  took  a  prominent  and  honorable  part  in 
the  troubles  with  Fremont,  v.  4,  12,  17;  quarrel  with.  Cambuston.  v..  34; 
efforts  for  defence  against  the  settlers  and  the  U.  S.  v.  41,  45,  56,  131,  134-5; 
sent  south  in  July  as  comisionado  to  effect  a  reconciliation  bet.  the  general 
and  gov.  v.  136,  143-4,  261;  left  in  com.  at  Los  Ang.  on  Gen.  C.'s  departure 
in  Aug.,  but  there  is  doubt  whether  he  was  one  of  the  officers  captured  and 
paroled  by  Stockton's  men.  v.  266,  282,  361.  On  the  outbreak  of  Flores'  re 
volt  in  Oct.  Castro  was  put  in  com.  of  the  northern  division  and  commanded 
in  the  Natividad  campaign,  v,  321,  361-72,  639;  flight  to  Mex.  with  Flores 
'47.  v.  407-9.  In  Mex.  Don  Manuel  continued  his  military  services  for  sev 
eral  years,  and  in  '49  was  put  in  com.  of  the  frontier  comp.  of  L.  Cal..,  in  place 
of  Andre's  Castillero,  taking  charge  of  the  military  colony  of  Santo  Tomaa 
till  '52,  when,  he  had-  to  yield,  to  Castillo  Negrete.  See  Hint.  North  Mex. 
States,  ii.  Since  '52  Castro  has  resided  for  the  most  part  in,  S.F..  down,  to  '85, 
never  becoming  a  citizen  of  the  TJ.  S.,  often  interested  in  LJex.  colonization 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  48 


754  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

schemes,  and  ranking  as  colonel  in  the  Mex.  army — perhaps  brevet  general 
in  the  last  years.  He  was  never  married.  Don  Manuel  was  an  abler  man 
than  his  cousin,  the  general,  and  his  public  record  in  Cal.  down  to  '47  was 
in  most  respects  an  excellent  one.  True  to  his  country's  cause,  with  no  sym 
pathy  for  foreign  filibusters,  he  exerted  himself,  for  the  most  part  in  vain,  to 
heal  foolish  dissensions  between  Calif,  chiefs  and  direct  their  force  against 
the  invaders.  Of  his  later  record  not  so  much  can  be  said  in  praise.  Various 
'  ways  that  are  dark '  are  popularly  attributed  to  him,  and,  while  charges  are 
doubtless  exaggerated,  it  is  possible  that  he  has  yielded  some\vhat  to  tempta 
tions  offered  by  land  litigation,  politics,  dislike  of  the  Yankees,  and  chronic 
impecuniosity.  But  at  least  he  has  contributed  grandly  to  the  store  of  mate 
rial  for  Cal.  history.  The  Castro,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  in  3  vols,  is  a  most  im 
portant  collection  of  original  papers  presented  by  him  in  '75;  and  a  few  years 
later  he  contributed  a  still  larger  and  richer  col.  of  Doc,  Hist.  Cal.,  with  im 
portant  L.  Cal.  material — somewhat  unwillingly,  it  is  true,  some  of  my  assist 
ants  having  to  adopt  the  policy  of  'fighting  the  devil  with  fire;'  and  finally 
I  obtained  his  lidacion  de  Alta  Cal.,  none  the  less  valuable  because  after  it 
had  been  written  at  my  expense  one  of  my  wicked  collaborators  had  to  steal 
a  copy  for  my  use.  C.  (Manuel),  brother  of  the  preceding,  b.  in  '24;  nick 
named  'Chanate;'  capturer  of  despatches  in  '40.  v.  235;  perhaps  the  same 
who  married  the  widow  of  Wm  R.  Garner,  and  a  tax-payer  at  Mont.  '50. 
C.  (Manuel  R.),  soldier  of  the  Mont.  comp.  from  '36,  sergt  from  '38;  alferez 
from  '46.  iii.  671;  v.  41;  went  to  Mex.  with  Gen.  Castro,  continued  in  mil. 
service,  and  in  '51  was  at  Sto  Tomas  on  the  frontier.  C.  (Manuel),  son  of 
Juan  Jose",  at  Brancif.  '28;  perhaps  same  as  the  preceding.  C.  (Manuel), 
son  of  Jose"  Ant.,  at  S.  Antonio  rancho  '36,  age  8.  C.  (M.),  sentenced  to 
presidio  '45.  iv.  654.  C.  (Maria  Encarnacion),  wife  of  Surg.  Davila  1782.  i. 
468.  C.  (Maria  de  Los  Angeles),  wife  of  J.  L.  Majors;  grantee  of  Refugio 
'39.  iii.  678. 

Castro  (Mariano),  apparently  bro.  of  Carlos  and  Francisco  M.,  and  perhaps 
cousin  of  Macario;  came  to  Cal.  before  1800,  in  1801  went  to  Mex.  and  ob 
tained  a  grant  of  La  Brea,  or  Las  Animas,  rancho  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  about 
which  he  had  considerable  trouble  later,  though  the  grant  was  conf.  in  '35. 
ii.  7,  153,  163,  171,  594,  603,  673,  676,  711;  alcalde  at  S.  Jose"  '27,  '30.  ii.  605-6. 
He  died  before  '35.  His  wife  was  Josefa  Romero,  living  at  La  Brea  '36,  age 
55,  with  her  sons  Agustin  b.  '12  and  Vicente  '18.  One  of  their  daughters, 
Lugarda,  married  Thos  Doak  in  '20.  ii.  277.  I  think  another  daughter,  Maria, 
was  the  wife  of  Carlos  Ant.  Carrillo.  There  were  4  children  in  1801.  C. 
(Mariano),  son  of  Macario;  probably  the  same  who  in  '41  lived  at  S.  Jose",  age 
57,  wife  Trinidad  Peralta,  child.  Mercedes  b.  '13,  Angela  '17,  Ignacio  '21, 
Jose"  Ant.  '27,  Josefa  '28,  Crisanto  '30,  Susana  '32;  grantee  of  S.  Ramon  '33, 
and  Solis  '35,  and  of  land  in  Mont.  dist.  '39  (Rufina  C.  being  cl.  of  2  of  these 
ranches  and  prob.  his  daughter),  iii.  679,  713;  juez  depolicia  '42,  '44.  iii.  512; 
iv.  685.  Perhaps  the  same  man  was  one  of  the  three  of  that  name  who  voted 
at  S.  Jose"  in  '50,  or  the  Mont,  tax-payer  of  the  same  year,  or  the  claimant  for 
Refugio  rancho  in  '52;  or  some  of  these  items  may  apply  to  one  of  the  follow 
ing.  C.  (Mariano),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '19-22.  C.  (Mariano),  son  of  Joa- 
quin,  at  La  Brea  '36,  age  15.  C.  (Mariano),  son  of  Jose  Ant.,  at  S.  Antonio 
rancho  '36,  age  18.  C.  (Mariano  I. ),  soldier  of  S  F.  comp.  '19-22.  C.  (Mar 
tina),  grantee  of  Shoquel  '33,  and  Palo  de  Yesca  '34,  and  claimant  '52.  C. 
(Matias),  settler  at  the  Colorado  pueblos  1780-1.  i.  359.  C.  (Miguel),  sol 
dier  '30,  ii.  660.  '  C.  (Miguel),  alferez  of  aux.  cavalry  Mont.  '45;  Cal.  claim 
$174  in  '46.  C.  (Modesta),  wife  of  Gen.  C.,  grantee  of  Canada  de  los  Osos, 
'44.  iv.  655.  C.  (Pedro),  son  of  Simeon,  at  Mont.  '36,  age  8.  C.  (Primo), 
at  Las  Animas  '36,  age  60. 

Castro  (Rafael),  son  of  Joaquin,  juez  de  campo  at  Brancif.  '32.  iii.  696; 
grantee  of  Aptos  '33.  iii.  676;  sindico  ;34.  iii.  696;  alcalde  aux.  and  juez  '36, 
'42-3.  iii.  663,  697;  in  '45  officer  of  election,  iv.  664,  then  living  at  Brancif., 
age  40,  wife  Soledad  Cota,  child,  Jose  Maria  b.  '23,  Francisco  '25,  Jos6  Ant. 
'27,  Vicente  '35,  Maria  '31,  Maria  de  los  Angeles  '33,  Rafaela  '35,  Angustias 


CASTRO— CERMESON.  755 

'44.  He  died  at  Aptos  in  78.  Newspaper  notices  of  his  death  give  his  age  as 
78,  state  that  he  was  formerly  a  soldier  and  capt.  before  '30 — doubtless  an 
error — and  that  he  had  11  children,  8  of  them  living  in  '78.  Don  Rafael,  like 
his  brothers,  was  an  industrious  and  prosperous  ranchero  of  good  repute, 
not  meddling  much  in  politics.  C.  (Ramon),  son  of  Angel,  age  20  in  '36. 
C.  (Rudesindo),  son  of  Josd  Ant.,  at  S.  Ant.  rancho  '36,  age  16.  C.  (Salva 
dor),  son  of  Jose",  at  Las  Animas  '36,  age  10;  '46  memb.  of  S.  Jose"  council, 
v.  664;  claimant  of  S.  Gregorio  '52.  C.  (Ramon),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  24. 

Castro  (Simeon),  full  name  Jose"  Simeon  Juan  Nepomuceno,  son  of  Macario, 
b.  in  1784  at  Sta  B. ;  soldier  of  the  Mont.  comp.  1809;  grantee  of  BolsaNueva 
y  Moro  Cojo  '25  and  later,  ii.  615,  664,  672,  677;  regidor  at  Mont.  '33-4,  '37. 
iii.  673,  675;  in  '36  at  Mont.,  age  52,  wife  Maria  Antonio  Pico,  child.  Juana 
b.  '17,  Manuel  J.  '22,  Manuel  '24,  Maria  Antonio  '26,  Pedro  '28,  Jos6  Ant. 
'30,  Francisco  '32,  Leandro  '34,  Juan  B.  '35.  In  '38-9  alcalde  at  Mont.  iii.  577, 
675;  in  '41  juez  de  paz,  and  grantee  of  Tucho.  ii.  616;  iv.  653,  656;  in  '42 
grantee  of  Ano  Nuevo.  iv.  655.  He  died  about  '42.  His  widow  was  the  claim 
ant  for  Bolsa  Nueva  and  Corral  de  Padilla  in  '52.  iii.  677;  continued  to  live 
at  Mont. ;  and  died  in  '84.  C.  (Vicente),  son  of  Mariano,  at  Las  Animas  '36, 
age  18.  C.  (Victor),  son  of  Francisco  M.,  ment.  '36  in  connection  with  Ind. 
affairs,  iv.  71;  militiaman  '37;  grantee  of  Mare  Isl.  '40-1.  iii.  712;  iv.  672; 
in  '41  living  at  S.  Pablo,  age  24,  wife  Luisa  Martinez  (daughter  of  Don  Igna- 
cio),  child  Jose";  juez  de  campo  '43.  iv.  685;  ment.  '44,  '46.  iv.  473;  v.  105; 
Cal.  claim  (v.  462)  of  $12,912.  Still  a  resid.  of  Contra  Costa  Co.  '85.  In  early 
troubles  with  the  Ind.  as  well  as  in  later  contests  with  the  squatters,  Don 
Victor  has  repeatedly  shown  himself  to  be  a  brave  and  determined  man.  His 
second  wife  was  Felicidad  Carrillo,  and  the  third  an  American.  Caswell  (J. 
F.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Catala  (Magin),  1794,  Span,  friar,  who  had  previously  been  chaplain  at 
Nootka,  and  who  served  at  Sta  Clara  for  36  years,  till  his  death  in  1830.  Cer 
tain  miraculous  powers  were  popularly  attributed  to  Fray  Magin,  and  on  the 
strength  of  these,  I  suppose,  the  preliminary  steps  for  his  beatification  were 
taken  by  the  church  in  :84.  Biog.  in  ii.  600-1;  ment.  in  i.  523,  556-7,  576,  587, 
638,  719-20,  723:  ii.  137,  159,  394,  577,  655;  iii.  96,  351.  Catalan  (Benito), 
1796,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Antonio  till  his  retirement  in  1800  on  ac 
count  of  insanity,  i.  577,  689.  Catharte,  (?)  1823,  mr  of  the  Massachusetts. 
ii.  492.  Catlin  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Catts  (Samuel 
A.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  nat.  of  Md;  resid.  of  Stockton  74-84; 
Caulfield,  (David),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  C.  (Patrick),  1847,  ditto.  Ca 
valier  (Jose1),  1771,  Span,  friar,  founder  of  S.  Luis  Ob.,  where  he  served  till  his 
death  in  1789.  Biog.  i.  469;  ment.  i.  173,  176,  188,  196,  299,  388.  Cavell  (J.), 
1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Cavenecia  (Jose"),  1814;  master  of  the  Lima 
ship  Tayle;  of  the  S.  Antonio  in  '17.  ii.  222,  271,  282-3,  271.  Cayuelas, 
1790-1820,  several  of  the  name  prob.,  soldier,  corp.,  settler  at  S.F.  and  S.  Jose", 
and  invulido  at  Mont.,  in  trade  and  known  as  '  Tio.'  Francisco  C.  was  in  '28 
a  Span,  invalido,  age  80.  i.  478,  610,  690,  716;  ii.  383,  420;  iii.  51. 

Ceballos  (Ignacio),  alcalde  at  S.  Jose"  '32.  Cebet  (Pierre  Jean),  1831, 
Frenchman  who  got  a  carta  in  Oct.  prob.  '  Chevrette,'  q.  v.  Cecil  (B.),  1847, 
advertises  for  a  lost  pocket-book  bet.  S.F.  and  S.J.  C.  (T.  M.),  1846,  car 
penter  of  the  Savannah,  who  built  Fort  Stockton  at  Mont.;  prob.  same  as 
preceding.  Celis  (Eulogio),  1836,  Span,  supercargo  in  Virmond's  employ, 
who  was  on  the  Leonor  in  '36,  and  perhaps  on  the  Catalina  earlier,  as  he  cer 
tainly  was  in  '41-2;  often  named  in  various  records  '36-42  and  later,  iii.  146, 
381,  428-9;  iv.  198,  237,  564.  Celis  made  Los  Ang.  his  home;  was  one  of 
the  grantees  of  the  S.  Fernando  estate  in  '46;  had  a  famous  claim  tor  cattle 
furnished  to  Fremont;  and  to '48  and  later  was  a  wealthy  man  of  business 
well  known  in  all  parts  of  Cal.  v.  365,  396,  435,  448,  561,  580,  627,  630.  He 
went  to  Spain  in  '53  and  died  in  '68.  His  wife  was  Josef  a,  daughter  of  Luis 
Ant.  Argiiello,  who  came  back  to  Cal.  after  her  husband's  death.  Three  sons, 
the  eldest  Eulogio,  still  live  at  Los  Ang.,  I  think,  in  '85;  two  sons  and  two 
daughters  remained  in  Spain.  Cermenon  (Sebastian  Rodriguez),  1595,  Span. 


753  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

voyager  at  Pt  Reyes,  who  prob.  gave  the  name  S.  Francisco— later  trans 
ferred  to  another  bav — to  his  anchorage,  i.  89,  96-7.  Cervantes  (Andres), 
Mex.  artill.  sergt  at"  Mont.  '29-36.  iii.  69,  74,  671;  age  48  in  '36,  wife  En- 
carnacion  Alcivar,  of  Tepic.  C.  (Cruz),  Mex.  majordomo  at  Tucho  rancho 
'36,  age  40,  wife  Filomena  Arroyo,  child.  Ancleta  b.  '31,  Celedonia  '33,  Teo- 
dosio  '35;  grantee  of  S.  Joaquin  or  Rosa  Morada  '36,  for  which  he  was  claim 
ant  in  later  years,  iii.  678-9.  C.  (Pablo  V.),  soldier  killed  by  Ind.  on  the 
Colorado  1781.  i.  363.  Cesena  (Ramon  S.),  1846,  resid.  of  Sta  Clara  Co.  '81; 
a  Mexican. 

Chabolla,  juez  of  S.  Juan  B.  '46.  v.  359,  640.  C.  (Anastacio),  soldier  of 
S.  F.  comp.  '23-31;  nat.  of  Cal.;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  31,  wife  Josefa 
Higuera,  child.  Jose"  Ant.  b.  '35,  Fernando  '37,  Jose"  J.  '39,  Angel  Maria  '40; 
in  '44  grantee  of  Sanjon  de  Moquelumnes.  iv.  673;  d.  before  '53.  Maria  C., 
prob.  his  daughter,  was  claimant  for  this  land,  and  also  his  son  Angel.  C. 
(Antonio),  grantee  of  Yerba  Buena,  Sta  Clara  Co.  '33.  iii.  713,  729-30;  in 
'41  at  S.  Jose",  age  37,  wife  Juliana  Butron,  child.  Marta  b.  '31,  Juan  36,  Es- 
tefana  '35,  Antonia  '38,  Auisez  (?)  '39;  juez  de  policia  '43.  iv.  685;  claimant 
for  Y.  B.  '53.  C.  (Gervasio),  at  S.  Jose  '41,  age  '37,  wife  Miguela  Linares, 
child.  Juan  b.  '33,  Francisco  '38,  Marcos  '39.  C.  (Jose  de  la  Cruz),  son  of 
Marcos,  b.  1796  at  S.F.;  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  wife  Maxima  Vasquez,  child.  Jose"  de 
la  Cruz  b.  '24,  Tomasa  '30,  Soledad  '35,  Juana  '37,  Nemesio  '41.  C.  (Luis), 
son  of  Marcos;  sindico  of  S.  Jose"  '31,  '35,  '43.  iii.  729-30;  iv.  685;  in  '41,  age 
48,  wife  Guadalupe  Romero.  C.  (Marcos),  Span,  soldier,  corp.,  and  set 
tler  at  S.F.  before  1800;  alcalde  1796-7.  i.  716,  719;  his  wife  was  Teresa 
Bernal;  child,  in  '93,  Pedro,  Salvador,  and  Luis.  C.  (Pedro  Regalado),  son 
of  Marcos,  b.  S.F.  1789;  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  in  '30  sindico  of  S. 
Jose",  ii.  606;  in  '34  alcalde,  iii.  329-30;  in  trouble  '37-8.  iii.  525,  573;  juez 
de  campo.  '41,  '44.  iv.  684-5;  age  47  ace.  to  padroii  of  '41,  wife  Gertrudis 
Ortega,  child.  Jose"  Miguel  and  Josefa  b.  '30,  Jose"  de  Jesus  '35,  Alejandro 
'36,  Salvador  '37,  Maria  '38,  Teresa  '39;  alcalde  in  '46.  v.  662.  Still 
a  resid.  of  S.  Jos6  in  '60. 

Chace  (Henry  P.),  1843,  nat.  of  R.  I.,  at  Mont,  and  Los  Ang.  '45-6,  bound 
to  Sonora;  on  Pion.  Soc.  roll  as  having  arr.  in  Oct.  '43.  iv.  400.  Chaden 
(Charles),  1845,  Amer.  at  Brancif.,  age  36,  wife  Mary,  also  Amer.,  child. 
S.  Dionisio  b.  '31,  Matilde  '34,  Josefa  '36,  Tomas  '38,  Maria  '40,  Elisa  '42.  I 
don't  think  this  was  the  man's  real  name,  but  cannot  identify  him.  Chadwick 
(W.),  1822-5,  mr  of  the  Plowboy.  ii.  479;  iii.  148.  Chaffield,  1848,  mr  of 
the  Sabine.  v.  580.  Chaland  (Fred.),  1847,  lieut  on  the  Independence. 

Chamberlain  (John),  1839,  Irish  blacksmith  who  came  on  the  California 
from  Acapulco,  having  deserted  from  a  whaler  on  the  Mex.  coast,  iv.  119; 
worked  at  his  trade  at  Mont.,  was  arrested  in  '40,  and  though  not  exiled  was 
obliged  to  make  shackles  for  the  other  prisoners,  iv.  9,  17,  23,  28;  on  Lar- 
kin's  books  to  '41 ;  a  little  later  went  to  the  Sac. ;  naturalized  in  '44  and  got 
a  grant  of  Socayac.  iv.  674;  enlisted  in  Gantt's  com.  for  Sutter's  campaign  of 
'45,  but  on  account  of  illness  did  not  go  south,  iv.  486;  married  in  Jan.  '46 
to  Nancy  Hess — only  one  of  some  19  similar  contracts  on  his  part  as  popular 
tradition  has  it — and  soon  went  to  Or.  v.  526.  But  he  returned  after  18  or 
20  years,  and  in  '77  was  working  at  his  trade  at  Mont. ,  where  he  dictated  his 
Memoirs  for  my  use,  and  where  I  think  he  still  lives  in  '85.  C.  (John), 
1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  C.  (Levi),  1840,  on  the  Don 
Quixote,  at  Mont.  iv.  103.  C.  (Ventura),  1841,  on  the  Jdven  Carolina. 
Chamisso  (Adelbert  von),  1816,  naturalist  of  Kotzebue's  exped.,  and  author 
of  Re.ise  and  Remarks  with  inform,  on  Cal.  ii.  279-81,  309-11,  372-3,  420. 
Champion,  1848,  came  on  a  vessel  from  Honolulu  ace.  to  his  later  testimony. 
Champlain  ( Wm  M.),  1844,  from  N.  Y. ;  doubtful  newspaper  record. 

Ghana  (Claude),  1846,  French  cooper,  who  came  to  N.  Orleans  in  '39,  to 
Mo.  '41,  and  overland  to  Cal.  in  '46.  He  worked  for  Sutter;  was  one  of  the 
earliest  gold-miners  in  '48;  became  owner  of  the  Nemshas  rancho  on  Bear 
River,  iv.  672;  long  a  resident  of  Wheatland,  where  he  died  in  '82  at  the 
age  of.  71.  I  suppose  the  original  name  was  'Chanon, '  as  indeed  it  is  writ- 


GHANA— CHARD.  •  757 

ten  in  the  N.  IJelv.  Diary.  Chance  (Dr),  1846,  overl.  immig.  who  lived  at 
Mont,  and  Stockton  till  '50  or  later,  then  went  to  Texas,  but  returned,  and 
was  in  southern  Cal.  '69;  S.  F.  Examiner.  Chancey  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  F, 
3d  U.  S.  artillery  (v.  518).  Chandler  (David  W.),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of 
the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  267,  270,  27o,  279;  interested  at  Benicia  '47.  v.  672; 
\vent  to  Honolulu,  but  came  back  in  '48.  I  have  no  later  record  than  his  letter 
at  S.F.  Nov.  '48,  but  he  is  said  to  have  died  in  Cal.  C.  (John  A.),  1847, 
Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Boston  '82.  C.  (Ralph),  1847,  mid.  on  the 
U.S.  Independence.  C.  (Wm),  1848,  lot-owner  at  S.F. 

Chapel  (Geo.),  1840,  one  of  the  exiles  to  San  Bias  who  came  back  in  '41  and 
settled  in  the  Sta  Cruz  redwoods,  iv.  18,  33,  37,  120;  in  '45  on  the  Brancif. 
padron  as  English,  age  27,  wife  JosefaSoto,  child.  Manuel  b.  '40,  Jose  C.  '44; 
at  Mont.  '47.  Chapin  (Geo.),  1847,  of  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  wounded  by 
Ind.;  perhaps  same  as  following.  C.  (Samuel).  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  C. 
(Sam.  M.),  1847,  blacksmith  at  Mont.  '47-8.  Chapman  (Charles),  1847, 
worked  for  Leidesdorff;  witness  in  the  Limantour  case  '54,  residing  at  S.F., 
age  30.  C.  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  lieut  of  the  U.S.  Independence  and  Columbus. 

Chapman  (Joseph),  1818,  Amer.  carpenter  and  blacksmith,  one  of  Bou 
chard's  insurgentes — impressed  into  that  service  at  the  Sandwich  Isl.,  as  he 
claimed — taken  prisoner  at  Mont.,  and  soon  finding  a  home  in  the  south,  ii. 
229,  248,  292,  393.  Foster,  First  American  in  Los  Angeles,  tells  a  most  in 
teresting  but  inaccurate  story  of  his  capture  at  Sta  B.  by  Lugo.  In  '20  Joseph 
was  employed  at  Sta  Lie's,  where  in  '21  he  built  a  grist-mill,  and  obtained  from 
Gov.  Sola  the  king's  amnesty  to  Anglo- Amer.  prisoners,  ii.444;  then  he  went 
to  S.  Gabriel  to  build  another  mill.  ii.  568;  and  was  baptized  at  S.  Buen.  in 
'22  as  Jos6  Juan,  being  married  the  same  year  at  Sta  Lie's  to  Guadalupe  Or 
tega,  by  whom  he  had  five  children,  ii.  479.  In  '24-6  he  bought  a  house  at  Los 
Aug.  and  got  a  piece  of  land,  where  he  planted  a  vineyard  of  4,000  vines,  ii. 
526;  but  still  continued  to  do  odd  jobs  at  the  missions,  being  a  jack -of -all-trades, 
who  apparently  could  make  or  repair  anything  that  was  needed.  He  was  a 
great  favorite  of  the  friars,  especially  P.  Sanchez,  who  declared  it  a  marvel  that 
one  so  long  in  the  darkness  of  baptist  faith  could  give  such  example  of  true 
catholic  piety  to  older  Christians.  In  '29,  armed  with  certificates  from  lead 
ing  men  of  all  classes,  and  defying  the  world  to  find  any  fault  with  his  record, 
he  asked  for  naturalization,  which  he  got  in  '31,  having  meanwhile  built  a 
schooner  and  served  on  occasion  as  surgeon,  ii.  558;  iii.  140,  209,  363,  382. 
His  age  in  '29  is  variously  given  as  33  to  48;  he  himself  seems  to  say  he  was 
33  or  34  in  '22,  but  is  now  48.  He  soon  moved  to  Sta  B.,  where  in  '36,  age  52, 
he  lived  with  wife  and  5  children;  in  '38  grantee  of  S.  Pedro  rancho.  iii.  656; 
is  ment.  in  '45,  and  by  Bryant  in  '47  as  living  near  S.  Buen.;  but  seems  to  have 
died  in  '48  or  '49.  Huse.  and  Foster.  His  widow  was  claimant  for  the  raiicho 
'52;  and  I  think  some  of  his  descendants  still  live,  '85,  in  Ventura  Co.  Among 
all  the  earliest  pioneers  of  Cal.  there  was  no  more  attractive  character,  no  more 
popular  and  useful  man,  than  Joseph  Chapman  the  Yankee.  C.  (Juan),  at 
Los  Ang.  '45;  perhaps  a  son  of  Joseph.  C.  (Manuel),  1844,  one  of  Fr&nont'i 
men.  iv.  437.  C.  (Thos),  1833,  mr  of  the  Charles  Eyes.  iii.  381.  Chaquette 
(Heman),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Charbonneau  (Jean  B.),  1847, 
guide  to  the  Morm.  Bat.  v.  483;  in  '48  alcalde  at  S.  Luis  Rey.  v.  621,  623. 

Chard  (Wm  Geo.),  1832,  New  Yorker  from  N.  Mex.  with  Alexander,  Car 
penter,  etc.  iii.  388,  408;  at  Los  Ang.,  where  he  had  a  vineyard,  till  '36,  ap 
pearing  in  several  records  and  being  one  of  the  vigilantes  (iii.  430);  in  ';>7 
naturalized,  being  then  at  Sta  B.,  protestant,  age  27,  a  trader  on  the  coast. 
The  same  year  went  north  to  the  Sta  Cruz  region,  apparently  with  Graham's 
comp. ,  and  his  name  often  appears  on  Larkin's  books  from  '37.  In  '40,  living 
at  Brancif.,  he  was  exiled  to  S.  Bias,  but  returned  in  '41,  and  next  to  Graham 
was  loudest  in  his  demands  for  justice  and  damages,  until  the  courts  spoiled  his 
little  game  by  showing  his  Mex.  citizenship,  iv.  17-18,  24,  31,  33,  39-40,  116. 
In  '43-5  C.  had  a  store  and  sailor  boarding-house  at  Mont,  in  partnership  with 
Josiah  Belden;  in  '44  he  got  a  grant  of  Las  Flores,  Tehama  Co.,  on  which  he 
put  his  cattle  in  '45.  iv.  671;  earlier  in  '45  he  signed  the  call  to  foreigners  at 


758  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

S.  Jose\  iv.  599;  in  '45-7  he  was  employed  by  Andrds  Castillero  to  work  the 
New  Almaden  mine;  but  before  the  end  of  '47  he  settled,  apparently,  on  his 
Tehama  rancho,  where  he  still  lived  in  '58,  and  where  he  died,  I  think,  about 
'80.  His  wife  was  a  Oalifornian  of  the  Robles  family,  who  died  in  '72.  The 
family  seems  to  have  resided  at  Sta  Clara  for  some  years  after  Chard  went  to 
Tehama.  Stephen  Chard,  a  son  of  Wm  G.  was  still  in  'SO  and  later,  a  pros 
perous  farmer  of  Tehama. 

Charlefoux,  1837,  Canadian  from  N.  Mex.  in  com.  of  a  party  of  '  Chagua- 
nosos,'  or  Shawnees,  who  were  trappers,  soldiers,  traders,  or  horse-thieves — 
\vhichever  profession  might  be  most  profitable  at  the  time — in  '37-40.  He  aided 
Bandini  and  the  sureuos  against  Alvarado  in  '37.  iii.  495,  518,  520;  iv.  118. 
Charles,  1846,  in  Sutter's  employ,  and  guard  over  the  Sonoma  prisoners  '46-7. 
v.  125.  Charley,  1845,  Delaware  Ind.  of  Fremont's  party.  '45-7.  Charles 
(Michael),  1826,  Irish  blacksmith  who  landed  sick  from  a  whaler;  at  Mont. 
'40,  age  57.  iii.  176.  Charles  (Joseph),  1844,  sailor  on  the  California,  wit 
ness  at  Mont.  Charquin,  rebel  neoph.  of  S.F.  1793.  i.  709. 

Chase  (Charles),  1846,  on  the  1st  jury  at  Mont.  v.  289.  C.  (C.),  1846, 
fleet  surgeon  on  the  Savannah;  perhaps  same  as  preceding.  C.  (Hiram), 
1847,  Co.  J,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  before  '82.  C.  (Hiram  B.),  1847,  Co.  A, 
Morm  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Utah  '81.  C.  (Sam.),  1844,  Engl.  witli  a  pass,  for  a 
y ear  at  Mont.  C.  (Sam.),  1847,  at  Sutter's  July;  at  Mont.  Dec.;  in  '48  in 
charge  of  Larkin's  rancho  on  the  Sac.,  but  soon  quit  farming  for  the  mines. 
C.  (S.  M.),  1846,  doubtful  record  of  a  Bear  Flag  man,  at  Sonoma  in  '62.  C. 
(S.U.),  1845,  New  Yorker  of  quaker  parentage,  who  came  west  in  '38,  crossed 
the  plains  to  Or.  '43,  and  came  to  Cal.  '45in*theMcMahon-Clyman  party,  iv. 
572,  577,  587.  After  visiting  Sta  Cruz  and  Mont,  he  ret.  to  the  Sac.,  and  went 
to  Or.  in  '46;  came  back  to  the  mines  '48-9;  later  a  farmer  in  Solano  and 
Napa;  about  '66  settled  in  Yolo,  where  he  still  lived  inCapay  Val.  '79.  Never 
married.  Portrait  in  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  26.  Chaseagre?(J.),  1833-5,  mr  of  the 
Mariquita.  iii.  383.  Chatard  (Fred.),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Independence. 
Chatfield,  1848,  mr  of  the  Sabine.  Chatozo  (Pedro),  named  by  Lancey  as 
builder  of  a  mill  at  N.  Almaden  '24.  Chaudiere  (H. ),  1835,  mr  of  the  Grange. 
iii.  382.  Chauncey  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518),  ace.  to 
Lancey,  but  not  on  the  roll;  at  Livermore  '48. 

Chavarria  (Nicolas),  1818,  S.  Amer.  of  Bouchard's  insurgents,  captured  at 
Mont.,  and  remained  in  Cal.  ii.  227,  230-2,  241;  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '28-31. 
Chavez  (Jose"  Ant.),  1833,  Mex.  brought  to  Cal.  by  Gov.  Figueroa,  whose 
natural  son  he  is  supposed  by  many  to  have  been;  tax  collector  at  Mont.  '43. 
iv\  653;  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  the  movement  against  Micheltorena  '44, 
also  sec.  of  ayunt.  iv.  588-9,  653;  grantee  of  Ci^nega  del  Gavilan  '43,  and 
Pleito  '45.  iv.  655;  celador  at  Mont.  '46.  v.  570.  He  took  part  in  various 
military  operations  of  '46  as  lieut,  being  sent  by  Castro  to  Fremont's  camp  at 
Gavilan.  v.  11;  and  later  the  captor  of  Larkin  and  2d  in  com.  at  Natividad, 
where  he  was  wounded,  escaping  capture  a  few  days  later  by  being  hidden  in 
bed  between  two  well-known  ladies  of  Mont.  v.  362,  364,  366-72.  Leaving 
Cal.  in  '48,  v.  585-6,  he  went  to  S.  Bias,  and  was  later  prominent  with  Man 
uel  Castro  on  the  L.  Cal.  frontier.  Chavez,  1818,  painter  at  S.  Juan  B.  ii. 
3S6.  C.  (Jose),  1798,  i.  606.  C.  (Julian),  supl.  alcalde  Los  Ang.  '38.  iii. 
6.J6;  regidor  '46-7,  and  grantee  of  Las  Animas  '46.  v.  625-7.  C.  (Mariano), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Chavira  (Jose),  1798,  i.  606.  Chavira  y  Lerma  (Josefa), 
Avife  of  Pedro  y  Gil,  1781.  i.  451.  Chavon,  1847,  mr  of  the  Adelaide. 

Check,  1816,  on  the  Lydia,  arrested  at  StaB.  ii.  275.  Cheney  (Zacheus), 
1847,  Co.  B,  Morrn.  Bat.'  (v.  469).  Chever  (Henry),  1846,  nat.  of  Mass., 
who  had  lived  long  in  Valparaiso  and  Manila;  ace.  to  his  brother's  statement 
was  mr  of  the  Hannah,  v.  578;  but  he  seems  to  have  come  to  S.F.  from  Hon 
olulu  on  the  Elizabeth;  had  a  lot  at  S.F.  '46;  member  of  the  firm  J.B.  McClurg 
&  Co.  at  Los  Ang.,  dissolved  Feb.  '48;  also  connected  with  Ward  &  Smith 
'47;  and  later  with  Hastings  &  Co.  atColoma.  He  was  one  of  the  founders  of 
Yuba  City;  at  S.F.  '51-3  in  poor  health;  died  in  Napa  Val.  '54,  leaving  no 
family.  His  brother  Edward  E.  was  in  Cal.  '49-54,  and  again  '83-5.  Chev- 


CHEVRETTE— CHRISTIAN.  7C9 

rette  (Pierre  J.),  1832,  signed  roll  of  the  comp.  extranjera.  iii.  221.  Chi- 
chester  (Clias),  1843,  overl.  immig.  with  Allsopp;  went  to  the  mines.  C. 
(Henry  T.),  1C47,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  49D);  deserter.  Chico,  Ind.  chief 
killed  1781.  i.  400. 

Chico  (Mariano),  1836,  Mex.  col  and  memb.  of  congress  from  Guanajuato, 
appointed  gov.  of  Cal.  Dec.  '33,  arriving  in  April  '30  on  the  Leonor,  and  as 
suming  his  office  May  2d.  He  encountered  a  bitter  prejudice  against  -Mex. 
rulers,  and  his  position  was  made  so  uncomfortable  by  an  unmanageable  di- 
putacioii  and  other  soi-disant  opponents  of  centralism  that  he  was  virtually 
forced  to  depart  in  Aug.,  his  rule  ending  July  31st.  He  was  a  man  of  fair 
abilities  and  good  education;  by  no  means  the  villain,  fool,  or  madman  that 
the  Californians  generally  represent  him;  but  he  was  fussy,  conceited,  and 
gifted  with  no  tact  for  making  friends  or  overcoming  obstacles.  He  alsp  scan 
dalized  Mont,  society  by  bringing  a  mistress,  Dona  Cruz,  whom  he  introduced 
as  his  niece.  On  his  rule,  see  iii.  420-44,  also  ment.  iii.  300,  399,  652-3,  G70i 
iv.  44-7,  72,  82-3,  102,  104-5,  112.  In  '43-4  Don  Mariano  was  gov.  of  Aguas- 
calientcs,  where  he  is  said  to  have  written  many  verses,  making, himself 
somewhat  popular  socially,  though  less  so  than  his  wife,  Dona  Ignacia  Alegre. 
Gonzalez,  Hist.  Ayuas.  128-30.  In  '40  he  was  com.  gen.  of  Guanajuato.  Chie- 
nes  (Alex. ),  1842,' mr  of  the  Pnrnavera.  iv.  508.  Childers  (Morris  R. ),  1845, 
Amer.  carpenter  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  iv.  572;  prob.  went 
back  in  '40.  iv.  520;  but  visited  S.F.  in  '47  on  the  Henry  from  Astoria.  C. 
(Moses),  1843,  said  to  have  crossed  the  plains  and  to  have  been  in  Amador 
Co.  '48.  Amador  Co.  Hist.,  182;  perhaps  a  vague  ref.  to  the  preceding.  Childs 
(Mark  D. ),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons;  wounded  at  the  Mesa  Jan.  '47.  v. 
395;  name  also  given  Mark  A.  Child. 

Chiles  (Joseph  B.),  1841,  Kentuckian  b.  1810;  in  Mo.  from  '30;  took  part 
in  the  Florida  war  '33;  and  in  '41  came  overl.  to  Cal.  with  the  Bartleson 
party,  iv.  207,  270,  275,  279.  After  visiting  Monterey,  Sonoma,  and  other 

Earts  of  the  country,  and  obtaining  from  VaJejo  the  promise  of  a  mill  site, 
e  returned  east  in  '42  for  the  mill.  iv.  276,  342.  In  '43  he  came  back  with 
the  party  that  bears  his  name,  one  portion  of  the  party  under  Walker  taking 
a  southern  route  and  being  obliged  to  leave  Chiles'  mill  on  the  way.  iv.  392- 
5,  079.  In  '44  he  was  grantee  of  Catacula  rancho  in  Napa  Val.  iv.  071 ;  ment. 
also  iv.  448,  453;  in  '45  dgns  bonds  for  some  of  the  new  immigrants,  iv.  581. 
I  do  not  find  any  definite,  record  that  he  joined  cither  the  Bears  or  the  Cal. 
Bat.  in  '40,  though  he  may  have  done  so,  and  certainly  aided  Fremont  with 
supplies  and  information,  v.  297-8.  He  went  east  in  '47,  prob.  as  guide  and 
hunter  in  Stockton's  party,  v.  454;  was  at  Washington  to  testify  at  the 
Fremont  court-martial;  and  in  '48  made  his  3d  overl.  trip  to  Cal.  at  the  head 
of  a  party,  v.  557,  which  included  his  own  family  of  a  son  and  3  daughters, 
his  wifo  having  died  in  '37.  The  son  was,  I  suppose,  the  Kit  Chiles  named  in 
Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  74,  as  having  settled  at  Washington  in  '48;  the  daughters  were 
Fanny  wife  of  Jerome  Davis,  Elizabeth  wife  of  Daniel  Brown,  and  Mary,  Mrs 
Tully.  Colonel  Joe  Chiles,  as  he  is  familiarly  known,  married  M.  G.  Garnett 
in  '53;  and  has  resided  in  Xapaand  Lake  counties  down  to  '85,  I  think,  a  fa 
mous  hunter  notwithstanding  his  years,  and  a  good  citizen.  A  brief  narrative 
of  his  Visit  to  Cal.  in  '41  was  furnished  by  him  in  '78.  Chinook  (Wm),  1845, 
Ind.  of  Fremont's  party,  one  of  the  Sta  B.  garrison,  iv.  583.  Chipman 
( Walter),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A ,  N.  Y.  Vol. ,  at  Cedar  Springs,  Mich. ,  '83.  Chiron, 

1837,  in  Petit-Thouar's  cxped.,  surveying  S.F.  Bay.  iv.  149. 

Choquet  (Diego),  1770,  mr  of  the 8.  Antonio,  i.  287,  301.  Choris  (Louis), 
1810,  artist  with  Kotzebue;  author  of  the  Voyaye  Pittorrcsque.  ii.  281,  372. 
Christian  (Chas),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499),  under  another  name. 
C.  (Chas  W.  IL),  1848,  in  charge  of  S.F.  school  Dec.  Calif ornian.  C.  (John), 

1838,  one  of  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias,  not  known  to  have  returned,  iv.  18.       C. 
(Kail),  1840,  mr  of  the  Catcdina.  iv.  31.       C.  (W.  A.).  1848,  purser  U.S.N., 
at  S.F.  on  the  Lady  Adam*.       C.  (Wm.  H.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
brig. -gen.  in  war  of  '01-5;  at  Los  Ang.  '71;  at  Utica,  N.Y.,  '74-82;  perhaps 
the  Chas  and  Chas  W.  H.  meut.  above.    A  man  of  the  same  name  was  at  S. 


760  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Jose"  in  '50.  Christiancy  (James),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232-47). 
Christie  (H.),  1848,  left  Honolulu  for  S.  F.  C.  (John  G.),  1847,  at  S.F.  on 
the  Currency  Las*  from  Hon. ;  at  Mont.  '48.  Chulte,  in  Sutler's  employ  '47; 
perhaps  an  Ind.  Chumazero  (Ignacio),  at  Sta  Cruz  1794.  i.  496.  Church 
(Haden  W.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  C.  (Wm  S.),  1843,  Amer. 
carpenter  from  Sandwich  Isl. ,  who  died  at  the  house  of  Temple  at  Los  Ang. 
'43,  his  effects  being  sold  Jan.  '44.  iv.  400.  C.  (Wm  S.),  1841,  mate  of  the 
Maryland,  who  took  com.  on  the  return  from  Mazatlan  to  Hon.  '42.  Capt. 
Peirce  says  he  saw  him  at  S.F.  in  '49;  else  he  would  appear  same  as  preced 
ing.  Churchman  (T.),  1848,  worked  for  Sutter  on  his  mill  from  May. 
Chute,  1847,  convicted  of  manslaughter  at  S.  Jose",  v.  663. 

Cibrian  (Bias),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '27-33;  his  wife  was  Paula  Mesa, 
living  at  Mont.  '36,  age  28,  child.  Francisco  b.  '23,  Maria  de  la  Cruz  '27,  Jos6 
Prudencio  '30.  Jose  Bias  '32,  Hefugio  '34,  Jose"  Estanislao  '36.  C.  (Carmen), 
wife  of  Cornelio  Bernal,  resid.  at  S.F.  mission  from  '38  and  earlier  to  '67  and 
later.  C.  (Eusebio),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  41;  at  S.F.  mission  '46;  witness 
in  Santillan  case.  C.  (Francisco),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '39-43.  iv.  667;  at 
S.  Jose"  '50.  C.  (Gabriel),  at  S.F.  '55,  age  36.  C.  (Leocadio),  soldier  and 
settler  of  1791-1800.  i.  499,  416.  C.  (Maria  Rosa  Pacheco  de),  widow,  at 
S.  Jose"  '41,  age  '44,  child.  Isidro  b.  '22,  Ignacio  '24,  Eusebia  '27,  Florencio 
'30,  Jose"  Manuel  '32,  Carlos  '33,  Encarnacion  '40.  C.  (Pablo),  settler  at  S. 
F.  1791-1800.  i.  716.  Ciel,  1838,  doubtful  name  at  Sta.  B.  Cimental, 
(Cris.),  reg.  at  Mont.  1805.  ii.  156.  Cins,  see  'Zinns.'  Ciprds  (Marcelino), 
1795,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Antonio  and  S.  Luis  Ob.  till  his  death  in 
1810.  Biog.  ii.  148;  ment.  i.  576,  689;  ii.  23,  28,  50,  147,  151-2,  159-60,  191. 
Cipriano,  Ind.  associate  of  Estanislao  '29.  iii.  110;  perhaps  the  same  who 
died  in  '78  in  the  region  of  N.  Almaden  at  the  age  of  100  or  more. 

Clamp  (Richard),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Chinese  Camp, 
Cal.  '71-82.  Clap  (Curtis),  1840,  mr.  of  the  Alciope;  sup.  of  the  Califor 
nia  '42-3;  a  Boston  and  Sandw.  Isl.  trader,  iv.  100,  564.  Clapin  (Joseph), 
1846,  corp.  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Clapp  (Chas  D.),  1847,  Co. 
D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  died  in  Australia  after  '50.  Clar  (Juan),  1836, 
Span,  of  Minorca;  translator  and  keeper  of  the  archives,  well  known  in  S.F. 
'49-84;  said  to  have  visited  Cal.  as  early  as  '36  as  prof,  of  mathematics  on  a 
man-of-war,  and  again  with  Com.  Jones  in  '42.  He  died  at  S.F.  '84.  Clare 
(Wm),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518);  an  Engl.  who  joined  the  comp. 
at  Valparaiso;  served  as  clerk  in  Col  Mason's  office,  but  like  most  of  his 
comrades  deserted  for  the  mines  in  '48.  Said  to  have  inherited  a  fortune  later 
and  to  have  settled  down  at  Liverpool. 

Clark,  1836,  mr  of  Ionic,  iv.  104.  C.,  1845,  in  Slitter's  army.  iv.  486. 
C.,  1847,  mr  of  the  Vesper,  v.  580.  C.,  1847,  'Father  Clark,'  said  to 
have  celebrated  his  49th  birthday  at  S.  Diego,  in  '72,  25  years  and  6  mo. 
after  his  arrival.  S.  D.  World.  C.,  1847,  left  Hon.  for  S.F.  on  the  Eveline. 
C.  (Albert),  1847;  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  C.  (Daniel),  1848,  Irish 
immig.  to  Or.  of  earlier  years,  who  came  to  the  Cal.  mines  '48-50,  going 
back  to  Or.,  where  he  has  been  a  well-known  citizen.'  Hist.  Or.,  i.  468.  C. 
(Daniel  P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  680;  at 
S.  Diego  from  '71,  where  he  died  '79.  C.  (E.  St  Clair),  1847,  sec.  U.  S.  Co 
lumbus.  C.  (Francis),  1843,  doubtful  immig.  of  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390. 
C.  (Francis  C.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  shot  on  Merced  Riv.  '53. 

Clark  (Francis  D.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  nat,  of  N.  Y.;  a 
miner  in  '48-9;  in  '49-55  trader,  ferryman,  and  justice  of  the  peace  in  S. 
Joaquin;  N.Y.  city  trader  '55-60;  major  and  mil.  sec.  in  the  war  of  '61-5; 
and  later  a  business  man  of  N.  Y.  city.  Clark  has  been  sec.  and  one  of  the 
most  active  members  of  the  N.Y.  society  of  Cal.  Pioneers;  and  has  particu 
larly  interested  himself  in  keeping  awake  memories  of  pioneer  times  by  the 
publication  of  rolls  of  surviving  comrades  of  '47  in  '71  and  '74;  and  finally 
by  The  Firxt  Regiment  of  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  bringing  the  record  down  to  'S3. 
See  v.  503,  et  seq.  That  work  also  contains  the  author's  portrait.  His  Pioneer 
of  '4?  is  a  somewhat  minute  narrative  of  his  experience  in  '47-55.  I  have 


CLARK— CLOUD.  761 

followed  his  record  of  the  N.  Y.  Vol.  with  a  few  corrections  and  additions. 
0.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Geo.  S.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  4G9).  C.  (H.),  1847.  sup.  of  the  Eveline.  C.  (John),  1847,  Co.  G, 
N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  an  Irishman,  drowned  at  S.F.  '54.  C.  (John  Case),  1843, 
said  to  have  visited  the  coast  on  a  man-of-war,  iv.  400;  miner  from  '49;  at 
Red  Bluff  a  few  years  from  '57;  at  S.  Diego  from  '69  to  his  death  in  '73. 
C.  (John  N.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  bro.  of  Francis  C. ;  miner  and 
painter,  at  Stockton  '71-4;  died  in  Fresno  Co.  '79.  C.  (Joseph),  1847.  Co. 
A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  4G9).  C.  (Lorenzo),  1847,  lieut  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  v.'  477; 
tanner  in  Utah  '81.  C.  (M.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  C.  (Nicholas), 

1846,  at  Sutter's  Fort;  one  of  the  2d  Donner  relief,  v.  540;  portrait  in  Mc- 
Glashan,  184;  living  in  '79.       C.   (Obed),  1822-3,  mr  of  the  Gideon,  ii.  474, 
492.       C.  (Ransom),  1844.  perhaps  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  437;  at  S.  Jose"  '50. 
C.  (Riley  P.),   1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  reenl.  at  Los  Aug.       C. 
(Smith  Douglas),  1845,  Engl.  with  a  passp.  for  Sonora.       C.  (Sophia P.),  1846, 
one  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  576;  prob.  Mrs  King  at  Ogden  '84.       C.  (Terence)', 
1848?  an  early  settler  at  Sonora.       C.  (Win),  1823-6,  mr  of  the  Thos  Now- 
lan.  ii.  492,  519;  iii.  149. 

Clark  (Wm  Squire),  1846,  nat.  of  Md,  b.  in  1807.  grandson  of  Abraham  C. 
signer  of  the  declaration  of  independence;  educated  in  Ohio;  a  business  man 
iii  the  south  and  west;  and  an  overland  immig.  of  '46  (v.  526).  He  came  di 
rectly  to  S.  F. ,  and  served  apparently  under  Marston  in  the  Sta  Clara  campaign. 
Obtaining  a  lot  at  what  was  named  for  him  Clark's  Point — which  lot  is  still 
owned  by  him  40  years  later — he  built  a  warehouse  and  a  wharf,  driving  the 
first  piles  in  the  bay.  In  '47-8  he  was  not  only  one  of  the  most  prominent 
business  men  in  town,  becoming  the  owner  of  dozens  of  city  lots,  but  he  was  a 
member  of  the  council,  president  of  public  meetings,  and  otherwise  active  in 
public  affairs,  v.  648,  650,  652-4,  656,  678,  680,  685.  I  know  of  no  foundation 
for  Gen.  Sherman's  statement  that  Clark  was  a  Mormon,  v.  547.  In  '48  he  was 
a  successful  miner,  but  soon  returned  to  S.F.,  where  his  land  investments  made 
him  eventually  a  millionnagre.  He  married  Alice  A.  Duncan  in  '68,  and  in  '70 
went  to  live  at  S.  Jose",  where  he  still  is  in  '85,  with  a  son,  Wm  S.,  Jr,  and  4 
daughters.  He  wrote  his  Recollections  for  my  use  in  '85,  and  in  an  interview 
gave  me  many  details  of  old  San  Francisco.  C.  ( W.  W. ),  1 847,  mr  of  a  whaler. 

Classen  (John  C.),  1848,  Pion.  Soc.  roll.  Claudio,  1837,  leader  of  hostile 
Ind.  S.  Diego,  iii.  614.  Clausen  (Win),  1847,  musician  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499).  Clavell,  1844,  officer  011  H.B.M.S.  Modeste.  Clawson  (JohnR.), 

1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  at  Los.  Ang.       Claviter  (Edward), 

1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu;  resid.  of  Mt  Eden,  Alameda  Co.  '49-78;  at  Ala- 
meda  from  '78  to  his  death  in  '84. 

Clayton  (Charles),  1848,  nat.  of  Engl.,  who  came  to  the  U.S.  in  '42  and 
crossed  the  plains  to  Or.  in  '47,  coming  to  Cal.  in  April  '48  on  the  Henry. 
After  a  year  in  the  mines  he  opened  a  store  at  Sta  Clara,  where  he  also  held 
local  offices.  From  '53  he  become  a  prominent  commission  merchant  in  S.F., 
filling  also  with  credit  the  offices  of  supervisor,  member  of  the  legislature,  sur 
veyor  of  the  port,  and  member  of  congress.  He  married  Hannah  Morgan  in 
'54;  and  still  resides  in  S.F.  in  '85,  age  60.  Clements,  1845,  at  S.  F.,  N. 
Ilelv. ,  and  again  at  S.  F.  with  a  family ;  seems  to  have  gone  east  with  Clyman 
in  '46.  iv.  526,  578.  Name  also  written  Clemence,  Clement,  and  demons. 
Win  demons  is  named  in  one  list  as  a  member  of  the  Stevens  party  of  '44,  and 
was  perhaps  the  same,  though  he  may  have  gone  first  to  Or.  Clements  (Lam 
beth  B.),  1847,  of  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  comp.  not  known;  lot  at  S.F.  '47;  at 
S.F.  '54;  at  Soquel  '74.  Cleveland  (Richard  J.),  1803,  owner  and  1st  officer 
of  the  Le/ia  Byrd;  involved  in  smuggling  exploits;  author  of  a  Narrative. 
ii.  10-14,  21,  102-3.  Clifford  (Cornelius),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  at  S.  Juan  B.  after  1850.  C.  (J.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  C. 
(0.  G.),  1848,  ditto.  Clift  (James),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469):  reenl. 
at  Los  Ang.  C.  (Robert),  1847,  lieut  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  lieut  of  the 
recnl.  comp.  v.  495;  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  '47-8.  v.  491,  618-19.  Clipper, 
doubtful name-of  a  corporal  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  Cloud  (J.  H.),  1847,  major 


702  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

and  paymaster  U.S.A.,  who  came  with  the  Morm.  Bat.  v.  483,  440;  killed  at 
Sutter's  Fort  Aug.  3d  by  a  fall  from  his  horse.  Clough  (Wm),  1837,  named  in 
Lark in's  accounts. 

Clyman  (James),  1845,  Virginian  who,  after  an  adventurous  career  as  sur 
veyor  and  trapper  in  the  great  west,  came  overland  to  Or.  in  '44,  and  to  Cal. 
the  next  year  as  a  leader  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  v.  572-4,  587.  He 
travelled  over  the  country  as  far  as  Monterey;  spent  the  winter  hunting  in 
the  Napa  and  other  valleys,  v.  17;  and  in  the  spring  of  '46 — after  a  union 
with  Fremont's  comp.  had  been  declined,  v.  23 — returned  to  the  states  over 
land,  meeting  the  Donner  and  other  parties  on  the  way.  v.  526.  He  came  back 
to  Cal.  in  later  years,  and  lived  at  Napa  till  his  death  in  '81,  at  the  age  of  84. 
Colonel  Clyman 's  Note-book,  a  MS.  diary  of  his  wanderings  of  '44-6,  is  one  of 
the  most  complete  and  important  records  of  its  class  in  my  library.  Clyman'' s 
Diary  is  an  abridgment  of  the  same,  with  a  few  documentary  additions. 
Ciymer,  1842,  with  Com.  Jones  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  321. 

Coates  (Geo.),  1846,  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  S.  Juan 
Oct.;  prob.  same  as  the  following.  C.  (James),  1843,  Amer.  shoemaker, 
farmer,  tanner,  and  overl.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390. 
Naturalized  '44,  then  living  at  Mont.;  in  '45  a  lieut  in  Sutter's  force,  at  one 
time  a  prisoner,  iv.  486,  500;  in  '46  perhaps  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  as  above;  in  '47 
lot-owner  at  S.F.,  tanner  at  N.  Helv.,  and  finally  moving"  to  a  house  on  Amer. 
River.  I  have  no  later  record  than  March  '48,  when  Coates  was  seriously  in 
jured  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  being  also  robbed  of  $300.  Cobb,  1840,  on 
the  Don  Quixote  from  Hon.  iv.  103.  C.  (Chas),  1848,  owner  of  S.F.  lots; 
same  name  in  S.F.  directory  of  '52. 

Cochran  (Thos),  1845,  nat.  of  N.C.,  who  crossed  the  plains  to  Or.  '43,  and 
came  to  Cal.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  iv.  572,  574,  587.  Named  at  N. 
Helv.  several  times  in  '45-8;  in  '49  built  a  hotel,  the  1st  building  at  Cache- 
ville;  an  eccentric  man,  who  in '51  suddenly  departed  for  Australia.  Cocket 
(C.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Cocks  (Henry),  1846,  English  marine  on 
the  U.  S.  Dale,  who  after  his  disch.  in  '48  lived  at  Mont,  and  married  a 
daughter  of  Francisco  Garcia,  moving  in  '53  to  the  S.  Bernabe"  rancho,  or 
Cock's  station,  of  which  he  was  the  claimant,  iv.  655,  679.  In  '66  he  went 
with  the  telegraph  exped.  to  Alaska  and  Siberia;  had  an  appointment  on  the 
Tule  River  Ind.  reservation;  accomp.  Wheeler's  explor.  exped.  on  the  Colo 
rado;  and  in  '75  was  living  near  his  old  place  in  Mont.  Co.,  where  he  still  is, 
I  think,  in  '85.  Coe  (John  J.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (y.  499).  Coeur 
(Fran9ois),  1846,  with  Kearny's  force,  v.  337. 

Coftclt  (Geo.),  1846,  teamster  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Coffe- 
meyer  (Edward),  1846,  sailor  at  N.  Helv.  '47-8;  member  of  1st  and  4th  Don 
ner  relief,  v.  538,  541.  Coffin  (Ephraim),  1841,  of  U.S.  ex.  exped.;  died  in 
Cal.  iv.  279.  C.  (Henry),  1844,  Amer.  sailor  of  the  Monmouth,  aided  by  the 
consul.  C.  (Ivory),  1846,  seaman  or  marine  on  the  Savannah;  wounded  at 
the  S.  Gabriel  Jan.  9,  '47.  v.  395.  C.  (James),  1835,  mr  of  the  Peor  enNada. 
C.  (J.  W.),  1847,  on  a  whaler;  came  back  in  '50;  of  S.  F.  firm  C.  &  Hendry; 
d.  before  '85,  leaving  a  son  and  daughter.  C.  (L.),  1848,  at  S.F.  on  the  Lady 
Adam*  from  Callao.  C.  (Wm),  1826,  mr  of  the  FranUin.  iii.  147.  C.  ( Wm), 
1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  C. ,  1847,  mr  of  the  Charlc.it  Drew.  Coghlan 
(James),  1848,  sailor  on  the  Elizabeth.  Cogswell,  1845.  at  N.  Helv.  Doc. 
Cohn  (Moritz),  1847,  musician  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  D, 
N.Y.Vol. 

Colbath  (Lemuel),  1846,  mate  of  the  Euphemia  '46-8;  a  New  Englander. 
Colbert  (John),  1834,  Engl.  shipwright,  age  26;  naturalized  '39;  still  at  S.  F. 
'40.  iii.  412.  Cole  (James  B.).  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.;  at  Spriugville, 
Utah,  '82.  C.  (John),  1826,  sailor  on  the  Rover.  C.  (Thomas),  1833,  Engl. 
sailor  whose  name  often  appears  in  Larkin's  accounts  of  '33-49.  iii.  409.  Ace. 
to  John  Price,  in  S.  Luix  Ob.  Co.  Ilixt.,  63,  he  deserted  from  the  Kent,  but  I 
have  no  record  of  that  vessel  before  '36.  Cole  was  one  of  Graham's  riflemen  of 
'36-8.  (iii.  457);  arrested  but  not  exiled  '40.  iv.  17;  grantee  of  lands  in  Salinas 
Val.  '42-4.  iv.  656;  in  '44  flogged  by  the  Calif,  for  revealing  to  Micheltorena 


COLE— CONNOR.  763 

the  place  where  certain  powder  and  lead  had  been  buried,  so  says  Swan;  in 
'45-b'  often  employed  to  carry  despatches,  v.  29,  235,  also  signing  the  call  to 
foreigners  at  S.  Jose",  iv.  599,  and  accomp.  Lieut  Revere  on  a  hunting  trip. 
Mentioned  by  Revere,  Sherman,  and  Colton,  the  latter  naming  him  as  a  man 
who  stole  a  horse.  His  name  appears  on  the  assessment  rolls  of  '50;  and  ace. 
to  Taylor's  List,  he  died  at  Mont,  in  '58.  Coleman  (Geo.),  1827,  at  Sta  B. 
and  S.  Buen.  '27-8.  ii.  580;  iii.  94,  176.  C.  (Michael),  1845,  overl.  immig. 
of  Grigsby-Ide  party;  bonds  given  by  Wm  Benitz  Nov.  21st;  prob.  went  to 
Or.  in  '46.  iv.  520,  578.  C.  (Thos),  1847,  carpenter  on  the  U.  S.  Preble. 
Colespedriguez  (Bruno).  1829,  mr  of  the  Rosalia,  iii.  148. 

Colgan  (James  A.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Colima  (Tomas  San 
chez),  at  Los  Ang.  '43;  juez  de  campo  '44.  iv.  633;  cl.  for  Sta  Gertrudis  '53. 
iv.  629,  635.  Collie  (Alex.),  1826-7,  surg.  of  H.B.M.S.  Blossom;  made  a 
trip  from  S.F.  to  Mont,  and  back  by  land.  iii.  121.  Colligan,  1847,  attempts 
murder  at  Sta  Cruz.  S.  F.  Star,  Nov;  20th;  perhaps  'Callaghan.'  C.  (Wm), 
1840,  sailor  of  the  navy;  at  Mont,  in  July;  went  south  with  the  Cal.  Bat.;  in 
'75  and  later  a  broker  and  politician  of  N.Y.  City.  Collins  (John),  1847, 
boatswain  of  the  Cyane.  C.  (Napoleon),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.F. ;  perhaps 
the  C.  who  was  wrecked  in  the  bay  and  rescued  by  the  Tasso's  boat.  Alta, 
Feb.  17,  '67.  C.  (Peter),  1842,  in  the  Sta  Cruz  redwoods,  iv.  341;  in  '43 
kept  a  bar  at  Mont. ;  killed  at  Pacheco  Pass  about  '54.  .  C.  (Robert  H. ),  1 847, 
Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  '82  at  Huntingdon,  Utah.  Colombet  (Clem 
ent),  1844,  Frenchman  who  kept  a  hotel  at  S.  Jose"  '49.  iv.  453;  made  a  for 
tune  in  the  mines,  lost  later  and  regained;  married  a  daughter  of  Thos  Kell; 
in  '60  at  Warm  Springs,  Alameda  Co.,  age  43;  living  at  S.  Jos6  '81.  Colton 
(Chas  E.),  1847,  servant  to  an  officer  in  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  C.  (Patrick), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  C.  (Philander),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat. ;  a  mason  who  made  bricks  and  worked  on  1st  brick  house  at  S.  Diego. 

Colton  (Walter),  1846,  chaplain  U.S.N.,  who  came  on  the  Congress,  and 
was  alcalde  at  Mont,  in  '46-8;  also  judge  of  the  admiralty;  an  earnest,  kind- 
hearted,  and  sensible  man,  whose  official  and  private  record  in  Cal.  was  a 
most  excellent  one.  In  partnership  with  Robert  Semple,  he  edited  and  pub 
lished  the  Calif ornian,  the  1st  Cal.  newspaper,  in  '46-7,  making  a  visit  to  the 
mines  in  the  autumn  of  '48,  and  causing  the  erection  of  a  school-house  at  Mont., 
named  for  him  Colton  Hall.  His  Deck  and  Port,  and  Three  Years  in  CaL, 
published  in  '50,  are  journals  of  his  experience  and  observations,  full  of  inter 
est,  and  justly  regarded  as  standard  works  on  the  annals  of  '46-8.  He  went 
east  early  in  '49,  but  I  have  no  record  of  his  later  career,  v.  254,  288-93,  433, 
003,  637-8,  653.  Columbo  (A.),  1847,  Amer.  farmer  at  S.  Buen.  Colwell 
(J.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  immig.  iv.  578. 

Combs  (Abram),  1847,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.  with  wife  and  3  child,  v. 
546;  in  Utah  '84,  his  wife  being  dead.  Comelero  (Pedro),  1836,  Italian  cook 
from  Lima  at  Los  Ang.  Comfort  (Geo.  F.),  1838,  mr  of  the  Ayacucho.  iv. 
101.  Comstock  (Cortey),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Conanse  (Jose),  1791-1800,  visiting  friar  at  S.  Diego,  i.  655.  Concha 
(Juan),  1791,  lieut  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Conde  (Pedro),  1818,  lieut, 
com.  of  one  of  Bouchard's  vessels,  ii.  226-7.  Condels,  1845,  doubtful  name 
of  an  Amer.  at  Brancif.,  age  24.  Condit  (Jeptha),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.  Conduian  (Alex.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  a 
Frenchman  at  Brancif.,  age  25.  Conejo  (Casimiro),  1798,  i.  606.  Conley 
(James  H.),  1847,  carpenter  on  the  Dale.  Conley  (Marston  F.),  1847,  per 
haps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name.  Conn  (John),  1843,  doubtful  mem 
ber  of  the  Chiles- Walker  party,  iv.  393;  in  '52  claimant  of  aNapaCo.  rancho. 
Council  (John),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  sea  bet.  Or.  and  Cal. 
'82.  Connell  (John),  1847,  sergt  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  lot-owner  S.  F. 
v.  685.  Connelly  (Michael),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  resid.  of  Stock 
ton  from  '49  to  his  death  in  '57.  C.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  Conners 
(John),  1844,  said  to  have  arrived  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  iv.  453;  called  Conness  by 
Hall.  Conner  (W.E.),  1848.  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Connolly  (James  H.), 
1846,  carpenter  on  the  U.S.  Dale.  Connor  (James),  1845,  Delaware  Ind.  of 


764  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Fremont's  comp.  '45-7;  wounded  in  the  service,  iv.  583.  Conover  (Francis 
S. ),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Independence.  Conrad  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  atN.  Helv.;  later  mayor  (?)  at  Sonoma.  Clark.  C.  (Edward), 
1844,  on  the  roll  of  the  Pion.  Soc. ;  at  Riverside  '81.  C.  (John  P.)  1847,  Co.  C, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '74;  d.  before  '82.  C.  (Wm),  1848,  keeper  of  the 
Colonnade  House  S.F.  v.  683. 

Coock  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v.  518).  Cook  (Chas),  1845,  N. 
Yorker  who  died  suddenly  at  Mont.  iv.  587.  C.  (Geo.),  1844,  Aincr.  natu 
ralized  this  year.  iv.  453;  ment.  by  Bryant  as  owner  of  a  rancho  at  S.  Jose, 
'46.  C.  (Goodwin),  1848,  in  Suiter's  employ.  C.  (Grove  C.),  1S41,  Ken- 
tuckian  hunter,  and  overl.  immig.  in  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275,  279;  wan 
dering  about  for  a  few  years;  often  named  in  Larkin's  accounts  1'rom  '43; 
naturalized  in  '44;  at  Sutter's  fort  '45  working  on  a  distillery.  His  shooting 
of  a  Walla  Walla  chief  in  July  caused  much  excitement,  iv.  544-5;  v.  300-1; 
and  in  Dec.  he  was  married  by  Sutter  to  Rebecca  Kelsey,  who  presently  had 
some  reason  to  regret  it.  In  '46  Cook  went  to  Yerba  Buena,  and  settled  more 
or  less  at  S.  Jose",  where  he  took  some  slight  part  in  the  mil.  campaign,  was 
member  of  the  council  and  junta.,  v.  664,  and  in  '49  was  a  man  of  wealth, 
subsequently  lost.  He  died  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '52.  He  is  described  as  a  man  whose 
wit  and  generosity  went  far  to  counterbalance  some  less  desirable  qualities. 
C.  (Jackson),  1847,  atN.  Helv.;  apparently  Grove  Cook,  q.v.  C.  (James), 
1830,  at  work  on  Cooper's  rancho.  iii.  180;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at 
Mont.  '32.  iii.  221.  C.  (Jonas),  1846,  doubtful  name  of  the  Mormon  col.  v. 
547.  C.  (Manuel),  1830,  Amer.  who  got  a  carta  in  Oct.  C.  (Sam.),  1830, 
mr  of  the  Danube,  iii.  146.  C.  (Wm),  1843,  disabled  seaman  of  the  John 
Jay;  aided  by  consul,  and  worked  on  ranches,  but  shipped  late  in  '44. 

Cooke  (Henry  D.),  1847,  sup.  and  part  owner  of  the  Lambayacana  from 
Valparaiso;  also  of  the  Com.  Shubrick;  lot-owner  at  S.F. ;  of  firm  Ruckle  & 
Co.;  a  prominent  business  man  of  S.F.  '49-54;  figuring  later  at  Washington 
in  the  credit  mobilier  arid  other  financial  operations;  a  relation  of  Jay  Cooke. 
C.  (Philip  St  George),  1847,  capt  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  who  came  to  Cal.  as  lieut- 
col,  commanding  the  Mormon  Bat.  v.  428,  477,  483-6.  He  was  for  a  time 
commandant  of  the  southern  district,  taking  some  part  in  the  quarrel  with 
Fremont,  v.  437,  440,  445-6;  resigned  his  com.  and  wrent  east  with  Gen. 
Kearny,  being  a  witness  at  the  Frdmont  court-martial,  v.  450.  452,  456,  489. 
His  Journal  of  the  march  of  the  Bat.  was  published  by  the  govt.  v.  483;  and 
was  republished  with  additions  by  the  author — then  brevet  major-general  U. 
S.  A. — in  '78  as  the  Conquest  of  Cal.  and  N.  Mex.,  a  good  narrative  of  Cooke's 
experiences  and  those  of  his  men,  but  of  no  value  whatever  in  its  assumed 
character  as  a  complete  record  of  the  conquest.  He  also  wrote  Scenes  and  Ad- 
ventures  in  the  Army.  It  is  noticeable  that  a  part  of  his  journal  was  lost  in 
Cal.,  and  in  Jan.  '48  was  purchased  by  Sutter  from  an  Ind.  N.  Helv.  Diary, 
MS.,  104.  Coombs  (Chas),  1824,  cook  on  the  Rover.  C.  (Catherine),  1847, 
married  at  S.F.  to  C.P.A.Briggs.  Star. 

Coombs  (Nathan),  1843,  native  of  Mass,  who  came  to  Or.  overland  in  '42, 
and  to  Cal.  in  the  Hastings'  party  at  the  age  of  about  18.  v.  390,  400.  After 
working  a  while  for  Stephen  Smith,  iv.  396,  he  went  to  Gordon's  place  on 
Cache  Creek,  where  he  won  the  heart  of  Uncle  Billy's  daughter  Isabel,  and 
was  nearly  killed  by  a  grizzly  bear,  also  asking  for  naturalization  in  '44.  In 
'45  he  seems  to  have  served  in  Sutter's  force,  iv.  486,  501;  then  married  and 
settled  on  a  Napa  Valley  rancho  purchased  of  Salv.  Vallejo;  took  no  active 
part  in  the  troubles  of  '46;  and  in  '48  laid  out  the  town  of  Napa  on  his  rancho. 
v.  670.  He  became  wealthy,  was  active  in  local  politics,  served  in  the  legis 
lature  of  '55,  was  capt.  of  militia  '63,  but  was  best  known  as  a  patron  of  the 
turf  and  the  owner  of  blood-stock.  Portrait  in  Napa  Co.  Hist. ,  42.  He  died  at 
his  Napa  home  in  '77,  leaving  a  widow,  4  sons— Wm,  Nathan,  Frank,  and 
Levi— and  a  daughter,  Eva,  wife  of  John  M.  Coghlan.  Coon  (Wm),  1846, 
member  of  the  1st  Donner  relief,  v.  539.  C.  (Win),  1847,  sergt  Co.  D, 
Morn.  Bat.  (v.  469). 

^Cooper,  1831,  said  to  have  come  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Wolf  skill  party,  and 


COOPER.  .  765 

to  have  died  at  Sta  B.  iii.  387,  405.  C.  (Charles  H.),  1840,  Amer.  exile  to 
S.  Bias,  who  returned  before  '42  to  urge  his  claim  for  damages,  iv.  IS,  33,  120. 
C.  (Daniel,  or  David),  1834,  Amer.  sailor  with  but  one  arm,  possibly  a  rela 
tion  of  Capt.  J.B.R.  Cooper.  I  have  the  original  Boston  passport  to  Daniel 
and  the  Hawaiian  passp.  to  Dav.  of  '34.  He  came  on  the  Ayacucho.  iv.  412; 
his  name  appears  often  in  corresp. ;  mate  of  the  California  in  '40;  died  at  S. 
F.  May  '41  of  apoplexy — which  a  large  quantity  of  aguardiente  had  not  cured. 
C.  (Fernando  M.),  1835,  named  in  Larkin's  accounts  '36-8.  iv.  118;  in  '38  at 
Los  Ang.  signs  a  certif.  as  a  physician.  Prob.  the  same  who  in  '35  embalmed 
the  body  of  Gov.  Figueroa.  iii.  296.  C.  (Henry),  1836,  named  in  Larkin's 
accounts  '36-43.  iv.  118;  arrested  in  '40.  iv.  17;  called  by  Morris  an  Ind.  at 
Sta  Cruz;  apparently  in  Sutter's  employ  '47.  C'.  (J.W.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v. 
358);  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  in  Nov.;  perhaps  same  as  following.  C.  (James), 
1846,  kept  a  hotel  at  Sonoma  '48;  ment.  by  Hittell  as  a  rich  man  near  Benicia 
in  'GO.  C.  (James F.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (John  Burwood), 
1830,  known  as  'sailor  Jack,'  said  by  some  authorities  to  have  come  to  S. F. 
as  early  as  '24-5,  or  by  others  on  a  whaler  in  '33,  or  in  '36.  iii.  409;  iv.  118. 
Juan  Coopet,  prob.  the  same,  was  an  artilleryman  at  S.F.  in  '30-1;  named  as 
English  at  Mont,  in  '34;  a  N.  York  sailor  and  calker,  age  43,  at  Mont,  in 
'36  in  thcartill.  barracks;  built  houses  at  S.F.  '40,  '44.  v.  683-4;  Engl.  re 
tired  artill.,  age  56,  in  S.F.  padron  of  '44;  at  S.F.  also  '45-6,  receiving  some 
votes  for  collector,  v.  295.  Thus  there  may  have  been  two  John  Coopers  at 
least.  John  B.  settled  on  a  S.  Mateo  rancho,  married  a  native,  and  died  in  'G2, 
leaving  a  family.  His  monument  at  the  S.F.  mission  cemetery  is  inscribed 
John  Baptist  Burwood  Cooper,  nat.  of  Engl.,  age  68;  his  wife  was  Maria  Ce 
cilia  ,  d,  '53,  age  27;  children  Maria  Jesus  b.  '41,  Agapito,  Juan  B.  Ani- 

ceto,  Narciso  Nieves,  Maria  Julia  Dolores,  and  Juan  Lorenzo  d.  '61,  age  10. 
Cooper  (John  Bautista  Roger),  1823,  nat.  of  the  Alderney  Isl.,  who  came 
to  Mass,  as  a  boy  with  his  mother,  who  by  a  2d  marriage  became  the  mother 
of  Thos  0.  Larkin.  I  have  his  'protection  paper'  of  1816,  certifying  his  U.  S. 
citizenship,  and  describing  him  as  24  years  old,  5  ft  5  in.  in  height,  with  light 
complex. ,  sandy  hair,  and  blue  eyes,  with  a  scar  on  the  left  arm  and  nerves 
of  the  left  hand  contracted.  From  this  deformity  he  was  known  in  Cal.  as 
Don  Juan  el  Manco.  He  came  as  master  of  the  Rover  from  Boston,  selling  the 
vessel  to  Gov.  Argliello,  and  continuing  to  command  her  on  voyages  to  China 
till  '26.  ii.  492-3,  495,  519-20,  614;  iii.  24,  119,  148.  From  '26  he  became  a 
resident  of  Mont.,  and  there  is  not  a  year  from  '20  to  '48  in  which  his  name 
does  not  occur  in  many  original  records.  In  '27  he  was  baptized,  his  original 
name  of  John  Roger  being  transformed  into  Juan  Bautista  Roger,  married 
Encarnacion  Vallejo,  became  a  rival  of  Hartnell  &  Co.  in  trade,  and  signed 
bonds  for  Jed.  Smith,  ii.  616;  iii.  128,  158-60.  In  '28  began  his  legal  quarrels 
with  Luis  Argiiello.  ii.  583;  iii.  12;  in  '29  he  bought  for  $2,000  from  Joaq.  de 
la  Torre  the  rancho  of  Bolsa  del  Potrero  y  Moro  Cojo,  or  Sagrada  Familia.  ii. 
615;  and  in  '39  was  naturalized,  being  ment.  besides  in  connection  with  the 
Solis  revolt  and  the  Fitch  romance,  as  well  as  in  commercial  records,  ii.  609; 
iii.  71,  83,  142,  145.  His  business  corresp.  shows  not  only  that  he  was  always 
complaining  of  some  injustice,  but  that  he  often  gave  cause  of  complaint  to 
those  who  traded  with  him.  In  '32  on  the  roll  of  the  comp.  extranjcra.  iii. 
221;  in  '33  licensed  to  hunt  otter,  and  granted  the  Molino  rancho,  Sonoma, 
iii.  394,  712;  regiclor  at  Mont.  '34-5.  iii.  673;  in  '36  living  with  wife,  2  chil 
dren,  mother-in-law,  and  her  3  daughters  at  Mont.,  having  also  cattle  and  a 
mill  on  the  Sonoma  rancho  confirmed  to  him  this  year.  iii.  429;  iv.  116;  his 
mill  visited  by  Edwards  '37.  iv.  86.  In  '39  Capt.  C.  resumed  his  seafaring 
life  as  master  of  the  govt  schooner  California,  making  many  trips  in  the  next 
5  years  to  the  Mex.  coast  and  to  the  islands,  of  which  I  have  his  original  Locj 
of  the  California,  iv.  102,  282,  289,  346,  361,  563-4;  in  '40  obtained  land  at 
S.F.  and  the  Punta  de  Quintin  rancho,  iii.  706,  712,  v.  683,  but  was  in  trouble 
about  $5,250  which  the  govt  had  owed  him  since  '26;  perhaps  the  Juan  Cooper 
to  whom  the  Nicasio  rancho  was  granted  '44.  iv.  672;  sick  at  Acapulco  at  end 
of  '44;  but  was  back  again  in  '45,  only  to  depart  for  Peru,  where,  in  '46,  he 


706  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

* 

was  matriculated  as  2d  piloto.  He  visited  Cal.  in  '47,  and  in  '48  seems  to  have 
been  in  com.  of  the  Elizabeth,  wrecked  at  Sta  B.  In  '49  he  commanded  the 
Eveline  on  a  voy.  to  China;  but  soon  quit  the  sea;  was  harbor-master  at  Mont. 
in  '51 ;  and  was  claimant  for  the  Bolsas,  Molino,  and  El  Sur  ranches,  iii.  679. 
He  continued  to  live  at  Mont.,  much  of  the  time  on  hisrancho,  till  after  I860; 
and  died  at  S.F.  in  '72,  in  his  80th  year.  There  were  few  of  the  old  Cal.  pio 
neers  more  widely  known  or  better  liked  than  Capt.  Cooper,  though  as  a 
trader  he  had  some  peculiarities  that,  in  the  earlier  years  particularly,  kept 
him  in  hot  water  with  other  traders  much  of  the  time.  Besides  hundreds  of 
his  letters  scattered  in  dif .  archives,  his  family  papers  fill  several  volumes  of 
the  Voile  jo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal. ,  which  should  properly  bear  his  name.  In  addi 
tion  to  his  Log  of  '39-44,  I  have  also  a  book  of  Accounts  of  '27.  His  widow 
still  lives,  '85,  in  S.F.  His  children  were  Ana  Maria  Guadalupe  b.  '29  wife 
of  Herman  Wohler,  Juan  Baut.  Guillermo  b.  '31,  Henry  B.,  Francisco  G., 
Amelia  (Mrs  Molera),  George  Howard,  and  Wm  Roger  who  died  in  '73. 

Cooper  (J.  M.),  1846,  gunner  on  the  U.S.  Savannah.  C.  (Luther),  1834, 
named  often  in  Larkin's  accounts  '34-7.  iii.  412.  C.  (Martin),  1835,  Amer. 
at  S.  Luis  Ob. ;  also  on  Larkin's  books  '35-7.  iii.  413.  C.  (Samuel  E.),  1846, 
teamster  of  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  C.  (Sarchel),  1846,  son  of 
Stephen,  miner  at  Park's  Bar  '48;  d.  at  Colusa  '74.  C.  (Sidney),  1831, 
doubtful  record  of  a  trapper  of  Young's  party,  iii.  388. 

Cooper  (Stephen),  1846,  Kentuckian  b.  1797,  moved  to  Mo.  1817,  guide 
and  scout  in  the  Sta  Fe"  trade  and  various  Ind.  wars,  Ind.  agent  and  member 
of  the  legislature,  who  came  overl.  to  Cal.  as  capt.  of  a  small  party,  v.  528, 
with  his  wife  Melinda  and  6  children.  From  Yount's,  in  Napa  Val.,  he  went 
to  S.F.,  where  in  Feb.  '47  he  presided  over  a  public  meeting  of  citizens  dis 
satisfied  with  the  composition  of  the  proposed  governor's  council.  Star;  v. 
433;  in  the  autumn  settled  at  Benicia.  v.  672-3;  alcalde  in  '48.  v.  673;  judge 
of  1st  instance  of  the  Sonoma  district  from  Aug.  '49,  having  also  mined  at 
Park's  Bar  for  a  short  time.  In  '54  went  to  Colusa,  where  he  was  justice  of 
the  peace  for  12  years,  and  where  he  still  lived  in  '80;  went  later  to  Modoc 
Co.,  and  in  '85  lives  at  Winters,  Yolo  Co.  Portrait  in  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  26;  biog. 
sketch  from  Cooper's  own  statement  by  'F.  S.'in  Colusa  Sun  June  17,  '71. 
Mrs.  C.  died  in  '72  at  the  age  of  71.  Of  the  two  sons,  Sarchel  died  about  '74, 
and  Thos  B.  lives  in  Modoc  Co.  '85;  the  daughters  were  Francis  wife  of  Rob 
ert  Semple  and  later  of  I.  N.  Van  Winkle,  living  in  Oakland  '85,  Susan  wife 
of  John  Wolfskill,  Elizabeth  wife  of  Waller  Calmes,  and  Martha  wife  of 
Amos  Roberts.  In  '71  Maj.  Cooper  had  6  children  and  16  grandchildren  liv 
ing.  C.  (Wm  C.),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the Grigsby-Ide  party;  prob.  went 
to  Or.  in  '46.  iv.  526,  578. 

Cope  (WTm),  1846,  seaman  of  the  Savannah,  wounded  at  the  S.  Gabriel, 
Jan.  '47.  v.  395;  perhaps  'Coxe.'  Copeland  (Alex.),  1843,  Amer.  immig.  from 
Or.  in  the  Hastings  party;  got  a  carta  in  Nov.,  calling  himself  a  clerk,  and 
was  employed  by  Stephen  Smith  at  Bodega,  iv.  390,  396;  early  in  '46  at  Sut- 
ter's  Fort;  prob.  identical  with  the  following.  C.  (Andrew),  1846,  lieut  Co. 
B,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  361;  Cal.  claim  of  $82  (v.  462);  A.  M.  Copeland  voted  at  S. 
Jos6  '50.  Copenger  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  G,  N. Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Copey  (John), 
1832,  doubtful  raent.  at  S.F. 

Coppinger  (John),  1835,  prob.  deserter  from  a  British  vessel  at  S.F.  iii. 
413;  said  to  have  been  a  lieut  in  the  British  army  or  navy;  generally  called 
Engl.,  but  Amer.  ace.  to  his  naturalization  papers,  while  Quigley  makes  him 
a  nat.  of  Cork  and  near  relative  of  a  Bishop  Coppinger,  and  in  a  S.F.  padron 
he  appears  as  a  Dublin  sawyer.  On  Larkin's  books  from  '36;  in  '36-8  Kent  of 
Graham's  foreign  com  p.  in  Alvarado's  service,  iii.  458-9,  491 ;  naturalized  '39 
and  juez  at  Corte  Madera.  iii.  705;  arrested  but  not  exiled  in  '40,  being  also 
the  grantee  of  Canada  de  Raimundo  in  S.  Mateo.  iii.  711;  iv.  17.  From  '41 
he  seems  to  have  lived  on  the  rancho,  being  included  in  S.F.  padrones,  one  of 
the  defensores  of  the  patria,  30  years  old  in  '42  and  35  in  '44;  aided  Michel- 
torena  in  '45.  iv.  487;  seems  to  have  taken  no  part  in  the  troubles  of  '46  ex 
cept  that  Weber  accused  him  of  giving  inform,  that  led  to  his,  W.'s,  arrest.  I 


COPPINGER— CORONA.  767 

find  no  record  of  him  later  except  an  unintelligible  one  in  S.  Mateo  Co.  Hist., 
4,  that  during  the  war  he  was  carried  as  a  prisoner  to  Mex.  where  he  died. 
His  widow  was  Maria  Luisa  Soto,  who  before  '52  married  a  man  named  Greer, 
and  was  a  claimant  of  the  rancho,  living  at  Mayfield  in  late  years. 

Coray  (Wm),  1847,  sergt  Co.  B.  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477,  496.  Corcoran,  or 
Corgan  (Geo.  A.),  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Chicago  '82.  C.  (Martin), 
1844,  n at.  of  Nova  Scotia,  who  came  from  Honolulu  as  seaman  on  the  U.S. 
Levant,  iv.  453.  In  '46  he  came  back,  on  the  Savannah  probably,  and  was  one 
of  Bartlett's  party  captured  by  Sanchez  (v.  379),  prob.  the  only  survivor  of 
that  party;  discli.  from  the  navy  in  N.Y. ;  ret.  to  Cal.  '49  and  went  to  the 
mines.  From  '51  he  was  engaged  in  many  kinds  of  business,  chiefly  that  of 
hotel-keeper,  at  S.  F.,  Alviso,  S.  Jose",  and  Sta  Clara,  being  R.R.  agent,  tax 
collector,  and  county  treasurer.  In  '85,  at  the  age  of  61,  wharfinger  at  S.F. 

Cordero,  killed  at  S.  Buen.  '38.  iii.  554.  C..  a  leader  in  disturbance  at 
Los  Ang.  '45.  iv.  523.  C.  (Ambrosio),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  at  Sonoma  '41- 
2.  C.  (Clemente),  Sta  B.  soldier  before  '37.  C.  (Fermin),  settler  at  Brancif. 
1797;  regidor  1802.  i.  569,  639;  ii.  156.  C.  (Francisco),  at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife 
Petra  Pico,  1  child.  C.  (Jose"),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '34-42.  C.  (Juan),  at 
Sta  B.  '37,  wife  Antonia  Valenzuela  and  7  child.  C.  (Mariano),  1st  marriage 
S.F.,  to  Juana  Pinto  1776.  i.  296.  C.  (Miguel),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37,  wife 
Antonia  Jimeno  and  5  children;  maj.  at  Sta  Ine"s  '40-3.  iii.  646-8,  663-4;  at 
Sta  B.  '50.  C.  (Pedro),  at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife  Dolores  Quijada  and  4  child. ;  juez 
de  paz  '39-40.  iii.  654-5;  grantee  of  Canada  de  Salsipuedes  '44.  iv.  642. 

C6rdoba  (Alberto  de),  1796,  Span,  lieut  of  engineers  sent  to  Cal.  to  inspect 
coast  defences,  and  superintend  the  founding  of  Brand  forte,  1796-8;  author 
of  an  Informe.  i.  497,  541-2,  545,  565-70,  652,  682,  700,  719.  I  have  other 
engineering  reports  by  him  before  his  visit  to  Cal. 

Cordua  (Theodore),  1842,  German  trader  and  farmer  from  Honolulu  on  the 
California,  after  corresp.  with  Sutter,  whom  he  had  known  before,  iv.  229, 
341.  In  '43  settled  on  Feather  River  near  the  site  of  the  later  Marysville, 
where  Dr  Sandels  found  him  a  fat,  jolly,  whist-loving  man,  popular  with 
everybody.  He  had  a  straw  hut  at  first,  soon  replaced  by  an  adobe  structure, 
the  place  being  named  New  Mecklenburg,  but  better  known  as  Cordua's  ran 
cho.  In  '44  he  was  naturalized  and  got  the  Honcut  rancho.  iv.  671;  had  a 
lighter,  the  Yuba,  running  on  the  river,  often  visiting  the  settlements,  and 
his  name  often  appeared  in  various  commercial  and  other  records  of  the  time. 
Larkin  described  him  in  '45  as  a  man  of  52  years,  with  property,  respectability, 
and  local  influence;  enlisted  in  Slitter's  force,  but  wisely  left  it  on  the  march 
south;  often  named  in  the  N.  He.lv.  Diary  '45-8;  took  no  part  in  the  conflict 
of  '46-7.  In  '48-9  sold  his  land  and  cattle  for  830,000  and  opened  a  store  in 
the  mines,  where  he  is  said  to  have  lost  his  wealth;  still  in  the  Sac.  Val.  '54; 
but  broken  in  health  as  well  as  property,  he  is  said  by  Gilbert  to  have  returned 
to  the  Sand.  Isl.,  where  he  died. 

Corey,  1846,  mr  of  the  Isaac  Rowland,  v.  578.  C.  (P.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  Corne  (L.  P.),  1840,  sailor  on, the  California.  Cornelio  (D. ), 
1828,  mr  of  the  Minerva,  iii.  148.  Corning  (Otto),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499).  Cornwall  (Pierre  B.),  1848,  nat.  of  N.Y.  who  came  overland  and 
made  a  large  fortune  in  trade  at  Sacramento  '48-9  as  member  of  the  firm 
Priest,  Lee,  &  Co.;  from  '59  a  resident  and  prominent  business  man  of  S.F., 
being  at  one  time  president  of  the  Soc.  of  Cal.  Pioneers.  Still  living  in  S.F.,  I 
think,  in  '85.  Cornwell  (Geo.  N.),  Co.  H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  nat.  of  N.Y., 
who  on  his  discharge,  after  a  brief  experience  in  the  mines,  settled  at  Napa, 
where  as  trader,  farmer,  owner  in  quicksilver  mines,  postmaster,  member  of 
the  legislature,  supervisor,  deputy  sheriff,  and  politician,  he  has  always  been 
a  prominent  man.  He  married  Anna  J.  West  of  N.H.  in  '54,  and  in  '72,  when 
he  furnished  me  a  MS.  Ske.tch  of  My  Life,  they  had  3  children,  Fannie  L., 
Clara,  and  Norris,  3  having  died.  Claimant  of  rancho.  iv.  674.  Still  living  at 
Napa  in  '82,  and  I  think  in  '85.  Corona  (Jose"),  com.  de  policia  S.  Diego  '36 
iii.  616.  C.  (Jose"  M. ),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C  (Juan  B. ),  com.  policia  (?)  at  S. 
Diego  '36.  iii.  613. 


768  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 


Coronel  (Antonio  Francisco),  1834,  son  of  Ignacio,  -with  whom  he  came  to 
Cal.  at  the  age  of  17.  His  1st  public  service  seerns  to  have  been  as  sergt  of 
artill.  in  support  of  Carlos  Carrillo  in  '38;  in  '41  applicant  for  a  lot  at  S.  Juan 
Cap.  iv.  6261;  in  '43  juez  de  paz  at  Los  Ang.,  and  interventor  at  the  transfer 
of  8>  Fernando,  iv.  633,  039;  in  '45  comisionado  of  the  junta  to  treat  with 
Micheltorena,  and  elector  of  Los  Ang.,  declining  the  sub-prefecture,  iv.  497, 
540,  G33;  grantee  of  Sierra  de  los  Verdugos  '46.  v.  628;  also  taking  part  as 
capt.  in  all  the  southern  military  operations  against  the  U.S.  in  '46-7,  start 
ing  at  one  time  for  Mex.  with  a  flag  taken  from  Mervine  at  S.  Pedro,  and 
narrowly  escaping  capture  by  Kearny's  men  on  the  w-ay.  v.  331-2.  In  '48  he 
Vvas  a  successful  miner;  and  in  later  years  held  many  local  positions,  though 
giving  chief  attention  to  his  vineyard  and  to  agricultural  interests;  county 
assessor  '50  et  seq.;  mayor  in  '53;  member  of  the  council  '54-67;  state  treas 
urer  '67-71.  A  man  of  wealth  and  influence,  still  residing  at  his  Los  Ang. 
vineyard  and  orange  orchard  in  '85.  In  '77  he  dictated  for  my  use  his  Coscts 
dc  California,  or  recollections  of  early  events,  a  MS.  of  265  pp.,  and  one  of 
the  best  narratives  of  its  class  in  my  collection.  He  also  gave  me  a  valuable 
col.  of  Doc.  Hist.  CaL  from  his  family  archives.  C.  (Guillermo),  1842-5, 
sub-lieut  in  the  batallon  fijo.  iv.  289.  C.  (Ignacio),  1834,  Mex.  teacher  who 
with  his  family  came  in  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  iii.  263.  In  Mex.  Don  Ignacio 
had  been  a  soldier  from  1810  in  the  Span,  army,  being  made  corporal  of  cav- 
alry  in  '14,  a  sergt  of  the  Cho\nla.reolistas  urbanas  in  '18,  and  prob.  in  '22  was 
retired  with  the  rank  of  alfe"rez;  at  least,  he  got  all  the  necessary  certificates, 
including  one  that  he  had  served  the  cause  of  independence  and  had  ceded  all 
his  back  pay  to  the  national  treasury.  Coronel.  Doc.,  MS.  The  failure  of  the 
colony  was  a  bitter  disappointment,  as  his  appointment  of  teacher  at  Solano 
at  $1JOOO  per  year  brought  in  no  funds,  and  he  was  even  ordered  to  be  sent 
to  Mex.  for  complicity  in  the  supposed  revolt  of  '35,  but  did  not  go.  iii.  287, 
291.  In  '36  he  was  living  at  Corralitos  rancho,  Mont,  dist.,  age  41,  wife 
Francisca  Romero,  child.  Josefa  b.  '16,  Antonio  '18,  Micaela  '21,  Soledad  '26, 
and  Manuel  '32.  iii.  677.  The  same  year  he  was  named  as  comisionado  to 
secularize  S.  Miguel,  iii.  685;  iv.  46;  and  in  '37  he  went  to  Los  Ang.,  taking 
com.  at  S.  Gabriel,  and  aiding  Carrillo  in  the  campaign  of  Las  Flores.  iii. 
520,  522,  558.  In  '38-9  he  taught  a  school  at  Los  Ang.,  having  also  a  little 
store,  and  serving  as  sec.  of  the  ayunt.  iii.  631,  635-6:  also  sec.  in  '44-7.  iv. 
633-4;  v.  625-6;  grantee  of  La  Canada  '43  and  of  Cajon  de  los  Negros  '46.  iv. 
635;  v.  627,  ministro  suplente  of  the  tribunal  sup.  '45.  iv.  532;  receptor  atS. 
Pedro  '46.  v.  264,  625.  He  died  at  Los  Ang.  in  '62.  C.  (Juan  Ant.),  1769, 
arriero  in  the  1st  cxped.  i.  135. 

Corrca  (Jose"  M.),  1842,  sub-lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5.  iv.  289,  407. 
Cortes  (Anastasio),  com.  depolicfaat  S.  Jose";  killed  by  Jose  J.  Castro  '39;  but 
named  as  sub-lieut  of  artill.  at  Mont.  '45.  iv.  731,  652.  C.  (Felipe),  invalido 
at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Maria  de  Jesus  Lara.  C.  (Fernando),  Mex.  convict  of  '25. 
iii.  16.  C.  (Juan  Lope),  1796,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Gabriel  and  Sta 
B.,  retiring  in  1805.  Biog.  ii.  120-1;  ment.  i.  577,  588-90,  594,  664,  672;  ii. 
159-60.  Cortis  (Henry),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Corville,  1847,  at  Sutter's  Fort  and  New  Mecklenburg.  Corvan  (Toribio 
Gomez  de),  1602,  com.  of  one  of  Vizcaino's  vessels,  i.  98,  102.  Cor  win  (Mrs 
Fanny  M.),  1846,  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  remained  in  Cal.;  prob.  at 
S.F.  '85.  Cory  (Benj.),  1847,  nat  of  Ohio,  b.  in  '22,  a  physician  who  went 
to  Or.  '47  and  came  to  Cal.  on  the  Henry  in  Nov.;  settled  at  S.  Jose",  but 
went  to  the  mines  in  '48.  A  rumor  that  he  had  found  new  placers  on  the  Mo- 
quelumne  induced  500  men  to  quit  the  old  diggings  and  follow  his  trail,  so 
wrote  Schallenberger  in  Aug.  Member  of  1st  legislature  '49-50;  memb.  of  S. 
Jose"  council  '50-4;  married  Sarah  Ann  Braly  '53;  trustee  of  normal  school 
from  '72;  county  physician  '81.  Still  living  at  S.  Jos6  in  '82  with  8  children. 

Cosio  (Bias),  1820,  mr  of  the  S.  F.  de.  Paula,  ii.  293.  C.  (Jose"  Maria), 
sec.  of  the  gov.  '34;  ayud.  de  plaza  at  Mont,  and  fiscal  '36.  iii.  672,  687. 
Costa  (Beruabal),  1836,  Ital.  sailor  at  Los  Ang.  from  Lima,  age  36.  Costan, 
1774,  surg.  on  the  Santiago,  i.  228.  Costanso  (Miguel),  1769,  Span.  alfe"rez 


COSTANSO— COULTER.  7GO 

and  engineer  who  accomp.  the  1st  exped.  to  Cal.  as  cosmographer,  and  whose 
Diario  Histtirico  was  pub.  in  Mex.  1776.  He  was  later  very  prominent  in  his 
profession,  and  I  have  some  of  his  original  reports  relating  to  proposed  de 
fences  in  Cal.  1794-5,  as  well  as  to  the  fortifications  of  .V.  Cruz  and  drainage 
of  Mex.;  still  living  in  1811,  being  then  a  mariseal  decampo.  i.  128,  131,  13G, 
140-1,  147-51, 154-5,  Ib'S,  171-2,  534-5,  602,  G15,  G24,  and  list  of  auth.;  Hist. 
Mex.  iv.  134.  Coster  (Antonio),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  16. 

Cot  (Antonio  Jose"),  1820,  Span,  trader  from  Lima,  partner  of  Juan  Ign. 
Mancisidor,  visiting  the  coast  apparently  in  '20;  in  '22  brought  his  family 
from  Lima;  named  in  various  commercial  records  from  '23.  ii.  493.  In  '28  he 
was  required  to  quit  Cal.  as  a  Span,  supposed  to  be  unfriendly  to  Mex.,  and 
after  some  delays  to  arrange  his  business  affairs — perhaps  departing  and  re 
turning  meanwhile — he  sailed  with  wife  and  3  child,  in  '30.  iii.  51.  09.  He 
came  back,  however,  in  '35-6;  is  ment.  in  mission  accounts  of  '40.  iii.  C20, 
657;  and  became  a  permanent  resident  at  Los  Ang.,  prominent  in  commercial 
affairs  in  '46-7,  being  the  purchaser  of  S.  Luis  Hey,  and  having  a  claim  for 
supplies  furnished  the  U.S.  v.  435,  464,  467,  561,  620-1.  He  died  at  Sta  B. 
about  '60.  His  wife  was  Mariana  Estevanezof  Lima.  C.  (Daniel),  at  StaB. 
before  '37,  wife  Bruna  Garcia,  2  child. 

Cota,  see  list,  in  vol.  i.  p.  735,  of  those  of  this  name  before  1800;  infor 
mation  about  this  family  is  very  fragmentary.  C.,  corporal  at  Sta  Lie's  '24. 
ii.  528.  C.  (Antonia  Maria),  cl.  of  Tepusquet,  widow  of  Tomas  Olivera.  iii. 
606.  C.  (Benito),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C.  (Francisco),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before 
'37;  com.  and  admin,  at  Sta  Lie's  '37-41.  iii.  663-4;  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa  ran- 
cho  '39.  iii.  656;  juez  at  Sta  Lie's  '41,  '48.  iv.  646-8;  v.  635;  still  at  Sta  B. 
'50.  His  widow  and  cl.  for  the  rancho  '52  was  Marfa  Jesus  Olivera.  C. 
(Francisco  Atanasio),  elector  at  Sta  B.  '28.  ii.  572;  iii.  44.  C.  (Guillermo), 
corp.  of  the  escolta  at  S.  Fern.  1806-10.  ii.  92,  115,  192;  comisionado  of  Los 
Ang.  '10-17.  ii.  110,  208,  349-50;  sergt  of  Sta  B.  comp.  from  '11.  ii.  361, 
572;  at  S.  Fern.  '32.  ii.  570;  comis.  at  Los  Ang.  '23-5.  ii.  559-61 ;  alcalde 
'27-9.  ii.  560-1;  age  70  in  '39,  still  at  Los  Ang.  C.  (Joaquin),  engaged  in 
revolt  at  Sta  B.  '29.  iii.  78;  wife  Ventura  Ortega.  C.  (Jos6  Manuel),  settler 
at  Los  Ang.  '15;  regidor  '32.  ii.  349,  635;  iii.  638;  at  La  Ballona  '39,  age  37. 
C.  (Jos6  Maria),  at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Antonia  Dominguez,  2  child.  C.  (Josefa), 
widow  of  A.  M.  Meto,  grantee  of  Sta  Gertrudis  rancho  '34;  at  Los  Ang.  '48. 
C.  (Juan),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C.  (Leonardo),  alfe"rez  of  defensores  '45.  iv.  539; 
regidor  of  Los  Ang.  '45-6.  iv.  633;  v.  625;  grantee  of  Rio  de  las  Animas  '46. 
v.  627;  and  operating  against  the  U.  S.  in  S.  Diego  region  as  capt.  v.  325, 
342,  351-2.  C.  (Manuel),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  before  1800,  and  corp.  of 
the  Sta  Lie's  escolta  '28.  ii!  459,  582;  in  '32  at  StaB.,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Valen- 
zuela,  4  child. ;  admin.  Sta  B.  mission  '38-9.  iii.  656-8.  In  '39  a  lieut.  iii.  583; 
ment.  in  '47.  v.  617;  father  and  son  of  the  same  name;  see  also  Jos6  Manuel. 
C.  (Marcos),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  C.  (Maria  Isabel),  wife  of  Dolores  Pico;  d. 
'09.  C.  (Mariano),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  before  1790;  inval.  1819,  when 
he  was  killed  by  Ind.  at  S.  Buen.  ii.  333.  C.  (Martin),  named  in  '3(5.  iii. 
491.  C.  (Miguel),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37,  wife  Manuela  Ortega,  2  children; 
arrested  in  '41.  iv.  642.  C.  (Pablo  Antonio),  soldier  of  1769-74;  corp.  atS. 
Antonio  '78-9;  sergt  in  com.  at  S.  Buen.  '82-7;  alfdrez  from  '88;  died  at  Sta 

B.  1800,  age  56.  Biog.  i.  665;  ment.  i.  425,  463,  466,  477,  553,  639,  list  auth.; 
ii.  28.   His  wife  was  Rosa  Maria  Lugo;  a  son  Manuel  Ant.  was  b.  1779;  a 
daughter  Maria  de  los  Angeles  was  the  wife  of  Joaq.  de  la  Torre.       C.  (Pa- 
cffico),  son  of  Valentin,  at  Sta  B.  '48  in  con.  with  the  'canon  perdido.'  v.  588. 

C.  (Raimundoand  Ramon),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.       C.  (Roque),  soldier  before  1780; 
settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i.  347,  461.       C.  (Simon),  sec.  of  alcalde  at  Soledad 
'26.  ii.  623.       C.  (Valentin),  son  of  Manuel,  juez  aux.  Sta  B.   '33.  iii.  654; 
capt.  of  militia  and  later  of  Sta  B.  comp.  '36-9,  supporting  Alvarado.  iii.  474, 
553,  583,  651;  grantee  of  Rio  Sta  Clara  rancho  *87.  iii.  655;  in  charge  of  Sta 
Ines  '42.  iv.  646;  in  '46  resigns  mil.  rank;  sub-prefect  of  Sta  B.  iv.  538;  v. 
35,  49.   His  wife  was  Luz  Gonzalez. 

Coulter  (John),  1834,  visitor,  perhaps;  at  any  rate,  author  of  a  trashy  book 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.    49 


770  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

of  A dvcn tures  describing  a  visit,  iii.  411.  C.  (Thomas),  1831,  Engl.  visitor 
and  scientist,  who  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in  ',32,  and  published  valuable 
Notes  on  Upper  Cat.  I  have  his  letter  of  '33  from  Guanajuato;  also  a  note  due 
him  sent  for  collection  in  '38.  iii.  221,  406-8.  Coupe  (Geo.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Honolulu.  Courteau  (Philibert),  1844,  perhaps  with  Fremont  in  1st 
and  2d  exped.  '44,  '45-7;  at  N.  Helv.  '48.  iv.  437,  583.  Named  as  '  Philibert' 
in  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7.  (v.  358).  Coustner  (And.  J.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  dragoons 
(v.  336).  Coutan  (Gustavus  J.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Coutts  (Cave  Johnson),  1848,  nat.  of  Tenn.  and  graduate  of  West  Point 
in  '43.  After  serving  in  the  Mex.  war  he  came  to  Cal.  from  Coahuila  with 
Graham's  battalion  as  lieut  of  the  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  v.  522.  He  subsequently 
went  with  his  comp.  to  the  frontier  on  boundary-survey  service;  but  in  '51 
resigned  his  commission,  married  Isidora  Bandini,  and  settled  at  S.  Diego, 
where  he  served  as  county  judge.  In  '54  he  moved  to  the  Guajome  rancho,  a 
wedding  gift  of  Abel  Stearns  to  Doiia  Isidora;  and  there  he  spent  the  rest  of 
his  life,  becoming  rich  in  lands  and  live-stock,  always  popular  and  respected, 
though  as  bitter  in  his  enmities  as  warm  in  his  friendships,  making  Guajonu 
a  centre  of  the  famed  hospitality  of  southern  Cal.  Claimant  also  for  Soledad 
rancho.  iii.  612.  He  gave  me  in  74  a  copy  of  his  Diary  of  the  overland  march 
and  early  experience  in  Cal.,  besides  rendering  other  valuable  aid.  Col  Coutts 
died  in  '74  or  '75,  whpn  he  was  54  years  of  age.  His  widow  still  lived  on  the 
rancho  in  '82,  having  8  surviving  children.  Perhaps  the  name  should  be  writ 
ten  'Couts.'  A  good  biog.  sketch  in  S.  Bern.  Go.  Hist.,  196-7.  Couzens 
(John  H. ),  1847,  had  a  lot  and  slaughter-house  at  S.F. ;  kept  sheep  on  Yerba 
Buena  Isl. ;  owned  a  lot  at  Benicia.  v.  672,  685;  he  went  to  Honolulu  and  re 
turned  in  '48. 

Covarrubias  (Josd  Maria),  1834,  nat.  of  France,  naturalized  citizen  of  Mex., 
who  came  in  the  H.  &  P.  col.,  intending  to  be  a  teacher,  iii.  263,  412.  In  '36-7 
com.  for  secularization  of  Sta  Inds.  iii.  663-4;  sec.  of  the  dip.  '37  and  in  '39; 
a  partizan  of  Carrillo  in  the  contest  of  '38.  iii.  549,  556,  569,  580;  in  '39  par 
ti  do  elector  at  Sta  B.,  and  sec.  of  the  prefecture  at  Mont.  iii.  590,  675;  took 
part  in  arrest  of  foreigners  '40,  and  accomp.  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias,  going  to 
Mex.,  where  he  rec'd  a  cross  of  honor  for  services  in  that  city  during  the  dis 
turbances  of  July;  returned  in  '40.  iv.  11,  13,  15,  23,  30,  102.  He  was  grantee 
of  Castac  rancho  in  '43.  iv.  634;  in  '44  sec.  of  the  assembly  and  alcalde  of 
Sta  B.  iv.  410,  642;  in  '45  succeeded  Bandini  as  sec.  of  Gov.  Pico,  and  was 
lessee  of  Sta  Ines.  iv.  490,  519,  523,  531,  553,  558,  647;  sent  as  comisionado 
to  Mex.  in  '46,  also  grantee  of  Sta  Ines.  v.  32,  210,  561,  632;  at  Sta  Jnds  '48. 
v.  589,  635;  being  a  justice  of  the  sup.  court.  In  '49  he  was  a  member  of  the 
constit.  convention,  and  of  the  1st  legislature,  being  4  times  reflected,  and 
county  judge  of  Sta  B.  in  '61.  Covarrubias  died  in  '70  at  the  age  of  69,  leav 
ing  a  family.  His  wife  was  Maria,  daughter  of  Domingo  Carrillo;  his  eldest 
son,  Nicolas,  was  for  a  long  time  sheriff' of  Sta  B.  County. 

Covell  (Hiram),  1834,  mr  of  the  By  Chance,  iii.  381.  Covil(John  Q.  A.), 
1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  at  Los  Ang.  Covillaud  (Charles), 
,1846,  nat.  of  France,  who  had  lived  in  La  and  Mo.  for  some  years;  ove?l.  im- 
mig.  to  Cal.  (v.  526).  He  is  named  in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary,  '47-8,  being  an 
overseer  at  Cordua's  rancho,  and  later  prospector  on  the  Yuba;  had  a  trading- 
post  at  Cordua's  '48-9  in  partnership  with  his  brothers-in-law,  and  in  '49-57 
the  post  was  at  Sacramento.  Meanwhile,  in  '48,  C. ,  with  others,  had  bought 
Cordua's  rancho  at  New  Mecklenburg,  and  here  in  '50  they  laid  out  a  new 
town,  named  Marysville  in  honor  of  C.'s  wife,  Mary  Murphy,  a  survivor  of 
the  Donner  party.  Judge  Stephen  J.  Field,  the  1st  alcalde  of  Marysville, 
gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  founding.  Rcmin.,  20  et  seq.  Here  C.  spent 
the  rest  of  his  life,  gaining  an  enviable  reputation  for  his  open-handed  liber 
ality,  and  filling  some  local  offices.  He  died  in  '67  at  the  age  of  51;  his  widow 
died  later  in  the  same  year. 

.  Cowie  (Thomas),  1843,  Amer.  immig.  of  the  Chiles-Walker  party.  From 
Feb.  '44,  when  Walker  applied  for  a  pass  in  his  behalf,  nothing  appears  about 
him  till  June  '46,  when  he  joined  the  Bears  and  was  killed  by  the  Calif ornians 


COWIE— CRISTOBAL.  771 

near  Sta  Rosa.  iv.  392-3;  v.  110,  148,  160-4.  C.  (R.),  1837,  came  from 
Honolulu,  iv.  104.  Cox  (Alex.  J.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  a  news 
paper  man,  founder  of  the  Sonoma  Bulletin  and  Napa  Reporter;  at  Napa  '71— 
80;  in  Mendocino  Co.  '82.  C.  (Amos),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in 
Iowa  '82.  C.  (Henderson),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.;  at  N.  Helv.  '47-8  in 
Sutter's  employ;  killed  by  Ind.  on  the  return  to  Salt  Lake  '48.  v.  496;  prob. 
the  man  called  Henry  W.  by  Bigler.  C.  (Henry),  1846,  mariner  on  the  U.S. 
Dale;  one  of  Marston's  men  (v.  379);  disch.  in  Cal.;  at  Colton,  S.  Bern.  Co., 
'85.  C.  (John),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8. 
C.  (John),  1846,  sergt  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons;  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346. 
C.  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Coxe  (Win),  1847, wounded 
at  the  S.  Gabriel,  v.  395;  perhaps  'Cope.'  Coyan  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d 
U.S.  artill.  (v.  518);  a  laborer  at  Mont.  '48.  C.  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Vallejo  '41-4;  prob.  some  error. 

Crabb  (H.  G.  and  H.  N.),  1848,  at  Honolulu  from  Mont.  Crabb  (Jere 
miah),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Crafts  (Albert  B.),  1847, 
Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.F.  V49.  Crafton  (T.),  1845,  boy  in  the  Grigs- 
by-Ide  immig.  party,  iv.  578-9,  587.  Craig  (James),  1832,  said  by  Dye  to 
have  crossed  the  mts  with  him  and  to  be  in  S.F.  '69;  doubtful,  iii.  388,  408. 
C.  (John),  1846,  leader  of  an  immig.  party,  who  in  Apr.-May  '47  was  at  N. 
Helv.  preparing  to  return  east  with  a  party,  v.  528.  Star.  C.  (Otto),  1847, 
Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  v.  518.  Grain  (Walter  C.),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U.  S. 
Warren.  Crane,  or  Ne-ta-me-commin,  1845,  Del.  Ind.  in  Frdmont's  party; 
killed  on  the  Or.  frontier  '46.  iv.  583;  v.  25.  C.,  1847,  had  a  restaurant  at 
Mont.  C.  (Geo.  W.),  1846,  Virginian  said  to  have  arr.  in  May;  served  in 
the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  miner  in  '48;  became  a  lawyer;  memb.  of  legisl.  front 
Yolo  '50.  and  from  Mont.  '57;  d.  at  S.  Juan  B.  '68,  age  41,  leaving  a  widow 
and  several  children.  All  this  comes  from  his  obituary  as  memb.  of  Soc.  Cal. 
Pion.  C.  (J.  C.),  1848,  on  the  Charles  at  Honolulu  from  Mont.;  in  Cal.  '55. 
C.  (W.  0.),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Warren.  Craven  (James  A.  M.),  1846, 
lieut  on  the  U.S.  Dale;  nat.  of  N.  H.,  and  brother  of  Rear-adm.  C.;  killed  at 
Mobile  '64  in  com.  of  the  monitor  Tecumseh.  Lanc^y.  Crawford  (Geo.), 
1846,  boatswain's  mate  on  the  U.S.  Cyane:  wounded  at  the  Mesa  Jan.  '47.  v. 
395.  Crawley  (Philip),  1843,  worked  for  Steph.  Smith  at  Bodega  ace.  to  the 
county  histories,  iv.  396. 

Crebbe,  1847,  doubtful  name,  in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8.  Green  (Hugh 
W.),  1847,  purser  on  the  U.S.  Independence.  Creighton  (James),  1848.  at 
Benicia,  prospective  partner  of  Pfister;  vice-pres.  of  S.F.  guards  '48-9;  elected 
to  legisl.  from  S.  F.  '49.  C.  (Johnston  Blakely),  1846,  passed  mid.  on  the 
Dale  and  Lexington  '47;  in  '77-8  com.  of  Norfolk  navy-yard.  Crelis  (Michel), 
1844,  perhaps  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  437. 

Crespi  (Juan),  1769,  Span,  friar  who  came  with  the  1st  exped.  by  land  to 
Cal.  after  17  years  of  missionary  service  in  New  Spain;  wrote  a  diary  of  the 
1st  Viaje  by  land  from  S.  Diego  to  Mont.,  and  several  other  important  diaries 
of  early  years,  i.  list  of  auth.,  also  i.  141,  151,  224,  284,  386;  and  served  13 
years  in  Cal.,  chiefly  at  S.  Carlos,  till  his  death  in  1782.  Biog.  i.  386;  ment. 
i.  121-2,  132-6,  140-4,  148-52,  158,  165,  167-9,  171,  175-6,  183-9,  196,  227, 
231,  284-5,  351,  388.  410,  473-6;  ii.  44.  Crespo  (Manuel),  Mex.  phleboto- 
mist  and  teacher  at  Mont,  from  '29  or  earlier,  ii.  613;  comisionado  of  S.  Car 
los  '31.  iii.  307,  679;  vocal  of  the  dip.  .'33.  iii.  246;  in '35  comisionado  to 
secularize  S.  Antonio,  iii.  354,  687-8.  In"  '36  C.  was  living  at  Mont. ,  age  28, 
wife  Nicolasa  Velarde,  child.  Tomasa  A.  b.  '19  at  Tepic,  Adelaida  '32,  Man 
uel  '33,  Carolina  '36;  also  vocal  of  the  dip.,  taking  part  in  a  small  way  in  the 
stirring  political  events,  iii.  426,  454-5,  460,  463,  469.  I  have  no  record  of 
him  after  his  arrest  in  '37  for  plotting  against  Alvarado.  iii.  525.  Cretaine 
(Julio),  1846,  at  Los  Ang. ;  had  a  claim  for  supplies  of  stationery  and  clothing 
(v.  462).  Creutzfeldt  (F.),  1845,  probably  one  of  Fremont's  men  '45-7,  as 
he  was  in  '48.  iv.  583;  v.  453.  Cristan  (Joseph),  1840,  permitted  to  settle 
at  S.  Juan  Cap.  iv.  626.  Cristen  (C.),  1830,  mr  of  the  Catalina;  doubtful, 
iii.  146.  Crist6bal,  neoph.  grantee  of  Ulistac  '45.  C.  (Juan),  or  '  Bob,' 
1816,  negro  settler,  ii.  393. 


772  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Crocker  (David),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Crockett,  1848, 
at  S.F.  from  Hon.  on  the  Sagadahoc.  Cromwell,  1848(7),  Winters  &  C.,  hotel 
at  Coloma.  Cronstead  ( Philip).  1845,  deserter  from  the  Hopewetl  at  S.  Diego; 
prob.  '  Crossth waite, '  q.v.  Crooks  (Stephen),  1847,  apparently  an  overl. 
immig.;  in  Suiter's  employ  '48.  Crosby,  1847,  mr  of  the  Toulon,  v.  580. 
C.  (A.  H.),  1845,  Amer.  carpenter  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Hastings-Semple 
party;  employed  by  Sutter;  prob.  went  back  in  '46.  iv.  586;  v.  526.  C. 
(Edmund  P.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504.  C.  (Thos),  1846,  Co.  C, 
1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Cross  (Alex.),  1848,  S.F.  merchant,  of  C.,  Hob- 
son,  &  Co.  v.  681.  C.  (Geo.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  who  served  in  theCal.  Bat. 
(v.  358),  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  in  Oct.;  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '76.  C.  (John),  1846, 
prob.  a  brother  of  Geo.;  in  Cal.  Bat.;  on  1st  jury  at  S.  Jose"  '48.  C.  (John), 
1838,  named  in  Larkin's  accounts.  Grossman  (Gideon),  1847,  Amer.  at  N. 
Helv.  Crossthwaite  (Philip),  1845,  landed  from  a  vessel  at  S.  Diego,  iv.  587; 
ment.  in  '46.  v.  352;  2d  juez  at  S.  D.  '47.  v.  618;  married  Josefa  Lopez  '48, 
also  lessee  of  S.  Diego  mission,  v.  620;  went  to  the  mines;  memb.  of  ayunt. 
'49-50;  county  clerk  '52;  later  deputy  sheriff;  still  at  S.  D.  72. 

Crouch  (Henry),  1847,  builder  of  a  house  at  Benicia.  v.  672;  a  Baltimore 


from  a  whaler  at  Sta  B.  C.  ( Wm  H. ),  1835  (?),  nat.  of  Conn.,  somewhat  prom 
inent  from  '49  as  trader  and  local  official  in  Sac.,  S.F.,  Sonoma,  and  Mendo- 
cino;  said  as  a  ship's  boy  to  have  touched  at  S.F.  and  other  points  as  early  as 
'35;  died  at  Ukiah  '69.  Mendoc.  Dem.,  Aug.  6,  '69;  iii.  413.  Crowley,  1846, 
overl.  immig.  with  Boggs.  v.  528.  C.  (Michael),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499).  C.  (Philip),  1846,  Cal.  claim  $50.  (v.  462);  perhaps  'Crawley,'  q.v. 
Crowiiinshields  (Jacob),  1848,  lot-owner  at  S.F.  Cruceno  (Antonio),  at  Sta 

B.  '32,  wife  Teresa  Verdugo,  5  child.       Cruell  (Robert),  1846.,  doubtful  name 
in  Sta  B.  region,  v.  330.       Cruz  (Faustino  Jose"),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i. 
461.       C.  (Jose),  killed  by  Ind.  atPauma  '46.  v.  617.       C.  (Jose"  M.),  grantee 
of   Canada  de   Pinacates  in  '35.  iii.  633.       C.  (Santiago),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 

C.  (Tomas),  sirv.  at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297.       C.  (Trinidad),  convict  from  Mex.  '29- 
33.       Cruzado  (Antonio),  1771,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Gabriel  for  33 
years  and  died  in  1804.  Biog.  ii.  113;  ment.  i.  173,  176,  181,  196,  223,  299, 
388,  459,  575,  664;  ii.  159-60. 

Cuani  (Keaniu),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.  F.  v.  679.  Cucar  (Thos),  1819, 
Engl.  ii.  293.  Cuculla  (Fran.),  Dom.  friar  of  L.  Cal.,  at  S.  Gabriel  '31-2. 
iii.  311,  641.  Cue  (James),  1828,  Engl.  sailor,  age  26,  at  Mont.  '28-9. 
Cuesta,  additional  mention  omitted  by  error  on  p.  704  for  'Arroyo  de  la  Cu- 
esta,'  q.v.  ii.  166,  386,  398,  496,  623;  iii.  92,  96,  664,  681,  683,  691.  Cueva 
(Pedro),  1804,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Jos6  mission  two  years,  being 
wounded  by  the  Ind.  in  1805,  and  retiring  1806.  Biog.  ii  137-8;  ment.  ii.  34, 
107,  109-10,  159-60.  Cuevas,  1834,  mate  of  the  Natalia,  iii.  268.  Cule- 
bras  (Miguel),  1828,  Span,  trader,  who  had  been  a  lieut  in  the  war  of  Indep., 
apparently  not  allowed  to  remain  after  '30.  iii.  51-2.  Cullingham  (James), 
1847,  locksmith  at  Mont.;  name  variously  written.  Culverwell  (Stephen 
S. ),  1842,  boy  on  the  United  States  in  Jones'  fleet  at  the  taking  of  Mont.;  liv 
ing  in  S.F.  '85.  iv.  304,  341. 

Cummings  (James),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  C.  (Joseph  W.), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  v.  518.  Cummins  (Thos),  1842,  Amer.  trader 
who  came  from  Hon.  on  the  Fama  for  his  health,  age  38.  iv.  141,  341;  again 
at  S.  F.  '48.  Cnrauchi,  chief  of  horse-thieves  shot  at  Sonoma,  iv.  73. 
Cunningham  (Alex.  S.),  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Fresno  Co.  '82.  C. 
(Stephen),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.  Y.  Vol.  under  another  name.  C.  (Wm  H.), 
1826,  Mass,  man,  mr  of  the  Courier  '26-8,  spending  much  of  his  time  on  shore, 
befriending  Jed.  Smith  and  Pattie,  taking  an  active  part  in  trade  at  all  the 
ports,  and  vainly  attempting  to  establish  himself  on  Sta  Catalina  Isl.  iii.  128, 
146,  154,  165,  176.  In '31  at  Boston,  but  thinking  of  another  trip  to  Cal. ;  said 
by  Peirce  to  have  been  still  living  in  Mass,  after  '80.  Cupper  (Geo. ),  1847, 
at  Hon.  from  Mont,  on  the  Xylon. 


CURIEL— DALTON.  773 

Curiel  (Bernardo),  Mex.  soldier  at  Mont.  '36,  age  32,  single.  C.  (Fer 
nando),  arrested  '29.  iii.  69.  Curler  (Anastase),  1830,  French  trapper  of 
Young's  party,  iii.  174.  Curl  (James  1).),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
lot  at  S.F.  '47;  at  S.  Jose"  '50,  as  was  Robert  C.  Curman  (Lewis),  1847, 
sergt  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  v.  519.  Curphey,  1847,  mr  of  the  Maria  Helena. 
v.  579.  Curran  (Edward),  1846.  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  C. 
(Michael),  1846,  ditto.  Curren  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
died  in  Cal.  '60. 

Curtis  (Dabney),  1846,  asst  draughtsman  with  Kearny.  Lancey.  C. 
(Dorr  P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  C.  (Foster),  1847,  Co.  D, 
Monn.  Bat.  C.  (Josiah),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  C.  (Jotham),  1846, 
overl.  immig.  with  his  wife;  connected  with  the  1st  Donner  relief,  and 
roundly  abused — with  how  much  of  reason  I  know  not — by  McCutchen  and 
Thornton;  owner  of  a  lot  at  S.F.  '47.  v.  538-9,  678.  C.  (Wm),  1846,  Ken- 
tuckian  in  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Gurus,  1847,  mr  of  the  Europa.  v.  578. 

Gushing,  1843,  sup.  of  the  Admittance,  who  had  much  trouble  with  the 
capt.  and  consignee,  and  was  sent  home.  Thames.  Gushing  (Bela),  1847, 
Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  a  printer  of  Boston;  d.  Sonoma  '48.  Cushman 
(Benj.),  1845,  mr  of  the  Morea.  iv.  567.  C.  (James  and  Stephen),  1837, 
named  in  Larkin's  accounts.  Custer  (John),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons 
(v.  232);  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  settled  near  Napa'48.  Custot  (Octave), 
1837,  Frenchman  who  signed  a  contract  to  take  charge  of  Rafael  Gomez' 
rancho  in  May.  iv.  118;  at  S.  Pablo  '38  trying  to  make  beet  sugar;  later  in 
duced  Vallejo  to  employ  him  to  superintend  this  industry  at  Petaluma  on  a 
larger  scale,  but  failed  to  produce  any  sugar  except  some  cakes  of  an  imported 
article  remelted  to  keep  the  general  in  good  courage.  In  '39  he  joined  Sutter, 
and  for  several  years  was  a  kind  of  superintendent  at  N.  Helv.  iv.  219.  He 
seems  to  have  disappeared  before  '45,  as  his  name  does  not  occur  in  the  N. 
Helv.  Diary. 

Cutler  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).       Cutrell  (Win  E.), 

1847,  lieut  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  went  to  Sandw.  Isl.,  where  he  married 
and  had  several  children;   returned  to  S.  F.,  where  he  died '68.       Cutting, 

1848,  doubtful  record  of  a  man  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  from  Ind.  in  '47,  and 
ret.  from  Cal.  in  '48  with  large  quantities  of  gold-dust.  Solano  Co.  Hint.,  380. 
Cuvellier  (Emil),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Cyrus  (Enoch),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  wife  and  3  sons,  who  settled  in 
Napa  Valley,  v.  529.  C.  and  two  of  the  sons  died  of  small-pox  in  '53,  and 
the  widow,  Rebecca  Cook,  died  in  '73,  age  77,  at  the  farm  near  Calistoga, 
where  the  family  had  lived  since  '50.  C.  (John),  1846,  son  of  Enoch,  b.  in 
111.  '31;  married  Lovina  Graves  of  the  Donner  party  in  '50;  still  living  with 
5  children  near  Calistoga  in  '81. 

Daggett(Ed),  1832,  mr  of  the  Balance,  iii.  381,  D.  (Timothy),  1822-3, 
mr  of  the  Almira.  ii.  474,  492.  Dailey  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
(v.  518).  Daily,  1833,  possibly  in  Walker's  comp.  iii.  391.  Dailey  an:l 
Daily,  see  'Daly.'  Dake  (Morris  B.),  1842,  asst  surg.  on  the  United  States. 
Daleman  (John),  1846,  marine  on  the  Dale;  in  Phil.  '84.  Dall  (John),  1847, 
Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  Lancey.  Dally,  1846,  mr  of  the  Golden  Gate. 

Dally  (Henry  J.),  1843,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  who  after  an  adventurous  career  as 
sailor  in  many  parts  of  the  world  landed  at  Mont,  from  the  whaler  Chas  W. 
Morgan,  iv.  400.  He  worked  at  Mont,  for  Kinlock,  Larkin,  and  others;  made 
an  otter-hunting  trip  in  '45;  soon  went  to  S.  Luis  Ob.,  where  he  married  a 
Rodriguez  and  lived — but  for  a  brief  tour  in  the  mines  '48 — till  '52,  serving  as 
sheriff  in  '49-51 ;  then  settled  at  Sta  B. ,  where  he  still  lived  in  '78,  age  63.  His 
MS.  Narrative,  besides  an  account  of  his  early  wanderings,  contains  testimony 
on  early  affairs  at  S.  Luis,  especially  in  '46,  v.  375,  and  on  the  acts  of  outlaws 
in  the  south  after  '49. 

Dalton  (Henry),  1843,  Engl.  trader  from  Lima;  sup.  of  the  Soledad.  iv. 
400,  56S.  In  his  Notes  of  '45  Larkin  describes  D.  as  40  years  old,  a  man  of 
property,  intelligence,  and  local  influence;  and  from  that  time  his  name  of  ten 


774  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

appears  in  commercial  records,  his  home  being  at  Los  Ang.  In  '45  he  served 
against  Micheltorena,  bought  land  at  S.  Gabriel,  was  sup.  of  the  Star  of  the 
West,  and  grantee  of  8.  Francisquito.  iv.  495,  548,  568,  035;  in  '46  encargaclo 
at  S.  Gabriel,  affording  important  financial  aid  to  his  bi^other-in-law  Gen. 
Flores.  v.  332,  628;  in  '47  purchaser  of  Sta  Anita,  for  which  and  for  Azuza, 
his  permanent  home,  he  was  claimant  in  '52.  v.  028,  633,  635.  Still  living  in 
'80.  His  wife  was  the  daughter  of  A.  V.  Zamorano.  iii.  561;  and  his  son, 
Henry,  Jr,  was  probably  born  before  the  end  of  '48.  D.  (John),  1844,  mr  of 
the  Julian.  D.  (Win),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  330);  killed  at  S. 
Pascual.  v.  346. 

Daly,  1842,  doubtful  record  at  Mont.;  perhaps  Nathan.  D.  (Henry), 
1844,  mentioned  at  Mont.  D.  (J.  and  S.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
prob.  one  man.  D.  (Nathan),  1834,  Amer.  named  in  Larkin's  books  '34-40. 
iii.  412;  exiled  in  '40  and  not  known  to  have  returned,  iv.  18,  24.  D.  (Win), 
1834(?),  said  to  have  arrived  in  Sta  Clara  Co.;  arrested  '43,  as  appears  from  a 
letter  of  Forbes  inquiring  about  him  as  a  British  subject;  at  Sutters  Fort  with 
his  wife  '47;  in  the  mines  '48;  had  a  rancho  011  the  Cosumnes  '49.  Perhaps 
more  than  one  man  of  the  name.  iii.  412.  Dana  (James  D. ),  1841,  mineral 
ogist  of  U.S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241-3.  D.  (Richard  H.,  Jr),  1835,  Boston  sailor 
on  the  Pilgrim;  author  of  the  famous  Two  Years  Before  the  Mast;  later  an 
eminent  lawyer  and  writer,  iii.  367,  412-13,  613,  652;  iv.  140,  142. 

Dana  (Win  Goodwin),  1826,  nat.  of  Boston,  and  mr  of  the  Waverly  '26-8. 
iii.  118,  149,  154,  176.  Among  his  first  acts  was  falling  in  love  with  Josefa 
Carrillo,  daughter  of  Don  Carlos,  and  he  was  greatly  troubled  at  having  to 
wait  for  baptism  and  naturalization  before  getting  married.  I  have  his  original 
letter  to  Gapt.  Cooper  in  '27-8  on  this  subject,  with  a  quaint  intermixture  of 
business  affairs.  He  had  no  objection  to  changing  his  religion  and  country,  but 
damned  the  institutions  that  forced  him  to  lose  time.  However,  he  was  bap 
tized  in  '27,  got  provisional  papers  in  '28,  was  married  to  Dona  Josefa,  age  16, 
the  same  year,  and  in  July  '30  in  a  business  letter  announced  the  birth  and 
death  of  his  2d  child,  cheerfully  adding,  '  We  will  soon  have  enough' — as  they 
did,  21  in  all.  Meanwhile  he  had  engaged  in  trade,  agriculture,  stock-raising, 
and  soap-making,  besides  building  the  schr  Sta  Barbara  and  buying  the  wreck 
and  cargo  of  the  Danube,  ii.  573;  iii.  140,  140.  Every  branch  of  his  business 
was  always  on  the  point  of  going  to  the  dogs,  if  we  credit  the  letters  of  this 
inveterate  grumbler.  One  source  of  revenue  was  the  letting-out  for  a  percent 
age  of  results  of  his  otter  license  to  foreigners,  who  could  get  no  such  paper. 
Final  naturalization  in  '35;  appraiser  at  Purisima.  iii.  665;  capt.  of  the  port. 
iii.  654;  in  '36  alcalde  of  Sta  B.  iii.  483,  654;  iv.  117.  In  '37  he  was  grantee 
of  the  Nipomo  rancho,  S.  Luis  Ob.,  iii.  655,  on  which  he  lived  from  about  '39, 
having  in  '38  rendered  some  aid  to  his  father-in-law  in  his  political  troubles, 
iii.  509.  Sometimes  named  as  a  physician  and  architect.  In  '45  Larkin  gave 
him  an  excellent  character  as  a  man  of  greater  influence  than  any  other  for 
eigner  of  Sta  B.  region.  Ment.  '40,  having  also  a  Cal.  claim,  v.  321,  639. 
Prefect  in  '49;  county  treasurer  in  '51.  Of  his  children  8  died  in  infancy,  one, 
Mrs.  Pollard,  in  '78,  and  in  '83  the  survivors  were  Chas  C.  at  S.  Luis,  Wm  C. 
at  Los  Berros,  and  on  the  home  farm,  John  F.,  Henry  C.,  Frank,  Ed  ward  G., 
Fred.  A.,  Adelina  E.,  David  A.,  Eliseo  C.,  and  Samuel  A. 

Daniel,  1824,  Amer.,  surname  not  given,  said  to  have  been  killed  by  Ind. 
at  Sta  B.  ii.  527,  534.  Daniels,  1836,  Boston  cook,  age  20,  with  Angel  Ra 
mirez  at  Mont,  iv.  118;  arrested  in  '40.  Daniels,  1816,  mr  of  the  Colonel. 
ii.  278,  382.  D.  (John),  1839,  Scotch  in  El  Dorado  Co.;  doubtful  date.  iv. 
119.  D.  (Wm),  1846,  nat.  of  Engl.;  overl.  immig.  with  family;  settled  at 
S.  Jose";  known  as  judge;  died  '73,  age  71.  Danti  (Antonio),  1790,  Span, 
friar  who  served  at  S.F.,  retiring  in  1796.  Biog.  i.  712-13;  ment.  i.  388,  474, 
492,  510,  551-2,  552,  575-6,  679,  709,  list  auth.  Dare  (Robert  H.),  1838, 
mr  of  the  Fearnaught  and  of  the  Ayucucho  '39-40.  iv.  101,  103.  Darley 
(Henry  L.),  1846,  at  Mont.  Darlington  (B.  S.  B.),  1841,  lieut  on  the  U.  S. 
St  Louis.  Darrah  (Decatur),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Darren 
(Henry  E.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.;  drowned  in  the  Sac.  Riv.  '49. 


DAUBENBISS— DAVIS.  775 

Daubenbiss  (John),  1843,  nat.  of  Bavaria,  who  came  to  Amer.  '35  at  the 
age  of  19,  and  found  his  way  westward  by  short  stages  for  7  years,  coming 
overland  to  Or.  in  '42  and  to  Cal.  next  year  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390, 
400.  After  working  on  mills  for  Smith  at  Bodega,  iv.  396,  and  Vallejo  at 
Mission  S.  Jose',  he  served  Sutter  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign,  was  natu 
ralized  and  got  a  grant  of  Coluses  rancho  in  '44.  iv.  671;  in  '45  signed  the  S. 
Jose  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  509;  and  in  '46  carried  despatches  between  Sloat 
and  Fremont,  v.  16,  245,  247,  then  going  south  with  the  Cal.  Bat.  to  S.  Diego 
and  Los  Aug.,  but  returning  with  Maddox.  Later  he  reenlisted  in  Co.  F  of 
the  Bat.  to  take  part  in  the  final  campaign.  Returning  to  S.  Jose  early  in  '47, 
he  married  Sarah  C.  Lard  arid  moved  to  his  rancho  at  Soquel,  where  he  built 
a  flour-mill.  In  partnership  with  John  Hames  '48,  also  going  to  the  mines; 
elected  to  constit.  convention  '49,  though  not  serving.  In  '79  he  had  8  chil 
dren;  prob.  still  living  in  '85.  His  Blog.  Sketch  contains  many  interesting 
adventures;  portrait  in  Sta  Cruz  Co.  Uist.,  26. 

Davalos  (Miguel),  1780-2,  chaplain  of  the  Santiago  and  Princesa.  i.  329, 
378.  D.  (Teresa),  wife  of  Rivera  y  Moncada.  i.  364.  Davenport  (Alfred), 
1846,  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Daveson  (Peter),  1841  (?),  nat.  of  the  Ionic 
Isl.,  who  came  in  '41-3,  ace.  to  dif.  authorities,  iv.  279;  signed  the  S.  Jose' 
call  to  foreigners  '45.  iv.  599;  ment.  in  '45-7  in  employ  of  Weber  and  South 
ward;  also  kept  an  inn,  and  went  to  the  mines  in  '48;  still  living  in  '84  at  S. 
Josd.  His  wife  was  a  granddaughter  of  Luis  Peralta.  David  (Alex.),  1845, 
in  Cal.  iv.  587;  perhaps  Davis.  David  (Edward),  1827,  mr  of  the  Isabella 
or  Sarah  and  Elizabeth,  iii.  147.  Davidof,  1806,  lieut  with  Rezanof  at  S.F. 
ii.  68,  70.  Davidson,  1843,  mate  of  the  Admittance,  nat.  of  N.H.;  killed  at 
S.F.  '44  by  falling  from  the  ship's  foretopsail  yard.  Thames.  D.  (Hunter), 
1845,  mid.  on  tbe  Portsmouth.  D.  (John  W.),  1846,  lieut  1st  U.S.  dragoons, 
who  came  with  Kearny  and  fought  at  S.  Pascual  and  the  later  conflicts  of 
'46-7.  v.  336-7,  340,  343-7,  385-6,  446;  later  col  of  2d  cavalry  and  brevet 
brig. -gen.,  serving  on  the  Pac.  coast  to  '59,  and  dying  in  Minn.  '81.  Davila 
(Agustin),  sec.  to  juez  at  Brancif.  '41-2.  iv.  663;  grantee  of  Corral  de  Cuati 
'45.  iv.  642;  killed  by  Foxen  near  Sta  Ines  '48.  v.  611,  631.  D.  (Jose),  1771, 
surg.  of  the  Cal.  forces  at  Mont.  '71-83.  Biog.  i.  668;  ment.  i.  224,  228,  385. 

Davis,  1811-12,  mr  of  the  Isabella,  ii.  93,  267,  269,  282;  possibly  Wm  H., 
Sr.  D.,  1845,  doubtful  memb.  of  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579.  "D.,  1846, 
said  to  have  been  mr  of  a  coaster;  later  a  highwayman  known  as  Red  Davis, 
hanged  at  Stockton  about  '52.  D.,  1847,  memb.  of  Sonoma  council.  D., 
1848,  two  of  the  name  on  the  Sayadahoe  from  Honolulu.  D.,  1848,  miner 
at  Thompson's  Flat. 

Davis  (Benj.  B.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  miner  in  Mariposa;  vol. 
in  war  of  '61-5;  died  at  Merced  Aug.  '78.  D.  (Daniel  C.),  1847,  capt.  Co. 
E,  Morm.  Bat.,  and  of  the  reenl.  comp.;  in  com.  at  S.  Diego,  v.  477,  490, 
495,  617;  accomp.  by  his  wife  and  son,  Dan.  C.,  Jr,  the  latter  being  wounded 
in  a  fight  with  wild  cattle  on  the  march  to  Cal.  D.  (David  A.),  1846,  at  S. 
Jose"  in  April;  perhaps  an  immig.  of  '45;  one  of  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v. 
232);  lieut  of  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  361;  in  '47-8  had  a  store  and  ferry  at  Be- 
nicia.  v.  673.  D.  (David  A.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  a  deserter 
who  was  hanged  at  S.  Jos6  for  robbery  and  attempted  murder  in  Dec.  '48.  v. 
663-4.  D.  (Eleazer),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  . 

Davis  (Geo.),  1843,  Irish  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390- 
2,  400.  Married  by  Sutter  to  Lizzie  Sumrier,  whose  parents  came  in  the  same 
party;  naturalized  in  '44;  often  named  in  the  N.  llelv.  Diary  '45-6;  later  en 
gaged  in  tanning  and  raising  stock  in  the  Sta  Cruz  region;  in  '60  settled  in  S. 
Luis  Ob.  Co.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '83.  D.  (Isaac),  1848,  sentenced  for 
larceny  at  S.  F.  Californian.  D.  (Jerome  C.),  1845,  apparently  one  of  Fr£- 
mont's  men,  iv.  583,  587,  who  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  46-7.  v.  358.  It  was 
for  him,  I  think,  that  the  town  of  Davis ville  was  named;  still  living  at  Sac. 
in  7S.  D.  (John),  1828,  Norwegian  carpenter,  age  23,  who  came  from  the 
Sandw.  Isl.  and  in  '30-6  was  a  resid.  of  Los  Ang.  ii.  558;  iii.  178.  D.  (John), 
1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu;  letters  at  S.F. 


776  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Davis  (John  Calvert),  1839,  Engl.  ship-carpenter  and  blacksmith,  who  had 
been  a  sailor,  and  for  5  years  on  Mex.  vessels,  probably  touching  in  Cal.  ports 
some  years  earlier;  naturalized,  got  a  lot,  and  built  a  house  and  shop  at  S.F. 
'39.  iii.  705;  iv.  119;  v.  682-3.  In  Nov.  '41  he  had  built,  in  Napa  Creek,  a 
schr  called  the  Susana,  for  which  he  asked  permission  to  use  the  Mex.  flag, 
and  in  her  made  a  trip  to  Mazatlan  and  back  in  '42-3.  In  records  of  the  time 
he  is  often  mentioned  as  a  Yerba  Buena  blacksmith,  and  was  32  years  old  In 
'42;  formed  a  partnership  with  Rose  and  Reynolds,  and  the  firm  built  houses 
as  well  as  boats,  including  a  mill  for  Salv.  Vallejo  in  Napa  Val.;  corporal  of 
S.F.  defensores  '44,  when  he  got  new  naturalization  papers,  having  lost  the 
original  on  his  trip  down  the  coast.  He  married  a  daughter  of  Geo.  Yount, 
prob.  in  '44,  since  in  April  he  writes  to  Larkin  for  gold  earrings  and  material 
for  a  lady's  dress — all  to  be  kept  a  profound  secret,  though  L.  may  guess  the 
object.  The  same  year  he  built  the  Londresa;  often  named  in  records  of  '44-7, 
being  a  witness  at  the  Rae  inquest  in  '45,  iv.  593,  and  town  treasurer  in  '46. 
v.  648.  I  find  no  later  record  than  Nov.  '47,  and  he  is  said  to  have  died  in 
'48,  committing  suicide,  according  to  Sutter.  His  widow  married  Eugene  Sul 
livan.  He  left  a  son — John  D. ,  living  at  Napa  '85 — and  2  daughters.  D. 
(Joseph),  1845.  Amer.  sailor  and  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman 
party,  iv.  572,  587.  Lived  for  a  time  at  Gordon's;  served  '46-7  in  Co.  B,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  claimant  for  supplies  to  Fremont,  (v.  462);  called  also  M.  J. 
Davis.  D.  (J.  H.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Davis  (Pedro),  1843-5,  Ital.  resid.  of  Mont.  iv.  400.  D.  (Peter),  1848  (?), 
nat.  of  Mass.,  long  a  resid.  of  Loreto,  perhaps  came  to  Cal.  before  end  of  '48; 
Capt.  1).  died  at  Mont.  '53.  D.  (Peter  J.),  1848,  nat.  of  N.C.,  overl.  immig. 
with  family;  miner  on  Feather  River  '48—50;  later  farmer  in  S.  Joaquin;  d. 
in  Humboldt  '73.  His  1st  wife,  Phoebe  Hunter,  died  in  '49;  in  '73  there  were 
3  surviving  children.  D.  (Robert  G.),  1839,  clerk  on  the  Monsoon,  iv.  105, 
279;  nat.  of  Honolulu,  bro.  of  Wm  H.,  educated  in  Boston.  He  came  back 
on  the  Julia  Ann  with  goods,  which  were  sold  at  S.F.  '41-2.  iv.  566;  later  in 
trade  at  Honolulu,  being  also  Peruvian  consul  and  a  judge;  died  about  '72. 
D.  (Robert  P.),  1848,  nat.  of  Mo.,  overl.  immig.,  miner  and  resid.  of  Coloma 
till  his  death  by  a  fall  from  his  wagon  in  '57.  D.  (Samuel  H.),  1843,  Amer. 
immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  390;  prob.  returned  to  Or.  in 
'43-4.  D.  (Sterling),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  D.  (Thos),  1846, 
one  of  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232);  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Jose" 
Nov.  (v.  358);  perhaps  the  'Uncle  Tommy'  Davis  who  died  at  Sta  Cruz  '83. 
A  lumberman  of  same  name  ment.  at  S.  Buen.  '47.  D.  (W.),  1825,  mr  of 
the  Maria  Ester,  iii.  147. 

Davis  (Wm  Heath),  1816  (?),  Boston  ship-master  who,  according  to  the 
statement  of  his  son,  was  owner  and  mr  of  the  Eagle  from  Boston  to  the 
Sandw.  Isl.  about  '14,  for  some  years  in  the  China  trade,  and  visited  Cal. 
accomp.  by  his  wife,  still  on  the  Baffle,  about  '16,  making  other  trips  to  theN. 
W.  coast  and  perhaps  to  Cal.  I  have  no  record  of  any  such  vessel  on  the  coast, 
and  there  is  probably  some  error  in  the  dates;  indeed,  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
this  was  Capt.  Davis  of  the  Isabella,  1811-13,  whose  presence  on  the  coast  is 
ment.  in  ii.  93,  267,  269,  282.  He  was  related  to  Gen.  Heath,  of  revolutionary 
fame;  and  was  for  years  U.S.  commercial  agent  at  Honolulu.  His  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  Oliver  Holmes,  another  Mass,  ship-master  who  lived  long  at  the 
Sandwich  Isl.,  being  at  one  time  gov.  of  Oahu  under  Kamehameha  1st.  An 
other  daughter  of  Holmes  was  the  wife  of  Nathan  Spear.  Capt.  D.  died  afc 
Honolulu  in  '23,  leaving  two  sons,  Robert  G.  and  Wm  H.,  both  named  in  this 
register.  D.  (Win  Heath,  Jr),  1831,  son  of  the  preceding,  b.  at  Honolulu  in 
'22,  came  to  Cal.  as  a  boy  on  the  Louisa,  iii.  383,  405;  again  on  the  Volunteer 
in  '33;  and  a  3d  time  on  the  Don  Quixote  in  '38,  iv.  103,  having  meanwhile 
attended  school  and  worked  as  clerk  for  a  Boston  firm  at  Honolulu.  From  '38 
D.  was  clerk  and  manager  for  his  uncle,  Nathan  Spear,  at  S.  F.,  much  of  his 
time  being  spent  in  trading  trips  around  the  bay.  iv.  82,  116,  245,  250-1:  in 
'39  he  commanded  the  '  fleet'  that  took  John  A.  Sutter  and  his  company  up 
the  Sac.  Riv.  to  N.  Helv.  iv.  130-1;  in  '40  was  arrested  as  a  matter  of  form, 


DAVIS— DAY.  777 

but  not  sent  farther  than  the- mission,  though  the  troubles  of  this  year  prob. 
prevented  the  granting  of  his  petition  for  naturalization,  iv.  10,  17.  In  '42  he 
left  Spear's  service,  and  made  a  trip  to  Hon.  as  sup.  of  the  Don  Quixote,  Capt. 
Paty,  returning  in  '43,  and  in  '43-5  acted  as  agent  at  S.F.  for  the  firm  of  Paty, 
McKinley,  &  (Jo.  iv.  314,  565;  v.  679;  in  '45  at  Los  Ang.  during  the  Michel- 
torena  campaign,  though  not  a  combatant,  bought  a  lot  at  S.F.,  and  went  to 
Honolulu  on  the  Don  Quixote,  iv.  505,  512:  v.  679.  He  now  formed  a  partner 
ship  with  Hiram  Grimes,  buying  the  Eiiphemia  with  a  cargo  of  merchandise, 
and  returning  on  her  to  Cal.  in  '46,  from  which  date  he  was  a  prominent  mer 
chant  under  his  own  name  at  S.F.,  owning  several  lots  and  buildings,  but 
spending  much  of  his  time  on  the  vessel,  which  visited  the  islands  and  all  the 
ports,  v.  240,  578,  653,  681,  683.  He  took  but  slight  part  in  political  affairs, 
though  acting  as  inspector  of  elections,  as  school  trustee,  and  in  '49  as  mem 
ber  of  the  town  council,  v.  295,  646,  651-2,  656-7;  Cal.  claim  of  $3,000  in 
'46-7  (v.  462);  in  Nov.  '47  married  Mar  fa  de  Jesus,  daughter  of  Joaquin 
Estudillo.  iv.  305;  v.  686;  in  '48  of  the  firm  Davis  &  Carter;  in  '49  memb. 
of  the  S.F.  guard,  and  vice-president  of  mass-meeting.  His  name  was  given 
to  Davis  street,  S.F.  All  the  records  of  early  times  point  to  Davis  as  an 
honest,  genial,  industrious,  and  successful  merchant,  who  laid  well  the  foun 
dations  of  a  handsome  fortune,  which,  however,  in  one  way  or  another,  slipped 
from  his  grasp  in  the  later  years.  In  '85,  as  for  a  long  time  preceding,  he  re 
sides  at  Oakland  with  his  family.  In  various  private  archives  of  my  collection 
I  have  many  of  his  original  business  letters,  in  personal  interviews  much  use 
ful  information  has  been  obtained  from  him,  and  he  has  besides  dictated  for 
my  use  over  300  pages  of  his  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  which  contains  not  only 
his  own  experiences,  but  hundreds  of  interesting  items  respecting  early  men 
and  times,  especially  on  commercial  methods,  and  social  manners  and  customs 
of  native  and  foreign  pioneers.  His  memory  is  excellent,  and  has  been  re 
freshed  by  frequent  reference  to  his  original  correspondence.  The  value  of  his 
historical  testimony  is  somewhat  impaired  by  a  tendency  to  eulogize  every 
body,  or  to  suppress  in  the  narrative  such  happenings  as  might  call  for  un 
friendly  comment.  If  he  ever  had  enemies,  there  is  no  indication  of  the  fact  in 
his  statements  or  in  any  other  records  that  I  have  seen.  Let  us  hope  that  all 
tho  early  Californians  were  as  good  as  he  paints  them.  David  (John  W.)» 
1845,  one  of  the  Warren's  men,  lost  in  S.F.  bay  '46.  iv.  587;  v.  384. 

Dawson,  1846,  from  Honolulu  on  the  Euphemia.  D.  (J.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Honolulu.  D.  (Fleurnaye),  1843,  Amer  imrnig.  of  the  Walker-Chiles 
party,  who  applied  for  a  passport  in  '44.  iv.  392-3.  D.  (James),  1S24(?), 
Irish  sailor  on  the  Rover  in  '26,  who  possibly  came  on  the  same  vessel  in  '23, 
and  who,  in  Dec.  '41,  at  Sonoma,  asking  for  naturalization,  claimed  a  residence 
of  17  years.  I  have  his  autograph  on  a  contract  to  employ  John  Fuller  in  '39. 
He  married  Maria  Antonia  Caceres  in  '40,  and  settled  on  the  Estero  Ameri 
cano  rancho  near  Bodega.  Quarrelling  with  his  partner  about  the  title,  Dawson 
sawed  their  house  in  two  parts  and  moved  his  half  to  the  Pogolomi  rancho,  for 
a  grant  of  which  he  applied,  but  died  in  Oct.  '43,  and  the  rancho  was  granted 
in  '44  to  his  widow,  who  was  married  to  Fred.  Blume  in  '49.  Though  D.  is 
said  on  good  authority  to  have  died  in  '43.  I  find  records  in  the  archives 
which  seem  to  show  that  he  was  alive  in  July  '44.  iv.  448;  Vallejo  Doc.,  xii. 
55.  D.  (James),  1841,  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270;  also  known 
as  V.  W.  'Cheyenne,' John,  and  'Long  Jim'  Dawson;  said  to  have  been 
drowned  in  the  Columbia  River.  D.  (Nicholas),  1841,  prob.  abro.  of  James, 
also  in  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275,  279.  Known  also  as  'Bear,'  'Berry,' 
and  '  Birny  '  Dawson;  kept  a  store  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '43,  but  closed  it  and  went 
away;  said  to  have  left  Cal.  and  died. 

Day  (Abraham),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  D.  (Benj.),  1831-2, 
perhaps  of  Young's  trappers  from  N.  Mex.  iii.  388,  408;  Amer.  hatter  at 
Mont.  '34-6.  D.  (Edward),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499)  under  an 
other  name.  D.  (Francis),  1840,  naturalized  citizen  at  Brancif.;  licensed  to 
hunt  otter  '43;  ment.  in  '46.  iv.  120;  v.  23.  D.  (John  S.),  1847,  licut  Co. 
H,  N. Y.Vol.  v.  504;  died  at  Chicago  '51.  D.  (Manuel),  1838,  named  in  Lar- 


778  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

kin's  books.  D.  (Wm),  1832,  Kentuckian  hatter  at  Mont.  '34;  very  likely 
One  of  Young's  trappers,  and  perhaps  same  as  Benjamin,  iii.  388,  408.  In  '35, 
keeping  a  liquor-shop  at  Los  Aug.,  he  stabbed  Abel  Stearns  in  a  quarrel  and 
was  kept  in  prison  a  year.  iii.  631;  ace.  to  the  County  Hist,  died  in  Sonora, 
having  settled  at  Los  Aug.  in  '31. 

Day  lor  (Wm),  1835  (?),  Engl.  sailor  said  to  have  left  his  vessel  this  year, 
to  have  entered  flutter's  service  in  '40-1,  and  to  have  settled  on  the  Cosumnes 
with  Sheldon,  his  brother-in-law,  about  '44.  iii.  413;  iv.  138.  Yates  met  him 
in  '42-3  and  speaks  in  high  praise  of  his  character.  From  '45  he  is  often  named 
in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary,  having  fights  with  Hess  and  Kampt  in  '40;  Gal.  claim 
of  $50  in  '4G-7  (v.  462);  Gen.  Kearny  camped  on  his  rancho  '47.  v.  452;  min 
ing  with  Weber  '48;  Irid.  killed  on  his  rancho  '49.  Placer  Time*.  He  died  of 
cholera  in  '50.  His  widow — originally  Sarah  Rhoads  married  in  '47 — war,  mar 
ried  in  '51  to  Wm  R.  Grimshaw,  whose  Narrative,  MS.,  is  the  best  authority 
on  Daylor's  life.  Days  (Wolberton),  1841,  New  Yorker  who  lived  long  in 
Brazil,  hospital  steward  on  U.  S.  ex.  exped.,  who  came  back  to  Cal.  in  '49, 
settling  at  Grass  Val.  iv.  279;  Nevada  Co.  Uist.  Dayton  (W.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Honolulu.  D.  (Wm  J.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenlisted; 
also  called  Willard  Y. 

Deal  (John),  1844,  Amer.  sailor  of  the  Benj.  More/an,  landed  sick,  aided 
by  the  consul  at  Mont.  '44-5.  Dean  (Geo.  C.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v. 
518);  at  Mont,  to  '49.  D.  (Geo.  C.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Vi- 
salia  '74-82,  Clark;  prob.  some  confusion  bet.  him  and  the  preceding.  D. 
(Gilbert  E.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol. ;  at  Fort  Lee,  N. J.,  '74-82.  D.  (James), 
1837,  at  Mont.  Deas  (James),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Deck  (Au 
gustus),  1846,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  685.  Decker  (Zachariah  B.),  1847,  Co. 
A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  gutter's  Fort  '48;  in  Utah  '81. 

Dedmond  (Joel  P.),  1838  (?),  Amer.  carpenter  who  in  '44,  returning  appar 
ently  from  Honolulu  on  the  Fama,  claimed  a  residence  of  6  years,  obtaining 
naturalization,  a  lot  at  S.F.,  and  the  S.  Juan  rancho  in  the  Sac.  Val.  iv.  119, 
669,  673,  C83.  He  prob.  served  Micheltorena  under  Sutter;  appears  in  the  N. 
Helv.  Diary  '45-7;  but  seems  to  have  made  a  trip  to  Honolulu  in  '46.  In  '47 
he  sold  out  his  land  to  Sutter  and  was  employed  at  S.F.  by  Larkin  as  sur 
veyor.  Deflect  (Wm  H.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Deford  (Isaac),  1847, 
Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Deitch  (Lewis),  1847,  ditto.  Dekin  (An 
thony),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Deland  (Francis),  1844,  Canad.  immig.  of 


the  Stevens  party,  iv.  445;  perhaps  went  to  Or.,  as  nothing  more  is  known 
iss  it  was  'Delone,'  q.v.       Delaney  (Rich.  E.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.F.  '76.       Delehaye  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol. 


of  him,  unless 

•1.  (v.  499);  .     ,         .. 

Deleisseques  (Olivier),  1838,  Frenchman  in  Mont,  district,  chiefly  at  S. 
Juan  B.,  '38-47;  possibly  ns  early  as  '36.  iii.  469;  iv.  119;  sindico  at  Mont. 
'45.  iv.  653;  purchaser  of  S.  Juan  B.  orchard  '46.  v.  561,  637,  640-1.  He  had 
a  family,  but  I  know  nothing  of  them  or  him  after  '47.  His  name  is  variously 
written,  Mofras  calling  him  Leyssegues,  which  is  perhaps  the  correct  form. 
He  may  have  come  in  the  colony  of  '34.  Delenau  (Philibert),  1846,  doubtful 
name  of  the  Cal.  Bat.  Delfin,  neoph.  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  iii.  626.  Delgadiilo 
(Ignacio),  1829-33,  Mex.  convict.  Delgado  (Cristina),  grantee  of  Rincon  tie 
Salinas  rancho  '33.  D.  (Ger6nimo),  1791,  piloto  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i. 
490.  D.  (Ignacio),  1819,  Mex.  alfdrez  of  the  Mazatlan  comp.  at  Sta  B.;  prob. 
died  or  left  Cal.  soon  after  '27.  His  wife  is  said  to  have  been  very  skilful  in 
fine  needle-work,  making  artificial  flowers,  etc.,  and  to  have  taught  her  art 
to  several  Cal.  girls;  perhaps  she  was  the  Cristina  named  above,  ii.  254,  361, 
573,  675.  Delick  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Delone  (Fran 
cis),  1846,  at  N.  Helv.  '46-8,  being  under  arrest  in  June  '46;  also  called  De- 
long;  prob.  same  as  'Deland'  of  '44,  q.v.  Delong  (Win  F.),  1846,  master 
U.S.N.  in  Marston's  force  against  Sanchez,  v.  380. 

Demarante  (Manuel),  1836,  Portuguese  skipper  of  S.  F.  mission  launch, 
also  fanner  and  sawyer  who,  in  '41,  asking  for  naturalization,  claimed  a  resid. 
of  4£  years  in  Cal.  iv.  118.  Demard,  1848,  doubtful  mention  of  a  Mormon 
preacher  at  S.F.  Demedrion  (Juan  B.),  1834,  Greek  fisherman  at  Mont. 


DEMEDRION— DEWELL.  779 

'34-7;  two  Italians.  Luis  and  Matias,  with  him.       Demetrius,  1839;  mr  of 
the  Baikal,  iv.  101. 

Den  (Nicholas  Augustus),  1836,  Irish  physician  who  came  on  the  Kent, 
landing  in  Dec.  at  Sta  B.,  where  he  became  a  permanent  settler,  often  named 
in  records  of  later  years,  iv.  117-18.  In  '39  not  permitted  to  build  on  his 
lot;  in  '40  applied  for  naturalization,  which  was  prob.  obtained  in  '41; 
soon  married  a  daughter  of  Daniel  Hill.  In  '42  collector  at  Sta  B.,  and  grantee 
of  Dos  Pueblos  rancho.  iv.  642;  in  '43  grantee  of  S.  Antonio  rancho.  iv.  635; 
in  '45  alcalde  of  Sta  B.,  and  with  his  father-in-law  lessee  of  the  mission,  iv. 
426,  542/553,  642,  644;  v.  558;  in  '46  grantee  of  S.  Marcos,  Cal.  claim  of  about 
$2,000.  v.  632-3,  365  (462).  Dr  Den  is  said  to  have  been  of  good  family,  and 
became  in  Cal.  a  most  popular  stock-raiser  of  considerable  wealth  and  excel 
lent  reputation.  He  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '62  at  the  age  of  50;  his  children  were 
Catherine  wife  of  John  Bell,  Mary  wife  of  Thos  More,  d.  78,  Susan,  Em 
manuel,  Nicholas,  Win,  Alfred,  Alphonso,  and  Augustus.  Portrait  in  Sta  B. 
Co.  JJixt.,  46.  D.  (Richard  Somerset),  1843,  Irish  physician,  bro.  o^  Nicho 
las  A.,  who  settled  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  400;  ment.  at  Los  Aug.  '46.  v.  3 '4;  pur 
chaser  of  StaB.  mission  estate,  v.  561,  632-3;  Cal.  claim  of  $1,020  (v.  462); 
ment.  in  '47.  v.  365;  cl.  for  S.  Antonio  rancho.  iv.  635.  Living  at  Los  Ang. 
'80.  Deng  (Fred.),  1848,  left  Gen.  Lane's  party  and  settled  at  Yreka. 

Denike  (Geo.),  1846,  baker  and  saloon-keeper  atS.F.  '46-8.  v.  646,  684; 
perhaps  correctly  written  'Denecke.'  Deniston  (Garrett  V.),  1847,  mid.  on 
the  U.S.  Independence.  Denkers  (Chas  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
died  at  Sac.  "71  ('81  ?).  Dennett  (Daniel  Q.),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469).  Dennis  (Jemmy),  1831,  doubtful  men.  of  an  Irishman  at  Heed's  rancho, 
Marin  Co.  Dennison  (Nathaniel),  1816,  on  the  Lydia  at  Sta  B.  ii.  275. 

Denniston  (James  G.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  nat.  of  N.  J.; 
twice  a  member  of  the  legisl.  from  S.  Mateo;  died  at  S.F.  '69,  leaving  a  widow 
and  3  children.  Denny,  1845,  Ind.  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  583,  587;  per 
haps  killed  on  the  Or.  frontier  '46.  Dent  (Lewis),  1847,  nat.  of  Mo.,  lawyer 
at  Mont.;  of  firm  D.  &  Martin;  in  '49  member  of  the  constit.  convention,  and 
from  '49  judge  of  the  superior  and  circuit  court;  later  a  lawyer  and  politician 
in  Miss.,  Mo.,  and  Washington;  a  brother-in-law  of  Gen.  Grant.  Died  in  '74 
at  the  age  of  51.  Denton,  1S31-2,  one  of  Young's  trappers,  said  to  have  re 
mained  some  years  in  Cal.  iii.  388,  408.  Denton  (David),  1846,  doubtful 
name  at  Los  Ang.  D.  (John),  1846,  one  of  the  Donner  party  from  111.,  who 
died  in  the  mts.  v.  530,  534.  Deny  (Wm),  1828,  mr  of  the  Vcrale.  iii.  149. 
Depeaux  (Louis),  1847,  resid.  at  Sta  Cruz  '47-65  ace.  to  his  testimony  in  '65. 
Depen  (Joseph  H. ),  1848,  visited  S.F.  on  the  Julian  from  Honolulu. 

Deppe  (Ferdinand),  1832.  German  supercargo  of  Virmond's  vessels,  often  in 
Cal.  '32-G;  perhaps  from  '29-30.  iii.  350,  40S-,  105,  142.  Said  to  have  made  a 
drawing  of  S.  Gabriel  in  '35.  iii.  644.  Also  a  naturalist  devoting  his  spare 
time  to  the  collection  of  birds,  plants,  and  shells.  Sailed  with  his  specimens 
on  the  Rassdas  '36;  and  ace.  to  Vischer  subsequently  devoted  himself  to  hor 
ticulture  in  the  royal  gardens  at  Pottsdam.  David  Spence  is  said  to  have  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Deppe  at  Berlin  in  '73.  Derby  (J.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  Derosier  (Baptiste),  1844,  one  of  Fremont's  party,  who  wandered 
from  camp  in  Cal.  and  was  not  heard  of  again,  iv.  437,  439. 

Desforges  (Auguste),  1834,  Frenchman  who  came  with  the  H.  &  P.  col. 
from  Mcx.  (iii.  249),  though  in  '40,  being  then  a  bachelor,  age  28,  in  the  Mont, 
district,  he  claimed  a  resid.  of  8  years.  Janssens.  Vida,  32  et  seq.,  his  compan 
ion  in  the  trip  from  S.  Diego  to  Sonoma,  has  much  to  say  of  him.  In  r£<>  he 
worked  on  the  Palo  Colorado  rancho;  named  in  Larkin's  accounts  '34-43;  in 
'49  aux.  alcalde  of  S.  Jose".  Despau,  1837,  one  of  the  party  from  Or.  for  cat 
tle,  iv.  85.  Desprairies,  1846,  mr  of  the  Valiant,  v.  580.  Deston  (Geo.), 
1843,  mr  of  the  North  America,  iv.  567.  Devoll  (Philip  H.),  ISr.O  (?),  said 
to  have  been  on  the  coast  on  a  whaler  as  early  as  '30;  resid.  of  Stockton  and 
Sta  Cruz  from  '08.  iii.  180. 

Dewell  (Benj.),  1845,  nat.  of  Ohio,  overl.  immig.  from  Ind.  in  Grigsby- 
Jde  party,  iv.  579,  587.  Spending  the  winter  in  Napa  Val.,  he  joined  the 


780  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Bears  in  '46.  v.  79,  110,  148;  remained  in  the  Sonoma  garrison  after  the  U.S. 
occ?ipation,  but  in  Oct.  enlisted  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  3C8),  Co.  E,  and  served  in 
the  southern  campaign.  Returning,  he  lived  '47-54  in  the  Guilicos  valley  of 
Sonoma  Co.,  and  then  moved  to  a  farm  near  Upper  Lake,  where  he  still  lived 
in  '81  at  the  age  of  58.  His  wife  was  Celia  H.  Elliott,  married  in  '50,  and  in 
'81  they  had  8  surviving  children.  Lake  Co.  Hist.,  230.  De  Witt  (Alfred), 
1848,  cf  S.F.  firm  of  De  Witt  &  Harrison,  v.  G85;  remained  at  S.F.  till  '54. 
Dexter,  1848,  from  Honolulu,  according  to  his  later  testimony.  Dey  (Nathan 
B.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  409). 

Diaz,  1824,  soldier  at  Sta  B.  ii.  532.  D.  (Benito),  Mex.  receptor  of  cus 
toms  at  Sta  B.  '35-7.  iii.  377,  491,  054;  iv.  98;  celador  at  Mont.  '42-3.  iv. 
339,  377;  receptor  at  S.F.  '44-5,  being  also  agente  de  policia,  owner  of  lots, 
builder  of  the  custom-house,  and  locally  prominent  in  other  ways.  iv.  423, 
430-1,  403,  557,  C54,  COG,  069,  684;  again  ment.  as  in  charge  of  the  revenues 
in  '40,  S.F.  delegate  to  the  consejo  gen.,  and  grantee,  as  was  claimed,  of  Pt 
Lobos  and  the  Sta  Clara  orchard,  v.  30,  45,  561,  570,  044,  GOO,  GG5-G,  081; 
had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $1,500  (v.  462).  Witness  in  the  Santillan  and  N.  Almadcn 
cases  '55,  '57,  age  43,  still  living  in  '68.  D.  (Francisco),  juez  de  paz  at  S. 
Juan  B.  '43-5.  iv.  G61-2;  at  S.  Jose  '50.  D.  (Gabriel),  soldier  killed  at  the 
Colorado  pueblos  1781.  i.  359-02.  D.,  chaplain  of  the  S.  Carlos,  at  Serra's 
funeral,  i.  411.  D.  (Juan  M. ),  1774,  Span,  friar  who  came  to  Cal.  with 
Anza,  and  was  missionary  on  the  Colorado,  where  he  was  killed  by  Ind.  in 
1781.'  i.  221,  223,  259,  3G2.  D.  (Manuel),  Mex.  trader,  mr  of  the  Trinidad 
'43;  perhaps  had  visited  Cal.  before,  iv.  5G9.  In  '46  alcalde  of  Mont.,  grantee 
of  Sacramento  rancho,  on  the  1st  jury,  and  memb.  of  the  council  after  U.  S. 
occupation,  v.  15,  234,  289,  63G-8,  G75.  He  is  said  to  have  bought  the  schr 
Sta  Cruz,  and  in  her  to  have  removed  his  family  and  effects  to  L.  Cal.  about 
'48;  but  there  was  a  Manuel  D.  at  Mont,  in  '51.  In  '45  Larkiu  described  him 
as  aged  35,  a  quiet  man,  of  some  influence  and  property,  well  disposed  to  the 
U.S.  D.  (Melchor),  1540,  one  of  Coronado's  officers,  who  crossed  the  Col 
orado,  and  perhaps  looked  upon  Cal.  territory,  i.  G8.  D.  (Nicolas),  Los  Ang. 
hatter  '39-40.  Dibble  (Jonas),  1847,  advertises  sale  of  the  schr  William  in 
Mont.  California*;  he  was  carpenter  on  the  Columbus.  '  Dick,'  1840,  Cal. 
Bat.  v.  358.  Dickens  (Wm),  1836,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list;  perhaps 
'Dickey,'  q.v. 

Dickenson  (Gallant  Duncan),  1846,  nat.  of  Penn.,  reared  in  Va,  who  came 
overland  from  Mo.  with  his  wife — Isabella  McCrary,  married  '28 — 4  sons,  and 
2  daughters,  v.  528-9.  He  spent  the  winter  at  Sta  Clara,  being  a  member  of 
Aram's  garrison,  going  thence  to  Sta  Cruz  and  Mont.,  where  in  '47  he  made 
bricks  and  built  the  1st  brick  house  in  Cal.  v.  G3G.  Going  to  the  mines  in  '48, 
he  gave  his  name  to  Dickenson  Gulch,  Tuolumne  Co. ;  in  '49  settled  at  Stock 
ton  as  a  hotel-keeper,  being  also  alcalde  and  memb.  of  the  constit.  convention. 
His  daughters  are  said  to  have  been  the  1st  Amer.  women  married  at  Stock 
ton,  Margaret  to  A.  G.  Lawrey,  and  the  other  to  N.  B.  Stoneroad.  In  '52  D. 
moved  to  the  Tuolumne  River,  where  he  kept  a  ferry  and  hotel,  and  from  '07 
lived  in  Merced  Co.,  dying  in  70.  As  a  methodist  he  took  an  active  part  in 
church  affairs.  His  widow  died  at  S.  Jos6  in  '77.  D.  (Geo.  W.),  184G,  son 
of  G.  D.,  b.  in  Mo.;  settled  in  Merced  Co.  '58;  in  '81  had  a  farm  and  hotel  at 
Chester,  or  Dickenson 's  Ferry.  His  wife  was  Mary  Ann  Brooks,  and  they  had 
5  children.  D.  (W.  L.),  1846,  bro.  of  Geo.  W.,  representing  Merced  and 
Stanislaus  in  the  Icgisl.  of  '63;  resid.  Horr's  rancho,  nat.  of  Tenn.,  age  32. 
Dickey  (D.),  1848,  memb.  of  1st  Mont,  jury;  perhaps  David  who  was  at  S. 
Jos6  in  '50.  D.  (H.  W.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 

Dickey  (Wm),  1832,  Irishman  who  got  a  pass  in  July,  iii.  408,  though 
there  may  possibly  be  an  error  in  the  year.  From  '38  his  name  appears  in  Lur- 
kin's  accts  and  other  records;  arrested  in  '40,  but  not  exiled,  iii.  408;  iv.  17; 
in  '42  obtained  a  renewal  of  his  pass,  claiming  about  7  years'  residence;  and 
about  the  same  time  he  moved  from  the  Sta  Cruz  region  to  N.  Helvetia.  In 
'43  lie  accomp.  Dr  Sandels  in  his  travels  through  the  Sac.  Val.,  where^he  had 
already  selected  a  rancho,  the  Arroyo  Chico  adjoining  Keyser's,  for  which  he 


DICKEY— DOCXRILL.  781 

petitioned  the  same  year.  In  '44  he  was  naturalized  and  got  his  rancho,  iv. 
070,  being  recom.  by  Sutter,  under  whom  he  prob.  served  in  the  Michcltorena 
campaign,  iv.  486;  signed  the  order  for  Weber's  arrest,  iv.  483;  appears  in 
the  list  of  Cal.  claimants  (v.  4G2);  and  is  named  in  the  N.  Hclv.  Diary  '40-8. 
He  may  havs  been  the  '  Dick '  of  the  Cal.  Bat.  as  above.  In  '48  he  was  a  part 
ner  of  Bid  well  in  the  Feather  River  mines;  went  east  in  '49,  living  at  Liberty, 
Penn.,  and  dying  before  '06.  Dickinson  (F.),  1848,  of  U.S.N.,  at  S.F.  on  the 
Lady  Adams.  D.  (M.),  1848,  alcalde  in  Calaveras  Co.  ace.  to  a  newspaper 
mention.  Dickson,  1847,  S.  F.  merchant  of  firm  D.  &  Hay,  of  the  Beehive 
store;  owner  of  town-lots  '47-8.  v.  644-5,  684;  the  firm  still  in  business  in  '50. 
I  suppose  this  may  have  been  John  Dickson,  who  came  from  Honolulu  on  the 
Providence;  name  often  written  'Dixon.' 

Diddleson  (Augustus),  1847,  Co.  G,  KY.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Diel  (J.F.),  1846, 
Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  D.  (Valentine),  1846,  ditto;  lot  at  S.F.  '48.  The 
name  was  perhaps  '  Diehl,'  who,  ace.  to  Ballhaus,  was  an  overl.  immig.  \vith 
Hoppe  and  Harlan;  still  at  S.F..  a  grocer,  '52-4;  later  a  farmer  near  Mayficld, 
where  he  died  about  '82.  Dierkin  (A.),  1848,  corporal  of  S.  F.  guards. 
Digg  (Henry),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons,  v.  232.  Dillaway  ( John),  1013, 
pilot  of  the  Mercury,  ii.  268.  Dillon  (James,  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v. 
518).  D.  (Joseph),  1824,  Amer.  quarryman  at  Mont.  '29,  age  28,  5  years  in 
Cal.  ii.  526. 

Dimmick  (Kimball  H.),  1847,  nat.  of  Conn.,  N.Y.  lawyer  and  militia  offi 
cer,  who  came  as  capt.  of  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  election  inspector  at  S.F. 
'48.  v.  652;  alcalde  of  S.  Jose"  '49.  v.  662;  also  judge  of  the  sup.  tribunal  and 
memb.  of  the  constit.  convention;  a  Sac.  printer  '50;  went  east  '51,  but  re 
turned  to  Los  Ang.,  where  he  was  district  attorney,  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
county  judge.  He  died  in  '61  at  the  age  of  50.  Dimond  (J.),  1847,  at  S.  F. 
from  Or.  on  the  Henry.  Dittmann  (Carl),  1844,  German  sailor,  known  in 
Cal.  as  Charley  Brown,  who  came  on  the  Euphemia,  engaging  in  otter-hunt 
ing  with  Nidever  and  others,  an  occupation  interrupted  by  mining  in  '48-50. 
Sta  B.  was  his  home  down  to  '78,  when  he  dictated  for  me  his  Narrative  of  a 
Sea-farintj  Life,  an  interesting  record  of  many  adventures,  iv.  453;  v.  317. 
Dix  (J.),  1848,  on  the  Julian  from  Honolulu.  Dixon  (James),  1846,  Faunt 
leroy's  dragoons  (v.  232).  D.  (J.),  1847,  at  Honolulu  from  Cal.;  perhaps 
'  Dickson  '  of  D.  &  Hay,  q.v.  D.  (James  F.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
drowned  in  Gold  Lake  '80.  D.  (Joseph),  1832,  Amer.  who  joined  the  comp. 
extranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  221,  408;  on  Larkin's  books  and  other  records  '34- 
48;  got  a  pass  '44;  in  Sutter's  employ  '45-6;  sometimes  called  an  Englishman, 
and  there  may  have  been  two  of  the  name. 

Doak  (Thomas  W.),  1816,  the  1st  Amer.  settler  in  Cal.,  nat.  of  Boston, 
who  came  on  the  Albatross,  name  often  written  Duke  and  Doc.  ii.  275,  277, 
393.  He  was  baptized  at  S.  Carlos  in  '16  as  Felipe  Santiago;  in  '18  employed 
to  paint  the  mission  church  of  S.  Juan  B.,  where  he  was  married  in  '20,  by 
viceregal  permission  of  '19,  to  Maria  Lugarda,  daughter  of  Mariano  Castro. 
ii.  248,  272,  386;  in  '29  his  age  is  given  as  42,  and  from  this  time  his  name 
appears  in  various  records  as  a  carpenter  of  good  habits.  He  lived  for  some 
years  at  Sta  Cruz,  or  at  least  two  of  his  children  were  born  there;  in  '32 
joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  221;  said  to  have  been  at  S.  Josa  in 
'33;  011  Larkin's  books  from  '33;  in  '34  had  6  children  ace.  to  the  padron;  in 
'36  living  in  the  Mont,  dist.,  at  or  near  Las  Animas,  'age  50,  wife  Lugarda 
Castro  age  36,  child.  Juan  B.  b.  '21,  Valeriano  '23,  Ana  Maria  '29,  and  Ce- 
cilio  '33.  I  have  his  autograph  of  '27  and  '47,  but  no  later  record  of  him  or 
his  family.  Taylor  says  he  died  before  '48.  D.  (John),  1847,  overl.  immig., 
who  went  1st  to  Sta  Cruz  and  then  to  the  mines  in  '48,  presently  establishing 
a  ferry  on  the  S.  Joaquin,  and  becoming  one  of  the  earliest  business  men  of 
Stockton.  I  believe  that  he,  or  one  of  his  sons,  was  somewhat  prominent  in 
S.  Joaq.  politics  in  later  years.  Doatey,  1847,  at  N.  Helv. 

Dobson,  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.  D.  (Joseph),  1847,  Co. 
A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Docente  (Chas),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  v.  676. 
Doekrill  (Joseph,  or  James),  1847,  printer  from  Canada,  whose  real  name  is 


782  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

said  to  have  been  Joseph  Armstrong;  foreman  and  perhaps  part  owner  of  the 
Callfornian  '47-8.  v.  658;  worked  in  newspaper  offices  S.F.  till  '52,  becoming 
dissipated  and  losing  his  property;  then  went  to  the  mines;  died  at  Dry  Creek 
'56.  Dodd  (Matthew),  1847,  carpenter  on  the  U.S.  Cyane.  D.  (Solomon), 
1848,  name  in  list  of  letters;  at  S.  Jose"  '50.  Dodero  (Nicolas),  1827,  Italian 
sailor  who  left  the  Maria  Ester  at  S.  F.,  was  sent  to  Mont.,  and  in  '29  was 
living  at  S.  Jose",  age  25.  iii.  176;  married  an  Higuera;  in  '40  a  naturalized 
citizen  at  Branciforte;  in  '44  grantee  of  Tres  Ojos  de  Agua,  Sta  Cruz  Co.  iv. 
656;  in  '46  had  a  son  in  the  Mont,  school.  Dodge  (Augustus),  1847,  Co.  C, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  Utah  farmer  '82.  Dodge  (Chas  F.  and  Theophilus), 
1848  (?),  early  settlers  of  Sonora.  D.  (Edwin  T.),  1847  (?),  policeman  and 
sheriff  of  Yuba  Co.,  who  in  '58  went  to  B.  Col.,  and  later  to  Wash.  Ter.; 
said  to  have  been  a  sergt  in  N.Y.Vol.,  but  there  is  no  such  name  on  the  roll. 
Dodson  (Eli),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm  Bat.  (v.  469).  D.  (Jacob),  1844,  servant 
of  Frdmont  in  1st  and  2d  exped. ;  F.'s  companion  in  the  famous  1-ide  of  '47. 
iv.  437;  v.  443.  D.  (Wm),  1845,  overl.  immig.  from  111.  iv.  578;  who  went 
to  Or.  with  Bristow  in  '40.  v.  526.  Doekin  (Anthony),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F. 
lot.  Dofar,  or  Dojan  (Matthew),  1847,  named  as  one  of  the  2d  Donner  re 
lief,  v.  540.  Dofit  (Joseph),  1831,  named  as  one  of  Young's  trappers,  iii. 
388.  Doge  (J.  F.),  1847,  doubtful  name  at  Mont.  Doggte  (Tim.),  1823, 
mr  of  the  Balance;  perhaps  Daggett.  ii.  492.  Dohling  (Geo.),  1846,  at  S.F. 
and  N.  Helv. ;  owner  of  lots.  v.  684;  Cal.  claim,  apparently  for  service  in  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  owner  of  land  at  S.  Jos<§  '48.  Doiron  (A.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  Doke  (James),  1841,  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman-Rowland 
party,  iv.  278;  a  nat.  of  Tenn.;  started  to  return  to  Sta  F6  with  Rowland  in 
'43,  and  was  drowned  in  Green  River.  Given.  Dolan  (Patrick),  1846,  Irish 
man  of  the  Donner  party,  from  Keokuk,  Iowa;  died  in  an  attempt  to  obtain 
relief  for  the  rest.  v.  530,  534,  537.  Doliver,  1816,  carpenter  of  the  Lydia. 
ii.  275.  Dolman  (John),  1846,  seaman  in  the  navy;  later  Phil,  lawyer.  S.J. 
Pioneer.  Doll  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Dollman 
(Fred.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Dolton  (Henry  S.),  1847,  Co.  B, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Cacheville,  Utah,  '81. 

Dom  (Antonio),  weaver  instructor  1792-5.  i.  615.  Domer  (Peter),  1847, 
Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  Diego  '48.  Domingo,  neophyte  leader  in  the 
fight  at  S.  Bueii.  1795.  i.  675.  D.  (Juan),  1830,  Dutch  ship-carpenter  on 
the  Danube  from  Lima,  age  about  28.  iii.  180;  settled  at  Los  Ang.,  where  he 
was  living  in  '36;  married  a  Felix  before  '40;  became  a  man  of  some  wealth; 
had  a  Cal.  claim  in  '46  (v.  402),  627;  died  in  '58. 

Dominguez,  known  as  Dominguito,  killed  at  Pauma  '46.  v.  617.  D.  (An 
tonio),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  before  '37.  D.  (Carlos),  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age 
29.  D.  (Carmen),  juez  de  campoat  Sta  B.  '35.  iii.  654;  wife  Isabel  Romero, 
6  children.  D.  (Cristobal),  soldier  of  S.  Diego  comp.  before  1800;  sergt  1 817- 
25;  grantee  of  S.  Pedro  rancho  '22;  nephew  of  Juan  JoscS;  died  '25.  i.  662;  ii. 
341,  424,  543,  565.  His  wife  was  Maria  de  los  Reyes  Ibafies;  child.  Maria 
Victoria  wife  of  Jos6  Ant.  Estudillo,  Luis  Gonzaga,  Manuel,  Maria  Fran. 
Marcelina  wife  of  Wm  A.  Gale,  Maria  Elena  Ramona,  Jos6  Nasario,  and 
Pedro  Juan  Agapito.  D.  (Demesio),  mentioned  '31-47.  iii.  19G;  v.  400;  at 
Los  Ang.  '39,  age  48,  on  the  Virgenes  rancho.  D.  (Domingo),  soldier  of  Sta 
B.  comp.  '32;  another  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  24.  D.  (Francisco),  son  of  Jose" 
Ant.,  cl.  of  S.  Emigdio  rancho.  iv.  635.  D.  (Jesus),  1846,  at  Los  Ang.  D. 
(Jose"),  comisionado  at  S.  Jose"  1785,  when  ho  died.  i.  478.  D.  (Jos<§  Ant.), 
grantee  of  S.  Emigdio  '42.  iv.  635.  D.  (Jos6  Dolores),  soldier  of  S.  D.  at  S. 
Juan  Cap.  1776.  i.  303;  corporal  of  the  S.  Antonio  escolta  1780;  prob.  the 
Josd  who  died  in  '85  as  above.  D.  (Jos6  Maria),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  1800.  i. 
639;  invdl.  at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Marcelina  F^lix,  4  children;  grantee  of  Las 
Virgenes  '37.  iii.  634;  died  in  '45  at  age  of  about  100,  his  widow  died  '65  at 
age  of  105,  leaving  over  100  descendants  through  7  sons  and  7  daughters.  Ono 
son  was  Jose";  2  daughters  were  Luisa  and  Maria.  D.  (Josd  Maria),  at  Los 
Ang.  '39,  age  39;  also  '43.  iv.  642.  D.  (Jos6  Maria),  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  25, 
v/ife  Concepcion  Galatan,  child.  Manuel  and  Guadalupe.  D.  (Juan  Jos6), 


DOMINGUEZ-DOOR.  783 

settler  of  Los  Ani?.  1785-90,  soldier  in  earlier  years,  i.  346,  461;  grantee  of  S. 
Pedro  rancho  1800-22.  i.  602;  ii.  Ill,  350,  353,  C34,  GG3. 

Dominguez  (Manuel),  son  of  Cristobal,  who  from  about  '25  lived  on  the  S. 
Pedro  rancho.  In  '27-8,  of  terna  for  contador,  suplente  of  the  dip.,  and  elector 
for  Los  Ang.  ii.  560;  iii.  42,  44,  G3;  in  '29  regidor.  ii.  501;  in  '32  alcalde  of 
Los  Ang.  iii.  21G,  635;  in  '33-6  aux.  alcalde  at  S.  Pedro,  iii.  635-6;  opposition 
to  Gov.  Alvarado  '36-7.  iii.  491,  49G;  in  '39  2d  alcalde  Los  Ang.  iii.  636; 
'42-3  juez  de  paz.  iv.  632-3;  in  '43  prefect  of  2d  district,  iv.  G32-3;  in  '44 
capt.  of  defensores.  iv.  407.  In  '46  his  rancho  was  occupied  by  the  Amer.  in 
Oct.  v.  319;  in  '49  he  was  a  member  of  the  constit.  convention;  in  '52  county 
supervisor,  cl.  for  the  S.  Pedro  rancho.  iii.  634.  Don  Manuel  was  always  a 
man  of  influence  and  of  excellent  repute.  Still  living  on  his  home  rancho  in 
'80  at  the  age  of  77,  entirely  blind  for  some  years;  died,  I  think,  a  few  years 
later.  His  wife  was  Maria  Alta  Gracia  Cota,  and  they  had  10  children,  of 
whom  6  daughters  survived  in  '80.  D.  (Mariano),  Los  Ang.  trader,  age  50, 
in  '39.  D.  (Nasario).  bro.  of  Manuel,  a  wild  fellow,  but  a  successful  ranchero. 
He  sold  his  share  of  the  rancho  to  his  brother.  D.  (Nemesio),  soldier  at  So 
noma  '41.  D.  (Pedro),  at  Los  Ang.  '38;  juez  de  campo  at  S.  Pedro  '40.  iii. 
564-5,  637;  age  29  in  '39.  D.  (Serapio),  Mex.  soldier  of  the  piquete  de  Hi 
dalgo  at  Mont.  '36,  age  23.  D.  (Vicente),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  D.  (Vicente 
Sotelo  dc),  at  Los  Ang.  '38.  iii.  566. 

Dominis  (John),  1835,  mr  of  the  Bolivar,  iii.  381;  mr  of  the  Joseph  Pea- 
body  '39-42.  iv.  104.  566;  native  of  Trieste,  who  was  lost  on  the  Noble  about 
'45.  His  widow  lived  at  Honolulu  '84,  and  his  son  John  0.  was  brother-in-law 
of  the  king.  Peirce.  Donald  (M.),  1848,  miner  said  to  have  been  drowned 
in  the  Yuba.  D.  (Neal),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.;  died  at 
S.  Diego  Nov.  Donaldson  (A.  C.),  184G,  Co.  C,  1st  U*.S.  dragoons  (v.  336). 
Donegan  (John),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Donnelly,  1848,  kept  a 
gambling  and  grog  shop  at  Sta  B. ,  ordered  to  be  broken  up  by  govt.  D. 
(John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518). 

Donner  (Geo.),  1846,  nat.  of  N.  C.,  who  came  from  Springfield,  111.,  in  the 
famous  immig.  party  that  bears  his  name.  For  a  full  account  of  this  terrible 
journey,  see  v.  530-44.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife — Tamsen,  widow 
Dozier,  maiden  name  Eustis,  a  woman  of  culture  and  education,  formerly  a 
teacher,  v.  530,  541,  544;  two  daughters  by  a  former  wife,  Elitha  C.,  v.  534, 
and  Leanna  C.,  v.  534;  and  three  daughters  by  Tamsen,  Frances  E.,  Georgia 
A.,  and  Eliza  P.  v.  535.  The  father  and  mother  both  perished,  the  latter  de 
liberately  sacrificing  her  own  life  in  order  to  cheer  the  dying  hours  of  her 
husband;  but  the  children  were  all  rescued.  Elitha  married  Perry  McCoon  in 
'47,  and  after  his  death  Benj.  W.  Wilder;  and  in  '80  lived  at  Elk  Grove,  Sac. 
Co.,  with  6  children.  Leanna  married  John  App  in  '52,  and  in  '80  lived  at 
Jamestown,  Tuol.  Co.,  with  3  children.  Frances  married  Wm  R.  Wilder,  and 
in  '80  lived  in  Contra  Costa  Co.  with  5  children.  Georgia  married  W.  A.  Bab- 
cock  in  '63,  and  in  '80  lived  at  Mountain  View,  Sta  Clara  Co.,  with  3  children. 
Eliza,  the  youngest,  a  small  child  in  '46,  married  S.  0.  Hough  ton  in  '61,  and 
in  '80  was  living  at  S.  Jose  with  6  children.  McGlashan  gives  many  details 
about  the  members  of  this  farrily,  with  a  portrait  of  Georgia. 

Donner  (Jacob),  1846,  brother  of  Geo.,  and  member  of  the  same  party, 
with  his  wife  Elizabeth,  4  sons,  and  a  daughter,  v.  530-44.  The  father, 
mother,  and  3  sons — Isaac,  Lewis,  and  Samuel — perished  in  the  mountains; 
but  one  son  and  the  daughter  survived.  Geo.  D. ,  Jr,  married  Margaret  J.  Wat 
son  in  '62,  and  died  at  Sebastopol,  Sonoma  Co.,  in  '74,  leaving  a  widow  and  6 
children  living  in  '80.  A  S.F.  lot  was  granted  him  in  '47.  His  sister,  Mary  M. 
Donner,  was  married  in  '59  to  S.  0.  Houghton,  and  died  in  '60,  leaving  a 
daughter,  still  living  in  '80.  Mrs  Elizabeth  D.  also  had  two  sons  by  a  former 
marriage,  named  'Hook,'q.  v.  Donnavan  (B.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu. 
Doody  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  I,  KY.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Coloma '49  with  his  wife. 
Doolan  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Dooley  (Thomas),  1846, 
Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  D.  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  Clark; 
prob.  an  error.  Door  (James),  1840,  arrested  foreigner,  doubtful,  iv.  14. 


784  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Dopken  (Jacob),  1845,  at  S.  F.  '45-6;  Johana  D.,  apparently  his  wife;  at 
N.  liclv.  '47;  lot  at  S.F.  iv.  587;  v.  678.  Doran  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U. 
S.  crtill.  (v.  518).  Dormaii  (Henry),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  Ballhaus  (v. 
52G);  vincyardist  in  Sac.  Val.;  d.  about  '54.  D.  (John),  1834,  Engl.  tailor 
at  Mont.  Dornin  (Thomas),  1842,  com.  of  the  U.  S.  Dale.  iv.  314,  565. 
Dornte  (C.),  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  with  a  family,  iv.  578;  possibly  went  to  Or.  v. 
526;  but  was  probably  the  D.  who  settled  at  S.  F.  in  '46,  and  was  murdered 
by  Beverley  in  Nov.  '47.  v.  646,  684.  Dorr  (Ebenezer),  1796,  mr  of  the 
Otter,  the  1st  Amer.  vessel  in  a  Cal.  port.  i.  539-40,  618,  644,  685.  Dorset, 
1847,  on  the  Currency  Lass  from  Honolulu.  Dorty  (Win).  1841,  employed 
on  Leese's  launch.  Dotson,  1846,  doubtful  name  at  Chino  rancho.  v.  314. 
Dotter  (Win  C.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  lot  at  S.  F.,  where  he  still 
lived  '71-82;  ex-member  of  the  legislature. 

Doucett  (Louis),  1847,  lot-owner  at  S.F.  Dougherty,  1846,  at  S.F.  with 
family;  prob.  'Durnte,'  q.  v.  D.  (James),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
D.  (John),  1847,  Irish,  at  N.  Helv.  D.  (Joseph),  1832,  one  of  Young's  trap 
pers  who  perhaps  remained  in  Cal.  iii.  388.  Douglas,  1845,  Engl.  pass  to 
Sonora.  D.  (David),  1830,  Scotch  botanist  on  the  Dryad  from  the  Columbia 
Riv. ;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  '32;  touched  again  at  S.  F.  '33; 
died  at  the  Saridw.  Isl.  '34.  iii.  221,  382,  403-5,  699.  D.  (David  F.),  1848, 
nat.  of  Tenn.  who  came  as  wagoner  from  Mex.  with  Graham's  dragoons  (v. 
522);  memb.  of  1st  legisl.  '49-50;  U.S.  marshal;  sec.  of  state  '55-7;  from '57 
on  a  farm  in  S.  Joaq.  to  his  death  in  '72,  age  51.  D.  (Sir  James),  1841,  agent 
of  the  H.B.Co.,  who  came  on  the  Columbia,  iv.  80,  194,  209-17,  564,  619,  650, 
665.  See  also  Hist.  Brit.  Col. ,  this  series.  My  collection  contains  his  Private 
Papers  and  Journal,  including  the  Voyage  to  Cal.  He  died  at  Victoria  in  '77. 
D.  (James),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  later  in  Slitter's  employ.  D. 
(John),  1823,  sailor  on  the  Hover.  D.  (Thos),  1847,  teacher  and  graduate  of 
Yale,  who  came  from  Honolulu  on  the  Francesca  with  letters  from  Judd  to 
Larkin,  and  in  '48  took  charge  of  the  S.  F.  public  school,  v.  656-7.  D. 
(Thos  A.),  1846.  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336). 

Dove  (James  G.),  1833,  Engl.  sailor  from  the  whaler  Kitty  at  Mont.  iii. 
409;  named  in  a  Los  Ang.  list  of  '36  as  a  single  London  carpenter,  age  22, 
from  Peru;  a  trapper  for  some  years;  in  '40  exiled  to  S.  Bias,  but  came  back 
with  a  pass  and  claim  for  damages,  iv.  18,  33,  37.  He  is  named  in  a  S.  Gabriel 
list  of  '44;  but  I  find  no  trace  of  him  in  '46-7;  in  the  mines  '48-52,  and  later 
at  Stockton,  Fresno,  and  Tuolumne,  where  he  lived  in  '71 .  Dow  (Joseph  G. ), 

1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  memb.  of  legisl.  !62;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '71-9;  in 
Mendocino  '82.       Dowd  (Michael),  1841,  mrof  the  Corxair.  iv.  564.       Dowl- 
ing(Geo.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lots;  prob.  same  as  '  Dohling,'q.v.       D.  (John), 

1848,  in  the  mines  with  Brooks;  wounded  by  Ind.       D.   (Thos  H.),   1848, 
Irish  overl.  immig.;  claimant  for  Yerba  Buena  Isl.;  left  Cal.   '67;  died  at 
Wash.  '72,  age  62.       Downes  (John),  1846,  passed  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Dale; 
acting  mr  of  the  Portsmouth  '47.       Downey  (Chas  H.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S. 
artill.  (v.  518).       D.  (Joseph),  1846,  doubtful  name  at  S.  F.  v.  649.       Down 
ing  (Helms),  1845,  overl.  immig.   in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  58G-7;  at  N. 
Helv.  :46;  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  prob.  went  east  soon  after  '47. 
Doyle  (James),  1836,  employee  of  Leese  at  S.F.,  who  on  being  dismissed  en 
gaged  in  stealing  horses  in  the  interior,  for  which  he  was  arrested  and  brought 
to  Sonoma  for  trial,  iii.  722;  iv.  113,  118.  It  may  have  been  the  same  or  an 
other  James  D.  who  appears  as  a  laborer  on  Larkin's  books  from  '44  and  got 
land  at  S.F.  and  Mont,  in  '46-7. 

Drabe  (David  R. ),  1845,  mr  of  the  Martha,  iv.  567.  Drake  (Andrew  J.), 
1847,  licut  on  the  U.  S.  Columbus.  D.  (Francis),  1579,  Engl.  navigator  on 
the  coast  of  Cal. ;  full  account  of  his  visit  in  i.  81-94.  Drayton  (Joseph), 
1841,  artist  in  U.S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  241.  D.  (Percival),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U. 
S.  Columbus.  Drear,  see  'Dryer.'  Drennan  (James),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Tuolumne  71.  Dresner  (Jacob),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S. 
dragoons  (v.  336).  Dreyer  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518). 
Drieher  (Jacob),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Dring  (David),  1847,  mr 


DRING-DUNCAN.  785 

of  the  Janet,  v.  578;  a  business  man  of  S.F.  '48-9  and  later.  Driscoll,  1848, 
at  S.F.  from  Tahiti.  Druce  (Lozuel),  1841,  carpenter  from  the  Alert  at  S. 
Pedro;  ordered  to  reembark,  Stearns  being  lined  for  keeping  D.  at  his  house; 
written  also  '  Dince  '  and  '  Dance.'  Drummond  (John  W.  H.),  1847,  had  a 
lot  and  house  at  Benicia.  v.  072.  Dryer  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  Sta  Cruz  '71-82. 

Duarte  (Alberto),  soldier  in  S.F.  militia  comp.  '37.  D.  (Andres),  grantee 
of  Azuza  '41,  and  of  a  S.  Gabriel  lot  '46.  v.  628,  634;  his  name  is  still  retained 
by  a  settlement  in  this  region.  D.  (Angel,  Felipe,  Francisco,  Josd,  Julio, 
Manuel,  Martin,  Nasario,  Rafael,  Ramon,  Vicente),  living  in  the  Los  Ang. 
region  '46.  D.  (Antonio  Ign.),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Eulalia  Higuera. 
D.  (Cayetano),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '13.  ii.  350.  D.  (Jos6),  ranchcro  and 
militiaman  in  S.F.  dist  '35-7;  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  33,  wife  Maria  Soto,  child 
Antonio.  D.  (Jose"),  shot  for  murder  at  Los  Ang.  '41.  iv.  630.  D.  (Juan 
Jose"),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '14.  ii.  350.  D.  (Juan  Jose"),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32, 
wife  Maria  Serrano.  D.  (Juan  Maria),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  D. 
:(Leandro),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  ii.  350.  D.  (Manuel),  soldier  at  the  Colorado 
pueblos,  killed  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  359,  362.  D.  (Manuel),  sindico  at  S.  Jose" 
'27.  ii.  605;  aux.  alcalde  at  Sta  Gertrudis  '37.  iii.  636.  D.  (Mariano),  soldier 
of  S.F.  comp.  '19;  alcalde  of  S.  Jos6  '31,  in  controversy  with  Gov.  Victoria, 
iii.  194-5,  6G9,  729;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  68,  nat.  of  Cal.,  wife  Tcodora Peralta, 
child.  Albino  b.  '21,  Loreto  '27,  Luisa  '32;  in  '45  a  school-master  on  trial  for 
grave  crimes,  iv.  686. 

Dnbosc  (Pierre),  1840,  Frenchman  killed  by  an  Ind.  at  Mclntosh's  rancho. 
Mofras  blamed  the  authorities  for  neglect  to  arrest  the  murderer,  iv.  120,  252. 
Duchene,  1845,  perhaps  with  Fremont,  iv.  583.  Duckworth  (Walter),  1829 
(?),  Engl.  sailor  who  in  '32  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  179-80, 
221,  408;  often  named  in  records  of  '32-43;  in  '36  at  Mont.,  age  32,  wife  An- 
tonia  Armenta,  child.  Guillermo  b.  '30,  Santiago  '32,  Maria  Adelaida  '35.  The 
age  of  his  son  is  the  only  evidence  I  have  that  he  came  before  '32.  In  '41  he 
accompanied  Douglas  on  a  trip  from  Mont,  to  S.F.;  prob.  died  soon  after '43. 
He  was  often  called  Santiago,  and  was  juez  del  moute  at  Mont.  '35.  iii.  674. 
The  son  Santiago  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $3,950  in  '46-7  (v.  462).  Ducoigne 
(Eugene),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.,  artill.  Co.  B  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  S.F.  Oct.;  Cal. 
claim  for  services,  §161.  Dueiias,  1842,  perhaps  an  alfe'rez  of  the  batallon 
iijo,  said  to  have  remained  in  Cal.  '45.  iv.  513. 

Dufrd  (Jacques),  1840,  arrested  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  14;  prob.  the  name  was 
'  Dufras.'  Duhaut-Cilly  (Auguste),  1827-8,  mr  of  the  French  trader  IHros, 
and  author  of  the  Voi/aye  autour  du  Monde,  containing  much  valuable  matter 
about  Cal.  iii.  94-5,  128-31,  133,  147;  also  ment.  of  his  work  and  local  de 
scriptions,  ii.  548,  550-1,  563-4,  574-5,  579,  589-90,  595,  598,  603,  010-11, 
614,  GIG,  626,  631,  650.  Duhy  (John),  1848,  came  from  Sandw.  Isl.  Hint. 
Or.,  ii.  334.  Duisenberg  (Edward),  1848,  German  business  man  of  S.F.  '80, 
who  may  have  arrived  from  Valparaiso  before  the  end  of  '48.  Con  temp.  Biog. 
i.  416.  Duketel  (Sidney),  1845,  perhaps  one  of  Fremont's  men,  as  he  was 
in  '48-9.  v.  453,  583.  Dulanto  (Andre's),  1804,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S. 
Juan  B. ,  and  died  in  18Q8.  ii.  154,  159-60.  Dulany,  1842,  lieut  U.S.N.  with 
Com.  Jones,  iv.  308.  Dumetz  (Francisco),  1771,  Span,  friar  who  served  as 
missionary  for  40  years,  chiefly  at  S.  Buen.,  S.  Fern.,  and  S.  Gabriel,  where 
he  died  in  1811.  Bios?,  ii.  355;  ment.  i.  173,  175-6,  178-9,  187-9,  193,  237, 
246,  255,  276,  282,  351,  388,  405,  466,  562,  575,  578,674;  ii.  113-15,  159,  394. 

Duncan,  1815,  on  the  Columbia,  not  permitted  to  remain  in  Cal.  ii.  273. 
D.,  1845,  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  prob.  went  back 
in  '46.  iv.  572,  526.  D.  (Alex.),  1843,  mr  of  the  Vancouver,  iv.  569;  perhaps 
of  the  Columbia  '47.  v.  577.  D.  (James  M.),  184(3,  passed  mid.  on  the  Con- 
fjress;  acting  capt.  of  Co.  F,  Stockton's  Bat.  '46-7,  and  in  Gillespie's  party 
meeting  Kearny.  v.  340,  385.  D.  (Robert),  1846,  Scotchman  from  New- 
Zealand  with  his  wife  and  4  children;  lived  at  S.F.,  where  he  o\vned  a  lot  in 
'47;  in  the  mines  '48-9;  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  where  he  died  '57.  Portrait 
in  Hesperian  Nov.  '59.  D.  (Thomas),  1839,  Scotch  mr  of  the  Juan  Jose  "39- 
HIBT.  CAL.,  VOL.  II.  50 


786  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

44;  naturalized  in  '44;  at  Mont.  '45.  iv.  104,  119,  566.  D.  (Thos).  1846  (?), 
Kentuckian;  at  Sac.  '48-9;  at  Emigrant  Gap,  Nev. '82.  Reno  Gazette.  Dun- 
comb  (C.),  1848,  nat.  of  Conn.;  doctor  and  farmer;  in  legisl.  '03  from  Sac., 
age  70.  D.  (John),  1846,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  684.  Dundas,  1844,  officer 
on  the  Modeste.  Dunderfeldt  (John),  1816,  sailor  on  the  Lydia  at  StaB.  ii. 
275.  Dunham  (Albert),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Eat.  (v.  469);  died  at  S.  Diego 
'47.  Dunitch  (Ernest  F.),  1847,  musician  of  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  nearPlacer- 
ville  '83.  Dunlap  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  D. 
(John  G.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Dunfeavy  (James  G.  T.), 
1846,  overl.  immig.  and  methodist  preacher,  who  was  a  lot-owner  at  S.  F., 
and  was  prominent  in  town  affairs  of  '47,  being  municipal  clerk  and  taking 
part  in  public  meetings,  v.  528-9,  645,  648-9,  653;  in  '47-8  preacher  and 
acting  alcalde  at  Sta  Cruz.  v.  641-2;  also  preached  at  the  gold-mines -'48.  I 
find  no  later  record  of  him.  His  3d  initial  is  often  printed  S.  or  W.,  but  I 
have  his  autograph.  Dunlevy  (James),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Dunn  (Alex.),  1836,  Amer.  hatter  from  N.  Mex.  at  Los  Aug.,  age  29. 
D.  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.;  in  the  mines  from  '48;  in  Mariposa 
'51-2;  from  '56  at  Stockton,  where  he  was  drowned  in  '77.  D.  (E.  H. ),  1846, 
1st  officer  of  the  Fama,  in  trouble  with  the  capt.  D.  (Ed.  T.),  1847,  purser 
of  the  U.S.  Columbus.  D.  (James  H.),  1846,  Fauntleroy's dragoons  (v.  232). 
D.  (Patrick  H.),  1846,  nat.  of  Me,  who  landed  from  a  whaler  and  went  to 
Sonoma  Co.;  also  accredited  to  N.Y.Vol. ;  a  printer;  said  to  have  frozen  his 
feet  in  one  of  the  Donner  relief  parties.  In  southern  Cal.  he  belonged  to  a 
gang  of  desperadoes,  being  twice  tried  for  murder.  Went  to  Ariz,  in  '57; 
edited  a  paper;  served  iu  the  legisl.,  and  as  county  judge;  and  died  near 
Tucson  in  '71,  or,  as  some  say,  in  '66.  See  John  'Dunne.'  D.  (Thos),  1847, 
Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Goose  Creek,  Id.,  '81.  Dunne  (John),  1847, 
Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  a  printer  from  Me,  who  lived  3  years  at  Sonoma; 
badly  wounded  in  a  fight  with  desperadoes  at  Sta  B.  about  '53;  drowned  in 
Kern  Riv.  '55.  Evidently  there  is  much  confusion  between  this  man  and  Pat. 
H.  '  Dunn,'  q.v.  D.  (Win  Burden),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336); 
nat.  of  Ireland  and  resid.  of  Los  Ang.  '76.  I  have  his  MS.  Notes  on  S.  Pas- 
cuaL  Dunklemugger  (John),  1846,  doubtful  name  in  '71.  Alta.  Dupas 
(J.),  1845,  in  Sutter's  employ  '45-8.  iv.  587;  often  named  in  the  N.  Ilelv. 
Diary;  also  written  'Duped,'  and  'Dupeis,' '  Dupont,'and  'Dupos';  perhaps 
the  man  called  'Dofar,'  q.v.  Dupont  (Samuel  F.),  1846,  com.  of  the  U.  S. 
Congress,  transferred  to  the  Cyane.  v.  251,  253,  267,  284,  577;  nat.  of  N.  J.j 
rear-admiral  in  the  war  of  '61-5;  d.  in  '65. 

Duran  (Narciso),  1806,  Span,  friar,  who  served  40  years  as  missionary  in 
Cat.,  chiefly  at  S.  Jose"  and  Sta  B.;  one  of  the  most  prominent  and  influen 
tial  of  the  Franciscans,  especially  in  the  later  years;  president  and  prefect; 
died  at  Sta  B.  in  '46,  the  last  survivor  but  two  of  the  Fcrnandinos  in  Cal. 
Biog.  v.  633-4;  ment.  ii.  136,  138,  159-60,  163,  218,  329-30,  335,  375,  387, 
394,  493,  500,  502,  504,  518,  599-600,  644,  655,  657;  iii.  18-20,  74-5,  87,  89, 
96,  114,  156,  198-9,  250,  257-8,  308-10,  316,  318,  320,  328-36,  338,  346-7, 
423,  434-6,  492,  510,  530,  550,  566,  577,  582,  595,  611,  652-3,  656,  733-4;  iv. 
45-8,  57,  60,  63-4,  159,  253,  331,  371-2,  423, 546-51,  553,  565,  643.  Durand 
(St  Vrain),  1845,  Canadian  sawyer  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party, 
iv.  572,  587.  He  went  south  with  Fremont  in  '46,,  and  was  one  of  Talbot's  men 
at  Sta  B.  v.  316;  later  served  in  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Mont, 
in  Sept.  Durbin  (Daniel),  1844,  possibly  of  the  Stevens'  immig.  party  (iv. 
445),  but  prob.  went  to  Or.  D.  (M.  L.),  1848,  nat.  of  Cal.,  farmer  in  Solano 
Co.  '78;  prpb.  son  of  the  following.  D.  (W.  Perry),  1846,  nat.  of  Mo.,  prob. 
overl.  immig.;  farmer  in  Solano  Co.  '51-78.  Dnrick  (Patrick),  1842,  Irish 
carpenter  from  Honolulu  on  the  Fama,  age  31 ;  still  at  Mont.  '46.  Durivage, 
1848  (?),  editorial  writer  on  the  Alta  and  other  papers  from  '49;  left  N.  Orleans 
for  Cal.  via  Chihuahua  in  '48  and  possibly  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
Durkue  (Anthony),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Dustin  (C.  H.),  1848, 
nat.  of  Vt;  in  Sta  Clara  '53-76. 

Dutcher  (Thomas  P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenlisted.       Du« 


DUTRA  DE  VARGAS-EAGAR.  787 

tra  cle  Vargas  (Manuel),  1841,  Portug.  trader,  age  19,  who  came  from  S.  Amer. 
on  the  J6ven  Carolina,  and  was  naturalized  in  '42,  having  a  Mex.  wife.  He 
kept  a  saloon  at  Mont,  in  '43,  and  was  prob.  the  '  Dutre '  named  by  Colton 
in  '47.  iv.  279.  Dutton  (C. ),  1840,  at  gutter's  Fort  in  Feb. 

Dutton  (David  Dewey),  1840,  uat.  of  Mass,  who  crossed  the  plains  to  Or. 
in  '39,  and  in  '40  was  a  passenger  on  the  Lausanne,  touching  at  Bodega  and 
going  to  Honolulu,  iv.  104,  117,  120-1.  In. '43  he  came  back  from  S.  Amer. 
with  Stephen  Smith,  iv.  396;  worked  a  while  at  Bodega;  went  to  N.  Helv., 
being  employed  as  cook  by  Sutter,  and  settled  on  Butte  (>.,  being  naturalized 
in  '44.  iv.  22D,  396.  v.  102.  Soon  after  '48  he  moved  to  Solano  Co.,  where  he 
still  lived  at  Vacaville  after  '80.  His  wife  was  Martha  J.  Pearson,  married  in 
'56;  and  they  had  7  children  in  '79.  Portrait  in  Solano  Co.  Hist.,  80.  Dut 
ton  (Daniel),  1847,  owner  of  lot  at  S.F.  Duval,  1843,  mr  of  the  Fanny,  iv. 
505;  mr  of  the  Parachute  and  Covington  '46-7,  perhaps  the  same  man.  v. 
577,  579.  D.  (J.,  or  Marius),  1846,  asst  surg.  on  the  Portsmouth;  visited  N. 
Helv.;  inMarston's  exped.  Jan.  '47.  v.  102,  380.  Duvall  (Robert  C.),  1816. 
mid.  on  the  U.S.  Savannah;  acting  lieut  in  Stockton's  Bat.  '46-7.  v.  336. 
Duvanchelle  (E.),  1848,  passp.  from  Honolulu.  Dwyer  (Wm),  1846  (?),  Irish 
cabin-boy  on  a  trader;  came  back  after  '48;  famous  as  a  saloon-keeper  and 
bruiser;  killed  in  S.F.  '73.  Dye  (Hazard),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Dye  (Job  Francis),  1832,  Keiituckian  trapper  from  N.  Mex.  in  Young's 
party,  iii.  388,  408.  For  a  year  or  more  Dye  engaged  in  otter-hunting  on  the 
coast,  iii.  394,  and  late  in  '33  took  charge  of  Capt.  Cooper's  live-stock  at  the 
Rancho  del  Sur;  from  this  date  his  name  appears  on  Larkin's  books;  and  he 
still  made  occasional  otter-hunting  trips.  In  '35  he  established  a  distillery  at 
Sayante  near  Sta  Cruz,  at  first  with  Tomlinson,  later  with  Majors,  whom  he 
bought  out  in  '40,  having  applied  for  naturalization  in  '39.  Met  by  Edwards 
:37.  iv.  86;  arrested  but  not  exiled  in  '40,  being  accused  by  Morris  of  taking 
part  against  the  foreigners,  iv.  9,  17,  22.  He  had  a  store  and  mill  as  well  as 
distillery  at  Sta  Cruz;  but  claims,  rather  unintelligibly,  that  his  business  was 
ruined  by  Castro  and  other  Mex.  officials,  and  he  was  forced  to  start  anew  in 
a  small  way  as  trader  at  Mont.  In  '44  he  got  a  grant  of  the  Rio  de  Berreudos 
rancho,  Tehama  Co.  iv.  672;  and  in  '45  put  stock  on  the  place,  N.  Helv. 
Diary,  though  still  residing  at  Mont.  In  '46  he  was  regidor,  served  as  guide 
for  Fauntleroy's  dragoons,  and  was  employed  to  carry  despatches  from  Sloat 
at  Mont,  to  S.F.  v.  238,  636.  In  '47  he  advertised  his  house  for  sale,  but  con 
tinued  his  business  in  partnership  with  Packard,  and  perhaps  built  an  adobe 
house  on  his  Antelope  Cr.  property.  In  '48  he  made  a  successful  tour  in  the 
mines,  and  in  company  with  Larkin  chartered  the  Mary,  on  which  he  brought 
a  cargo  of  goods  from  Mazatlanv  bringing  a  drove  of  mules  from  Sonora  by 
land  the  next  year;  in  '50  a  trader  at  Sacramento,  and  later  engaged  in  stock- 
raising  on  his  Tehama  rancho.  In  '77  he  lived  on  his  farm  near  Corralitos,  Sta 
Cruz,  and  gave  me  his  Recollections  of  Gal.  in  MS.,  substantially  the  same 
narrative  being  that  printed  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel  of  '69.  Here  he  died  in 
'83  at  the  age  of  78,  leaving  4  grown  children,  James  and  Newton  Dye  of  Sta 
Cruz  Co.,  Mrs  J.  S.  Butler  of  Oakland,  and  Mrs  C.  M.  Hays  of  Silver  City, 
Id.  S.  J.  Pioneer.  Dyer  (W.H.),  1847,  nat.  of  Mass.;  in  Alameda  Co.  '56- 
78.  Alam.  Co.  Hist.  Atfa*.  Dyes  (VV.  W.),  1841,  taxidermist  in  U.  S.  ex. 
exped.  iv.  241.  Dyke  (Simon),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Ari 
zona  '82.  Dykes  (Geo.  P.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.,  and  adj.  of  the 
battalion;  his  actions  severely  criticised  by  the  Mormons,  v.  477,  480,  4S2-3. 

Eagar  (John),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  with  his 
mother  Mrs  Lucy  E.,  brother,  and  two  sisters,  v.  546.  He  was  Brannan's 
clerk,  also  printer,  and  for  a  time  associate  editor  of  the  Star,  being  owner 
of  lots  at  S.F.  in  '47.  v.  658,  682.  I  have  his  original  application  to  Larkin 
for  a  clerkship,  dated  Feb.  21,  '47.  His  mother  had  been  excommunicated 
from  the  church  on  the  voy.,  and  wished  to  remove  her  children  from  Mormon 
influences.  Lieut  W.  A.  Bartlett,  at  her  request,  wrote  a  very  flattering  rec 
ommendation  for  John,  adding  his  opinion  that  E.'s  absence  would  'kill  this 


788  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

lying  Mormon  paper  and  its  editor  at  once ! '  The  plan  was  not  successful,  or 
at  least  John  did  not  apostatize,  but  went  to  Utah,  where  he  died.  I  have  a 
brief  narrative  by  him  of  the  voyage  of  the  colony.  Mrs  E.  kept  a  little  store 
at  S.F.  in  '46,  also  obtaining  a  lot;  but  she  went  to  Mont,  with  her  daughters 
in  '47,  where  one  of  them  taught  a  school,  v.  636.  Mary  Eagar  married  Milton 
Little  in  '48,  and  as  a  widow  is  perhaps  still  living  at  Mont,  in  '85.  The  other 
daughter,  Arabella,  married  a  man  named  Knapp,  and  was  at  S.F.  about  '81. 

E.  (Thomas),  1846,  bro.  of  John,  also  on  the  Brooklyn,  age  18;  owner  of  a  S. 

F.  lot  '47;  clerk  at  Mont,  and  Los  Ang.  '47-8;  in  the  mines  '48;  at  S.F.  '49- 
54.  From  '54  he  was  in  the  lumber  business  at  East  Oakland,  where  in  '54  he 
married  Angelina  A.  Tupper,  and  where  he  lived  with  his  family  in  '78;  a 
member  of  the  legisl.  '59,  '60,  '65;  living  in  Nevada  '85;  portrait  in  Ilalley's 
Cent.  Ycar-Book,  544.       Eagle  (F.),  1840,  doubtful  name  in  Farnham's  list  of 
arrested  foreigners,  iv.  17.       E.  (Robert  Nelson).  1842,  trader,  ago  22,  who 
came  from  Hon.  on  the  California  for  his  health.       Eames,  see  'Ames.' 

Earl  (Jacob),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  E.  (James  C.), 
1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  E.  (Jesse),  1847,  musician  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat. 
E.  (Justice  C.),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  Earle  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  later  an  actor  and  cultivator  of  hops;  d.  at  Sac.  '71.  Earley 
(James),  1847,  owner  of  lots  at  S.F.;  perhaps  with  Kearny  in  '46.  v.  337,  G83. 

Eastham,  184S,  mr  of  the  Lu.ia  Perry.  Eastin  (James  W.),  1847,  Kcn- 
tuckian  overl.  immig.  with  wife;  at  Sonoma  '47-8,  also  at  Mormon  Isl.  and 
S.F.,  where  twins  were  born  '48,  one  of  them,  a  son,  still  living  in  '83;  at  Sta 
Clara  from  '50,  and  still  living  in  '83,  when  his  wife  died.  Eastland  (Addi- 
son  G. ),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Eastman  (Isaac E.),  1848,  miner 
near  Volcano.  Amador  Co.  Hist.  E.  (Marcus  N.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  Eaton,  1847,  at  Hon.  from  S.  F.  on  the  Georgiana.  E.  (Geo.), 
1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  490).  E.  (Henry),  1839,  sailor  on  the  Monsoon, 
who  went  up  the  Sac.  with  Sutter;  remaine-1  on  the  coast  till  '41;  at  S.F.  '73. 
His  Pioneer  of  '38  is  a  letter  of  '73  to  Benj.  Hayes  narrating  the  visit,  iv.  119. 
E.  (Thos),  1836,  doubtful  name  of  an  Amer.,  age  60,  in  a  Los  Ang.  list. 

Ebbetts  (John,  Jr),  1830,  Amer.  sup.  of  the  Volunteer  '30-1.  iii.  180,  384; 
on  the  coast  again  in  '32-4  on  the  llenriqueta;  and  again  in  '31-5,  being  men 
tioned  in  mission  accts  in  '39-40.  iiii.  623.  Peirce  says  that  he  died  in  N.Y. 
soon  after  '42,  and  his  father — prob.  Thos  J.  of  '36,  iv.  141 — at  Honolulu  in 
'41.  I  have  many  of  E.'s  business  letters;  and  some  of  them,  besides  dry  details 
of  hides,  tallow,  and  goods,  reveal  in  sentimental  phrases  the  writer's  attach 
ment  to  a  well-known  seuorita  of  Mont. ,  who,  greatly  to  the  sorrow  of  John,  Jr, 
preferred  another  Americano.  Eberhardt,  see '  Everhart. '  Echeanclia  ( Jose" 
Maria),  1825,  Mex.  lieut-col  of  engineers,  who  was  gov.  and  com.  gen.  of  Cal.  from 
Nov.  '25  to  end  of  Jan.  '31,  and  again — if  there  was  any  such  official — from  Dec. 
'31  to  Jan.  '33,  though  Pio  Pico  is  generally  and  inaccurately  named  as  gov.  He 
left  Cal.  in  May '33,  was  still  living  in  Mex.  '56,  but  seems  to  have  died  before  71. 
See  biog.  with  references,  iii.  243-5;  mention  i.  304;  ii.  543-54, 560, 572, 574, 587, 
592,  007,  614,  648-52,  664,  674,  680;  on  appointment,  arrival,  and  acts  in  '25. 
iii.  8-30;  '23-30,  rule,  politics,  etc.  iii.  31-55;  acts  on  finance,  Solis  revolt,  56 
-86;  mission  arid  Ind.  affairs,  87-115;  maritime  and  commercial  aiTairs,  Fitch 
romance,  116-46;  policy  with  foreigners,  Smith  and  Pattie,  150-80;  acts  of  '31. 
iii.  181-7,  195,  201-4,  203,  209,  212,  301-6;  acts  of  '32.  iii.  217-39,  314-15; 
acts  of  '33.  iii.  238-9,  320,  335,  613.  It  was  Echeandia's  fortune  to  rule  Cal. 
at  a  time  when  secularization  of  the  missions  was  first  seriously  agitated,  and 
ho  has  been  a  shining  mark  for  severe  criticism,  and  even  abuse,  from  partisans 
of  the  friars,  for  the  most  part  undeserved.  His  views  were  sound  and  his  in 
tentions  good,  but  he  lacked  firmness  and  energy,  and  made  some  mistakes. 
His  character  is  fully  discussed  elsewhere.  Echevarria  (NicoLis).  at  La 
Brea,  Mont,  district,  '36,  age  45,  wife  Maria  del  Pilar  Larios,  child.  Juliana 
b.  '23,  Maria  '30,  Juan.  '32,  Antonio  '35.  Echeverria  (Agustin),  1782,  com. 
of  the  Favorita.  i.  378.  Ecker  (John),  1847,  musician  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499). 

Eddy  (Win  H.),  1846,  one  of  the  Donner  party  from  Belleville,  111.  His 
wife  Eleanor,  son  James  P.,  and  daughter  Mary  all  perished  in  the  Sierra, 


EDDY— ELIZALDE.  789 

but  the  father  survived,  being  one  of  the  most  active  in  saving  other  members 
of  the  party,  vi  531,  234,  540-4.  Eddy  married  Mrs  F.  Alfred  at  Gilroy  in 
'48,  and  Miss  A.  M.  Pardoe  in  '56,  dying  at  Petaluma  in  '59.  A  son  James, 
with  family,  and  daughter  Eleanor  (Mrs  S.B.  Anderson),  lived  at  S.  Jos6  '80; 
and  a  son  Alonzo  was  a  physician  in  Colorado.  Eddy,  1844,  mr  of  the  Jane. 
iv.  566.  Edelin  (James),  1847,  capt.  of  marines  on  the  Independence. 
Edgington  (Wm),  1846,  overl.  immig.,  who  served  in  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
lived  from  '48  near  Napa,  where  he  died  in  '84,  leaving  a  widow,  9  children, 
and  a  fortune.  Edmonds  (Nathan),  1834,  Amer.  in  a  Mont  list.  Edmon- 
son  (Alfred),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  lot  in  S.F.  '47;  of  E.  &  Ander 
son,  butchers  and  market-men  '48.  v.  682.  E,  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.;  at 
S.F.  '82;  perhaps  same  as  preceding. 

Edwards,  1847,  mr  of  the  Euphrates,  v.  578.  E,  1847,  mr  of  the  Pacific. 
v.  579.  E.  (David),  1826,  mr  of  the  Paragon,  iii.  148.  E.  (John),  1846, 
negro  imprisoned  at  Mont,  for  robbery;  shot  in  attempting  to  escape.  E. 
(John  S.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  drowned  in  S.  Joaq.  Riv.  '54. 
E.  (Philip  L.),  1837,  nat.  of  Ky,  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  in  '34,  and  in  '37 
visited  Cal.  to  purchase  cattle  for  the  Willamette  Valley,  iii.  358,  699;  iv.  85- 
7,  117-18.  He  went  east  the  same  year,  studied  law,  married  Mary  Allen  in 
'40,  and  practised  his  profession  at  Richmond,  being  a  memb.  of  the  Va  legis 
lature,  and  taking  an  active  part  in  politics;  came  again  to  Cal.  in  '50  and 
lived  at  Sac.  till  his  death  in  '69;  prominent  as  a  lawyer  and  orator,  memb. 
of  legisl.,  and  candidate  for  congress;  a  man  of  exceptional  ability  and  at 
tainments.  His  MS.  Diary  of  a  Visit  to  Cal.  in  1837  is  an  interesting  narrative 
of  personal  observations,  presented  by  his  daughter. 

Egbert  (Robert  C.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).       Egger  (John  W.), 

1847,  tried  for  murder  of  Ind.  in  the  Sac.  Val. ,  but  apparently  acquitted, 
v.  569,  610.       Eggleston  (Geo.),  1848,  had  a  market  at  S.  F.  v.  683.       E.  (J. 
W.),  1847,  had  a  lot  atBenicia.  v.  672;  very  likely  the  same  as  Geo.       Egu- 
ren  (Francisco),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5,  who  was  still  in 
Cal.  '46.  iv.  289;  v.  41,  49.       Ehlers  (August),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  Los  Ang.  '74-82.       Ehrenberg  (Herman),  1847,  German  engineer  and 
explorer,  who  after  many  adventures  as  revolutionist  in  Texas  crossed  the 
plains  to  Or.  in  '44,  and  came  to  Cal.  by  sea,  visiting  also  the  Sandw.  Isl. 
and  Mex.  coast  in  '47.  In  the  mines  '48-9;  discoverer  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Klamath  and  Gold  Bluff  '50,  publishing  a  map  of  that  region;  and  in  '54  a 
filibuster  in  Sonora.  He  became  a  pioneer  of  Ariz.,  where  a  town  bears  his 
name;  and  was  murdered  by  an  Ind.  at  Dos  Palmas  in  '66.       Eixarch  (Tomas), 
1775,  Franciscan  with  Anza;  remained  on  the  Colorado  while  A.  came  to  Cal. 
i.  258,  273,  354. 

Elb  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  German  aged  about  45,  who 
died  in  '48  on  the  Carolina  bet.  S.  F.  and  Sac.  Elbourne  (John),  1846,  mr 
of  a  whaler.  Eld,  1841,  mid.  in  U.  S.  ex.  exped.  iv.  245.  E.  (Henry  N.), 

1848,  owner  of  lots  at  S.  F.       Elder  (Turner),  1846,  prob.  overl.  immig.  with 
wife  and  3  children,  who  built  a  cabin  on  Dry  Creek,  S.  Joaq.  Co. ;  moved  in 
'47  to  the  Moquelumne;  later  at  Daylor's  rancho  and  in  the  mines;  went  to 
Mo.  '49,  and  was  still  there  in  '79.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Thos  Rhoads; 
twin  children  were  born  in  '47,  John  living  in  Fresno  Co.  '79,  Nancy  (Mrs 
Reese)  in  Mo.  8.  Joaq.  Co.  Hist. ,  19.       Eldred  (Nathaniel  B. ),  1848,  came  from 
Honolulu  to  S.  F. ;  went  to  the  Sandw.  Jsl.  '50-1;  wandered  over  Ariz.,  Utah, 
and  Or.;  near  Stockton  '66,  and  perhaps  died  in  '69.       Eldridge  (Geo.),  1848, 
on  the  first  jury  at  S.  Jose. 

Elijah,  1833,  Ind.  cook  from  Conn,  on  the  Helvetius;  went  to  Japan  with 
Ca.pt.  Cooper  in  '42.  Chas  Brown.  Elijah,  1845,  Walla  Walla  Ind.  shot  by 
Grove  Cook  at  N.  Helv.  v.  300-1.  Eliot  de  Castro  (John),  1814,  sup.  of 
the  Ilmen,  arrested  in  '15,  left  Cal.  with  Kotzebue  in  '16.  ii.  210,  274,  279, 
307-11,  373,  384.  Elisa  (Francisco),  1790-2,  Span.  com.  of  the  Concepcion 
and  Activa  in  Cal.  and  at  Nootka.  i.  493,  506,  517;  see  also  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast, 
index,  and  list  of  auth.  Elizalde  (Joaquin),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  E.  (Jose"), 
his  doggerel  of  '38.  iii.  577.  E.  (Juan),  ment.  in  '29.  iii.  68-9;  soldier  at 


790  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Sonoma  '41.       E.  (Mariano),  attacked  by  the  Bears  '46.  v.  162.       E.  (Nico- 
Ids),  at  Los  Aug.  '39.       E.  (Vicente),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 

Ellick  (John),  1845,  German  shoemaker  from  Or.  in  McMahon-Clyman 
party,  iv.  572,  587.  In  '46,  applying  for  naturalization,  he  claimed  3  years' 
residence,  and  may,  therefore,  have  visited  Cal.  before  going  to  Or.  He  set 
tled  at  S.  F.,  where  he  got  a  lot  and  kept  a  bakery  with  Denike,  also  a  grog 
shop,  v.  684-5.  Still  at  S.  F.  '48-9;  name  written  Alleck,  Allig,  Ellig,  and 
Ilig,  the  last  being  perhaps  the  correct  form.  Elliott  (Albion  R.),  1845,  Co. 
E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Sonoma;  prob.  a  son  of  W.  B.  E.  (Ems), 

1845,  a  son  of  Wm  B;  said  to  have  been  one  of  a  party  that  disco  v.  the 
Geysers.       E.  (J.  L.),  1841,  chaplain  of  U.  S.  ex.  exped.,  detached  at  S.  F. 
E. '(Milton),  1846,  one  of  the  Donner  party  from  111. ;  perished,  v.  530,  534. 
The  Milton  Elliott  of  Or.  named  by  McBride  in  Tullidrje's  May.,  July  '84,  is 
not  the  Donner-party  man,  as  he  writes  me  from  Astoria  in  '85.       E.  (Thos), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518);  later  in  the  mines. 

Elliott  (Wm  B.),  1845,  nat.  of  N.C.,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party 
from  Mo.  with  wife — Elizabeth  Patton,  married  in  '21 — and  7  children,  v. 
579,  587;  summoned  before  Castro  as  a  repres.  of  the  immig.  iv.  606.  He  be 
came  a  famous  hunter,  and  on  one  of  his  early  exped.  is  credited  with  having 
discovered  the  Geysers.  He  built  a  cabin  on  Mark  West  Cr.,  worked  for  Smith 
at  Bodega,  but  left  his  family  in  Napa  Val.  He  joined  the  Bears  in  '46,  and 
Mrs  E.  is  said  to  have  furnished  cloth  and  needles  for  the  famous  flag.  v.  110, 
148.  One  or  more  of  his  sons  went  south  with  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  The  old 
hunter  raised  grain  and  cattle  in  Napa  and  Sonoma;  kept  a  hotel  in  '49;  and 
in  '54  moved  to  a  farm  in  Lake  Co.,  near  Upper  Lake,  where  he  died  in  '76  at 
the  age  of  78.  One  of  his  daughters  married  Benj.  Dewell,  another  pioneer. 

Ellis  (Alfred  J.),  1847,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  who  came  from  Honolulu  with  wife 
and  3  children  on  the  Francisca;  owner  of  a  lot  and  keeper  of  a  boarding-house 
at  S.F.  from  '47.  v.  684;  made  a  trip  to  Hon.  and  back  with  his  son  in  '48  on 
the  Euphemia;  member  of  S.F.  guard  '48-9,  and  of  city  council  '49;  member 
of  the  constit.  convention  '49.  Still  at  S.F.  in  '54  and  later.  E.  (Robert), 
1826,  sailor  on  the  Rover.  E.  (Thos  W.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 
Ellison  (Pleasant),  1836,  named  in  Larkin's  books.  Ellsworth,  1845,  from 
Hon.  on  the  Fama.  Elmer  (Elijah),  1847,  sergt  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477; 
a  carpenter  at  Mont.  '48;  d.  in  Utah  '80.  Elson  (Thos),  1826-7,  mr  of  the 
Blossom,  iii.  121. 

Elwell  (Robert  J.),  1827,  nat.  of  Mass,  who  went  to  Honolulu  in  '23,  and 
came  to  Cal.  '27  as  mr  of  the  Tamaahmaah,  and  of  the  Washington  in  '28.  ii. 
573;  iii.  149,  176-7.  Often  said  to  have  come  in  '25  or  earlier,  and  this  may 
be  so,  though  in  a  padron  of  '36  he  is  said  to  have  come  9  years  before.  He 
settled  at  Sta  B.,  was  naturalized  '28,  and  in  '29  married  Vicenta  Sanchez, 
being  engaged  in  trade,  iv.  117.  Many  of  his  commercial  letters  for  the  fol 
lowing  years  are  extant.  In  '36,  age  39,  with  4  children;  in  '42  got  a  grant  of 
land  at  S.F.  iv.  673;  in  '45  grantee  of  Sacramento  Isl.;  died  at  Sta  B.  '53. 
He  is  remembered  by  Davis  and  others  as  a  comical  genius,  and  his  wife  as  a 
handsome  woman. 

Emblv  (James),  1846,  doubtful  member  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  547.  Em 
erson  (John  Calvin),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Bath,  N.Y.,  '82.  E. 
(Wm),  1832,  one  of  Young's  trappers,  still  at  Los  Ang.  '34.  iii.  388.  Emery 
(John),  1847,  a  resid.  of  S.  F.  from  '52.  Emmett,  1837,  mr  of  the  Toward 
Castle,  iv.  106.  Emmons  (Geo.  F.),  1841,  lieut  U.S.N.,  of  U.  S.  ex.  exped. 
iv.  232,  241-5,  278;  visited  Cal.  again  in  '48  on  the  Ohio,  being  owner  of  S.F. 
lots;  later  rear-admiral;  died  in  N.  J.  '84  at  age  of  72.  Emory  (Oliver  C.), 

1846,  came  as  wagon-master  (with  Kearny?);  kept  a  livery-stable  at  Stocktpn 
and  a  ferry  on  the  Stanislaus;  in  '50  county  judge  of  S.  Joaq.;  later  a  farmer. 

Emory  (Wm  H.),  1846,  lieut  of  topographical  engineers  U.S.A.,  who  came 
with  Kearny  from  N.Mex.  and  took  part  in  the  fight  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  336-7, 
343-7,  350.  Having  acted  as  adj. -gen.  of  Stockton's  force  in  the  campaign  of 
'46-7,  and  planned  the  fortifications  of  Los  Ang.,  he  was  sent  east  with  de 
spatches,  and  testified  at  the  Fremont  court-martial,  v.  385,  398-9,  420,  428, 


EMORY— ESPINOSA.  791 

456.  His  Notes  of  a  Mil.  Reconnoissance  pub.  by  govt  in  '48  is  a  valuable 
record  of  the  march  across  the  continent  and  the  final  campaign  of  the  war. 
He  ret.  to  Cal.  in  '49,  and  was  prominent  in  the  surveys  of  the  Mex.  boundary 
commission.  In  the  war  of  1861-5  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  maj. -general. 

Engelberg  (Emil  August),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  F.  '82. 
English,  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  overl.  immig.;  prob.  went  to  Or.  iv.  578. 
E.  (Earl),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Independence.  E.  (John),  1832,  ment.  in 
'32;  perhaps  '  English  John.'  Ennis  (John),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 
Emiughty  (Thos),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232).  Enright  (James), 
1846,  nat.  of  Ireland,  who  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  with  his  wife;  prob.  overl. 
immig. ;  lots  at  S.F.  '47;  still  living  in  Sta  Clara  '81,  cl.  fora  rancho.  iv.  673. 
Enriquez  (Antonio),  weaver  and  Loldier  before  1800.  i.  558,  676,  684.  En 
sign  (Elias),  1846,  of  the  Morm.  col.  who  died  at  sea,  as  did  his  daughter 
Eliza.  The  widow,  Jerusha,  and  a  son  arrived  at  S.  F.  v.  546.  Ensloe  (Hi 
ram),  1848,  had  a  store  at  Mormon  Diggings.  Brooks.  Entinin  (Francis), 
1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  Amer.  in  a  Brancif.  padron,  age  29. 

Erequette,  1837,  doubtful  name  of  one  of  Young's  men  driving  cattle  to 
Or.  iv.  85.  Erickson  (L.),  1848,  at  Hon.  from  S.F.  on  the  Julian.  Ermat- 
inger  (Francis),  1831,  in  com.  of  theH.B.  Co. 's  trappers  in  Cal.  '41-4.  iv.  218, 
220,  279.  Ernest  (Valentine),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S..  dragoons  (v.  336). 

Escalante  (Gregorio),  1833,  nat.  of  Manila,  who  deserted  from  the  Hel- 
vctiits.  Lived  at  S.F.  '40-4,  owning  a  lot,  being  sindico  in  '42,  and  40  years  old 
in  '44.  iv.  655,  665,  684.  Ace.  to  Chas  Brown  he  married,  raised  a  family, 
made  and  lost  a  fortune,  and  in  '78  was  in  the  poor-house  at  Mayfield.  Esca- 
milla  (Bias  A.),  grantee  of  S.  Vicente  '46.  v.  641.  E.  (Joaquin  de  los  Santos), 
lieut  of  auk.  cavalry  at  Mont.  '44.  iv.  652;  elector  '45.  iv.  540,.  651;  2d  al 
calde  '45-6.  iv.  653;  v.  134,  636.  E.  (Serapio),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '22-3; 
concerned  in  revolt  of  '28,  and  sent  to  Mex.  '30.  ii.  615;  iii.  85.  E.  (Tomas), 
Mex.  convict  1797.  i.  606.  Escherick  (Carl),  1847,  musician  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499);  died  in  southern  Cal.  '74. 

Escobar  (Agnstin),  juez  de  campo  at  Mont.  '46.  v.  637;  in  '77  at  Mont, 
gave  me  his  recollections  of  the  Cawpana  de  '4@-  E.  (Marcelino),  Mex.,  who 
in  '24  made  a  trip  to  China  on  the  Rover,  ii.  520;  sindico  at  Mont.  '30.  ii.  612; 
alcalde  '33,  '36-7;  iii.  673-5;  in  '36  at  Mont.,  age  39,  wife  Tomasa  Garcia, 
child.  Agustin  b.  '17,  Juan  '22,  Jo?efa  '23,  Jose"  Maria  '26,  Nicolas  Antonio 
'27,  Jacoba  '29,  Amparo  '31 ,  Refugio  '32,  Fernanda  '34;  in  '39  grantee  of  S. 
Jos6  y  Sur  Chiquito,  and  juez  int.  at  S.  Carlos,  iii.  678,  680;  in  '44  regidor,  in 
'45  alcalde,  iv.  653-6.  Escud6  (Jaime).  1812,  Span,  friar  of  S.  Fern,  college, 
b.  at  Gandesa,  Cataluna,  1779;  took  the  habit  1799;  left  Cadiz  1810;  left  Mex. 
for  Cal.  1811.  He  served  as  missionary  at  Sta  Cruz  '12-18,  and  at  S.  Luis 
Key  '18-22,  after  which  I  have.no  record  of  him,  and  suppose  him  to  have  re 
tired.  He  was  reported  by  his  superiors  as  a  zealous  worker  of  excellent  char 
acter.  Autob.  Autofj.  de  los  Padres,  MS.;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  iii.  124;  see  mention 
in  ii.  246,  346,  387,  394,  452-3,  553,  655.  . 

Esparza  (Lorenzo),  carpenter  at  S.  D.  1779;  wife  Maria Davila  d.  'SI;  pen 
sion  granted  in  '95.  i.  636.  Espeleta,  1825,  sup.  of  the  Mcrope.  iii.  148. 
Espi  (Jos6  de  la  Cruz),  1792,  Span,  friar  who  served  for  short  terms  at  several 
northern  missions,  retiring  in  1800.  Biog.  i.  712;  ment.  i.  498,  500,  576-7,  617, 
689.  Espindola  (Ramon),  Span,  artilleryman,  age  60,  with  wife  and  3  child, 
named  in  list  sent  to  Mex.  '28. 

Espinosa,  soldier  killed  by  Ind.  1790.  i.  465.  E.,  mr  of  the  Mafjallanes. 
i.  544.  E.,  punished  in  1821.  ii.  660.  E.,  corporal  at  Sta  B.  '24.  ii.  531. 
E.,  soldier  wounded  by  Ind.  '29.  iii.  113.  E.,  guard  of  courier  '34.  iii.  271. 
E.  (Antonio),  soldier  killed  on  the  Colorado  1781.  i.  363.  E.  (Ascension), 
at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Nicolasa  Pico,  6  children.  E.  (Carlos),  grantee  of  Poza 
de  los  Ositos  '39.  iii.  678;  ment.  in  '46.  v.  363;  in  Mont.  Co.  '50.  E.  (Ca- 
yetano),  soldier  at  Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  499.  E.  (Clemente),  soldier  at 
Mont.  '36,  age  20;  an  alferez  '38-9.  iii.  566,  £83;  at  Sta  Rita,  near  S.  Jose,  in 
'77  he  gave  me  some  brief  Apuntes.  E.  (Estcvan),  ment.  in  the  revolt  of 
'29.  iii.  69;  grantee  of  rancho  '40.  iii.  679;  in  '36  at  Salinas  rancho,  age  25, 


792  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

wife  Antonia  Arnezquita,  child  Antonio  b.  '32.  E.  (Feliciano),  juez  de 
campo  at  Mont.  '36.  iii.  G75.  E.  (Gabriel),  ment.  in  ?22.  ii.  614;  in  revolt 
of  '29.  iii.  68-9;  in  trouble  '31.  iii.  G73;  grantee  of  Salinas  in  '36.  iii.  678. 
In  '36  he  lived  at  Salinas,  age  38,  wife  Mauricia  Tapia,  child.  Josa  Maria  b. 
'19,  Estefana  '22,  Antonio  '25,  Marcelino  '29,  Juana  '28,  Francisca  '30,  Bar 
bara  '31,  Juan  '35.  E.  (Gabriel),  grantee  of  Pilarcitos  '35.  iii.  678;  in  '36 
at  the  rancho,  age  46,  wife  Guadalupe  Boronda,  child.  Gabriel  b.  '22,  Igna- 
cia  '25,  Pedro  '26,  Maria  '27,  Francisco  '30,  Juan  M.  '33,  Guillermo  '35.  E. 
(Gregoria),  wife  of  SergtVerdugo  before  1800.  i.  663.  E.  (Joaquin),  soldier 
killed  on  the  Colorado  1781.  i.  303.  E.  (Hipolito),  at  Los  Ang.  '46,  age  30. 
E.  (Jose"),  1791,  lieut  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  E.  (Jos6),  regidor  of 
Mont.  '30.  ii.  612;  at  Mont.  '50.  E.  (Juan),  sirviente  at  S.  F.  1777.  i.  297. 
E.  (Juan  B.),  in  comp.  extranjera  '32.  iii.  672.  E.  (Luis),  Mex.  soldier  of 
the  Hidalgo  piquete  at  Mont.  '36,  age  34.  E.  (Manuel),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  had 
Cal.  claim  (v.  462).  E.  (Miguel),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp.  1791-1800.  i.  499; 
sergt  1809-13.  ii.  141,  339.  E.  (Prudencio),  at  Alisal,  Mont.  '36,  age  33, 
wife  Antonia  Buelna,  child.  Jose"  Manuel  b.  '28,  Antonio  '31,  Ramon  '32, 
Leonardo  '33,  Trinidad  '36,  Concepcion  '27.  In  '46  he  was  juez  suplente  of 
the  valley  ranchos,  and  carried  a  message  from  Larkin  to  Fremont,  v.  14-15, 
637.  E.  (Salvador),  named  as  sirviente  and  soldier  1777-1800.  i.  297,499. 
E.  (Salvador),  alcalde  at  Mont.  '31-2.  iii.  223,  225,  672-3;  in  '35  regidor. 
iii.  673;  in  '36  at  San  Miguel  rancho,  age  40,  wife  Lugarda  Castro,  child. 
Carlos  b.  '16,  Jose"  Ant.  '18,  Jose"  Maria  '20,  Asuncion  '24;  in  '37  grantee  of  S. 
Miguel,  or  Escarpin.  ii.  616,  664,  677-8;  admin,  of  Soledad  :36-9.  iii.  690-1; 
in  '43  juez  at  Refugio.  iii.  653.  E.  (Trinidad),  grantee  of  Los  Gatos,  or  Sta 
Rita  '20,  '37.  iii.  677,  672;  at  S.  Miguel  rancho  '36,  being  juez  de  campo.  iii. 
675,  678,  age  43,  wife  Jacinta  Archuleta,  son  Mariano  b.  '17;  in  '45  at  battle 
of  Cahuenga  and  juez  at  Refugio.  iv.  506,  653.  E.  (Vicente),  Cal.  claim  '46 
of  $2,285  (v.  462). 

Esquerra  (Cayetano),  messenger  Sta  Cruz  '18.  ii.  225.  E.  (Manuel), 
1791,  contador  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Est,  1817,  left  at  Sta  B.  ii. 
286;  prob.  'Lester,'  q.v.  Estabrook  (Ethan),  1840,  left  at  Mont,  as  U.  S. 
consular  agent  to  attend  to  the  claims  of  the  Graham  exiles.  He  was  not 
recog.  by  the  govt,  and  sailed  for  Mazatlan  in  '41;  at  Mazatlan  in  '46.  iv. 
36-7,  194,  207,  214.  Estanislao,  kills  his  wife  1792.  i.  687-8.  Estanislao, 
renegade  neophyte  and  hostile  chief.  29-35;  the  name  of  Stanislaus  County 
comes  indirectly  from  him.  ii.  110-14,  362. 

Este"nega  (Tomas  Eleuterio),  1820,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Miguel, 
S.  F.,  and  S.  Gabriel,  dying  at  the  latter  mission  in  '47.  Biog.  v.  629;  ment. 
ii.  384,  394,  440,  595-6,  620,  655;  iii.  7,  12,  19,  91,  96,  121,  257,  319,  349,  359, 
642-3,  713,  716;  iv.  331,  371,  422,  549-50,  623,  629,  636-7.  Estovan  (Jose"), 
settler  at  the  Colorado  pueblos,  killed  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  359-62.  E.  (Jose"), 
1821,  Span.  capt.  and  com.  of  Horcasitas,  Sonora,  who  fled  to  Cal.  on  refus 
ing  oath  of  indep.,  on  the  Zertaje.  ii.  431.  E.  (Pedro  de  S.  Jose"),  1794, 
Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Diego  and  S.  Gabriel,  retiring  in  1802.  Biog.  ii. 
113;  ment.  i.  576,  655,  657,  664;  ii.  159.  E.,  executed  at  Purisima '24. 
Estirten  (Fe"lix),  1829,  mr  of  the  Trident;  doubtful,  iii.  149. 

Estrada  (Francisco),  at  Chualar  rancho  '36.  iii.  677;  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  23, 
wife  Lie's  Castro;  grantee  of  Pastoria  de  las  Borregas  and  Refugio  '42.  iv. 
672.  E.  (Joaquin),  in  T36  at  Chualar,  age  19,  single,  iii.  677;  grantee  of  Sta 
Margarita  '41.  iv.  656;  juez  de  paz  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '45.  iv.  658-9;  arrested  by 
Fremont  '46.  v.  37">;  county  judge  '53;  still  at  S.  Luis  '77.  E.  (Jose"  Ant.), 
represented  Gov.  Alvarado  at  his  wedding  '39.  iii.  593;  admin,  of  S.  Jose" 
mission  '40-1.  iii.  725;  iv.  681,  684.  E.  (Jose"  Maria),  alferez  of  the  Loreto 
comp.,  prob.  father  of  Jose"  Mariano  and  Raimundo,  died  1791;  never  in  Cal. 

Estrada  (Jose"  Mariano),  1806,  born  at  Loreto  1784,  enlisted  1797,  came  to 
Cal.  as  alfe"rez  of  the  Mont,  comp.,  which  position  he  held  for  12  years,  being 
habilitado  -most  of  the  time.  ii.  140,  206,  379-89.  He  was  made  brevet  licut 
in  '18  for  his  services  against  Bouchard,  and  lieut  '24  for  services  in  suppress 
ing  the  Ind.  revolt,  ii.  225-33,  243-4,  247,  531-3,  536,  608;  also  habilitado 


ESTRADA-ESTUDILLO.  793 

and  sometimes  acting  com.;  ment.  in  connection  with  various  affairs,  i.  170; 
ii.  451,  454,  461,  510;  grantee  of  Buenavista  ranches  '22-3.  ii.  615,  664;  iii. 
677;  admin,  gen.  of  provincial  finances  '24.  ii.  513,  521;  mention  '25-9,  quar 
rel  with  Capt.  Gonzalez,  vocal  in  diputacion,  Herrera  trial,  revenue  affairs, 
ii.  612;  iii.  25,  36-7,  39-40,  62-5,  159.  He  retired  from  the  mil.  service  in  '29; 
in  '30  executor  of  Luis  Argiiello's  estate,  iii.  12;  in  '32-3  sub-comisario  at 
Mont.  iii.  376,  672;  juez  de  campo  '35.  iii.  674;  in  '36  at  Buenavista,  a  wid 
ower,  child.  Julian  b.  '16,  and  Francisco  '20;  ment.  in  the  troubles  at  Mont. 
'36,  also  in  '44.  iii.  439;  iv.  408.  I  have  no  record  of  him  after  '45.  Don  Mari 
ano  was  one  of  the  most  respected  and  influential  men  in  northern  California. 
E.  (Jose"  Raimundo),  1806,  brother  of  Jose"  Mariano,  who  was  cadet  of  the 
Mont.  comp.  to  '18.  ii.  56,  88,  379;  in  1812  married  the  widow  Josef  a  Valle  jo 
de  Alvarado.  ii.  141;  iii.  451  (where  ' Ramon ' should  read  'Raimundo');  ment. 
perhaps  in  '24.  ii.  537.  In  '24-30  Raimundo  Estrada  was  cadet  in  the  S.F. 
comp.  ii.  584,  669;  and  would  seem  to  be  the  same  man,  though  he  appears 
as  a  soldier  at  S.F.  in  '23;  thus  there  may  have  been  another  of  the  name. 

Estrada  (Jose"  Ramon),  son  of  Jose"  Mariano;  in  school  at  Mont.  '15-20.  ii. 
429;  hunting  otter  '32-4.  iii.  374,  394;  grantee  of  El  Toro  '35.  iii.  679;  in  '36 
alcalde  at  Mont.  iii.  430,  439,  674;  being  at  that  time  25  years  of  age,  wife 
Maria  Castro;  in  '37  memb.  of  dip.,  in  com.  at  Mont.,  and  comisionado  and 
admin,  at  Sta  Clara,  iii.  507,  511,  672,  728;  iv.  47;  vocal  again  '39.  iii.  585, 
590.  In  '41-3  Estrada  was  prefect  of  the  1st  district,  iv.  357,  652,  656;  in  '42 
grantee  of  S.  Simeon,  iv.  656;  and  in  '42-5  memb.  of  the  junta,  iv.  295,  360- 
1,  410,  521,  540.  He  seems  to  have  died  in  '45.  E.  (Julian),  son  of  Jos6 
Mariano,  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa  raiicho  '41.  iv.  656;  still  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  Co.  '50- 
60.  E.  (Nicanor),  1834,  Mex.  blacksmith  and  political  exile  with  the  H.  & 
P.  col.,  who  had  been  a  capt.  in  Mex.,  and  whose  rank  was  restored  in  '35; 
went  to  the  L.  Cal.  frontier  in  '36  on  the  fall  of  Gutierrez,  iii.  263,  467;  being 
at  this  time  30  years  old,  wife  Guadalupe  Diaz,  child.  Gumesinda  b.  '31, 
Elena  '34.  In  '37  he  aided  Bandini  and  others  in  their  preparations  against 
Alvarado,  and  was  perhaps  sent  as  a  comisionado  to  Mex.  iii.  516,  520,  531; 
but  came  back  with  Micheltorena  in  '42,  and  was  capt.  of  the  Mont.  comp.  in 
'43-4.  iv.  290,  357,  652.  I  have  no  later  record  of  him. 

Estrada  (Patricio),  1825,  alfe"rez  of  the  piquete  de  Hidalgo  who  came  with 
Echeandi'a,  and  in  '36  was  sent  away  with  Gutierrez,  iii.  13-15,  463,  467,  672. 
He  was  29  years  old  and  single  in  '36.  E.  (Pedro),  owner  of  lot  at  S.F.  '41- 
5.  iv.  669;  sub-lieut  of  militia;  grantee  of  Asuncion  in  '45.  iv.  655;  still  at 
S.  Luis  Ob.  '50-1.  E.  (Rafael),  celador  of  Mont,  custom-house  '42-4.  iv. 
339,  377,  431;  grantee  of  S.  Lucas  rancho  '42,  and  alf,  of  aux.  cavalry.  655, 
652;  in  '46  regidor  at  Mont.  v.  636;  still  in  Mont.  Co.  '53.  E.  (Raimundo), 
cadet  in  S.  F.  comp.  '24-30;  prob.  same  as  Jose"  Raimundo,  q.v.  E.  (Santi 
ago),  son  of  Jos6  Mariano,  grantee  with  his  brothers  of  Buenavista  raucho  '22- 
3.  ii.  615;  iii.  677;  made  a  trip  to  China  on  the  Rover  '24.  ii.  520;  sindico  at 
Mont.  '33.  iii.  673;  in  '35-6  aux.  alcalde  and  juez  de  campo.  iii.  674-5;  then 
living  at  Buevavista,  age  27,  wife  Isidora  Soto,  child.  Mariano,  Francisco, 
Maria  de  los  Angeles,  and  Juana.  In  '36-7  also  named  as  sub-comisario  and 
comandante  at  Mont.  iii.  513,  524,  672;  iv.  96;  in  '38  courier  and  com.  of 
prisoners'  guard,  iii.  552,  567;  in  '39  partido  elector,  iii.  590;  in  '39-45  capt. 
of  aux.  comp.  at  Mont.  iv.  75,  197-8,  407,  515,  652;  in  '46  juez  of  the  valley 
ranches1,  v.  637;  still  in  Mont.  Co.  '50-1. 

Estudillo  (Jose"  Antonio),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  b.  at  Mont.  1805.;  in  '27  of 
terna  for  treasurer,  and  grantee  of  S.  Diego  lot.  ii.  546-7;  iii.  63;  in  '28-30, 
revenue  collector  and  treasurer  atS.D.  ii.  543;  iii.  137;  in  '29  grantee  of  Otay 
rancho.  ii.  542,  547,  663;  iii.  612.  In  '33-5  he  was  a  memb.  of  the  dip.  iii. 
246,  249-50;  in  '35  had  a  claim  to  the  temporary  governorship,  iii.  299-300, 
414-15;  grantee  of  Temdcula.  iii.  612;  in  '36-8  alcalde  and  juez  of  S.  Diego, 
iii.  485,  616;  in  '36-8  took  part  against  Alvarado's  govt.  iv.  491,  548-9,  557, 
568,  578;  elector  '39,  treasurer  '40,  and  justice  of  the  sup.  tribunal  '40-2.  iii. 
605,  614,  616;  iv.  296;  admin,  and  maj.  at  S.  Luis  Rey  '40-3,  also  owner  of 
land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iii.  623-4,  627;  iv.  619,  623,  626;  grantee  of  S.  Ja- 


794  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

cinto  '42.  iv.  621,  618;  claim  against  the  govt  '45.  iv.  561;  in  '45-6  juez  de 
paz  at  S.  Diego,  iv.  018-20,  but  was  neutral  in  the  troubles  with  the  U.S.  v. 
329;  ment.  '47.  v.  620.  In  later  years  he  served  under  the  U.S.  rule  as  town 
treasurer  and  county  assessor.  Died  in  '52.  Don  Jose"  Antonio  was  a  man  of 
excellent  character,  of  good  education  for  his  time  and  country,  and  of  wide 
influence  in  the  south.  His  wife  was  Maria  Victoria  Dominguez,  locally  well 
known  for  her  charities,  who  died  in  '73  at  the  age  of  72,  leaving  30  grand 
children.  The  sons  were  Jos6  Maria,  Salvador,  Jos6  Guadalupe,  Jos<3  Antonio, 
and  Francisco.  Of  the  daughters,  two,  Fraiicisca  and  Rosario,  married  Jose" 
Ant.  Aguirre,  and  another  seems  to  have  married  Manuel  A.  Ferrer.  E. 
(Jos<§  Guadalupe),  son  of  Jos6  Antonio,  b.  '38;  connected  with  a  S.  Diego 
bank;  county  treasurer  from  '63;  state  treasurer  from  '75;  still  living  in 
Southern  Cal.  '85. 

Estudillo  (Jos£  Joaquin),  son  of  Jose"  Marfa,  b.  1798,  who  entered  the  mil. 
service  in  '15  as  soldado  distinguido  of  the  Mont,  comp.,  but  was  transferred 
to  the  S.F.  comp.  in  '16  as  cadet,  which  place  he  held  until  he  left  the  service 
in  '23,  having  accompanied  Luis  Arguello  on  the  famous  exped.  to  the  far 
north  in  '21.  ii.  370,  445,  584.  Ment.  at  S.F.  '26-7.  iii.  33,  63;  mimic,  elector 
'27,  and  supl.  member  of  dip.  '27,  '29.  ii.  592;  iii.  36-41;  in  r34-5  comisionado 
to  secularize  S.F.  mission,  iii.  346,  354,  714-15;  in  '35  elector,  in  '36  alcalde 
at  S.F.  iii.  703-5;  in  '38  living  at  S.  Leandro  rancho,  which  in  '42  was  granted 
to  him.  iii.  713;  iv.  673,  314.  in  a  padron  of  the  S.  Jos6  dist.  of  '41  he  is  named, 
with  wife  Juana  Martinez,  child.  Concepcion  b.  '25,  Ramon  '27,  Gertrudis  '29, 
Antonio  '30,  Maria  de  Jesus  '31,  Jos6  Vicente  '33,  Jose1  Luis  '36,  Maria  Gua 
dalupe  '38.  Don  Joaquin  was  juez  de  la  contra  costa  in  '43,  also  in  '46-7,  tak 
ing  but  slight  part  in  the  war.  iv.  685;  v.  17,  129,  662.  He  died  in  '52.  I  have 
much  of  his  corresp.  in  dif.  private  archives;  and  also  2  vols  of  Estudillo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  presented  by  his  son  Jesus  Maria  in  '75.  He  left  9  children,  some 
of  whom  in  '85  still  own  a  part  of  the  original  S.  Leandro  estate.  Of  his 
daughters,  the  oldest,  Concepcion,  married  John  B.  Ward,  Maria  de  Jesus  in 
'47  became  the  wife  of  Wm  H.  Davis,  Magdalena  married  John  Nugent,  and 
Dolores  married  Chas  H.  Gushing.  Of  the  sons  Antonio  lives  in  '85  at  S. 
Leandro,  Luis  at  Oakland,  Ramon  and  Vicente  at  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  Jesus 
Maria  at  S.  F. 

Estudillo  (Jose"  Maria),  1806,  Span,  lieut  of  the  Mont.  comp.  1806-27,  and 
capt.  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  from  '27  to  his  death  in  '30.  Biog.  ii.  541-2;  ment. 
ii.  140,  171,  192,  226,  230,  234,.  271,  285,  309,  335-6,  340-1,  379,  382,  383-4, 
387-8,  412,  433,  442,  451,  454-5,  461,  467,  507-8,  512-13,  517,  523,  525,  539, 
608;  iii.  13,  39,  51-3,  60,  291,  422.  Don  Josd  Maria  was  the  founder  of  the 
Estudillo  family  in  Cal.,  one  of  the  best  of  the  old  families,  as  judged  by  the 
average  prominence  and  character  of  its  members.  A  faithful  officer,  though 
of  only  medium  abilities,  he  had  some  disagreeable  qualities — notably  that  of 
vanity — which  made  him  at  one  time  or  another  heartily  disliked  by  most  of 
his  brother  officers,  who  were  disposed  to  ridicule  him  and  make  him  the  butt 
of  practical  jokes.  His  wife  was  Gertrudis  Horcasitas.  His  daughter.  Magda 
lena,  was  grantee  of  part  of  Otay  in  '29.  ii.  209,  373,  542,  547;  v.  619.  A 
daughter  married  Lieut  Manuel  Gomez,  ii.  470.  E.  (Jos6  Maria),  cadet  at 
S.F.  1803-7.  ii.  135.  I  do  not  know  who  he  was.  E.  (Josd  Maria),  son  of 
Jos6  Ant.,  b.  at  S.  Diego  '31;  educ.  at  Sta  B.,  Mont.,  and  Lima  '39-48;  in 
'50  agent  for  Aguirre,  his  brother-in-law;  later  a  ranchero  in  the  S.D.  mission 
valley,  where,  in  '77,  he  gave  me  some  interesting  Datos  Histdricos.  His  wife 
was  a  daughter  of  Juan  Maria  Marron. 

Etholin  (Adolf),  1827,  mr  of  the  Russian  Baikal  Vt-30.  ii.  649-51;  iii. 
146;  i.  list  auth.  Eusebio,  Ind.  in  Sutter's  employ  '45-6;  induced  to  testify 
that  Castro  had  instigated  him  to  burn  grain-fields,  etc.  Eustice  (Dabney), 
1846,  with  Kearny  from  N.  Mex.  v.  337.  Eustis,  1845,  at  N.  Helv.,  per 
haps  an  overl.  immig.  iv.  578.  Euth  (John),  1847,  Co.  G,  N. Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
Evans  (Geo.  M.),  1847,  brick-maker  and  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  685;  pub 
lished  an  article  in  defense  of  the  Mormons  in  S.F.  Calif ornian  July  31,  '47. 
E.  (Israel),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Sutter's  employ;  went  to 


EVANS— EZQUER.  795 

Utah  '48.  _  E.  (John),  1826-7,  clerk  on  the  Blossom;  trip  from  S.F.  to  Mont, 
by  land.  iii.  121.  E.  (John),  1842,  Austrian  sailor  and  carpenter,  landed 
from  a  whaler  with  a  broken  leg.  iv.  341;  hunted  otter  with  Dittmaiin  '45;  at 
S.F.  '46  with  a  family,  getting  a  lot  in  '47.  The  original  name  was  Evanowitz; 
still  at  S.F.  '79.  E.  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artillery.  Lancey;  not  on  roll. 
E.  (Joseph),  1847,  sergt  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  15  years  in  Cal.;  at  Newark 
N.  J.  '84;  a  brother«Geo.  at  S.  Jose"  '78.  E.  (0.  H.),  1847,  at  S.  F.  from  Or. 
on  the  Henry.  E.  (Parley  P.),  1847,  nat.  of  Penn.;  son  of  Wm,  age  6 
years;  in  '55  messenger  in  the  assembly  at  Sac.;  I  have  a  letter  from  him  in 
Utah  '84.  E.  (Plummer  B.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Hampton, 
Va.  '82.  E.  (Randolph),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  E.  (Wm),  1846, 
of  the  Morm.  col.,  with  wife  Hannah  R.,  and  4  child.  Amanda  M.,  Jonathan 
B.,  Parley  P.,  and  Wm.  v.  546;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '47.  v.  682;  d.  S.F.  '52;  the 
family  went  to  Utah  '57,  where  the  mother  died  in  '84,  when  the  children 
were  all  living.  E.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.;  a  mason 
who  in  '48  was  judge  of  election  at  S.  Diego,  v.  652. 

Everett  (C.  T.),  1846,  mr  of  a  whaler  at  S.  Pedro.  E.  (Elisha),  1847, 
musician  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  capt.  of  a  party  on  the  return.  Bigler. 
E.  (John  C.),  1844,  mr  of  the  Vandalia  '44-7;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  iv.  569;  v. 
580.  E.  (John  H.),  1836,  at  Mont.,  prob.  as  clerk  on  the  Alert,  iv.  118,  141; 
and  again  in  '41-4  as  sup.  of  the  Tasso.  iv.  460,  569.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
much  less  popular  with  the  Californians  than  other  traders  of  the  period. 
Everhart  (Lazarus),  1845,  tailor  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party  from  Or.  iv. 
572,  587;  had  crossed  the  plains  from  Mich,  in  '44.  He  went  first  to  Mont., 
but  from  '47  had  a  tailor-shop  at  S.  F.,  where  he  was  the  owner  of  several 
lots,  a  candidate  for  alcalde,  and  in  '49  member  of  the  council,  v.  650,  676, 
CSS.  Eversfield  (Chas),  1846,  asst  surg.  on  the  U.  S.  Congress ;  acting  as 
surg.  in  Stockton's  Bat.  '47.  v.  385.  Everts  (Henry),  1845,  doubtful  name 
of  an  overl.  immig.  iv.  578.  Evrett  (Solomon),  1845,  Del.  Ind.  in  Fr6- 
mont's  party. 

Ewel  (James  D.),  1846,  came  to  S.  Jose  Valley.  Hall.  Ewer.  1847,  mr 
of  the  Emily  Morgan,  v.  577.  Exter  (Richard),  1828,  licensed  by  Mex. 
govt  to  hunt  in  Cal.  with  Julian  Wilson;  no  definite  record  of  operations, 
iii.  172-3.  Eymerlun,  1845,  doubtful  name  of  a  negro  deserter  from  the 
Heroine.  Ezquer  (Ignacio),  1833,  Mex.  clerk  who  came  by  sea  at  the  age  of 
15;  served  as  clerk  for  dif.  admin,  of  missions;  kept  a  bar  '42-5,  later  a  store 
and  billiard-room;  in  '38  temp,  in  charge  of  S.  Juan  Cap.  iii.  558;  in  '48 
candidate  for  munic.  treasurer,  iv.  653;  in  '46  regidor  and  acting  alcalde  of 
Mont.  v.  233,  636;  in  '49  again  alcalde.  He  lived  at  Alisal  '50-3,  and  in  '54 
went  to  S.  Luis  Ob.,  where  he  served  several  years  as  justice  of  the  peace. 
There  in  '78  he  gave  me  his  Memorias  on  early  events.  His  first  wife  was 
Josefa,  daughter  of  Rafael  Pico;  the  second  a  daughter  of  Gov.  Alvarado. 

To  BE  CONTINUED  AT  THE  END  OF  VOL.  III. 


819?